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in 2007 with funding from
IVIicrosoft Corporation
http://www.archive.org/details/bookofhistoryhis08bryciala
PRIMITIVE JUSTICE: AN APPEAL TO THE HEAD OF THE TRIBE
The Book of History
H IDistou^ of all mations
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT
WITH OVER 8000 ILLUSTRATIONS
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
VISCOUNT BRYCE, p.c, d.c.l.. ll.d., f.r.s.
CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS
W. M. Flinders Petrie, LL.D., F.R.S.
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON
Hans F. Helmolt, Ph.D.
EDITOR, GERMAN "HISTORY OK THE WORLD"
Stanley Lane-Poole, M.A., Litt.D.
TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN
Robert Nisbet Bain
ASSISTANT LIBRARIAN, BRITISH MUSEUM
Hugo Winckler, Ph.D.
UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN
Archibald H. Sayce, D.Litt., LL.D.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY
Alfred Russel Wallace, LL.D., F.R.S.
AUTHOR, "MANS PLACE IN THE UNIVERSE"
Sir William Lee- Warner, K.C.S.L
MEMBER OF COUNCIL OF INDIA
Holland Thompson, Ph.D.
THE COLLEGE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK
W. Stewart Wallace, M.A.
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
Maurice Maeterlinck
ESSAYIST, POET, PHILOSOPHER
Dr. Emile J. Dilloi^
UNIVERSITY OF ST. PETERSBURG
Arthur Mee
EDITOR, "THE BOOK OF KNOWLEDGE"
Sir Harry H. Johnston, K.C.B., D.Sc
LATE COMMISSIONER FOR UGANDA
Johannes Ranke
UNIVERSITY OF MUNICH
K. G. Brandis, Ph.D.
UNIVERSITY OF JENA
And many other Specialists
Volume VIII
EASTERN EUROPE TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
The Roumanians . The Albanians
The Southern and Western Slavs
Hungary . Poland . Russia
WESTERN EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES
Emerging of the Nations
NEW YORK . . THE GROLIER SOCIETY
LONDON . THE EDUCATIONAL BOOK CO.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII
PRIMITIVE JUSTICE, AN APPEAL TO THE HEAD OF tHE TRIBE . FRONTISPIECE
SIXTH GRAND DIVISION (continued)
EASTERN EUROPE TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
THE ROUMANIANS
PAGE
The Struggles of the Wallachian Kingdom ....... 3051
The Moldavian People . . . . ... . . . . . 3059
THE ALBANIANS 3064
THE SOUTHERN SLAVS
The Southern Slav Peoples .......... 3069
Maps of Turkey and Surrounding Countries ....... 3082
Croatia and its Warrior Race ......... 3083
The Servian Era of Independence . . . . . ... . . 3089
Under the Heel of the Turk .......... 3097
Great Dates in the History of South-eastern Europe ..... 3103
THE STORY OF THE GIPSIES 3104
HUNGARY
The Magyars in the Middle Ages ......... 3113
The Hapsburg Power in Hungary ......... 3125
German Element in Hungary .......... 3135
THE WESTERN SLAVS
Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia ......... 3145
Bohemia and the Reformation .......... 3159
Bohemia's Elective Monarchy .......... 3173
ORIGIN OF THE EASTERN SLAVS 3181
POLAND
The Old Polish Empire 3193
Lithuania to the Union with Poland ........ 321 1
Historical Maps of Poland and Western Russia ...... 3220
Union of Lithuania with Poland ......... 3221
The New Dominion of Poland ......... 3229
Poland under the Jagellons 3241
THE BOOK OF HISTORY
PAGE
The Decline of Poland 3255
The Great Days of Cossack Power . . . 3263
The Fall of Poland 3278
Thaddeus Reyten at the Diet of Warsaw .... Plate facing 3282
RUSSIA
The Beginning of the Russian Nation , 3285
Russia under the Mongols .......... 3305
The Monarchs of Moscow .......... 3315
Peter the Great, Founder of Modern Russia . . . . . . \ 3331
When Women ruled in Russia .......... 3345
Great Dates in History of Eastern Europe 3355
Rise of the Kingdom of Russia ......... 3357
Historical Importance of the Baltic ......... 3361
WESTERN EUROPE IN THE MmDLE AGES
GENERAL SURVEY OF THE PERIOD
Plan of the Third Division . . . . . . , . . . 3369
Map of Western Europe ........... 3370
The Moulding of the Nations .......... 3371
The Crusades, and the Duel between Papacy and Empire .... 3385
Passing of the Age of Chivalry . . . . . . . . . 3397
The End of the Middle Ages , . 341 1
PEOPLES OF WESTERN EUROPE
Origins of the Teutons ........... 3423
Rising Tide of Teuton Power .......... 3431
The Great Teutonic Deluge 3447
EMERGING OF THE NATIONS
Italy and the Lombards ........... 34SS
Rise of the Prankish Dominion ......... 3471
The Empire of Charlemagne .......... 3481
Roland, Hero of France's National Epic Plate facing 3484
EASTERN EUROPE
TO THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE
ROUMANIANS
I
THE ROUMANIAN PEOPLE
STRUGGLES OF THE WALLACHIAN KINGDOM
AX infinite number of different theories,
^^^ both in scientific and in pseudo-
scientific circles, have continually reap-
peared until recent times concerning the
origin of the Roumanians, a nation which
has settled in smaller groups in the Balkan
territories in Hungary and Transylvania,
and in a coherent body in the modern king-
dom of Roumania. This people is known by
the Slavs as Wlach, Walach, which nearly
corresponds to the Germanic " Wahl "
(Welsh). The Roumanian shepherds of the
mountains of Dinai were distinguished from
the Italian townspeopile of Dalmatia as
the " Black Vlachs." Like Italian, Spanish,
and French, Roumanian has descended
from popular Latin, of the kind spoken
by the Romanised subjects of Rome
during the first six centuries of our era
on the Lower Danube and in ancient
Dacia or Transylvania. Hence the name
Daco-Roumanian, to distinguish this from
the other Romance languages.
'a^E*^* ^^^ *^^ period of the coloni-
?^. *' ^ sation of Dacia by the Romans,
IS ory ^^^ ^^^^ descriptive material
is to be found in the bas-reliefs of the
Dacian war decorating the pillar of Trajan.
Early history must, on the whole, be
regarded as having run something like the
following course : the scanty native popu-
lation of Daco-Thracian origin coalesced
with numerous soldiers and colonists,
whose popular Latin soon became indi-
vidual in character, but in spite of all
changes presei-ved its fundamental romance
type. In th'^ year 697, and to some
extent a century earlier, the Finno-
Ugrian Bulgarians migrated into the
country, and preserved their Turanian
language for three centuries before they
were absorbed by the mixed peoples of
the Balkan Peninsula ; during that time,
the influence which they exerted upon
Albanian, mediaeval Greek, etc., was
naturally also extended to early Rouman-
ian. Side by side with, and subsequent to,
this influence we have to take into
account the strong and permanent
influence of the Slav population.
The main dialect of the Roumanian
language is spoken by about nine millions
of people in Moldavia and Wallachia,
in Bessarabia and Transylvania, in the
Banat, in part of Hungary and Bukovina,
and it alone possesses any literature ; two
_. subordinate dialects also exist
„ . — the South, or Macedonian,
jjj . Roumanian of the Kutzo
Wallachians, or Zingars, in
Macedonia, Albania, Thessaly, and Epirus
— amounting to about one million people —
and the half Slav Istro- Roumanian, which
is spoken by about 3,000 people in the
neighbourhood of the East coast of Istria
and in the interior of the Karst range
side by side with the Croatian, which is
the dominant language.
After the extensive settlements of Roman
colonists by Trajan, the former land of
Dacia for many decades occupied the
position of a frontier territory, or outpost,
of the Roman Empire ; as that empire
declined to its fall, the barbarians
caused increasing disturbances, which only
occasionally and for short periods gave
way to a sense of security, as under the
Emperor Maximian (235-238). Aurelian,
the " Restorer of the Empire " (270-275),
was forced to abandon the further bank of
the Danube to the Goths, to transport the
colonists over the stream, and to form a
new Dacia on the south. From that
period the districts to the north of the
. - . Lower Danube were invariably
Q *" . . the object of the invading
V rru wi j^Qj.(jgg q{ barbarians as they
advanced to the south-west.
The Huns and Gepids about 450 were
succeeded a century later by the Avars
— about 555 — and by the Slavs in
different advances and attacks. Then
in 679 came the Bulgarians (Khazars
and Old Ziagirs), and after a hundred
and fifty or two hundred years the
Magyars, from about 840 to 860, whose
3051
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
settlements, in parts at least, were only
temporary.
Such fragments of Roman colonial civili-
sation as survived those stormy times were
hard beset by the repeated raids of the
Pechenegs about 900, and by the
Cumanians, or Uzes, about 1050. It will
be obvious that, in view of the disturbed
„. state of the country, no
theReUi e f ^^^^^^^^^ chronology free from
c c uge o gygpj(,JQjj j.^jj \yQ given. It can
a lona i y ^^ observed, however, in the
barest outline, that, apart from the
numerous invasions of the barbarians, one
striking exception is to be observed, con-
sisting in certain scanty remnants of
Germanic languages, Western Gothic and
Gepid, while Slav and Ural Altaic, or
North Mongolian, blood was infused into
the Daco- Roumanian population that
remained in the plains, Bessarabia,
Dobrudza, and Wallachia. The pure Daco-
Rouraanian nationality may have survived
in a fragmentary state among the
inaccessible wooded mountains of North-
west Moldavia and Transylvania, also in
Dacia during the period of Aurelian ;
these elements may have left their high-
lands when the country was pacified or
passed north of the Danube, and again
have exerted a special influence upon the
motley complexion of the nation now
known as Roumanian.
During the tenth and eleventh centuries
it is noticeable that similar principalities,
or banats, were formed in Dacia, of which
those advancing too far from Transylvania
into the low lands of the Theiss fell under
Magyar supremacy. On the other hand,
the duchies which spread to the east and
south of the Carpathian Mountains were
able to maintain their ground against the
Pechenegs, Cumanians, and Mongols.
About the middle of the fourteenth cen-
tury the two kingdoms of Wallachia and
Moldavia began their existence, starting
from the Carpathians and continuing for
... a long time in mutual in-
• 'th "** °°" dependence with a history
Caroathians ^^ ^^^^^ ^^"* "^^ ^^^ OUtset
of the thirteenth century
Wallachia was in the hands of the Hun-
garian kings of the house of Arpad.
Bela IV. gave the country, in 1247, ^^ ^^e
Knights of St. John, with the exception
of the half Cumanian domain of the
" Olacus " Seneslav, who was at that
time Voivode of Great Wallachia to the
east of the river Olt, and with the excep-
3052
tion also of the jurisdiction of the Voivode
Latovoi, who was almost independent.
When Ladislaus IV., the Cuman, ascended
the throne of Hungary in 1272, while
yet a minor, Litovoi and his brother
attempted to shake off the burdensome
obligation of yearly tribute ; but Litovoi
was killed about 1275, and his brother
Barbat was obliged to pay a high ransom.
Shortly afterwards Basarab, a grand-
son of the above-mentioned Seneslav,
founded to the west of the Olt the princi-
pality of " Transalpina " (Hungarian-
Wallachia, or Wallachia Minor) with Arges
as the capital. It should be observed that
Moldavia, constitutionally a state of later
date, in contrast to Wallachia or the
" Roumanian territory " in general, is
occasionally known as Wallachia " Minor,"
until it was overshadowed by the older
neighbour state under Alexander the
Good ; under Stefan the Great it is some-
times known as Bogdania — in Moldavian,
Mutenia. In contrast to Moldavia, which
was formed chiefly by foreign immigrants,
this principality is a state which developed
from its own resources. The power of
_ Basarab was considerably
asara diminished by the defeat of
« . his ally, Michael Tirnovo, at
Velbuzd in 1330. However, the
attempt of the Hungarian Angevin, Charles
Robert I., to re-enforce a half -forgotten
homage, became a total failure amid the
wilderness of the Carpathian Mountains ;
Basarab, who died about 1340, remained
master of the whole of " the Roumanian
territory," which indeed became then, for
the first time, the nucleus of a state in the
proper sense of the word. However, this
Wallachia Minor, which began its history
with much promise, was soon overshadowed
by Wallachia Major, and falls into the
background.
Alexander, the son of Basarab, concluded
an independent agreement with Lewis I.
the Great at Kronstadt (i 342-1 382), con-
cerning the conditions on which he held
his position as voivode ; however, in his
own country his rule was largely disturbed
by dissatisfied subjects. To his period
belongs the foundation of a new princi-
pality in Moldavia, near Baia, by Bogdan.
The affairs of the Balkan peninsula in his
proximity induced Alexander to leave this
ambitious rival in peace. In 1359 the
Byzantine metropolitan, Hyacinthus, came
from Vicina at the mouth of the Danube
to Hungarian Wallachia as Exarch. By
BEAUTIFUL AND HISTORIC CATHEDRAL OF ROUMANIA
This fine cathedral of Arges is the subject of various legends, but it was most probably founded by Basarab^ who was
founder of "Transalpina," with his capital at Arges, and died, in 1340, master of the whole of the "Roumanian Territory."
his first wife, probably a Servian or Bosnian
woman, Alexander Basarab had a son,
Layko, or Vladislav ; afterwards, about
1350, he married a Roman Catholic, the
Hungarian Clara, and died on November
i6th, 1364.
Layko, who died in 1377 or between 1382
and 1385, was able to maintain his position
against King Lewis ; as early as 1369 he
styled himself in his documents " Ladislaus
by the Grace of God and the King of
Hungary, Voivode of Wallachia, Ban of
Syrmia, and Duke of Fogaras." Fogaras
was a territory in Transylvania, afterwards
granted as a fief to the Voivode of Wallachia
by the kings of Hungary, as it was a secure
refuge in the period of Turkish invasions,
which began in 1367 and 1385. Under
Layko, Arges became a Roman bishopric in
1369, although the conversion desired by
the Pope was not accepted on the side of
the voivode. In fact, his inclination to the
Greek Church was plainly apparent in the
marriage of the successor Radu with
Kallinikia, to whose influence is certainly
due the occurrence of more extensive
ecclesiastical gifts.
The sons of this couple were the hostile
brothers, Dan (ruler in October, 1385 and
1393) and Mircea the Old, or Great (1386-
1418). In 1390 Mircea made a conven-
tion with the Polish king Vladislav Jagiello
XL, which was renewed in 1411. About
1391 he took Dobrudza and the town of
Silistria from the Bulgarians. However)
in 1389 he was defeated at Kossovo with
his allies, and became a semi-vassal of the
Ottomans in 1391 and 1394. With the
object of protecting his country from the
threatened advance of the Turks, Mircea
came to Transylvania in 1395, and on
March 7th, at Kronstadt, concluded an
offensive and defensive alliance with King
Sigismund, in accordance with the terms
of which he fought with the Christian army
in the unfortunate battle of Nicopolis,
on September 28th, 1396. Mircea was,
however, now forced to recognise once
again the Turkish supremacy, to abandon
entirely the right bank of the Danube to
3053
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the Ottomans, and to pay the emir a yearly
tribute of 3,000 red banes, or 300 silver
Turkish dollars ; the defiance shown by
Mircea in withholding the tribute for
three years was broken down in 1417.
In return the Porte guaranteed, in
141 1, the free administration of the
country under a voivode chosen by the
inhabitants. This convention
was to form the basis, even in
Mtreea a
fw II ' h* *^® nineteenthc entury, of the
relations of Wallachia with
Turkey, and was renewed in 1460 between
the Voivode Vlad IV. and Mohammed II.,
according to the common account. In the
struggles for the succession which broke
out in 1403 upon the death of Bajazet I.
Mircea supported Musa, and met with his
reward when the latter was recognised as
ruler of the Ottoman kingdom in February,
1411. Hence the convention of 141 1 may be
regarded as a friendly alliance. However,
this friendly relationship between Wal-
lachia and the Porto was not to continue
permanently. In 1413 Musa fell fighting
against his brother
Mohammed. The lat-
ter crushed the pre-
tensions of the false
Mustafa, who was
also deceived by Mir-
cea ; he also punished
the Roumanians in
1417 by subjugating
their country — a pro-
cess which even Jorga
cannot avoid caUing
" complete." He may
certainly be right in
regarding the agree-
ment for tribute
concluded between
Bajazet and Mircea
as a falsification, like
that between Moham-
med II. and Radu the
Fair. Concerning the
amount of tribute we
have no certain infor-
mation before 1532.
In 1413 Mircea ap-
pointed his son Mihail
co-regent, and himself Turk, and had not the Ottoman power'been so°stronW he qf
-- - '-' would have founded <■ "■"»->* -"'* "• i-:--j — "••-
brother Dan, the prot6g6 of the Turks,
who disappears from the scene in 1430.
The Boyar Aldea, known as Alexander, who
was supported by Moldavia and Turkey,
struggled to secure the throne for four
years, 1432-1436, and was then driven
out by Vlad, the legitimate son of Mircea,
who had been brought up at the court of
the emperor Sigismund.
During the reign of the haughty Voivode
Vlad II., known as Drakul, or devil, a period
of the greatest distress and poverty passed
over the country. In 1432 he was driven
out of his capital, Tirgoviste, while Turkish
troops devastated the districts of Burzen
and of the Szekler ; in 1436 he even fell
into the hands of the Ottomans, but was
eventually able to maintain his position in
isolation. In the year 1438 he guided
the army of Murad to Transylvania, and
styled himself Duke of Fogaras and Amlas.
After the battle of Szent-Endre in 1442, the
leader of the Hungarian army, Janos
Hunyadi, a Roumanian of Transylvania,
marched into Wallachia and forced the
Turkish vassal, Vlad
Drakul, to submit ;
in 1443 Vlad accom-
panied him to Servia.
This position of
affairs was not, how-
ever, of long duration.
The statement that he
captured Hunyadi on
his flight from the
disastrous battle of
Varna on November
loth, 1444, is ques-
tionable. However,
the power of Hungary
was so weakened that
Vlad concluded a
fresh peace with the
Porte in 1446. This in-
duced the Hungarian
general to invade Wal-
lachia at the end of
1446 and to confer the
dignity of voivode on
Vladislav, who styled
himself Dan IV. Vlad
MIRCEA: A GREAT WALLACHIAN KING
Mircea, king of Wallachia, and his son are here shown in t-v i i j r x i
an old mosaic. His life was spent largely in fighting the JJrakUl WaS defeated
Turk, and had not the Ottoman power been so strong he nt Ppcmvicf iahe^rt
HipH nn TVniiarvoT<it JJ'""''' ^a^^x ^""".'^f'' ^ ^^^^t and permanent kingdom, '^^ -Ttguvibl, idKCn
Uieu on J anuary 3ISI, bemg a diplomatist as well as a warrior. He died in 1418. prisoner, and exe-
I4l8: the twonrinces "'« *"" MihaU, who succeeded, died two years later. ^„+^^ o+ TirgSOr
1418 ; the two princes
are represented together in a tolerably
well-preserved fresco in the Byzantine style
in the monastery of Cozia. Mihail also died
in 1420, and was succeeded by his hostile
3054
cuted at
together with his son Mircea. For a long
period the struggle for the dignity of
prince continued between the families of
Dan and Drakul. Partly as a consequence
STRUGGLES OF THE WALLACHIAN KINGDOM
of Hungarian help and partly with
Turkish help the voivodes succeeded one
another rapidly. Dan IV. supported
Hunyadi in the middle of October, 1448.
with 8,000 men, in the battle
on the field of Amsel, but his
personal indifference to the
result was punished by the
confiscation of his fiefs situated
beyond the Carpathians.
From 1455 or 1456 until
1462 reigned Vlad IV., the
second son of Drakul ; he is
sufficiently characterised by
his nickname " the impaler."
Immediately after the death
of Hunyadi in 1456 and of
Ladislaus Posthumus in 1457,
Vlad made an unexpected
invasion into Transylvania,
reduced Kronstadt to ashes,
and impaled all his prisoners.
For the purpose of securing
his rear, he concluded an
alliance with the Porte in 1460, but in 1461
he surprised Bulgaria from pure lust of
plunder and slaughter, and caused some
20,000 human beings to be impaled.
To avenge this outrage the Turks marched
against him in the spring of 1462 in
conjunction with Stefan the Great of
Moldavia, and drove him into Tran-
sylvania. The Alibeg of the Ottoman
Emir, Mohammed II., placed the brother
of Vlad, Radul the Fair, on the throne in
the autumn of 1462, on condition of his
paying a yearly tribute of 12,000 ducats ;
he also recognised the supremacy of the
Hungarian king Matthias, who kept the
hypocritical Vlad and Peter Aaron V., the
Voivode of Moldavia, who had also been
expelled, prisoners in Ofen. Radu was for
the second time definitely driven out in
the autumn of 1473 by his Moldavian
neighbour, Stefan the Great ; in the
period of confusion which followed he soon
lost his life.
His successor, Laiot, known as Basarab
the Elder, lost the favour of Stefan
in 1474 on account of his
undue partiality for the
Turks ; he, too, was driven
out by Moldavian and Tran-
sylvanian troops on October 20th, 1474. He
again suffered this fate at the end of 1476.
Vlad, the " impaler," once again took his
place upon the throne of the voivodes with
the help of Hungary. However, his death
soon followed, and a family war continued
for two years between the Basarabs ; the
younger Basarab, the " httle impaler,"
maintained himself with increasing power
from 1477 to 1481. An unfrocked monk
tlien became master of Hun-
garian Wallachia under the
title of Vlad V. (1481-1496);
lie was a submissive vassal of
the Porte, showing none of
the desire for freedom mani-
tcsted by Stefan the Great.
A convention of 1482 estab-
lished the river Milkov as the
frontier- between the two
1 rincipalities of Moldavia
and VVallachia.
The son and successor of
Vlad, Radul IV. or V. (1496-
1508), who, in manv respects,
VLAD THE IMPALER IS rightly stylcd the " Great "
A bloodthirsty ruler of wauachia, attempted to relieve the
whose lust ofpiunder gave Turkey general distrcss by rcforms
good excuse for joining with Moi- in the administrative • and
davia. in 1462. and dethroning him. gcclesiastical systcms, espe-
cially directed against the encroachments
of Nifon, the patriarch of Constanti-
nople. Although he did personal homage
in Constantinople in 1504, the Turks
deprived him of the Danube customs
receipts in 1507. Michael, or Mihnea,
who was supposed to be the
son of Vlad, the " impaler,"
A Bloodthirsty
Ruler
of Wallachia
A Period of
rie cigns reigned for two years (I'^oS
and Lawlessness . ° , .1 i_ r j
to 1510), until he was forced
to abdicate by party struggles. The leader
of the opposition party, Vladut, or Vladice
(Little Vlad, 1510-1512), recognised the
supremacy of Hungary, was defeated by
the dissatisfied Boyars who were in alliance
with Mohammed of Nicopolis, and was
beheaded on January 25th, 1512.
Basrab III. Neagoe (1512-1521), who
was descended on his mother's side from a
Boyar family of Olten, now occupied the
throne of the voivodes ; he was a peace-
loving ruler, and gave his generous support
to churches and monasteries ; he dedicated,
in 1517, the beautiful church of Curtea-de
Arges, which was restored in 1886 under
King Carol. His successors were from
1525 to 1530 mere tools in the hands of the
Turks, were generally at war with one
another, and usually fell by the hand of
an assassin. The consciousness of national
existence seemed to have wholly dis-
appeared from the people ; the nobles
spoke Slavonic and also Greek, and
attempted to enrich themselves in
conjunction with the Turkish grandees.
3055
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Towards the end of the sixteenth century
the throne of the voivodes was secured by
Michael II. the Bold (1593-1601), a
brilUant soldier and a dexterous pohtician.
Between 1599 and 1601 he also occupied
Transylvania and Moldavia. He was a
son of the Voivode Petrascu
Successful (1554-1557), and in his youth
Merchant i_ -^i ^ • j *
„ „. had carried on an exten-
Becomes King ■ ■ 1 u ■
sive commercial business.
Through his wife Stanca he was related to
the most powerful families, in which he
found strong support against the preceding
Voivode Alexander Mircea ; after an un-
successful attempt at revolt he eventually
secured the throne in September, 1593,
chiefly with the help of Andronicus Canta-
cuzenos. On November 5th, 1594, Michael
concluded an alliance with Sigismund
Bathori and Aaron of Moldavia, and
shortly afterwards, on November 13th,
massacred the Turks in J assy and Bu-
charest. He then defeated several Turkish
and Tartar armies in a brilliant winter
campaign, and won a great victory at
Kalugareni on August 23rd, 1595. The
glorious deeds of this brave Wallachian
resounded throughout Christian Europe
during his lifetime. In 1598, he formed
an alliance with the Emperor Rudolf II.
against the Prince of Transylvania, who
abdicated in the spring of 1599. However,
when Cardinal Andreas ascended the
throne, Michael, vigorously supported by
the adventure-loving Cossacks
of the Dnieper, invaded the
country on October 17th,
1599, secured the help of the
Szeklers, besieged Hermann-
stadt, and won a victory on
October 28th on the heights
of Schellenberg. Andreas
Bathori was murdered while
fleeing to the country of the
Szeklers.
Michael advanced in
triumph to Weissenburg,
and was appointed imperial
governor on November 20th ;
on May 7th, 1600, he crossed
the frontiers of Moldavia, .^.^^'p^^^^ "^"^ ^"^°
Ti TT • J T • ■h€ -1 Tn^ glorious exploits against the
1 he Voivode JeremiaS Moglla Turks of this Roumanian prince
^smw^imm^rr-
for an invasion of Poland, but he was
forced to return to Weissenburg in order
to negotiate with Pezzen, the ambassador
of the Hungarian king, about Transyl-
vania ; on July ist he caused himself to
be proclaimed Prince of Wallachia and
Moldavia and also of Transylvania in the
name of Hapsburg.
Dangers, however, threatened him from
another side. The Poles and the Turks
were menacing his frontiers, and Sigismund
Bathori was meditating an invasion of
Moldavia. Transylvania itself was so
entirely impoverished in consequence of
Michael's continual military enterprises,
that the- nobles broke into open revolt
against him and refused to perform
military service. After a disastrous battle
at Mirislav on September i8th, 1600,
Michael fled, and was again defeated in
his own country by the Pole Jan Zamojski,
between Buzauand Plojesti ; he could not
even make head against Simeon Movila,
who defeated him at Arges. Meanwhile the
Transylvanian nobles chose the
characterless Sigismund Bathori
as their ruler for the third
time, on February 3rd, t6oi.
Michael had betaken himself to Prague
on December 25th, 1600, and had there
presented to the court a memorial in his
own justification ; he obtained 80.000
florins, and with his troops joined the
army of the Austrian general, George
Basta, in Transylvania. On
August 6th, 1601, the Prince of
Transylvania was defeated in
the battle of Goroslau ; he fled
to Moldavia, where he
received a letter in which
Michael undertook to help
him to the throne if he would
hand over his wife and
children, who had been left
as hostages in Transylvania
after his fall. This piece of
treachery was reported to
Basta, who had Michael
murdered on August 19th,
1601, in Thorda, probably in
fulfilment of instructions pre-
viously received.
After Michael the Bold the
Michael
Suffers
Defeat
fled to Poland. The bold who'-uiedWaiiachia from 1593 to
, J xjiv- uyj±\j. jgoi, aroused great enthusiasm
ruler seemed to have con- throughout the christian world position of voivode was occu-
ceived the idea of securing the **'•'•'""« °'*^**''P*''^''''"^""'
throne of that country for himself ; even
at the present day he is known by the
Wallachians as King Michael — also Alex-
ander— the Great. He made preparations
3056
pied by wholly unimportant
personalities. The only important ruler
was Matthias Basarab (1632 to April,
1654). He defeated the Ottoman claimant
Radu, the son of the Moldavian Voivode
^^^K^Sf^
^ln
J
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1
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^x^
;>
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'^ ^ iii»jte£ •* "• '-"'■- • ^^j:;:-!^- -- - ■'^■'
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• ii J *■ .S.V..
^^l^g
sa—^. KtfcM. . : . .-.'.__. .^
■*■
i^
THE NATIONAL STATUE TO MICHAEL THE BOLD AT BUCHARESi
Alexander Ilias, at Bucharest. He
carefully protected his boundaries against
the encroachments of the Danube Turks,
and took particular trouble to secure the
general increase and advancement of
national prosperity, while suppressing
Greek influence, which had become pre-
dominant. In 1652 he founded the first
printing-press, organised schools and
monasteries, secured the composition of a
legal code on the model of Slav and Greek
compilations of the kind, and translated
ecclesiastical books into Wallachian. No
doubt his efforts in these directions were
stimulated by the examples of the Tran-
sylvanian prince, Gabriel Bethlen of Itkar
(1630-1639) and George I. Rakoczy (1631-
1648), who set up Wallachian printing-
presses in 1640, and published many
ecclesiastical books in Wallachian.
His object was to spread the Reforma-
tion among the Wallachians ; for since
the catechisms of Hermann stadt in
1544 and the Old Testament of 1582,
this movement had found adherents
among the Roumanians of South-east
Hungary. As a matter of tact his efforts
led to no more permanent result than
those of John Honterus, the reformer of
the Saxons of Transylvania. Neither the
doctrine of Luther nor that of Calvin
gained any lasting hold on the hearts
of the Wallachians, but these publica-
tions gave a considerable impulse to the
Roumanian written language and to
intellectual life in general.
The proceedings of Matthias Basarab
were successfully imitated by his con-
temporaries and opponents and by the
Voivode of Moldavia, Basile Lupu, and
one of his successors, Serban H. Canta-
cuzenos (1679 ^^ November 8th, 1688).
The Moldavian Logosat Eustratios had
already translated the Byzantine legal code
into Moldavian in 1643 ; in 1688 the
Bible in Roumanian was printed by two
laymen, the brothers Greceanu.
Side by side, with these ecclesiastical
works, which consisted chiefly of trans-
lations from Greek and Slav, chronicles
arose by degrees, such as those of Michael
of Miron and Nicolae Costin, of Grigore
Ureche the " Romanist," and of Danovic,
Neculcea and Axente. Under the influ-
ence of ecclesiastical literature religious
lyric poetry also flourished ; the chief
3057
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
representatives of this were the metro- voivodes appointed by the Porte ruled
politan Dositheos of Jerusalem, Michael henceforward, who brought Wallachia
Halitius, the high Logosat Miron Costin to the point of collapse as they had
who was executed by Kante-
mir the Old, and Theodore
Corbea. However, the chief
glory of Roumanian scholar-
ship in that period is Dimitrie
Kantemir (1673-1723), philos-
opher, poet, geographer, histo-
rian, and an intermediary :
between Eastern and Western !
science and literature.
Hard times soon put an ,
end to these promising im-
pulses, which spread even
more vigorously to Moldavia
in 1680. Under the rich
Voivode Constantine Bran-
kovan {1688-1714), who was
in other respects a good
brought Moldavia, and initi-
ated a period of total decline
from an economic point of
view; the tribute at that
date amounted to more than
140,000 dollars a year. The
first of these foreigners, who
were generally rich Greeks,
was Nikolaus Mavrocordato,
who had previously been
prince of Moldavia on two
occasions (1716-1730). The
accession of this first Greek
prince, who himself came from
the Island of Chios and not
from Phanar, forms an im-
portant epoch in the literature
of Daco-Roumania, the first
MATTHIAS BASARAB
After Michael the Bold, he was the
_ only Wallachian ruler of note in
ruler, disasters burst upon *^^g„S%?n &2 to S and Sd age of which, beginning about
the country, which was trans- much for his country, founding 1550, here comes to an end.
■formed into a military road ***« ^^^ printing-press in 1652. i^ ^^le course of the
during the wars of Austria, Poland, and eighteenth century, Russia began to
Russia with the Turks. Brankovan entered
upon an alliance in 1698 and 1711 with
the Tsar Peter the Great. Shortly before
Easter, 1714, Brankovan was imprisoned in
Bucharest, and executed in Constantinople
with his four sons and his adviser. The
same fate befell his successor, Stefan HI.
Cantacuzenos (1714 to June, 1716).
This^vent extinguished the last glimmer
of Wallachian independence'; the freely
elected voivode ceased to exist, and
interfere in the domestic affairs of the
country, a process which culminated in
the occupation of Wallachia by the
Russians during the Russo-Turkish war
of 1770. By the peace of Kutchuk-
Kainardji, in 1774, Wallachia again fell
under Turkish supremacy ; but Russian
influence kept the upper hand, and in
178 1 the Porte agreed to set up a Hos-
podar government under the supervision
of the Russian general Consul.
SERVIANS REJOICING AT THE NEWS OF THE MURDER OF SULTAN MURAD
305i>
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE
ROUMANIANS
II
THE MOLDAVIAN PEOPLE
AND THEIR STRUGGLE FOR NATIONALITY
pOUNDED on the west by the Carpa-
*-' thians, on the north and east by
the Pruth and Russia, on the south-east
by the Danube and the Dobrudza, and
on the south by the Sereth, the moun-
tainous country of Moldavia, the second
division of Roumania, is especially suited
for agriculture and cattle-rearing. The
Roumanians and their Slavonic teachers
seem to have fled to the rivers on the occu-
pation of the country. The name appears
in historical times towards the middle of
the fourteenth century.
As early as 1335 Bogdan, the son of
Micul, had caused the despatch of a Hun-
garian primate to the country, on account of
his disobedience to King Charles Robert I.
In 1342, when the Angevin ruler was
dead, and his son, Lewis, had succeeded
to the throne at the age of sixteen, Bogdan
again revolted. Although the youthful
king declined to acknowledge his position
», . . . -^ , as voivode, the rebel was
OfMhl'' supported by the Lithu-
„ • V 1. anians of the Halitshland
Hunganaa Yoke j 1 .i_ T~k
and by the Roumanian
mountaineers, and was able to maintain
his position in the Marmaros ; in 1352 his
submission caused but little change in his
position. At that time this south-east
corner of Europe was in a constant state
of disturbance ; and on the first occasion
of peace Bogdan followed the example of
Basarab and shook off the Hungarian yoke
in 1360, to which success he was aided by
the " benevolent neutrality " of Poland.
About 1365 Bogdan was the undisturbed
master of Moldavia.
After his death his eldest son, Latzko,
ruled the country, practically in the
position of a Polish vassal ; in 1370 he
permitted the erection of a Catholic
bishopric at Sereth. After this a series of
events followed which are partly shrouded
in obscurity, but none the less point to a
Lithuanian Ruthenian foundation for the
young state. As late as the fifteenth
century the language of Little Russia pre-
dominated as a means of communication.
195
However, Moldavia definitely shut the
door in the face of Slav influence at a
comparatively early period, an attitude
adopted at the present time by Roumania.
Partly explained by the influence of
geographical ]X)sition, this fact is also due
to a number of occurrences, which at that
_ ,. . time gave Moldavia a separate
. . position apart from the three
Ea twa d Balkan states similar to
that occupied by the modern
kingdom of Roumania. There is no doubt
that a considerable number of Lithuanians
and Ruthenians removed to the Sereth
from the district of Marmaros, together
with the conqueror Bogdan. Even in
the official documents of Stefan the Great,
in the second half of the fifteenth century,
a large number of Ruthenian names are
to be observed ; there, as they advanced
eastward, they met with a number of settlers
from Little Russia, upon whom the Walla-
chians looked askance as strangers. After
the death of Latzko, in 1374, the Lithuanian
Knez or supreme judge, George Koriatovic,
was brought into the principality of Baia ;
he, however, soon disap])eared, and was
probably poisoned. Equally short was the
reign of a certain usurper known as
Stefan L His son Peter (probably 1379-
1388) took the oath of fidelity to the Polish
king Vladislav H. Jagiello in Lemberg
in 1387 ; he conquered Suczava, which he
made his capital. His youngest brother,
Roman, who immediately succeeded him —
he had been co-regent from 1386 at latest
— was carried off to Poland in 1393 by the
orders of Vladislav, and replaced by his
elder brother, Stefan HL
Polish ^ jjg ^^g made a tributary
Supremacy 10 ^^^^^j ^^ ^^^ Hungarian
Moldavia ^^^^ Siegmund at the end of
1394, but on January 6th, 1395, he again
solemnly recognised the Polish supremacy.
In the year 1400 Juga, the illegitimate son
of Roman, enjoyed a short period as
governor at Suczava.
At the beginning of the fifteenth century
the first important voivode of Moldavia
3059
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
began his government ; this was Alex-
ander, the other son of Roman, who was
known as the " Good " even during his
hfetime. During his long reign (1401-
1432) he reorganised the defences, the
administration, and the military system,
compiled a legal code from the " Basilika "
of Leo VI., and improved the intellectual
»- state of the people by founding
I Vu 1 schools and monasteries. Upon
p ^ three occasions he took the
rogress ^^^^ ^^ fideUty to the King of
Poland in 1402, 1404, and 1407, on the
last occasion as the first " lord " of the
Moldavian territory. He married, as his
third wife, Ryngalla, the sister of King
Vladislav, after sending auxiliary troops
to Marienburg to the help of the Poles
against the German Orders. During his
reign numerous settlers from Lesser
Armenia migrated into the country, most
of whom afterwards removed to Transyl-
vania ; at this period, also, the first
gipsies appeared in the country.
Under his sons EHas and Stefan V.,
the supremacy of Poland was again
recognised in 1433. The two step-brothers
began a severe struggle for the supremacy,
which ended in a division by which
Stefan obtained the south, while Elias
secured the north of Moldavia with
Suczava. In 1442 Stefan concluded an
alliance with the Hungarian general
Hunyadi to oppose the Turkish danger,
and in the following May, 1443, he caused
his step- brother to be blinded. However,
Roman II., a son of Elias, put an end to
his uncle's life in the middle of July, 1447,
and secured the position of voivode for
himself. But in the next year, 1448,
Peter IV., a son of Alexander the Good,
who had fled to Hungary to Hunyadi,
and had married his sister, returned to
his native land with a Hungarian army
and drove out Roman, who fled to Podolia
to ask help from the Polish king. Roman
died of poison on July 2nd, 1448. Peter
PI d "^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^*^ °^ fidelity
-, . , . to King Kasimir IV., and con-
Counterplots .- J. ^ J TT
• M..I J J tmued to rule under Hunganan
in Moldavia j t> i- l x-i
and Polish supremacy until
the year 1449. Then Bogdan II., an
illegitimate son of Alexander the Good,
revolted on February nth, and on July
5th, 1450, concluded two important treaties
with Hunyadi, but was murdered in 1451
by the Voivode Peter V., formerly Aaron,
an illegitimate son of Alexander the Good.
Peter was then forced to divide the
3060
government of Moldavia with Alexander
" Olechno," a son of Elias, who had
been originally supported by Poland and
afterwards by Hungary ; but in 1455
Alexander was poisoned by his own
Boyars. Peter now ruled alone until 1457,
and was able to maintain his power only
by a miserable and cowardly subjection to
Poland and the Turks. From 1455 the
Porte was able to consider the Voivode
of Moldavia, with his tribute of 2,000
Hungarian florins, as one of its permanent
vassals.
After this almost uninterrupted period
of party struggles for the dignity of
voivode, a period of unspeakable misery
for the country, an age of rest and pros-
perity at last dawned in the second half
of the fifteenth century ; henceforward
Moldavia, which had hitherto been placed
in the background under the title of
Wallachia Minor, or Bogdania, became of
more importance than the older
" Roumanian " district, which had been
brought low by the two Vlads, the Devil and
the Impaler. The Voivode Stefan VI. (1457
to July 2nd, 1504), a son of Bogdan II., was
rightly surnamed the "Great" by his people.
m< . . . »• The miniature painting in
Moldavia Rises ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^.^^^j^ ^^ y^^^.
m Power . v- i ■ „„.„
. - . netz, which remains com-
and Importance .• 1 ■, j u
paratively undamaged, has
preserved a not unpleasing portrait of this
ruler. A brilliant general and politician, he
not only extended his realm, but also
removed it from the political influence of
his two neighbouring states. He advanced
the established church, which was depen-
dent on the orthodox patriarch at Achrida,
and the good order of which was in strong
contrast to the confusion prevailing at
Wallachia, founded a third bishopric at
Radautz, where he also restored the old
monastery church, and also built a great
monastery at Putna in Bukovina.
He incorporated a Bessarabian frontier
district of Wallachia with his own coun-
try, recovered Chilia in January, 1465,
and in December, 1467, successfully repelled
an attack of the Hungarian King Matthias,
who was wounded by an arrow at Moldova-
banya in the course of this campaign.
Harassed by Tartar invasions, Stefan
nevertheless found leisure to invade Tran-
sylvania during the Bohemian expedition
of King Matthias in 1469, and to expel
Radu, the Voivode of Wallachia, in 1471-
1473. The Hungarian king was occupied
in the west until 1475, and overlooked this
MOLDAVIA'S STRUGGLE FOR NATIONALITY
aggression, more particularly as Stefan, in
alliance with the Transylvanian Szeklers
of Udvarhely and Esik, had driven back
a Turkish army of 120,000 men — which
invaded Moldavia under Suleiman Pasha
on January loth, 1475 — at Racova, and
had by this means diverted the danger
from Hungary. The exploit is character-
istic of this glorious age in which Moldavia
often formed a bulwark against the
Ottomans on the south and against the
assaults of neighbours on the north.
The Sultan Mohammed II. now under-
took in fierson a punitive campaign
against Moldavia, and won a victory on
July 26th, 1476, in the White Valley.
Stefan, however, with the help of Stefan
Bathori, who was accompanied by the
fugitive Vlad the Impaler, eventually
drove out the hostile army and secured
for Vlad the position of voivode of Wal-
lachia. However, after the death of Vlad
at the end of 1476, the new voivode of
Wallachia, Basarab, the Little Impaler,
made an alliance with the Turks ; Stefan
overthrew him on July 8th, 1481, and
handed over the position of voivode to a
certain Mircea. With the object of securing
p their connection with the Tar-
^ " " tars in the Volga districts, the
o Turkish armies of Bajazet II.
invaded Moldavia again in
1484, together with Tartar and Wallachian
allies, and stormed Chilia and Cetatea-
Albam on July 14th and August 4th.
Only by means of Polish help, which he
was forced to purchase by paying a homage
long refused, was Stefan able to save his
country from overthrow by the enemies'
bands in 1485. Turning to his own advan-
tage the necessities of Poland, which
became pressing immediately afterwards,
Stefan occupied Pokutia in 1490, and even
paid tribute to the Porte to secure his
position, as formerly Peter Aaron had done.
In 1497 the Polish King, John Albert,
invaded Bukovina with the intention of
incor]>orating the whole principality with
his own empire, and besieged Suczava,
the capital until 1550 ; by the inter-
vention of the Voivode of Transylvania an
armistice was secured, and the end of the
affair was that the Polish cavalry were
suri^rised in the forests and scattered at
Cozmin on the day of St. Demeter.
In 1498, Stefan appeared in person before
Lemberg, and some one hundred thousand
human beings were carried into captivity
in Turkey. However, on the 12th or
i8th of July, 1499, Stefan dissolved his
connection with the Porte and concluded
a convention with Poland and Hungary,
wherein he tacitly recognised the supre-
macy of both states over Moldavia, and
undertook to oppose the progress of the
Turkish armies through his country and to
keep the neighbouring states informed of
Th s H ' ^^y hostile movements on
«,..". "^ the part of the Turks.' Stefan
.. M , . . fulfilled his obligations in
the Moldavians 1 1 ° ^ j
1499, when he put an end
to 'the devastations of Balibeg, a son of
Malkoch. After the death of John Albert he
dissolved his connection with Poland and
stirred up the Tartars against the new
king, Alexander ; while they devastated
Podolia he occupied the Ruthenian
Pokutia, and sent his Boyars and tax-
gatherers to Sniatyn, Kolomea, and Halicz
in 1502. This was the last success of this
greatest of all Roumanians.
Stefan's son and successor, Bogdan III.,
known as Orbul, the " blind," the " one-
eyed," or the " squint-eyed " (1504-1517),
gave up his claim to Polish Pokutia in
return for a promise of the hand of
Elizabeth, a sister of Alexander ; but he
was cheated of this prize. The approach
of the Turkish power induced him in 1504
to promise a yearly tribute to the sultan,
consisting of 4,000 Turkish ducats, forty
royal falcons, and forty Moldavian horses,
in return for which, according to later
reports, he was guaranteed the main-
tenance of Christianity ; the voivodes were
to be freely elected, and the country was
to be self-governing in domestic affairs.
This convention, which in recent times has
formed the basis for the constitutional
relationship of Moldavia with the Porte,
was renewed by Peter Rares " the Rest-
less " (1527-1528, and for the second time
from the end of February, 1541, to
September, 1546) in the year 1529 ;
according to a document of 1532, he sent
annually 120,000 aspers or 10,000 gold
-. . ducats to Constantinople. At
Gold ''""' ^ ^^^^^ P^"°^ ^^'^ tribute
f T k ^^^ considerably increased.
ur ey ^v^j^j^ Peter Rares began the
rule of the illegitimate branch of the house
of Dragos, who was a natural son of Stefan
the Great. The chief object of Peter after
the disastrous defeat of Mohacs on August
29th, 1526, the significance of which he
never understood, was to turn to his own
advantage the disputes about the succes-
sion in Hungary, which had broken out
3061
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
between King Ferdinand and John
Zapolya ; on several occasions he invaded
Transylvania, inflicting appalling devasta-
tion on the country, which, in 1529,
declined to accept his rule. An attempt
to recover Pokutia from Poland was
brought to an end by the defeat of Peter
at Obertyn on August 22nd, 1531. His
_ faithlessness brought about the
Oman ^^ ^£ Aloisio Gritti, who had
• '*^''""°|* been sent by the sultan to
in Moldavia ^ . . J . . ,,
Transylvania m 1533. After
the expulsion of Peter in 1538, the
voivodes of Moldavia became ready tools
in the hands of the Porte ; provided they
paid the sultan a yearly tribute, they
were allowed to govern their own territory
precisely as they pleased. The people
groaned under the burden of heavy taxa-
tion and extortion of every kind, and
attempted to secure relief by joining the
party struggles set on foot by individual
wealthy families, hoping also to secure
some momentary relief by the murder of
their masters. Thus the Voivode S»sfan
VIII., "the Turk," or " the Locust "—so
named after a plague of locusts in the
year 1538 — was murdered, in 1540, after
a reign of two years. His successor,
Alexander III., a scion of the legitimate
Dragos family from Poland, met with the
same fate in the same year. The Voivode
Elias II. (1546-1551), a son of Peter
Rares, was ordered by the sultan to invade
Transylvania in 1550, but transferred
this commission to his brother Stefan,
abdicated in May, 1551, and soon after-
wards died as the renegade " Mohammed,"
governor of Silistria. His place was
occupied by his brother Stefan IX., the
last direct descendant of the illegitimate
branch of the Dragosids, until he was
murdered by the Boyars in 1553.
His opponent and successor, Peter the
Stolnic, known as Alexander IV. Lapusan
(1553-1561), speedily made himself highly
unpopular with the Boyars by his infliction
Mold ■ ^^ torture and death, from the
a Land 'of ^^^^^ ^^ which he tried to
T— „>.j:-- cleanse his conscience by found-
1 ragedies . , . r-i /• x
mg a monastery at Slatma. In
1561 the Greek sailor Jakobos Basilikos
seized the position of voivode, under the
title of John I. ; he founded a Latin
school at Cotnari (East Moldavia) and a
bishopric, which was naturally but short-
lived. After playing the part of a tyrant for
two years he was murdered in the course of
a popular rising on November 5th, 1563.
3062
During and following upon the short rule of
one Stefan X. Tomsa — beheaded in Poland
,in 1564 — Alexander IV., who had fled to
Constantinople, resumed the government
(1563-1568), until he gradually went bUnd.
His son Bogdan IV. (1568-1572) v
wounded by an angry nobleman w'
visiting his betrothed in Poland.
The sultan then appointed as Voivodt
Moldavia John II., a Pole of Masov
who had accepted the Mohammec
faith in Constantinople, where he \
believed to be a descendant of Stefan IX
who had been killed in 1553. In order tc
secure his independence, John allied him-
self with Cossacks — hence his name of
" rebel " — but was surrounded in Roscani,
and executed on June nth, 1574. The
Cossacks, who were forced tOj^c-ganise
under Stefan Bathori in 1576, , re at
that period a bold robber-tribt,^^ • n "'^
both by the Tartar and the Ol'u-,
they devastated the districts on ,.ur
side of the Dniester from their i' in
that river, and after 1595 soi. to
find opportunity for their wild
exploits, under Michael the Bold,
Wallachia itself. At the same
_^ _ ,^ the ancient Vikings i
The Sultan . , n 4 j 41
a stop to all trade on 1'
„. . . Sea for forty years:
Dictator ^j^ ^^^ . J^^, , ^^
Mircea of Wallachia, who was a^
voivode by the sultan (1574-157/
from the first a precarious position
was overthrown after surviving an
from the Cossack protege, J oh
" Curly " ; his conqueror, the <"
John or Peter Potkova, " the bi .x
horseshoes," in this respect a pred ssor
of Augustus the " Strong," reigne .or ?
few days, and was then executed
Lemberg by the order of the Polish '
Stefan Bathori (1575-1586). The
then, in 1577, again conferred the p-
of voivode on Peter VII., whOi
expelled in the following year, un
restored him afterwards for the
time (1584-1592).
Moldavia was at that time a i . j;
in the hands of the Ottomaii;^,' wno
expelled and appointed voivodes as they
pleased, while their deputies and their 1
troops devastated the country in alt,
4irections. Before Peter became voivod^^
for the third time the country had be^^vj
governed, for a short period in 1578, by,^
Alexander, a brother of Potkova, airi-T
after a constant succession of real anr*
MOLDAVIA'S STRUGGLE FOR NATIONALITY
pretended claimants, by a certain Jankul
the " Saxon " of Transylvania, who had
used the wealth of his wife, a Palaeologa
of Cyprus, to induce the authorities of
"orstantinople to depose Peter and to
^er the position of voivode of Moldavia
himself in 1579. He became in-
. jd in a quarrel with Stefan Bathori,
i^iagh. his encroachments upon the Polish
-^"tier, and was taken prisoner and
' 'aded in 1582. One of his successors,
.6n, who had formerly been a coach-
in and then a Boyar, was driven out
y the Cossacks in 1591, after a reign of
one year, and fled to Constantinople.
The Cossacks restored Peter in 1592 ;
but he was captured by the Transylvanian
troops of Sigismund Bathori and handed
over to '^'■•e sultan, who executed him.
Aaro^' aow placed for the second time
in »sition of voivode
'"=)5), and pursued a
3rei^ ' ' 'Olicy of unblushing
lup' : on November 5th,
50 made an alliance at
with Sigismund
'•"d with Michael of
' -^ gainst the Turks ;
' * bb deserted the
'^s, was taken as a
D Alvincz by the
'\ian troops, and
^e in 1597. His
L Stefan XI. Resvan
'ted Sigismund Bathori
Enterprises against the
but was impaled at
VASILE "THE WOLF"
continued. It was not until the seven-
teenth century that a better period began
to dawn ; after a conspiracy of the Boyars
against Alexander VI I. Elias, who favoured
the Greeks, and after various other con-
fusions the Greek Albanian Vasile Lupu
came to the throne (1634-1653) ; he founded
schools and benevolent institutions, and
V "1 th ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^° improve the
-1, * condition of the country. He
Wolf on i-x- • J
the Throne ^^^ ^ cunnmg pohtician, and
began intrigues against George
Rakoczy, the ruler of Transylvania, which
ended, in 1654, by his being captured
himself by the Khan of Tartary, who
sent him to Constantinople.
On January 8th, 1654, the Cossacks
surrendered to the Russians. Moldavia,
however, came under Transylvanian supre-
macy. The voivode Stefan XIII. (1653-
1658), after secret negotiations
with the Russian Tsar (1654-
1656), joined the Wallachian
Constantine Basarab in placing
himself under the protectorate
of George Rakoczy II. As he
supported this ruler in an
; attempt to secure the crown
of Poland in 1675, the sultan
declared him deposed.
The following years were a
period of unspeakable misery
and sorrow ; the last two
native rulers, Sefan XIV. and
XV., maintained their position
with interruptions until 1680
or 1690, but between 1658 and
chstnt
had ii
■^1
<• 1595 by the Polish t^n^'Z fut^'be&'c'apSrld^S? ^^ the Turkish court, at its
n Jan Zamoiski, who the Khan of Tartary he was y^[\\ ^^d pleasure, appointed
I 1 1 nyr 1 1 dehvered to the Turks m 1654. , <• ^^ ,t * • • i
rulers from the principal
Albanian or Greek families.
ded Moldavia
1 -^gust the position of voivode was
1 over by Jeremias Mogila, or Movila
'' '608), a feeble character, who
^ the country to fall entirely under
'\ipremacy. At that time Southern
, ^a had been driven to find room for
Tartar settlers ; the tribute which
the Khan of the Crim Tartars,
who from 1475 had harassed
« the Russians, Poles, and Rou-
' rpanians, then subject to the
Ottomans, had been receiving from Mol-
ivia since 1566, "according to ancient
•stom," as the price for his consideration
their frontiers, was now dropped.
1 A'ever, this remarkable branch of the
">quering Nogais, under the " Mirzak "
^ud.ntemir, lost their independence in 1637,
"'Ugh their marauding raids were still
Better Dh^i.
A new period in the history of Moldavia
(1712-1822) begins with the appointment
of the Phanariot class to the position of
voivode ; they were merchants from Con-
stantinople, and each one of them, intent
solely upon his own enrichment, did his
best to reduce the country to ruin.
The Russians occupied the country be-
tween 1769 and 1774, and then conferred
the dignity of voivode upon Gregor III.
Ghika, who was murdered by the Janis-
saries at J assy in 1777.
After the death of Ghika the partition
of Moldavia began. But of that process
we have here to record only the beginning,
when, in 1777, the province of Bukovina was
incorporated in the Austrian dominions.
Heinrich von Wlislocki
3063
EASTERN EUROPE
TO THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
ALBANIANS: A SCATTERED RACE
THEIR WARS AND THEIR RELIGIOUS BELIEFS
Deeadeaee of
Albanian
Independence
'X'HE country known to us as Albania is
■'■ a district about 400 miles in length and
120 in breadth upon the average, which
lies on the coast of the Balkan peninsula.
Of this district, the Albanians proper, a
strongly-marked nationality, occupy the
north ; the south-east is pure Greek ;
while the south-west contains both races,
so intermingled that the children learn both
languages simultaneously. Roumanians
inhabit the district of Pindos,
and Bulgarians and Serbs
the district which borders
their frontiers ; on the other
hand, the Albanian race has also extended
far beyond the frontiers of Albania. On the
Shah Dagh Albanians have appropriated
the whole western portion of Turkish
Servia, extending to Bosnia, and inhabit
the mountain region lying west and south-
west of Novi Bazar. Large numbers of
Albanians also dwell within the kingdom
of Greece ; in fact, the whole of Attica,
with the exception of Athens and the
Piraeus, Megara, with the exception of the
city, Boeotia, and the islands of Hydra and
Spezzia,. together with many other dis-
tricts, are inhabited by them.
However, during the course of the nine-
teenth century the Albanian nationality in
these parts has apparently suffered a con-
siderable decrease, owing to the fact that
many Albanian families have adopted Greek
manners and the Greek language, as
Greek is considered the more distinguished
nationality. About 80,000 Albanians are
settled in Italy, divided among the former
provinces of Nearer and Further Calabria,
Basilicata, Capitanata, Terra d'Otranto,
Abruzzo Ulteriore and Sicily. The first
mentioned were brought over about 1460
by Ferdinand L to Naples. Their number
was originally considerably greater, but
many of them have been entirely Italian-
ised in language, dress, and manners.
Finally, three small Albanian colonies exist
upon Austrian soil — one on the Save, be-
tween Shabatz and Mitrovitza, one at
3064
Zara, and one at Pola. The Albanians
are divided into two main branches,
which are also distinguished from one
another by language — the Toskans and
the Geges. The former inhabited the
south, the latter the central and northern
parts of the country. Their respective
dialects are so different that they have
the utmost difficulty in understanding
one another, and members of one branch
are obliged by degrees to learn the dialect
of the other. In other respects, too, a
strange divergence between the two
branches has existed from early times.
An attempt has been made to explain
the difference of dialect on the supposition
that the inhabitants of the north were the
lUyrians of antiquity, and those of the
south the Epirots. This hypothesis is
scarcely defensible. It is more probable
that both branches are Thracian, and
that of the two dialects, Gegish is the
Thracian language as spoken by lUyrians,
and Toskish is that language as spoken by
Greeks ; in other words, that the difference
corresponds to that between Lombard and
Tuscan Italian — namely, Latin in the
mouth of Gauls and Latin in the mouth of
Etruscans.
In respect of religion the land is again
by no means uniform. The north is
predominantly Roman Catholic, while
in the south Greek Catholicism holds the
upper hand. Mohammedanism, moreover,
-^ ^ has spread throughout almost
y . the whole country, and the
Q . number of its devotees is nearly
equal to that of the Christians.
The distinguished families, especially
in the towns, are Mohammedans ; there
are, moreover, isolated country districts
which are Mohammedan. It will be under-
stood that all of these were at one
time Christians, and that they have gone
over to Mohammedanism in consequence
of the very various forms of pressure
which the Turks were able to exert
at different times, even within the present
THE ALBANIANS: A SCATTERED RACE
century. The only tribe which has re-
mained pure Catholic is that of the Mirid-
ites, in the north, from the fact that
every apostate was immediately forced to
leave the district. There are besides
districts which are Mohammedan only in
seeming, and acknowledge Christianity
in secret, at the present day as previously.
Although, as we have said, the Alba-
nians are thus divided by geographical,
religious, and linguistic differences, yet
they form one nationality with a strongly
marked national character, arising pri-
marily from the conception of the family,
which has dominated the whole life of
this people. It is by the solidarity of
family life that we must explain their
tenacious observation of ancient customs,
which accompany every detail of house-
hold life, birth, engagement, marriage
and death ; thus, too, is explicable that
fearful scourge of this nation, the blood
feud, and also the political impotence of
the country in spite of the great bravery
of its inhabitants.
The strongly marked conservatism ap-
parent in all these facts has also con-
tributed to the maintenance of numerous
. _ survivals of the old heathen
range pQp^jj^j- religion side by side
jj y V^ ° with the different religions
which individuals have adopted
as their official belief. As survivals of
this nature are the belief in the Elves, a
household spirit, three monsters known
as Kutshreda, Siikjennesa and Ljubia,
the Ore, Mauthi, Fatiles, Dive, Fljamea
Kukudi, Vurvulak — known among the
Geges as Ljuvgat and Karkancholi — the
Shtrigea, Dramgua, and the men with
tails. There is no reason to suppose that
these demoniacal beings are the survivals
of some old pure Albanian popular be-
lief ; they probably represent, to some
degree, remnants of early Greek, Roman,
Slavonic,. Turkish, and perhaps gipsy
superstition. The origin of the com-
ponent parts of this popular belief cannot
be pointed to with certainty. When we
examine the appellations of these sepai"ate
beings, it might be supposed that they
originated from the nation from whose
language they took their names ; but no
reliance can be placed on this theory.
The Albanian vocabulary for every de-
partment of life is a motley mixture
taken from all possible languages, so
that it is highly probable that in myth-
ology foreign names might often represent
native conceptions. The Elves, known
as the " Happy Ones," or as the " Brides
of the Mountain," display a considerable
resemblance to the fairies of German
mythology, who bear the same name.
They are generally feminine, about
the size of twelve-year-old children, of
great beauty, clothed in white, and of
g -If vaporous form. They come
A^b'"^* down in the night from the
M th I K mountains to the homes of men,
^ °° ^ and invite beautiful children to
dance ; often, too, they take little children
out of the cradles to play with them upon
the roofs of the houses, but bring them
back unharmed.
Similar is the character of the Mauthi, as
she is called in Elbassan, who is probably
to be identified with the Southern Albanian
" Beauty of the Earth." She, too, is a
fairy clothed in gold, with a fez adorned
with precious stones ; " the man who
steals this is fortunate for the whole of
his life." Goddesses of fate are the
Ore and the Fatiles ; the former goes
about the country and immediately fulfils
all the blessings and curses which she
hears. The Fatiles are the same as the
ancient Greek Moirai. The Attic Albanians
have only one of these deities, who still
bears the ancient name of Moira ; however,
all the gifts which are offered to her upon
a birth in the house are tripled.
Horrible demons are the cannibal female
monsters Kutshedra, Siikjennesa, and
Ljubia. Connected with them is the
Fljamea of Elbassan, also a female demon,
who can afflict with epilepsy. The Dif, or
the Dive in the plural, are giants of super-
natural size, while the household spirit, the
Vittore, is conceived as a brightly coloured
snake, which lives in the wall of
the house, and is greeted with respect
and wishes of good fortune by any one
of the inhabitants who catches sight of it.
The Vurvulak, known in some places
as vampires, are sufficiently explained by
- . , this second title. Of a similar
l"'" nature are the Ljuvgats,
1 crary << -pyj.|^jgjj COrpSCS with long
Monuments ., , . , * , , • ., •
nails, which go about in their
grave clothes, devouring what they find,
and strangling men," as also are the Kar-
kantsholjes or Kukudes, the corpses of
gipsies whose breath is poisonous.
The literary monuments of the people
are very few ; all that can be called
literature is confined to translations of
the Bible and similar ecclesiastical
3065
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
compositions, to national songs, and a few
attempts at poetry among the Italian Alba-
nians, and in Albania itself. Among the
former we may mention Girolamo de
Rada (1870), who has treated of the
heroic period of his nation — that is to say,
... . , the wars of Skanderbeg. The
an as pQ^i of Albania most famous
-. „ . amongst his compatriots is
Famous Poet xt • * t^ r -n ^ tt
Nezim Bey of Bremet. He
was a scholar acquainted with Arabic and
Persian literature, and it was under the
influence of these Oriental literatures that
his poems were composed, as they in-
deed declare by their strong infusion of
Arabic and Persian words. The spirit
also is undeniably Oriental, and their
similarity with the poems of Hafiz, for
instance, is unmistakable. The national
songs are not without a beauty which
is strikingly foreign to our
ideas. Our information upon
the actual history of the
Albanians is for the most part
very fragmentary. Native
historical sources there are
none ; we are reduced to the
references derived from the
history of those nations with
whom the Albanians were
brought into connection.
Hence our chief sources are
the Byzantine chroniclers,
"who trouble themselves very
rarely about these remote
provinces." Our earliest di-
phorus, son of the last despot, attempted
to seize the government of Albania, but
was defeated by the Albanians and killed
in battle (1357-1358). The Albanians now
fell again partly into the hands of the
Servian despot Simon. As, however, he
troubled himself but little about the
country, the Albanians founded two prac-
tically independent provinces — a southern
province under Gjinos Vayas, and a nor-
thern province under Peter Ljoshas.
Then began a period of Albanian
migration, during which large portions of
Macedonia, Thessalia, ^Etolia and Acar-
nania were occupied by parties starting
from Durazzo. Thence the Albanians
spread further to Livadia, Boeotia, Attica,
South Eubcea, and the Peloponnese. After
the death of Peter Ljoshas, in 1374, John
Spata seized the town of Arta. His rule
was a period of long struggles
with different opponents,
which continued almost until
his death in 1400. About
this time most of the country
was conquered by Carlo I.
Tocco, who died on July 4th,
1429, and bequeathed what
he had won to his nephew
Carlo II. Tocco of Cephallenia,
who was obliged, however, to
cede the town of Janina in
1430 to Murad II., and to
acknowledge his supremacy.
The process of converting
- ., . ,, o';t'^.Ts.,S?.Tnir„."s^^^hecountry,oMohammeda„-
rect mtormation belongs to derbeg," was the great Christian hero ism then began, and has
the year 1042 ; at that date, fJ'.M^lt^ ^ears^fn' Aiblnla^^^Hl continued till within the last
after subjugating the Bui- began his struggle in the year i4u. century. It was chiefly the
garian revolt, Michael Paphlago, the upper classes that embraced Mohammedan-
governor of Dyrrhachium, gathered an
army of 60,000 men from his province and
advanced with it against the Serbs. When
the Normans made their expeditions of
conquest (1081-1101), the rule of the
despots of Epirus from the house of the
Comneni began, and it lasted until 1318.
The land then fell again into the hands of
the Byzantine emperors ; but the restless
population repeatedly rose in revolt, and
the most cruel coercion failed to secure a
definite pacification. In the year 1343
fresh disturbances broke out, of which the
Servian king, Stefan Dusan, took advan-
tage to conquer the whole of Albania,
Thessalia and Macedonia, and assumed
the corresponding title of emperor of these
countries. Upon his death the Servian
kingdom fell into confusion, and Nice-
3066
ism, and for this reason they were able to
found native dynasties, which in some
cases actually acquired hereditary rule.
Of these native pashas of Janina the
best known is Ali, who was born in
1741 at Tepeleni, and murdered on
February 5th, 1822, in a summer-house
on the lake of Janina, by Khurshid Pasha.
North Albania, which had become a Servian
-, ^. „ , province, has a history of
Venetian Help T a u * j.i-
... its own. About the year
Against •. . i •'^i
.. n,. 1250 it went over to the
the Ottomans /- "1, i- /-., ,
Catholic Church, as appears
from the letters of Pope Innocent IV.
The family legend of the Miridite chieftain
preserves the memory of this event. The
disruption from Servia, in which the noble
family of the Balzen took a prominent
part, occurred about 1368, and therefore
THE ALBANIANS: A SCATTERED RACE
after the death of Stefan Dusan in 1355.
With the year 1383 begin the invasions
of the Ottomans, whom the Albanians
opposed with Venetian help. Among these
TurcOrAlbanian struggles those of Skan-
derbeg stand out prominently. Yban, or
John George Kastriota, was born after 1403,
the son of Yban or John Kastriota, the
dynast of Mat, and of Voisava, the Servian
princess of Polog. In 1423 he was carried
off, with his three brothers, by the Emir
Murad II. in the course of an incursion
into Southern Albania, kept as a hostage
for his father's fidelity, and employed in
the royal Se-
raglio. There
he was brought
up i n the Mo-
ll ammedan
faith, and given
the name of
Iskander or
Alexander Bey,
popularised as
Skanderbeg.
Conspicuous for
his handsome
form and intel-
lectual powers,
he very soon
obtained a su-
perior post in
the administra-
tion. In 1442,
upon the death
of his father,
Yban, the prin-
cipality was
occupied by the
emir, and his
brothers were
killed. The
revolts con-
ducted by
Arianites Com-
nenus, who died in 1461, Depas, or
Thopia, and Zenempissa, were crushed by
the Turks.
Kastriota concealed his thirst for
vengeance, and remained in the Turkish
service as if nothing had occurred. WTien,
however, at the close of 1443 the
Hungarians defeated the Turks, George
escaped, with 300 Albanians, from the
Turkish camp, and seized Kruja by a trick.
He re-adopted Christianity, inspired his
compatriots to fight for their independence,
and occupied the whole district in a month.
All the chiefs placed themselves under his
TYPES OF ALBANIAN MOUNTAINEERS
command, and paid tribute for the main-
tenance of the revolt. Skanderbeg con-
tinued the war with vigour, and in 1444,
with 15,000 men, he defeated the Turkish
army, 40,000 strong under Ali Pasha, and
other Ottoman generals in the district of
Dibra. In the year 1449 he attacked
Murad with 100,000 men, but was defeated
and forced to withdraw from Kruja, which
he besieged.
After the death of Murad II., in 145 1,
he remained victorious upon the whole,
notwithstanding disunion -among the
chieftains and several defeats which he
suffered ; in the
ten years' arm-
istice of May,
1461, Albania
was formally
ceded to him.
He showed
great organis-
ing abiUty, and
made the coun-
try a stronghold
of Christianity,
and his vigorous
services to this
faith induced
Pope Pius II.
to select him as
general for his
proposed cru-
sade in the year
1464. The re-
sult of this
movement was
a further out-
break of war,
and once again
the Turks were
defeated. But
on January
17th, 1468,
Skanderbeg
died at Alessio. His son being still a minor,
the Turks were victorious. It cost them,
however, ten years' fighting before they
reconquered Kruja, on June 15th, 1478, and
succeeded in bringing the land under their
sway in 1479. After that date large bodies
emigrated from North Albania, and the
majority of the Albanian colonies in Italy
belong to that period. Another part of
the conquered Albanians preferred to
remain upon the spot and accept Moham-
medanism, while the remainder fled into
the mountains.
Karl Pauli
3067
Temple of Diocletian's palace, now Spalaro Cathedral. Courtyard of Diocletian's palace at Spalaro.
lT.iX!SXSU^^
E GREAT ROMAN AMPHITHEATRE AT POLA IN AUSTRIA
MEMORIALS OF THE ROMAN OCCUPATION OF SLAVONIA
3068
EASTERN EUROPE
TO THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE
SOUTHERN SLAVS
I
THE SOUTHERN SLAV PEOPLES
MOVEMENTS OF A WIDESPREAD RACE AND
THEIR ABSORPTION INTO OTHER NATIONS
AS the history of the German races
■**• emerges from obscurity only upon
their contact with the Greeks and Romans
on the Rhine, on the Danube, and in the
Mediterranean territories, so also the early
history of the Slav races has been preserved
by the Graeco- Roman civiUsation, which by
degrees drew all peoples from darkness to
light, and stirred them to new life as though
by a magician's wand. It was chiefly
with the Romans that the Germans came
into contact by reason of their geograph-
ical position ; for similar reasons the Slavs
fell within the area of Greek civilisation,
though here again by the intervention of
the Roman Empire. Slav history is thus
connected with Roman history. At the
point where Slavs were the immediate
neighbours of the Romans their annals
reach back to the beginning of our era,
though it was not until some 500 years
later that the northern Slav race appeared
, upon the scene. It was upon
The !>iavs ^j^^ Adriatic and in the river
First Contact , r xi. /- x 1 j
Wth R system of the Central and
Lower Danube that the Slavs
first came into contact with the Roman
Empire ; on the Adriatic and on the classi-
cal ground of the Balkan Peninsula, which
was saturated with Graeco-Roman civilisa-
tion, begins our earliest genuine knowledge
of the Slavonic peoples.
The races which inhabited the districts
on the Danube and southwards to the
Peloponnesus are known in modern times
as the Slovenians, Serbs, Croatians, and
Bulgarians. They form collectively the
South Slavonic group. As their origin
is obscure, so also is their history confused ;
it is a history the threads of which are
lost in many provinces belonging to
different states, and bearing even at the
present day different names ; a history
of tribes in which original divergences
led in course of time to sharp distinctions
of language, script, morals, religion and
history, and which, even in political
matters, are opposed as enemies.
Of their earliest history we know little
enough. The Slavs were not so fortunate
as the Germans, who found a historian in
Tacitus as early as the first century.
Modern inquirers agree upon the fact"
that the Slavs appeared in Europe ages
ago, together with the other main Euro-
pean races, the Kelts, Greeks, Romans,
- _ and Germans, and that they
UnVcr Other settled in Eastern Europe
p," ^ *' some where about the spot
where they are still to be found
as the earliest known inhabitants. The
Slavs and their settlements are known to
Pliny, Tacitus and Ptolemy. More exten-
sive accounts are given of them by the
Gothic historian Jordanes and the Byzan-
tine Procopius, both in the sixth century.
From that time onwards information as
to the Slav races becomes more copious.
They bear different names. The Greek
and Roman authors call them Veneti,
while to the Germans they are known as
Wends ; another form is Antes. Proco-
pius also informs us that the Antes were
anciently known as Spores, which has been
connected with the name Serb. The second
name for the members of this race was
Slavus — with variants — the name espe-
cially current among the Byzantines.
Those tribes who settled in the old Roman
provinces of Pannonia, Noricum, Rhaetia
and Vindelicia were known collectively as
Slavs or Slovenians. We hear of them
in the sixth century as of some political
importance, and as already waging war
. \vith the Bavarian race. It is
t*w"r*w*th P^^^^^^^ ^^3-* ^^"^^ S^^^ king-
* g. "^ doms existed in the sixth
century in the modern Hungary,
Slavonia, Croatia, Carinthia, Styria, Car-
ni(Ma, Gorz, Gradiska, and on the coast
line.
From these Slav peoples settled on each
side of the Central Danube, on the Drave
and Save ; many migrated southwards
after the fifth and sixth centuries, and
settled in the Balkan Peninsula. The
3069
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
question arises whether they were the
first Slav colonists in that district, or
whether they found in the Balkan terri-
tories an older Slav population known
under other names. On the solution of this
question depends the problem of the
Slav population of the Balkan Peninsula.
Moreover, the Slavs from these districts
« . were not the only members
yi»n ine^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ went to the
mperors in gg^ij^g^j^ territories ; we find
traces of Slav immigrants from
Eastern and Northern Europe. Formerly
the opinion was general that the immigra-
tion of the Slavs into the Balkan terri-
tories took place during the period between
the fifth and seventh centuries. It is
now believed that certain traces of a
much earlier migration have been dis-
covered. Evidence for this fact is to be
found in the older Slav place-names. This
new theory can also be harmonised with
the earliest historical evidence before us,
and provides a natural explanation of the
fact that the Slavs suddenly appeared in
these territories in such numbers that
even the Byzantine emperors found them-
selves obliged to take measures to prevent
them from over-running Greece. The
theory further explains why history has
nothing to tell us of any great immigration
or occupation of these countries by the
Slavs in historical times ; only now and
again does history speak of the settle-
ment of new bands of colonists by the
emperors.
So long, however, as it is impossible to
ascertain the nationality of many peoples
living in those districts in the Roman
period, such as Thracians, Skordiskans,
Dacians, Illyrians, and others, so long will
this problem remain unsolved. Hence we
must first decide whether they are to be
regarded as " immigrants " or as " in-
digenous " ; only then can we discuss the
question of earlier or later dates. It may
be noted that the inhabitants of Bosnia
still display certain ethnological
n en or* peculiarities which are ascribed
^. ... .. to the Thracians and Dacians
Civilisation i -r-i ^i. ti.
by Roman authors. Thus
Pliny states that among the Dacians the
men paint their bodies. Tattooing is at
the present day customary among the
Bosnian people. Other national character-
istics also point to some relationship.
However this may be, our first know-
ledge of the Slavs, both in the Danube
territories and in the Balkan Peninsula, is
3070
gained from the Greeks and Romans when
they established their empire in those
directions. After the fall of the Roman
Empire the Slavs inherited the Roman
civilisation. The country was covered
with towns, trading settlements, and
fortresses. These territories were crossed
by admirable military roads. In Thracia
we find roads as early as the time of Nero,
who built post-houses along them. All the
emperors paid special attention to the
Balkan Peninsula, as it was from there
that they gained the most valuable recruits
for their legions. No Roman emperor
however, spread his glory so widely
throughout the countries on each side
of the Balkans as the conqueror of
Dacia, the great Flavian, Trajan. His
memory was and is still preserved among
the Slavs, and his name was even added
to the list of Slav deities. Bulgarian songs
still sing the praises of the " Tsar Trojan."
Many place-names still re-echo his name.
We constantly find a Trajan's bridge, a
Trajan's road, a Trajan's gate, or a
Trajan's town. Trajan is also in general
use as a proper name. All this is evidence
_, ,. , for the fact that Traian must
Goths and , ■ , -" t
„ . e t. have come into personal con-
nuns in Search , , • ,, ,i 01 a ^
f PI de ^ Slavs. As early
as the fourth century the
provinces of the peninsula were wealthy
and densely populated, as we are informed
by the contemporary writer Eunapios.
A disastrous period began for these terri-
tories in the fourth and fifth centuries,
when the Goths and Huns attacked and
repeatedly devastated them in the course
of plundering raids ; possibly these assail-
ants included some Slavonic bands. From
this time onwards the Slavs on the far
side of the Danube began to grow restless,
especially in the old province of Dacia,
and overflooded the whole of the Balkan
Peninsula as far as the Peloponnese ; the
Slav language was spoken at Taygatos as
late as the fifteenth century.
The Byzantine emperors themselves, in
their brilliant capital on the Bosphorus,
were threatened with attack. At that
time the Byzantine emperors had more
important cares and heavier tasks than
the protection of the Balkan Peninsula from
these barbarians, whom they were inclined
to despise . their faces, from the moment
of the foundation of Constantinople, were
turned towards the east. Hence, in spite
of repeated defeats, the Slavs were able
steadily to advance. Things became even
THE SOUTHERN SLAV PEOPLES
worse after tne death of the great Justinian.
John of Ephesus, a Syrian chronicler of the
sixth century, relates how " in the third
year after the death of the Emperor
Justinian and the accession of Tiberius the
Victorious, the accursed people of the
Slavs entered and overran the whole of
Hellas in the neighbourhood of Thessalonica
and the whole of Thracia. They conquered
many towns and fortresses, ravaged,
burned, and devastated the country, and
lived in it as freely as at home."
In the year 575 the Avars, one of the
peoples of the steppes formerly called in as
auxiliaries by the Byzantines, began their
invasions in the Byzantine Empire, and
carried their plundering raids through the
Balkan territories, alone or in alliance with
the Slavs. The Slavs in lUyricum and the
Alpine territories soon became restless.
In Dalmatia, into which they had made
incursions as early as the reign of Justinian,
they began to advance with great energy
about 600, and drove back the Roman
power, which the Avars had already
enfeebled, to the coast towns, to the
mountains,and to the islands.
avs a e jy^^ Graeco- Roman towns of
Siege of
Influence of
Country on Slav
Immigrants
Constantinople
the interior were for the most
part laid waste, while such
new towns as Spalatro and Ragusa were
founded by the fugitive Romans.
The Slav immigrants soon also learnt
the art of seamanship. During the siege
of Constantinople in 626, which they under-
took in alliance with the Avars, they
conducted the attack from the seaward ^
side in small boats. In the year 641
certain Slavs, probably from Epirus,
landed on the Italian coasts and plundered
Apulia. The Slav pirates traversed the
Ionian and ^gean seas, penetrating even
to the Cyclades and the coast towns of
Asia Minor. Al-Achtal, an Arabian writer
of the seventh century, speaks of the fair-
haired Slavs as a people well-known to his
readers. The enterprise of the Slavs was
further facilitated by the fact that the
Byzantine Empire was now in difficulties
with the Arabs, as it had formerly been
with the Persians. Their chief attack was
directed about 609 against Thessalonica,
the second city in the Byzantine Empire.
They repeatedly besieged this town by
land and water, and on one occasion were
encamped for two years before its gates.
The Byzantine authorities were, however,
iii,variably successful in saving this out-
post. In the seventh century the Slav
colonisation of the Balkan Peninsula was
com])lete, and no corner remained un-
touched by them. The Byzantine authors
of that period refer to the Balkan territories
simply as Slavinia.
With regard to the influence which their
change of domicile exercised upon the polit-
ical development of the Slav immigrants and
the course of their civihsa-
tion, we are reduced to
conjecture ; generalisation
is easier here than detailed
proof, but in this case the connection be-
tween geographical position and history is
unmistakable. The position of the Balkan
Peninsula, which brought the southern
Slavs nearer than any other members of
the race to the Graeco- Roman world, was
of great importance for their future
development. In the course of their his-
torical career the southern Slav tribes
wavered for a long time between Italy and
Byzantium, until eventually the western
portion became incorporated with Roman
politics and civiHsation, and the eastern
portion with the Byzantine world.
For other facts, however, in the life of
the southern Slavs, deeper causes must be
sought, originating in the configuration of
the country. If we regard the peninsula
of Haemus from the hydrographical and
orographical point of view, we shall
immediately perceive that the configuration
of the country has determined the fate of
its inhabitants. As the whole of the con-
tinent is divided from west to east by a
watershed which directs the rivers partly
to the Baltic and partly into the Danube,
so also this south-eastern peninsula has
its watershed which directs the streams
partly towards the north and partly south-
wards. As the northern mountain range
has divided the peoples, as well as the
waters, which lie on each side of it, so,
too, the same fact is apparent in the
Balkans. The northern and the southern
parts of the peninsula have nin a different
_ „ _ course of development with
anitreir'"* different results. The
^ * • n .11 mountain range of the
Mountain Battles t^ 1, • ■ . /i
Balkans, nsmg to 12,140
feet, is difficult to cross, notwithstanding its
thirteen passes, and many of the struggles
between the northern and southern Balkan
races were fought out on the ridges of these
mountains. At the same time it must be
said that other ethnographers have drawn
different conclusions from these same
orographical conditions.
3071
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Apart from these facts, the whole
peninsula is divided by mountain ranges
running in all directions into districts
each of which with certain efforts might
develop independently of others, as was
the case in Western Europe. In ancient
Hellas this was the fact which favoured
the development of so many independent
_ . territories, and during the
^f * * * ... Slav period it also facilitated
C/haractertstics .1 • r 1 1 • j
„ . the rise of several kmgdoms.
In so far as it is unjust to re-
gard the Balkan Peninsula as part of Eastern
Europe, in the strict sense of the term,
it is incorrect to call it an East European
jjeninsula. Balkan territories are in every
respect more allied to Western Europe,
and are somewtiat Alpine in character.
Thus the immigrant Slavs were easily
able to continue their separate existence
in this district, a fact which entirely
corresponded with their wishes. Hence
the manifold nature of the southern Slav
kingdoms ; for this reason, too, they were
more easily accessible to influences which
ran very diverse courses. Diversity of
geographical configuration naturally pro-
duced diversity of civilisation ;- some
districts lay on the main lines of com-
munication, while others, more difficult
of access because more mountainous in
character, were left far behind in the march
of progress. Differences of climate must
also be taken into account.
Upon the whole, the magnificent posi-
tion of the Balkan territories on the
Mediterranean has at all periods favoured
the development of the inhabitants. The
fact that the Slavs here came into contact
with the sea created new conditions
of life and fresh needs. They learnt the
art of seamanship, and rose to be a
commercial nation. The southern Slavs
show a different national type from the
great mass of Slav nationality ; their en-
vironment and their neighbours have given
them a special national character. The
Slav races which settled in the
Balkan Peninsula were num-
erous. Such different names
are known as Severane,
Brsjakes or Berzetes, Smoljanes, Sagulates,
Welesici, Dragovici, Milinci or Milenzes,
Ezerites or Jeserzes, etc. In spite of numer-
ous names applied to various Slav groups,
we have practically no guide to tribal
identity among them. These names are,
however, of little importance for the
determination of nationality. Apart from
3073
How did the
Slavi Get
Their Names?
the fact that they have often been
transmitted to us in a corrupt form,
their value is purely topographical and in
no way ethnographical. They coincide
with the names of the lakes, rivers, and
mountains about which the tribes settled.
The question then arises : did the tribes
give their names to these mountains and
rivers, or, what is more probable, did they
themselves borrow the old names of
these rivers, etc ? The latter is the case
with the names Timok = Timocane,
Rorawa = Morawana, Narenta == Naren-
tane, etc. The opinion of the Bulgarian
scholar Marin St. Drinov appears to be
correct, that at different times different
tribes of the northern and western Slavs,
or, rather, fragments of them, made
settlements here ; a further proof of the
theory is the divergent dialects of the
Bulgarian language.
Historians state that of the Slavs in
the western half of the Balkans the Serbs
and Croatians were the most numerous,
and that they alone founded kingdoms
of their own side by side with the Bul-
garian state. But this may mean no more
Th K" d than that, as in the case of
of S T^ °™' Bohemia, Poland, or Russia,
—4 r> ^ ♦• one small tribe was enabled,
ana Croatia 1 ^i r <■ <-
by the force of some favour-
able circumstance, gradually to subdue
other tribes, and to include them under its
own name, while itself becoming denational-
ised by the conquered tribes. This may be
true of the Serbs and Croatians, as we
have seen that it was of the Bulgarians.
The whole group thus passed into one
political unity, and then acquired some
meaningless name, possibly taken from a
river, mountain, lake, or town of the
country, from a national leader, or per-
haps from some totally different language.
All, then, that can be said is this — that
side by side with the Bulgarians in the
east of the peninsula two important
kingdoms, the Servian and Croatian, were
afterwards formed on the west ; though
each of these, like the Bulgarians, included
several tribes.
The numerous Slav races, then, bore for
the moment different names. Three of
these, Bulgaria, Croatia, and Servia,
became important ; and all others were
included under these. The Greeks, how-
ever, gave them all collectively the one
name of Slaveni, and knew the whole
country as Slavinia. The Eastern Roman
Empire was known as Romania by the
THE SOUTHERN SLAV PEOPLES
Slavs. This name, however, they apphed
particularly to the Thracian plain. At
the present day the mountain tribes on
the borders of the Thracian plain call the
inhabitants of the plain Romance and
the women Romanka, although the whole
country up to the neighbourhood of
Constantinople was entirely under Slav
influence.
The Slavs of that period, like most of
the European peoples, were at a stage of
civilisation which may be described as
semi-nomadic. While cattle-rearing and
hunting were their main sources of food,
agriculture was also carried on, and, as
among the Germans, was obligatory upon
the women and slaves. An historian
informs us that the Avars employed the
Slav women for agricultural purposes and
in place of draught-animals, which was
no innovation on their part. Nomadic
tribes periodically deserted the lands
which they had ploughed, and removed to
virgin soil.
Social and also civic life in the Balkan
Peninsula, and probably among all the
Slavs, is founded upon the family group
_, ., ^ , or household (the sadrue;a),
Family Customs i .; i i • j .1
:- .k- n.ii..- which has survived there, as
in Lithuania and Russia, to
the present day, so that it
cannot be regarded as a consequence of a
Byzantine or Turkish system of taxation.
Survivals of household organisation have
also been demonstrated to exist among the
Germans of that particular period. The
married children do not leave the father's
house, but remain together under the
government of the father or patriarch. All
the members of such a family bear the name
of the family chief ; thus the descendants
of Radovan and the people of the district
they inhabited were known as Radovanici.
When the family had so increased as to
make common life impossible some portion
broke away from the union, founded a new
settlement, took a new name, and formed
a new sadruga, which, however, remained
in connection with the original family
and worshipped the same deity, who
thus remained a common object of rever-
ence to several branch settlements. A
sadruga might contain from fifty to sixty
members ; the chief was known as starosta,
or starjesina, or gospodar, or wladyka, or
djedo, or domakin.
The tribe originated in the union of
several families. The family was admin-
istered by the elders, who apportioned the
in the Balkan
Peninsula
work, performed the service of the gods
during the heathen period, and represented
the family in its external relations.
Community of property made individual
poverty impossible ; those only who had
been expelled from the federation of ihe
family were abandoned. The affairs of
the whole tribe were discussed by an
_ - assembly of the elders. The
f *'* district inhabited by a tribe was
p"''**^ . known as Zupa, and its central
' ^^ ' ^ point, which also contained
the shrine of the gods in the heathen
period, was a citadel or grad. One of
the elders or patriarchs was chosen as
governor of k Zupa., and was then known
as the Zupan, or, among the Croatians,
as the Ban.
To this social organisation, which con-
tinued longer among the Slavs than
among the Germans, are to be ascribed all
the defects and the excellencies of the
Slav tribes. The families did not readily
separate from each other, but soon
increased to the size of tribes. Hence,
cattle-breeding and agriculture were con-
ducted to a considerable extent under a
system of communal labour and reached a
high pitch of prosperity ; consequently
they were able easily to colonise and per-
manently to maintain their hold of wide
tracts of country. Other conquering
nations, such as the Goths and Huns,
poured over the country, leaving behind
them only the traces of the devastation
which they had caused, and then dis-
appeared, whereas the Slavs settled in the
country which they occupied.
A further consequence was that the Slavs
were in no need of extraneous labour for
agricultural purposes, and therefore slavery
was never so firmly rooted an institution
among them as among the Germans. The
Slavs usually made their slaves members
of the household, as is related by the
Emperor Mauricius. The Slavs were also
able to carry agriculture and manufacture
. to a higher point.. Their stand-
'f **?.. ard of morality was higher,
and Military 4. 4.1, ■ ^ j.
-J owing to their close corporate
life and strong family discipline,
a fact which also favoured the increase of
their population. On the other hand, the
Germans, among whom agriculture was
performed by slaves, devoted themselves
entirely to hunting and military pursuits.
Still this family organisation enables
us to explain why the Slavs were not
successful as the founders of states. Their
3073
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
common family life, while implying rever-
ence for their patriarch, also produced a
democratic spirit which was entirely
opposed to any strict form of constitution.
No family was willing to become subject
to another ; all families desired to be
equal ; one defended the freedom of
another. No family chief was willing to
_ _ acknowledge the supre-
„.' . ,. macy of another, nor need
Historians on the / i • xl i. ^i,
csi /^v A we feel surprise that the
Slav Character , , , , , ^ , . ,
blood feud was an mstitu-
tion which flourished upon such soil.
Hence, among the Slavs it was far
easier for an individual to secure the
supremacy over a number of families
or tribes if he stood outside them and was
unshackled by their discipline.
It is, therefore, no mere chance that king-
doms of any importance could be founded
among the Slavs only by foreign tribes, often
invited for that purpose. This peculiarity
of the Slav character struck the Byzantine
historians. " They have abundance of
cattle and corn, chiefly millet and rye,"
says the Emperor Mauricius ; " rulers,
however, they cannot bear," he says in
another place, " and they live side by
side in disunion. Independence they love
above all things, and decline to undergo
any form of subjection." Procopius also
relates in the sixth century that the Slavs
declined to submit to the rule of any one
man, but discussed their common aifairs
in council. The pride and honour of
individual families was to them more
important than all else. Only under
pressure of direst need did the Slav tribes
join in choosing a common leader, and for
this reason strangers were easily able to
secure dominion over them.
Concerning the religion of the southern
Slavs, our sources of information have
little to tell us ; they were polytheists,"
their chief deities were the heaven and the
heavenly bodies. Of Svantovit and
Perun, the deities of the northern Slavs, no
traces are to be found. They worshipped
The Rel' " their gods in groves, moun-
of the * '*"*'* tains, and rocks. Victims
Southern Slavs ^^^^ "^^'^^ ^^ .^hem with
song. Together with the gods
' they reverenced other beings, such as the
Vilen or Samovilen (in Thrajcia, Samodivy),
Budenice, Rojenice, Judi, Vijulici, spirits
and female wizards (brodnice). Research,
however, has not said the last word upon
this point, and the personalities of many
heathen gods are doubtful.
3074
The districts south of the Danube and
north of the Adriatic were under the rule
of the Byzantine emperor, though Byzan-
tine rulers were rarely able to exercise
any real supremacy. Immigrant tribes
from time to time nominally recognised
the rights of the Byzantine emperors to
these lands, and troubled themselves no
further upon the matter. We may even
question whether such immigrants always
secured the consent of the emperor to their
settlement upon Roman territory — a fact
which the Byzantine historians continually
reassert, for reasons easily intelligible.
These peoples came into the country be-
cause they met with no resistance, and
were the more readily inclined to acknow-
ledge a vague supremacy, as the\^ were
themselves incapable of founding states.
It is not so much through their military
power as through their diplomatic skill
and wealth, and also through the disunion
of the Slavs, that the Byzantines were able
to retain, at any rate, a formal supremacy
over these territories during many troub-
lous periods. Notwithstanding the great
success of the Slav colonisation, the Slavs
never succeeded in founding
ih SI* ^^ independent state in the
P .. . Balkan territories ; on this point
both they and the Germans were
far inferior to the Turco-Tartar races.
Apart from the fact that these latter, by
their introduction of cavalry service, with
the use of the stirrup, possessed more for-
midable forces and obtained greater mili-
tary success, they had also the further
advantage of possessing the ideal of a
strong state, though in roughest outline.
This they had learnt from the civilised
nations of Asia. In Europe their appear-
ance exercised some influence upon the
military habits and constitutional or-
ganisation of the Germanic and Slav
world, especially of the Goths ; evidence
of the fact is the migration of peoples,
which was brought about by their arrival.
It is not until this that the Germans and
Slavs united into larger groups — that is,
into states. It was, then, no mere chance
that these peoples were the first to found
kingdoms in the districts inhabited by
the Slavs. They were the Huns, Avars,
Bulgars, Chazars, Magyars, Patzinaks,
Polovzes, Tartars, and Ottomans.
We know practically nothing of the rela-
tions of the Slavs to the state of the Huns.
On the other hand, we learn a good deal
of the political life of the Slavs in the sixth
THE SOUTHERN SLAV PEOPLES
century, when the second Turkish people,
the Avars, founded a considerable empire
in the district occupied by the Slavs. The
supremacy of the Avars seems to have
extended over the whole district of modern
Hungary, Bohemia, and Moravia, the whole
of Austria proper, the northern districts
of the Elbe and Saale, and also south-
wards to the Danube over modern Dal-
matia and Servia. As they were a people
of giants, they were called by their neigh-
bours simply Avars, or giants. Their rule
was exceedingly oppressive. Fredegar's
chronicle of the seventh century relates
that the Slavs were forced to participate
in every campaign of the Avars, and to
fight, while the Avars drew up before the
encampment. Agriculture was the sole
work of the Slavs ; other historians inform
us that they were often used as draught-
animals and beasts of burden. The Avars
were the first foreign people whose per-
manent supremacy over the Slavs is his-
torically established for the sixth century.
About the beginning of the seventh
century the position of the Slavs improved,
in consequence of a great defeat experi-
, . . ^ enced by the Avars in 626.
Independent ^, . i^u ij j
CI -CI The Avar Khan had under-
Slavonic Slate , , 1 1 ■ ■ 1
E t bl* h d taken a plundermg raid on
the Byzantine Empire, ap-
parently as early as 623, and besieged Con-
stantinople, when the Emperor Heraclius
began war against the Persians; the cam-
paign must have lasted some years. At this
time, about the year 623, the Slavs on the
Danube in the districts of Bohemia and
Moravia revolted and founded an indepen-
dent kingdom under the leadership of a
certain Samo. When the Avar bands
before Constantinople were destroyed in
626, the Avar power was considerably
weakened for a whole generation.
The Slav tribes who had been hitherto
subdued were now able to assert them-
selves. They joined Samo, and appointed
him their king in 627, the more easily to
oppose the attacks of the Langobardi,
Bavarians, and Avars. Then was founded
the first important independent Slav
kingdom known to history ; it lay in
the western part of the modern Austrian
monarchy. Samo maintained his position
until 662 (according to others, until
658) — that is to say, for thirty-five years.
After his death his empire disappears from
the scene. We hear later of the Karantani
as waging war with the Bavarians, and
finally coming under Bavarian supremacy,
196
and, in the eighth century, of a Slovenian
kingdom in Moravia and of another in
Pannonia ; whence we may conclude that
the kingdom of Samo had undergone a
process of disruption.
The foundation of the Avar kingdom
was, moreover, of importance to Slav
history for another reason. The oppres-
Th SI • ^^^^ ^^^^ °^ *^^ Avars induced
.u n iL the Slavs to abandon their
the Balkan , . , ■,■%•.
Territories ^omes m large bodies, to
migrate northwards or south-
wards, and there to occupy new districts.
It was, therefore, at that time that the
immigration of the Slavs to the Balkan
territories began upon a larger scale. In
other respects also the Slavs were now
able to assert themselves more strongly.
The defeat of the Avars in the year 626
had been of decisive importance both for
the Slavs and for the Byzantines. Whole
provinces now broke away from the Avars
and were occupied by the Slavs.
Thus it is no mere coincidence that at
this period two numerous Slav tribes
appear in the north-west of the Balkan
Peninsula. We hear that the Croatians,
who are said, upon evidence of the Em-
peror Constantine Porphyrogennetos, to
have come from the north, defeated the
Avars about the year 626, and appeared
as independent inhabitants of the country
which they occupied. Their territories
were bounded on the north by the Save
and by a line running parallel to this
river from the Unna to the sea, on the
west by the Adriatic, on the south by
the mouth of the Cettina River and by the
Lake of Imoshi, on the south-east by a line
of mountains running from this lake to the
sources of the Verbas, and finally on the
east by the Verbas itself. Their chief
centres were Biograd — the modem Zaza
Vecchia — and Bihac. These boundaries
exist at the present day, though their value
is purely ethnographical. It must also be
remembered that the whole of the territory
... _ ^ now occupied by the Croa-
Sr'vrnfanlnd" *^^"^ ^"^ ''^"'^^ ^^*^'" ^^^"^
ovenianan i^gionprg^ formerly to the
Croatian tribes 01 • j n j
Slovenians, and was called
Slovenia. In course of time the Slovenian
and Croatian tribes coalesced. Even at the
present day a remembrance of these con-
ditions is preserved by the name Slavonia,
wnich denotes part of the Croatian king-
dom, by the name of the Slovak tribe in
Hungar5% and by the old Pannonian-
Slovenian kingdom. The Croatians thus
3075
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Where Servian
Champions
Founi Refuge
absorbed the north-west of Bosnia and
Dalmatia as far as Spalatro.
The Serbs soon followed the Croatians
across the Save, and, according to the
Byzantine chroniclers, demanded and ob-
tained from the emperor a
place of settlement. They
occupied the modern Bosnia
with the exception of the
Croatian portion, which is still known as
Turco-Croatia. To them also belonged the
greater part of Herzegovina, Southern Dal-
matia, Northern Albania, Montenegro, Old
Servia (Novi-Bazar), the northern districts
of the Prizrend pashalik, and the modern
Servia. At the present day we find the
Serbs in these territories. Here they
formed several larger and smaller princi-
palities, mutually independent, known
as Zupanates.
To begin with the most southern,^ we
have the principality of Zeta or Duklja —
from Dioclea, which is named after the
birthplace of the Emperor
Diocletian. This was the
original home of the ruling
family of the Neman] ids,
under whose supremacy
Servia afterwards rose to
the height of her power.
This district was at all times
a place of refuge for the
champions of Servian in-
dependence. It was here
that Montenegro developed,
and succeeded in maintain-
ing her freedom until our
own days ; it was only
during the blood-stained
period of Turkish supre-
macy that she lost some
part of her independence.
From Cattaro to Ragusa
extended Travunia or
Konavlia, more or less
corresponding with the
area of the modern
Trebinje in Herzegovina.
From Ragusa to the Gulf
of Stagno and inland as far
as Narenta extended
Zachluima, thus embracing
a portion of Herzegovina
about the Gatzko and
Nevesinje. Neretva, o r
Pagania, extended from the
gulf of Stagno to the
mouth of the Cettina.
The inhabitants, known as
3076
Neretshans or Pagans, because for a long
time they declined to accept Christianity,
were dreaded pirates, and often fought
victoriously against Venice.
To the east of Zeta, Travunia, and
Zachlumia lay Servia proper, the most
extensive province of all, nearly corre-
sponding to the modern Servia except for
the fact that it included Bosnia, which
broke away from it in course of time.
Among the Zupanates belonging to Servia
special mention may be made of that of
Rasha or Rassa, the modern Novi-Bazar,
known as Rascia in the mediaeval sources
for the history of Western
Europe. This Croatian and
Servian district, the modern
Istria, Bosnia, Servia, Dalmatia,
Montenegro, Albania, Herzegovina —
roughly a third of the Balkan Penmsula —
formed the Roman province of Dalmatia,
with Salona as a central administrative
point ; under the Byzantine Empire
The Slavs
Lose Their
Nationality
SPECIMtNS OF SLAVONIC JEWELLERY
THE SOUTHERN SLAV PEOPLES
these respective points bore the
same name. The Slavs extended
from this point over the whole
peninsula, but were there to
some extent deprived of their
nationality. Only in Macedonia
did they maintain their position,
although the Bulgarian race
was here again in predominance.
The Croatian and Servian tribal
principalities of the north-west,
the chieftains of which were
known as Zupans, united only
in case of great danger under a
highZupan. After long struggles
the position of high Zupan be-
came permanent, and the
foundation of a more important
empire was thus laid. Accurate
information concerning the
Croatian and Servian races is,
however, wanting until the
second half of the eighth
century, and especially until the
final destruction, of the Avar
kinejdom by Charlemagne.
When the Avar supremacy
was approaching its fall, another
Finno - Ugrian people, the
Bulgarians, crossed the Danube,
entered upon a series of con-
quests among the Slavs of the
peninsula, and even threatened
Constantinople. Their im-
migration is of special import-
ance for the history of the
Balkan Slavs and of the
Byzantine Empire. Neither the
Byzantines nor the Slavs were
able to offer any resistance. The Slavs,
who lacked any bond of union, repeatedly
surrendered. As early as the end of the
seventh century a Bulgarian state was
founded in the north-east of the peninsula,
and not only maintained its position
against the Greeks, but also seriously
threatened the old imperial city. Until
627 the Persian danger had threatened
Byzantium ; this was followed by the
Arab danger in 750 ; and now
the young Bulgarian kingdom
becomes prominent among the
enemies of the Byzantine Em-
pire. The boundaries of the new state
rapidly increased, and by degrees most of
the Balkan Slavs were federated under its
supremacy. Under Bulgarian leadership
the Slav tribes gradually coalesced to form
one people. The higher civilisation of the
<U)4<A^^X<^£3<ft,^^^.«^-«4%3.a^^j^ , Pfl Kill
A Union
of the
Tribes
THE BEGINNING OF SLAVONIC LITERATURE
The lig^ht of religion and literature came to the Slavs from Byzantium, the
apostles Constantine and Methodius, who went to Moravia in Hfi:i, inventing
a script for the writing of the Slav language and translating the Gospels for
the natives. This script is known as Glagolitic, and the above is a page
from the beg^inning of St. Luke's Gospel in an ancient Glagolitic manuscript.
Slavs, however, resulted eventually in
the imposition of their nationality upon
the Bulgarians, who were much inferior
in numbers, amounting at most to thirty
or fifty thousand, including women and
children ; it was only their name that these
warlike conquerors gave to
the state and the people. A
couple of centuries later there
were no longer any distinc-
tions between Slavs and Bulgarians ; all
were called Bulgarians but spoke the Slav
language.
About the period of the Bulgarian immi-
gration, which closes for the moment
the migrations of peoples south of the
Danube, the Balkan Peninsula displayed a
most motley mixture of populations.
Side by side with the Romans and the
Greeks, the latter of whom proudly called
3077
Bulgarians
Adopt the Slav
Language
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
themselves Romaioi, were the Slavs,
who formed the majority, and among
them for a considerable period remnants of
the old inhabitants, the Thracians, from
whom or from the lUyrians the Albanians
are supposed to be descended. There
are also to be found remnants of Goths
and Gepids ; in Croatia there were rem-
nants of the Avars, and to
Founding
these in the seventh century
S t*a^t e*^*"" were added the Finno-Turkish
tribe of the Bulgarians. The
process of unification then began. Many
tribes were absorbed by others, with the
result that new nationalities were formed,
such as the Roumanians. By the found-
ing of the Bulgarian state and the im-
position of the Slav nationality on the
Bulgarians, the Slavs became prepon-
derant both politically and ethnographic-
ally. Formerly the individual tribes
lived in somewhat loose dependence upon
Byzantium, and were the more easily
able to preserve their nationality ; now
any member of the Slav kingdom was
forced sooner or later to accept the Slav
civilisation.
The Avar people had brought disaster
upon the southern Slav tribes, whereas the
immigration of the Bulgarians secured
the predominance of the Slavs in the
peninsula. The political life of the Balkan
Slavs novv centres round three main points
— in the east the Bulgarian kingdom, in
the centre the Servian, and in the west
the Croatian principalities. Of Byzantine
supremacy hardly a trace remained, except
that a scanty tribute was transmitted to
Byzantium. Only when some more power-
ful ruler occupied the throne of Constanti-
nople were the reins drawn tighter or did the
flame of war blaze up. At a later period
the dependence upon Byzantium came to
an end. Some influence upon the political
affairs of the north-west portion of the
Balkan Peninsula was exercised by the ap-
pearance of Charles the Great, who waged
^ war with the Eastern empire
f°Ch"*'i * ^" 7^^ concerning certain By-
th G t zantine possessions in Italy.
He conquered both Istria and
Dalmatia, and the Slovenians between the
Drave and the Save paid him. tribute until
812, when he renounced his claims to the
districts extending to the Drave, under a
peace with Byzantium. At the present
day monuments dating from the period of
Charles' supremacy over these countries
are to be found in the museum at Agram.
3078
The position of the Slav territories
brought with it the consequence that
Christianity was imposed upon them from
three sides : on the one hand from Aqui-
leia by Italian priests ; on the northern
side from Salzburg by Germans ; and,
finally, from Byzantium by Greek mission-
aries. There were other isolated attempts,
but these may be neglected.
The original dissemination of Christian
doctrine is here, as in other cases, wrapt
in obscurity. Some missionaries came
from the Frankish kingdom. Thus Colum-
ban, according to the narrative of his
biographer, Jonas, after his expulsion
from Burgundy by King Theoderic about
610, is said to have conceived the plan of
preaching the Gospel to the Slavs in Nori-
cum. About 630 Bishop Amandus, of
Utrecht, entering the kingdom of Samo,
determined to win the martyr's crown.
He was followed about 650 by St. Em-
meram with a priest, by name Vitalis, who
was learned in the Slav language.
More fruitful in result was the activity of
Bishop Rupert, of Worms, who founded a
bishopric and monastery in the Noric
_ ^ Juvavia, Salzburg. Hence-
»« 1 rn- t forward the diocese of Salz-
Work of oishop , J ^ 1 / 1
y. ... burg undertook the conver-
irgi lus ^.^^ ^^ ^^^ Alpine Slavs,
naturally under the protection of the
Bavarian dukes. Especially good service
was done by Bishop Virgilius, who occupied
the see of Salzburg between 745 and 785.
He sent out capable missionaries to
Karantania and built churches there. The
princes of Karantania themselves saw the
necessity for accepting the Christian faith ;
Chotimir invited Bishop Virgilius to his
court, though with no result.
The mission was energetically supported
by Duke Tassilo II. (748-788) of Bavaria,
the first duke to rule over Karantania.
He cherished the idea of shaking off the
Frankish yoke, and looked to Karantania
for support, which he thought could best
be gained by the dissemination of Chris-
tianity. He founded monasteries, or gave
leave for such foundations under the ex-
press obligation of continuing the missions.
Such foundations were Innichen and
Kremsmiinster. After the subjugation of
Tassilo by the Franks in 788, the work of
conversion was completed under Bishop
Arno. He received the necessary full
powers from the emperor and Pope, and
completed the organisation of the Church
by appointing a local bishop, by name
THE SOUTHERN SLAV PEOPLES
Theodoric. Once again it was a Wendish
prince, Ingo, who supported his efforts.
The patriarch of Aquileia suddenly
raised an objection to these proceedings,
alleging that those districts belonged to
his own diocese. It is true that we know
nothing of any missionary energy dis-
played by Aquileia in that quarter. Yet
missions there must have been from
Aquileia, for in 8io Charles the Great was
able to secure a compromise on terms
which made the Drave a frontier line for
the two claimants. Thus thenceforward the
Slavs were divided between two dioceses.
The whole position was altered in the
course of the ninth century, when Byzan-
tium took the work of conversion seriously
in hand. The Slav nation had for a long
time opposed the first Christian missions
because these were supported by their
princes ; when, however, they observed
that by the acceptance of Christianity they
had lost their freedom, tliey changed their
opinion. If it were necessary to accept
Christianity at all, it was better to take it
from a quarter whence no danger of subjuga-
tion threatened. This was only possible
_ T. . by adherence to the Greek
"'^.'"" Church. The East Roman
Empire had in course of time
fallen into enmity withRome,
a dissension which extended to ecclesiasti-
cal affairs. In the ninth century Byzantium
bad resolved to act decisively against the
West. From that period her influence
increased and extended in a wide stream
over the Balkan Peninsula. The Greek
language, Greek writing and coinage,
Greek art and literature, Greek law and
military science, were disseminated among
the Slavonic tribes ; and of even greater
importance was the missionary activity of
the East Roman Church.
Of decisive importance for the fate of the
Balkan Slavs and for the Slav nationality
in general, indeed for Eastern Europe as
a whole, was the moment when the
patriarchal chair of Constantinople was
occupied by Photius, one of the greatest
scholars that the Byzantine state pro-
duced. Apart from the fact that he strove
with all his might to further the revival
of Greek antiquity and brought Bj'zantine
culture to its zenith, his ecclesiastical
policy was actuated by hostility to the
Roman chair, and brought about the
official division of the Byzantine. Church
from Rome. He won over many nations
and vasts tracts of country for the Byzan-
at Enmity
With Rome
tine Church. During the imperial period,
the Roman Empire had been divided into
East and West only in respect of pohtics ;
this division was now superseded by the
ecclesiastical separation. The whole of
the East, with its wide northern territories,
occupied by the Slavs henceforth recog-
nised the predominance of the Byzantine
»- n .. Church and sided with
The Byzantine n 4- i.- 1 ^l
^. . c J Constantmople m the
Church Succeeds . . K , . ,
Where Rome Fail, P^t struggle which now
began. Of the move-
ments called forth in Europe at that
time and for centuries later by the
action of Photius, we can form but a vague
idea in view of the scantiness of our
records. A rivalry of unprecedented
nature between the two worlds broke out
along the whole line, and the great and
vital point at issue was the question,
which of the churches would be successful
in winning over the yet unconverted Slavs.
To the action of this great patriarch alone
the Byzantine Church owes the success
which it achieved over the Romans in this
struggle. In vain did Rome make the
greatest efforts to maintain her position ;
success was possible for her only when
German arms were at her disposal. Even
to-day the Slavs reproach the Germans for
attempting to secure their subjugation
under the cloak of the Christian religion.
But the German emperor and princes were
only pieces upon the great chessboard,
moved by unseen hands from Rome. At
a later period the German princes marched
eastward, not to convert, but to conquer.
Almost at this time two Slav princes
sent ambassadors to Byzantium and asked
that the work of conversion might begin ;
they were the Moravian Ratislav and the
Bulgarian Boris. It is possible that the
prince of the Khazars had done the same
two years earlier. Photius began the work
of conversion with great prudence. Two
brothers from Thessalonica, learned in the
Slav language and experienced in mission-
ary work, were chosen to preach the Gospel
to the Slavs. It was decided,
Preaching jiowever, definitely to separate
Jh* sr?s ^^^"^ ^^"'^ ^^^ nationalities
* *'* won over to the Greek Church,
and for this purpose Byzantium, in opix)si-
tion to the Roman use, which allowed the
liturgy to be recited only in Latin, laid
down the principle that each people might
conduct public worship in its own language.
Thus, outside the three sacred languages,
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, the Slav was
3079
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Apostles who
Founded Slavonic
Literature
recognised as of equal importance, as had
been at an earlier period the Syrian,
Coptic, and Armenian tongues.
Constantine and Methodius, the two
Slav apostles, went forth to their desti-
nation, Moravia, in 863. They invented a
special form of writing for the Slavs, that
which is nowadays known as Glagolitic ;
they translated the sacred
books into the Slavonic
tongue, and thus became
the founders of Slavonic
literature. They organised the Slav Church,
founded schools, had churches built, and
travelled over the whole country, every-
where carrying the light of civilisation and
of the new religion. " And full of delight
were the Slavs when they heard the wonders
of God in their own language," says the old
Slav legend concerning Methodius.
When, shortly afterwards, divine service
was recited in the Slav language in the
churches of Moravia and Pannonia, the
German clergy were stricken with fear, as
they now saw that the East, the field of
their future missionary activity, was lost
to them. They expostulated forthwith
both to the German emperor and to Rome,
enlarging upon the danger which might
threaten both powers from this side. In
order that their work might not be checked
at its outset, the two apostles went to Rome
to explain their position and to gain confir-
mation for their work. Upon their return
journey they entered the Pannonian
kingdom at Lake Platten, where Kozel
was ruler. The two brothers were able
to win over the prince to the Gospel so
entirely that he began to read the Slav
books and ordered several youths to do
the same. When the apostles of the Slavs
had won over the Pope to their cause, and
Methodius was made Bishop of Moravia,
Kozel sent an embassy to Rome requesting
that the Pope would also place his princi-
pality under the new bishop. The Pope
thereupon raised Methodius to the position
^ .. .of archbishop, with a seat
Croatians and o . ^ , ...
the Christianity ;i; Syrmmm, and umted
of the Slavs "^^ prmcipahty to
the old diocese of Syrmia.
Croatia on the Save was also placed under
this Pannonian archbishopric. The Slav
liturgy then extended with marvellous
rapidity, and the prestige of the Bavarian
clergy sank so low that their arch-priest
was forced to return to Salzburg in 870.
The Bulgarian prince Boris hesitated for a
long time between Rome and Byzantium ;
3080
and it is doubtful whether his final
decision in favour of Byzantium was not
dictated by the political object which had
influenced Ratislav, the prospect of secur-
ing his independence of Germany. Apart
from the advantage conferred by the Slav
liturgy, his action was decided by the
further fact that so many Greek Christians
were contained among his people that the
acceptance of Greek Christianity seemed
inevitable. Finally, he may also have
acted in the interests of that Bulgarian
policy which aimed at the conquest of
Constantinople. For the conversion of the
Bulgarians, the advice of both missionaries
seems to have been sought. At the same
time the Croatians accepted the Slav form
of Christianity. It was now impossible
for the Servian tribes to stand aloof. We
do not, however, know when they came
over. Some are said to have accepted
Christianity as early as the seventh
century under the Emperor Heraclius ;
but it was not until a new band of scholars
and priests came into the country from
Pannonia that the Slav Church became
capable of development. After the death
of Methodius, in 885, the Slav Church was
_ ... no longer able to maintain its
Period of M.- • T-> c A
,. position in Pannonia; Svato-
I erary pj^j^^ ^j^g successor of Ratislav,
drove out the disciples of
Methodius and placed his country under
the German Church. The Slav clergy
from Moravia found a hospitable reception
in Bulgaria, and their activity created the
Bulgarian Slav literature. The Bulgarian
throne was then occupied by Symeon, the
son of Boris (893-927), who was able to
turn the knowledge and the powers of the
new arrivals to the best account. He lost
no time in commanding Bulgarian transla-
tions of the Greek authors, ecclesiastical as
well as secular. Thus, for instance, the
monk Gregor translated the chronicle of
John Malala, and added to it the Old
Testament history and a poem upon
Alexander ; fragments only survive of the
Greek original, whereas the Bulgarian
translation contains the whole work.
The existence of a Slav literature, the
most important of that day in Europe
after ' the Graeco- Roman, won over the
whole of the Slav nationality to the By-
zantine Church and facilitated its con-
version. The remaining. Balkan Slavs
now gave in their adherence to Bulgarian
literature, and Bulgaria became the middle-
man of culture between Constantinople
THE SOUTHERN SLAV PEOPLES
and the northern Slavs. The Balkan
Slavs gave the watchword to the other
members of their great nationality. The
connection of the Slavs with Greek
civilisation was secured by the fact that
the above-mentioned Constantine, Bishop
of Velica (or Bishop Clemens of Dre-
novica), replaced the inconvenient Glago-
Utic script by an adaptation of Greek
writing made for the Slavs and aug-
mented by the addition of several new
signs representing sounds pecuhar to the
Slav language. This was the CyrilUc writing.
A common literature, civilisation, and
religion brought Greeks and Slavs closer
together, until they formed one group
united by a common civilisation ^nd
divided from the West. This event was
of decisive influence upon the future of
the whole Slav nationality. The southern
Slavs in particular inherited all the ad-
vantages and all the defects of the Greek
character, nor was it politically alone
that they shared the fate of the Byzantine
Empire. The sloth, the indifference, the
stagnation, and the other defects which
characterised the Greek Church are con-
sequently reflected in the society and
culture of the Slavs at every turn. The
want of organising power and of discipline
which characterises the Greek Church
has permanently influenced the poUtical
life of the Slavs. For the Slavs were
devoid of any leading political idea, and
clung to the principles of the slowly decay-
ing Byzantine Empire. Divided as they
were into a number of tribes opposed to
union, they were bound, sooner or later,
to fall a prey to some powerful conqueror.
The only bond of union between the
Slav races in the Balkan Peninsula was
Christianity and the Graeco-Slav civilisa-
tion. The Bulgarian kingdom advanced
with rapid strides, as it rose to power,
towards the gates of Byzantium, until it
entered upon a mighty struggle with
the Emperor John Tzimisces in 971
and was finally conquered in 1018 by
Basil II. ; meanwhile, the history of
the Croatian and Servian tribes comes
but slowly into view from the historical
background of the north-west. The part
played by the Servian and Croatian
Zupans is but very small. For the pur-
pose of maintaining their independence
they wavered between Bulgaria and By-
zantium, ranging themselves now on one
side, now on the other. Many Servian
and Croatian principalities were subju-
gated by the Bulgarians. After the con-
quest of Bulgaria they were forced to join
the Byzantine kingdom, and to secure
themselves against aggression from this
side they turned to Rome.
SERVIAN BANDITS RESTING AT A MOUNTAIN INN
3081
3082
EASTERN EUROPE
TO THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE
SOUTHERN SLAVS
II
CROATIA AND ITS WARRIOR RACE
THE WORLD-RENOWNED REPUBLIC OF RAGUSA
'"THE history of Croatia begins at an earlier
* date than that of Servia ; especially
is this true of the coast land occupied by
the Croatians, which was also known to
the Italians as Slavonia. The year 634
is the date generally given to the immi-
gration of the Croatians. They were
subdued by the Franks, and after the dis-
ruption of the Carolingian Empire they
submitted to the Greek Emperor Basil I.
about 877. About the year 900 they once
again secured their independence. Prince
Muntimir is said to have laid the founda-
tion of this success. Among the Croatians
of the coast land we find an independent
prince as early as the ninth century, by
name Borna, who bears the title Dux
Liburniae et Dalmatise. The central point
of this duchy lay in the North about
Klis, Nona, Zara Vecchia, and Knin.
In the ninth century Christianity was
introduced with the Slav liturgy and the
. ^ . ^. Glagolitic script, and in 879 a
Introduction ^^jgj^^p^.^ was founded at Nona
^. . . . by the duke Branimir. The
ns lani y Qjg^gQjj^jf, script was forbidden
to the Roman clergy by the Synod of Spa-
latro in 924, but was afterwards allowed by
Innocent IV. in 1248, and is still in use
in the churches in that district. In 1898
Pope Leo XIII. issued fresh regulations
concerning the use of Glagolitic and of the
Slav Uturgy inDalmatia and the coast land.
The Servian chieftain Michael did not
secure the title of king from Gregory
VII. until the eleventh century, whereas
the Croatian chief Timislav was granted
that title, also by Rome, as early as 926.
In other respects the balance of power
between Croatia and Servia on the frontier
line was continually changing ; at one time
Servian tribes were subjugated by the
Croatians, and at other times Croatian
districts were conquered by the Serbs.
In the tenth century Croatia became
a formidable power. The islands and
coast towns occupied by the Roman popu-
lation paid yearly tribute to the Croatian
princes with the consent of the East
Roman emperor, in order to secure
immunity from attacks upon their trade ;
the Venetians also paid tribute to the
Croatians for the same reason, down to
the end of the tenth century. According
to Constantine Porphyrogennetos (about
C ♦• ' 95*^)' *^^ Croatians, under the
«.. . princes Kriesmir and Miroslav,
Strong Army I, ■• r t-- • 1
. jT the successors of Timislav, were
*^^ able to place in the field 100,000
infantry and 60,000 cavalry, and possessed
180 ships of war. Soon, however, Venice
grew so strong that the payment of
tribute was refused by the Doge Peter 11.
Orsello, and in the year 1000 he con-
quered the Croatians and Narentanes and
assumed the title of Duke of Dalmatia ;
this was the first occasion on which
Venice acquired possession of the Dal-
matian coast. In order to save their
throne the Croatian ruling family formed
an alliance with the commercial republic.
Kresimir, the legitimate heir to the throne,
married Hicela, the daughter of the Doge,
and bore the title of King of Croatia and
Dalmatia from the year 1059.
These events aroused anxiety and
enmity in the Hungarian . court, which
found itself forestalled in its attempts to
secure a footing on the Adriatic Sea and
to conquer the coast of Dalmatia ; the
Hungarians also recognised that the
Venetian republic had become a dangerous
rival. The house of Arpad succeeded in
negotiating a marriage between the
daughter of King Geisa I. and the Croatian
duke, Svonimir, who at that time, 1076,
had been crowned king by the papal legate
of Gregory VII., and had thus admitted
his position as a vassal of the
Ab**" b* d b P^P^^ chair. In 1088, when
sor e y Svonimir died without children,
«ngary ^^.^ widow is said to have called
in her brother Ladislaus. He conquered
the interior of Croatia in 1091, but was
unable to advance to the sea, because
Hungary was herself threatened at that
time by the Cumanians. He entrusted
the government of the conquered district
3083
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
'^o his nephew Almus. Croatia thus
oecame an appanage of the Hungarian
Empire, whose fate it henceforward shared.
Hungary was thus necessarily forced into
hostiHty with Venice, as it was committed
to an attempt to conquer the Dalmatian
coast, then in Venetian hands. From
this time forward that part of Croatia
. lying next the sea — Dalmatia —
* A* 'i* formed for centuries the apple
*f D'^^ ^ d ^^ discord between Hungary and
Venice, li Byzantium sought
to assert her rights, she would have had
'to compose the quarrels of Hungary and
Venice.
While the Servian state succeeded in
maintaining its independence until 1389,
the excitable, military, and highly gifted
Croatian people had been made tributary
to their neighbours as early as the end of
the eleventh century ; while Servia had
been able easily to enrich herself at the
expense of the declining power of Byzan-
tium and Bulgaria, Croatia had to deal
with the rising state of Hungary and with
Venice, at that time the first commercial
power in Europe. Notwithstanding these
differences, Croatia would probably have
emerged victoriously from the struggle,
had she not been weakened by internal
dissensions. The interior of Croatia re-
mained united to Hungary. Venice and
Hungary struggled for a long time and with
varying success to secure the mastery of
the Croatian seaboard which was known
as Dalmatia. In the fourteenth century
the Bosnian king, Tvrtko, had secured a
temporary supremacy over Dalmatia and
assumed the title of " Rex Croatiae et
Dalmatiae." Even after his death in 1391
Bosnia retained her hold of part of
Southern Dalmatia, which thenceforward
bore the name of Herzegovina. In the
fourteenth century other claimants for
the possession of Dalmatia appeared in
the Angevin dynasty of Naples, until
King Ladislaus sold the province of Zadar
„ . to Venice for 100,000 ducats,
eniee ^^^ ^ j^^^ decided the struggle for
jj^j ' . Dalmatia in favour of Venice ;
after that period many states
voluntarily submitted to the Venetian
rule, while Hungarian influence steadily
decreased.
The consequence was that these two
related tribes entered upon divergent
careers. While the Serbs came under
Byzantine influence and accepted the
Greek Church and civilisation, Croatia,
3084
united to the West, lived under
wholly different conditions. The frontier
between the Servian and Croatian
settlements is, therefore, the frontier
between the East and West of Europe,
between the Greek and the Roman
worlds.
Different courses of development were
also followed by the two parts of Croatia.
While the coast line, within the area of the
Roman world, shared in Roman culture
and economic development, the interior
of Croatia remained part of Hungary,
and steadily declined in consequence.
In religious matters also the two parts of
the country were divided when Ladislaus
the Saint, of Hungary, founded a bishopric
in Agram and made it subordinate to the
archbishopric of Gran, in 1095. In the
year 1153 Agram was raised to the dignity
of an independent bishopric. In the
diocese of Agram the Slavonic ritual was
gradually driven out by the Latin, though
the Slavonic maintained its ground in
Dalmatia, after Innocent IV. had recog-
nised its equality with the Latin ritual
in 1248. At the present day the Slav
liturgy is allowed throughout the diocese
-. . of Zeng, while in the rest of
c'th 1* * Croatia only the epistles and
Q the gospels may be read in the
oun ry g^^^ tongue. In the Hungarian
portion of Croatia adherents of the
Eastern Church certainly maintained their
existence, and even multiplied during the
Turkish period after Suleiman II., owing
to the influx of Bosnian and Servian
fugitives ; at the present day there are in
the country thirteen monasteries of the
eastern Greek Church. Notwithstanding
this fact, Croatia has remained a distinctly
Catholic country.
Among the towns, the most important,
with the exception of the ancient Sissek,
which dates from Roman times, was
Kreutz, where the Hungarian king Kolo-
man is said to hav6 concluded his pact
with the Crocttians in 1097, and where, at
a later period, the Croatian national
assembly was accustomed to meet. With
these exceptions, town life developed
comparatively late. For example, Varas-
din secured municipal privileges from
Andreas II. in 1209. Bela IV. was the first
to promote town life by granting new privi-
leges, a step to which he was chiefly forced
by the devastations of the Mongols in 1224.
At the head of the Croatian government
was a ban ; this dignitary was originally
GENERAL VIEW OF THE ANCIENT CITY-SI All. uF RAGUSA, IN DALMATIA
This, one of the most picturesque towns on the Dalmatian coast, had a long; and remarkable history in the Middle Ages
as an independent city-state under repubUcan government Its merchants held an extensive trade throughout the east.
equivalent to a viceroy, and has retained
his prestige to our own days, notwithstand-
ing all the restrictions which the office has
undergone. In the course of time the ban
was appointed by the king, on the proposed
of the estates, and was solemnly inducted
into Agram by their deputies, accom-
panied by 1,000 riders, the " army of the
banate." Holding in his right hand the
sceptre as the sign of his knightly power,
and in his left hand the
standard as the sign of military
power, he took his oath to the
estates in the Church of St.
Mark, according to the formula
dictated by the royal plenipo-
tentiary. The powers of the
ban were great. He was able
to call an assembly of the
estates on his own initiative,
without previously securing
the king's consent. He pre-
sided over the national as-
sembly and signed its decrees.
He was the supreme judge, from whose
decisions appeals might be made only to
the king ; he was the commander-in-chief
of the collective Croatian troops, and in
time of war led the army of the banate in
person ; coins were even struck bearing
his name. In view of these facts, Lewis
the Great divided Croatia between several
bans in 1359 ; this, however, was only
a temporary expedient, introduced to
SEAL
provide the strong frontier government
required to meet the Turkish danger.
The chief legislative body of Croatia
was from ancient times the national
assembly, which, previous to the union
with Hungary, was summoned by the
king, and after that union by the ban.
It was originally held in Dalmatia, and
after the transference of the central power
northwards in some one or other of the
Croatian towns, such as Agram,
Kreutz, Warasdin, Cakathurn,
or Krapina. The most im-
portant powers of the Croatian
assembly enabled it to deal
with questions of legislaticuij
taxation, the levying of troops,
the choice of officials, and
administrative details. The
attempts of Lewis the Great
to unite the financial adminis-
tration of Croatia with that
of Hungary resulted in the
revolt of Croatia after his
death ; the plan was consequently aban-
doned by his son-in-law, King Sigismund.
Notwithstanding these privileges,
Croatia never ran a steady course of
development. It was a frontier land, and
was involved, to its detriment, in every
war. Hence it required another kind of
supervision than that which Hungary was
able to provide. Croatia suffered more
particularly in the Turkish period, and it
3085
OF THE REPUBLIC
OF RAGUSA
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
then became wholly obvious that Hungary
was unequal to the task of administering
the country. The land became utterly
desolate, and the taxable wealth of Croatia
steadily declined. At a former period the
county of Kreutz contained some 12,000
taxable houses, while in the sixteenth
century there were hardly 3,000 to be
found in the whole country.
Turks Oust j^ ^^^ Venetian province
D^matT «^ Dalmatia towns and dis-
tricts enjoyed a certain
measure of self-government under voivodes,
rectors, and priors. Corporate life in the
towns had flourished on the Adriatic since
Roman times. Prosperity increased, and
civilisation consequently attained a high
stage of development. However, the
Venetian supremacy came to an end after
1522 ; the decisive blow was struck in
1539, when the Ottomans seized the
greater part of Dalmatia, while Venice
was able to maintain her hold only of the
islands. At that period Turkey was at
the height of her power. Hungary herself
was conquered, and in Pesth the crescent
waved above the cross after 1541. Thus
both parts of Croatia shared the same fate.
Only one small municipality on the
extreme south of the Dalmatian coast
land was able to maintain a measure of
independence. This was the commercial
Slav republic of Ragusa. The district of
the modern Ragusa coincides with that of
the Greek city-state of Epidauros, the last
mention of which occurs in the letters of
Gregory I. During the Byzantine period
it formed a part of the Thema of Dalmatia.
After the immigration of the Slavs, the
Romans, according to the account of
Constantine VII. Porphyrogennetos, were
driven out of the town, and founded hard
by upon an inaccessible rock a new town,
known in Latin as Ragusium, and in Slav
as Dubrovnik. It was the seat of the
Byzantine strategos, and of the bishop
who was subordinate to the archbishop
_ in Spalatro. In the twelfth
_ * . ,?^ century an independent arch-
Republic II- r J J L
. jj bishopric was founded here.
agusa 'pj^g << Qgj^g Ragusea " became
more and more independent, and at the
close of the eleventh century joined the
Normans in fighting against Byzantium.
At the head of this city-state of Ragusa
there appeared in the twelfth century " con-
sules" and "comites," although the district
was nominally under the rule of the Byzan-
tine " Dux Dalmatiae et Diocliae." The
3086
town was even forced to wage war against
Venice, which would have been glad to
occupy Dalmatia and Ragusa. After the
death of the Emperor Manuel in 1180,
the general confusion of political affairs
enabled Stefan Neman j a of Servia to
threaten the district ; the town then placed
itself under the protection of the Norman
kings of the Two Sicilies. After the
conquest of Constantinople by the
Crusaders in 1204 the Venetian fleet
appeared before Ragusa, which was then
forced to acquiesce in the supremacy of
Venice. The people of Ragusa were left
in possession of their old city government,
only from this time forward a Venetian
" comes " resided in the town. Under Vene-
tian supremacy the relations of Ragusa and
Servia became particularly friendly ; and
the rulers of the latter country several
times presented the republic with impor-
tant grants of land. After the death of
Dusan, in the period of the war between
the Magyars and Venetians for Dalmatia,
Venice was forced, in 1358, to renounce
her claims to the whole district between
Quarnero and Albania ; and Ragusa came
_ , under Hungarian rule, until,
Great ,- -i" • . -J
_ . . in 1526, it was incorporated
'^ with Turkey after the battle
«»««=*» of Mohacs. The hfe of the
town had long ago lost its national
characteristics. Shut in between two
Servian tribes, the Zachlumians and
Narentanes, it was open to such strong
Slav influence that at the beginning of
the eleventh century the Roman element
was whoUy in the minority.
This Slav commercial republic was known
throughout the East by reason of its exten-
sive trade ; even the Arab geographer
Edrisi mentions Ragusa. The series of
commercial treaties concluded by the
town begins with an agreement with Pisa in
ii6g ; this was followed by one with the
Ban Kulin of Bosnia in 1189, and by
another with Bulgaria in 1230. Especially
favourable were the privileges gi^anted
by the rulers of Servia, in return for which
the people of Ragusa paid a yearly
tribute — a thousand purple cloths and
fifty ells of scarlet cloth every year on the
day of St. Demetrius. To Stefan Dusan
they paid only five hundred purple cloths,
and even this he renounced in favour of
the monastery of Chilandar, on Mount
Athos, a regulation which remained in force
until \he French put an end to the republic
in 1806. Bosnia received five hvmdred
CROATIA AND ITS WARRIOR RACE
purple cloths, and Hungary five hundred
ducats. Almost the whole trade of the
Balkan Peninsula was in the hands of the
Ragusans, who outstripped even the
Venetians and Genoese. Colonies from
Ragusa were to be found in many Servian
and Bulgarian towns. The flag of Ragusa
was to be seen on every sea, and in every
important town of the East its factories
and consulates were to be found. It
was not until the period of Turkish
supremacy that the commerce of Ragusa
began to decay, notwithstanding the
various charters in the Slav language
which it received from the sultans ; it was
forced, however, to pay a tribute of 12,500
ducats.
The prosperity of this little state
naturally caused a considerable increase
of culture in the fifteenth century. Mathe-
matics and astronomy, and, later on,
literature, and especially Slav poetry, were
here brilliantly represented. Ragusa also
exercised a strong influence upon the
culture of the other Slavs in the Balkan
Peninsula, and was known as the Slavonic
Athens.
During the Turkish period Hungarian
Croatia suffered nearly the same fate as
Servia; thecountry became desolate. When,
however, the Croatians, independently
CROATIAN PEASANT WOMEN
PEASANT TYPES OF CROATIA
of Hungary, raised the house of Hapsburg
to the throne of Croatia in 1527, the
country became of primary importance
in Austrian politics ; Austrian rulers
recognised its value as a bulwark against
the Turks. The warlike Croatians soon
became the most valuable support of the
empire, not only against the Ottomans,
but also against other powerful enemies
in the west of Europe.
The fortification of the country began
in the sixteenth century. The castles
and citadels of the Croatian magnates
were transformed into fortresses, and
other strongholds were also placed along
the frontier at important points. Such
of the population as still remained in
the district were then called in for
military service, and fugitives from the
neighbouring Turkish countries met with
a hearty reception in Croatia.
Thus by degrees the deserted territory
was repopulated. As, however, Croatia was
not herself equal to these military burdens,
and as, upon the other hand, neighbouring
countries gained all the advantage from
the military occupation of the frontier, it
was only reasonable that Carniola, Styria,
and Carinthia should contribute their
share of the expense. Such was the
beginning of the Croatian military frontier ;
3087
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
at an early period Lewis I. had created
a *• capitanate " in Zeng, and Matthias
Corvinus had settled fugitives upon the
frontier.
The Archduke Charles performed valu-
able service in organising the military
frontier of Styria. He constructed the
_ ,. . great fortresses of Karlstadt, in
ortiying ^^^^^ ^^^ Varasdin, in 1595.
P . The land on the far side of the
Kulpa to the Adriatic Sea and
the Slavonic frontier to the Save were thus
fortified and divided into two generalates ;
one was the Croatian, or Karlstadt,
frontier, the other the Slavonic, Windish,
. or Varasdin frontier. The point chiefly
kept in view in constructing these fortifi-
cations was the defence of the waterways,
especially the lines of the Save, Kulpa,
and Drave, which had long been used by
the Turks. Although by the Croatian
• constitution the ban was the commander-
in-chief of all the troops on foot in Croatia,
yet the military organisation of the frontier
tended to make that district immediately
dependent upon the empire ; both frontiers
were under the administration of the
Council of War at Graz.
The Croatian estates certainly objected,
for they invariably regarded the military
frontier as an integral part of Croatia ; they
secured the concession that upon occasion
the authorities upon the frontier would
be ordered to act in concert with the ban.
To begin with, the foreign commanders
did not readily submit to these arrange-
ments ; apart from the question of the
ban, the estates of Carniola and Styria
also supported the independence of the
military frontier, for the reason that
the frontier had already become a no-
man's land, and was retained only by
great sacrifices on the part of the monarchy,
while Croatia had lost her right to it.
Notwithstanding the Croatian claims,
the military frontier became a special
j^. crown land, and obtained rights
- ' * .*'^ . of its own from the time of
Q^ .. Ferdinand III. In accordance
with these rights the peasants
were free, and subject to the emperor
alone From the age of eighteen every
frontier inhabitant was liable to military
service, and was obliged to keep himself
ready to take up arms for defence. The
land was divided into districts or " capi-
tanates." Every parish chose an overseer.
All the parishes composing a " capitanate"
chose their common judge, who, like the
parish overseer, was obliged to be
confirmed in office by those under his
command. As the Greek Church numbered
most adherents among the population, it
obtained equal rights with the Catholic
Church.
Ths Croatian estates organised the
country between the Kulpa and Unna on
similar principles, and as the ban was here
commander-in-chief, this frontier was
known as the frontier of the banate. In
the peace of Karlovitz in 1699, when the
districts of Croatia and Slavonia, once
occupied by the Turks, were given back,
a third generalate was instituted in Essek
for the newly freed Slavonia ; however,
in 1745 three Slavonic counties were
separated and handed over to the civil
administration.
The independence of the military pro-
vince of Croatia was a matter of great
importance to the Austrian rulers, as here
they had the entire population forming
a standing army always ready for war.
Hence the Emperor Charles IV. began a
_ . reorganisation of all the Croatian
-.'^°* ** military frontiers. The gene-
j^ '. ralate of Essek was divided
into three regiments, that of
Varasdin into two, that of Karlstadt into
four, and the frontier of the banate into
two. In the eighteenth century military
frontiers were organised, after the manner
of the Croatian, along the whole Turkish
frontier as far as Transylvania, the frontier
of Szekl in 1764, and that of Wallachia in
1766. In times of peace it was necessary
only to make provision for outpost
duty in the cardakes standing along the
Turkish frontier. Although foreign sol-
diers were removed from the frontier on
principle, yet the ofiicial posts were for the
most part occupied by foreigners, and the
official language was entirely German.
Every frontier inhabitant was liable to
military service from the age of seventeen
to sixty. The population was secure in
the possession of their land ; and the
military spirit of the Croatian frontier
population grew even stronger. Their
privileges inspired them with a decided
prejudice against the regime of the banate,
under which the territorial lords heavily
oppressed their subjects, and the estab-
lished Church was the Roman CathoHc.
3088
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE
SOUTHERN
SLAVS
III
SERVIAN ERA OF INDEPENDENCE
SERVIA, MONTENEGRO, AND BOSNIA
UNTIL THE TURKISH SUPREMACY
AFTER the conquest of Bulgaria by
'**^ Byzantium and the occupation of
Croatia by Hungary and Venice respec-
tively, the Servian race alone of all Slav
peoples in the Balkan Peninsula retained
any kind of independence, although they
were by no means as yet a united state.
At all times and in all ])laces small nations
have federated only when threatened by
some external danger ; thus it was that the
Russian and Lithuanian states arose,
and such is the history of all the Western
European states, and of Servia among
them. Under the great Tsar Symeon
Bulgaria so devastated the Servian dis-
tricts that they had to be re-colonised by
returning fugitives, and part of the Servian
tribes were forced to recognise Bulgarian
supremacy.
In the tenth century the Zupan
Ceslav succeeded for the first time
in uniting several Servian tribes for a
common struggle against the Bulgarians.
After the destruction of the Bulgarian
Empire by Basil II. Byzantine supremacy
over the whole peninsula was established
with a vigour which had been unprece-
dented since the time of Justinian I.,
and this state of things continued, under
the dynasty of the Comneni, till the end
of the twelfth century. The boundless
oppression of the government often, how-
ever, caused revolts among the Serbs.
The High Zupan Michael applied to Rome
for support, received thence the title of
—^ -. king, and maintained his
e agyar* independence of Bvzantium
Take Possession r ' ,• t-v , , r
, n . for some time. The help of
of Bosnia xv tt i *^ .
the Hunganans was also not
despised. A prominent figure about 1 120 is
Uros, or Bela Uros, the Zupan of Rassa,
whose family belonged to Zeta ; he entered
upon friendly relationswith the Hungarians,
married his daughter to Bela II., and
helped the Magyars to secure possession
of Bosnia. From the Rama, a tributary
of the Narenta on the south of Bosnia,
the Arpads now took the title of " King of
Rama."
Of even more importance for Servian
history is the rule of the son of Uros,
the famous Stefan I. Nemanja, who was
also bom in Zeta, the cradle of his race.
Although the youngest of his family, he
aimed at the principality of Rassa, and
Th G ^^^ ^^ *^^ general supremacy,
A bt*^* which he was able to secure
of Stefa I ^^^ ^^ ^^^P ^^ *^^ Byzantines.
■ Though he had been baptised
into the Western Church, he underwent
a repetition of the ceremony according
to the customs of the Eastern Church when
he had arrived in Rassa, in order to secure
the favour of the clergy and the people.
In the year 1165 the Emperor Manuel I.
confirmed his position as High Zupan
and gave him a piece of land, in return for
which Nemanja swore fidelity to him.
In the year 1173 Nemanja defeated his
relations and secured the obedience of
the refractory Zupans. In this way he
founded one uniform hereditary and
independent state. That process was here
completed which was going on at the same
time in Bohemia, Poland, and Russia.
And in these states also families began to
rule according to the law of seniority —
that is to say, the eldest member of the'
ruling family exercised a supremacy over
the rest until the transition to hereditary
monarchy had been completed. Princes
of the royal family who had hitherto
enjoyed equal rights now became officials
of the royal power. In Servia this change
was completed at a much earlier date than
in other Slav countries.
Nemanja also took in hand the organisa-
tion of the Servian Church. Converted
to the Greek faith, he built monasteries #
and churches, suppressed the Roman
faith, and cruelly persecuted the widely-
spread Bulgarian sect of the Bogumiles,
with the object of securing a uniform
religion throughout his own state. The
3089
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Eastern Church thus became established
in Servia, and the Eastern form of worship
became the national worship, so that
religion and nationality formed an un-
divided idea. At an earlier period the
Servian churches and bishoprics had been
subordinate to the Roman archbishopric
of Spalaro, and afterwards to that of
,«. _. , Antivari : now Eastern bishop-
The First , i u • i
_. ^ rics and an archbishopric were
Eastern - ^ —
Archbishop
founded for Servia alone. The
king's youngest son, Rastka,
was appointed the first Eastern archbishop
in Servia — at the Synod of Nicaea in 1221 —
under the name of Sava. He divided the
land into twelve bishoprics, and bestowed
episcopal rank on none but Servians. Zica
was made the residence of the Servian
archbishops ; at a later period Sava
carried thither the remains of his imperial
father, Neman] a, from Mount Athos ; here,
too, Servian kings were in future to be
crowned, and this was realised in the case
of Peter I. on October 9th, 1904. Sava
also founded monasteries in Servia, all
under the " rule " of Saint Basil, which he
had found in force at Athos. He enjoyed
immense prestige, and was highly honoured
as the first national saint of Servia.
In the year 1235 'the independence of the
Servian Church was recognised by the
Greeks.
This ecclesiastical ajliance did not,
however, prevent Nemanja from attacking
Byzantium when the advantage of his
own state was in question. Immediately
after the death of the Emperor Manuel, in
1180, he conquered, in alliance with
the Hungarian king, Bela III., those
Servian districts which had fallen under
Byzantine supremacy. He then renewed
his friendly relations with the emperor,
and even secured the hand of the emperor's
niece, Eudoxia, for his own son Stefan, an
alliance which brought legitimacy and
special prestige to his house. It seems
that the ambitious Nemanja hoped to
_ ^. bring Byzantium within his
Byzantium ° -f^i. j.
W k d P*^^<^'*- ^ "^ Circumstances were
b Q arrels ^^^ourable to such an attempt.
Servia was the only independent
state in the Balkan Peninsula, while
Byzantium was weakened by quarrels about
the succession. Nemanja, however, did
not feel himself sufficiently strong for the
attempt. At that period the Emperor
Frederick I. Barbarossa came to Nisch
on his crusade. The Servian prince
appeared before him, and a chronicler
3090
assures us that Nemanja was willing to
accept his country from Barbarossa as a
fief. The emperor, however, who did not
wish to arouse the animosity of the Greeks,
declined to entertain the proposal.
In the year 1195 Nemanja, apparently
with the object of securing the supremacy
of his house, abdicated in favour of his
eldest son Stefan, the second Nemanja,
to whom he had already given the Byzan-
tine title of despot. His second son, Vukan,
received his hereditary district of Zeta.
Nemanja himself retired into the monas-
tery of Studenitza, a foundation of his
own, under the title of " Symeon the
Monk " ; afterwards he went to Mount
Athos, and died in 1200 at the monastery
of Chilander, which was also of his founda-
tion. A struggle for the succession burst
out between his sons, Vukan attempting
to secure support in Hungary, and
especially in Rome. Stefan also made
applications to that quarter, and was
crowned by the papal legate in 1217 ;
he assumed the title " King of Servia,
Diocletia, Travunia, Dalmatia, and
Chlum." This step, however, cost him his
entire popularity in the country. The
_ . ,, . Archbishop Sava had re-
Hu7'arian P^^^^^^y interposed in the
unganan q^an-els of the brothers ;
upremacy ^^efan now asked for further
action of the kind. Sava crowned him in
1222 with a crown sent by the Byzantine
Empire, at a great popular assembly, at
which he read before him the articles of
faith of the Eastern Church. The Hun-
garian king, Emerich, had availed himself of
these quarrels to bring Servia under his
supremacy. In 1202 he occupied Servia
and assumed the title of " Rex Rasciae " ;
but a struggle with his brother Andreas
forced him to leave Servia. Stefan main-
tained his position until his death, in 1224.
Since that time no Servian ruler ventured
to break away from the Eastern Church,
although many entered into connection
wfth Rome.
Of the descendants of Nemanja, Milutin,
otherwise named Stefan IV., or Uros II.
(1275 or 1281 to 1320), began a career of
ruthless conquest ; he had no hesitation
in forwarding his plans by repeated
marriages with Byzantine, Bulgarian, and
Hungarian princesses, with a correspond-
ing series of divorces. He captured Greek
provinces and maintained his possession
of them even after the death of the Emperor
Michael VIII. Palaeologus in 1282. He
MONTENEGRIN OF THE "OLD GUARD
A BOSNIAN FARMER
TYPES OF BOSNIANS. SERVIANS AND MONTENEGRINS
X97
3091
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
advanced as far as Athos. He obtained
Bosnia from Hungary without striking a
blow, as the dowry of his first wife. He
also secured the favour of the Pope, whom
he was able to keep in hand with empty
promises. As he had no legitimate male
heirs, he conceived the idea of uniting his
empire with the Byzantine, in which plan
. , he was supported by the
servia s ame Express Irene, his second
Throughout mother-in-law. Naturally
Western Europe , j ., a u
he and no other was to have
been emperor, and her children were to
succeed him. Under him and under his son
Stefan V. — Stefan IV. if we begin the series
of Stefan kings in 1222 — Uros III., who
bore the nickname Decanski, Servia became
famous not only in the Balkan territories,
but also throughout Western Europe.
Meanwhile, however, Bulgaria had re-
covered from her downfall at the end of
the twelfth century, and was waging a
successfiil war with Byzantium. The
powerful Servian kingdom now stood in
the way of her further development. A
struggle between the two for supremacy
could only be a question of time. In the
year 1323 the Bulgarian Boyars chose the
Despot Michael of Widdin as their tsar ;
with him begins the supremacy of the
Sismanides of Widdin, the last dynasty of
Tirnovo. The new tsar began friendly
relations with Servia, and married Anna,
the daughter of Milutin, with the object
of vigorously opposing the Byzantines and
other enemies. Soon, however, the situa-
tion was changed. Michael divorced Anna
about 1325 and married the sister of
Andronicus III. of Byzantium.
It was only by the intervention of
the Servian bishop and chronicler Daniel
that war with Servia was avoided on this
occasion ; however, in 1330 it broke
out. Michael brought about a great alliance
between the Byzantines, Bulgarians, Rou-
manians, Tartars and Bessarabians. The
Servian king advanced by forced marches
_ against the allies, and suddenly
Defeat and attacked them on June 28th at
Plunder of -'
Bulgarians
Velbuzd. His army included
300 German mercenaries in
armour ; and Dusan, the son of Stefan,
fought at the head of a chosen band. The
Bulgarians were routed and their camp
was plundered. Stefan contented himself
with raising Stefan, the son of his sister
Anna, who had been divorced by Michael,
to the position of tsar, as Sisman II., and
evacuated Bulgaria. Servia now held the
3092
predominant position in the Balkan
Peninsula.
Stefan, the conqueror of Velbuzd, met
with a sad fate. He had been formerly
blinded by his ^father, Milutin, and now
came to a terrible end. His Boyars
revolted under the leadership of Dusan
and strangled him, at the age of sixty,
though shortly before he had appointed
his ungrateful son to the position of
" younger king." Thus on September 8th,
1331, Stefan Dusan ascended the throne
at the age of nineteen. Of desperate
courage on the battlefield, Dusan also
possessed all the qualities of a statesman.
While MUutin confined his aspirations to
a union of the Byzantine and Servian
kingdoms, Dusan dreamed of a larger
Servia which should embrace all the
Balkan territories. Turning to account the
weakness of the Byzantine and Bulgarian
Empires he conquered Albania, Macedonia,
Thessaly and Epirus between 1336 and
1340 and in 1345 ; even the Greeks, weary
of civil war, are said to have invited his
supremacy. In 1346 he assumed the title
of tsar and had the youthful Uros
crowned king, entrusting to him the
« . . adininistration of Servia proper.
. g . , In his documents we meet
p^ with the title " Stefan, Tsar
and supreme ruler of Servia
and Greece, of Bulgaria and Albania."
His title of emperor was also to the bene-
fit of the Servian Church, as the previous
dependency of the archbishopric of Servia
upon the Byzantine patriarch was not
wholly compatible with the existence of a
Servian Empire. Hence in 1346 Stefan
Dusan raised the Servian archbishop to
the position of patriarch, notwithstanding
the prohibition of the Byzantine Church.
In 1352 the Servian Church was definitely
separated from the Byzantine patriarchate.
Henceforward twenty metropolitans and
bishops were subordinate to the Servian
patriarch. Servia was now at the zenith of
her power. As Dusan was related to the
rulers of Bessarabia and Bulgaria, he was
able to form a confederation of these
three kingdoms directed against Hungary
and Byzantium.
The reign of Dusan was the golden age
of Servia, chiefly for the reason that he
provided the country with better adminis-
tration and a better judicial system, and
did his best to advance the civilisation and
prosperity of the people.The code — sakonik
or zakonik — which he left behind him, a
An episode in the life of Stefan Dusan, who is seen denouncing- a traitor. Dusan succeeded to the throne of Servia
inl 3.'i 1 , and his name is eminent among the national heroes of his country. He is remembered especially for his success-
ful campaigns against the Greeks, and for the code of laws which he issued in 1349, just seven years before his death.
The battlefield of Kossovo, or the " Field of the Blackbirds," is one of unhappy memory to the Servian people, as
twice in their history it was the scene of their defeat. Here Sultan Murad I. destroyed the Servian Empire when
he inflicted, in 1389, a crushing defeat on King Lazar, who was killed on the battlefield. This famous fight decided
not only the fate of Servia, but that of the races of the Balkan Peninsula. The above picture, by a Servian artist,
commemorates the second defeat, in October, 1448, when, on the same scene. Sultan Murad U. gained a great victory
over John Hunyadi. The remnants of the Servian army and fugitives are seen retreating from the fatal fieltt
TWO FAMOUS EPISODES IN THE HISTORY OF SERVIA
3093
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Stefan Dusan
Dies on
the March
legal monument of the greatest importance,
is a permanent testimony to the fame of
Dusan. His conventions with Byzantium,
Ragusa, and Venice proved that he also
cared for the commercial prosperity of his
people. The art of mining, which had been
introduced under Neman] a, became so
widely extended under Dusan that there
were five gold and five silver
mines in operation. These
were worked chiefly by
Saxons, whom Prince Vladi-
mir is said to have first brought into the
country. Almost the only political mistake
that can be urged against Dusan is the
fact that he did not use his power to secure
the possession of Bosnia, which was in-
habited by a purely Servian population.
As the whole of Bosnia was never entirely
united with Servia, a spirit of individualism
flourished in that country, which resulted,
shortly after Dusan's death, in the founda-
tion of the Bosnian kingdom under the Ban
Tvrtko. Dusan's main object was the con-
quest of Byzantium, and chroniclers tell us
of thirteen campaigns undertaken for this
purpose. In 1355, when he was marching
against the imperial city, he suddenly died.
Had his son Stefan Uros IV. inherited his
father's capacity together with his empire
he would have been able to consolidate
the great Servian state. Uros, however,
was a weak, benevolent, and pious ruler,
nicknamed by the nation " Nejaki " — that
is to say, a man of no account. A revolt
soon broke out. Even the first councillor
of the tsar, the capable Vukasin, whom
Dusan had placed at his son's side, stretched
out his hand for the crown, and Uros was
murdered in 1367. With him became
extinct the main branch of the Neman j a
dynasty, which had ruled over Servia for
nearly 200 years.
In the civil war which then ensued the
Servian nobility raised Lazar Grbljanovic,
a brave and truthful man, to the throne.
The new ruler, however, assumed the
simple title of Knes or Prince.
Meanwhile the political situa-
tion in the Balkans had under-
gone a great change. The
provinces formerly conquered by Dusan
had revolted. Servia herself was too small
and too undeveloped to become the nucleus
of a great empire, and at the same time
the administration of the country was in
many respects deficient.
At this juncture a great danger threat-
ened from abroad. For a long time the
3094 •
The Turks
Europe
Bulgarians and Serbs had been attacking
the Byzantine Empire, hoping to aggran-
dise themselves at her expense, without
suspecting that they were attempting to
sever the branch by which they themselves
were supported. The Turks in Asia began
their advance upon the Byzantine Empire,
and no force could check them. In the
fourteenth century their military fame was
so firmly established that the Byzantine
emperors called in their assistance against
the Bulgarians and Serbs. Soon, however,
it became apparent that the most serious
danger threatened all these peoples irom
the side of the Ottomans. In the year
1361 Murad I. occupied Adrianople and
made that city his capital ; Thracia
became a Turkish province. The Byzan-
tines were powerless to meet the danger.
Immediately afterwards, in 1366, the Bul-
garian Tsar, Sisman, became a Turkish
vassal ; his sister Thamar entered the
harem of Murad. In the year 1371 the
Servian usurper, Vukasin, marched against
the Turks, but was defeated in the night
of September 25 th and 26th, and slain,
together with his brother Johannes Ugl-
jesa. The fatal field was known as Ssirb-
siindighi — that is, the
I^!!T«\n I Servian death. Servia, how-
That Settled . , uj j
o • . r X ever, was not yet subdued.
Servia s Fate t^ ^ z•^ or j.\- j.
It was not until 1306 that
Lazar was forced to become a Turkish
vassal, and the Turkish danger then lay
heavily upon all men's minds. To save the
honour of his nation, Lazar prepared for
battle, made an alliance with Bulgaria,
Albania, and Bosnia, and defeated the
Turkish governor at Plocnik at the time
when Murad was occupied in Asia. Murad,
in anger, spent a whole year in preparation,
both in Asia and Europe, and marched
against Servia through Philippopolis in
1389. On the feast-day of St. Veit (June
15th) was fought the battle of Kossovo, or
Amsel, the famous fight which decided not
only the fate of Servia but that of the races
of the Balkan Peninsula, and, indeed, of
South-east Europe as a whole. The Servian
army was supported by the Croatian Ban,
Ivan Horvat, by the Bosnians under their
Voivode Vladko Hranic, by auxiliary troops
of the Roumanian and Bulgarian tribes,
and by Albanians. In the dawn the Emir
Murad was murdered in his tent, according
to Servian tradition, by Milos Obilic, who
thus hoped to turn from himself the suspi-
cion of treachery, and was cruelly murdered
in consequence. The supreme command
THE SERVIAN ERA OF INDEPENDENCE
was forthwith assumed by Bajazet I., the
son of Murad. The Servians were utterly
beaten ; Lazar himself was captured, and
was beheaded with many others beside
the corpse of Murad. Servia's future as a
nation was destroyed upon that day.
Many songs and legends deplore the
battle of Kossovo. It was not the superior
force of the Ottomans, so the story goes,
that brought about that fearful overthrow,
but the treachery of a Servian leader, the
godless Vuk Brankovic. In the Ottoman
army was also fighting the Servian despot,
or " King's Son," Marko (the son of
Vukasin) of Priljep — a man of giant
strength. These facts were the causes of
the bitter defeat, and the Serbs fought like
heroes. Even at the present day these
magnificent epics form one of the chief
beauties both of Slav literature and of the
literature of the world ; they have been
admired even by Grimm and Goethe. The
old, the blind, and the beggar sing at the
present day in the market-place and on
the roads the story of the famous old heroic
legends, to the accompaniment of the gusle,
and receive rich rewards from the people,
who find in these songs a recompense and a
.^ consolation for the loss of their
cl^r P^^^ ^^°^y- ^^ ^^^ Tartars
. °S^ . trampled upon the necks of the
Russians, so also did the Turks
upon the Southern Slavs. For centuries the
Slav races have had to endure unspeakable
barbarity at the hands of the Ottomans.
Their development was arrested, and they
were forced to lag behind in the march of
civilisation, while at the same time they
became a bulwark to the peoples of Western
Europe. For this reason it is unjust to
taunt them with their half-civilised condi-
tion ; yet the injustice has been too often
committed.
Bajazet, who was still occupied in Asia,
placed Stefan, the son of Lazar, as
despot on the Servian throne. Stefan
was forced to pay tribute and to join in
the Turkish campaigns in person at the
head of his army ; at Angora, in 1402,
Timur himself marvelled at the bravery
of the Serbs. The nation never lost
the hope of recovering its old indepen-
dence. Stefan turned to Hungary for
support and became a Hungarian vassal,
following the example of other Danube
states who looked to Hungary or to Poland
for help. Upon his death, in 1427, he
was succeeded by George Brankovic, a
son of that Brankovic to whose treachery
The Doom
of
Servia
the defeat of 1389 was ascribed. He
made his residence in Semendria on the
Danube. Meanwhile all the states of
the Balkans had been forced to bow
beneath the Turkish yoke after suffering
bloody defeats. Bulgaria fell in 1393,
Then Zartum, Widdin, and Moldavia ;
in 1455 Byzantium itself was conquered.
Brankovic died on December
24th, 1457, and was succeeded
by his feeble son, Lazar, who
died suddenly at the end of
January, 1458. In 1459 Mohammed II.
took over Servia as a Turkish province and
divided it into pashaliks. Many of the most
distinguished families were exterminated,
and two hundred thousand human beings
were carried into slavery. Thus the
Servian state disappeared from the map of
Europe. As once before, after their immi-
gration, so also now, the Serbs were ruled
from Constantinople, and it was on the
Bosphorus that the fate of the Balkan terri-
tories was decided. The wave of Turkish
conquest continued to spread onward.
Hungary and Poland were now forced to
take up arms against it, until the turn of
Austria arrived. To these states the
Balkan peoples without exception now
turned for help. Apart from Dalmatia on
the north, which was inhabited by
Croatians, alternately under Venetian and
Hungarian supremacy, the Turks subju-
gated the whole of the Balkan Peninsula,
and ruthlessly oppressive was their rule.
As, however, they were concerned only
to drain the financial resources of the
peoples they conquered, and troubled them-
selves little about questions of religion or
nationality, it was possible for the Balkan
Slavs to retain their national character-
istics until the hour of their liberation.
The former birthplace of the Nemanjids,
Zeta, had a happier fate. This moun-
tainous district, which took its name from
the river Ceta or Cetina, once formed
part of the Roman province of Dalmatia.
, The Emperor Diocletian had
„ ** ? formed a special province of
Happier pj.gevalis in Southern Dalmatia,
with Dioclea as its centre,
from which town the whole province
became known as Dioclitia or Dioclea.
However, in the period of the Slav Serbs
it was known as Zeta, and was regarded
as the original land and hereditary pro-
perty of the Nemanjids. St. Sava founded
a bishopric and built the monastery of
St. Michael at Cattaro. Every successor
3095
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
to the throne first undertook the ad-
ministration of Zeta. When, however,
Dusan made his son Uros king and en-
trusted him with the administration
of Servia proper, another governor had
to be found for Zeta, and he was taken
from the house of Bals. After the death
of Dusan the house of the Balsics
^ consequently ruled in Zeta
M T (1360-1421) and became in-
on enegro volved in struggles with the
Took its Name ,. .. • i_ 1 ? 1 r au
distmguished family of the
Cernojevic or Jurasevic in the Upper Zeta.
At the outset of the fifteenth century the
Venetians began to form settlements
here, until eventually this Servian coast
land fell into the hands of Venice, not-
withstanding repeated struggles on the
part of Servia. The family of Cernojevic,
which had joined the side of Venice, now
became supreme about 1455 ; Ivan
Cernojevic became a vassal of Venice
and received a yearly subsidy. He
resided in Zabljak and founded the
monastery of Cetinje in 1478 or 1485.
His son George resided in Rjeka and Obod ;
under him in Obod the first ecclesiastical
Slav books were printed between 1493
and 1495. It is at that time (first in
1435) that this country takes the name of
Crnagora or Montenegro.
After the fall of the family of Cernojevic
in 1528, or really as early as 1516, the
country was ruled for centuries by the
bishops, or Vladiks, of Cetinje. The bishop
and head of the monastery of Cetinje
was at the same time the lord of the
country.
It is not correct to say that the Turks
never ruled over Montenegro and that the
people were able to maintain their freedom
by heroic struggles ; the fact is that the
Ottoman supremacy in this mountainous
district was never more than nominal,
_ , „ ,^ chiefly from the fact that
Provinces Revolt .1 U , . ,
. -. ,. they could not extract
• From the ■'1 . , ,,
««,„:.. r— :— much gam from the
Servian Empire • u u-i. i. -o j.
poor mhabitants. But
Montenegro was subject to the Shand-
shak of Skodra, and was obliged to send a
yearly tribute thither, a fact which we learn
from the Italian description of Mariano
Bolizza of the year 1511. At that time
Montenegro included ten settlements and
8,027 m^n capable of bearing arms.
After the death of Dusan one province
after another — "irst Thessaly and Epirus,
and ihan Mac ;donia and Albania — re-
volted from the Servian Empire. Even
Servian tribes, who had willingly or un-
willingly gathered round the throne of the
Neman] ids until 1355, now followed their
individual desires. This is especially
true of their relations, the Bosnians, whose
country had never been entirely subject
to Servia. In former times Bosnia, like
Hungary and Ragusa, had been subject
to the Roman archbishopric of Spalatro ;
later, Bosnian rulers had expressly declared
themselves Serbs and descendants of the
Nemanjids. None the less they went
their own way. Their first prince, or ban,
of any reputation was Kuhn (i 180-1204).
Naturally Hungary and Servia were rivals
for the possession of Bosnia, which
availed itself of these circumstances to
maintain its independence. It is only on
one occasion, however, that this little
district secured a greater reputation ;
this was when favourable political cir-
- . , cumstances allowed the Ban
Id d t ^^^^^'^t who regarded himself
Development
as a descendant of the Neman-
jids, although his family
belonged to the race of Kotromanovic, to
secure the throne in 1376, since which date
Bosnia has been a kingdom. This separa-
tion resulted in the fact that Bosnian civi-
lisation developed upon somewhat different
lines from Servian — a fact apparent
not only in the adoption of Roman
ecclesiastical customs, but also in
literature and even in writing. Under
King Tvrtko the doctrine of the Bogumiles,
transplanted from Bulgaria, extended so
rapidly that it became the established
religion. Thus Bosnia in this respect
also displayed an individualism of its own.
The final consequence was that under
the Turkish supremacy the nobles, who
were accustomed to religious indifferentism,
went over in a body to Mohammedanism,
in order to secure their class privileges.
The possession of the Balkan Peninsula
was secured to the Ottomans in 1453 in
consequence of the overthrow of Constan-
tinople, but it was not until 1463 that
Bosnia was incorporated with the Turkish
state ; many citadels of the kind numerous
in Bosnia held out even till 1526.
3096
Note. — For references on Slavic history, see Appendix,
EASTERN
EUROPE TO THE
FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE
SOUTHERN
SLAVS
IV
UNDER THE HEEL OF THE TURK
THREE CENTURIES OF MISERY AND DESPAIR
AND THE LIBERATION OF THE SOUTHERN SLAVS
T TNDER the Turkish supremacy the
^ peoples of the Balkan Peninsula
entered upon a period of death and national
sorrow ; only the vaguest recollection of
a better past endured. Immediately after
the conquest of a province the Ottoman
administration was introduced, the country
was divided into provinces, or pashaliks,
and these into districts, or nahias. The
head of a pashalik was a pasha or vizir
entitled to an ensign of three horse-tails,
while the head of a nahia was called the
kadi. There were pashaliks of Servia,
Bosnia, Roumelia, Scutari, Widdin, etc.,
and the distribution of the provinces was
often changed. The duties of the Turkish
officials were confined to organising or
maintaining military service, to levying
the taxes, and to some administration of
justice.
Side by side with the Turkish officials
the institution of the spahis was of great
importance. Upon Ottoman principles the
whole country was the property of the
sultan ; he divided the conquered land
among individuals, who received it either
as hereditary property {zian) or for life
tenure (timir), and were under the obliga-
tion of giving military service in return ;
these individuals were known as spahis,
or horsemen. Thus, for example, the
pashalik of Servia was divided among
about 900 spahis, who were masters both
of the soil and of its inhabitants. Many
_ . . Christian noble families became
NobU« Turn hereditary spahis by accepting
■^ . Mohammedanism; about the
middle of the seventeenth
century there were in Roumelia, not
including Bosnia, 1,294 spahis, who had
formerly been Christian Bulgarians, Serbs,
Albanians, or Greeks.
Side by side with the state administra-
tion there also existed a kind of provincial
administration, which was left in the hands
of the people. Every village was adminis-
tered by its judge and overseer (seoski-knes
and kmet), who settled the affairs of the
village and explained the traditional
principles of justice, though only to those
who had need of them and submitted to
their decisions. They had no power to
enforce execution, and dissatisfied litigants
applied to the Turkish authorities. A dis-
_ trict was also governed by the
ys em o ^^^^ ^^^^ (upper knes), origin-
^ * . ally appointed by the sultan.
Government ■, •' , '^^^ ■ ■ , i- .
Local admmistration went no
further than this. For the most part the
people submitted to the decisions of their
own judges and rarely appealed to the
Ottoman authorities ; at the same time
the kneses and upper kneses, acting as
intermediaries between the populace and
the Turkish authorities, protected the
multitude. At a later period, however,
the upper kneses became hereditary, and
enjoyed such high prestige that even the
Turks were forced to respect them.
Apart from this the Servian Church
remained independent under the patriarch
of Ipek. It should be observed that the
higher clergy at that time were chiefly of
Greek origin, and the patriarch of Con-
stantinople hoped to bring the Slavs over
to the Greek Church by their means. In
the seventeenth century the independence
of the Servian patriarchate was abolished,
and the Church was placed under the
patriarchate of Constantinople, as it had
been before 1346. In the year 1766 the
patriarchate was abolished altogether, as
also was the Bulgarian patriarchate of
Ochrida in 1767 ; bishops were now sent
out from Stamboul. Only the lower
clergy remained purely national and shared
the sufferings of the people.
Such were the powers which determined
the existence of the subjugated people.
The life of the rayahs, as subjugated
peoples were called, was one without law
or rights, and in every respect miserable.
3097
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Particularly oppressive was the weight of
taxation. First of all came the sultan's
or the state tax. Next the male popula-
tion were obliged to pay a poll tax of three
piastres and two paras to the state chest for
every person between the age of seven and
sixty; this was known as the haraj . Even
the priests in monasteries were not exempt
from this tax. Three times a
—'"^ " ^. year the Turkish olhcials ap-
W k peared m the villages, pitched
their tents, and levied the
haraj. The better to control the tax, a
register of boys and men was kept. Be-
sides this, married men paid an undefined
tax, known as pores, twice every year, on
St. George's Day and St. Demeter's day,
to cover the cost of administration.
The kneses held a meeting in the central
town of the nahia and estimated the yearly
expenses of administration, which they
then distributed among the individual in-
habitants ; naturally the estimate varied
from year to year. Besides this the im-
perial exchequer collected taxes from the
merchants for their shops and also from
the tobacco planters ; then there were
customs duties, duties upon fishing, upon
river traffic, etc. Besides the state taxes
the rayahs had also to satisfy their terri-
torial masters, the spahis. Every married
man paid one piastre for poll tax, two
piastres married tax, two piastres grazing
tax {kotar) for the use of pasturage, one
piastre meal tax per head, two piastres
kettle tax for every brandy still, from four
to ten paras acorn tax for every herd of
swine, and finally a tenth of a field or
garden produce ; they were also liable to
forced labour. Even the secular clergy
were obliged to pay these taxes.
Naturally, the population were also
obliged to provide for the support of their
kneses, upper kneses and clergy. In
Servia, for instance, a bishop extracted
twelve piastres from every house, and on
a journey through his diocese an additional
-, .. five piastres as well as his
now the ■ S XI
CI r P "d n^s-i'^tenance ; as they were
ThVmselves °^^^^^^ *^ . ^"X ^^i'"" °^^^
at Constantinople, they were
forced to recoup themselves in this way.
The priests received tithes of agricultural
produce, and occasionally payments for
church services.
More oppressive even than these various
taxes was the administration of justice.
In every nahia a kadi was the judge, who
was also assisted by a musselim, as the
3098
executor of the judicial power. Above
the kadi stood the chief judge, or mollah,
of the whole province. All these officials
supported themselves entirely upon court
fees and fines. As they were able to
obtain office only by bribery, the manner
in which they exercised their powers may
easily be imagined. Turkish law knew
no other punishment than the monetary
fine, except in the case of political mis-
deeds ; even for murder the punishment
was only the price of blood. Usually the
officials pursued their own interests alone,
and innocent people often suffered. The
musselims were especially dreaded, as they
continually came into contact with the
people, were acquainted with their cir-
cumstances, and consequently could easily
satisfy their desires or their vengenance
upon any object. Beyond all this, the
evidence of a Christian was not admitted
by the courts, and the Ottoman adminis-
tration of justice thus became a sj'Stem of
torture which could be escaped only by
flight.
A further torment fox the Christian rayah
was the presence of the regular Turkish
_, -, . foot soldiers, the Janissaries;
The Greed , , r •'..,,.'
- . these forces were originally in
, . . possession of no landed pro-
perty and only obtained pay.
When, however, they were sent out from
Constantinople, distributed among the
provinces, and secured the imperial power
for themselves, they were anxious to be-
come landowners, like the spahis, and
seized with the strong hand all that
pleased them. The poor rayahs had no
protection against their greed ; they
might console themselves with the words
of Virgil, " Not for yourselves, ye birds,
did ye build your nests ; not for yourselves,
ye sheep, did ye wear your wool ; not for
yourselves, ye bees, did ye gather honey ;
not for yourselves, ye oxen, did ye draw
the plough."
Especially cruel was the levy of youths,
which took place every five years, to supply
men for the Janissaries, who then became
Mohammedans. Towns only were able
to secure immunity by the payment of
large sums.
Far more humiliating and intolerable
was the treatment of the rayah at the
hands of the Mohammedans. It was at
this point that the differences between
conquerors and conquered first became
plainly obvious. It was a difference
expressed in outward form. The clothing
THREE CENTURIES OF TURKISH OPPRESSION
of the rayahs was simple. They were
not allowed to wear the kaftan or gold
or silver embroidery on their clothes.
They were not to inhabit beautiful houses
or to keep good horses. They were for-
bidden to wear swords. In the town the
rayah might go only on foot. If a
Christian appeared before Turks, he must
hide his pistols ; if he met them on the
road, he must alight from his horse, and
stand before them if they sat. Apart
from this the Turk might call any Christian
from the street and force him to bring
water, look after his horse, or perform any
other duty. Christian women were handed
over to Mohammedans without reserve if
they found favour in their eyes ; at
a marriage the bride was concealed in a
cellar with her head veiled in cloths.
The result was that the Christians
fled into the inaccessible mountains and
forests, and from there defended themselves
against their oppressors. Their numbers
steadily increased. In the Slav provinces
they were known as hayduks, and in
Greece as klephts. They were robbers
who also robbed the Christians upon
^ , occasion. But the spirit of
- PP""****®"* freedom remained alive among
Ch ' f their numbers, and they were
respected by the population
as avengers of the people and cham-
pions of freedom, were protected from the
pursuing Turks, and were celebrated in
song as heroes. As the Christians were
forbidden to bear arms, the robber
Christians became the only people able to
defend themselves.
In their misery the people found con-
solation in their kneses and upper kneses,
in the spahis, who generally treated them
mildly, and particularly in the Church.
It was the monks who were popular,
rather than the secular clergy. The
monasteries were at that time the centres
of national life. They enjoyed privileges
from the state, and were less dependent
upon the Ottoman authorities. The monks
alone were allowed to hear confessions
and to celebrate the Communion. They
were the only educated class, and preserved
the remnants of Slav literature. The
people swarmed to the monasteries from
the remotest districts, and on dedication
festivals lively scenes took place. Mer-
chants then sold their wares ; lambs and
pigs were roasted ; and to the sound of
the shepherd's pipe or bagpipe the Servian
youths danced their national dance, the
kolo, which was also known in Bulgaria,
and the old men sang songs of the national
heroes.
The Turkish danger and the menace of
a common enemy formed a jwint of union
which united the shattered fragments ol
the Servian-Croatian races, not only in
political, but also in literary and civilised
Croatian ^^^^" ^^^ Croatians, at least,
Drrams of !^^^ V^^. Possibility of satisfy-
Revenge '"§ their feelmgs of revenge
in battle. The Serbs, who
were forbidden even to wear arms, were
obliged to endure their cruel fate in
silent submission. At the period when
Croatia began to surround herself with
frontier defences, and thereby became
more capable of resistance, Turkey was
at the height of her power, and the Servian
race could see no gleam of hope for a better
future. Hence many of them turned
their backs upon their native land and
fled across the frontier to the more for-
tunate Croatia, that they might be able,
at^ least from that point, to wage war
against their oppressors.
However, in the seventeenth century,
when the political development of the
Ottoman state had reached its fulness, it
became manifest that its fundamental
principles were suited only to military and
political life, and not for social life or the
advancement of culture, and that, in con-
sequence, the Turk was unprogressive and
wholly incompetent to rule over other
nations. The Turkish state was founded
upon theocratic principles ; the Koran
formed at once its Bible and its legal code.
If the subjugated peoples professed some
other rehgion they could never be full
citizens of the Ottoman Empire, but
would be forced to remain in a position of
subjection. Meanwhile, in Western Europe,
civil law, as opposed to canon law, per-
mitted members of other communions to
become full citizens, so that subject races
could more easily maintain their faith and
_ . . become incorporated. In Tur-
Christians j^^^ ^j^-^ ^^^ impossible. The
Th ''^*T' Mohammedan alone was in pos-
ime ggggJQj^ qI rights : the Christian
rayah had no rights ; his only guarantee
for a better future was the downfall of the
existing system. We can, then, well
understand that the Christian populations
were ever waiting for the moment when
they would be able to shake off the oppres-
sive yoke of Turkey. If the burden
became intolerable the nation emigrated
3099
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
in a body. The strength of religious
fanaticism among the Turks, both in past
and present times, may be judged from
the fact that rehgion rules the whole social
and political life and culture of Turkey
even at the present day.
In point of numbers the Slavs were
superior to the Turks. The empire
swarmed with Mohammedans
of Slav origin, serving in the
Moslems
of Slavonic
Origin
army as well as in the official
bodies. According to the testi-
mony of Paolo Giovio in 1531 and other
competent authorities, almost the whole
of the Janissary troops spoke Slav.
Numeious Slavs rose to the position of
vizir and grand vizir. Under Moham-
med Sokolovic half the vizirs were Slavs
in the sixteenth century. Several sultans
were fully acquainted with the Slav
language, and several chancellors issued
Slav documents in Cyrillic writing. The
Turkish Empire was, as is remarked
by the Servian historian, on the road to
becoming a Mohammedan-Slav empire.
These facts, however, did not improve
the life of the Christian rayahs. For
almost three centuries these races had
groaned under the Turkish yoke. Help
was to be expected only from without.
The first gleam appeared between 1684
and 1686, when Austria, under Charles of
Lorraine repeatedly defeated the Turkish
armies and occupied several provinces.
At that time the court of Vienna conceived
a great plan of playing off the Balkan
peoples against the Porte, and entered
into relations with the patriarch of Ipek,
Arsen Cernojevic, and with George Branko-
vic, who professed to descend from the old
Servian royal family. Brankovic went
to Russia with his brother in 1688 to
collect money for the building of the
Servian metropolitan church and to secure
Russia's help for the war against the
Porte ; at the court of Vienna he was
made viscount and then count. The
—^ -^ Austrian commander-in-chief,
- Ludwig Wilhelm, Margrave of
Liberation ^^d^'^' issued an appeal to the
Slavs of Bosnia, Albania, and
Herzegovina, to join him in war against
the Turks.
The Eastern Slavs had already given
their favour to Austria, when the Vienna
court seized the person of George Bran-
kovic, who had already appointed him-
self Despot of lUyria, Servia, Syrmia,
Moesia, and Bosnia, and imprisoned
3100
him first in Vienna, then in Eger, where
he died in 171 1. This action natu-
rally disturbed the relations between
Servia and Austria. However, the war
of liberation was continued. Among the
Eastern Slavs there was an old legend
that some day they would be freed from
the Turkish yoke by a hero who would
come riding upon a camel, accompanied
with foreign animals. Utilising this
legend, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, the
general of the Margrave of Baden, ap-
peared among the Servian nations with
camels, asses and parrots, and called them
to arms. In 1690 the Emperor Leopold I.
again proclaimed that he would guarantee
religious and political freedom "to all
the Slav peoples of the whole of Albania,
Servia, lUyria, Mysia, Bulgaria, Silistria,
Macedonia, and Rascia," and again
called them to arms against the Turks.
In the same year 36,000 Servian
and Albanian families migrated from
Servia under the leadership of the patri-
arch Arsen Cernojevic. From Belgrade
they sent the bishop of Janopol, Jesaias
Diakovic, to the court of Vienna as the
plenipotentiary of the " Com-
Russo- munity of Greek Raizes." The
T k""hW emperor issued the desired
guarantees for the whole people
and for the three Brankovics in a special
charter of liberties. Cernojevic received
a guarantee of his position of metro-
politan " for the whole of Greece, Rascia,
Bulgaria, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Janopol,
Herzegovina, and over all the Serbs in
Hungary and Croatia."
The Serbs then passed over the Save
and settled chiefly in Slavonia, Syr-
mia, and in some towns of Hungary ;
Karlstadt was chosen as the seat of
the Servian patriarch. The privileges
of these immigrants were often enough
disputed by the Hungarian municipal,
ecclesiastical, and political authorities,
but were invariably confirmed by the
imperial court, which took the Serbs
under its protection. Supreme successes
against the Turks were secured when
Prince Eugene of Savoy took the lead
of the Austrian troops in July, 1697.
The great victory of Zenta was the first
indication of the fall of Turkish supremacy
in Europe ; henceforward the little state
of Montenegro fought successfully against
the Ottomans.
However, the first decisive effort was
the Russo-Turkish war. Western Europe
A STREET DANCE IN SERVIA IN THE MIDDLE AGES
had long striven to induce Russia to take
part in the struggle. Peter the Great
was the first to take action in 171 1, with
that campaign which roused great hopes
among the Balkan Slavs. At that date
Henceforward the Southern Slavs
based their hopes rather upon their
compatriots and co-religionists in Russia
than upon Austria. However, the cam-
paign of 171 1 was a failure ; and it
the first Russian ambassador, Colonel was not until many years afterwards
Miloradovic, a Herzegovinian by birth,
of Neretva, brought to Cetinje a letter
from Peter the Great, calling upon the
Montenegrins to take up arms ; he
met with an enthusiastic reception.
Thereupon Danilo Petrovic Njegos, the
that Russia undertook a second advance,
under Catharine H. In 1774 Russia
secured a protectorate over the Danube
principalities and over all the Christians
of the Greek Church. Catharine again
turned her attention to the warlike state
metropolitan and ruler of Montenegro of Montenegro and sent Geneial George
(1697-1735), made a journey to Russia in Dolgoruki to Cetinje in 1769 ; and from
1715, and received rich presents and 1788 to 1791 the Russian lieutenant-
promises of future support, golonel Count Ivelic and the Austrian
310I
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
major Vukasovic were working in Monte-
negro with similar objects.
In the seventeenth century, when it
became more obvious that the Turk was
not invincible, and when enthusiasm had
been roused by the hope of liberation,
the Southern Slavs became more con-
vinced than before of a relationship nearer
than that of fate and political alliance ;
the feeling of blood relationship grew
strong in them, and they began to call
themselves brothers and members ol a
Slav race. The feeling of mutual connec-
tion extended not merely to the Southern
Slavs, but spread over the whole Slav world.
They appealed to their Russian kinsmen for
help, and authors wrote enthusiastically of
a great Slav family. Austria gave some
stimulus to the movement by repeatedly
summoning all the Balkan Slavs to
common action against the Turks.
In the history of the Austiian Slav of
that period there gradually arises from
the background the outline of a new
southern Slav Empire which was intended
to embrace all the Southern Slav races. A
name was invented for it, that of Illyria.
The name was chosen to secure connection
with past history. Illjn-icum had formerly
been a Roman province, including Mace-
donia and Greece, with Crete, Dardania,
and Dacia ; in 476 it was assigned to the
East Roman Empire. At that moment the
phrase " the Illyrian nation " meant
nothing more than the peoples professing
the faith of the Greek Church, and as
most of the Serbs were members of this,
they also entitled themselves the " Raizes,
or Illyrian nation." Now the name of
Illyria was extended to include the Croatians
and Slavonians. It was specially used in
this sense by the Roman Church, which
had not forgotten the old diocese of
Illyria, and used the term to denote the
Slavs in the west of the Balkan Peninsula.
From this ecclesiastical use the connotation
of the name was extended. In Hungary,
where fugitive Serbs made common cause
with the Croatians, the Illyrian question
was a constant subject of discussion.
Maria Theresa protected the Croatians
and Serbs from the aggressions of the
Magyars, and created for the special
protection of the Serbs a new adminis-
trative organ, the " Illyrian Delegacy,"
in 1746. The court of Vienna also
regarded the Hungarian Serbs as a
valuable counterpoise to the IMagyars.
Under the Emperor Leopold II. the
Illyrian national congress was held in
Temesvar in 1790 ; demands were here
issued for the separation of the Servian
nation in the banat and in the bacska
(voievodina), for an Illyrian chancery,
for the parliamentary equality of the
Servian bishops with the ecclesiastical
princes of Herzegovina, and for a governor,
who was to be one of the emperor's sons.
How the conception of Illyria first re-
ceived official extension in the age of
Napoleon belongs to another period and
a later volume. Vladimir Milkowicz
3103
TYPICAL TURKISH GENTLEMAN OF THE MERCHANT CLASS
GREAT DATES IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH-EASTERN
EUROPE: A.D.
500 TO 1792
A.D.
500
Anastasius emperor
A D.
1204
Latin empire of Byzantium till 1261
518
Justin emperor
1218
John Asen II. Tsar of Bulgaria
527
Justinian emperor
1222
Golden Bull of Hungary
529
The Justinian code issued
1241
Mongols devastate Hungary, but retire
533
Overthrow of the Vandals by Belisarius
1261
Fall of Latin empire of Byzantium; Greek
552
Narses defeats the Goths in Italy
dynasty restored under Michael PaUxologus;
558
Repulse of the Huns and Avars
Mongol invasion of Hungary repelled by
565
Justin II. emperor
Bela IV.
582
Maurice emperor
1274
League between Ladislaus of Hungary and
602
Phocas emperor
Rudolf of Habsburg
610
Heraclius emperor
1288
Beginning of Ottoman power
613
Advance of Persians under Khosru
1301
End of Arpad dynasty in Hungary. Othman
622
Heraclius checks the Persian advance. The
defeats Byzantines at Nicomedia
Hegira : date-year of iNlam
1209
Charles Robert of Anjou elected king of
626
Defeat of Avars before Constantinople
H ungary
634
Advance of the Saracen power
1323
Sismanid dynasty in Bulgaria till 1393
640
Establishment of Slavs in Bosnia
1330
Predominance of Servia in the Balkans
660
Founding of the Bulgarian kingdom
1342
Lewis the Great king of Hungary
673
Saracens besiege Constantinople
l.'!4S
Servian conquests under Stefan Dusan
712
Advance of Bulgarians
1347
John Cantacuzenos joint emperor
717
Leo III. the Isaurian emperor
1356
Turks cross the Hellespont
725
Beginning of Iconoclastic movement
1361
Turks occupy Adrianople
727
Defeat of Saracens at Nicsea
1363
Turks defeat Magyars and Slavs at Marizza
739
Defeat of Saracens at Acroinon
1370
Lewis of Hungary elected king of Poland
750
Fall of Omayyad caliphate
1386
Sigismund king of Hungary
773
Bulgarians checked
1389
Turkish victory at Kossova; subjugation of
780
Constantine VI. emperor ; Irene regent
Servia and Bulgaria
787
Second Council of Nicaea restores image-
1396
Turkish victory at Nicopolis
797
Irene empress [worship
1402
Overthrow of Bajazet by Tamerlane
802
Fall of Irene ends Isaurian dynasty, Nice-
1411
Sigismund of Hungary becomes German
803
Treaty with Charlemagne [phorus emperor
emperor [med I.
813
Leo V. defeats Bulgarians
1413
Recovery of Ottoman power under' Moham-
820
Michael the Stammerer emperor
1442
Victories of H unyadi over Turks
852
Boris king of Bulgaria
1444
Turks defeat Hungarians at Varna
863
Christian mission of Constantine and Metho-
1448
Turks defeat Hunyadi at Kossova
dius among the Slavs [Churches
1449
Scanderbeg heads Albanian revolt [empire
866
Final breach between Greek and Roman
1453
Capture of Constantinople ; end of Byzantine
867
Basil I. emperor ; Macedonian dynasty begins
1456
Hunyadi defends Belgrade against Turks
869
Council of Constantinople
H58
Matthias Corvinus king of Hungary
886
Leo VI. emperor
I4:>1
Turks acknowledge Scanderbeg's independence
895
Simeon king of Bulgarians
1467
Death of Scanderbeg
912
Constantine Porphyrogennetos emperor
1477
Turks subjugate Albania
917
Defeat of imperial army by Simeon of Bul-
1479
Turks defeated by Matthias Corvinus [tria
garia, who takes the title of Tsar
1491
Invasion of Hungary by Maximilian of Aus-
926
Timislav king of Croatia
1517
Conquest of Mamelukes by Sultan Selim
941
Defeat of Russian fleet by Byzantines
1521
Suleiman the Magnificent takes Belgrade
963
Nicephorus Phocas emperor
1526
Victory of Suleiman at Mohacz ; Ferdinand
969
John Tzimisces emperor
of Austria becomes king of Hungary
971
Overthrow of Bulgaria by Tzimisces
153
Turkish fleets commanded by Barbarossa
994
Conversion of Magyars by Adetbert
1536
Alliance of Turks and French
997
Saint Stefan duke of Hungarians
1545
Ferdinand of Austria pays tribute to Turks
1000
Saint Stefan king of Hungary
1547
Treaty between Suleiman and Charles V-
1018
Subjugation of Bulgaria by Basil II.
1571
Overthrow of Turkish fleet at Lepanto
1040
Servia established as independent
1593
War between Austria and Turkey
1044
Peter of Hungary does homage to German
1606
Peace of Zsitvatorok [Vizirs
emperor
1656
Revival of Ottoman power under the Kuprili
1052
Independence of Hungary recognised
1664
Austro-Turkish war; Turks defeated at St.
1053
Suppression of Roman Churches in the East
Gothard [Khoczim
1056
Macedonian dynasty ends with Theodora
1673
John Sobieski of Poland defeits Turks at
1071
Normans expel Byzantine rule from Italy
1675
Sobieski defeats Turks at Lemberg
1076
Capture of Jerusalem by Seljuk Turks
1683
Sobieski defeats Turks before Vienna
1077
Saint Ladislaus king of Hungary
1687
Defeat of Turks at Mohacz
1081
Alexius Comiienus emperor
1697
Defeat of Turks by Prince Eugene at Zenta
1087
Invasion of empire by Pechenegs
1699
Peace ot Carlowitz
1090
Annexation of Croatia by Hungary
1711
Peter the Great, foiled by the Turks, has to
1096
First Crusade
accept the treaty of Pruth
1102
Coloman extends Hungarian kingdom
1716
Final repulse of Turks by Eugene at Peter-
1132
Bela II. king of Hungary
wardein
1143
Manuel I. emperor
1737
Austro-Russian war with Turkey
1144
Fall of Edessa ; cause of Second Crusade
1738
Peace of Belgrade
1151
Manuel invades Hungary
1741
Hungary acclaims Maria Theresa
1173
Bela HI. king of Hungary
1774
Treaty of Kutchuk Kainardji between Turkey
1185
Isaac Angelus emperor
and Russia
1187
Capture of Jerusalem by Saladin
1783
Russia annexes Crimea
1199
Nemanja king of Servia
1788
Austro-Russian war with Turkey
1197 '
Asenid dynasty established in Bulgaria
179!
Peace of Sistova
1203 1
Fourth Crusade ; Crusaders take Byzantium
1792
Treaty of Jassy
3103
THE STORY OF THE GIPSIES
HABITS & CUSTOMS OF A WANDERING PEOPLE
IT remains to give some account of one
•^ more people, which, coming from the
East, has never found rest for the sole of its
foot, but has dispersed itself over Europe,
and has even crossed the ocean, and yet
has retained its distinctive racial character.
For more than 500 years the Gipsy people
have traversed East and Central Europe,
wandering restlessly from place to place.
In general they live at the present day
_ among nations which have long
y. . ago been definitely settled and
. J, become organised, themselves
urope ^^.jj following their peculiar
nomadic manners and customs under in-
dividual tribal chiefs. Even at the date
of their first appearance in Europe
the gipsies were able to give no adequate
account of their origin or of their first
home. The names which they apply to
themselves are not without importance
from an historical and ethnographical
point of view. They call themselves by
the old Indian name of an unclean caste
"rom ' =man, " romni"=woman. Another
self-bestowed title is " kalo " (black), the
opposite term to which, " parno " (white), is
applied to all non-gipsies. Finally, the
g.psies also style themselves " manusch "
(people), while foreigners are known as
" gadsio " (strangers). Upon rare oc-
casions, and generally only in the course
of public debate, they address one another
as " sinte " (comrades).
More numerous are the names applied
to the gipsies by the peoples with whom
they came in contact. The German word
" Zigeuner " is probably derived from the
Phrygian-Lycaonian sect of the " Athin-
ganoi," mentioned at the outset of the
3104
ninth century by such Byzantine writers
as Theophanes. Another derivation is
from " tsjengi " ; that is, musicians,
dancers, etc. A third connects it with
the Cangar tribe in the Punjab. It is,
however, certain that the Germans re-
ceived the name from the Czechs, who
took it from the Magyars ; the latter
got it from the Roumanians, who again
borrowed it from the Bulgarians. The
name " Zigeuner " became general only
in Eastern Europe and Italy (zingari) ;
other names were used by the West
Europeans. The Modern Greek Tuphtes,
the Spanish and Portuguese Gitano,
the Flemish Egyptenaer, the English gipsy,
are all forms of the title Egyptian. On
their arrival in Central Europe the gipsies
announced themselves to be Egyptians,
whence their name " pharao nepe "
(Pharaoh's people), still in use among the
Magyars. In the Low-German speaking
countries the gipsies were originally known
as Suyginer, Zigoner, or even " Hun-
garians," and afterwards as " Tatern " or
Tartars ; in France they were called
-,. p Bohemiens, as they came
f fh '° **^ * from Bohemia with letters
Bohemian King g^ . Protection from King
bigismund of Hungary and
Bohemia. Since the time of the appear-
ance of the gipsies in Europe, the flood
of theories respecting their origin and
descent has mounted high. After the in-
teresting linguistic essay of Andrew Boorde
in 1542, one of the earliest dissertations
" de Cingaris " is to be found in the work
of the Netherland Hellenist Bonaventura
Vulcanius, " De Hteris et lingua Getarum "
(Leyden, 1542) ; Job Ludolf also paid some
THE STORY OF THE GIPSIES
I
attention to their vocabulary in the com-
mentary to his " Ethiopian History "
published in 1691. The majority of
scholars agree that the name of the sect
of the Athinganer, the untouched, or those
of another faith, has been transferred to
the gipsies (cingani). Others looked for
their origin in Zeugitana, or Carthage, a
province formed under Diocletian and
Constantine. Others, again, identified
them with the Zygians, Canaanites,
Saracens, Amorites and Jews, or regarded
them as the descendants of Chus, the
son of Cham (Genesis x. 6).
The Hungarian chronicler Pray made
a nearer guess at the truth in considering
their first home to have been the former
Seljuk kingdom of Rum (Iconium), as the
In the little town of Fiirstenau was a
gravestone, erected on the vigil of St.
Sebastian (19th January), 1445, to the
deceased " noble lord Sir Panuel, duke of
Egypt Minor and lord of the stag's horn
in that country." The coat of arms upon
the stone displayed a golden eagle
crowned, and above the tilting
helmet a crown with a stag.
Another monument with a fan-
tastic coat of arms existed in
the neighbourhood of Backnang in Wiirt-
emberg dated 1453, to the " noble count
Peter of Kleinschild."
There is no doubt that the gipsies had
leaders, and that those who live in tents
have leaders at the present day ; these
leaders have a dstinctive sign, such as an
Fant&stic
Gipsy
Monuments
AN ENCAMPMENT OF THE FIRST GIPSIES IN CENTRAL EUROPE
From an engraving" by Jacques Callot in i6o4» now in the Dresden Cabinet of Engravings.
gipsies call themselves Rom. On their
first appearance many assumed that they
were pilgrims from Egypt, who were
performing a seven years' penitential
pilgrimage, in expiation of the refusal of
their ancestors to receive the infant Christ
in Egypt when he was fleeing from Herod
, with his parents. These and
t^^^ * J- similar legends are related at
of Nomadic ., - j 1 j •
-, .. the present day by wandering
gipsy tribes in Hungary and
in the Balkan territories. Here we have
an explanation of the tenacious adherence
to the belief in their Egyptian origin.
The gipsy leaders also contributed to the
spread of this belief ; after 1400 they
styled themselves "kings," "dukes," or
" counts of Egypt Minor," and appeared
as rulers of distinction in every district.
embroidered cloak, cloth, or goblet. The
several tribes of the nomadic gipsies are
also social units in so far as they are under
the government of one voivode. In practice
they are nowhere tolerated in large hordes,
and have consequently broken up into
smaller independent communities or
societies (" mahlija," from " mahlo " =
friend), under individual chieftains, the
" schaibidso." In important cases these
leaders appeal to the decision of the voivode,
who may be spending his time with one or
another tribe. The schaibidso is elected
by the tribe, and the voivode confirms his
appointment by eating bread and salt with
him in public ; he then commands the
mahlija in question to regard the schaibidso
as his plenipotentiary. Among the nomadic
gipsies the position of voivode is hereditary
3105
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
at the present day ; ii a minor should
inherit, the position is occupied until his
majority by one of his nearest relations.
The installation of a voivode is a very
simple ceremony. The voivode recites a
form of oath, and is lifted up by his
tribesmen while the women throw crab-
apple seeds upon him, to keep away evil
_. „ spirits. The voivode among
The Home ,f j- • ■ j. j.u
J , the nomadic gipsies at the
^. -, present day occupies a posi-
Gipsy Tongue f . i • u • i u
tion which IS merely honour-
able ; formerly every mahlija paid him a
yearly tribute proportioned to the position
and the number of its members.
Various investigators have been misled
by confusing the " Romany " tongue with
the " thieves' Latin " of one country or
another. It was, however, long suspected,
and has now been definitely proved, that
the home of the gipsy language — and
therefore of the gipsies — is in the north-
west of India. It belongs to the same
group as the Dardu languages spoken in
Kafiristan, Dardistan, Kashmir, and Little
Tibet.
The science of comparative philology
has clearly proved the gipsies to be a
branch of the Hindu nationality ; it has
also shown us by what route the gipsies
left India, and in what countries their
migrations have been interrupted for a
longer or shorter period. The causes
which drove the gipsies to migration, and
the date at which their wanderings began,
are shrouded for ever in obscurity. It is,
however, tolerably certain that more than
one migration took place. Possibly we
have here the explanation of the fact that
in many countries where they are now
naturalised they are divided into two or
more castes. Individual advances or dis-
ruptions may have taken place at an early
date, while the first great movement or
movements did not begin before the
Christian era. The Persian and Armenian
elements in the European dialects clearly
- , show that the gipsies must have
. . made their way first through
the Arabs '-Armenia and Persia, and have
remained a considerable time in
those countries. They entered Persia
under the Sassanid dynasty, and were
given the marshy districts on the Lower
Euphrates as a settlement. They readily
made common cause with the Arab con-
querors ; but after the death of the
Caliph Mamun in 833 they left their
settlements, and disturbed the country b)?
3106
their plundering raids, until Ojeif ibn
Ambassa was obliged to bring them to
reason by force of arms.
The Armenian " Bosha " — that is,
vagabonds — the gipsies of the Armenian
faith (the Mohammedan gipsies of Asia
Minor are known as " Chingene," or
" Chinghiane "), who are chiefly to be
found at Bujbat in the vilayet of Sivas,
when not engaged in their favourite occu-
pation of wandering, speak a language
which possesses an unusually sparse voca-
bulary— about 600 words in all ; no songs
— but undoubtedly belongs to the Indian
branch of the Aryan family of languages ;
their chief occupation is sieve-making.
Neither in Turkish nor in Russian Armenia,
whither part of them have migrated since
1828, do they bring their disputes before
the state tribunals, but before the council
of their elders, presided over by the Altho-
pakal (expressly confirmed in oihce by the
Porte ; formerly called Jamadar) ; in
Russian Armenia he is associated with
an Ustadar or secular caste-chieftain.
From Armenia members of the gipsy
nationality may have migrated to North
Africa through Syria, and thence, though
-. . not before the nineteenth cen-
j. . tury, to the centre and north-
Q. . west of South America, where,
following the convenient water-
ways, they infest one republic and town
after another ; thus they visit Guayaquil
in Ecuador every two or three years.
Another and stronger division entered
Europe through Phrygia and Lycaonia
and across the Hellespont. Greece is to
be regarded as the first European home of
all the gipsies who are dispersed through-
out Europe, including the Spanish. There
is tolerable evidence for the presence of
gipsies in Byzantium at the outset of the
ninth century ; and in Crete in the year
1322 we hear of them from the Franciscan
Simon Simeonis.
About 1398 the Venetian governor of
Nauplion, Ottaviano Burno, confirmed the
privileges granted by his predecessors to
John, chieftain of the Acingani. The
Venetians allowed the gipsies to settle in
the Peloponnese on payment of certain
dues. Many ruins still known as Typhtocas-
tron — that is, Egyptian or gipsy fortress —
remain as evidence of their occupation.
German travellers in the second half of the
fifteenth century report the presence of
these " Egyptian " settlers. In Corfu
" Vageniti " were to be found before
THE BREAKING UP OF
From the painting by Sir John Gilbert, by
1346 ; about 1370- 1373 there was a
fully organised gipsy colony, the members
of which are mentioned as being in the
service of the barons, Theodoros Kavasilas,
Nicola di Donato of Altavilla, and Bernard
de Saint-Maurice. About 1386 a " feudum
Acinganorum " was founded from this
colony, first conferred upon the Baron
Gianuli di Abitabulo, then in 1540 upon
the scholar Antonio Eparco, who carried
on a correspondence with Melanchthon ;
in 1563 it passed into the hands of the
Count Theodoro Trivoli.
In the first half of the fourteenth cen-
tury those migrations in the Balkan Pen-
ini>ula took place in the course of which
the Albanians occupied Attica and the
Peloponnese, while numerous Armenian
families settled in Moldavia and many
Roumanians migrated to the slopes of
Mount Pindus ; at that moment a large
number of the gipsies began to advance
into Wallachia. They must have been
settled in the country by 1370, for in 1387
the Hospodar Mircea the Old confirmed a
donation of forty Zalassi, or tent, gipsies
Z98
A GIPSY ENCAMPMENT
permission of the Corporation of utancliester
made by the last of Ills predecessors, Layko
(Vlad I.), to the monastery of St. Maria in
Tismana (Walladiia Minor) and to that of
St. Antonius, " xia Vodici " and others.
When Wallachia aftenvards became tribu-
tary to the Turks, the gipsies may have
begun to migrate in large numbers to
Transylvania and Hungary. Hence they
spread over the wholt^ of Europe. It was
not until 1820-1830 that Alexander Ghika
relaxed the serfdom of the gipsies in
Wallachia, which was finally abolished on
March 3rd, 1856.
In the year 1417 the first gipsies
appeared in the Hansa towns on the
North Sea and the Baltic. They produced
commendatory letters from the Emperor
Sigismund, and repeated the story of their
Egyptian origin and their seven years'
penitential pilgrimage, and thus gained
the support both of Church and State sis
well as that of private individuals. In
14 18 we find them also in Switzerland.
However, this friendly reception was soon
followed by persecution, in accordance
with the somewhat barbarous spirit of the
3107
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
age. It was not so much the actual mis-
deeds or the annoying presence of the
strangers as their unusual customs that
attracted the attention of the authorities.
It was also to the prejudice of this miser-
able and harmless race that they came
from districts more or less in possession of
the Turks. They were regarded as the
_ ,^ _ . advance guard or as the
^J^^^"•^ spies of the "hereditary
of Christianity s ^ • r ^, • - j >>
. enemies of Christendom.
n e m 1 e s Xhus, the recess of 1479 of
the German imperial diet proclaimed,
" with regard to those who are called
gipsies and constantly traverse the land,
seeing that we have evidence to show
that the said gipsies are the spies and
scouts of the enemy of Christianity, we
command that they are not to be suffered
to enter or to settle in the country, and
every authority shall take due measures
to prevent such settlement and at the
next assembly shall bring forward such
further measures as may seem advisable."
In the following year the diet of Freiburg
declared the gipsies outlaws — that is to
say, the murderer of a gipsy went
unpunished.
However, the gipsies were steadily rein-
forced by new arrivals from Hungary,
and these measures produced little effect.
In any case, it was found necessary to
renew them in the recess of the diets of
1500, 1544, 1548, and 1577. On September
20th, 1701, the Emperor Leopold declared
that on the reappearance of the gipsies
" the most drastic measures would be taken
against them." A worthy counterpart to
this decree is the regulation of the Count
of Reuss, published on Jul}' 13th, 171 1,
and made more stringent on December
I2th, 1713, and May 9th, 1722, to the
effect that " all gipsies found in the
territory of Reuss were to be shot down
on the spot."
Every conceivable crime was laid to the
charge of the gipsies ; among other
. accusations it was said that
Q^^^^ they exhumed dead bodies
Elecution, t« satisfy their craving for
human flesh. In consequence
of a charge of this nature, forty-five
gipsies were unjustly executed in 1782 in
the county of Hont in North-west Hun-
gary. The accusation is based upon a
misunderstanding of their funeral customs,
in which the strongest characteristic of
gipsy religious sentiment, the feeling of
fear, is vigorously emphasised. In a
3108
lonely corner of the village churchyard or
at the edge of some secluded wood the
corpse is interred, and the spot is marked
with a curious post, shaped like a wedge,
the upper end of which is hardly visible
above the surface of the ground, while
the lower end almost touches the head of
the corpse.
This custom is connected with an
older use, now disappearing, in accordance
with which the relatives took away the
head of the corpse after a certain time,
buried it elsewhere and drove the post
deep into the earth in its place — solely
for the purpose of hastening the process
of putrefaction. Only after complete
putrefaction of the body, according to
gipsy belief, can the soul enter the
" kingdom of the dead," where it then
lives a life analogous to that of earth.
Gipsies may have been surprised in the
performance of this custom, and have
been consequently accused of eating the
corpse.
By degrees the gipsies advanced from
Germany over the neighbouring parts of
East and Northern Europe. They entered
_^ , Poland and Lithuania in
... the reign of Vladislav II.
Gipsy ** Kings " Jagellon. In 1501 King
Alexander I. granted a
charter to Vasil, the "woyt cyganski."
Th3 diet of 1557 ordered the expulsion of
the strangers, and this decree was repeated
in 1565, 1578, and 1618. The gipsies,
however, found life in this country very
tolerable. They were governed by a leader
of their own, whose position was confirmed
by the King of Poland and by Prince
Radziwill in Lithuania. The last of these
gipsy " kings " was Jan Marcinkiewicz,
who died about 1790, and was recognised
as " king " in 1778 by Karol Stanislaw
Radziwill. In 1791 they were given
settlements in Poland.
At the outset of the sixteenth century
the gipsies entered Finland and also the
north of Russia. Catharine II. put an
end to their nomadic existence by
settling them on the crown lands, with a
guaranteed immunity from taxation for
four years. Many of them are living in
Bessarabia, at Bjelgorod, and in the
neighbourhood of Taganrog ; but these
South Russian gipsies generally came into
the country through Roumania, and not
by the circuitous route through Poland.
They met with far worse treatment in
Sweden ; the first mention of them in that
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3109
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
country belongs to 1572. In 1662 they
were banished by a royal decree which
ordered the execution of any gipsy who
returned. A Moravian decree of 1599 is
couched in similar terms. Christian III.
of Denmark, where the strangers had been
known since 1420, issued a decree ordering
them to leave the country within three
T^t. xxr , months. After Frederick II.
Ihe W&nderers , j •, , j .i,- j
. r 1 J had reiterated this order in
in England ^ ^^ i
. c ., J I SO I, Denmark was soon
and Scotland r'^ ^ r xi • ^ j
freed from the intruders.
More fortunate was the fate of those
scattered bodies who reached England
about 1450 and Scotland about 1492 ; in
spite of their proscription by Henry VIII.
in 1531, and the decrees of his daughters
Mary and Elizabeth, their numbers in-
creased considerably. They were subject
to a " king " from the Lee family ; the last
of these, King Joseph Lee, died in 1884.
In 1827 a society was formed in England
to improve the position of the gipsies.
In most of the Romance countries the
gipsies met with an unfriendly reception
so soon as they arrived. In 1422 they
entered Italy (Bologna), but abandoned
the country in a few years, as the clergy
opposed them both in word and deed.
The band which appeared in France in 1447
was allowed only five years of peace.
When the gipsies plundered the little
town of La Cheppe in the north-east of
Chalons-sur-Mame, they were driven out
by the peasants. In scattered bodies they
travelled about the country until 1504.
The first decree of banishment was then
issued against them, and was repeated with
greater stringency in 1539. Their exter-
mination by fire and sword was decreed
by the Parliament of Orleans in 1560, and
was actually carried out by Louis XIII.
and Louis XIV.
Only a small proportion of the gipsies
were able to find refuge among the
Basques, who had been visited by
individual gipsies as early as 1538. But
g . , in the night of December 6th,
Farurable ^^^^ the gipsies in that
jj .. country were taken prisoners,
with few exceptions, by the
order of the prefect of the Basses Pyrenees
and shipped to Africa. In Spain a band
of gipsies appeared near Barcelona in 1447,
and met with a favourable reception. They
suffered little or no harm from the decree
of banishment issued by Ferdinand 'the
Catholic in 1499 and repeated in 1539, 1586,
1619, or from the prohibition of Philip IV.
3HO
in 1633, extended in 166 1 and 1663, against
their use of their own language and their
nomadic habits. Greater, from another
point of view, was the influence of the
.regulations of Charles III., of September
I9th,4783. To those gipsies who renounced
the use of their " gerigonza " (gipsy
language), wandering habits, and dress,
this decree granted toleration ; it threw
open all offices to them, and allowed them
to practise any trade, thereby furthering
the process of denationalisation. In
Southern Spain they continue a highly
satisfactory existence at the present day.
Hungary and Transylvania formed the
second" resting-place, and in a sense the
new home of the gipsies in Europe. They
must have reached these countries shortly
after 1400, for as early as 14 16 gipsies
from Hungary are found in Moravia,
Bohemia, and Silesia, and in the rest of
Germany in 1417. Those who wandered
to Germany brought letters of commenda-
tion from the Hungarian Palatine Nicholas
Gara to Constance, where the Emperor
Sigismund was staying at that time ; he
was thus induced to grant them the charter
„ . previously mentioned — its
^ . existence is confirmed by a
to the Gi ■ letter of the Hungarian Count
Thurzo of the year 16 16. The
gipsies who were left in Hungary and
Transylvania enjoyed certain privileges,
like the Roumanians and Jews who pos-
sessed no land, as " serfs of the king," in
so far as their settlement upon private
property was conditional upon the royal
consent. As armourers they also enjoyed
the special favour of the ecclesiastical and
secular authorities. Thus, on September
23rd, 1476, King Matthias allowed the
town of Hermannstadt to employ the
gipsies upon necessary works ; and on
April 8th, 1487, he ordered the voivode to
leave undisturbed those gipsies who had
been conceded to the people of Hermann-
stadt.
In 1496, Vladislav II. granted a
charter to the voivode Thomas Polgar,
whereby he and his people were to be left
unmolested, as they were then preparing
munitions of war for Sigismund, Bishop of
Fiinfkirchen. As in Poland, the dignity
of gipsy king had been conferred upon
nobles before 1731, so also in Transylvania
and Hungary the ruler chose the chief
voivode of the gipsies from the ranks of the
nobility. In Transj'lvania the position
was usually occupied by one nobleman,
THE STORY OF THE GIPSIES
and at times by two. In Hungary, on the
other hand, there were always four chief
voivodes, whose seats were Raab, Leva,
Szatmar, and Kaschau. The gipsies were
under their jurisdiction, and were obUged
to pay a poll-tax of one florin a year.
Under Peter Vallou, who was made
chief voivode of Transylvania by Prince
George Rakoczy, and even allowed to
take the oath, the position was abolished
by law.
From the date of their first appearance
in the Theiss and Carpathian districts,
[the gipsies were especially famous as
musicians. In this capacity they found
employment at the courts of the princes
and magnates ; in 1525 they were even
" installed " at the national assembly of
Hatvan as musicians. Their yearning,
heartrending melodies, composed, as it
were, of passionate sighs, are played with
incomparable purity, certainty and feel-
ing. Soon this romantic people acquired
a privileged position among the Hun-
garians ; noble and citizen, peasant and
student, alike delighted in the sound of a
gipsy violin. These poetic nomads remain
one of the most interesting features both
of the Hungarian plains and
- „ :™ .of the Transylvanian forests.
as Poets and t^, ^ •' c , ■
^ . . Ihe fame of such gipsy
Musicians t^ t-. 1
musicians as Barna, Berkes,
Bihari, Patikasus, Racz, Salamon, or of
the female violinist Zinka Panna, soon
extended far beyond the frontiers.
Here, also in Transylvania and Hungary,
are to be found the truest lyric poets
among the gipsies, men living in joyful
seclusion from the world, or considering
the world only in the light of their own
experience. The existence of a ballad
poetry among the gipsies had long been
denied, without due consideration of the
fact that a people of such high musical
talent could not fail to possess a store of
ballads.
It is difficult to imagine anything
more perfect than these lyrics, which are
to be found among th3 wandering gipsies
of Hungary and tie Balkan territories
by those who will take the pains to search.
The authorship of these songs is unknown ;
they come forth from the people, and
remain a national possession. One poetess
only has left 250 gipsy poems in writing, the
Servian wandering gipsy, Gima Ranjicic,
who died in 1891. Beauty and educa-
tion were the curse of her life. A reader
of her poems published in a German trans-
lation can reconstruct a life of suffering, of
desperate struggle, and unfulfilled hope.
Beyond this, the intellectual achievements
of the gipsies are few. Whether the
Madonna painter Antonio de Solari,
known as II Zingaro (about 1382-1455), is
to be accounted a gipsy is a matter of
doubt. The gipsy women earn a fair
Money in ^"^o^"* ^^ money by the practice
Fortune- °^ incantations, fortune-telling,
Telling ^^^^ P^^^' ^"^ *^^ ^^^^' ^^^ enjoy
a reputation among the villagers
as leeches and magicians. In the beiief
of this outcast people there are women,
and sometimes men, in possession of
supernatural powers, either inherited or
acquired. Most of the female magicians
(chohalji ; also known as " good women,"
latche romni) have been trained by their
mothers from early childhood, and. have
inherited the necessary prestige. They
play a considerable part in all the family
festivals of the wandering gipsies.
In other countries these restless strangers
have been forced to settle down ; but
most of the gipsies in Hungary, in the
Balkans (the Mohammedan Zapori), and
in America continue their nomadic
existence at the present day, almost
invariably within the limits of one country
or nationality ; hence they are able to
maintain their ancient customs more or
less unchanged. But in these countries the
governments have taken a truly benevolent
interest in the gipsies, and have done their
best to make them a civilised race. Thus,
by a regulation of November 13th, 1761,
the Queen-empress Maria Theresa ordered
the name " gipsy " to be changed to that
of " new Hungarian " (in Magyar, «/
magyarok) and the gipsies to be settled
in the Banate. The authorities built
them huts, and gave them seed, and even
cattle ; but as soon as the supplies were
consumed the objects of this benevolence
started again upon their wanderings. Only
a small body remained and became a settled
Tt. itr * A industrial community. On
The Wasted N^^gj^bg^ 29th, 1767,
Benevolence of ,, ^, ■' ■ ■,'
^ . _,. Maria Theresa issued an-
Maria Theresa ., , , • ,
other and more stringent
edict, to the effect that the gipsy children
were to be taken away and brought up by
" Christian " people at the expense of the
state, while the marriage of gipsies was
absolutely prohibited. This edict pro-
duced little or no effect in comparison with
the trouble involved. On October gth,
1783, Joseph II. issued a " general regula-
3111
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
tion " containing the following severe
conditions : gipsy children were not to
run about naked in public places, and were
to be taken early to school and to church.
All children above four years of age must
be redistributed every two years among
the neighbouring communities in order to
secure diversity of instruction. Adults
were strictly prohibited from wandering ;
even the settled gipsies were only to visit
the yearly market under special super-
vision. They were forbidden to trade as
horse-dealers. The use of their language
was forbidden under a penalty of twenty
strokes, and intermarriage was strictly
prohibited.
In the first half of the nineteenth
1870. Little effect was produced by the
decree of the Hungarian ministry of the
interior prohibiting vagrancy, issued on
July 9th, 1867. The Archduke Joseph,
who was well acquainted with the nomadic
gipsies, settled several families, but in less
than ten years they had all deserted their
new home. The gipsies have a kind of
" residence " in Debreczin, formerly a
pure Magyar town. A few years ago the
Hungarian Government announced their
intention of taking the work of settlement
in hand with greater seriousness.
Numbers of gipsies settle down every
year under the pressure of circumstances.
Thus, not only in Hungary, but also in the
other countries of Europe, with the
A GIPSY ENCAMPMENT IN SCOTLAND
From the painting by Fred Walker.
century political confusion and attempts
to secure freedom so entirely occupied the
attention of the state that it was impos-
sible to deal further with the gipsy problem.
Attempts to settle the gipsies were made
by private individuals. Bishop John Ham
opened a gipsy school at Szatmar in 1857,
and the priest, Ferdinand Farkas, founded
an educational institution at Neuhausel ;
both experiments speedily came to an
end. The efforts of the Servian govern-
ment to put an end to the wanderings of
the Mohammedan tent gipsies, or gurbeti,
were more successful between i86o and
possible exception of Roumania, the
number of gipsies is decreasing every year.
There are now only about 12,000 in the
whole of the British Islands. In Prussia,
where they were left in comparative peace
until the ordinance of 1872, there are
hardly 11,000 ; noteworthy are the small
colonies which have survived in Lorraine
from the French period in the parishes of
Barenthal, Wiesenthal, and Gotzenbruck.
To-day there may be about nine hundred
thousand gipsies in Europe and at least
as many again in the other continents of
the world. Heinrich von Wlislocki
3112
i MUNGAKY /
I
BEFORE THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
THE MAGYARS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
I
fHTHE district occupied by the modern
' •'■ state of Hungai y was, long before the
arrival of the Magyars (pronounced
Madyars), a beaten track for immigrating
nations and a battlefield and resting-
place for the most different races. The
valleys of Hungary breathed something
of the attraction of primeval life. Power-
ful fortresses rose at an early period in
the frontier districts, protecting the
main roads. Long ago Kelts and Thracians
invaded these districts and founded a
kind of civilisation. The Romans then
occupied the west and south, and in the
course of two centuries created a flourish-
ing community. The waves of the great
migration, however, swept away the
Roman settlers, together with the few
barbarians inhabiting the country, into
other districts. The Roman legions retired
to Italy before the advancing Huns.
After the death of Attila, in 453 a.d., his
kingdom fell to pieces ; the Huns were
incorporated with other races and dis-
appeared from the scene. Goths, Gepids
and Langobards now maintained their
position for a longer or shorter time upon
the arena and destroyed what scanty
remnants of Roman civilisation had sur-
vived. These Teutonic hordes
were in their turn driven out
by the Avars, who occupied
the eastern frontiers from 626,
notwithstanding their defeat, until the
Prankish Emperor Charles broke their
power' in 803. Their deserted territory
was occupied by Slav nomads and some
Bulgarians, together with the remnants
of the Avars, until the end of the ninth
century, when it was seized by the nation,
Struggles
of Barbaric
Hordes
one of whose names it was henceforward
to retain. The name " Hungarian " has
no connection with the Huns. Ungari is
is merely a variant of Ungri = Ugri,
Ugrians.
Probably the Magyars were originally
settled in the south of Ingria, on the Isim,
Irtish, Cm, and in the wooded steppes ot
Baraba, but at an early period were
driven into the districts between the
Q . . Caspian and the Black Seas,
nh"^ where they settled between the
Ma ars ^^^ ^^^ *^^ Kuban, and be-
came a fishing people. On this
hypothesis they are a genuine branch of
the Ugrian group of the Mongolian race, to
which the Fins and the true Bulgarians
belonged. It was the influence of their
Hun neighbours that first induced these
Ugrians to adopt cattle-breeding, an
hereditary occupation of the Turkish
nomads. The bracing effect of the dangers
which threatened them on every side as
they pushed forward in the vanguard of
their race gradually changed their national
character, with the result that they were
eventually inferior to no Turkish nation
in political capacity.
For a long period the Magyars paused
in their migrations and settled in the
plains on the Lower Don, where they
had their chief market town in Karch.
Muslim ben Abu Muslim ab-Garmi (about
830-845), and other Arabs constantly
confused the Magyars with the Bashkirs,
who resembled them in nationality and
name, and were settled eastward of the
Pechenegs in the steppes between the
Ural and Caspian seas, bounded on the
north by the Isgil Bulgarians on the
3113
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Where the
Magyars
Came From
Kama ; to this confusion is due the
hypothesis, long vigorously supported, of
a " Magna Hungaria " in South-east Russia
as the first home of the Magyars.
The truth is that their district, which
lay upon the Maeotis, bordered that of
the Alans, Khazars and Bul-
garians, and extended to the
Kuban on the north-west end of
the Caucasus ; it was known as
" Lebedia " to Constantine VII. Porphy-
rogennetos. About 833 these Western
Turkish Khazars found themselves so
oppressed by the Magyars that they ap-
plied for protection to the Emperor
Theophilus. The result was the construc-
tion of a fortified trench
and the building of the
brick fortress of Sarkel
on the Don. Cut off
in this direction by the
Khazars, the Magyars
removed to the Lower
Danube in 839-840,
where they intervened
in the Bulgarian and
Greek struggles.
Soon we find them
loosely dependent upon
the Khazars. However,
when these latter, in
alliance with the Guzes
of the Sea of Aral,
drove the Pechenegs
from their possessions
between A til and Jajyk
this movement proved
unfavourable for the
Magyars, for the
Pechenegs had been
little weakened, and
now appeared in a
hostile attitude upon
the Don ; the Magyars,
therefore, about 862, turned their backs
upon Lebedia, which was henceforward
closed against them, and established
themselves to the west of the Dnieper,
on the Bug and Dniester. This new
home is repeatedly referred to as Atel-
kuzu. The khan of the Khazars was
equally hard pressed, and made a proposal
to Lebedias, the first tribal chieftain of the
Magyars in Chelandia, to become prince
of the Magyars under his supremacy.
He, however, declined the proposal.
Although hemmed in by the Khazars
and Magyars, the power of the Pechenegs
grew rapidly. After the years 880-890
3114
ARPAD, THE LEADER OF THE MAGYARS
Chosen by the chieftains as the leader of their race,
by concluding a "blood-treaty," each chief making
a wound in his own arm and drinking the blood.
the Magyars found it impossible to con-
tinue their marauding expeditions east-
ward ; for this reason they abandoned
Atelkuzu, which had lost its value for
them, and had become absolutely unsafe
in the east upon the Dnieper, and moved
further westward in 889. This second
and final forced movement of the Magyars
from the north shore of the Black Sea is
of importance in the history of the world ;
driven forward by the Pechenegs, and
also from the Balkan Peninsula, which at
the invitation of the Byzantines they had
devastated in 894, from the Pruth and
Sereth, to meet with expulsion in 895 from
the bold Bulgarian Symeon, the Magyars
in 896 pushed their way
like a wedge amid the
South - east European
Slavs ; here they re-
mained and developed
their civilisation, and
for a thousand years
continued to occupy
this position.
The Magyars ad-
vanced into the dis-
tricts of the Theiss and
Danube, across the
North Carpathians,
through the pass of
Vereczke. It is said
that the chieftains of
the several races — to-
gether with Arpad and
his son Liuntis, who
ruled the predominant
tribe of the Kabars,
Kursan is also men-
tioned — executed a
closer form of agree-
ment upon this journey;
choosing Arpad as their
leader, they concluded a
" blood-treaty " by catching blood from
their arms in a basin and drinking it. The
nomadic races who had spent their pre-
vious existence on the steppes of Hungary
were at once attracted by the flat country
„ . J which surrounded them in
How Arpad was their new home in Pannonia,
'• Bi**a t'^ " ^^^^ ^^^ great expanses, its
00 - rea y pgjj^(.j(j atmosphere, and its
lack of colour. Like every steppe people,
they were accustomed to live in a state of
warfare,and depended partly upon the booty
which they were able to extort from their
settled neighbours by their bold cavalry
raids. Some time, however, before their
TtlE MAGYARS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
appearance in the plains of the Theiss they
had progressed beyond the savagery of a
primitive race.
The occupation of this new nome was
effected without diflftcuhy ; there was, in
fact, no one to bar the way. The scanty
population was soon incorporated with
the new arrivals, who first settled in the
plains of the lowlands, where they found
abundant pasturage for their herds of
horses and cattle. From this base of
operations they then extended their rule
towards the natural frontiers of the region
they occupied. Their only conflicts took
place on the north-west, in the district of
the Waag River, and finally Moravia
Major succumbed to
their attacks in 906.
The several chieftains
settled with their tribes
in the places appointed
to them, and built them-
selves castles, which
served as central points
both for defence and
for economic exploita-
tion. Arpad himself
took possession of
Attila's castle, in the
ruins of which, accord-
ing to the somewhat
unreliable Gesta Hun-
garorum of the anony-
mous secretary of King
Bela, the Hungarians
" held their daily festi-
vals ; they sat in rows
in the palace of Attila,
and the sweet tones of
harps and shawms and
Central Europe terror-stricken for half a
century ; then, laden with rich booty and
slaves, they returned home The Czechs,
who had become the neighbours of the
Magyars after the fall of Moravia, often
suffered from their raids. On J uly 5th, 907,
Death *^^ Bavarians experienced a
^j severe blow. After 924 a Magyar
Arpad <^ivision from Venice appears to
have joined in a piratical raid,
conducted by the Emir Thamar of Tarsus ;
others made their way to Galicia and An-
dalusia about 943. Neither the death of
Arpad, in 907, nor the defeat inflicted upon
them in 933 by the German king Henry the
Fowler put an end to their extensive raids ;
in 934, in alliance with
or under the rule of
some hordes of Peche-
negs, part of whom had
been converted to
Mohammedanism about
915, they undertook an
invasion of the East
Roman Empire, upon a
scale which reminds one
of the typical crusade;
they devastated the
boundary fortress of
Valandar and advanced
to the walls of Con-
stantinople. In 943 and
948 this attempt was
repeated upon a similar
scale. It was not until
955, when they suffered
a dreadful defeat at
Augsburg and lost the
East Mark of Germany
for the second time,
,, e ^u ■ FOUNDER OF THE HUNGARIAN KINGDOM ^, . ., ,,
the songs ot the smgers with the rule of Geza, great grandson of Arpad. that a Considerable
sounded before them." t^^!. Magyars passed from nomadism to a settled transformation took
nationality and his son stetan I., who reigned as • i • n
Mmstrels sang the ex- king of Hungary from 997 till 1038, consolidated place in the intellectual
ploits of fallen heroes '^^ "^'"^"""^ °^ ^'''"^ ^^ ^^" *^^ ^^^' ""^'°"- and social life of the
to the accompaniment of the lute, and
story-tellers related legends of the
heroes of old.
The warlike spirit of the brave Hun-
garians found, however, little satisfaction
in this peaceful occupation.
in Italy ^99. 921, 924, 941-942, 947 and
951, Saxony in 915, Central
and even South Italy in the winter of
921 ; in 922, 926, and 937 they raided
Burgundy ; South-west Franconia in 924,
937, and 951, and Suabia in 937. Advancing
upon their hardy steeds they ravaged
and plundered far and wide. They held
Magyar nation. Contact with foreigners,
even by way of enmity, and in particular
the large immigration of foreign Slavs, who
had amalgamated with the Hungarian
nation, had brought about a new state
of affairs, and convinced the upper classes
that no nation could live by military
power alone in the midst of peaceful
nationalities. The great grandson of
Arpad. "the duke" Geza (972 to 997),
accepted Christianity. His government
marks the point at which the Hungarians
passed from the simple conditions of life
in their heathen nomad state to the posi-
tion of a settled nation.
3"5
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
When Wajk, the son of Geza, who was
baptised as Stefan I., ascended the throne
in 997, he found the path aheady pre-
pared ; in the course of four decades he
was able to complete the work of civilisa-
tion begun by his father, and to secure for
Hungary a position among the nationalities
of Europe. With statesmanlike insight he
^ joined, not the Greek,but the
_ . ^"^ „ Roman Church, and thereby
Brings Hungary ,, ,- . /
. P^ threw open his country to
the new intellectual move-
ment which was beginning to stir the West.
His German wife, Gisela, a daughter of the
Bavarian duke Henry H. who died in 995,
was his faithful supporter in these labours.
The Pope, Silvester H. (999-1003), in
recognition of his services to Christianity,
in 1000 conferred upon him the dignity
of king together with extraordinary eccle-
siastical privileges for himself and his
successors. By the foundation of monas-
teries and bishoprics Stefan laid a firm
basis for the organisation of the Roman
Church in Hungary. Many tribal chieftains
certainly took up arms against these
innovations, but Christianity took firm
root after a short time. In particular,
the worship of the Virgin Mary was rapidly
popularised, owing to her easy identifica-
tion with their own Nagyasszony, the
" mother of the gods."
King Stefan also introduced innovations
in military, judicial, and economic insti-
tutions. He effected nothing less than a
revolution in the domestic and public
hfe of his subjects. To him is due the
division of the country into comitates or
counties. In spite of the fact that his
constructive activity was directed chiefly
to works of peace, he was forced on several
occasions to take up arms. After a vic-
torious campaign against the Pechenegs
and Mieczyslav II. of Poland, the suc-
cessor of Boleslav Chabri, he was obliged
to measure his strength, after 1030, with the
German emperor, Conrad II., and in the
peace of 1031 was able to ex-
w * k ' f* ^GT^<i his kingdom westwards
«,..»., beyond the Fischa to the
Saint Stefan ^ <,, j -nw u t-l
Leitha and Danube. The
remainder of his life the great king spent in
mourning for the loss of his son Emerich.
On August 15th, 1038, the real creator of
the Hungarian kingdom ended his laborious
existence ; deeply revered by his people,
he was canonised by the Church in 1087.
Stefan the Saint was succeeded by
Peter Orseolo (1038- 1041 and 1044-1046),
3116
Samuel Aba (1041-1044), Andreas I.
(1046 to December, 1060), and Bela I.
(1060-1063), whose daughter Sophie is
regarded by the Askanians, the Hohen-
stauffen, the Guelfs, and the Wittels-
bachs as their common ancestor. Then
followed Salomon from 1063 to 1074 — he
married in 1063 Judith, or Sophie, the
daughter of the Emperor Henry III.
and of Agnes of Poitou — and Geza I.
(1074-1077). During this period develop-
ment was impeded by quarrels about
the succession, and internal disturbances.
The efforts of the German Empire to
maintain the supremacy which had been
secured over Hungary in 1044 came to
an end in 1052 with the fruitless siege
of Pressburg undertaken by the Emperor
Henry III. ; the campaign of Henry IV.
in 1074 was equaUy unproductive of
definite result. The last efforts of
heathendom were crushed with the sup-
pression of a revolt begun by the heathen
population under their tribal chieftain
Vatha, killed 1046, and his reputed son
Janos, who died about 1060.
St. Ladislaus I. (1077-August 29th,
1095) and Koloman the author (1095-
1114) were able to continue the
_ *1 " * reforming work of Stefan. To-
e orms ^^j-jjg ^j^g gj^^j Qf ^-^e eleventh
Continued . tt ■ j
century Hungary occupied an
important position among the independent
states of Europe. St. Ladislaus, who
survived in Hungarian legend as a type
of bravery and knightly character, in-
corporated the inland districts of Croatia
with his kingdom, founded a bishopric
at Agram in 1091, and divided his new
acquisition into counties. His successor,
Koloman, whose interests were primarily
scholastic and ecclesiastical, though he
also turned his attention to legislation,
subdued the Dalmatian towns with the
object of erecting a barrier against the
growing power of Venice. From this time
Croatia has remained a component part
of the Hungarian territory.
While the empire was extending its
boundaries westward, the eastern frontier
was troubled by the Cumanians. In
1091, when the authorities were occupied
with Croatia, this nation made a devasta-
ting invasion into Hungary ; Ladislaus
captured most of them in two campaigns,
and settled them in the districts of the
Theiss. He did his best to introduce
security of property. In the momentous
struggle between the Pope and the
THE MAGYARS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
empire he promised to support the Roman
Church against the Emperor Henry IV.,
but was far-sighted enough to take no
direct part in the quarrel. In the year 1192
he was canonised. During the govern-
ment of Koloman, the first Crusaders,
led by Count Emiko of Leiningen, marched
through the land in disorderly array, and
were for that reason driven beyond the
frontier, while a friendly reception was
extended to Godfrey de Bouillon.
After the death of Koloman, his weak-
minded and dissipated son Stefan II.
occupied the throne from 1116 to 1131 ;
during his government the Venetians
recovered the
larger part of the
Dalmatian dis-
trict. When he
died without
issue, the Hun-
garians sub-
mitted to Bela II.
(1131-1141), who,
together with his
father, Duke
Almos of Croatia,
had been pre-
viously blinded
by King Koloman
for participation
in a revolt .
Hardly had the
blind king
entered upon his
government
when the country
was invaded by
Borics, the son
of Koloman by
a Russian wife,
Eufemia, who
TYPES OF
had been The history of this peopK
race, dates back to the six
divorced for
decaying Byzantine Empire, and was
attempting to make Greek influence oncc
more preponderantin the BalkanPeninsula.
As Hungary stood in the way of his plans
Byzantium's {j^ attempted to undermine
Intrigues Against ^^' ^dependence by every
Hungary means m his power. At the
instigation of Borics he in-
vaded the south of Hungary, but was driven
back by Geza II. and forced to make peace.
Borics afterwards met his death at the
head of Greek troops in a conflict with the
Cumanians. The Emperor Manuel now
took the Dukes Stefan and Ladislaus
under his protection ; they had sought
refuge with him
after revolting
against their
brother Geza in
1158. Under this
ruler took place
the first great
migration of the
Germans to
Northern H u n -
gary and Tran-
sylvania. On the
death o f Geza
the Hungarian
throne naturally
fell by inheritance
to his son Stefan
III. (1161-1172),
but Manuel by
means of bribery
secured the elec-
tion of his favour-
ite Ladislaus II.
in 1162. After
his early death
the Emperor
THE ANCIENT MAGYARS Manuel brought
said to be a branch of the Mongolian forward Stefan
th century. They are described as posses- t\/ i-Ua ni-Vtor
ihaoelv fitmres. black hair and eves, dark ^''•' ^"^ Oiaer
sing- "regular features, shapely figures, black hair and eyes, dark
adultery. Borics complexion, impulsive temperament, and intense patriotic feeling." brother of GcZa,
was supported by the Polish Duke
Boleslav III., who was put to flight by the
German troops of the king.
On the death of Bela II. his son Geza II.,
who was a minor, came to the throne (1141
to May, 1161), and Borics then attempted
to secure the help of the
Crusaders, who were passing
through Hungary. However,
the Emperor Conrad and King
Louis VII. declined to support this
hazardous project. Borics now fled to
the Byzantine Emperor Manuel. This
ruler had inspired further life into the
Crusaders
Hungary
as an opposition king; Stefan, how-
ever, was speedily abandoned by his sup-
porters and overthrown by Stefan III. in
1 164, in alliance with the Premyslid
Vladislav II. Manuel concluded peace
with Stefan III. and took his brother
Bela to Constantinople to be educated.
The danger which Byzantium threatened
to the Hungarian Empire came to an end
in 1180, with the death of the Emperor
Manuel ; shortly before that date he had
given Hungary a king in the person of
Bela III. (1172 to April 20th, 1196), who
used his Greek education solely for the
3117
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
benefit of the people. Bela III. recovered
the Dalmatian districts and Syrmia from
the Venetians, and occupied Galicia for
some time. By his marriage with Mar-
garet, the sister of Philip Augustus of
France, French customs were introduced
into Hungary. Andreas II., the son of
Bela III. (1205-1235), overthrew his brother
Emerich, who died in the middle
"^*^ of Septembei , 1204, and also his
I t A A ^°^ Ladislaus III., who died on
May 7th, 1205, in Vienna, and
undertook a crusade on his own account in
1217. On his return home he lived in a
continual state of dissension with his
nobles. After a long struggle, in which
the malcontents, under the leadership of
Benedict Bor, otherwise Bank ban, killed
the Queen Gertrude in 1213, Andreas II.
issued the " Golden Bull " — a piece of
legislation of the first importance to the
Hungarian constitution. By this measure
he broke the power of the counts and gave
extensive privileges to the ecclesiastical
and secular nobility of lower rank, secur-
ing to the latter a permanent influence
upon government legislation and adminis-
tration.
Under the government of his son, Bela
IV. (1235-1270), the Mongols of Batu
invaded the country in March, 1241,
and spread appalling devastation for a
year. The Austrian duke, Frederick II.
the Valiant, the last of the Babenbergs,
meanwhile occupied the West and plun-
dered the treasures of Queen Maria, who
had taken refuge with him. After the
departure of the invading hordes the
king returned home from Dalmatia, and
with the help of the Knights of St. John
soon restored prosperity and undertook
a campaign against the Austrian duke,
who fell, leaving no issue, in the battle of
Vienna Neustadt on June 15th, 1246. Bela
IV, now occupied his valuable heritage,
but in July, 1260, was forced to divide it
with the Bohemian king, Premsyl Ottokar
_ . . II., and finally to renounce it
Bohemian a- i • xu r
_ . entirely smce the power of
uprcmacy m ggj^gj^jg^ extended to the
Adriatic Sea, and in Germany
the "dreadful period without an emperor "
of the interregnum had begun.
Ladislaus IV. (1272-1290), the son of
Stefan V. (1270-1272), and a grandson
of Bela IV., helped the Hapsburg ruler to
win a victory for Ottokar at Diirnkrut on
August 26th, 1278, and then wasted his
time in dissipation and feasting with the
3118
Cumanians, to whom he was related
through his mother, the daughter of a
Cumanian chief. He was hardly able to
expel the Tartar invaders. On August
31st, 1290, he was murdered by a company
of his dearest friends, the Cumanians.
Rudolf of Hapsburg made an unjustifiable
attempt to hand over Hungary to his son
Albert, as a vacant fief of the empire ;
his real object, however, was to secure
concessions in that quarter.
The. male line of the house of Arpad
became extinct after Andreas III. He
was recognised only by Dalmatia and
Croatia (1290 to January 14th, 1301),
being opposed by Charles Martel of Anjou,
wl;o died in 1295, a stepson of Rudolf of
Hapsburg and a protege of Nicholas IV.
Under the government of the Arpads the
Hungarian nation had imbibed the spirit
of Christian civilisation, though without
sacrificing their natural interests on the
altar of religion. The general policy of
the Arpads had been to connect the deve-
lopment of the Hungarian nationality with
Western civilisation, and to put down
infidelity and barbarism with the sword.
The country was covered with churches,
_ • J- -J ^ monasteries, and schools,
ris lani y an ^^ which latter the high
Early Hungarian i i . ir
, .. . school at Vesspnm soon
Literature , ■ .r ^
became a scientific and
artistic centre. No less obvious is the
influence of Christianity in the most ancient
remains of Hungarian literature. The first
book written in the Hungarian language
at the outset of the thirteenth century
is the " Funeral Service with Proper
Prayers"; this service clearly reflects
the spirit of the nation whicfi had so
long wandered upon the storm-lashed
plains and only a short time before had
buried its dead with their horses.
Upon the extinction of the male line
of the Arpads several members of the
female line came forward with claims to
the vacant throne. Charles Robert, the
grandson of Maria, daughter of Stefan
v., was a member of the Neapolitan Anjou
family, and had secured a considerable
following from 1295, even during the
lifetime of Andreas III. ; however, the
Hungarians, if we may believe the some-
what questionable traditions on the point,
elected the king, Wenzel II. (Wenceslaus)
of Bohemia, whose mother, Kunigunde of
Halicz, was descended from the family of
the Arpads. He did not accept the
election, but handed over the Hungarian
MARGARET, QUEEN OF HUNGARY, SETTING OUT rwix i-«l,ESTINE
The daughter of Louis VII., King of France, Margaret became the second wife of Bela III., and was the means of
introducing into Hungary much of the refinement and elegance which, even at that early period, disting^uished the
French court. After the death of Bela, in Uixi, Henry VI., Emperor of Germany, determined upon sending an army
to aid the Crusaders in Palestine, and at the head of the troops furnished by Hungary, Margaret, the youthful widow,
set out in person. Margaret was not destined to return from her voluntary expedition, as she died in Palestine.
crown to his son, Wenzel III., who
assumed the name of Ladislaus V., as
king in 1302.
However, the party of Charles Robert
caused Ladislaus so much trouble during
his stay in the country that he returned to
Bohemia in 1304. The party of Wenzel
now elected Otto III., Duke of Lowei
Bavaria (1305 to 1308), whose mother,
Elizabeth, was also a descendant of the
house of Arpad. While upon a visit to
Transylvania he fell into the hands of the
Transylvanian voivode, Ladislaus Apor, in
1307 ; after spending a year in captivity he
secured his freedom, abdicated the crown,
left the country, and died in 1312.
By means of the intervention of the
Pope, Charles Robert was chosen king ;
he was able to secure the predominance
of the house of Anjou in Hungary for
nearly a century. He proved an admirable
ruler, who not only kept the oligarchy
. _ in check, but also improved the
With Italian prosperity of Hungary by the
^ . introduction of a reformed
s^'stem of defence and of agri-
culture ; he also brought the nation into
immediate contact with Italian civilisa-
tion. He secured the crown of Poland
to his son and successor, Lewis, and the
crown of Naples c ame under his influence
by the marriage of his other son, Andreas.
Lewis
the
Great
On the death of Charles Robert his son
Lewis I. came to the throne (1342 to
1382), and Hungary secured a highly
educated and knightly ruler, to whom
she gladly gave the title of " the Great."
Lewis introduced a beneficial innova-
tion by a regulation which
obliged the territorial serfs to
pay a ninth of the products of
their fields and vineyards to
the nobility, in order that these might
the more easily be able to fulfil the heavy
obligation of supplying troops for military
service ; by prohibiting the alienation of
noble lands from the families which owned
them, this Angevin introduced the Hun-
garian custom of aviticitas — that is, heredi-
tary succession. To this reform Lewis the
Great owed his brilliant military successes.
His attention was soon claimed by the
confusion in the kingdom of Naples, where
his brother Andreas had been murdered
by his own wife, Joanna I., in 1345. Lewis
appeared in Naples with a large army at
the close of 1347, conquered the town, and
inflicted punishment upon the supporters
of his sister-in-law, who fled to Provence.
This victory of the Hungarian arms in
Naples considerably raised the prestige
of Lewis throughout Europe. Owing to
the opposition of Pope Clement VI. he
was unable to take permanent possession
3119
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
of the conquered territory, but the long
stay which he made in Italy (1347, 1348-
1350) had a great influence upon the
education of his nobles. In two cam-
paigns, 1356 and 1358,
he humbled the republic
of Venice, and finally re-
conquered Dalmatia from
Quarnero to Durazzo.
For a short period (1365-
1369) he also occupied
part of Bulgaria. It was
under his government
that Christian Europe
was first threatened by
the Turkish advance into
the Balkan Peninsula ;
this advance he pre-
vented in 1366 for some
time. To secure his dy-
nasty and extend it, he
betrothed his daughter,
the heiress Maria, to
Sigismund of Luxemburg,
a younger son by a fourth
marriage of the German
ever, in Hungary Maria was forced to deal
at once with certain revolted noble
families, who called to the throne, in 1385,
King Charles III., the younger of Durazzo,
from Naples. This An-
gevin king was crowned
as Charles II., and after
a reign of thirty - six
days was assassinated on
February 24th, 1386.
The nobles took Maria
prisoner, and her mother
Elizabeth they strangled.
Maria's husband, Sigis-
mund of Luxemburg,
appeared at the right
moment in Hungary with
a Bohemian army of
Wenzel to free his consort
from imprisonment, and
the regency was entrusted
to him at the close of
March, 1387. While these
disturbances undermined
the power of Hungary
LEWIS THE GREAT from withiu, the Otto-
Emperor Charles IV.; his j;i^-5e'?*&Tf;om""^^^^^^^ mans were continuing
other daughter, Hedwig, besides greatly extending the power and tem- their COnnUCStS in
, , ,, 1, TTr-ii- tory of his country, advanced its civilisation, -r-. n t-> • i
was betrothed to William,
Duke of Austria. Both, however, died
without children. Lewis did not secure
possession of the crown Of Poland until
1370 ; his power now extended from the
Baltic to the Adriatic, and for a time
even to the Black Sea. These acquisi-
tions of territory increased his prestige
and his influence
among the states
of Europe, but
contributed very
little to the con-
solidation of the
Hungarian king-
dom owing to
the undisciplined
nature of the
Polish nobility
and the favourit-
ism of his mother
Elizabeth. As
Lewis I. had no
sons, his daughter
Maria (1^82 to
1385)
the
Balkan Peninsula. In
1389 the fate of Servia was decided.
In 1393 the fortress of Widdin fell, the
house of the Sismanids of Tirnovo was
overthrown, and Bulgaria became an Otto-
man province. Sigismund then turned
for help to the Christian states of Western
Em ope. However, his splendid army.
half composed of
Hungarians, was
destroyed at
Nicopoli by the
Turks, with the
loss of more than
50,000 men .
South Hungary
soon became a
desert. Sigis-
mund then found
himself entangled
in a long and
fruitless war with
Venice for tne
possession of
Dalmatia. As
QUEEN MARIA AND HER CONSORT SIGISMUND
These old woodcuts represent Maria, the daughter of Lewis the
_ _ ascended Great, and hei husband, Sigismund of Luxemburg. The latter, who German Empcrcr
,u~^j.T- i ri. was also German Emperor, was made regent of Hungary in 1387. , . , , ,- ^
the throne after his attention was
his death, but was unable to maintain
her position. Poland fell into the hands
of her sister Hedwig, who had become
the wife of Jagellon of Lithuania. How-
3120
long occupied, after 1410 and 141 1, by
ecclesiastical difficulties. By the burning
of the reformer, John Huss, the Hussite
heresy was widely spread in Bohemia,
THE MAGYARS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
and the devastating influence of the
movement extended also to Northern
Hungary.
After a reign of fifty years Sigismund
died and left the throne to the husband
of his daughter Elizabeth, Albert of
Austria. Under his government (1437-
1439), Hungary nearly fell into the hands
of the Turks, and was saved from de-
struction only by John or Janos Hunyadi,
Baron of Szolnok and Count of Temesvar ;
he was one of the most capable generals
and noblest figures in the Magyar nation.
After the unexpected death of Albert,
disturbances broke out at home and
abroad. One party of the nobles chose
Vladislav HI. of Poland, while another
deceived by the optimism of the papacy,
broke the treaty, l^he result of this rash-
ness was his total defeat at the battle
of Varna on November loth, 1444, where
Vladislav and Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini
lost their lives. During the minority of
Hunyadi ^^^ Ladislaus V. Posthumus,
Chosca as Hunyadi was chosen regent of
Regent empire, and ruled from
June 5th, 1446, to Christmas,
1452. He devoted superhuman efforts to
checking the aggrandisement of the nobility
and the advance of the Turks. After the
capture of Constantinople bands of Turks
appeared beiore Belgrade. Owing to the
enthusiastic preaching of the Minorite,
John of Capistrano, the people joined
THE HISTORIC CASTLE OF JOHN HUNYADI, THE GREAT HERO OF HUNGARY
offered the crown to Ladislaus (Posthu-
mus), the son of Albert, born after his
death on February 22nd, 1440. These
quarrels about the succession came to an
end only upon the death of the queen
widow, Elizabeth, on December iqth, 1442.
In the end Vladislav I. secured iccognition
J. , (1442-1444). The brilliant'
.,.''°^*. ' \ successes which Hunyadi had
Victories Over . , . u t- 1 ^.i.
. ^ . gamed over the Turks on the
occasion of their incursion
into Transylvania and South Hungary in
1442 inspired the king to attack the
enemy in his own country in 1443 : he
was defeated, and forced to conclude
the peace of Szegedin in the middle of
1444. A few days afterwards Vladislav,
the army of Hunyadi in such numbers
that he was able to relieve Belgrade
with great rapidity (July 21st, 1456). The
whole of Europe was delighted with this
brilliant feat of arms. However, on
August nth John Hunyadi ended his
heroic life. The memory of this great man
was but little honoured by King Ladislaus.
Persuaded by the calumnies of the dead
man's enemies, he executed his son Ladis-
laus, who had murdered the influential
Count Ulrich of Cilli in Belgrade ; the
other son, Matthias, he took with him into
captivity in Prague. After the sudden
death of King Ladislaus V.,on November
23rd, 1457, shortly before the arrival of
his consort, Isabella of France, Matthias
3121
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
returned home, and was placed upon the
throne by the nobility on January 24th,
1458. Thus the short connection between
Hungary and Bohemia again terminated
for the moment. The thirty-two years of
the reign of King Matthias Hunyadi (1458-
„ , 1490), known as Corvinus, from
Hunyadi s ^^^ ^^^^ ^f ^^^^^ ^g ^^ie second
Able Son on pgj..^^ of prosperity and the
the Throne ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ independence on
the part of Old Hungary. With an iron
hand Matthias secured peace at home by
the stern punishment of the rebellious
nobles, and by making the grant of offices
and dignities conditional upon good
service. His government
is a series of military and
political successes, ac-
companied by a steady
advance in intellectual
and economic progress.
The Hussite, John Giskra,
who had occupied almost
all the fortified posses-
sions in Upper Hungary,
recognised the power of
the young king and came
over to his service in
1462. Matthias became
entangled in the changing
vicissitudes of a long war
with the Emperor
Frederick HI., who had
been joined by the dis-
satisfied nobles ; the
struggle was brought to
an end between 1485 and
1487 by the permanent
conquest of Vienna, of
Austria below the Enns,
and some parts of Styria.
The troubles in Bohemia
were satisfactorily
teiminated by the con-
ventions of Ofen and Olmiitz on September
30th, 1478, and on July 21st. 1479 ;
these secured to Corvinus the title
of King of Bohemia, and gave him posses-
sion of Moravia and the duchies of Silesia
and Lausitz. He undertook a great
expedition against the Turks, who marched
triumphantly into Breslau and Vienna.
When they invaded Transylvania he sent
Count Paul Kinizsi of Temesvar to help the
Voivode Stefan Bathori ; they defeated the
enemy on the Brotfeld at Broos on October
13th, 1479. Under the government of
Corvinus the Turkish danger lost its
threatening character for some time ; by
3122
the organisation of a standing army, the
" Black Squadron," which maintained
good discipline, he created a military
power, the admirable organisation of
which acted as a strong barrier against
the storm advancmg from the south.
At that period the new spirit of human-
ism was potent at the king's palace at
Ofen, in the castles of the bishops, and in
the high schools. Matthias was entirely
under its influence. The movement of the
renaissance found an enthusiastic recep-
tion and a ready support, not only in the
saats of Dionys Szechy and John Vitez,
the ecclesiastical princes of Gran and
Grosswardein, but also at
the king's court. Italian
masters, including Bene-
detto da Majono (1442-
1497), built and decorated
a royal palace in which
historians, poets, and
rhetoricians assembled.
The prothonotary, John
of Thurocz, continued his
" Chronicum pictum Vin-
dobonense " to the year
1464, while Antonio Bon-
fini, the " Hungarian
Livy," who died in 1502,
wrote the king's history,
and Martino Galeotti,
who died in 1478, col-
lected his decrees.
Among the circle of
scholars who gathered
round Corvinus, a Euro-
pean reputation was won
by Marsilio Ficino and by
the later Bishop of Fiinf-
HUNYADi, THE HERO OF HUNGARY kirchcn, Janus Panuouius,
John, or Janos, Hunyadi was the saviour of ii-jf}! Hie T a fin pnirc
hiscountry.asit was due to his military prow- ,*''! '"=* J-.d.Liii cpn-s,
ess that Hungary was saved from the Turkish elcgieS, and epigrams,
yoke in the middle of the fifteenth century, j^j^^^ Matthias had OUe
of the most famous libraries of his
time, the " Corvina," containing about
3,000 manuscripts and 60,000 volumes;
it was carried off by the Turks, and
a few scanty remnants of it now existing
weie sent back from Stam-
boul in 1869 and 1877. The
period which ended with the
death of this second Hunyadi
was indeed a brilliant age. Its influence
was transmitted to the minds of the com-
ing generation, and facilitated the transi-
tion to the Reformation, which in Hungary
found minds prepared to receive it by the
intellectual culture of that age.
Brilliant
Age of
Corvinus
199
3123
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Death of
the Great
Corvinus
On April 6th, 1490, King Matthias died
at Venice at the age of fifty. The creation
of a powerful Danube kingdom, which the
genius of the great Corvinus had brought
to pass, proved to be of a transitory
nature. He had married twice, but there
were no children either by his
first wife Katharina Podiebrad,
or by the second, Beatrice of
Aragon, whose praises are sung
by Bonfini. With the consent of the
nobles he therefore designated bis natural
son, the Duke John Corvinus, as his suc-
cessor. Seduced from their promises by
the intrigues of Queen Beatrice, the
ecclesiastical and secular dignitaries elected
to the throne the Bohemian King Vladis-
lav, a member of the familyof the Jagiells
or Jagellon family; his younger brother,
John Albert, who had been brought
forward during his minority, gave up his
claim on February 20th, 1491, in return
for compensation in Silesia.
Beatrice had supported the election
of Vladislav in the hope that she
would marry the king, who was still a
bachelor, but in
this she was en-
tirely deceived.
The great nobles
were tired of the
iron rule of Mat-
thias, and longed
for a weak king
under whom the
power of ' their
families could be
extended as they
pleased. , From
this point of
view Vladislav
II. (1490-1516)
fully realised
their hopes ; he
lived at Ofen, a
mere figurehead.
Terrible
Revolt of the
Peasants
owners, was secretly aiming at the throne ;
in 1505 he induced the estates to decree
that they would not again elect a
foreigner in case Vladislav should die
leaving no male heir. To secure his family
interests Vladislav in 1515 made a con-
vention with the Emperor Maximilian
regarding the succession, and betrothed his
son Lewis to the Archduchess Maria, the
emperor's granddaughter, and his daughter
Anna to the Archduke Ferdinand.
A short time before — in 1514 — a terrible
revolt of the peasants had broken out
under the leadership of George Dozsas.
Zapolya caused the " belliger crucife-
rorum " (leader of the Crusaders) to be
burnt upon a red-hot iron
throne, and reduced the
country to a state of apparent
peace".; but the misery and
distress of the common people had risen
to a high pitch.-.
After the death of King Vladislav, the
throne was occupied by his son Lewis II.,
then ten years of age (1516-1526) ; during
his minority the affairs of state were
conducted by a
regency of three.
In the midst of
the disastrous
party struggles
which were con-
tinually fostered
by Zapolya, the
ambassador o f
Suleiman ap-
peared in Ofen
and offered peace
on condition that
Hungary should
pay the yearly
tribute to the
sultan. The de-
mand was refused
and the emissary
imprisoned.
KING MATTHIAS AND BEATRICE OF ARAGON
who with his Matthias, the greatest son of John Hunyadi, died in 1690 after a thoUgh UO mca-
nnKlpc r-nrriaA rtn brilliant reign, though he had not succeeded in creating a great cnrc^c wrf^rt^ i-oVf^n
nODies carriea on Danube kingdom. Beatrice was his second wife, and he left no heir. SUrCb Were IdKCn
the
the government
and bought peace from foreign enemies
at the price of disgraceful conditions.
The Roman Emperor Maximilian recon-
quered Vienna and the Austrian terri-
tories. The great nobles laid heavy
burdens upon the towns and serfs, and
made them feel inexorably the weight
of their recovered power and dominion,
the same time John Zapolya, Count
of Zips, one of the richest territorial
3124
to protect
frontier. When Suleiman invaded the
country in 1526, Lewis II. was able to
bring only a small army against him.
The disaster of Mohacs, on August 29th,
cost the childless king his life and put an
end to the unity of the Hungarian state.
Suleiman captured Ofen, devastating the
country far and wide, and marched home
in October, retaining only Syrmia, to
secure his possession of Belgrade.
THE HAPSBURG POWER IN HUNGARY
AND THE SPREAD OF PROTESTANTISM
HARDLY had the Turks retired when
disputes about the succession broke
out. One portion of the nobihty chose
John Zapolya as king on November loth,
1526 ; the remainder, on the ground of the
compact concerning the succession which
they had conckided with Vladislav, raised
the Archduke Ferdinand, a brother of
Charles V. and king of Bohemia, to the
throne on the i6th and 17th of December.
Ferdinand appeared with an army in the
summer of 1527, captured Ofen on August
20th, and drove the opposition king,
Zapolya, to Poland. However, after the
retirement of Ferdinand, Zapolya returned
with the help of Suleiman, conquered Ofen,
and accompanied the sultan's advance
to the walls of Vienna on September 21st,
1529. The attempt of the Turk to conquer
Vienna was unsuccessful. However,
Zapolya was able to secure the Hungarian
throne with his help, while Ferdinand
retained his hold only of
n^?n^tZtA f~- ^^^ countries bordering on
Austria. Henceforward, for
Battlefield for
Two Centuries
nearly two centuries Hun-
gary became a battlefield and the scene of
bloody conflicts between armies advanc-
ing from east and west respectively.
French policy, which was working in Ger-
many, Italy, and Constantinople to under-
mine the growing power of the house of
Hapsburg, induced the sultan to undertake
a second campaign in June, 1532, against
Vienna. On the march, however, his
quarter of a million soldiers were stopped
by the seven hundred men of Nicholas,
who held out for three weeks before the
little fortress of Giins, so that the Turk
was obliged to give up his project ; he
returned home, devastating the country
as he went. This movement eventually
induced the two kings to come to a re-
concihation on February 24th, 1538, at
Grosswardein. Each ruler was to retain
the district which he had in possession,
and after the death of John Zapolya
the whole country, including that beyond
the Theiss and Transylvania, was to be
inherited by Ferdinand ; any future son
born to the Magyar was to receive only
Zips as a duchy.
This peace was, however, dissolved in
1539 by the marriage of John Zapolya
with the Pohsh Duchess Isabella, who
bore him a son, John Sigismund, in 1540.
By the help of the Croatian, George Utis-
senich, known as Martinuzzi,
{ tK ^^ Bishop of Grosswardein, the
c ,» Queen Isabella, who became a
Sultan '^.j iii
widow m 1540, was able to
secure the recognition of her son as king.
The Porte promised protection. However,
on September 2nd, 1541, the sultan treach-
erously occupied Ofen, and incorporated
it with his own kingdom. The little
John Sigismund was left by the Turks in
possession only ©f Transylvania and of
some districts on the Theiss, while the
northern and western counties remained
in the hands of Ferdinand. The latter
afterwards secured the help of Martinuzzi
in December, 1541, under the convention
of Gyula. The Elector Joachim II. of
Brandenburg and the Duke Maurice of
Saxony made an attempt to recover
Ofen at the end of September, 1542, but
were hindered by insufficiency of means.
In view of the threatening aspect of the
Turks, Martinuzzi persuaded the queen in
1548 to surrender her territory in return
for an indemnity. Isabella and John
Sigismund came to an agreement in 155 1
with the Silesian duchies of Oppeln and
Ratibor, while John Castaldo, Ferdinand's
field-marshal, occupied Transylvania, and
/\ ¥ t I. " Prater Georgius " was re-
Queen Isabella warded with a cardinal's hat.
Surrenders a t? j- j'
_ . As Ferdmand s army was
ory not strong enough to dispel
the attack, Martinuzzi attempted to gain
time by negotiating with the Porte. This
aroused the suspicion of Castaldo. On
December 17th, 1551, he caused Martin-
uzzi to be treacherously murdered in the
castle of Alvincz by the Marchese Alphonso
Sforza-Pallavicini and the private secretary
Marcantonio Ferrari. In view of repeated
3125
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
attempts to accentuate the devotion of
the Austrian hereditary territories and the
value of the contingents offered by the
German Empire, it is worth pointing out
that the very dexterous pohcy of " brother
George " was dangerous to Hungary, inas-
. much as it served to clear
.T*"!"' .v""' the way for the inevitable
Under the r ii. i^ i
ott H 1 supremacy of the Turks.
°'^ ^ Isabellaand John Sigismund
soon returned to Transylvania, which now
became a permanent vassal state of Turkey,
though it received full religious freedom in
1557. Ferdinand, one of the best princes
of his age, could not oppose the victorious
advance of the Ottomans, for at that time
the interests of the Hapsburgs extended
over half Europe, and j.
he could not use his
power against the
Porte alone. Temes-
var fell in 1552,
notwithstanding the
heroic defence of
Stefan Losonczi ; in
Dregely, George
Szondy died a hero's |
death, with the whole
of the garrison.
Castaldo was forced
to retire from Tran-
sylvania in 1556, and
peace secured the
sultan in the receipt
of a yearly tribute
from Ferdinand.
After Ferdinand's
death, his son ' and
successor Maximilian
THE FAMOUS CROWN OF HUNGARY
the services of the Hungarian nobility,
who did their best to break away from the
Hapsburgs 'and lived in constant effort to
secure this end, a sufficient proof of their
selfishness is their oppression of the lower
classes, who had revolted against the
Ottomans in 1572 from pure patriotism.
Stefan's brother Christopher was succeeded
in 1586 by his son Sigismund Bathori.
Meanwhile Maximilian had died, and the
inheritance fell to his son Rudolf {1576-
l6o8). Hungary was devastated under
his rule by a Turkish war, which lasted
fifteen years (1591-1606), while Tran-
sylvania was ravaged both by the Turks
and by the armies of Rudolf. Sigismund
Bathori, who had married Marie Christine
of Styria in 1595, soon
divorced her, and ex-
changed his land for
Oppeln and Ratibor in
1597. In 1598, how-
ever, he regretted his
action. He returned
home, abdicated in
1599 in favour of his
nephew Andreas, and
retired to Poland.
Rudolf, who would
have been glad to get
Transylvania under
his own power, incited
Michael, the Voivode
of Wallachia, to make
war against Andreas
Bathori, who fell in
that campaign. The
nobles then recalled
Sigismund Bathori in
l6oi ; but he was
(15^4 -^57^) became Among- the historic crowns of Europe none has bad a
more varied history than that of Hungary, known as driven OUt in l602 bv
the crown of St. Stefan, the lower part of it having been ^ -w^ '. ,-, <- ' , -i
rop
entangled in the war more varied history than that of Hi
.,, ? , o- • 1 the crown of St. Stefan, the lower pait ui »i u<i»».i6 trccii „ rt j. j^i n ^ a
With John Sigismund given by Pope Silvester 11. to King Stefan. Fifty kings GeorgC Basta, the field
in the very first year ^*^« ''««" crowned with it during a period of 800 years, marshal of Rudolf,
of his reign. The result was a fresh cam-
paign of the Turks, in the course of which
Nikolaus Zrinyi met his death, with the
whole of his garrison, in the fortress of
Szigetvar on September 7th, 1566. John
Sigismund Zapolya now founded a princi-
pality of Transylvania under Turkish
supremacy, but on the condition that the
estates should on every occasion have free
choice of their prince. After his death, in
1571, Stefan Bathori (1571-1575), a far-
seeing and important man, was placed upon
the new throne ; however, in December,
1575, he exchanged his throne for the more
ancient kingdom of Poland, as the husband
of the J agellon princess Anna. As regards
3126
with the help of the Turks. With the
object of definitely getting the country
into the possession of Rudolf, Basta had
secured the murder of the Wallachian
voivode inThorenburg, orTorda, on August
19th, i6oi, and exercised so inhuman a
despotism as governor, that
Transylvania was brought to
the lowest point of distress. In
exasperation and despair the
nobles, after the suppression of a revolt
begun by Moses Sz^kely in 1603, appointed
the Calvinist Stefan Bocskay as prince in
1605, and he soon occupied almost the'
whole country, with the help of the Turks.
Although the sultan recognised , him as
The Peace
of Vienna
Concluded
THE HAPSBURG POWER IN HUNGARY
king, Bocskay brought about a reconcili-
ation with Rudolf, and concluded the peace
of Vienna in June 1606, with Rudolf's
brother Matthias, who had been appointed
governor in Hungary ; in accordance with
this agreement the constitution was to be
restored in its old form,
and the Protestants
were to retain their
religious freedom undis-
turbed by the untenable
edicts which Rudolf had
issued on this subject in
1604.
After November of
the same year the inter-
vention of Bocskay
brought about tht
peace of Zsitva-Torok
with the Turks. The
Turks retained the
districts which they
possessed at that time,
but Hungary was no
longer to pay tributr
after one final instal-
ment of 200,000 florins
Bocskay survived tlu
conclusion of the peace
of Vienna only for a
short time ; he died on
n^r^PmKf^r \>r^ih rAn^ JOHN ZAPOLYA, KING OF HUNGARY
JL/tCemoer _9in, lOOO. Zapolya was chosen king by the nobles in 1526, but
This arrangement, was ousted by the King of Bohemia. In 1529,
" ■,,r;*-1^^,,4- -.^■^^i-.A:^^ +^ however, with the aid of Suleiman, the Turk, he
WlinOUt prejUQlCe to restored himself, and held the throne until his death.
appearance of Luther, performed a remark-
able service in fostering the spirit of union.
During the piteous strife of contrary inter-
ests it spread so rapidly in the course of a
century that it overran almost the whole
nation. In the stern theology of Calvin,
which the nation called
the "Hungarian Faith,"
the people found the
support which saved
them from collapse.
From the time of the
liitroduction of Chris-
tianity," says the
Hungarian writer on
aesthetics, Zoltan
l^cothy, " the Protes-
tant movement was the
hrst great enlightening
influence which passed
over the whole nation.
The apostles of the new
faith appeared in hun-
dreds, the messengers
of a more penetrating
and more national
culture." The Protes-
tants founded numerous
M hools and printing-
piesseSjWhich published
tlie first Magyar gram-
mars, dictionaries and
histories. To this period
belong the whole series
QUEEN ISABELLA NIKOLAUS ZRINYI STEFAN BATHORI
Isabella was the wife of John Zapolya and mother of King John Sigismund, and Zrinyi was a Magyar leader who met
his death at the hands of the Turks at Szigetvar in 1566. Bathori exchanged the throne of Transylvania for Poland.
of translations of the Bible, among which
that by Kaspar Karolyi obtained a reputa-
tion which has remained undiminished
from that psriod rght up to the present
day. In the course of this intellectual move-
ment, there appeared in 1565, a year after
3127
the Catholics," far from bringing the wars
of religion to an end, rather tended to
exasperate partisan feeling.
In these difficult times of degeneration,
Protestantism, which had made an entry
into Hungary immediately after the
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the birth of Shakespeare, the first dramatic
production of Hungarian hterature, under
the title of " The Treachery of Melchior
Balassa," probably composed by Paul
Karadi, which, with biting satire and poetic
vigour, described the life of a noble given
over to the sins of that age. Literature
was circulated through the country not
only by the clergy, but also by wandering
minstrels, who passed from castle to castle,
and from place to place, and sang their
songs to the accompaniment of the lute
or viohn. Of them, the most highly
Reformation. A Protestant who had been
converted by the Jesuits, Peter Pazmany
(1570-1637), Archbishop of Gran from 1616
and Cardinal from 1629, was a zealot in
the cause of conversion, and was specially
successful among the high nobility. By
his sermons and pamphlets, which he
collected in his " Kalauz," or " Hodegeus "
(" guide "), as his great work was called,
he converted many nobles to the Roman
Catholic faith. In 1635 he refounded the
Jesuit University at Tyrnau, which was
burnt down in the sixteenth century ; this
THE DESTRUCTION OF SZIGETVAR BY THE TURKS ON SEPTEMBER 7th, 1566
This picture of the assault in which Nikolaus Zrinyi was killed is taken from a woodcut of the period.
educated Wcis, perhaps, Sebastian Tinodi
(about 1510-1557), whose historical songs
and rhymed chronicle recount the whole
history of those years of warfare and
distress. The heroic and careless-minded
knight, Valentin Balassy (1551-1594), was
the first great Hungarian lyric poet whose
" Blumenlieder " were to be revived two
centuries later. Romantic poetry at that
time entered upon a peculiar period of
prosperity in Hungary. Under Rudolf's suc-
cessor, Matthias, whose reign lasted from
i6o8 till 1619, began the Catholic Counter-
3128
was afterwards changed into the High
School of Budapesth. The Reformation
in Hungary seemed doomed to collapse.
Only in Transylvania was Protestantism
strong enough at this period to check
the progress of the Counter-Reformation
and to protect the Protestants who were
persecuted in Hungary. When the Thirty
Years' War broke out under Ferdinand H.
(1619-1637), the successor of Matthias,
the throne of Transylvania was occupied
by Gabriel Bethlen (1613-1629), the suc-
cessor to Gabriel Bathori (1608- 1613) ; to.
THE HAPSBURG POWER IN HUNGARY
him Protestantism in Hungary and Tran-
sylvania is indebted for its preservation.
When the Bohemians revolted against
Ferdinand II. in 1619, Bethlen espoused
their cause, and brought the greater
part of Hungary, including the crown,
into his power. On January
8th, 1620, he was appointed
king in Neusohl, and was also
recognised by the Porte at
the price of the sacrifice of
Waitzen on November 5th,
1621. However, on January
6th, 1622, he concluded peace
with Ferdinand II. at Nikols-
burg, for the power of the
Hapsburgs had increased con-
siderably since the battle of
the White Mountain.
Soon, however, he again
took up arms against Ferdi-
nand, as the ally of the
George Rakoczy I. (1631-1648), a son of
that Sigismund Rakoczy who had been
prince of Transylvania from February,
1607, to March 3rd, i6o8. After a series
of difficulties at home and abroad he was
forced to take up arms against King
Ferdinand III. (1637-1657), in
the interest of Hungarian
Protestantism. In September,
1645, the contending parties
concluded peace at Linz, and
a full measure of religious
toleration was secured to the
Protestants ; this agreement
was an advance upon that of
Nikolsburg, in so far as the
concessions formerly made to
the nobihty were now extended
to the citizens and serfs.
Rakoczy died on the day of
the proclamation of the Peace
of Westphaha, and was suc-
^ KING FERDINAND II. , , , , • r-
German Protestant prmces. This Hapsburg ruler of Bohemia ceeded by his son George
He was induced by the victory ''^^^^^^^^,^^tt^^^lGlhr\€i Rakoczy II. (1648-1658). In
of Tilly over the allies of the Bethien, joining with the Bohe- 1653 he secured the supre-
" Winter King" to renew the "i*"*- =»e^"'-«d part of Hungary. ^^^^ ^^ Moldavia, and that
of Wallachia in 1654, after the death of
Matthias Basarab, as Constantine Basarab
then submitted to him. On the other
hand, he wasted his strength in 1657 in a
fruitless war against Poland as the ally
of Charles X. of Sweden. He was conse-
quently deposed by the Turks, and died
on June 6th, 1660, of the wounds he had
received at
Szamosfalva on
the 22nd of May.
The Grand Vizir
placed Franz
Rh6dey on the
throne in Novem-
ber, 1657, and,
upon his speedy
abdication, in-
stalled Achatius
Barcsay in
November, 1658.
The latter, how-
ever, was ex-
pelled by John
GEORGE RAKOCZY " ^ J J
peace on the 8th of May, 1624, and was
even desirous of marrying a daughter of
Ferdinand, in order to unite his power
with that of the Hapsburgs against the
Turks. Catholic influence prevented this
project, and Bethlen married Katharina,
a sister of the Elector George William of
Brandenburg. In thd year 1626 he
advanced for
the third time
against the brave
Mans feld ; as,
however, , King
Christian IV. of
Denmark was
also defeated by
Tilly, he finally
concluded peace
with Ferdinand
on December
28th, at Press-
burg. After a
reign of fifteen
years, he died
Without children Though Bethien. King of Transylvania, succeeded against Ferdinand. J^emeny. Against
on N O V ember with the aid of Bohemia, he was, later, glad to make friends with the him the VlZir All
Hapsburgs. George Rakoczy 1 1, ruled Transylvania from 1648 till 1658.
GABRIEL BETHLEN
X5th, 1629 ; he
was the greatest prince of Transylvania,
and largely forwarded the progress of
culture, science and education.
After Stefan Bethlen had made an un-
successful attempt at the regency, the
TransyLvanians chose as their prince
set up an op-
position prince on September 14th, 1661,
in the person of Michael Apafi (1661-1690).
After a rule of one year Kemeny fell, on
January 24th, 1662, at Nagy-SzoUos, near
Schassburg. As Transylvania grew weaker,
Hungarian Protestantism was hard beset
3129
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Hungarian
Protestant
from day to day, and at the same time the
Turks were extending their conquests and
occupying the most important fortresses
in Upper Hungary and in the Austrian
territories. Under the son and suc-
cessor of Ferdinand III., the strict
CathoHc, Leopold I. (1658-X705), the
distress of the country began to reach its
zenith. In those troubled times
the greatest figure of Hungar-
ian Protestantism was Albert
Szsnczi Molnar, who wrote his
Hungarian Grammar and Dictionary at
German universities, and translated
psalms, which he set to French tunes,
a setting used at the present day in
the Calvinistic Churches of Hungary.
In the battles of that year a conspicuous
figure is Nikolaus Zrinyi (1616-1664), a
great-grandson of the hero of Szigetvar ;
he composed an epic poem,
" The Peril of Sziget," in
which he sang the exploits
of his great ancestor, whose
military capacity had long
hindered the progress of the
Ottomans. Leopold's field-
marshal, Raimondo Monte-
cuccoli, won a victory over
the Turks on August ist,
1664, at St. Gothard on the
Raab ; but, in consequence
of the danger threatened to
his rear by the Magyars, con-
cluded a peace at Eisenburg,
by the terms of which the
EMERICH TOKOLY
the Turkish frontier districts, whence,
under the name of Kurutzen or Crusaders,
they continually made incursions into the
royal domains. These struggles, how-
ever, with the mercenaries of the foreign
government did not become important
until 1678, when Emerich Tokoly placed
himself at the head of the movement.
With the exception of some few castles
the whole of the royal district fell into
the hands of Tokoly, who was appointed
Prince of Hungary by the sultan, and
chosen king in 1682 by the diet of Kaschau,
an election confirmed by the Porte on
August loth, 1683, The defeat of Vienna
brought his rule to a speedy end, and
Leopold now sent his armies into Hungary
in conjunction with his German allies.
On September 2nd, 1686, the citadel of
Ofen again fell into the hands of the Chris-
tians after one hundred and
forty- five years of Turkish rule.
The grateful nobles abolished
the elective monarchy in 1687,
and recognised the hereditary
rights of the house of Haps-
l>urg by primogeniture in the
male line.
The Turks lost one district
after another ; and when Prince
Eugene of Savoy had inflicted
a fearful defeat upon them at
Zenta, on September nth,
1697, 'the Peace of Karlovitz
was concluded, by the terms
of which Hungary was freed
Turks retained possession of who headed the movement against from the Turkish yoke with
all their previous conquests. Hungary in 1 678 and was appointed the exception of the valley of
This disgraceful retreat P"n<:e of Hungary by the sultan in the Temes and part of Syrmia.
stirred up exasperation in i^^^; his speu of power was short. Xransylvania had been so
Hungary, and a conspiracy was set on
foot in 1667 ; the leaders, however, who
reckoned on French and Turkish support,
the Counts Peter Zrinyi, Franz Nadasdy,
and Franz Christopher Frangepani were
executed on April 30th, 1671. Franz
Rakoczy, the son-in-law of Zrinyi, was
spared, while Franz of Wesselenyi died a
natural death on March 28th, 1667, before
the discovery of the conspiracy. The
Vienna government took advantage of this
occasion to overthrow the constitution
and to extirpate Protestantism. The
property of Protestant nobles was
confiscated, priests and teachers were
transported in bands and served in the
galleys of Naples, whije executions and
condemnations were of daily occurence.
Thousands fled to Transylvania and to
3130
closely conjoined with Hungary, on May
loth, 1688, that Apafi now possessed only
a shadow of his former power. However,
the persecution of the Protestants and the
oppression of the people still continued.
Leopold's generals, including Antonio
Caraffa, who had secured Transylvania
„ _ for the Hapsburgs, after the
Hungary Free ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ -^^^ ^ ^^ -^
From the -; • j • i_
T ... V 1 IDQO, exercised so inhuman a
Turkish Yoke , ^ , 4.1 ^ 4.1 1
despotism, that the general
exasperation broke out again in 1703.
Franz Rakoczy II. (1676-1735), a son of
the above-mentioned Franz I., took the
lead of the malcontents. At that time
Leopold was occupied with the War of the
Spanish Succession, and almost the whole
country fell into the hands of the nobles,
and was declared independent on June 7th.
THE RECAPTURE
For
important
zealo ~
Ofe
monarchy
OF THE CITADEL OF OFEN BY THE CHRISTIANS IN 16S6
3I3I
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
After the death of Leopold, his son
Joseph I. (1705-1711) undertook the
government ; and the nobles then declared
at the diet of Onod, in 1707, that the throne
had passed from the Hapsburgs. An
appeal to arms resulted in Joseph's favour
in 1708. Rakoczy fled, and his field-mar-
shal Karolyi concluded peace with the
, king at Szatmar on May ist,
Dbrr ' ^7"- ^^^^ *^^^ p^^^^ ^^^
„* , ? .. momentous period of inter-
Protestantism , , ^ r u- i, i-i,
nal struggle, for which the
high nobility were chiefly to blame, came
to an end.
The fact that the Hungarian nation was
not destroyed in the severe struggles of
those years, but was able to preserve its
national independence, was owing pri-
marily to Protestantism, which preserved
DRESSES OF HUNGARIAN SOLDIERS IN SIXTEENTH CENTURY
From an old wood engraving in " The Triumph of King Maximilian I."
the old native conceptions derived from
ancient and in part from heathen times,
and indeed almost justified their right to
exist side by side with new trains of
thought. As the Roman Church at the
introduction of Christianity interfered but
little in family life and popular custom,
so also Protestantism, as being in close
sympathy with the idea of nationality,
did its best to preserve traditional use
and custom. In the midst of religious
and political dissension at home and
abroad. Protestantism placed national
unity above rehgious uniformity. It was
rather a conservative than a destructive
force in its influence upon ancient family
customs, of which many fragments have
survived from that day to the present.
A case in point is the survival of the old
3132
custom of buying and carrying off women
in the modern Hungarian ceremonies of
wooing and marriage ; on the other hand,
the peculiar funeral customs of Hungary
have been considerably modified by Chris-
tian beliefs.
Tenaciously clinging to these traditions,
the nation watched the One Hundred
Years' War, which was carried on by those
of their number who had been exasperated
beyond bounds by the arbitrary rule and
the religious persecution which their king
had directed from Vienna. The war is,
as it were, an epitome of the national
history ; the splendour and the sorrow
of this period is reflected in a rich and
brilliant ballad poetry, which was inspired
in particular by the revolts of Tokoly and
Rakoczy, From the events of his own
time Stefan Gyongyosi
(1640-1704) found material
for those narrative poems
which remained popular
among the nation for over
a century. Shortly after
Descartes, John Apaczai
Cseri, who had been edu-
cated in the Netherlands,
came forward, between
1654 and 1655, as the re-
presentative of rationalism,
with his " Hungarian Ency-
clopaedia." By this work
he created a Magyar voca-
bulary for philosophy some
fifty years before Chr.
Thomasius had done the
same for German. At the
same time there were a
number of historians and
chroniclers, such as John Szalardi, Prince
John Kemeny, Nikolaus Bethlen (1642-
1716), Michael Cserei (1668-1756), and also
tht narrator of ancient customs, Peter
Apor (1676-1752). The most distinguished
work in the literature of that time is
certainly the "Letters from Turkey" of
Klemens Mikes (1690-1762),
who shared the banishment
to Turkey of Franz Rakoczy
II., and clung with moving
fidelity to his defeated master and to the
country he had lost.
Under the government of Charles III.
(1711-1740) peace slowly began to gain
ground, although the Turkish war broke
out twice during his reign. After the
first campaign the king not only recovered,
in 1718, by the Peace of Passarowitz, the
Famous
" Letters from
Turkey "
"■■ '"' "'^ ■'" "»» "" '"" "" '"I mi »m "■
A countess in tliL
lady of rank The typical national costume of a nobleman
A Hung-arian baron in the dress of his rank The Pi ime Minister in the costume of a noble
"" "^^« "" iLii mi till III! it
ATI IMI
THE COSTUMES OF THE OLD HUNGARIAN NOBLES
From a series of photographs of present-day nobles in their national dress. E. N. A.
3133
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Turkish portion of Hungary, but also
made acquisitions in Wallachia and Servia.
After the death of Charles III., his
daughter Maria Theresa (1740-1780)
ascended the throne, but her right to the
succession was immediately and vigorously
disputed. The Prussian king, Frederick
II., invaded Silesia ; the elector, Charles
Albert of Bavaria, occupied Upper Austria
and Bohemia with French
help ; and the Spaniards
attacked the Itahan pos-
sessions. At the diet of
Pressburg, on September
nth, 1741, the nobles
enthusiastically placed
their hves and property
at the disposal of the
young queen. In a short
time the Hungarian and
Austrian troops drove the
French and Bavarians out
of Bohemia and occupied
Bavaria. Only Frederick
II. was able to deprive
the queen of some compar-
atively small amount of
territory, as she was thrice
obliged to cede to him a
part of Silesia. During the
years of peace the queen
devoted her attention to franz rakoczy
formed a Hungarian bodyguard of their
sons, in 1760, at Vienna, who became the
pioneers of a new culture through their
close connection with the intellectual
movements in the West. In the year
1772 there appeared from the pen of
George Bessenyei (1752-1811) " The
Tragedy of Agis ; " in this, as in his other
dramas and in his epic poem of King
Matthias, the poet showed a
masterly power of imitating
the French, and especially
Voltaire. He thus became
the founder of the " French
School," among whom
Alexander Baroczi (1737-
1809) and Joseph Peczeli
became conspicuous a s
translators of French
works of literature.
With the accession of
the son of Maria Theresa,
the humanitarian Joseph
II. (1780-1790), the kings
of the house of Lorraine
and Tuscany came to the
Hungarian throne. Joseph
continued the work of
reform, but without dis-
playing his mother's tact.
In 1784 he made German,
instead of Latin, the official
improving the material with whose defeat at Szatmar, in 1711, lanffuaffc of the state and
r,r,A i«+Qn«/>+,,-il r^,-^o^^.-i+^, Hungarian internal strife came to an end. r ?i i i o i
and intellectual prosperity
of her subjects, and introduced beneficial
reforms into ecclesiastical and educational
organisations.
While the national spirit was thus
stirred to new life, literature also entered
upon a remarkably flourishing period.
Ful-l of gratitude, Maria Theresa sum-
moned the chief nobility to her court, and
of the schools ; in 1785 he
divided the country into ten new districts,
and placed foreigners at the head of these.
A dangerous ferment arose in 1789 when
Charles Augustus of Saxe-Weimar was
nearly set up as an opposition king with
Prussian support ; and Joseph II. shortly
before his death on January 30th, 1790,
was forced to repeal all his innovations.
THE CITADEL AND CATHEDRAL OF GRAN, THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF HUNGARY
3134
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
GERMAN ELEMENT IN HUNGARY
AND ITS INFLUENCE DURING 800 YEARS
AFTER the overthrow of the rule of
the Avars, the frontiers of the
great Prankish dominion were occupied
by German colonists ; Prankish and
Bavarian nobles obtained extensive
possessions, especially in the moun-
tainous country which borders the
frontiers of Styria, and even then bore
some traces of Roman civilisation. When
the Hungarians occupied the country at
the end of the ninth century, they left the
German settlements for the most part
undisturbed, but prevented their increase.
Many of the fortified frontier strongholds
may have been overthrown in the course
of the Magyar attacks ; but they did not
disappear entirely.
Priendly relations with Germany were
secured in 995 by the marriage of Stefan
with Gisela, the daughter of the Bavarian
duke, Henry II., for the reason that this
lady brought with her many clergy and
. nobles and their retinues, who
Culture m j^gipg^j ^o bring about the rapid
„.""' ° extension of Christianity and
a Princess ,, t^, • , ■•' t
culture. Ihe immigration of
German knights, monks, and other people
became more rapid after the husband of
Gisela had ascended the throne of
Hungary ; however, among the German
colonies proper we have certain information
concerning only one as originating from
that early period, that is, Deutsch-Szatmar
on the Szamos, which was founded by
Gisela herself.
The apostle-king, as Stefan I., or Saint
Stefan, has been called, organised his court
upon German models, and throughout his
reign displayed a consistent tendency to
favour the noble immigrants. In his advice
to his son Emerich, who died prematurely,
he wrote that the introduction of foreigners
was to be regarded as a necessary means to
the support of the throne and to the in-
crease of the imperial power ; " treat these
guests well and hold them in honour." Upon
the whole, this was the attitude adopted
by his successors of the Arpad family.
The counties of Eisenburg and Odenburg
on the slopes of the Leitha mountain range,
at the base of which lies the Lake of
Neusiedel, and also the valleys formed
by the spurs of the Eastern Alps of Styria
and Austria, are inhabited by the German
people of the Hienzes. Upon an area of
some 400 square miles are to be found
_^ „ . 30,000 Slavs ("Water-Croa-
The Hemzcs, r- ,,. ^ „„„ t u 4.
.. „ , ' tians ), 10,000 Jews, about
p' V^'^^ 5,000 Magyars, and about
*°'' 300,000 Germans, for the most
part Catholics. The name Hienz, or Haenz,
points to their German origin, for their
neighbours would not have given this little
people any name of German form. Pro-
bably the name is derived from Heinz,
Henz, or Aenz (Heinrich or Henry), and
consequently has the meaning " Henry's
people," meaning either the Emperor
Henry III. or Count Henry of Giissing
(1228 — 1274), who founded one of the
most powerful families, was for a time
palatine of the empire, and is often
mentioned in the frontier wars against
Styria and the Austrians. He founded
numerous fortresses in these districts,
including the castle of Ternstein and the
town of Giins. His sons, Ivan, or John,
Peter, Nicholas, and Henry, all occupied
high positions, and are named in the docu-
ments " Henry's sons " ; they all worked
to secure the prestige of their family.
Almost all the fortresses on the western
frontier were in their possession. The
garrisons of these fortresses were exclu-
■. sively German, recruited for the
Prosperity ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ surrounding
Among the inhabitants, and may there-
Bavftnans ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^j^^^ ^^^ names
Hienzes, or Haenzes, or have received
it from their master.
The remnants of that Bavarian settle-
ment founded here by Charles the Great
to oppose the Avars — though we need not
assume that the colonial activity of Charles
extended beyond the east frontier into
Pannonian territory — developed into
3135
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
flourishing Bavarian communities under
the Prankish margraves ; Hke these, the
settlements of the Hienzes suffered no
doubt considerable damage from the
occupation of the country by the Hun-
garians, but soon received important
reinforcements in the numerous German
prisoners brought by the Hungarians
ft n- t. from German countries in the
_, .^ , course of their raids, ihis
Fruits of ^ J. •, •
Ind t German group of communities
was especially strengthened in
the first place by the neighbourhood of
Austria and Styria, and further by the
incorporation of German nobles. The
wooded frontier district, which even at the
time of the Emperor Henry HI. was so
inhospitable that he was able to pene-
trate into Hungary only by following the
long windings of the Raab, was trans-
formed by the industry, the native vigour,
the common-sense, and the God-fearing
work of the Hienzes into a rich agricul-
tural, timber-growing, and vine-bearing
district ; here these people clung tena-
ciously in the midst of their progress to
the manners and customs of their fore-
fathers, and preserved their nationahty
among a Finno-Ugrian population.
Political circumstances were almost
invariably favourable to the progress of
the Germans, notwithstanding the many
disturbances which constantly burst over
the West. In 1440, when Eisenstadt was
mortgaged by Queen Elizabeth to the
Austrian duke Albert, the German nation-
ality received a strong reinforcement.
With the consent of the Hungarian nobility
King Matthias Corvinus ceded consider-
able districts to the Emperor Frederick HI.
The neighbours of the Hienzes are the
" Heidebauern," or heath-peasants, who
lived upon the " heath " on the shores of
the Lake of Neusiedel, on the Schiitt, and
near Pressburg. This people is of Suabian
origin ; they migrated from the district
on the Bodensee to Hungary during the
Reformation, to escape the
-. **«*■ ^* * persecution of the neighbour-
to Make Room * * a ■ ui j
, ^ ing Austrian nobles, and
for Germans ° i. j. j u tvt .1.1-
were protected by Maria, the
consort of Lewis H., about 1626. When,
however, the Counter-Reformation in Hun-
gary prepared to suppress Protestantism
by more vigorous measures after 1640,
some of the heath-peasants returned to
the bosom of the Catholic Church.
The neighbourhood of the Austrian
territories brought with it the consequence
3136
that the settlements of the Hienzes and
of the heath-peasants took but httle
share in the internal disturbances or the
foreign wars of the Hungarian kingdom ;
for that reason they were able to preserve
their German nationality.
After the expulsion of the Turks,
the ecclesiastical and secular nobles at-
tempted, by bringing in German colonists,
to restore the depopulated and devas-
tated districts in the neighbourhood of
the capital, on the heights of the Ver-
tesgebirge and of the Bakonyer Wald,
on the Central Danube and in the corner
between the Danube and the Drave.
At the end of the seventeenth century
the Archbishops of Gran settled Suabians
and Franks upon their property. In
1690, in the county of Pesth, Suabian
immigrants founded the town of Izsaszeg,
and six years later restored the ruins
of Duna-Haraszti. The Duke Charles
of Lorraine and Prince Eugene also
settled Germans on their property at
Ofen ; their example was followed by
the Counts Zichy, Raday, and Grassal-
kovich. In the year 1718 Germans from
the Rhine districts were settled
on the property of the lords in
the counties of Tolna and
Baranya. The Austrian field-
marshals, who had been rewarded with
extensive lands in Hungary after the
expulsion of the Turks, attempted to
attract German colonists thither. In the
majority of such settlements the German
nationality has survived to the present
day, though weakened in many respects.
Of much greater, and sometimes of
decisive political importance, have been
the Germans in Northern Hungary.
Belonging for the most part to the popula-
tion of Lower Saxony and Central Germany
— ^Thiiringen and Silesia — they reached
their present home, between the last third
of the twelfth century and the middle of
the thirteenth, in the course of several
advances to the slopes of the Carpathians,
Their main calling was mining, but they
owed much of their prosperity to their com-
mercial activity and their manufacturing
industry ; and they received grants of
municipal privileges through which they
were enabled to produce a prosperous
burgher class. Beginning with the
district of the heath-peasants, whose
representatives in Germany sent a few
offshoots over the Danube, their central
point was Pressburg, which the Hapsburgs
Secret of
German
Success
THE GERMAN ELEMENT IN HUNGARY
made, from 1642, the town for the corona-
tion of the Hungarian kings and the seat
of the assembly. Most of these advance
posts have been absorbed, with a few
scanty exceptions, by the surrounding
Slovak- Ruthenian population.
The most northern points of the German
nationaUty were formerly the mining
towns of " Lower Hungary." The first
Germans may have settled here at the
same date when others occupied Zips
in the second half of the twelfth century.
The oldest mining colony, Schemnitz,
received corporate privileges from Bela
IV. as early as 1244. The " municipal
and mining code of Schemnitz," com-
posed in two sections on the basis of that
royal document in the thirteenth century
by the " sworn representatives of the
town," detailed in forty sections the
" town rights " and in twenty the " mining
rights," and was, in the course of the
fourteenth century, extended to include
most of the remaining mining towns,
so far as they had not already charters
of their own.
In 1255 the men of Neusohl acquired
the right to carry on mining
free of taxation ; their only
Freedom
-and Orde&l
r n ^.. obhgation was to pay a tenth
of Battle ,° , , , , J -' J
part of the gold and an
eighth of the silver to the royal treasury,
and to serve under the king's flag in
campaigns. They, too, were allowed the
ordeal of battle, after the old Saxon
custom, with swords and round shields.
It was, however. King Stefan V. who
first gave Neusohl its charter of freedom
in the year 1271. Kremnitz, which had
been the seat of the imperial chamber-
lain from 1323, was given rights hitherto
enjoyed only by the rich Kuttenburg
in Bohemia, by King Charles Robert,
with the consent of the secular and
ecclesiastical nobles. Thus the people of
Kremnitz were able to live under judges of
their own choice, and could be prose-
cuted for debt by none in the whole
country.
In 1424, when King Sigismund handed
over the mountain towns to his second
wife, Barbara of CiUi, who died in 1451, the
result was that they remained a coherent
group in the possession of the Hungarian
queen, and received extensive privileges
enabling them to attain a prosperity which
aroused the envy and the avarice of the
lords of neighbouring castles. The castles
which surrounded that district in a circle
Man
were partly in possession of the Hussite
leader Giskra, and partly in that of the
family of Doczy and of other nobles. In
1497 the quarrel broke out, but soon ended
in a compromise. Meanwhile the mining
towns enjoyed the favour of the power-
ful families of Thurzo and Fugger, with
whose support they were able to emerge
The Richest victoriously from the struggle.
Towards the close of the fif-
u teenth and the beginning of the
^ sixteenth centuries the mining
towns attained the zenith of their pros-
perity, notwithstanding the attacks of
the Turks and the devastations of hostile
armies. Their export copper trade ex-
tended beyond Cracow to Danzig and the
Hansa towns, even to Antwerp and
Venice. The lessee of the mines of
Neusohl, Alexius Thurzo, chancellor of
the imperial exchequer, was regarded in
1523 as " the richest man in Hungary,"
while his relations in Augsburg, the
Fuggers, were for a long time bankers of
the Hungarian kings.
The disturbances of the seventeenth
century brought grievous consequences
upon the mining towns. In 1620 Gabriel
Bethlen caused himself to be proclaimed
King of Hungary in Neusohl, and from
1619 the mining towns were forced to pay
him heavy taxes. During the disturb-
ances in the time of Rakoczy and Tokoly,
these towns were not only the scene of
warfare, but also lost their prosperity in
consequence of extortions and devasta-
tion. Towards the end of the seventeenth
century the mines became less productive,
for natural reasons. As an additional
calamity came the persecutions of the
Counter-Reformation, to which members
of the Lutheran doctrine were exposed.
The impoverished mining towns were now
occupied by Slovaks and here and there
by Magyars. The nobility seized the
greater part of the mines. A century,
however, was needed to reduce the German
nationality in this place to its
present low ebb ; to-day only
family names and place names
are German, the population is
Slovak. Passing over the ruins of German
nationality in the north-west, we come
to the extreme north of Hungary to the
southern slopes of the Carpathians, where
we find the vigorous German tribe of the
people of Zips, who since the seventh
century have had a settled home amid
the romantic surroundings of the high
3T37
German
Nationality
in Ruins
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
mountain range, and by their steady
industry have secured prosperity and repu-
tation among the neighbouring peoples.
The wealth of timber, the number of moun-
tain streams, and the nature of the natural
products of the " Silva zepus " (in Magyar
Szepes) hmited the agricultural possibili-
ties of the place, and naturally turned
the inhabitants to indus-
e ormy ^^-^ occupations. Thus the
, ^ „ inhabitant of Zips became a
of Geza II. , << i^- i i_ ^
workman; his log huts,
originally scattered about, gradually drew
closer together, and from this uncouth
nucleus developed the towering town."
The first definite occupation of Zips by
the Germans probably falls in the stormy
period of Geza II., who was in alliance
with the Welf duke, Henry the Lion.
Tradition speaks of the Count Reinold,
who was the king's chief justice, and led
his brother compatriots into this district
about 1 150. A contemporary Byzantine
writer, Johannes Kinnamos, speaks of an
army of Czechs and Saxons which was
gathered by Geza in 1156, for a war
against Constantinople. It was not until
the end of the twelfth century, under
Bela III., that the main reinforcement
reached Zips ; this was drawn chiefly
from Central Germany, especially from
Silesia. The modern dialect of Zips is
allied to that of Silesia.
At the beginning of the thirteenth
century individual stragglers followed,
after Gertrude of Andechs-Meran, the first
wife of Andreas II., had conferred property
in Zips on several Tyrolese noble families ;
from their leader, Riidiger of Deutsch-
Matrei, the Berzeviczy derived their
descent. The oppressive rule of the
nobility of German extraction seems even
then to have become so highly unpopular
that in 1213 the national Magyar party
began a bloody revolt against the queen
regent, who favoured the Germans. After
the invasion of the Mongols, which
divides the history of Zips, like
that of so many other districts,
Rev It ^^^^ ^^° stages, a large influx of
immigrants appeared in the
fourteenth century, chiefly from Silesia
and Thuringia.
In a short time the German places
in this remote mountain district became
so prosperous that the society of the
clergy of Zips, founded about 1232
under their provost, and known after 1248
as a " sodalitate," or " confraternity,"
3138
Magyars
arranged the secular or ecclesiastical affairs
of the country. In 1274 Ladislaus IV.
confirmed the rights of this society ; in
129.7 Andreas III. also gave it the right
to collect tithes. Before 1271 Stefan V,
had given his " faithful Saxons of Zips "
a " privilegium " as a guarantee of their
" independence." Thereafter these " royal
places " had to pay three hundred marks
of silver every year, in return for which
they were free of all other contributions,
and in time of war had to place fifty armed
men beneath the king's banner. They
were allowed to choose their own count,
who governed them according to their
rights, and also their clergy. Hunting,
fishing, and mining rights were also
recognised in their charters.
After the death of the last Arpad in
130 1, under the leadership of the soldier
Matthaeus of Esak, of the mountain
fortress of Trentschin, the nobility of
the Waag district attempted a revolt.
The people of Zips, who had formerly
done homage to Wenzel and Otto,
now joined the Angevin Charles Robert,
who with their help decisively defeated
. the west Hungarian nobility
King Lewis ^^ Rozgony, in the valley of
the Friend ^u t- • t •
f L'h theTarcza, in 1312. In recogni-
" ^ tion of the services which they
had " willingly done him since his youth,"
and for their " manly and faithful struggle
against Matthaeus of Trentschin, in which
they spared neither person nor purse,"
Charles Robert, in 1318, confirmed the
privileges of the twenty-four royal towns.
On the basis of this charter the chiefs,
representatives, and elders, in 1370, drew
up an important legal code, the " arbi-
trium " — that is, free choice or con-
vention— of the Saxons in Zips ; this
was recognised in the same year by
King Lewis, and thus became law.
Ecclesiasticism, a love of discipline,
a strong sense of honesty, are the
most striking features of this code.
Manufactures at this flourishing period
were controlled by guilds and associations.
Trade and industry began to develop in
the towns and plains. Numerous
foreigners lived here all the year round,
for the reason that a vigorous commercial
intercourse went on between this place
and Poland and Silesia.
Exactly 100 years after the confirma-
tion of the privileges by Charles Robert,
the first heavy blow fell upon Zips. On
November 8th, 1412, the Emperor-king
IN THE LAND OF THE MAGYARS: TYPICAL SCENES IN HUNGARY
zoo ^ jy
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Sigismund I., who was in a constant state
of financial embarrassment, mortgaged
the'' thirteen settlements of Zips, together
with the royal fiefs of Lublau, Pudlein,
and Gnesen, to Vladislav of Poland. The
alliance of the towns of Zips was continued
for a time even after their alienation.
They were handed over to Pohsh officials,
who soon began to exercise an
* °°°* arbitrary authority in the
Q mortgaged district and made it
an hereditary starosty. At the
instance of the Hungarian Diet, Vladislav
III. promised to give back the country
in 1440, but in the agreement of Altenburg
between Hungary and Poland the mort-
gage was renewed in 1474. This agreement
sealed the doom of the German nationality
in the northern districts and in part of
the southern.
Further damage was inflicted by the
intrusion of the Hussites and the
supremacy of Bohemian mercenaries
under Giskra. Political independence
disappeared ; towns that remained
Hungarian were deserted, and were handed
over by the king to the noble families.
Thus King Matthias conferred upon his
faithful Emerich Zapolya the hereditary
county of Zips, and also, in 1480, the
possession of the town of Kasmark, which
had been made a royal free town, together
with the nine parishes attached to it.
In 1655 Kasmark alone had been able to
resist the intrusion of the Magyar nobility
and of the Slavs, and secured recognition
as a free town.'
In the course of these distresses the
Germans of Zips would in no long time
have suffered an invasion of foreign
nationalities had not the German element
in Upper Hungary been strengthened by
the Reformation with its German preach-
ing and its German hymns. The close
connection with Germany, in the high
schools of which several pupils from Zips
studied the sciences every year, brought
F * a A with it the consequence that
„ . ^ men like Martin Cziriak,
o , *• * a pupil of Melan-chthon,
Reformation ^, ^ r . >
Thomas Preisner, and George
Leutscher boldly and successfully fought
against the Catholic clergy. The Refor-
mation was carried out, therefore, in
1546 throughout the country of Zips
notwithstanding the decrees of 1523 and
1525, in which it was declared that
" all Lutherans with their supporters and
adherents would be regarded as open
3140
heretics and enemies of the sacred Virgin
Mary, and would be punished by execution
and confiscation of their property."
On the 26th of October, 154O, the entire
clergy of Zips publicly acknowledged the
Lutheran creed. The intellectual revival
brought with it fresh development of
trade and manufacture. The linen and
cloth fabrics of Zips, and the leather and
metal work of the country, were famous
far and wide on the North Sea and the
Baltic, in the midst of Russia and in Con-
stantinople. At Whitsuntide, Greeks,
Russians, and Serbs, even North Germans,
were in the habit of visiting the country
to make their purchases. The inhabitants
were an enterprising and energetic little
people, who kept in touch with the mother
country in their new mountain home and
created a civilisation which raised the
citizens and the peasants of the time
to a height of prosperity and intelligence
unusual in Hungary.
Soon, however, this revival of German
science and art was exposed to severe
attacks. In 1588 opposition to the new
faith began at the instigation of Martin
p Pethe, the provost of Zips, and
cace o jj^ j-^Q^ Ij^g opposition de-
n .. velopedmto a Vigorous counter-
Persecution J. ^ ,. ^9
reformation. Ihe government
Catholic commissioners appeared in Zips
and attempted to force the inhabitants to
surrender their churches to the Catholics ; ,
but the people rose in revolt and drove out
the commissioners. The disturbances
under Stefan Bocskay and the peace
of Vienna of 1606 put an end for
some time to the persecution of the Pro-
testants in Zips.
But in 1632 the Jesuits, in conjunction
with the Magyar Catholic nobles and
with the military and civil authorities,
began again the work of forcible
conversion. The Protestant clergy lost
their property and were driven out of
the country ; their churches were taken
from them by the soldiers and handed
over to the CathoUcs. This work was
continued by a process of forcibly
denationalising the towns and parishes and
by electing Magyar nobles as councillors
and judges. Notwithstanding the vigorous
support which they gave to all those
political risings which took place in the
interests of the new creed, during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
under Bocskay, Bethlen, Tokoly, and
Franz Rakoczy, the Germans of Zips had
THE GERMAN ELEMENT IN HUNGARY
to suffer the hardest treatment from their
own allies. Devastation, persecution, and
oppression of every kind produced the
result that the Germans grew steadily
weaker through the advance of the
Hungarians and of the productive, adapt-
able and capable Slovaks.
Notwithstanding the depth of this over-
throw, wherever a hand's-breadth of
favourable soil was to be found, the
irrepressible vigour of the inhabitants
brought forth new results. German in-
dustry and economy survived the worst
disasters, and eventually succeeded in
producing a feeble similitude of former
prosperity. Among the free towns, in-
dustrial and commercial life continued to
flourish. The German language was pre-
dominant notwithstanding the prevalence
of Magyar, Slav, and Low Latin, and was
the medium of constant communication
with foreign countries. The feeling of
German nationality was, however, terribly
shattered.
In 1772 thirteen places mortgaged to
Poland were reunited with Hungary, and
" the sixteen towns of Zips " were placed
under a special Count, as judge
appy an ^^^^ supreme administrative
-, oincial: the Empress - queen
Germans ,. ~, ^ , ^
Maria Theresa not only con-
firmed the previous privileges, but
added new rights in 1775.
It is an indisputable fact that wherever
the German nationality in Hungary has
devoted itself to trade and manufacture
the lapse of time has brought annihila-
tion, in spite of the prosperity and
culture acquired, whereas the communities
especially devoted to agriculture and
cattle-breeding have been able to maintain
their position to the present day.
The home of the Transylvanian Saxons
is encircled and traversed by the Car-
pathians, with their snow-clad summits
white under the midsummer sun, with
their wooded valleys full of flowers, birds,
and animals, with their rushing brooks and
streams. Here, more than seven centuries
ago, the Germans found the counterpart
of their earlier home, and here they settled.
Many a storm burst over this peaceful
centre of German civilisation ; but inter-
vals of rest continually recurred during
which this offshoot of the parent stock
put forth new growth.
The chief settlements of tlie Germans in
Transylvania were made under Geza II.
for the protection of the south-east
frontier of the empire against the Cuma-
nians, who had established themselves in
Moldavia and Wallachia after the sub-
jugation of the Pechenegs, and made
constant incursions into the neighbouring
provinces. These immigrants came partly
from the Lower Rhine, partly from
Flanders, and are designated as " Teutons
^ . -^ from beyond the forest ; " they
Kronst&dt 11 i< t-i • r>
n are also known as Flemmgs.
Becomes t^, .•^, ,,0 m °
the C 't 1 oaxons, or
Saxones, which afterwards
became universal, does not appear before
1206. Their settlements extended along
the banks of the Alt to its confluence with
the Homorod, and from the Maros to the
valley of the Kokel River. The proximity
of savage tribes forced the settlers to
build fortified churches and castles where
the inhabitants of the plain could take
refuge in time of need. In course of time
these strongholds developed into towns
and places of greater size. A favourite
point of entrance for marauding bands
was upon the extreme south of the Burzen
district ; for this reason Andreas II.
allowed the Teutonic Order to build
stockades and towns here in 1211 ; Kron-
stadt then became the capital. TheOrder
was, however, forbidden to populate the
district of Burzen with Saxons from the
neighbouring provinces, and new settlers
were brought in.
After the expulsion of the German
knights, which took place in 1225, in
spite of the vigorous support accorded
to them by Pope Honorius III., Kron-
stadt soon became prosperous and
exercised a kind of hegemony over the
other colonies ; the town is first md^-
tioned in a document of 1252. The
German colonies in the district of Nosen
seem to be of earlier date ; in 1264 Bistritz
seems to have been in existence for some
time. These north-eastern Transylva-
nians, like those of Dees, probably came
from other parts of Hungary, and settled
here to carry on the mining
Huagarian industry. The chief places,
Queens Private 11 j j.u ■
p which were under their own
roper y counts in 1300, together
with their surrounding districts, formed the
private property of the Hungarian queens
from an early date ; thus on July i6th, 1264,
Pope Urban IV. orders the king's son
Stefan (V.) to restore the towns of Bistritz,
Rodna, Senndorf, and Baierdorf which he
had unjustly taken from his mother,
Maria. On December 29th, 1330, the
3141
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
" citizens and colonists of Bistritz and
those belonging to that jurisdiction "
received a charter from Queen Elizabeth,
with the consent of her husband Charles,
by the terms of which they were placed
exclusively under the jurisdiction of
judges elected by themselves. In a short
time the German settlements rose to
a prosperity and political
e r m a n importance which secured
res '8« * » » them the favour of the
Hungarian kings. Thus,
about 1 1 85, Bela II. was able to report to
Paris, upon the occasion of his betrothal, the
receipt of 15,000 marks from the foreign
settlers of the king in Transylvania. The
rapidity with which the prestige of the
Germans increased and the height to
which it rose is evidenced by the " An-
dreanum " of the close of 1224 ; in this
edict Andreas II. confirmed and increased
all the privileges granted to the
Germans from Broos to Draas, near Neps,
upon their immigration ; he united the
independent districts of the settlers
brought in by Geza II. into one province
governed by an elected " count " as
supreme judge who resided in Hermann-
stadt.
The progress of prosperity was, how-
ever, soon checked by the Mongol invasions
of 1240-1242. The fortified towns and
strongholds of the country could provide
refuge for comparatively few. The
majority fled to the mountains, where they
perished. Under the fostering care of the
kings the German settlements recovered
comparatively quickly after the retreat of
the Mongols. Such new settlements as
Klausenburg were also founded by Stef an V. ,
before 1270, as Duke of Transylvania ;
for the benefit of his soul he conferred this
fief upon the Church of Weissenburg. As
Hungarian nobles were not allowed to
settle upon Saxon soil, and as the Germans
of that district enjoyed the rights of
nobles, the last of the Arpads, Andreas III.,
summoned them to partici-
^.,. pation in the Hungarian diet
Wilderness f ^ . j ■ a ^
to Garden ^" l^^y; ^^92, and m August,
1290. In 150 years the
" Saxons" had cleared and completely
transformed the former wilderness.
About 300 strongholds, forts, and fortified
churches protected the goods and chattels
of freemen, and guaranteed the security of
this once doubtful Hungarian possession.
The swamps were drained and became fruit-
ful, arable land. Upon the mountains and in
3142
the lonely valleys, in the fertile lowlands
of the Kokel River, and where the stony
slopes of the Carpathians bring forth a
scanty harvest, dwelt a people whose indus-
trial and agricultural labours and peaceful
devotion to the arts had created a flourish-
ing country, while their representatives
sat in the diet side by side with the barons
and prelates of the empire.
When the house of Arpad became
extinct in 1301, hard times began for the
Saxons of Transylvania. Like all the
Germans in Hungary, they had joined
Otto, the duke of Lower Bavaria ; he
accepted their well-meant invitation, fell
into the hands of the treacherous voivode
Ladislaus, or Apor, and was soon forced to
leave the country. The Saxons were then
exposed to the oppression of the Bishop
of Weissenburg, and the powerful voivode
deprived them of the rich silver mines of
Rodna. In 1324 they were forced to take
up arms in defence of their rights of 1224,
which had been again secured to them on
May 25th, 1317, by Charles Robert, who
had become sole ruler in the meantime.
This period of oppression was followed
H J T- by a time of prosperity under
ZVthe^^ the government of Lewis I.,
„ who favoured Saxon trade in
every possible way. From 1 369,
Kronstadt possessed staple privileges
against Polish, German, and other foreign
merchants, especially cloth merchants.
The fairs in Germany and Poland were
visited by bands of Saxons. The trade
route led to Germany through Prague,
and passed to the south-west through the
Danube territories to Dalmatia and Venice.
Numerous schools and churches, monas-
teries and hospitals, were founded, and ths
citizen guilds, brotherhoods, and train-
bands were admirably organised.
After the death of Lewis the great
troubles again began. Under Sigismund
(1387-1437) internal disturbances broke
out, in the course of which the neighbour-
hood of Klausenburg was devastated by
the king's opponents. But the greatest
danger menacing Transylvania was the
advance of the Turks. In 1420 they
destroyed the old " Saxon town " of
Broos, and carried the inhabitants away
to slavery ; in the next year they over-
whelmed Kronstadt. Previous to and
during their invasions the first gipsies
entered the country. In Hungary the
struggles of the Magyar nobles with the
German citizens were beginning, and at
THE GERMAN ELEMENT IN HUNGARY
this time the three hard-pressed "peoples"
of Transylvania, the Hungarians, the old
Magyar Szeklers, and the Saxons, con-
cluded the " Union " at Kapolna on
September 28th, 1427, and swore " to
protect one another against all and sundry
who should attack them ; only, if the
king should infringe the rights of one of
the contracting peoples, the other two
should appear before him on bended
knees and ask his favour. For the rest,
upon the second day following an appeal for
help, the parties should start with all their
forces to give aid as quickly as possible
and should march at least twelve miles
daily."
In the year 1438 the Turks destroyed
the town of Miihlbach and captured
some 75,000 slaves, after fruitlessly
besieging Hermannstadt for forty-
five days. On November loth, 1444,
the banner of the Saxons waved over the
battlefield of Varna, and in October, 1448,
they fought_ against the hereditary enemy
on the Ansel f eld under John Hunyadi.
But the domestic life of the German settlers
was shattered by these miUtary distur-
bances. Klausenburg and Winz
* ""^ * soon received a Magyar influx
w * th °^ population, which speedily
*'^'** became predominant and
broke off connection with the other Sa;con
districts. On the accession of Matthias
Hunyadi, the Hungarians, Szeklers, and
Saxons renewed the alliance of Kapolna
at Mediasch in 1459, with a view to
resisting any possible attacks of the king,
The revolt was stifled by the rapidity of
his movements. To these internal dis-
turbances were added the invasions of the
Turks, who continually renewed their
harassing incursions, even after their
defeat on the Brotfeld in October 13th,
1479. King Matthias recognised the
services of the Saxons and increased their
territory.
Notwithstanding the troubles of the
age, their close and profitable intercourse
with the mother country had enabled the
Saxons to surpass every other nationahty
jwithin the empire in respect of culture.
Every year several Saxon youths went as
students to the German high schools at
Wittenberg, Jena, and TUbingen, and
brought back a knowledge of science and
art for the benefit of their own country.
By these channels of intercourse the great
ecclesiastical Reformation of the sixteenth
century reached the Saxon colonies and
rapidly secured the general support. In
15 19 Saxon merchants brought Luther's
writings from the fair of Leipsic ; in
1521-1522 the first evangelical preachers,
the Silesian Ambrosius and Conrad Welch,
appeared in Hermannstadt. The energy
of a pupil of Melanchthon, the Saxon
preacher Johannes Honter (1498-1549),
^ . who brought a printing-press
. jj with him, secured the suc-
n ungary ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Reformation in
Break Apart ^ ... ^,
Transylvania in 1547. The
struggle for the throne between Zapolya
and Ferdinand I. cost the Saxons
heavily in life and property. After the
death of Zapolya Suleiman II., who
claimed the suzerainty of Transylvania,
conferred the country upon Johann Sigis-
mund Zapolya, who was then in his
minority. His authority was hmited to
the district on the further side of the
Theiss, and the period of the separation
of Transylvania from Hungary then begins,
to last for 150 years. For a short time
Transylvania came into the power of
King Ferdinand, but after the death of
Johann Sigismund in 1571 the sultan
transferred it to Stefan Eathori, who
brought in the Jesuits. In December,
1575, he was elected King of Poland, and
then handed over Transylvania to his
brother Christopher, who also seconded
the efforts of the Jesuits to bring the
country back to Roman- Catholicism.
At that time the Saxons were exposed
to extortion of every kind. They found a
supporter in Stefan Bocskay, who was
chosen prince by the nobles and Szeklers
on February 22nd, 1605, but died on
September 29th, 1606. Siegmund Rako-
czy occupied the country from February,
1607, but abdicated on March 3rd, 1608.
Gabriel Bathory now ascended the throne.
He captured Hermannstadt and attempted
to get possession of Kronstadt. But on
October i6th, 1612, the people of
Kronstadt inflicted a severe defeat upon
_ him, under the leadership of
SroLd "'' ^^^^^ burgomaster, Michael
*d °M d d ^^^^SS' ^^^ ^ost his life in the
battle. Shortly afterwards
the population of Transylvania rose in a
body against this crazy tyrant ; he was de-
posed and murdered at Grosswardein, while
in the act of flight, on October 27th, 1613.
Gabriel Isethlen, the leader of the revolt,
restored the old privileges of the Saxons.
After his early death on November 15th,
1629, a Saxon chronicler justly wrote:
3143
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
" God grant this famous hero peaceful
rest and a joyous resurrection hereafter,
for he left the country securer than he
found it." In the age of the two George
Rak*zys (1631-1660) Transylvania suf-
fered from wars with Moldavia, Wallachia,
and Poland. Recognising the situation
as impossible, Michael Apasi broke
.away from the Turkish
_. * ^**°'** supremacy and placed Tran-
*^ * . sylvania under the protection
of Leopold I., by the Trac-
tatus Hallerianus of 1686, the terms
. of which he was compelled to repeat
with greater emphasis in the con-
vention of Blasendorf of October 27th,
1687. The country was occupied by the
imperial troops, and at the diet of Fogaras
the oath of fidelity was taken to the
Hapsburgs as the hereditary kings of
Hungary. Some resistance was offered
only by the lower classes of Kronstadt ;
the town was forced to surrender to the
general Veterani on May i6th, 1688. By
the " Diploma of Leopold " of December
4th, 1691, the Saxons were secured in the
possession of their rights. The govern-
ment of the Queen-empress Maria Theresa,
who made Transylvania a principality in
1765, was followed by the ill-considered
reforms of her son Joseph IL, when the
special constitution of the Saxons was in
great measure sacrificed.
Far in the south, in the Banate of Temes
and in the Bacska, are the last and most
recent German settlements in Himgary.
The Banate of Temes is bounded by the
Danube, the Theiss, the Maros, and the
mountains of Transylvania. After 166 years
.of Turkish rule it was restored to Hungary
by the peace of Poscharevatz on July 21st,
1718, which followed the victories of
Prince Eugene of Savoy. During the
Turkish supremacy the wide lowlands and
hill districts of the counties of Torontal and
Temes were transformed into a desert.
Consequently Count Claudius Florimond
_ Mercy, the first governor of this
rosperi y ^g^g^g brought in colonists
Under Wise r r^ tj. i j
^ ^ from Germany, Italy, and
Government <- • xi ii. t
Spam after the year 1720. In
1728 there were ten villages occupied by
Suabians, one village of Italians, and one
of Spaniards. Under Mercy's govern-
ment, between 1722 and 1730, the town
and fortress of Temesvar were restored,
and numerous villages were founded
and occupied with colonists who came
:from Treves, Cologne, Alsace-Lorraine,
3144
Luxemburg, and the Black Forest. After
the count's heroic death at Crocetta, near
Parma, on June 29th, 1734, the settlements
entered upon a period of distress, the
devastation of the Turkish wars, between
1737- 1739, thinning their numbers.
Under Maria Theresa a special colonial
commission was set on foot in Vienna
on July 22nd, 1766, which brought in
Catholic colonists from the districts of
Havenstein, Treves, Lorraine, and the
Breisgau. At that time more than 25,000
Germans are said to have found a home
in the Banate. Moreover, the Emperor
Joseph 1 1., who made a personal visit to the
Banate, issued an " immigration patent "
on September 21st, 1782, in which he gave
a special invitation to " members of the
German Empire in the Upper Rhine
district " to take up settlements. By the
terms of this patent the immigrants were
to travel free of expense, to receive
allotments of ground for building and
cultivation, necessary implements, and a
certain sum of money. The Germans
came in large numbers, built fourteen
_^ new settlements in 1784-
c mperor j-^g^^ ^^^ increased thirteen
, . ,. others. The neierhbouriner
Immigration , , ^ u- u i, j
county of Bacs, which had
been wrested from the Ottomans im-
mediately after the victory of Mohacs
in 1687, received attention at a later
period than the Banate. In accordance
with the " colonisation patent " of 1763
full arrangements were made by a royal
commission for the occupation of the
district by Germans. The greatest in-
flux of settlers took place between May ist,
1784, and November 30th, 1785 ; during
that period 2,057 families, amounting
to 9,201 persons, entered the county of
Bacs. Then, by the decree of April
24th, 1786, further immigration at the
expense of the state was stopped. As
most of the Germans were of the agricul-
tural class, numerous large villages arose,
which have preserved their German charac-
ter to the present day. The number of
Germans here amounts to about 30 per
cent, of the whole population. The chief
places inhabited by Germans are Apatin
Cservenka, Csonopla, Kula, Alt-Futak,
Alt-Szivacz, Bajmok, Stanisics. In spite
of the number of languages spoken upon
this frontier district, German is at the
present time predominant.
Heinrich von Vlislocki
Hans F. Helmolt
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION,
THE
WESTERN
SLAVS
I
BOHEMIA, MORAVIA AND SILESIA
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE CZECH KINGDOM
HTHE realms of which we are accustomed
■'■ to think to-day inclusively as Austria
are occupied by an extraordinary com-
posite of nationalities. Throughout the
greater part of it the Teuton has planted
himself, but in only a small portion of the
whole is he the historical lord of the
land. In fact, he is a colonist. Hungary
is a Magyar kingdom, ethnologically of
Mongol origin. The south-west, as we have
also seen, is Slavonic. The north-west —
Bohemia and Moravia — is also Slavonic.
Yet the sceptre of the whole has passed
to the ruhng house of the German wedge
thrust in between the southern and the
-western Slavs. Thus, while the house
of Hapsburg is of the West, and throughout
its history essentially a western power,
the great bulk of its dominions to-day
belongs historically to the East of Europe.
Bohemia, with Moravia, forms
Ki^ o'f""*'" ^^^ central district of Europe.
_ "*5 ° . Every wave of barbarian
Bohemia •■',. , ■ . j.
migration surged against it,
most of them seem at one time or another
to have worked into it or through
it — Kelt and Teuton, Mongol and Slav.
Who was in occupation at any given time
till long after Rome had ceased to be
imperial, it is nearly impossible to deter-
mine. It seems, however, tolerably clear
that in the sixth century the Slavs were
in possession; and in the seventh, the
Mongol Avar " Empire," of which Httle
enough is known, disappeared as the
Huns disappeared ; leaving the Slavs to'
work out their own future.
The further development of the Slav
settlement, its extension, and its political
organisation, are hidden from us by a gap
in tradition, extending over more than a
century and a half. We may, however,
conclude that the international develop-
ment of the country progressed consider-
ably, from the Bohemian legend as related
by Kosmas in the beginning of the twelfth
century, which tells of Krok, Libusha,
and Premysl, the farmer of Staditz, who
was called from the ploughshare to the
throne, and became the ancestor of the
first royal house of Bohemia.
It is probable that political and social
life in Moravia developed much more
Louis the quickly and strongly during
p:^ w. the same period ; for before
rious a Man x^ i_ • <• .>
of Peace Bohemia emerges from the
obscurity of legend into the
clear light of history, there rises on Mora-
vian soil, quietly and without any legendary
history, a self-contained principality known
as the Moravian kingdom of the Moimirids,
after the founder of the dynasty, Moimir.
During the military period of Charles the
Great it is unknown, and it appears in its
full power only during the peaceful
reign of Louis the Pious. While Moimir
did homage to the German emperor
and offered presents, he extended his
power eastwards, driving out of his country
the neighbouring Slav prince who had
settled in Neitra. The Prankish counts
in the East Mark and in Pannonia had
every opportunity of watching the growth
of the neighbouring Moravian kingdom,
and the fact that the Slav prince took
refuge with them upon his expulsion, and
received their support, tends to show that
Moimir's aspirations met with no approval
upon this side. However, serious opposi-
tion to the powers rising on the frontier
of the empire formed no part of the policy
^ . . , of Louis the Pious. After the
JJ°;^.y ' treaty of Verdun, in 843, Lewis
St '^"''^i ^^® German took over, with
rugg e j^.^ districts in the east, the
task of securing supremacy of the
empire formerly founded by the Em-
peror Charles over the neighbouring
Slavs ; it was inevitable that a struggle
between the two states should break out,
as indeed the Franks had already expected
on their side. Even the fragmentary
3145
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
descriptions which have come down to us
give an idea of the fury and extent of this
struggle, in Which the weaker side, the
Moimirid principality, always reappears
upon the scene, heroically maintaining its
position in spite of repeated defeat. Moi-
mir himself escaped into his fortified
castles from the first attack which the
_ German king delivered in the
man ^^^ g^ pj.^ ^^^^ however.
Armies in-' i_i_i- ji
j^ . was brought to an end by a
domestic conspiracy led by his
own nephew Rastiz, or Rastislav. The
second Moimirid then received the inherit-
ance of his uncle from the hands of the
Franks, to govern the land likewise under
their supremacy. The struggle, however,
soon broke out anew, because Rastislav
followed in his predecessor's footsteps, and
strove to secure complete independence
of the Prankish kingdom. German armies
repeatedly marched upon Moravia in the
years 855, 864, 866, and 869. However,
no decisive battle took place. At one
time by pretended submission, and at
another by flight into his impregnable
castles, Rastislav forced the Franks either
to make peace or to retire from the in-
hospitable country. Once again domestic
treachery placed the Moravian prince in
the power of Lewis, in 870. The defeater
of Rastislav, his nephew Svatopluk
(Zwentibold), secured the supremacy over
the whole of Moravia under the protec-
torate of France, while his uncle was
punished by blinding and confinement in
a French monastery.
The poUtical struggle for the foundation
of a powerful Slav empire was accom-
panied, from the outset, by a serious
attempt to break the ecclesiastical ties
which united these countries with
Germany. German, Italian, and Greek
priests were working simultaneously in the
country, and the disastrous consequences
to the land afforded the prince Rastislav
a plausible excuse for appearing before
_ „. . the Roman Pope Nicholas
f*tK^ "»»o»««"» J with a request that he
.. -v r -it •• should decide what priests
" True Faith 1 1 j 1 r ^ j i.
should henceforward be
permitted to preach and teach in Moravia.
The Pope, however, is said to have declined
to consider the question, or perhaps to
have decided it against the wishes of the
Moravian prince, who in 863 asked for
fresh teachers from the Greek emperor
Michael III. to preach the true faith to the
Moravian nation in their own language.
3146
The mission was entrusted to the
brothers Constantine and Methodius of
Thessalonica. Their spiritual work in
Moravia began in the year 864 ; as, how-,
ever, they possessed no high ecclesiastical
rank, they confined themselves at first to
the education of the children. As they
desired to fulfil the object of their mission,
the introduction of divine service in the
Slavonic language, both into the Moravian
and also into the neighbouring Slav
kingdom of the Pannonian prince Kozel,
the brothers, accompanied by the most
capable of their scholars, betook them-
selves to Rome in 867, in order to secure
the Pope's permission for the use of the
Slavonic liturgy. Pope Hadrian II. is
said to have fulfilled the wish of the
Moravians in 868.
Feeling, however, a presentiment of
approaching death, Constantine resolved
not to return to Moravia ; he entered
the monastery at Rome, took the name
Cyril as a monk, and died shortly after-
wards, on February 14th, 869. The
continuation of his apostolic work was
left to his brother Methodius, who had
. been consecrated bishop at
Loles His ^°"^^- Hardly, however, had
_,. ' ' he returned to Moravia with
the intention of resuming the
struggle against the German clergy, so
successfully begun, when the revolution
took place which cost Rastislav his throne
and freedom, and transformed Moravia
practically into a Prankish mark. Metho-
dius then succumbed to his opponents ;
for two and a half years, during the
first years of the reign of Svatopluk in
Moravia, he remained a prisoner in a
German monastery.
Friendly as were the relations existing
between the new Moravian prince and the
neighbouring German Empire, and in
particular with Karlmann, the count of
the East Mark, they continued but a short
time. So soon as Karlmann had reason
to suspect the fidelity of Svatopluk, he
seized his person and his property, and
retained him at his court in honourable
confinement, with the idea that his re-
moval would make it easier to establish
Prankish supremacy in Moravia. How-
ever, the oppressed Moravian population
began a desperate attempt to secure their
freedom. Karlmann thought that he
could entrust the task of crushing this
movement to no more suitable person than
Svatopluk, so entirely had the Slav won
RISE AND FALL OF THE CZECH KINGDOM
the confidence of the German. Hardly,
however, did Svatopluk find himself
among his own people, ere he gave rein
to his long-repressed fury, and with one
blow destroyed not only the army which
had been sent to his support, but also all
semblance of Prankish dominion in Mora-
via. In the two following years (872 and
873) Karlmann was unable to break down
the resistance of Svatopluk. Not until
the year 874 have we direct evidence of
the conclusion of a peace at Forchheim,
under which Svatopluk promised fidelity,
obedience, and the usual annual tribute.
Peace for eight years followed this act of
submission.
During the period of this national
rising the Moravians also remembered
Methodius in his imprisonment abroad ;
their representations at Rome eventually
induced Pope John VIII. to order the
Bavarian bishops to liberate the Moravian
apostle. Methodius immediately pro-
ceeded— about the outset of the year 873 —
to Kozel, in the Pannonian principality,
and shortly afterwards to Moravia, where
he was received with marks of high respect
on the part of the prince and people.
Svatopluk, however, failed to appreciate
the help which might have been given to
his pohtical plans by a firm establishment
of the Slavonic Church in the country.
During the dogmatic quarrels between
Methodius and the Bavarian clergy he
TYPE OF BOHEMIAN WOMAN
PURE GIPSY TYPE OF BOHEMIA
maintained a position of neutrality : he
went so far as to express the wish that
Methodius should prove his orthodoxy
before the Pope at Rome. The latter was
thus for the second time obliged to journey
thither, and in the year 880 returned to
his diocese under full papcd protection,
and with further recognition of the
dignity of his position. Even now, how-
ever, it was impossible for him to gain a
complete victory over his opponents in
Moravia ; the Bavarian clergy maintained
their position in the country, and threw
obstacles in his way. It was not until the
last years of his hfe — he died on April 6th,
885 — that his position in Moravia became
more peaceful.
Within this period (882-884) occurred
many violent pohtical struggles between
Svatopluk and the neighbouring Prankish
districts. The Moravian prince then
appeared as the protector of one of two
families who were struggling to secure
the position of count in the Traungau
and in the East Mark, while Arnulf,
or Arnolf, the son of Karlmann, who
governed the marks of Karantania and
Pannonia, supported the opposition party.
The war began in 882. In 883 Svatopluk
was raging in Pannonia " like a wolf,"
and in the following year hostilities were
renewed. The feud was repressed only
upon the interference of the Emperor
Charles III. in the East Mark in August,
3147
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
884. In 885 peace was concluded
between Svatopluk and Arnulf, and
resulted in a mutual understanding so
complete that, when Arnulf became can-
didate for the crown of Germany in
Frankfort in the year 887, Svatopluk
zealously supported him. Under such
circumstances the work of Cyril and
Methodius could not flourish
in Moravia, the more so as
Sl&v Priests'
Flight from
Persecution
the death of the latter had
thrown the entire responsi-
bility upon the feeble shoulders of a
disciple. In the very year of the death
of Methodius, the year of Svatopluk's
reconciliation with the Franks, a general
persecution of the disciples of Methodius
began in Moravia ; only a few received
permission from Svatopluk to leave the
country. The Slav priests then took
refuge in the south Slavonic countries,
where their liturgy found a field unex-
pectedly productive.
Thus, politically as well as ecclesiasti-
cally, Moravia remained in peaceful
dependence upon the Prankish Empire
until the year 890. At that time divergent
conceptions concerning the relation of
the Moravian princes to the German king
brought forth new points of difference,
which were to be solved only by further
fighting. In the first campaign in 892,
and more especially in the following year,
the Moravians held the field ; but in the
year 895, when the power of the Slav
kingdom for resistance was to be tested
for the third time, Svatopluk died a sudden
but natural death. With him disappeared
irrevocably the whole splendour of the
Moravian kingdom. The violent struggle
between the brothers, who were the
heirs of Svatopluk, accelerated the down-
fall, and the strength of the country was
further weakened by the secession of both
Bohemian and Silesian districts, over
which the military power of Svatopluk
had extended his dominion. Under these
, circumstances it was im-
oravia a s p^ggjj-jjg j^j- ^^le country to
Wld M resist for any length of time
agyar ^^^ fearful attacks of the
Magyars, who advanced with barbaric
ferocity. In the year 906 Moravia suc-
cumbed to this enemy, whom she had hardly
had time to observe, much less to guard
against, after concluding, in the year 901, a
peace with her great enemy the Franks,
which in no way limited her constitutional
independence. The Moimirids had eyes
3148
only for the limitations which hindered theii
national development upon the west, and
failed to see the dangers which threatened
their unprotected eastern frontier ; this
neglect brought about the downfall of theii*
carefully constructed empire.
The downfall of the old Moravian
kingdom made room for the development
of other Slavonic states which had existed
under the protection and government
of the Moimirid Empire at the time of its
highest power ; such were the Bohemian
duchy on the west and the Pohsh duchy
on the north-east of Moravia. The for-
tunes of Bohemia in particular were,
during the ninth century, often closely
linked with those of her more important
neighbour on the east. The expeditions
of the Franks were on several occasions
directed against both countries. The
activity of the Slav apostles in Moravia
seems to have been not unheeded in
Bohemia ; there is evidence for the fact
that the Bohemian Duke Borivoi was
baptised by Methodius. In individual
points, however, the relations of the two
countries in politics and religion are some-
_ . . what obscure, for the reason
IT /'f.-*f' J that the history of Bohemia
Established ■ r i j t, .
. g . . IS of a very legendary character
until late in the ninth century.
Borivoi, a contemporary of Svatopluk,
is the first historical prince in Bohemia,
and his name follows a long series of
mythical rulers.
However, the foundation of a uniform
kingdom, and the definite establishment
of the Christian faith in Bohemia, belong
to the period of the sons of Borivoi —
Spitignev and Wratislav — and his grand-
sons— Wenzel the Saint and Boleslav I.
As early as the reign of Wenzel, or Wen-
ceslaus, took p^ace the first inevitable
coUision between the German* Empire,
which had gained in strength since the
accession of Henry the Fowler and the
Slav power, which had grown up during
the Hungarian wars. The struggle had
fatal effects upon German prosperity.
Wenzel was a peace-loving prince, whose
mind was bent more upon the salvation of
the Church than on temporal success ; he
readily recognised the supremacy of the
German king, and agreed to the old tribute,
when Henry I. appeared before Prague in
the year 928. : When, however, Wenzel,
in the course of domestic struggles, lost
his life in the year 935 at the hands of
his brothers and aUies, and Boleslav I.,
WENZEL OF BOHEMIA: "THE GOOD KING WENCESLAUS "
Wenzel's thoughtfulness and regard for others endeared him to his people. Of his humility and consideration a pretty
story is told. One cold, frosty night, so runs the tale, he saw a poor man in the snow gathering fuel. His heart was
touched, and calling on his page to " Bring me flesh and bring me wine, bring me pine-logs hither; thou and I will see
bim dine, wbep w« b^ar them thittier," they went out "in the rude wind's wild lament" on their mission of mercy.
3T49
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The New
Polish
Empire
" the fratricide," became duke, the war with
Germany broke out afresh. The Bo-
hemian prince held out for a long time in the
frontier fortresses and abattis, which pro-
tected his country against King Otto I.,
then hard pressed by enemies on many
sides. Eventually, however, Boleslav's
strength grew feeble, and in 950 he sub-
mitted to the same conditions
under which his brother and
predecessor had recognised
German supremacy. In the
battle of the Lechfeld, in the year 955, a
Bohemian auxihary force fought side by
side with the troops of the united German
races. Boleslav, who protected his fron-
tiers against the impetuous Magyars,
pursued the defeated enemy, and inflicted
further defeat upon them.
About this time appeared a dangerous
rival to the rising Premyslid principality ;
this was the Polish Empire. We first
become acquainted with the existence of
this new power in the lowlands between
the Oder and the Warthe about 963 ;
its political centre was Gnesen, and it
extended south-west to the modern Silesia,
where it touched the Bohemian kingdom.
At first the two Slav principalities
maintained friendly relations ; the Polish
Duke Mesko I., who died in 992, married
Dubrava, the daughter of Boleslav I. of
Bohemia. She it was who won over both
her husband and his people to Christianity.
As early as the year 968 a Polish bishopric
Wcis founded in Posen, some years before
that of Prague. Bohemian auxiliary
troops supported Mesko in his struggles
against his northern neighbours. The
Pohsh and Bohemian princes — the latter
was the son and namesake of Boleslav I.
— made an alhance, and joined in helping
the Bavarian Duke Henry against the
Emperors Otto II. and Otto III. in the
years 976 and 983-985.
Then, however, the bond of friendship
between the two brothers-in-law was
_ ^ . broken : Dubrava had died
Bohemia t ^1.
_ . . ^ ,^ m 977. In the year 990 our
Rushing to its iZ i.- 1 t Ai,
_ ... authorities speak of the
" bitter hostility " existing be-
tween the two, as the Pole had captured a
considerable district from Bohemia, and
had succeeded in maintaining his posi-
tion in a series of battles. Accurate
geographical information is wanting, but
from the mention of the place Niemtsch
it has been concluded that the scene of
the war was Silesia. A long period of
3150
bitter struggle between the two neighbour-
ing states followed, which severely tested
the resources of the Premyslid kingdom.
After about a century of development
Bohemia had now arrived at a turning-
point which is marked upon the one hand
by a decline in political power, and on
the other by violent domestic convul-
sions. That period came when Adalbert,
the second Bishop of Prague, abandoned
" the blind nation rushing to its own
downfall," left his country and his home,
and in 997 sacrificed his life in missionary
work among the savage Prussians. It
is the period when a noble native
family, the Slavnikings, from which
Adalbert was sprung, was exterminated
by Duke Boleslav II. and the nobility.
The contagion of discord soon extended
to the royal family, and the Prem5rsUds
and the Bohemians were governed by
dukes, designated by the chroniclers as
" basilisks," or " poisonous vipers."
Hardly had Boleslav III., the son of
Boleslav II., assumed the government
in the year 999 when he attempted to
destroy his younger brothers, J aromir and
p Udalrich, and upon the failure
o es an ^^ ^^^ attempt drove them
o em ans ^^^ ^^ ^^^ country with their
mother ; they found a refuge
at the imperial court in Germany. The
condition of affairs naturally enabled the
warlike Polish Duke Boleslav I. Chabri
(992-1025) to seize Bohemia, with the
help of dissatisfied Bohemian nobles,
at the outset of the year 1003, after pre-
viously conquering the German frontier
land between the Oder and the Elbe,
and also Moravia. He decUned, however,
to do homage to the emperor for his new
dominions, and Henry II. resolved to
deprive the Pole of his latest acquisitions.
Bohemia was reconquered at the first
attack, in 1004, and Prince J aromir was
invested with the Duchy of Bohemia.
The struggle for the other conquests of
the Pole ended in a long war between the
German emperor, who was supported by
the Bohemians, and Boleslav Chabri ;
the war occupied almost the entire reign
of this prince.
In the course of the struggle between
the Bohemian and Polish powers victory
returned to the flag of the former, es-
pecially after the death of Boleslav Chabri,
when a period of internal confusion began
in Poland ; while in Bohemia, after the
short rule of J aromir, his brother
RISE AND FALL OF THE CZECH KINGDOM
Udalrich seized the reins of government,
with the support of his bold son Bretislav.
To Bretislav is in particular due the
achievement of obtaining from Poland the
land of Moravia in 1029. the last of the
great conquests of the period of Boleslav
Chabri. The union of this district with
Bohemia materially increased the pres-
tige and the strength of the PremysUd
dynasty.
After the death of his father Udalrich.
in 1034, Bretislav took over the sole
government. In 1039 he undertook an
expedition into Poland with a large army
and made a victorious advance as far as
Gnesen, plundering and devastating the
land on all sides. At the point where
the corpse of the
Bishop of Prague,
Adalbert, had been
laid to rest after
his martyrdom at
the hands of the
Prussians, in 997,
Bretislav atoned
i6t the ingratitude
of his forefathers
to this noble man ;
"he made his
Bohemian and
Moravian subjects
renounce at the
martyr's grave,
while they were
in arms, a number
of heathen customs
of long standing, ^^^ ancient crown of Bohemia
agamStWniCnAaai- This famous crown of Bohemia, often called the crown
bert had inveighed, of St. Wenceslaus, dates from the fourteenth century,
rp, (, r1 K r ***'^ '* kept in the treasury of St. Veit at Prague.
den," the remains of the martyr, were
then brought back to his native land.
The conquests, however, of certain
districts of Poland had to be abandoned
when the Emperor Henry III. protested
against them. Like Henry II. before him,
his son was determined to prevent the crea-
tion of a great Slav empire on
i^ti?" the east of Germany. Bretislav
accepted the challenge forth-
with, and in 1040, the first year
of the war, he secured a great success. In
the following year, however, the course
of the campaign was so disastrous to the
Bohemians, owing to the treacherous de-
sertion of certain nobles to the emperor's
cause, that the Bohemian ruler was forced
to sue for peace. Only two Silesian
districts of his Polish conquests were
Nobles
of Bohemia
left to him, and these were shortly after-
wards perforce restored to the Polish
prince in return for a yearly tribute.
Henceforward Bretislav renounced all
military operations against the German
Empire, and, indeed, supported the
_ emperor in his campaigns,
the^Frield especially against Hungary.
J p ^ Bretislav secured peace and
quiet for the advancement of
civilisation and economic prosperity in his
territories. During his government in
Bohemia and Moravia several important
monasteries were founded. In the interior
of his extensive empire he hoped to be
able to secure permanent order, even
after his death, through his heirs. He
bequeathed to his
first-born son,
Spitignev, the
government in
Bohemia, together
with the general
right of supremacy;
-Moravia he divided
among his three
younger sons, Wra-
tislav, Konrad,
and Otto. A fifth
son, Jaromir, was
intended for the
Church.
Bretislav had,
however, taken in-
adequate measures
to secure the per-
formance of these
conditions, and the
reaction began im-
mediately after his
death in 1055. Spitignev deprived his
Moravian brothers of their rule, destroyed
the nobility of Moravia, who attempted to
offer resistance to his aggressive measures,
and finally, for unknown reasons, expelled
from Bohemia the Germans, who had ac-
quired great influence during his father's
reign ; he also banished his mother, Judith
von Schweinfurt, the first German princess
who had occupied the throne of the
Premyslids. His government, however,
lasted scarcely six years (1055-1061).
His brother and successor, Duke Wra-
tislav II., reverted to his father's policy.
Bretislav had given Moravia its first
monastery by his foundation at Raigern
in 1048, and Wratislav, notwithstanding
the great difficulties raised in his path by
his brother Jaromir-Gebhard, Bishop of
3151
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Prague, founded the bishopric of Olmiitz
in 1062, which afterwards became the
ecclesiastical centre of Moravia. Of very
considerable importance to Bohemia and
to the German Empire are the personal
relations upon which Duke Wratislav
entered with the Emperor Henry IV. ;
these endured unchanged during the whole
„ , . _ . government of the two
Bohemian Duke ^^^^^^^ notwithstanding the
ssumes general secession of the
1 It e o iBg princes from the emperor
and the warnings of Pope Gregory VII.
As a reward for this personal fidelity and
for the constant military help which the
formidable reputation of his troops was
able to give the emperor, the Bohemian
duke was rewarded at different times by
neighbouring pieces of territory, though
he was unable to maintain a permanent
supremacy over them, and in the year
1086 he was allowed to assume the
dignity of king, though this was merely
a personal concession to himself.
So great was the reputation possessed
by Wratislav in Germany that the
Archbishop Wezilo of Mayence an-
nounced the elevation of the Bohemian
duke to the dignity of king in these
words to the Pope : "All are agreed
that he would have been worthy of even
higher favour, if any such could have
been found for him." Only in his own
house did Wratislav fail to secure peace.
There were continual quarrels, now with
his brother the Bishop of Prague, now
again with his other brothers the Moravian
princes, and also with his son and his
nephews. These differences often caused
local disturbance, and sometimes forced
him to take up arms against his opponents.
The cause of them among the Premy-
slids — and they were to endure for almost
the next century and a half — consisted in
that regulation for the succession, the
" Justitia Bohemorum," which Duke Bre-
tislav is said to have arranged upon his
_. - death-bed, and according to
Throne of i- 1 x r n -
_ . . which supremacy was to fall to
. p. the eldest son of the house. It
was the Moravian princes who
more particularly revolted against the
power of the Duke of Bohemia in the
attempt to establish their claim to the
Bohemian throne. During the reign of
the two successors of Wratislav, who died
in 1092, his sons Bretislav II. and Borivoi,
we have struggles with Udalrich of Briinn
and Lutold of Znaim in iioi, and some
3153
years later — in 1105 and 1107 — with Duke
S vatopluk of Olmiitz ; these produced very
serious disturbances. At the same time the
Premyslid power was involved in numerous
military enterprises abroad, at one time
against Hungary, at another against
Poland — now upon its own initiative, and
again as following the German kings.
The relations of the country to the em-
pire were by no means undisturbed by this
internal confusion ; on the contrary, the
emperor was often called in as arbitrator.
This struggle increases in dramatic force
until it reaches its highest point in the
year 11 25. Duke Vladislav, also a son of
Wratislav II., had died, and had been
succeeded in the government by his
younger brother Sobeslav ; he was op-
posed by his cousin Prince Otto of Olmiitz,
who found a powerful ally in King Lothar
of Siipplingenburg. Hitherto German
kings had offered no direct interference
in the struggle of the Bohemian rivals,
but Lothar led the army to Bohemia in
person to support the cause of his protege
Otto. The result was the fearful battle of
Kulm on February i8th, 1126, in which
_ . , not only the German knights
o emia s -^^ ^j^^ king's service met with
„ . total defeat, but the Moravian
Succession , , ■ ^,
prince was also slain. The
wars of succession were, however, not
concluded. During the government of
Sobeslav (1125-1140) the country was in
a continual state of internal ferment.
However, the duke vigorously suppressed
one conspiracy after another, and thus
secured time to carry on his numerous
foreign wars, whether against Poland,
which he repeatedly devastated between
1132 and I135, or in Germany, Italy, and
Hungary, in the service of King Lothar,
with whom he had made peace imme-
diately after the battle of Kulm.
Under the successor of Sobeslav, his
nephew Vladislav II., the smouldering fire
blazed up. The youthful Bohemian duke
was opposed simultaneously by a number
of Bohemian Premyslid princes, by the
Moravian princes of Briinn, Olmiitz, and
Znaim, and by a portion of the Bohemian
nobility. Thanks, however, to his own
determination, to the fidelity of his fol-
lowers, including his brother Thebald and
the Bishop of Olmiitz, and to the vigorous
support afforded by the Emperor Conrad
II., a half-brother of his wife Gertrude,
he succeeded in forcing the allies to retreat.
The struggles of the Duke of Bohemia
RISE AND FALL OF THE CZECH KINGDOM
with the Moravian Premyslids, especially
with Conrad of Znaim, endured for years.
Eventually the forces of the latter were
exhausted, and the world-inspiring idea
of a Second Crusade diverted men's minds
from the monotony of domestic strife.
The close relations of Bohemia to the
German Empire at that time, and also the
energy of Bishop Henry of Olmiitz,
made the political movements felt in this
country in full force. The summons for a
crusade to Palestine in 1147, ^^^ ^^^ ^
simultaneous enterprise against the
heathen Wends on the lower Elbe and
Vistula, was enthusiastically received by
Bohemia and Moravia. Under the leader-
ship of Bishop Henry and some of the
Premyslid princes, one party started off
with the northern crusading army, while
Duke Vladislav with a no less splendid
force joined Conrad HI. and the eastern
host, though the duke was forced to return
from Constantinople or Nicaea by reason
of the great hardships of the campaign.
A few years later, on June 25th, 1150,
death deprived the duke of his faithful
counsellor, Bishop Henry. The bishop
, was a personality of very
El of * ^^^^ importance both in the
u ogy o ecclesiastical and political
Bishop Henry ^^^^^ p^^j^ penetrated by
German ideas and German culture, he was
respected both by the Emperor Conrad and
by Pope Eugenius III., who selected him
for important diplomatic missions, such,
for instance, as the attempted union
between the Greek and Roman Churches
proposed by the Pope. The Pope's words
to the eitiperor respecting this bishop are
more than a mere compliment : " Though
we should have been very glad to keep with
us for some time in high honour and affec-
tion this good and pious man, yet we send
him back to your Highness, knowing as we
do how great is your need of him."
Between the years 1142 and 1147 we see
Henry at least once every year at the
German court, and in personal attendance
upon the Emperor Conrad.
Henry's position in the empire can be
well inferred from the words of the emperor
in an official document, to the effect that he
had chosen the Bishop of Olmiitz in pre-
ference to all the bishops in the empire,
on account of his stainless faith as a
teacher and mediator in all things per-
taining to the service of God. His energy
as regards Bohemia and Moravia was
very considerably paralysed by the endless
quarrels of the Premyslids among them-
selves. The fact is, however, of import-
ance that he was, by reason of his connec-
tion with Germany, the first means of
bringing the ideas of German civilisation
into Moravia and the Premyslid countries ;
for the church of Olmiitz, for instance, he
secured, in full accordance with German
„. „, .. , custom, a grant of iurisdic-
KiBg Vladislav . • 1 -i
_ .* p tional immunity — a pnvi-
njoys ame j which had hitherto
and Prosperity , *=" , • ^i • t
been unknown in this dis-
trict, and was soon to become of great
importance to legal developments in Bo-
hemia and Moravia. The reign of Vladislav
continued long after the death of the
bishop ; the king lived in prosperity and
fame to his latest years. The dangers
threatened by Moravia had been obviated
for the moment by establishing Bohemian
Premyslids in the divided principalities.
It is true that many a banished Premyslid
prince was living abroad, only waiting for
the moment when the throne of Vladislav
should begin to totter ; yet he was suc-
cessful in preserving his rule for a long
time from any shattering blow.
An important means to this end was the
fact that upon the accession of Frederic I.
(Barbarossa) to the German throne in
1152, Vladislav continued in the traditional
path of fidelity to the emperor and empire.
At the right moment, and by means of the
dexterous mediation of Bishop Daniel of
Prague, the tie between the two princes
was drawn even closer in June, 1156. The
Duke of Bohemia undertook to place his
subjects at the emperor's disposal for
miUtary expeditions, and in return for
this he received certain small concessions
of territory, and also the honour of king-
ship, which, exactly seventy yeaf^ before,
had been conferred by the Emperor Henry
IV. upon his grandfather, Wratislav II.
Bohemia now entered upon a military
period. First of all the country shared
in Barbarossa's Polish campaign of 1157,
. crossed the Oder, and cleared
as°a MiHtar *^^ P^^^ ^^^ *P*° ^ foreign
as a 11 ary ^^Q^j^^j-y £qj. ^^le imperial army.
^^'^ Though the enterprise had no
importance for Bohemia itself, it was of
great import to the independent prin-
cipality of Silesia. This campaign, which
was repeated in 1163, resulted in the recall
of the sons of Vladislav II. of Poland by
the Polish duke Boleslav IV. Kendzierzavy.
In 1146 he had driven his brother Vladislav
II. of Poland from the throne, and
315.?
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
forced him to flee to his brother-in-law,
the Emperor Conrad III. of Germany.
His children were now reinstated in their
father's inheritance, Breslau, Glogau, and
Oppeln. The Polish supremacy over these
districts was, indeed, maintained for a
considerable period. But the three
princes, Boleslav, Mesko, and Conrad,
P , who had spent the whole of
ermany s ^|^g^j. youth in Germany, were
g . J . the first who brought Silesia
within the area of Western
civilisation. It is of great historical
importance' that the Bohemian king
co-operated in the first attempt to sunder
Silesia from Polajid, and connect it with
the German Empire.
In the year following the Polish war the
Bohemians received a summons to a
campaign against Milan. The youthful
Bohemian knights enthusiastically sup-
ported the summons, though the older
nobility regarded the new policy with
suspicion and distrust. Vladislav, without
consulting his nobles, had been crowned
by the emperor on January nth, 1158, at
an imperial diet in Regensburg, and, with-
out their consent, had agreed to Frederic's
conditions. Their opposition, however,
went for nothing. The spirit and bravery
of the Bohemian warriors contributed
largely to secure victories for the emperor,
both in this year, and in his later campaigns
and conflicts in Italy in 1161, 1162, and
1167. It must be said that their
plundering habits procured them an evil
reputation both abroad and in the
emperor's countries. Successful, too, was
an expedition which King Vladislav led to
Hungary in 1164, in order to support his
proteg^ Stefan III. in the struggle for the
succession against Stefan IV., who was
supported by the Byzantine emperor.
The treasures of the Greek campaign
provided a rich booty.
Towards the end of Vladislav's reign his
relations with Frederic Barbarossa were
_ clouded for many reasons.
mperor Upon his resolve to transfer
InterfeTes*^ the government of Bohemia to
his son Frederic without the
consent of Barbarossa, the German
emperor opposed this arbitary action on
the part of the Bohemian king, and, instead
of Frederic, made his cousin Sobeslav II.
Duke of Bohemia. The immediate conse-
quence was a protracted struggle for the
throne. Frederic was obliged to give
way at first, but at a later period he
3154
recovered the emperor's favour and
reconquered the supremacy from Sobeslav
in 1179.
In this struggle he was supported by
Germany, and also, in particular, by the
Moravian prince Conrad Otto, who, in all
probability, was sprung from a collateral
branch of the Bohemian Premyslids, and
had succeeded under King Vladislav II.
to the principality of Znaim upon the
extinction of a native line of rulers.
From the beginning of Sobeslav's reign,
Briinn and Olmiitz were governed by his
younger brothers, Udalrich and Wenzel, so
that the Moravian branchof thePremyslids
became entirely extinct about the year 1174.
However, the struggle between Bohemia
and Moravia broke out once again. The
second reign of Frederic, the " inex-
perienced helmsman," as a contemporary
chronicler names him, was as short as the
first ; a popular rising forced him to flight,
and he appUed for help to the emperor.
The ducal throne of Bohemia seemed
destined to fall to the Moravian prince
Conrad Otto, who already united under
his rule the three component kingdoms of
. Moravia. However, Frederic
Bohemia and g^rbarossa summoned the
oravia ^^^ Premyslids to appear
gam m rms j^g^^j-g j^jg cQ^-t at Ratisbon,
and delivered his decision on September
29th, 1182 : Frederic was to reign in
Bohemia, as before, while Conrad Otto
was henceforward to govern Moravia as a
margravate, immediately depending on
the emperor and in complete independence
of Bohemia.
After the death of Conrad Otto, in 1191,
the struggle for the supremacy in Bohemia
and Moravia broke out again between
the two lines of the Sobeslavids and
Vladislavids, and the emperor eventually
decided in the favour of the latter,
conferring Bohemia, in 1192, upon
Premysl Ottokar and Moravia upon
Vladislav Henry, the two younger brothers
of the Duke Frederic, who died in
1 189. Peace, however, was not even then
secured. In the following year the brothers
were driven out by their cousin Henry
Bretislav, who was also Bishop of Prague,
and ruled over both countries until 1197.
His death seemed likely to become the
occasion of a further struggle for the
succession between the two brothers,
Premysl Ottokar and Vladislav Henry.
The latter, however, was a peaceable
character, and found a solution of the
RISE AND FALL OF THE CZECH KINGDOM
difficulty by offering his brother an
arrangement for the partition of the
empire, which occurred to his mind when
the armies were drawn up for battle on
December 6th, 1197. The proposition
was that Premysl Ottokar should rule
in Bohemia and Vladislav Henry in
Moravia, while both " were to liave one
mind as they had one rule." Though this
arrangement does not in the least represent
the nature of their subsequent relations, it
none the less remains certain that with
it a new age begins in the history of the
Premyslid kingdom.
This fraternal compact of iigy brought
to a somewhat unexpected conclusion
the unfruitful period of Bohemian history,
during which the domestic policy of
the country was dominated by continual
quarrels concerning the succession, while
economic development and the progress
of culture were checked, and only the
unbridled warlike temperament of the
people was stimulated. However, towards
the close of the twelfth century the mili-
tary element falls into the background of
the history of the Bohemian territories,
while civilisation and progress
Peace an ^^^^ ^^^ upper hand. Feud and
rogress qy^rrel in the royal family
m Bohemia j. j i A 1 1
disappear, and brotherly love
and unity promote the bold plans con-
ceived by the head of the family, the Duke
of Bohemia, for the aggrandisement of his
empire and his royal house. The Ger-
man emperor no longer settles Bohemian
affairs at his own will and pleasure ; on
the contrary, the Bohemian princes
derive considerable advantage from
the struggles and confusion prevailing in
the German Empire. Supported with
unselfish devotion by his Moravian brother,
the Margrave Vladislav Henry, who died
in 1222, both in his diplomatic and
military enterprise, the new Duke of
Bohemia cleverly utilised the quarrel
of the rival German kings, Philip of
Swabia and Otto of Brunswick, to
secure the recognition of Bohemia as a"
kingdom for himself and his successors,
first from Philip, then from Otto after
Philip's secession to the other side, finally
from Pope Innocent HI., in 1204. Hardly
had the youthful Hohenstauffen Frederic
II. appeared upon the political scene,
when the duke induced him also to confirm
the existence of the kingdom, first in
the year 1212 and afterwards in 1216, to
recognise his first- bom son as a successor
20Z
to Bohernia, and to grant other privileges
in addition. This event marks the
advancement of the right of primogeni-
ture as the principle of succession against
the right of seniority which had previously
been accepted.
German colonisation gave the Slav
territories, from a political standpoint, a
V 11/ , new constitution for town and
iving wenzel -ii ■, ^ . ,
Encourages tillage, and from a social
Colonisation Standpoint a class of free
peasants and citizens hitherto
unknown. The prosperous beginning of
German colonisation received a further
impulse under King Wenzel I. (1230-1253),
notwithstanding the numerous mihtary
entanglements into which Bohemia
was then drawn, chiefly with Austria,
and in spite of the appalling danger
threatened by the Mongol invasion of the
year 1241. For the moment, however,
Bohemia was spared.
It was Moravia, and especially Silesia,
that suffered most heavily from the bar-
barians. The years 1157 and 1163 were,
as regards the progress of political deve-
lopment and civilisation, an important
turning point in the history of Silesia, as
the government of the three Silesian
princes betokens an entry of Germanising
influences upon a large scale. The figures
most distinguished from this point of view
are Duke Boleslav I., the Long (1157-
1202), his son Henry the Bearded
(1203-1238), who IS known for his parti-
cipation in the founding of the German
orders in Prussia, and his descendant
Henry II. (1238-1241). The dominions
of the latter extended far beyond the three
original Silesian principalities. He ruled
Cracow and part of Great Poland, which
his father had already conquered in the
course of wars against his Polish cousins.
However, this brilliant development
of the Silesian principality was shaken
to its depths in March, 1241, by the
invasion of the Mongols, who reduced
Poland to a desert as they
D t A advanced, and forced the Duke
evas a e ^^ Silesia to oppose them, if
y ongo s ^^ ^.^ ^^^ ^.^^ ^^ g^^ ^^^
destruction of the civilisation laboriously
acquired in the course of the last hundred
years. The bloody battle on the Wahl-
statt at Liegnitz. on April 9th, 1241, cost
the lives of Henry and of numerous
knights in his following. The further
history of the Mongol invasion, which con-
tinued until the spring of 1242, and kept
3155
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the neighbouring territories of Austria and
Moravia in suspense, ran its course upon
Hungarian soil.
The next important event in the history
of Bohemia was the death of Frederic II.,
Duke of Austria, and the last male
descendant of the house of Babenberg, who
was killed on June 15, 1246, in the battle
^ . , on the Leitha against the
Death of TT 'ru
"T " Hungarians. The marriage
B \ *b between his niece Gertrude and
erg ^j^g gQjjgj^ia,n prince Vladislav,
who was now also margrave of Moravia,
was not celebrated until this time, although
it had been arranged years before ; it
seemed destined to bring the heritage of
the house of Babenberg into the hands of
the Premyslids. The most dangerous
opponent of the Bohemian claims was the
Emperor Frederic II., who desired to secure
the Austrian territories, as being an
imperial fief in abeyance. However, the
struggle for the inheritance of Duke
Frederic soon came to a rapid end, owing
to the death of the Margrave Vladislav
in 1247, 3-iid ^^ the emperor in 1250.
The claims of inheritance and of constitu-
tional right were now thrown into the back-
ground ; the disputed possessions passed
to the greater power and the greater
diplomatic capacity of the neighbouring
princes of Bohemia-Moravia and of Hun-
gary, with whom Bavaria was straggling
for the prey. The new margrave of
Moravia, Premysl Ottokar, the grandson
of King Wenzel I., soon defeated Otto,
the duke of Bavaria, after a short struggle
in Upper and Lower Austria. In the year
125 1 he was recognised as duke by the
nobility and the towns of that district,
and further secured his conquests by his
connection with Margareta, the sister of
the last Babenberg and the widow of King
Henry VII. ; in February, 1252, he
married her, although she was consider-
ably older than himself.
For the possession of Styria a lengthy
struggle began between King Bela IV. of
j^ p Hungary and Premysl Otto-
rosperous ^^^ j-j^ ^-^^ ^^^^ inherited
the crown of Bohemia on the
death of his father in 1253.
At the outset, success inclined to the side
of the Magyar, chiefly owing to the support
of the Pope, in 1254 ; eventually, however,
the Bohemian king proved victorious in
this quarter after his success at the
battle of Kroissenbrunn. In July, 1260,
the dissolution of his marriage with
3156
Reign of
King Ottokar II
the aged Margareta, his marriage with
Cunigunde, the young granddaughter of
the Hungarian king, in 1261, and his
investiture with the two duchies of Austria
and Styria by the German king Richard, in
1262, crowned the remarkable prosperity
which had marked the first period of the
reign of King Premysl Ottokar II.
The following decade (1273) also brought
to the Bohemian king fame and victory in
many of his military enterprises, and an
increase of territory through his acquisi-
tion of Carinthia and Carniola, and of a
certain power of protectorate over Eger
and the surrounding district. Premysl
Ottokar II. had then reached the zenith
of his power. The domestic policy of his
reign was marked by the continuation
and the increase of the work of German
colonisation, which his father and grand-
father had introduced into the Premyslid
kingdom. In this task he found a zealous
helper in Bishop Bruno of Olmiitz, who
was descended from the family of the
Holstein counts of Schaumberg, and
administered the bishopric of Moravia
from 1245 to 1281 ; he proved the king's
_. _. . best counsellor in all diplo-
Three Bishops ^^^-^ ^^^ political under-
M d H' t takings. Bishop Bruno,
a e IS ory ^^gg^ggj. ^j^j^ Bishop Henry
of Olmiitz and Bishop Adalbert of Prague,
formed a spiritual constellation in the
history of the Premyslids. They set in
motion a religious, civilising, and poUtical
influence which were felt far beyond the
boundaries of their respective dioceses.
The privileges of the German towns
increased from that period in Bohemia and
Moravia. This advance in civilisation is
the permanent result of the wide activities
of Premysl Ottokar II. ; for that vast
political construction, the Bohemian-
Austrian monarchy, which he seemed to
have erected with so much cleverness,
proved to be unstable ; it was too largely
founded upon the weakness of the German
Empire and upon the vacillation and
helplessness of the nominal kings of
Germany. Hence for Premysl Ottokar the
choice of Rudolf of Hapsburg as emperor
on October ist, 1273, marks the beginning
of the decline of the Bohemian power.
This declension was rapidly completed.
Premysl Ottokar refused to acknowledge
his feudal dependency upon the new
German king, thus challenging the emperor
and the empire to war. For almost
two years the Bohemian king succeeded
RISE AND FALL OF THE CZECH KINGDOM
in staving off the threatening secession of
Styria and Austria, for the reason that
Rudolf's attention was fully occupied
elsewhere, while his means were insuffi-
cient to provide any vigorous support
for his open and secret adherents in these
territories. However, in the autumn of
1276 the Hapsburg led the imperial army
through Austria to the walls of Vienna.
Ottokar was abandoned, both by the
Austrian nobles and by some of his most
powerful Bohemian nobility, with the
result that the two opponents never met
in conflict ; the Bohemian king preferred
submission to the hazardous alternative
of giving battle. The peace of Vienna
on November 21st, 1276, deprived Premysl
Ottokar II. of his position as a great
power ; he was obliged to surrender
Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and other
districts which he had conquered and
not inherited, and to receive Bohemia
and Moravia as the vassal of the German
emperor.
This humiliating settlement, however,
could not possibly be regarded by the
proud prince as a permanent embargo on
his schemes. Concerning the future
. relations of Bohemia with the
o «°"'>^ empire, and regarding certain
■ '^ tti* ' important points in the peace
of Vienna, more particularly the
amnesty to the Bohemian lords who had
deserted Premysl Ottokar, and the pro-
posed marriage of a son and daughter of
the two princes, misunderstandings broke
out, which soon ended in that fresh struggle
with Rudolf which the Bohemian king
was anxious to provoke. In the battle of
Diirnkrut, on the Marchfeld, on August
26th, 1278, Premysl Ottokar was captured,
in a condition of exhaustion, after a
heroic struggle, and murdered by cer-
tain knights who had a private grudge
against him. The Premyslid territories
now surrendered, almost without resist-
ance, to the German king, who was
regarded with considerable favour by
the German population of the towns,
by a portion of the nobility, and not
least by Bishop Bruno. The first years
after the death of their great king were a
time of misery for Bohemia. When, how-
ever, Wenzel II., who became the son-in-
law and received the support of the
German king, ascended the throne in 1283,
a renewed period of prosperity seemed to
have begun for the house of Premysl,
facilitated both by a peaceable and
serious government and by the riches of
the country, especially the income from
the silver-mines. The young king, with
his vivid interest in art and science,
gained a great reputation for the Bo-
hemian court, and made it a favourite
resort of artists and scholars. This in-
ternal development was accompanied by
g.j . , a successful foreign policy.
I esia s After the struggle with the
Greatness ,, , 01 • °
at aa End ■'^^o^&O'S, bilesia ceases to
rank among the countries of
importance in the history of the world,
and from 1241 its history is purely local.
Once again the country was broken into
petty principalities, some of which were
in continual hostility with Poland, and
were thus driven into connection with the
Premyslid kingdom through affinities of
civilisation and race. In the decisive
battle on the Marchfeld the Dukes of
Breslau, Glogau and Oppeln acted as the
independent allies of the Bohemian king.
King Wenzel of Bohemia, in later troubles,
was supported by several Silesian dukes,
who recognised him as their feudal over-
lord ; he succeeded in conquering Cracow
in 1291, and assumed the crown of
Poland in Gnesen in 1300, uniting the
heritage of the Piasts with that of the
Premyslids.
Nor was this the end. In the following
year — 1301 — the male line of the Hunga-
rian royal house of Arpad became extinct,
and one party in the country offered this
crown to the Bohemian king ; he did not
accept it himself, but transferred it to
his young son, Wenzel III., who was
crowned king of Hungary at Stuhl-
weissenburg. However, this period of
brilliant prosperity lasted but a short
time for the Premyslids. The Hungarian
crown could not be retained in face of the
Angevin claims, and in the year 1304
Wenzel III. abandoned it. At the same
time Wenzel II. became involved in war
with the German king Albert. In the
_,- n . course of this struggle he died,
If th!"""*" ^" ^305, at the age of thirty-
p ... four. When his heir was medi-
remys 1 s ^^^jj^g ^j^ advance upon Poland
in the following year — 1306 — to crush the
rising of Vladislav Lokietek, the Polish
claimant to the throne, he was murdered
by an assassin in the castle of Olmiitz ;
he died at the age of seventeen, the last
male descendant of the distinguished
house of the PremysUds, leaving no issue,
although married.
3157
3158
PRAGUE, THE BEAUTIFUL CAPITAL OF BOHEMIA
This famous city owesmucli of its beauty to Charles IV., who from 1347 to 1378 greatly
extended his capital and erected such buildings as the Cathedral of St. Veit, the Teyn
Church, the Bridge Tower, the bridge across the Moldau and the Castle of Hrads.
EASTERN EUROPE
TO THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE
WESTERN SLAVS
II
BOHEMIA AND THE REFORMATION
THE LUXEMBURG KINGS & THE HUSSITE WARS
CLAIMS to the Bohemian inheritance
were now raised from two quarters :
Duke Henry of Carinthia rehed upon the
claim of his wife Anna, the eldest sister of
King Wenzel III. ; on the other hand the
German king Aljjert regarded Bohemia
and Moravia as escheated fiefs of the
empire, and conferred them upon his
eldest son, Duke Rudolf of Austria.
After the premature death of Rudolf in
1307, Henry of Carinthia succeeded in
securing a majority of the votes of the
Bohemian nobility, and it was only in
Moravia that King Albert could secure
recognition for his second son Frederic.
However, when Albert fell in the following
year, 1308, under the murderous attack of
his nephew John (" Parricida "),' Duke
Frederic was obliged to refrain from all
attempts to continue the war against Henry
"in Bohemia and also to surrender Moravia,
with the exception of certain towns which
remained in his possession as a pledge for
the repayment of the expenses of the war.
, Henry of Carinthia was, how-
anis e difficult party questions which
>g« troubled Bohemia. King and
nobles, nobles and towns, were in a
state of perpetual hostility. The result
was seen in disturbances and acts of
aggression which lost Henry his prestige
in the country. A new party arose, led
by the Abbot Conrad of Konigssaal, which
attempted to secure a new ruler by the
marriage of Elizabeth, the youngest
daughter of King Wenzel II.
Their choice fell upon John, the young
son of the new German emperor Henry VII.
of Luxemburg. On September ist, 1310, the
marriage of the German prince, who was
fourteen years of age, with the Bohemian
princess, who was eighteen, was celebrated
in Speyer. The German emperor had
released the Bohemians from their oath
to the Duke of Carinthia in the
previous July at Frankfort, and had
invested his son with Bohemia and
Moravia, as escheated fiefs of the empire.
The conquest of the country was not a
Germans
Expelled from
Bohemia
lengthy task, as King Henry, recognising
speedily the hopelessness of resistance,
entered upon negotiations and voluntarily
left the country. The occupation of
Moravia was accomplished with equal
facility. John even assumed the title of
King of Poland, as a sign that he proposed
to maintain the claims of his Premyslid
predecessors to this crown.
The course of his government
was soon, however, consider-
ably disturbed, chiefly in
consequence of the hostile feeling enter-
tained by the high Bohemian nobility
for Archbishop Peter of Mainz and other
German counsellors, whom King Henry
had sent to direct his inexperienced son.
John found his difficulties increased in
1313 by the death of his imperial father,
which deprived him of the support of the
German Empire. He was obliged to con-
sent to the expulsion of the Germans from
Bohemia, and to resign the government
of the country to Henry of Lipa, the most
powerful of the Bohemian barons.
Peace, however, was not even theji
secured. Financial disputes between the
king and his chief adviser, the extra-
ordinary connection between Lipa and
the Dowager Queen Elizabeth, the former
consort both of Wenzel II. and Duke
Rudolf, who resided in Konigingratz, and
overshadowed the court of the queen
proper, together with other causes, led to
the forcible removal of Lipa in 1315, where-
upon Archbishop Peter again received the
position of chief minister. After a rule of
two years he was again forced to yield to
the powerful nobles in 1317.
Revolt King John was weary of these
Against domestic troubles, and turned
King John j^.^ attention to foreign affairs,
especially to the rivalry between Lewis
of Bavaria and Frederic the Fair of
Austria for the German crown ; con-
sequently the government of Bohemia
and the work of resistance to the nobles
devolved upon his wife Queen Elizabeth,
who received very little support from her
husband. The result was a general revolt
3159
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
against the king in 1318, which he was
powerless to suppress. Finally, by the
intervention of Lewis of Bavaria, a some-
what degrading compromise with the
revolted barons was effected at Tauss, and
the king was forced to content himself
with his title, his position, and the rich
income of his territory. King J ohn, a rest-
. less, cheerful, somewhat ex-
FrIerLm travagant, but highly gifted
the Hapsburgs
and chivalrous character.
secured a great extension of
territory for Bohemia in the course of
the numerous enterprises and intrigues
in which he was continually involved.
After the death of the Margrave
Waldemar of Brandenburg, the Oberlausitz
fell into his hands in 1319. In 1322 he
received in pawn from Lewis of Bavaria
the town of Eger, with its territory,
which has ever since remained in the
possession of Bohemia. He was able
definitely to liberate Moravia from all the
claims and demands which the Hapsburgs
could make upon that province. For a
few years (1331-1333) he even secured
possession of part of Lombardy, the
government of which he entrusted to his
eldest son Charles, while his youngest son,
John Henry, received the province of
Tyrol, with the hand of Margareta Maul-
tasch, in 1330 ; but John Henry was
unable to maintain his hold of this
possession.
The most important acquisition made
by King John was that of Silesia, which
gave to Bohemia an enormous increase of
extent and power. The connection of the
Silesian princes with Bohemia had begun
under the last of the Premyslids, and had
been dissolved upon the extinction of the
race ; it was made permanent under the
rule of King John. As early as the year
1327, upon the occasion of an expedition
against Poland, John received the homage
of the dukes of Upper Silesia. In the same
year Breslau recognised the Bohemian
^ „ t ...i king as its feudal overlord ;
Fall of "the ,,.^ 1 ,1, J . '
^ . this example was followed in
KnIgTthood " ^328 by most of the duchies
of Lower Silesia. In 133 1
John, by a threat of invasion, forced
Glogau to do homage. These acquisition
were further secured by a treaty between
King John and the Polish king Casimir,
son of Vladislav Lokietek, in 1335, where-
by John renounced the claims to the
Polish crown, which he had hitherto
maintained as heir of the Premyslids,
3160
receiving in return the cession of the
Silesian districts under Polish government.
When John fell, " the crown of knight-
hood," in the battle of Crecy-en-Ponthieu
on August 26th, 1346, the anniversary of
the death of Premysl Ottokar II., the
domestic resources of Bohemia had been
greatly shaken by his extravagant and
unsystematic government. However, his
successful foreign and military policy,
which secured a position for his son and
heir, Charles, had largely counterbalanced
these disadvantages ; for a time the
Bohemian king ruled over a more exten-
sive territory than any of his predecessors,
with the exception of Premysl Ottokar II.,
had ever acquired. To this power was
now added the dignity of the imperial
crown. Thanks to the diplomacy of his
father, Charles was elected as Charles IV.
on July nth, 1346, after the deposition
of the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria.
On the death of his father, Charles was
more than thirty years of age, and had
enjoyed a wide experience in his youth.
His father had sent him at an early age
to complete his education at the court in
T-i. V .1, . Paris, and his intellectual
The Youthful j j. x,!
_. , ... powers soon made it possible
Charles and his i i • . j. i l ii,
^ . ,,. . for him to take part m the
Great Victory , . . ^ , ^ ^
business of government. At
the age of fifteen he was sent to Parma to
administer, to guide, and to defend his
father's Italian acquisitions. In the year
1332, at the age of sixteen, he won a Ijril-
liant victory over his powerful adversaries
at San Felice. However, the Italian lands
eventually proved untenable, and were
sold by King John in the following year.
Ii^ 1333 Charles received the title of
Margrave of Moravia, and took over the
government of the hereditary dominions.
He at once reduced the shattered resources
of the kingdom to order. Intrigues
among the nobles caused at times serious
dissension between father and son.
These quarrels reached their highest point
in the years 1336-1337 when Charles
was forced to resign the administration
of Bohemia. But in 1338 a complete
reconciliation was effected, and in 1341
King John, of his own initiative, secured
the recognition of Charles as his successor
in the Bohemian kingdom, during his
own lifetime. Of special importance to
Charles was the year 1342, when his
former tutor and his father's friend at the
French Court, the Archbishop Pierre
Roger of Rouen, ascended the papal chair
BOHEMIA AND THE REFORMATION
as Clement VI. These two highly gifted
men are said to have predicted their careers
to one another during their intercourse
in Paris.
The support of the Pope enabled
Charles in 1344 to raise the bishopric
of Prague, which had hitherto been subject
to the metropolitan see of Mainz, to
the rank of an independent archbishopric
with jurisdiction over the bishopric of
Olmiitz in Moravia and the newly founded
bishopric of Leitomischl in Bohemia.
Clement VI. also took an honourable share
in the promotion of the future king of
Bohemia to the throne of Germany. Charles
was spared the trouble of a struggle
with the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, who
had been deposed on July nth, 1346,
for as he was on the point of marching
against Lewis in 1347 ^e received the
news of his rival's death.
Charles was therefore able
to devote himself with
greater vigour to the diffi-
cult task of conducting the
business of the empire. As
regarded the administration
of his hereditary territories,
-he found a welcome sup-
porter in his brother John
Henry, upon whom he con-
ferred the margraviate of
Moravia as an hereditary
fief on December 26th, 1349.
So long as he lived, this
brother was bound to Charles
by ties of affection and
friendship, and supported
him zealously and unselfishly in his
military and diplomatic enterprises.
Their mutual relation is comparable to
that which existed between King Premysl
Ottokar I . and Vladislav Henry.
Moravia being thus secured by inheritance
to the second line of the Luxemburg
house, the diocese of Olmiitz and the pro-
vince of Troppau were declared fiefs of the
crown of Bohemia and made independent
of the margraviate of Moravia. The
_., . „ . duchy of Troppau had been
Silesi& Under , ^ , a 3 1 tr-
the Crown already founded by Kmg
of Bohemia ^'"^"^y^] Ottokar H., who had
reserved it for the support of
his illegitimate son Nicholas I. ; it had also
been conferred as a fief by King John in
1318 upon the son and namesake of
Nicholas, so that the arrangement of
Charles only confirmed his father's dis-
positions. "The rest of Silesia Charles had
already, in 1348, incorporated with the
Bohemian crown as Emperor of Germany.
The assertion of the Emperor Maxi-
milian that Charles IV. was the stepfather
of the empire and the father of Bohemia
is justified as regards the latter part of
The Great *^^ remark. The whole of
Work of Charles's pohtical activity was
Charles IV ^^^^pired by the idea of making
his family and his country a
great power. From the beginning of his
independent reign to his death he exerted
every effort to raise Bohemia to the level
of civilisation and intellectual develop-
ment already attained by more advanced
countries. JFIe extended his capital of
Prague and laid the foundation of its great
development, increasing its beauty by
such constructions as the Cathedral of St.
Veit, the Castle of Hrads, the Teyn Church,
and the bridge over the
Moldau. He summoned
artists of famous capacity,
both German and Italian,
architects and painters, brass-
founders and sculptors, gold-
smiths, and other miniature
art workers. To his lively
interest in science — he was
himself an historical and
theological author — the Uni-
versity of Prague owes its
origin, at a time when such
THE FATHER OF BOHEMIA educational institutions were
Charles IV. was so called by the fare ou the north ot the Alps,
Emperor Maximilian for his im- eXCCpt in France. BologUa
mense services to his country, -i tt* ■ j xj.
which advanced greatly in power and PariS SCrved aS patterns
and prosperity during his long reign, j^j. ^j^g organisation of the
university. Charles showed an extreme
interest in jurisprudence. He was able
to regulate imperial affairs by ordinances
establishing a land peace, by the " Golden
Bull " of 1356, and other edicts ; he con-
ceived the idea of providing a uniform
legal code for Bohemia and Moravia in
the " Majestas Carohna."
However, his intentions were frustrated
by the resistance of the native nobility.
Further important legal work was achieved
in Silesia during his reign, such as the land
register for the Duchy of Breslau, " a
magnificent work, which has been a model
for all later surveys ; " the Silesian common
law code, a redaction of the " Sachsen-
spiegel," with special modifications ; and,
finally, a special municipal code for
Breslau. And Charles worked no less
vigorously to secure material prosperity in
his own dominions. Mining, forestry,
3161
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
agriculture, and cattle farming then became
extremely productive. Prague, next to
Breslau, which he regarded with no less
care, became one of the most important
commercial centres in Central Europe, and
a meeting- place of traffic from the south
to the north, and from the west to the east.
The energy manifested by Charles IV.
. . in promoting the advance of
o emi&s ij^tellectual and material pros-
J p. perity deserves the more
recognition for the reason that
severe plagues ravaged the country during
the first years of his rule ; such were the
black death, the Jewish plague, and the
" flagellant " outburst. Though these
plagues did not prove so destructive in the
hereditary lands of Charles as elsewhere,
they were none the less a powerful
obstacle to the development of trade and
intercourse, of education and art.
It must also not be forgotten that the
emperor's time was largely occupied by
political business, military campaigns, and
journeys to different parts of the empire,
so that he was often absent from his
hereditary territories for months at a time.
The results of the energy which Charles
IV. displayed through the thirty years
of his reign, seem, in brief, to have been
the securing of a prosperous future to the
house of Luxemburg, which then counted
numerous male descendants. Partly by
bold opposition, partly by clever diplo-
macy, he gradually overcame the in-
fluence of the Wittelsbach family, which
had hitherto been powerful, and finally
secured from them the important Mark
of Brandenburg for his own house
in 1373-
At the beginning of his reign he was
opposed by the King of Poland, whose
hostility was supported by Duke Bolko of
Schweidnitz-Jauer, the last of the Silesian
princes who remained independent of
Bohemia. In the year 1348, however,
Charles concluded an offensive and de-
D f J J fensive alliance with the King
Poland and ^^ poiand, while he so far
Bohemia in j xi. j x t
. secured the good favour of
Bolko as to induce him to con-
clude a pact of inheritance with Bohemia
in 1364 ; by this agreement Charles, who
entered upon a third marriage, in 1353,
with Anna, daughter of the Duke of
Schweidnitz, secured a reasonable prospect
of acquiring the latter's principality.
These hopes were realised in a few years
by the death of Bolko in 1368.
3162
Charles had also a difficult problem to
deal with in his relations with his stepson,
Rudolf IV. of Austria. This prince was
inspired by an invincible ambition for
supremacy and power. He was anxious
to secure an exceptional position for his
kingdom among the German principalities,
and when Charles opposed these ambitious
designs, Rudolf was ready to adopt any
and every means for their execution. He
produced forged documents, and, what
was more dangerous, made alliances with .
foreign princes against the emperor, sup-
porting especially King Lewis of Hungary,
who caused Charles IV. serious anxiety
on more than one occasion. However,
the diplomatic skill of the Luxemburg
monarch was able gradually to overcome ,
these dangers, and eventually to turn
them to his own account. After 1363 the
attention of Duke Rudolf was occupied
by the acquisition of the Tyrol, and he
began to feel the need of the emperor's
support. In February, 1364, in the course
of a meeting of nobles at Briinn, he con-
cluded with Charles an important suc-
cession treaty, whereby the Luxemburg
«,t .« .^ and Hapsburg families were
The Death x- ^1 5 • i. i.
respectively to mhent one
Ch 1 IV another's lands in case either
house should become extinct
in the male and female line. Charles
considerably increased his dominions by
purchase and by acquisition in other
ways, especially in the Upper Palatinate
and in Lausitz ; also he attempted to
secure for his family the prospsct of
succession to neighbouring thrones,
particularly by well-considered family
alliances. Both Rudolf IV., and his
brother, Duke Albert III., who succeeded
him as Duke of Austria in 1365, were
married to daughters of Charles IV. His
son Wenzel, born in 1361, by Anna, was
originally betrothed to the niece, at that
time the heiress of King Lewis of
Hungary. When, however, in after years,
this monarch had daughters of his own,
the betrothal was dissolved, and in 1371
Wenzel married Johanna, the daughter of
Albert, Duke of Bavaria. Charles IV,
attempted to marry his second son,
Sigismund, to Maria, the elder daughter
and heiress apparent of Lewis of
Hungary.
Charles IV. left his family in a strong
position when he died, at the age of
sixty-three, on November 29th, 1378.
Wenzel had already, in 1376, been
BOHEMIA AND THE REFORMATION
appointed German Emperor by the
Electors, and was also in possession of
Bohemia and Silesia. The second son,
Sigismund, received the Mark of Branden-
burg, and the youngest, John, part of the
Lausitz. The margraviate of Moravia
had been governed until 1383 by Wenzel,
the brother of Charles IV., who also ruled
the duchy of Luxemburg. The Bohemian
king held the feudal rights over this pro-
vince, and after the death of the margrave
John in 1375 the country was divided
among his three sons, Jost, Prokop, and
John Sobeslav.
Rarely do grandfather, father, and
grandson display differences of life and
character so pro-
found as may be
noted in the case of
John, Charles, and
Wenzel. The diplo-
matic powers of
King John reappear
as practical states-
manship of a high
order in Charles ; in
Wenzel, however,
scarce the humblest
remnant of political
capacity is dis-
cernible ; again, the
extravagance of the
grandfather becomes
remarkable economy
in the son and avarice
in the grandson. John
is a fiery, impetuous,
chivalric figure, seek
general situation into strong relief. Two
Popes were disputing the tiara, each with
his own following among the princes and
the clergy — Urban VI. at Rome and
Clement VII. at Avignon. Wenzel, whose
special business it should have been, as
Wenzel's ^^'""^^^i emperor, to allay the
Wall of schism in the Church, calmly
Difficulties contemplated the spread of this
disorder in every direction.
Another difficult problem for his considera-
tion was the position of his brother
Sigismund in Hungary. The Luxemburg
prince had married Maria, the elder
daughter of King Lewis I., who had no
male issue, and occupied the throne
of Hungary and also,
after 1370, that of
Poland ; on Lewis's
death in 1382 his
son-in-law claimed
the Polish and Hun-
garian kingdoms in
right of his wife. The
attempt to secure
Poland resulted in
total failure, while
Hungary was secured
only after a severe
struggle, which
absorbed more of
Wenzel's resources
than he could well
spare. Within the
empire, again, the
king was hard pressed
by the struggle
WENZEL IV KING OF BOHEMIA between the princes
J n J- J j.\. The eldest son of Charles IV., Wenzel, or Wenceslaus, j xx. j. t"!.
ing and imding death succeeded his father on the throne of Bohemia in 1378, in and tUe tOWnS. 1 UC
in the press of battle : which year he was also elected Emperor of Germany His partiality which he
.1 v»»^ ^ v^^wrv^ ^^,.y. ^ , jgjgn was one long succession of trouble and he died in 141 9. r n- ,
— 1----- ^|. ^j-g^ displayed for
the latter was succeeded by indecision
Charles is a more
patriarchal character, with no preference
for war, though far from cowardly ;
Wenzel, as years pass by, exhibits a
voluptuousness immoderate and even
brutal, cowardice conjoined with cruelty,
a blend of indolence and vacillation.
_ _ Feeble as was his capacitv for
Two PODCS • , 1 • ■"
_. empire this prince was now
th*T^"* confronted not only with the
task of governing the realm of
a great dynasty, but also with the admin-
istration of the vast German Empire,
with its various and divergent interests ;
this, too, at a period when all the material
for political and social conflagration had
been collected. Shortly before the death
of Charles IV. an event had occurred
which threw the critical nature of the
when his support proved inadequate to
secure victory for the towns, and his
diminishing interest in German affairs
eventually lost him the sympathies of all
parties alike.
These various foreign complications, for
the successful solution of which Wenzel
did not possess the judgment, the force of
will, or the tenacity necessary,* became
far more dangerous on account of the rise
of political, social, and religious diffi-
culties, with which he was too weak to
cope, within his own hereditary territories.
However, these menacing dangers were
not apparent at the outset of his govern-
ment in Bohemia. The organisation which
Charles IV. had set on foot continued to
3163
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
work excellently for a time, and Wenzel
was not the man to strike out a line of
his own. He continued the great archi-
tectural works which his father had
begun ; he extended the university ;
literary work, especially in the Czech lan-
guage, met with his zealous support. It
was at this period that Huss altered and
^ simplified the Bohemian ortho-
A ** 1 th S^^P^y- ^^^ ^^^ signs of
gams e (jjssension in the public life of
"^^ Bohemia grew more and more
distinct. The University of Prague in
particular was the starting point of the
first line of cleavage. The Bohemian
element in the population had grown until
it outnumbered the other nationalities —
the Bavarians, Saxons, and Poles —
and the result was a demand for a corre-
sponding redistribution of votes in munici-
pal and other corporations. Soon, again,
the Bohemian nationahty diverged
from the other three nations upon re-
ligious questions, which had entirely occu-
pied the attention of the clergy since the
days of Charles IV. The German preacher
Conrad Waldhauser, whom Charles had
summoned from Austria to Prague, then
supported the Czech Milicz of Kremsier
in his crusade against the immorality
of laity and clergy. They both died during
Charles's reign, and the activity of their
successors became rather nationalist than
religious, and was directed on the one hand
against the German mendicant Orders,
— the Dominicans and Augustinians — and
on the other against the upper clergy, the
Archbishop of Prague and the chapter.
Wenzel became involved in the quarrel,
and treated the Archbishop of Prague,
Johann von Jenstein, and his officials with
undue severity. In the course of the con-
flict they were taken prisoners, examined
under torture, and severely punished ;
one of them. Doctor Johann von Pomuk,
otherwise Nepomuk, who had been so
brutally mishandled as to be past all hope
, of recovery, was drowned in
The King s.j^g Moldau at the king's
Punishment , t^, • , j • ^ v.
f Off* • 1 orders. This happened m the
year 1393. In the very next
year the king was to discover the weakness
of the foundations supporting the power
which he exercised with such despotism
in Bohemia. The most distinguished noble
families formed a confederacy with the
object of overthrowing the king's advisers
and of recovering their former rights to a
share in the administration.
3164
Their enterprise was especially danger-
ous to Wenzel, for the reason that they
had secured the support of the king's
cousin Jost, the margrave of Moravia.
Jost, whose personality is henceforward
of considerable importance in the history
of Wenzel's reign, had been margrave and
overlord of Moravia since the death of
his father John in 1375- Important
estates had been bequeathed to his two
brothers, who were independent of Jost.
But no love was lost between them from
the outset, and the enmity between Jost
and Procop resulted in a furious struggle
between the brothers in Moravia, which
caused great suffering for a long period
to the whole margraviate, and especially
to the bishopric of Olmiitz. Jost, an
ambitious and capable character, suc-
ceeded in securing the confidence of the
self-mistrustful King of Bohemia, and
was allowed to assume part of his
imperial duties in return for an adequate
consideration.
To begin with, he was appointed in
1383 vicar of the empire for Italy, as
Wenzel hoped that his cousin would clear
his way for a progress to Rome.
o" ose" ^" ^^^"™ ^°^ *^^ military and
pposc pecuniary help which he gave
to Wenzel and Sigismund in
the Hungarian War, Jost obtained the
Mark of Brandenburg on mortgage in
1388 ; to this were soon added Luxem-
burg and the governorship of Alsace.
When Wenzel first — about 1387 — enter-
tained the idea of abdicating the German
crown, he had thoughts of transferring it
to his Moravian cousin. Jost had serious
hopes of securing that dignity, as is proved
by the fact that in 1389 he concluded
compacts with Duke Albert III., " in the
event of his becoming king of Germany."
The plan, however, came to nothing.
In the year 1390 Jost was again appointed
imperial vicar for Italy, with a view to
the more serious consideration of the
papal question and the crowning of
Wenzel as emperor.
The margrave, however, was induced
to decline the honour by reason of the
outbreak of disturbances in Bohemia, and
personally took the lead of the aristocratic
league against the king, and secured for
this movement the support of King Sigis-
mund of Hungary, Duke Albert of Austria,
and the Margrave William of Meissen.
Wenzel was able to rely only upon the
humble resources of his cousin Procop
BOHEMIA AND THE REFORMATION
of Moravia and of his youngest brother,
John of Gorhtz. But before hostilities
were actually begun the confederates
succeeded in capturing the king's person
on May 8th, 1394. His two allies attempted
to rescue him, the sole result being that
Wenzel was confined first in a Bohemian
and afterwards, in an Austrian castle.
Meanwhile Jost administered the govern-
ment of Bohemia. Germany then began
to menace the conspirators, who liberated
the king. A war broke out in Bohemia
and Moravia which seemed likely to be
prolonged by the weakness of Wenzel
and the mutual animosity of the several
members of the royal family.
At the outset Sigismund, king of
Hungary, drove his cousin Jost out of
he field by the conclusion of a secret
reconcihation with his brother Wenzel,
whereby he secured the office of Vicar
General in Germany in March,
1396, with the reversion of
the German crown. About
a year later — in February,
1397 — Wenzel in turn made
peace with Jost and allowed
him to establish a kind of
co-regency in Prague.
Suddenly, however, he
renounced his compact with
Jost and summoned Procop
to be his permanent adviser
in 1398 ; this, too, at a time
when the temper of the
German electors had grown
threatening owing to the
weakness of Wenzel's govern-
ment. Wenzel then betook himself to
Germany, held a diet in Frankfort in 1398,
and travelled thence to Charles VI. of
France to discuss the difficult problem of
allaying the papal schism. Meanwhile, the
federated nobles, supported by Jost and
Sigismund, began war in Bohemia against
Wenzel and Procop. The struggle con-
tinued until the end of August, 1400, when
^i VT I. Wenzel received the news of
The Nobles i- , •,• j r iu
jj his own deposition and of the
cpo^ election of Rupert of the Pala-
ing enze ^jj^^^g j^g ].-j.^g ^j ^j^g Romans.
Wenzel was naturally furious at the insult.
He could not, however, summon up reso-
lution to strike an immediate blow for the
recovery of his position. He made a
second attempt at reconciliation with
Sigismund ; but the brothers again quar-
relled concerning the conditions under
which the King of Hungary should take up
JOHN HUSS, REFORMER
The leading representative of
the Reformation among the Bohe-
mian clergy died a martyr in 1415.
arms against the empire on ' behalf of
Wenzel, and Sigismund reluctantly retired
to Bohemia. Jost seized the opportunity
for a decisive stroke. In alliance with the
Bohemian barons, the Archbishop of
Prague, and the Margrave of Meissen he
forced Wenzel to accept a regency for
Bohemia, and again secured his possession
of Lausitz and of the Bran-
es ess denburg Mark in August, 1401.
Times in ,,r -P ax
„ Wenzel was anxious to put
ungary ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ tutelage ; for
this purpose he again concluded a com-
pact with Sigismund at the beginning of
1402, appointing him vice-regent or
co-regent in Bohemia, and conferring on
him the imperial vicariate for Germany.
The King of Hungary repaid this mark of
confidence by making Wenzel a prisoner
in March, 1402, and by capturing shortly
afterwards his most faithful supporter,
the margrave Procop. Sigis-
mund entered upon relations
of extreme intimacy with
the Austrian dukes, entrusted
them with the care of the
l)erson of the Bohemian king
in August, 1402, and con-
cluded with them important
l)acts of inheritance, con-
siderably to the disadvantage
of Jost of Moravia, whose
Mark of Brandenburg he
treated as his own.
The position was at length
entirely changed by a rising
in Hungary which obliged
Sigismund to abandon
Bohemia, and by the flight of Wenzel
from Austria to his own country in
November, 1403, where he was received
with much jubilation, owing to the
general hatred of the Austrian rule.
Jost was reconciled to Wenzel, chiefly for
the reason that his brother Procop, with
whom he had been in continual hostility,
had died in the year 1405, and the attacks
of Sigismund and the Hapsburgs upon the
Bohemian king were successfully repulsed.
Southern Bohemia, Moravia, and Austria
suffered terrible devastation between 1404
and 1406 from the wars between the
princes and also from the ravages of the
dangerous robber bands which then became
the curse of the country.
Silesia suffered no less than Bohemia
and Moravia under the unhappy govern-
ment of King Wenzel. At the outset of
his reign he interfered in a violent quarrel
3165
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
between Breslau and the local chapter,
and espoused the cause of the town against
the despotic aggression of its opponents
in 1381. Shortly afterwards he involved
this important commercial centre in a long
feud with the dukes of Oppeln upon the
question of a heavy guarantee for the
king's financial necessities. In the course
, of this struggle the travel-
1 ^^^^^ rmces j-^^ merchants of Breslau
„ . . -, ^ suffered heavy losses in
Bohemian Court . , -^ o
property and purse, home
of the Silesian princes, in particular those
of Teschen, remained faithful to Wenzel
and secured high offices at the Bohemian
court ; others, however, broke their feudal
ties with Bohemia and formed connec-
tions with Vladislav Jagellon, the reigning
king of Poland.
These numerous indications of retro-
gression and decay in the hereditary
Luxemburg territories would perhaps have
been less ominous had not the religious
and nationalist movement among the
Bohemian nation then attained its highest
point, declaring war with terrible deter-
mination both against the Catholic Church
and against German influence in general.
The best- known representative of the
reform movement among the Bohemian
clergy is John Huss ; he had been a
leading figure among the lecturers at the
university since 1396, and as preacher
in the Bethlehem chapel at Prague he
enjoyed an unexampled popularity among
all classes of the population. He and
his followers fulminated in the Bohemian
language against the immorality of clergy
and laity, especially against the sale of
ecclesiastical offices (simony), whereby
the ranks of the clergy were filled with
unworthy members. Livings and bene-
fices had been multiplied to such an extent
in Bohemia and Moravia that even small
churches supported numerous priests in
idleness. These and other evils formed a
widespread social malady of the period,
_ . . and as early as the middle of
_ . . the fourteenth century had
urmg e ^gen combated by Waldhauser
Reform&tion , ,,,■ . ^ .
and Milicz m Bohemia, and
by John Wycliffe in England. Nowhere,
however, did these ecclesiastical quarrels
fall upon a soil so rich in national ani-
mosities as in Bohemia. The war broke
out upon the question of the condemnation
of Wycliffe's writings, which had made
their way into Bohemia and were
enthusiastically received by the reform
3166
party among the clergy. The cathedral
chapter requested the university to oppose
the dissemination of Wycliffe's works and
opinions ; they met with a refusal from
the Bohemian " nation " in the university
which was practically led by Huss. The
breach existing in the university and
within the nation was widened.
The same opposition reappeared a few
years later upon the question of concluding
the papal schism. The Council of Pisa
in 1409 proposed to settle the question
definitely by observing an ecclesiastical
neutrality and refusing obedience to
either Pope. In the University of Prague
the idea commended itself only to the
Bohemian " nation ; " the three remaining
nationalities in conjunction with the
upper clergy adhered firmly to the Roman
Pope Gregory XII. King Wenzel, in con-
trast to Rupert, declared for ecclesiastical
neutrality, and the Czech party induced
him to issue that fatal decree whereby the
Bohemian " nation," though in the minor-
ity, was henceforward to have three votes
in all university discussions and resolu-
tions, while the three non-Bohemian
nations were to have but one
vote between them. This
measure implied the despotic
repression of Germans and
foreigners. Their sole remedy was
migration to other German universities.
Huss, who must be regarded as the
prime mover in this momentous trans-
action, had shaken off his opponents with
unusual success. He was the more em-
boldened for the struggle with the higher
clergy, in particular with Archbishop
Zbynek of Prague. This ecclesiastic had
forcibly deprived the clergy of their
Wycliffite books, which he condemned to
be burnt, and had also taken measures
against the licence of the preachers in
every direction, and was anxious to confine
their activity to the parish churches.
When Huss dechned to obey these regula-
tions and continued to preach reform from
the pulpit of the Bethlehem chapel, he
was excommunicated. However, the bulk
of the population, the university, the
court, the Queen Sophie — Wenzel's second
wife from 1389 — and the king himself,
were on the side of Huss, while the arch-
bishop was supported only by his clergy
and by the new Pope, John XXIII.
The further development of these
divisions was largely influenced by general
poHtical events. King Rupert had died
Huss
Defies the
Pope
3167
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
in the year 1410. The simultaneous choice
of the two Luxemburg princes, Jost of Mo-
ravia and Sigismund of Hungary, was but
a temporary danger, as the former died in
January, 141 1. Of the many descendants
of the house of Luxemburg there remained
only King Wenzel of Bohemia and King
Sigismund of Hungary, neither having
_. . _, male issue. They agreed
u'^'^T'"' """ without difficulty to share
ol^Jerm^n *^^ inheritance of their
ermany Moravian cousin, and laid
aside all previous grounds of dispute.
Sigismund took the Mark of Branden-
burg, which he forthwith mortgaged to
the Burgrave Frederic of Nuremberg ;
Wenzel added Moravia and Lausitz to
Bohemia. Sigismund was then unani-
mously chosen king of Germany. Wenzel
reserved to himself the right of acquiring
the dignity of emperor at the hands of the
Pope. They attempted by similar means
to conclude the schism in the Church,
recognising John XXHL, then resident
in Rome, as against the other two candi-
dates who laid claim to the papal tiara.
Hopes of a general recognition induced
the Pope to modify his attitude to Huss
and to refrain from summoning him to
Rome ; this policy was the more feasible
because the chief opponent _„ _
of Huss, the Archbishop
Zbynek, died in the year
141 1, and his aged successor
was a mere tool in the hands
of King Wenzel. Huss, how-
ever, was stimulated to
further invective in his
preaching against ecclesias-
tical abuses by John XXHL's
issue of indulgences to secure
money for the struggle against
his opponents, a proceeding
which gave further ground
for serious complaints. Once
again the nation supported
throughout the country with increased
zeal, while in the capital itself the tension
between the two parties was in no degree
diminished.
Sigismund then considered that it
might be possible to make an end oi the
religious disputes which shook the Bo-
hemian hereditary lands, Bohemia itself,
and also Moravia, to their centre, by bring-
ing Huss before the Council of Constance,
where the most influential representatives
of political and ecclesiastical Europe
had gathered to conclude the schism and
to introduce general measures of church
reform. Huss arrived a fortnight before
the first sitting of the council, on Novem-
ber 3rd, 1414, accompanied by several
Bohemian nobles, under a safe-conduct
from Sigismund. This fact, however,
„ did not prevent the council from
. '^ imprisoning Huss on November
**^®" 28th. Sigismund and Wenzel
*^"* made no attempt to interfere,
in spite of their express promise
guaranteeing a safe passage and return
for Huss. The nobility of Bohemia
and Moravia pressed his case with
increasing firmness, and sent letters of
warning to the king and the council ; but
after more than six months' imprisonment
. „, . in misery, Huss was deprived
of his spiritual office as an
arch-heretic by the council
on July 6th, 1415, and the
secular power then executed
the sentence of death by
burning.
Huss died as the result of
his religious zeal. The firm-
ness, the love of truth, and
the contempt of death which
he displayed before his
judges at Constance, were a
powerful incitement to his
strong body of adherents in
Bohemia and Moravia to
HUSSITE REFORMER
Huss, with his pupils and j^rome, or Hieronymus, of Pragiie cling the more tenaciously to
friends. On this occasion, was one of the Hussite reformers his doctriucs. Shortly before
however, Wenzel resolved to ^ °*" ^""^ ®** '" eyear 4 . ^^^ death, his pupil, Jacobel
give vigorous support, for political reasons,
to the minority who opposed reform. The
result was the imprisonment and execution
of certain persons who publicly opposed
the proceedings of the papal commis-
sioners, while further complaints were
made in Rome against Huss, who con-
sequently incurred a papal sentence of
excommunication in 1412. Huss retired
from Prague, but continued his work
3168
lus of Mies, came forward with a claim,
based upon the commands of Holy
Scripture, for communion in both kinds.
Huss offered no objection, and his
followers thus gained, to their great
advantage, a tangible symbol of their
divergence from the Catholic Church.
No priest was tolerated who would not
dispense the sacrament in both kinds ;
and since the Council of Constance
LUTHER AND HUSS ADMINISTERING THE COMMUNION TO JOHN FREDERIC I. OF SAXONY
Reproduced from an old print illustrating allegorically the triumph of the lay communion, in support of which,
and for other heresies, Huss had been executed seventy years before the time of Luther.
rejected this innovation as being opposed
to the existing custom of the Church,
occasion was given for the expulsion of.
the Catholic clergy in every direction.
Nobles and knights, in accordance with the
custom of the age, soon formed a league
for the purpose of protecting communion
in both kinds and freedom of preaching
in the country. They were unanimously
resolved to regard the University of
Prague and not the Council of Constance
as their supreme ecclesiastical authority
until the choice of a new Pope.
Strong measures were taken against the
apostates ; the fathers of the council issued
excommunications and an interdict without
delay. Hussite disciples were burned in
Olmiitz when they attempted to preach
the new doctrine in that city. A second
magister of Prague, Hieronymus, was
burned in Constance on May 30th, 141O.
Bishop John of Leitomischl, who was
regarded as chiefly responsible next to
Sigismund for the condemnation of Huss,
was made Bishop of Olmiitz, and showed
great zeal for the extirpation of the heresy.
3169
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
But these measures served only to
intensify the spirit of opposition, after
the death of Huss, from year to year,
and soon made the breach irremediable.
The only measures which commended
themselves to the new Pope, Martin V.,
were excommunication and anathema,
which produced the smaller effect, as the
„ Hussites themselves now began
„ „ to break up into sects and
. "*g ^ parties, which went far beyond
the doctrine of the magister of
Prague. The most numerous, and after-
wards the most important, of these sects
was that of the Taborites, who took their
name from Mount Tabor, where they
originally held their meetings. As re-
garded religion, they professed a return to
the . conditions of primitive Christianity,
and adherence only to the actual letter of
the Bible. At the same time their politi-
cal and social views and objects were
marked by extreme radicalism. The more
moderate opposition among the Hussites
were known from their symbol as Calixtins
(chalicemen) or as Pragers, as the Prague
school was their spiritual centre.
King Wenzel, who had favoured the
Hussites since the condemnation of their
founder, was impelled by his brother Sigis-
mund and the Pope to entertain seriously
the idea of interference, in view of the
dangerous and revolutionary spirit which
animated an ever increasing circle of ad-
herents. At the outset of the year 1419 he
remodelled the Hussite council of the Neu-
stadt in Prague by introducing Catholics,
and recalled the priests who had been
expelled. However, mutual animosities
had risen to such a pitch that on July 30th,
1419, when the Catholics disturbed or
insulted a procession, the Hussites, under
their leader Ziska, stormed the parliament
house in the Neustadt and threw some of
the Catholic councillors out of the windows.
The councillors were then beaten and
stabbed to death by the infuriated popu-
. «. lace. The excitement in the
Wenzel Dies •, j xi a
. City and the country was
in an Access • ■' j r 1 r^
J P mcreased a few weeks after-
^'^ wards by the sudden death of
King Wenzel on August 19th, 1419, the
consequence of a fearful access of fury at
the outbreak of the revolution.
Sigismund, the last descendant of the
house of Luxemburg, was now confronted
with the difficult task of securing his acces-
sion to the heritage of his brother — Bohe-
mia, Moravia, and Silesia. In each of these
3170
three countries the political situation and
the prospects of his recognition were
different. In Bohemia he might expect a
bitter opposition, as long as he maintained
his hostility to the Hussite movement. In
Moravia this movement had indeed ob-
tained a firm footing among the nobility
and the population. Here, however, "there
was a counteracting force in the bishopric
of Olmiitz and its numerous feudatories,
led by Bishop John, " the man of iron,"
who strove vigorously for the suppression
of the heresy. Further, the most impor-
tant towns, such as Briinn, Olmiitz, Znaim,
Iglau, and others were populated by a
majority of Catholic and German inhabi-
tants, and neither they nor the nobility
had any intention of opposing the rights of
the Luxemburg claimant.
Finally, Sigismund could be certain of
meeting with ready submission in Silesia,
which was entirely Germanised, and
regarded the struggle in Bohemia
primarily from a nationalist point of
view, condemning it for its anti-German
tendency. Hence Sigismund did not
enter Bohemia, but entrusted the govern-
„. . ment to the Dowager-queen
*^**th Sophie, and to some councillors
fL" .^ from the moderates among
the nobility ; he appeared in
Briinn in December, 1419, where he
summoned the provincial assembly. An
embassy also appeared from Bohemia
to ask for the king's recognition of the
four articles of belief, which had been
drawn up by the Hussite sects a short
time previously in a general assembly at
Prague. These were, firstly, freedom of
preaching ; secondly, communion in both
kinds ; thirdly, the observance of apostolic
poverty by the clergy ; and, fourthly, the
suppression and punishment of deadly
sins. Sigismund, however, declined to
declare his position, and put off the
deputies until he should arrive in Bohemia
itself.
He did not, however, proceed to Bo-
hemia, but hurried immediately from
Briinn to Breslau, into which town he
made a formal entry on January 5th, 1420.
Here he declared his real attitude towards
the Hussites as his religious and political
opponents. Towards the close of Wenzel's
reign the artisans of Breslau had raised a
revolt against the aristocratic council and
the whole system of royal administration,
following the example of the Hussites at
Prague, who had killed councillors and
BOHEMIA AND THE REFORMATKDN
usurped the power and authority. Sigis-
mund did not hesitate to bring the revo-
lutionaries to justice ; he executed twenty-
three of them in the pubhc square on
March 4th, 1420, condemned the nume-
rous fugitives to death, declared their
rights and property forfeit, and most
strictly limited the freedom and the privi-
leges of the guilds as a whole.
This action was intended as a menace
to the Bohemians, and its meaning
became plainer on March 15th, 1420, when
a citizen of Prague, who had ventured to
express pubUcly in Breslau his opinion
upon the condemnation of
Huss, and to declare himself
a Hussite, was burned as a
heretic at Sigismund's orders.
Two days afterwards he
ordered the crusade bull
against the Hussites which
Pope Martin V. had issued,
to be read from the pulpits
of the Breslau churches. The
embassy from Prague, which
had also come to Breslau to
negotiate with the king,
naturally left the city entirely
undeceived, and upon its
return to Prague wisely
advised a union of the
moderate Calixtins and radi-
cal Taborites, and issued an
appeal for war upon their
common enemy, the Luxem-
burg ruler.
A few weeks later Sigis-
mund entered Bohemia with
a strong army, composed
chiefly of Germans and Sile-
sians. He could calculate
through Moravia to Hungary. On all three
occasions the undaunted Taborite am.y
had held the field under its general, Ziska.
Conscious of their power, the Taborites
now took the offensive, and conquered
during the following months a number of
towns and fiefs which had remained
Cathohc. The process of transforming
the German towns of Bohemia into Czech
settlements went on simultaneously with
these conquests, so far as it had not been
already completed by earher events. A
few towns only were able to resist the
change. In June, 1421, the assembly of
Caslau had already declared
the crown to be forfeit, the
king being " the deadly
enemy of the Bohemian
nation." The provisional
government offered the Bohe-
mian throne to the King of
Poland.
Sigismund was a restless
and undaunted character ; in
this and in many other good
and bad qualities he reminds
us of his grandfather. King
John. Once again he resumed
the struggle, although the
dangers which threatened
him in Hungary made it
impossible for him to think
of continuing the war in
Bohemia without foreign
help. Germany equipped a
crusading army at his appeal,
increased, it is said, to 200,000
men by contingents from
Meissen and Silesia. Bohemia
was invaded in September,
1421, but the furious attacks
., . e A BOHEMIAN WARRIOR 7 - 1, tt * u a ■ a- t. a
upon the support of many ,„ gfteenth-century chain armonr. of the Hussite bands mflicted
towns which had remained
German and Catholic — for example,
Kuttenberg — and on the advantage
derived from the possession of the two
fortresses which dominated Prague — the
Hradshin and the Wysherad. However,
the siege of Prague from May to June,
1420, was a failure. An attempt to relieve
the defenders of the Wysherad was
defeated, and in the murderous battle of
November ist, 1420, the king's army was
shattered, and many of the Cathohc
nobility of Moravia who had followed him
were included in the overthrow. In
February, 142 1, Sigismund again made
trial of his fortune in war against Bohemia,
and was forced to retreat, or rather to flee,
heavy loss, and forced the
army to withdraw almost as soon as it
had crossed the frontier. It was not
for several years that the empire under-
took any fresh mihtary enterprise against
Bohemia.
Most important to Sigismund were
the support and co-operation of Duke
Albert V. of Austria, which were continued
from the beginning to the end of the
war. The price paid for this help was,
indeed, considerable. Sigismund gave
Elizabeth, his only child and heiress, to the
duke, in marriage, ceded certgun towns and
castles, and afterwards gave him the
governorship, and finally complete posses-
sion, of the margraviate of Moravia under
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the convention of October ist to 4th,
1423. Albert was gradually able, with the
help of the Bishop of Olmiitz, to withdraw
this province from Hussite influence, to
crush the Hussite barons, and to make
the province a base of operations against
Moravia. These facts induced Ziska to
turn his attention to the neighbouring
Quarrels Province in the year 1424;
. but at the outset of the cam-
Hus'Sfes * P^^ *^^^ ^^^* general
succumbed to an attack of
some kind of plague at Pribislau, a little
town on the frontier of Bohemia and
Moravia, on October nth, 1424. Before
his death bitter quarrels had broken out
between the several Hussite sects,
though these had hitherto been allayed
by Ziska. However, after his death an
irremediable disruption took place. His
special adherents, who were known as
the " Orphans," separated from the
Taborites. The leadership of the latter was
undertaken by Prokop Holy (Rasa, the
shorn one), who took a leading position in
the general Hussite army during the war-
fare of the following years. He was the
chief stimulus to the enterprises which
the Bohemians undertook after 1424
against all the neighbouring provinces, and
he spread the Hussite wars to Austria and
Hungary, to Silesia and the Lausitz, to
Saxony and Brandenburg, to the Palatinate
and Franconia.
The Hussite expeditions were repeated
annually, now in one direction, now in
another, spreading terrible misery
throughout the whole of Central Europe.
In many countries, especially in Silesia,
the Hussites were not content with mere
raids, but left permanent garrisons in the
conquered towns and castles, which
incessantly harassed and devastated the
surrounding districts. To such a height
did the danger rise that the princes of
the empire were induced to undertake a
second crusade against Bohemia in the
„ . p summer of 1427, while King
ussi cs o Sigismund was occupied with
German ,," , ,tf t-. i
A Fl* M ^^^ against the lurks,
rmy o ig Qj^qq again the enterprise
ended with the panic and flight of the
German army when confronted at Tachau
by the Hussites, whom a long series of
victories had filled with hope and con-
fidence. It seemed absolutely impossible
to subdue this enemy in the field, and the
opinion was further strengthened by the
Hussite exploits in the following years.
The last act of this tragic period of
Bohemian history began at the outset of
the year 1431. Sigismund attempted to
reach a solution of the problem at any
cost on wholly new principles ; a council
had begun the war, a council should end
it. He succeeded in winning over to his
view Pope Martin V., who summoned a
general council of the Church at Basle,
and entrusted the conduct of it to the
cardinal Giuliano Cesarini, with instruc-
tions to make the suppression of the
Hussite movement a chief topic of debate.
Th's expedition to Bohemia ended, hke
its predecessors, with a terrible defeat of
the Germans at Taus on August 14th, 1431 ;
and negotiations were then attempted, to
which, indeed, more moderate parties in
Bohemia had long since manifested their
inchnation. While the Hussite armies in
1432 and 1433 marched plundering and
massacring through Austria, North Hun-
gary, Silesia, Saxony, and Brandenburg
_ to the Baltic, an embassy from
,** Prague appeared in Basle
c. . . during the first months of
Sigismund 1171 1 ■
1433. When no conclusion
could be reached there, the ambassadors
of the council betook themselves to
Prague, and concluded, on November
30th, 1433, the Compactata of Prague.
The material point was the recognition
— though under conditions and incom-
pletely— of the four articles of Prague of
1419 ; concerning the acceptance or
refusal of these King Sigismund, then in
Briinn, had declined to commit himself.
Of decisive importance for further
developments was the split between the
moderate Calixtins, who included the
majority of the Bohemian nobihty, and
the Taborites and Orphans. The dissen-
sion ended in a conflict at Lipan in
Bohemia on May 30th, 1434, when the
radicals suffered a severe defeat. The path
was now cleared for peace, which was
concluded on July 5th, 1436, by the
publication of the Compactata at the
assembly of Iglau. The reconciliation of
the Bohemians with the Church was
followed by a further reconciliation
with King Sigismund, who was then
recognised as king of Bohemia. Only
for a year and a half did he enjoy the
peaceful possession of this throne. On
December gth, 1437, he died, after numer-
ous misunderstandings and breaches of the
terms of peace had begun to rouse strong
feehng against him among the Hussites.
3172
Note. — For references see Appendix.
EASTEKN
LL'hOFL TO
THE FRENCH
ktVOLUIlON
THE
WESTERN
SLAVS-lil
BOHEMIA'S ELECTIVE MONARCHY
AND ITS UNION WITH HUNGARY AND AUSTRIA
Civil War
/^N his death-bed Sigismund recom-
^^ mended his son-in-law, Duke Albert
of Austria, as his successor to the choice
of the Bohemian nobles who stood round
him. Albert II. inherited both the
German and the Hungarian crown
from Sigismund; his claim to Bohemia,
Moravia, and Silesia was based upon the
principles formulated under the Emperor
Charles IV. to regulate the succession in
the house of Luxemburg, and also upon
the various succession treaties and mar-
riage connections between the Luxemburg
and Hapsburg families. However, the
prince, whom the Hussite wars had made
conspicuous in Bohemia, could secure
recognition from only two of the parties
then dominant in the country, the
■Catholics, led by Baron Ulrich of Rosen-
berg, and the Calixtins, whose spokesman
was Meinhard of Neuhaus. The Taborites,
who were then guided by Henry Ptacek
of Pirkstein, offered the crown
of Bohemi a to a Slavonic prince,
„ , . Casimir, the brother of Vladi-
slav, king of Poland; their
action brought about a civil war in Bohemia
itself, as well as a Polish invasion both of
this country and of Silesia, which had
already done homage to Albert.
While this struggle was in progress,
Albert suddenly died on October 27th,
1439, leaving no male issue. Not until
February, 1440, did his widow Elizabeth
bear a son, who was named Ladislaus
(Vladislav IV.) Posthumus. Though this
prince enjoyed, beyond the shadow of a
doubt, his father's justifiable claims to
the inheritance, yet the party of Ptacek
of Pirkstein passed over the Hapsburg
claim and secured, by an almost unanimous
vote in the assembly of Prague, the
choice of Albert, Duke of Bavaria, as king
of Bohemia ; he, however, declined the
honour under the influence of a secret
warning from Ulrich von Rosenberg, the
leader of the Catholics. The Taborites
then attempted to induce the Emperor
Frederick, the uncle and guardian of
Ladislaus, to accept the crown of Bohemia.
When this plan failed, they professed
their readiness to recognise Ladislaus
himself, provided that he were brought
up in Bohemia. During these endless
party struggles Ulrich of Rosenberg kept
the upper hand. He was the most power-
„ . ful of the Bohemian nobles, and
Ca tur*' ^^"^6*^ the greatest advantages
Pra«ue* ^^^^ ^^^ confusion which pre-
vailed during his interregnum.
The greater part of the country and the
capital, Prague, were in his power and in
that of his allies, the Calixtins ; the
Taborites were restricted to four only of the
thirteen circles of Bohemia.
The position was changed after the death
of Ptacek of Pirkstein in 1444, when
the youthful George Podiebrad and
Kunstadt undertook the leadership of the
advanced Hussite party. In the year
1448 he seized Prague by a bold and
sudden attack, and there assisted his
party to gain a complete victory. For
two years civil war again raged in Bohemia,
until the close of the year 1450, when it
was agreed at the general assembly at
Prague to approach the emperor again
upon the question of the surrender of the
young king. On this occasion Frederick
III. came to an understanding by direct
negotiation with George Podiebrad, with-
out consulting the other party leaders.
In 1451 he entrusted Podiebrad with the
regency in Bohemia during the minority of
Th Y thf I Ladislaus. The Bohemian
Lai estates confirmed this decision
**v* ^ at the assembly of April
on the Throae .1 _ n j- u j
24th, 1452. Podiebrad, more-
over, adhered to these conditions.
When a revolution of the Austrian
nobility against the emperor broke out in
the following year, Ladislaus was released
from his position as a minor and, in name
at least, became king of Austria, Hungary
and Bohemia. In October, 1453. the
memorable year of the Turkish conquest
3173
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
of Constantinople, he came to Prague and
was crowned king of Bohemia, after a
progress through Moravia, where he pre-
viously received the homage of the
Moravian nobility, to the very considerable
proved obstinate, trusting to the support
of the Archduke Albert VI. of Austria, a
brother of the Emperor Frederick III.,
until its resistance met with a bloody
punishment. In Silesia and Lausitz a
vexation of the Bohemians. In Bohemia revulsion in favour of George took place,
the young prince was entirely when he succeeded, as a result of many
King Dies
on the Eve
of Marriage
dependent upon George Podie-
brad, who was not only the
prince's minister and political
adviser, but also his "major-domo," as he
tortuous intrigues, in ousting the local
claimant to the throne, Duke Albert the
Courageous of Saxony.
The firmness of George's position was
called himself, and he never allowed the largely due to the fact that, strangely
youth to be out of his sight. He kept the enough, before his coronation in Bohemia
prince in Bohemia for more than a year, he had promised obedience to the Catholic
and then accompanied him to Breslau and Church, and had thereby secured the power-
Vienna, ful support of the Pope, who expected
Then at length the Bohemian governor that Podiebrad would bring the whole
left Ladislaus to return home and continue of Bohemia into submission to Rome,
the government of the
country in the name of
the king. George Podie-
brad was well able to
turn the king's favour to
his own advantage, and
was richly rewarded with
fiefs from the royal do-
mains ; none the less the
period of his governor-
ship in Bohemia (1451-
1457) was a period of
prosperity. He succeeded
in preserving domestic
peace, securing general
safety and order, and
advancing the progress
of trade and manufac-
ture. Then, at the age
of barely eighteen, the
and had therefore ordered
the Catholics of Bohemia,
Moravia, and Silesia to
do homage to the new
king. Breslau was iso-
lated and unable to
persist in its attitude of
hostility to George, when
Pope Pius II. (iEneas
Sylvius) sent his legates
to the city in 1459 to
arrange a reconciliation
with the King of Bohemia.
On January 13th, 1460,
the intervention of the
Breslau city chronicler
and historian Peter Es-
chenloer secured the ac-
ceptance of an important
agreement, whereby the
ALBERT II. OF GERMANY
king suddenly died in S^ J^'T^ sSfs.„^nTbut ^re'd in" oftX^I cftizens of Breslau pro
Prague on November 1439, before he had secured general recogr- miscd obcdience to King
23rd, 1457, from an "'*'°" ^^ """^"^ of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. Q^^j.^^^ thoUgh the actual
illness akin to the plague, at the moment
when preparations were being made for
the celebration of his marriage with the
daughter of Charles VII. of France.
So admirable had been the preparations
of George Podiebrad, that on March 2nd,
1458, a few months after the death of
Ladislaus, he was able to secure his
elevation to the crown of Bohemia. The
neighbouring provinces of Moravia,
Silesia, and in particular the powerful
Breslau and Lausitz, at first refused
obedience or recognition. Eventually,
however, submission to the Hussite king
was refused in Moravia only by the
Catholic towns — Briinn, Olmiitz, Znaim,
Iglau and others. When George invaded
the country with an army, Iglau alone
3^74
performance of homage was postponed for
three years.
Secure of his power in Bohemia, Moravia,
and Silesia, on the best of terms with all
the neighbouring states and with the
German Emperor, designated " most be-
loved son " by the papal chair, George was
able to turn his attention to higher objects.
The prospect of establish-
ing himself upon the
throne of Hungary in
opposition to Matthias
Corvinus, had been offered to him or to his
son Henry in the year 1459. In view, how-
ever, of the equivocal nature of the situa-
tion in Hungary, he had hesitated, and had
finally declined the crown, which then fell
to Frederick III. Podiebrad found some
Podiebrad
Refuses the Crown
of Hungary
BOHEMIA'S ELECTIVE MONARCHY
compensation in the fact that the two
princes who were strugghng for the throne
respectively sought alliance with him from
this time onwards. In August, 1459, the
emperor invested him with the Bohemian
lands, and also made him other important
promises ; at the same time Matthias made
a successful effort to secure the favour of
the Bohemian king. Not only did George
succeed in turning the hostiUty of the two
princes to his own advantage, but he also
conceived the plan of entering into relations
with the enemies of the emperor within the
empire, and thus advancing towards the
imperial crown without the help of foreign
intervention. This project of the King of
Bohemia was rendered abortive chiefly by
the opposition of Albert
Achilles, the Margrave of
Brandenburg.
A short time afterwards
occurred that breach with
the papacy which had
such momentous conse-
quences for George, and
a short period of triumph-
ant progress was followed
by almost a decade of
fruitless and exhausting
struggle. Pius II. insisted
upon the performance of
the undertaking which
George had given in his
coronation oath, to adopt
strong measures against
the Hussites. When nego-
tiation produced no re-
appealed against George Podiebrad de-
clined to take any share in a crusade,
partly for reasons of family relationship—
(for example, his son-in-law, Matthias
Corvinus of Hungary), partly for political
reasons (for example, the King of Poland,
The New Pope ^"^ especially the Em-
Excommunicate* P^'"^'" Frederic III., who
King George Yu^ ""^'^ ^^r^ P'?^^^ '"^
the years 1462 and 1463).
The emperor even attempted to intervene
with the Pope on behalf of George Podiebrad.
In 1464 the situation changed. Paul II.,
a far more vigorous character than Pius II.,
occupied the papal chair, while the death
of Katherina, the daughter of George
Podiebrad, left her husband Matthias
Corvinus free to act
against his former father-
in-law. In 1466 Paul
excommunicated George
as a heretic, and stirred
up war against him in
Breslau and Moravia.
The Catholic federation
of nobles soon made
their hostility felt in
Bohemia also. However,
the king maintained the
upper hand against his
adversaries in his own
country, as long as the
rulers of the neighbouring
territories held aloof.
Only when Matthias of
Hungary resolved in 1468
to obey the papal com-
for a crusade
, , .p 4. v.- PODIEBRAD, THE HUSSITE KING ,
suit, tne fope sent niS OeorgePodiebrad, who was one of the leaders rnaUQ
legates to Prague in the ofthe Hussite party, was a statesman of great against the Bohemian
" f y rr^, ability, whose plans were so well laid that on •, v j- j /^ i
summer of 1402. There, the death ofLadislaus he was able to secure the king, did GCOrgC lOSe
on August 14th, a violent t'»''°"« "^ Bohemia. He died in the year 1471. almOSt
the
scene took place, when King George
publicly replied to the Pope's demands
by asserting his refusal to recede from
the Compactata, which Pius II. had
already declared invalid. The legates
accused the king of faithlessness before the
public assembly, threatened him with
spiritual and temporal punishment, and
were forthwith imprisoned.
King and
Pope at
Enmity
By this act every tie between
the Pope and the king was
broken. For the moment,
however, the struggle was confined to
attempts to induce the Catholics in
Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia to abandon
the king's cause ; only in Breslau did these
exhortations produce any appreciable
effect. The princes to whom the Pope
whole of
Moravia and part of Silesia. However,
he soon succeeded in surrounding at Wili-
mow the Hungarian king, who had ad-
vanced too rashly in February, 1469, and
Matthias was forced to agree to an
armistice with a view to arranging
terms of peace. Peace, however, proved
impossible in view of the terms de-
manded by the papal legate and the
Bohemian barons, which George could
not possibly accept. They even induced
Matthias Corvinus to proclaim himself
king of Bohemia on May 3rd, 1469, and to
receive the homage of Moravia, Silesia
and Lausitz.
The natural result was the continuation
of the war. George had secured the
support of Poland — in return for an
3175
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
acknowledgment of the Polish prince
Vladislav as his successor — and fought
with some success ; he did not live to
see the conclusion of the struggle, in the
midst of which he died of an illness on
March 22nd, 1471. He had been one of
the most extraordinary figures on the
throne of Bohemia ; neither before nor
afterwards did the country see
**„ ** a prince of such humble origin,
e ussi e ^^^ j.^gg from the position of
^'^^ a simple party leader to that
of viceroy with full powers, and thence to
the throne. He had remarkable capacity
for government, and found enthusiastic
admirers and true friends among his
contemporaries. During his reign his
territory was in a continual state of war,
but the administration was in strong
hands. But the religious problem, a
bequest from the Hussite period, thwarted
his success and undermined the whole of
his efforts.
A wholly different character from George
was his successor on the Bohemian throne,
the Pole Vladislav, who was known as
" King AUright," from a favourite and
very characteristic expression of his. The
war against King Matthias continued for
eight years longer, partly on the soil of
Bohemia and Moravia, partly in Silesia
(Breslau) and partly in Hungary. Fortune
favoured now one side and now the other,
until financial embarrassments affecting
both princes and parties, and the steady
approach of the Turkish danger, paved the
way for a temporary armistice and even-
tually for a peace, which was concluded
after lengthy negotiations at Olmiitz on
July 2ist, 1479. It was agreed that
Vladislav should remain in possession of
the title and the kingdom of Bohemia, and
that Matthias Corvinus should bear the
title of King of Bohemia during his life, and
should also remain in possession of
Moravia, Silesia, and Lausitz ; after his
death his provinces might be bought
back by Vladislav for
400,000 ducats, an exorbi-
CathoHcs and
Hussites
_ ^ _, tant price for that period.
Come to Terms xt r j j.
No reference was made to
the question of religious unity, or to the
bringing back of the Hussites to the Cath-
olic Church, though it was with this object
that Rome had stirred up the struggle.
Even before his accession King Vladislav
had pledged himself to maintain the Com-
pactata. Thus it was inevitable that upon
the conclusion of the foreign war the party
3176
struggle between the Catholics and the
Hussites should break out again in
Bohemia. The movement degenerated
into fearful confusion after the autumn of
1483. Councillors were murdered and
flung through windows ; churches and
monasteries were plundered ; Germans
and Jews were persecuted and robbed as
a matter of course. Strangely enough,
however, this violent outburst of passion
resulted in less than two years in a recon-
ciliation of the two parties (1485) ; and
an agreement was arranged upon the
basis of the recognition of the Compactata
and of the full equality of the Hussites
with the Catholics.
From that moment the influence of the
Hussite sect in Bohemia began to diminish.
It lost importance the more rapidly as the
" Bohemian Brotherhood," which was
originally in some connection with it,
began a vigorous period of development.
The fact that the descendants of the
original Hussites were able at this late
period to develop a branch of a new doc-
trine with such vigour, is evidence of
the hold which the Hussite theories had
_. J I. „ gained upon the nation ;
Rise and Fall ^^^^^ ^^^ futihty of the
P ,. . q many attempts, initiated by
Rome, at union between the
Hussites and the Catholics of Bohemia,
notwithstanding the fact that men of such
power as Nicholas of Cusa, John of Capis-
trano, and ^Eneas Sylvius applied their
energy to the task. An extraordinarily large
number of sects rose and disappeared in the
course of the fifteenth century, side by side
with the main groups in Bohemia and
Moravia. Only the Brotherhood became of
permanent importance ; this sect began
with a society of certain members who were
dissatisfied with the Hussite doctrine, and
its first settlement was made in 1457
at Rumwald, a Bohemian village belonging
to King George Podiebrad. The society
incurred its share of persecution and
martyrdom ; its most vigorous opponents
were a relation of its founder, Gregor,
John of Rokitzan. and the king himself.
Nevertheless, they possessed and acquired,
even during this period, a wide body of
adherents both in Bohemia and Moravia,
and the death lOf these two powerful
oppressors, in the year 1471, relieved
the brethren of a severe hindrance,
especially in Bohemia. The expansion of
the sect was never seriously checked,
either by its internal quarrels and dissen-
BOHEMIA'S ELECTIVE MONARCHY
sions, or by the general decree of banish-
ment from Moravia which its members
incurred in 1480.
The difference in the treatment of the
Brotherhood in Bohemia and in Moravia
was due to the separation of this latter
country and also of Silesia from the
Bohemian crown, and to the wholly
different policy followed by Vladislav
in Bohemia and by Matthias in Moravia
and Silesia. The weakness and good
nature of the former allowed the supremacy
to fall into the hands of the nobles. Mat-
thias, on the other hand, emphasised from
the very outset his royal power as opposed
to the claims of the privileged orders. The
iron hand of Corvinus was even more
strongly felt in
Silesia than in
Moravia, where
Matthias left the
government in
the hands of the
highly capable
viceroy Ctibor of
( iniburg, who
had been occu-
pant of this high
position from
1469, retainiri'^ it
until 1494. long
after the death
of Matthias.
It is due chiefly
to Ctibor that the
attempts which
had been made
during the past
century to unite
the divided prin-
cipalities were
now consum-
mated by means of a definitely organised
administration. The institution of the
princely diets and the creation of the central
bureaucracy belong to the age of Matthias,
and are his work. His government did not
enjoy the best of reputations with posterity,
owing to the enormous increase in the
taxes and imposts, which his continual
financial necessities laid upon his subjects ;
in this matter he was supported, especially
in Silesia, by his local governor, George
von Stein, and by other faithful servants,
in the most irresponsible manner, at the
expense of the people.
On April 6th, 1490, Matthias died
without legitimate issue, and the Bohemian
king, Vladislav, was raised to the throne
DRESS OF A LADY OF PRAGUE AND A MERCHANTS
WIFE IN THE MIDDLE OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
of Hungary. In accordance with the pre-
vious arrangement, Moravia and Silesia
fell into his power, although he never
fulfilled the condition by which these lands
were to be repurchased at the price of
400,000 ducats, so that the title of the
Bohemian crown to these districts was
disputed with some show of reason.
The reign of King Vladislav is one of
the most unsatisfactory periods in the
history of the Bohemian countries. The
great economic and religious changes
which, at the end of the fifteenth century,
denoted the outset of a new era for
Europe, found Bohemia and Moravia
divided by class dissensions. The here-
ditary monarchy had been greatly
weakened as a
result of events
since the Hussite
war, and the loss
of the great
crown demesnes
of former times
had deprived it
of its power and
influence. Eco-
nomically as wpII
as politically, the
nobility were
supreme in the
country ; they
were, however,
filled with a
boundless ambi-
tion for power,
and were ready
to pass all limits
in their efforts to
weaken the mon-
archy, to oppose
the privileges
and freedom of the towns, or to keep
down the peasant class in a state of
slavery and serfdom.
The highest positions in the country were
exclusively in the hands of the nobles and
knights ; they enjoyed unlimited power in
the provincial assemblies, and in 1500
compiled a legal code, the " Ordinances of
Vladislav," which was to secure their pre-
dominance for ever. The king agreed to
the limitations, great and small, which
the nobility placed upon his power. The
citizen class, however, was determined to
oppose these encroachments upon the
principles of justice with the more vigour
as they found their material welfare greatly
iniured by the arbitrary rule of the nobles.
3177
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The nobles infringed the town monopoly of
brewing, forbade the towns to acquire
landed property, limited the freedom of the
fairs, and so forth. Consequently the
towns continually complained to the king.
These complaints produced little effect,
for the reason that, after his elevation to
the throne of Hungary, Vladislav had
-, ., , removed his capital from
Nobles and ^
People
Prague to Ofen, and remained
-. .,. absent from Bohemia for years
Opposition , ,. ~, -^
at a time. 1 here were, more-
over, uninterrupted hostilities between
the citizens and nobles, who respectively
formed federations for continuing their
mutual strife. These conditions were in
no way altered by the short stay which
Vladislav made at Prague in 1502, as the
king at once took the side of the nobles and
decided the quarrel against the towns,
while at a later period he withdrew his
decision, though he could not induce the
nobility to feel satisfied with his change
of attitude. The outrages and aggressions
committed by each side increased the
bitterness of the struggle, and from year
to year the tension grew more severe ; but
from 1502 to 1509 the king remained in
Hungary, and left affairs to take their
course in Bohemia and Moravia.
For the history of Silesia the reign of
Vladislav was of importance, inasmuch as
this prince, who was ever ready to bestow
his favours, issued an important consti-
tutional law to the Silesian orders on
November 28th, 1498. This was sub-
stantially a confirmation of all previous
concessions, with certain further additions.
The president of the province, that is to
say, the governor and highest official in
Silesia, was always to be a Silesian prince ;
the estates also obtained a right of voting
taxes, some relief from military service,
and a high court of justice, known as the
" Court of the Princes," which was com-
posed of the territorial lords, and formed
a final court of appeal for every class.
j^. , This arrangement might have
\i **** ' served as a starting point for
^ * . the further development of the
Government ■,■•.,■ o-i tt
administration m Silesia. How-
ever, in this country also the king's feeble
government, which was directed from
Ofen, gave rise to disputes of every kind.
The bishopric of Breslau had for several
years been carrying on a quarrel, which
lasted till 1504, with the town of Breslau
and some Silesian princes, owing to the
election of an unpopular coadjutor. Some
3178
years previously — in 1497 — the Duke
Nicholas of Oppeln had ended his life on the
scaffold in consequence of an act of aggres-
sion against the governor, Duke Casimir
of Teschen. The town of Breslau was at
feud, now with one and now with another
of these princes, and marauding raids were
of daily occurrence. The king's decree
to secure peace and his threats of punish-
ment proved as futile here as they did
in the other provinces.
Vladislav enjoyed little personal in-
fluence unless when he came forward in
person and secured services in return for
new privileges. In 1509 he was anxious
that his son Lewis, born in 1506, who was
already king of Hungary, should be
crowned king of Bohemia during his life ;
he was therefore obliged, after an absence
of seven years, to decide upon a journey
throughout his remaining territories in
order to. secure the completion of his
project by his personal influence. He
soon attained his main object. On
February 17th, 1509, he made a state
entry into Prague with his children and
court ; on March nth, some delay having
been caused by the illness of
the young prince, the corona-
tion of Lewis took place.
Other difficulties, especially
the struggle between the nobles and the
towns, were discussed in the course of a
series of diets, but no result was secured.
In February, 1510, Vladislav left Bohemia
and betook himself to Olmiitz, where the
Moravian orders did homage to Lewis,
upon receipt of the customary privileges ;
thence the king went to Hungary, and in
the winter of 1510 and 151 1 again returned
with the youthful monarch and the rest
of his family to Silesia, where he also
secured from the princes and estates the
recognition of his son as his successor.
The confusion of legal relations which
prevailed under King Vladislav is shown
by the fact that he received the homage of
the Silesians, not as King of Bohemia, but
as King of Hungary, though at the same
time he had expressly emphasised the fact
that Silesia and Moravia belonged to the
Bohemian crown, in an imperial letter to
the Bohemians during his stay at Prague
on January nth, 1510.
Hardly, however, had the king returned
to Hungary when his attention was again
occupied by the quarrel between the Orders
of Bohemia and Moravia, which was all
the more dangerous, as the towns appeared
Moravians
Do Homage to
King Lewis
BOHEMIA'S ELECTIVE MONARCHY
to be obstinately resolute. They formed
a federation, and on June 20th, 1513,
concluded an offensive and defensive
alliance with Duke Bartholomsus of
Miinsterberg, the grandson of King George
Podiebrad, who was to represent their
party at the court of King Vladislav. He
proved successful in convincing the king
and his advisers of the destructive influence
upon Bohemia of the dominant party of
nobles. Towards the end of the year
15 13 Vladislav was persuaded to receive
the demands of the towns with more favour
than he had previously shown them.
However, his want of determination and
his vacillation delayed a definite decision,
although after the death of Bartholomajus
the office of mediator
between the nobles and
towns was undertaken
with considerable clever-
ness and success by his
cousin Charles of Munster-
berg. The struggle was
raging with undiminished
heat when Vladislav II.
died on March 13th, 15 16,
only a few months after
he had concluded the im-
portant marriage contract
of July, 1515, with the
Emperor Maximilian I.,
between his own children
Lewis and Anna, and the
grandchildren of the
emperor, Ferdinand and
robber knights, and the town? made
reprisals upon the nobles and their asso-
ciates, often executing them without cere-
mony. Isolated peasant revolts in Bohemia
are also reported by the chroniclers. The
" Compact of St. Wenzel " of September
The Great ^^*^' ^^i?. in which a partial
Plague agreement between the estates
of 15 20-1 ^^^ secured by the Moravian
baron, William of Pernstein,
proves the pressing need of some com-
promise, however partial. An impor-
tant point was the definition of the
competency of the common law and of
the town courts respectively. Disputes
of an economic nature and the like were
deferred for after consideration. Peace,
indeed, was not finally
secured . The weakness of
the royal power made a
recurrence of the struggle
inevitable after a few
years. However, the
public attention was
occupied with other
events, such as the plague,
which began in Prague in
1520, and ravaged the
whole country in 1521,
the Lutheran movement,
and the Turkish danger.
In the year 1522
King Lewis entered his
Bohemian kingdom for
the first time as an
independent ruler, with
the object of putting an
Maria ; this contract also .pj^g last independent king
included a federation in Lewis 11., who was a mere child when he end to the arbitrary
which room was found LinTo\°Bo^VmiaTA"HVngaryrWrgnir^"^^^^^^^ government of the uobles,
for King Sigismund of isio tiu io2ti, when he met his death at as Continued to their own
Poland. '^^ ''^"'^ °^ ^°^^" ^^^'"^* '^^ '^"'■''^- advantage for years by
King Lewis II. was no more than a
child, though already crowned. Hence
it was necessary to agree upon some
form of regency for the moment. After
long negotiation between the orders in
Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, and
also in Hungary, the task was entrusted
to the German emperor and to the king
of Poland. However, these
guardians could exercise no
immediate influence of any
kind upon the provinces in-
herited by Lewis, and the power of the
nobles continued to increase. In Bohemia
and Moravia the quarrels between the
estates continued as before. The
nobles oppressed the towns, travelling
merchants and citizens were attacked by
Lewis II.
the
Boy King
the chief burgrave of Prague, Zdenek Lev of
Rozmital. The real motive for this journey
was the unavoidable necessity for seeking
help against the Turks outside of Hungary
itself. His route first led him to Briinn,
where he received the homage of the
Moravian orders, and confirmed their
rights ; he attempted to settle a number
of class disputes, and then made his way
to the Bohemian frontier, where he was
met by the Bohemian ambassadors. After
a short stay in some of the more important
towns of Bohemia, he reached Prague on
March 28th, 1522, and made a solemn
entry with his young wife and his friend
and tutor the Margrave George of Bran-
denburg. Difficulties at once arose.
A series of troublesome negotiations
3179
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
began forthwith with the estates of the
kingdom in reference to the appoint-
ment of a new chancellor of Bohemia,
and the form of oath to observe the
constitution which the king was to take.
When the wording of this oath had been
once passed, it was to remain in force in
Bohemia for centuries. Slow progress also
J-. , . was made with other matters
mg^ ewis ^£ business — the queen's
Dismisses ,. ,, ^ , r
H- f\tf ■ I coronation, the payment of
His Officials ,, , J 1 X • J •
the heavy debts mcurred m
King Vladisav's time, and the equipment
of an auxiliary army against the Turks.
In the summer of 1522 violent disorder
broke out in Silesia, especially in the town
of Schweidnitz. Finally, at the end of
the year, relations between King Lewis
and the ruling nobles became so strained
that, at the diet of February 5th, 1523,
the king secured the dismissal of all the
existing officials of the country, in par-
ticular of Lev of Rozmital, and introduced
a constitutional change, chiefly intended
to restore the royal power to its rightful
position.
Notwithstanding numerous embassies
and appeals, no help was to be gained
from Hungary or from the king ; to the
-internal troubles of that country the
Turkish danger was now added. When the
Sultan Suleiman L started from Con-
stantinople for Hungary with a vast
army in April, 1526, the youthful monarch
resolved to oppose him. His army, which
included Bohemian, Moravian, and Silesian
mercenaries, was overwhelmed by the
superior numbers of the Turks ; in the
Battle of Mohacs, on August 29th, 1526,
it was annihilated, and the king was
unfortunately drowned in a swamp of
the Danube while in flight. The death of
the last of the Jagellons on the throne of
Bohemia and Hungary, at the age of
twenty and childless, forms an event of
importance in the world's history, in so
far as it occasioned the foundation of the
—^ - Austrian monarchy under the
of the sceptre of the Hapsburgs.
Jagellons Bohemia, the centre of that
group of countries the historical
development of which has been briefly
detailed, may be regarded in 1526 as
a kingdom a thousand years old, if we
assume its history to begin with the
estabUshment of the Slavs in the
province after the Germanic emigra-
tion. It is an era rich in examples of
national rise and progress. From its own
3180
resources, and building upon foundations
hidden in the prehistoric period, Bohemia
evolved a constitution which enabled
the country to secure and to maintain
a definite position among the bodies
politic of Central Europe. It produced a
royal house of indigenous growth, the
Premyslids, whose pride and power raised
their prestige to a level with that of any
ruling dynasty in Central Europe. Its
territorial power increased. It is true that
the national dynasty was restricted within
definite limits ; calamitous failure was
the result of the attempt of Ottokar II. to
bring German provinces under his power.
The extinction of the native dynasty at
the outset of the fourteenth century and
the accession of foreigners to the Bohemian
throne produced a complete change in the
situation. No obstacle prevented a
Bohemian king of German nationality
from rising to the height of supremacy
within the extensive German empire ; but
the people opposed the transformation of
Bohemia into the most important of the
German principaUties at the expense of the
Slav nationality. The national feeling
_ . of the Slavs rose in behalf of
^'th^'xh* ^ reaction and speedily tri-
j g . . umphed. But the attempt
to construct a national prin-
cipality upon the basis of home material was
also a failure. As under the German kings,
so also under the Polish kings, Bohemia
found her destiny committed to the care
of rulers who pushed her into the back-
ground when the possibility of acquiring
the crown of Hungary became manifest.
Under such circumstances, and in view
of the fact that the constitutional inde-
pendence of the country and the main-
tenance of its throne were repeatedly
endangered by the secession of the subject
provinces, especially of Moravia, it was
fortunate for the country that after
Lewis's death the crown fell to the
powerful Hapsburg d\Tiasty. The result
at which the Premyslid Ottokar II. had
aimed upon occasion and with incomplete
understanding, the result that the far-
sighted diplomacy of Charles IV. had
marked as the final object of Bohemian
policy, the result that had been nomi-
nally, at least, attained under Ladislaus
Posthumus — became an accomplished fact
in the year 1526 ; the three states of
Bohemia, Hungary and Austria were
united as one powerful monarchy in South-
east Europe. Berthold Bretholz
EASTERN EUROPE
TO THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
ORIGIN OF
THE
EASTERN SLAVS
THE ORIGIN OF THE EASTERN SLAVS
A PRELIMINARY CHAPTER TO THE
HISTORY OF POLAND AND RUSSIA
IF what may be called the Slavonic line
* serves to mark a genuine division
between Western and Eastern Europe,
there is another division hardly less definite
in Eastern Europe itself. Geographically,
this is marked by an irregular line drawn
from the Baltic to the western end of the
Carpathian mountains, which themselves
form the barrier till the Danube district
is reached. In other words, the territories
now called Poland and Russia are in some
sense a region apart. Their peoples do
not come into touch with the Teutonic
west until the tenth century, though
Eastern Byzantium becomes aware of
them some hundred years earlier. Even
at the outset these peoples emerge in
definitely distinguished nationalities,
Polish and Russian, though neither of
them has at this stage absorbed the non-
Slavonic population of the Baltic pro-
vinces. Kin as they are
to the southern and
western Slavs, of whom
we have already treated,
they nevertheless appear on the scene of
history so far separated from these and so
far' associated with each other, that their
origins require a single chapter to them-
selves, before we embark upon the separate
histories of Poland and Russia.
Slavonic legends tell of three brothers.
Lech, Rus, and Cech, said to have been
the founders of three great nations, the
Russians, Lechs (Laches, Lechites =^ Poles),
and Czechs (the Bohemian stock). In reality,
however, the matter stood otherwise. The
Slavonic tribes lived independently of
each other. In the course of time one
tribe, as happened in the case of the
Romans, succeeded in extending its domi-
nion over others, which then adopted its
name. The tribe which gave its name to
the others need not have been entirely
Slavonic ; thus the Bulgarians, although
of Turkish stock, have become Slavoni-
Difference of
the Eastern and
Western Slavs
Descendants
of the
Great Rurik
cised, and have now given their name to
the subjugated Slavs. The same thing may
in the end have been the case with Rus,.
Lech, and Cech.
What, then, is the origin of the names ?
The point has been much discussed among
Slavonic and German scholars. The
"Russian Chronicle" relates
that about the year 859 Vara-
gians (Scandinavians) ruled
the north Russian Slavs, but
had been subsequently driven out. When
quarrels broke out between the Russians,
they sent an embassy over the sea to the
Varagians, and asked them to rule over
them once more. Three brothers, Rurik,
Sineus and Truvor, of the Varagian tribe of
the Ruotsi — that is, Swedes — came to the
Slavs, and took up their abode in Old
Ladoga, Isborsk, and Bjelosersk. From
Rurik, the eldest, was descended the
Russian princely house of the Rurikovitch,
which is said to have ruled Russia until
the end of the sixteenth century.
The same Chronicle also asserts that the
whole of Novgorod was called Rosland, or
Russia, from this family. This " North-
man," or "Varagian," view has found
ardent champions among modern writers.
Considerably more than a hundred Scandi-
navian names are found in very early
records ; even the names of the rapic^
in the Dnieper, the old Varagian way to
Byzantium, have been declared to be
Scandinavian. The opinion is, however,
_ hardly tenable in all its points.
* **?" ° Some intimate relations be-
e ussian ^^gg^ ^he Novgorodians, who
formed the germ of the
Russian state, and the Scandinavians
cannot be denied ; but it is questionable
whether also the name " Rus " is derived
from them. The Slavonic tribes round
Kiev and the south of Russia, where later
the real centre of Russia lay, bore from
time immemorial the name of " Russians."
3181
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Finally, and this would be the best argu-
ment against the theory, the kingdom,
which admittedly must have existed there
before the Northmen were summoned,
must have also borne a name, and a king-
dom, except through conquest, seldom
changes its name. The south was known
to the Arabs as " Russia," and the Black
. . Sea was simply termed the
/If'^M Russian Sea — as, for instance,
°!^^^^^Tm Nestor and Masudi— at a
time when the Varagian princes
were hardly yet familiar with the people of
Kiev. We ought at all events not to forget
that " Ros " may have been known in By-
zantium as merchants even before 840, as
is clear from a report of Bishop Prudentius
of Troyes and from contemporary Arab
accounts. The name probably had been
transferred to the whole of Russia by
Byzantines, who called the tribes in the
south of Russia " Ros." Again, it is sug-
gested that Hros is one of the names of the
Herulians, who were once settled on the
northern coast of the Black Sea ; some of
whom, after the defeat of 512 inflicted by
the Lombards, went back to Sweden.
Thus the otherwise astonishing familiarity
of the northern Vikings with South Russia
and the waterway of the Volga would be
no longer surprising.
The meaning of the names " Pole "
and " Lech " is equally obscure. While
the name " Polani " may be Slavonic, the
name " Lach," or " Lech," seems to be of
foreign origin. Some persons have, as in
the case of the name " Rus," looked for a
Scandinavian etymology and understood
northern conquerors by the Lechs. But in
this connection they have overlooked the
fact that Great Poland, the real mother
country, has never been called " Lachia,"
or " Lechia," but only the Cracow district,
and from it North Poland. The name
" Lach," " Lech," " Lechi " seems to
mean simply " foreigner," and is connected
with the names " Walch," " Wlach,"
" Walach," " Walsch," applied
°d*th ^y Slavs not only to Italians
p - and Roumanians, but to the
semi-Slavonic Bulgarians and
the Croatians, as well as to the " Little "
Poles. On the other hand, Posen and
Gnesen, the Polish mother-country, was
always called Polonia, which title was then
extended to South Poland — that is to say,
the subsequently conquered Cracow. Since
this name was used officially, it super-
seded all others, and throughout Europe
the kingdom was finally called Poland.
Other peoples — Lithuanians, Finns,
Bulgarians, Khayars — to be presently
described, have exercised temporary
supremacy within what we now call
Russian territory. But the Slavonic tribes,
who occupied chiefly the centre of the
East European plain, found themselves in
the majority and unceasingly drove before
them the heterogeneous nations, first
by peaceful colonisation, and then by the
sword. We may assume that all Slavs
as a whole had the same customs, the
same religion, the same tribal and national
institutions. Differences will be apparent
only where Nature prescribed other con-
ditions of life or where foreign influence
made itself felt.
Thus, the Slavs on the sea-coast lived
in one way, those on the steppes or in
the forests in another. Although they
originally appeared in Europe as a united
nation with similar customs, ideas, lan-
guage, traditions, and government, yet
the different natural surroundings soon
impressed a distinctive stamp on the
principal tribes and guided social, religious,
. . and legal life into different
th P?' P^^^^- '^^^ nomads of the
d F ''"'t ^"teppes can hardly have held
the same faith as the dwellers
on the sea-coast. Again, while the forest-
dwellers paid their tribute in furs and
honey, the tribes of the lowlands dis-
charged it in horses or cattle. If the
large clan community was the natural
form of life among the dwellers on the
fertile plains with their agriculture, in the
forests the families were forced to separate
one from another.
Further differences were produced by
the influence of neighbours ; thus the
northern Slavs, who lived near the
Teutons, had a kindred religion and
mythology. The change of language
was closely connected with this, since to
express new ideas, new words had to be
invented or borrowed from other tribes.
An attempt has been made to draw a
general picture of the life of all the Slavonic
tribes, but in doing so the fact has been
overlooked that such a picture can be
true only of a time when the Slavs still
formed a single united people — the time,
that is, before the Christian era. Our
authorities, however, dating from an era
five hundred, or possibly a thousand years
later, are extremely defective, and it is
not surprising that the results of such
THE SCANDINAVIAN HERO. RURIK, THE FIRST OF THE RUSSIANS
A daring sea-rover, Rurik the Rodsen or Oarsman, landed, in 862, on the Russian shore of the Baltic, and, with his
brothers, Sineus and Truvor, subjugated the country from Novgorod to the Volga. From Rurik, who died in 879,
came the princely house of the Rurikovitch, which is said to have ruled Russia until the end of the sixteenth century.
3183
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
imperfect investigations are conflicting.
It is asserted that all Slavs were agricul-
turists at the period when they came into
the light of history. Can that assertion
hold good of the forest- dwellers or the
inhabitants of the lakes and swamps ?
Our authorities do not in any way cor-
roborate it. A writer of the twelfth
century relates in astonishment that he
heard of a man in the Arctic regions who
had lived all his life on fish. That would
hardly be an isolated case. Forests,
rivers, and swamps then covered at least
a tenth of the surface. If the Slavs
during their migrations kept to the river
valleys we can hardly call this a peculiar
characteristic of the race.
The Slavonic pagan religion, about
which we know very little, resembles in
its main ideas that of India and of other
Aryans. The Slavs had the dualism be-
tween good and evil deities ; they had
also their family gods, like the Greeks
and Romans. They, too, regarded Nature
as animated by various beings, and animals
were held sacred by them, as in Greece
and other places. It was merely their
_ . ... natural environment which
ami y i e ^g^^gj^^ j^gj^ jj^ ^^le northern
th"°sf forests to revere the owl, the
wolf (as were-wolf), and, on
the plains, the horse. The Slavs, too,
honoured the sun, moon, and stars,,
thunder and lightning ; they were also
fire-worshippers. But inquiry has not
told us in what the true Slavonic element
— that is, the innovation — really consists. '
The same holds good of the legal arid
socicd conditions of the Slavs. The family
was the foundation of their national arid
religious life. The eldest of the family
was the supreme lawgiver, judge, and
priest. Since the knowledge of the laws,
customs, and ritual could be transmitted
only orally, this naturally fluctuating
tradition was all important. The Slavs,
divided into separate independent tribes,
could not but diverge more widely from
each other in their methods of life. The
separate districts were called Zupas,
Opole, or Wolost.
We cannot decide whether the Zupa is
genuinely Slavonic or is to be compared
with, for example, the old Germanic Goba.
The centre of a district was the Grad
(gorod = borough), where the tribal sanc-
tuary stood. The ancient places, where
once a gorod stood, were called gorodysce.
But it cannot be settled whether gorod
3184
is peculiar to the Slavs only, or whether
it is identical with the old Gothic words
garde (watch) g.nd garder (to watch).
Everywhere in Slavonic countries a definite
district was surrounded with a boundary
fence,, while the. roads were watched and
defended with palisades, which were called
preseka,; .at suitable points guards were
Th T' A ' posted on watch-towers, called
, f. !?, "^'struza. Before the ninth cen-
of tli» Flams , u • 1 x j j
-p. tury a bnsk trade passed
through Russia from the Gulf
of Finland past the Lake of Ilmen to the
Dwina, and then down the Dnieper over
the Black. Sea into Greece. The oldest
wooden towns, originally trading stations,
lay on this celebrated route from the
Varagian country to Byzantium. A
frequented • trade route from the Black
Sea to the Baltic led up the Dniester to the
river San, then down that river and the
Vistula. While the first became the main
trade route of Russia, the other became
the chief highroad to Poland ; both,
perhaps, date from Phoenician times. The
vessels and their cargoes were hauled up
from one river system to the other ; for
example, from the Dniester to the San ;
hence the name wolok, wolocyska (haul-
ages). The trading stations grew into
towns, since the country people flocked
into them for greater security. The
public affairs of the town and the surround-
ing district were organised in these markets
at assemblies which were called wece.
The meeting was summoned by the circu-
lation of a token, or, as later, by the
tolling of a bell.
Differences in the administration of
law and justice must have been noticeable
in the various districts, while the con-
ditions in the same tribe would naturally
alter during the course of centuries.
Persons who speak in general terms about
the Slavonic laws and customs of that
age are only deluding themselves, as
much as if they spoke of contemporary
universal Germanic customs.
Savonic Distinctions must inevitably
UnfyeMll ^^^^ prevailed. The truth is
that hitherto it has been
impossible to pronounce any deliberate
opinion about the religion, mythology,
laws, family life, or civilisation of the
ancient pagan Slavs. It is on this most
slippery soil of national peculiarities, where
the inquirer oscillates between self-glorifi-
cation and unwarranted depreciation of his
neighbour, that a fabric has been built
THE ORIGIN OF THE EASTERN SLAVS
up out of most untenable assertions.
The occasional accounts given by old
writers are noteworthy, especially since
Slavonic paganism lingered on for cen-
turies after the Christian era. Jordanes,
in 550 A.D., says of the Slavs " morasses
and forests are their towns " ; Procopius
tells us that they hved in dirty, scattered
^^ _, , . huts, and easily shifted their
The Defensive 1 j tu -c* at
_ . abode. The Emperor Maurice
/Ii!*^ CI relates, in the year 600, that
of the Slavs ., i- j ■ r x
they hved m forests, near
rivers, marshes, and lakes, which were diffi-
cult to approach. They made many exits
from their houses, in order to escape any
possible dangers. They buried all their
property in the ground, and in order to
frustrate any hostile attacks nothing but
bare necessaries were left visible. Hel-
mold of Bosau, in 1170, gives a similar
account at the end of his Chronicle of the
Slavs : " They take little trouble about
building their houses ; they quickly
plait twigs together into huts which supply
a bare shelter against storm and rain.
So soon as the call to arms is heard, they
collect their stores of corn, bury them
together with their gold, silver, and other
vaJuables, and conduct their wives and
children into the fortresses or the forests.
Nothing is left for the enemy but the
hut, whose loss is easily repaired."
" When they go into battle," says Pro-
copius, " they attack the enemy on foot,
holding shield and spear in their hands.
They do not wear armour ; they have
neither cloaks nor shirts, but advance to
the fight clad only in trousers." The
wives, as among the Teutons, occupied an
honourable position ; they held property of
their own, although, as in other countries,
polygamy prevailed and wives were carried
off by force. The Russian Chronicle
relates of the Drewljans that they lived
like cattle, knew nothing of marriage, but
carried off the maidens on the rivers. It
is recorded of certain tribes that no
marriages took place but games
in the middle of the village.
Primitive
Marriage
^ . The people assembled for the
Customs J J J • J 1 J
games, danced, and mdulged
in every sort of debauchery, and each man
carried off the woman to whom he was
betrothed. This was the case among
other peoples also. Bretislav 1. Achilles,
so Cosmas of Prague records, in 1125,
carried off his bride Judith from Schwein-
furt. Until quite recently the ottniza,
or capture of wives, was customstry among
the Serbs. Many instances of the gentle
disposition of the Slavs are mentioned by
the old chroniclers. Procopius says :
" covetousness and deceit are unknown
among them." Maurice e.xtols their hospi-
tality. Helmold records of the Ranes
(Ruanians, or Riigen) : "Although they are
more hostile to Christians and also more
superstitious than the other Slavs, they
possess many good qualities. They are
extremely hospitable and show great
respect to their parents. Neither beggars
nor paupers are found among them. A
man who is feeble through sickness or
advanced age is entrusted to the care
of his heir. The virtues most highly
esteemed among the Slavs are hospitality
and filial regard." The man who refused
hospitality had his house burned down.
It was permissible to steal in order to
provide food for a traveller.
Theophylactus Simocattes, in the first
half of the seventh century, relates the
following anecdote : As the emperor
Maurice was on his way to Thrace to
prepare for war against the Avars, the
escort of the emperor seized three men who
. carried zithers. When asked to
. "" ,. what race they belonged, they
Among the i- j i.u x lu 01
g. replied that they were Slavs
and lived on the western ocean ;
the Khagan had sent envoys to the princes
of their country, with many presents, to
solicit help. When they heard that the
Romans had reached the highest stage of
power and culture, they escaped and
reached Thrace. They carried zithers
because they were unfamiliar with arms,
since no iron was found in their country.
The Arabs also testify that music was
practised by the Slavs.
A noteworthy account of the funeral
customs of a Slavonic tribe is furnished
by the ambassador of the Cahph al-Muqta-
dir, Ahman ibn Fadlan. When a poor
man died, they built a small boat for him,
placed him in it, and burnt it. This was
customary among the North Germanic
tribes. On the death of a rich man they
collected his possessions and divided
them into three parts. The one part was
reserved for his family ; with the second
they prepared an outfit for him, and with
the remaining part they bought intoxicat-
ing drinks to be drunk on the day when the
slave-girl consents to be a victim and
is burnt with her master. " When, indeed,
a chief dies, the family ask his bondmen
and bondwomen : ' Which of you is willing
3185
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
to die with him ? ' Then one of them
answers : ' I will.' Whoever has uttered
this word is bound. But mostly it is a
slave-girl. . . . Boat, wood, and girl
together with the dead man were soon
reduced to ashes. They then raised above
the place where the boat, which had been
dragged up out of the river, had stood,
_^ g a sort of round hillock, erected
Ritu I 'V^^^ in the middle of it a large
c, „ , beech-trunk, and wrote on it
Slav Funeral ,, r xi. j j
the name of the dead man
with the name of the king of the Ros." If
we compare this with the account given
by Herodotus of the burial of a Scythian
king we shall find, in spite of many differ-
ences in detail, the same fundamental
idea.
These are our materials for estimating
the degree of culture which the Slavs
of that age had attained. There was not
wanting among them a belief in the life
after death. They are said to have been
acquainted with writing ; and in connec-
tion with this statement the so-called
Runic characters must be taken into
account. Traces of music and architec-
ture can be found among them, though in
a crude form, and they were lovers of
poetry and song. It can hardly be sup-
posed that, as many Slavonic scholars
assert, they possessed some astronomical
knowledge, and had a civil year with
twelve months. The names of the months
which are found later among various
Slavonic tribes were indubitably first
formed by learned priests, on the model
of the Greek and Roman names, at that
point in the Christian era when the Julian
calendar with twelve instead of ten months
was coming into general use in Europe.
Charles the Great first proposed among the
Franks the substituting of German names
for the Latin names of the months.
The independent spirit of the Slavs is
specially mentioned by German as well
as Byzantine writers. Widukind, the
—. _, , historian of the first two Saxon
The Slavs , ,, n ^i
j^^ - emperors, says of them: The
Friedom ^^^^^ ^^^ * dogged, laborious
race, inured to the scantiest
food, and they regard as a pleasure what is
often a heavy burden to men of our time.
They face any privations for their beloved
liberty, and in spite of many reverses
they are always ready to fight again. The
Saxons fight for glory and the expansion
of their frontiers, the Slavs for their
freedom." Adam of Bremen records a
3186
century later : "I have heard the most
truth -loving King Sven of Denmark say
repeatedly that the Slavonic peoples could
long ago have been converted to Chris-
tianity if the greed of the Saxons had not
interposed obstacles. These think more
of exacting tribute than of converting
pagans."
There is a particular appropriateness
in the words which the Polish historian,
John Dlugosz, wrote about the Poles
about 1480, although he is describing
his contemporaries : " The Polish nobles
thirst for glory and are bent on booty ;
they despise dangers and death . . .
they are devoted to agriculture and cattle-
breeding ; they are courteous and kind
towards strangers and guests, and more
hospitable than any other people. The
peasants shrink from no work or trouble,
endure cold and hunger, and are super-
stitious . . . they care little about the
maintenance of their houses, being con-
tent with few ornaments ; they are spirited
and brave to rashness, ... of high stature,
of strong and well proportioned build,
with a sometimes fair, sometimes dark
. complexion." The well-known
ysiqoe peaceful disposition of many
° p . Slavonic tribes, and, above all,
the circumstance that they
adhered to the old tribal constitution,
which prevented any creation of a state
on a large scale, were the causes why the
Slavs in their pagan period played no
important part, but were first aroused to
a new life by their contact with the
civilised nations. Christian Rome and
Byzantium saw the development of
Slavonic kingdoms in the north, after they
had to some degree furnished the political
germs for that growth.
We may now turn to those non-Slavonic
peoples already referred to : in the north,
close to the Baltic Sea, the Lithuanians,
and further to the north-east, the Finns ;
on the Volga the Bulgarians ; and in the
south the Khazars. Of the above men-
tioned the Lithuanians and the Finns
alone have in some degree preserved their
individuality.
History finds the Lithuanian tribes
settled on the shore of the Baltic between
the Vistula and Dwina, and southwards as
far as the middle stream of the Bug. In
one place only their frontier touches the
Finnish Livonians, otherwise they are
wedged between Slavonic peoples. They
divided into the following tribes in the
/ TYPICAL WOODLAND SCENE. WITH GIRLS IN ORDINARY AND GALA DRESS
LITHUANIANS: A SURVIVING RACE OF THE BALTIC REGION
203 3187
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The Whole
Named After
the Part
tenth century. The Wends were settled
at the mouth of the Dwina, the Letts on
th^ 4^ht bank of the Dwina, bordering
on the Livonians ; on the left bank of
the Dwina were the tribes of the Semgala
and the Zelones ; the Kurland peninsula
was occupied by the Korses or Kurones.
The Smudinians and the Lithuanians dwelt
on the Niemen ; west of these
were settled the eleven Prussian
tribes ; in the south-west the
Yat vings. Since the duty of the
Smudinians and Lithuanians who dwelt
in the centre of the whole system was to
fight for the national freedom, and first
of all to found a larger kingdom, Lithuania,
all these tribes were finally called Lithu-
anians. Here, again, was an instance of
the name of a part being transferred to
the whole.
These tribes, however, formed one nation
only in the ethnographical sense ; in
other respects they lived as separate clans.
As early as the thirteenth century Lithu-
anian leaders, or tribal elders, are men-
tioned ; they exercised authority only over
small districts, and were styled " Rikys "
by the Prussians, and " Kunigas " by the
Lithuanians. It was not until the danger
of foreign subjugation threatened them all
that they united more or less voluntarily
into one state.
The Lithuanians were the last of all
the Europeans to adopt Christianity ;
temporarily converted in 1387, they
relapsed, and were again converted in the
fifteenth century. Owing to this we have
full accounts of their pagan customs.
We find among them three chief dieties,
similar to the Indian Trimurti and the
later Greek Tritheism. The place of Zeus
was taken in their creed by Perkunas
(thunder), represented as a strong man
holding a stone hammer or arrow in his
hand ; Atrimpos, who was conceived in
the shape of a sea-serpent twined into a
circle, corresponded to Poseidon, while
p Poklav, a grey-bearded, pale-
g J.*. . faced old man, with his head
Lith ■ swathed in Imen, was regarded
as the god of the Lower World.
Besides these, the sun, moon, stars,
animals, birds, snakes, and even frogs were
worshipped. The sun-god had various
names, for example, Sotwaros ; the moon
goddess was called Lajama'; the rain-
deity, Letuwanis. The whole realm of
Nature was animated by good and evil
divine beings, on which the hfe of man was
3188
dependent at every turn and step. Among
such we find the deities Lei and Lado, who
were also known to the Slavs; Ragutis,
the deity of joy and marriage ; Letuwa, the
diety of happiness; also Andaj, Diweriks,
Mjedjej, Nadjej, and Telawelda. Besides
the sun, fire was held in great veneration.
The eternal fire of znicz, which was under
the protection of the goddess Praurima,
burnt in the temple of Perkunas in front
of his image. There were sacred lakes
and groves, as among the Greeks and the
Romans.
The affinity of the Lithuanian with the
Slavonic and Germanic religion proves
that these nations formerly lived together.
But when we discover that the Lithu-
anians, like the Teutons, worshipped the
god of thunder, whose sacred tree was
the oak, and whose temples stood in oak
groves, we realise how hard it is to single
out the genuinely Lithuanian element.
The chief shrine of Perkunas was situated
somewhere near Romowo, in Prussia ; but
when Prussia was conquered by the Poles
it was removed into the interior, to the
confluence of the Dubissa and Niemen,
and further east to the Wilija,
r"!!***!* iri the direction of Kernowo,
Priesu '*'" and lastly to Wilna. The
sacerdotal system was highly
developed. The high priest, who had his
seat at the chief sanctuary, was called
Krywe-Krywejto. Subordinate to him
were all the priests, male and female
(Wajdelotes), whose principal occupation
was to offer sacrifices. A higher grade
among them was formed by the Krewy, to
whom were entrusted the superintendence
and care of the temple ; their badge was a
stick of peculiar shape. A life of chastity
was obligatory to them. The power of the
head priest, Krywe-Krywejto extended
over every tribe. High and low bowed
before his sign, which he sent by his
Wajdelotes. One-third part of the booty
taken in war belonged to him.
Ample sacrifices were made to the
Lithuanian gods, mostly animals, occasion-
ally prisoners of war. They were always
burnt-offerings. The old Krywe-Krywejto
himself, like other old men also, is said not
infrequently to have mounted the pyre —
so strong was the prevailing belief in the
purifying power of fire. The priests also,
in default of every sort of political govern-
ment, disseminated public order and
civilisation, the Krywe-Krywejto being as
it were, the head chieftain of all the tribe.
* FINNISH MILK-SELLERS IN A CHARACTERISTIC WINTER SCENE
ill \ ^i'-
f. TYPICAL FINNISH MAIDENS CHILDREN'S FAVOURITE PASTIME
FAMILIAR SCENES AMONG THE FINNISH PEOPLE
3189
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
A proof that the same system obtained
among the Slavs and Teutons is afforded
by the word kunigas (kuning = king),
which among the Slavs denotes both prince
and priest ; knjaz (prince), knez (czechish
= priest), or in Polish ksiadz (priest), and
ksiaze (prince). The priests were in posses-
sion of a method of writing. The chronicler
y, . . of the Teutonic Order, Peter
of VhrNortKern °^ ^^^^"/^ ^^^ ^326), asserts
p . that writmg was unknown
** * to the Lithuanians ; but
this can be true only of the common
people. Traces of a secret writing have been
found. The Runic characters were pro-
bably familiar to all the northern peoples
— Slavs, Teutons, Lithuanians, and Finns.
If Lithuania had not encountered any
obstacles in its expansion, a theocratic
monarchy would probably have been
formed there. External dangers led to
the severance of the spiritual from the
military power, and thus to the develop-
ment of a secular government . The legend
was current among the people that
Widemut — perhaps connected with the
lawgiver Odin, common to all Germanic
tribes — had laid the foundation of a social
and political organisation. Family life
was dependent on the priests, who admin-
istered justice according to ancient custom.
Peter of Dusberg relates that the Lithu-
anians held meetings in sacred places.
They occupied their time in agriculture
and cattle breeding, drank mare's milk,
and were skilled in brewing beer and mead.
Rich men drank from horns, poor men
from wooden cups. Autumn was a season
of mirth in the villages. Guests were
treated with especial attention, hospitably
entertained, and not dismissed until they
were drunk.
The Lithuanians learnt the art of war
by necessity. They fought with bow
and arrow, sword and lance, and also
with battle-axe and sling. The oldest
weapon was an oaken club. The gods
Th A were consulted before every
, * '^ • campaign. Clad in the skins of
of War in u ^ i, mu
... . aurochs and bears, with caps on
their heads, they marched to
battle amid the flare of trumpets, some-
times on foot, sometimes mounted. On
their military standards were depicted
figures of deities, and men with bears'
heads, or two wreaths, blue and yellow ;
the galloping horseman, who first appears
in the coat of arms of Lithuania proper,
was ultimately adopted by the whole race.
3190
They contrived to cross the rivers in boats
made of the hides of aurochs, or by holding
on to the tails of their horses, as we are
told the Hungarians and Tartars did.
The home-coming warriors, if victors, were
received by the women and girls with
dance and song, but were treated with
contempt after a defeat, while fugitives
were punished by death. The Lithu-
anians also believed in a life after death.
They equipped the dead man with all that
he had required on earth — weapons,
ornaments, and clothes, horses, hawks,
slaves, and wives. They were then all
burnt, and their ashes laid in the grave.
A funeral feast was held in commemora-
tion.
The Finns of the Ugrian-Mongol stock
occupied originally the entire north of
modern Russia. Their various tribes were
settled as easterly neighbours of the
Lithuanians between the White Sea, the
Ural, and the Volga. The river Dwina
can be roughly regarded as the boundary
between Lithuanians and Finns, although
some Lithuanians were to be found on the
right bank of the Dwina. On the shores
of the Baltic were settled the
Livonians and the Esthonians,
who still survive in Livonia and
Esthonia. Besides these chief
tribes, Wesses or Besses, Meren, Muro-
mians, Tcheremisses, J amen, Mordwinen,
Tchuden, Permians, and others are men-
tioned in the Russian chronicles ; they
were settled more to the south, and were
called Tchuden by the Slavs. Here once
lay the Finnish kingdom of Biarmia,
probably the modern Perm.
We possess very scanty information,
derived from the Scandinavian Vikings
who made their way there, about this
kingdom so famous in northern legends.
At the time of Alfred the Great, Otter
was the first to come into these regions :
then Wulstan. In the days of St. Olaf
(1026) the Vikings Karli and Torer
Hund followed. They professed to be
merchants, brought furs, and then
apparently withdrew, in order to lull the
suspicions of the inhabitants. In reality,
however, they were preparing for a raid,
which Torer conducted, as an expert in
Finnish magic. Their goal was the tombs
of. the Biarmians and the temple of their
chief god Jumala. Marking their path
by stripping the bark from the trees, they
reached the meadow where the temple
stood, surrounded by a high wooden
Livonians
and
Esthonians
wm <wt iiM im rm iin »v» mi ' mi tin iiii iiii— —
PEASANT CHILDREN
WOMEN OF THE FARMING CLASS
■^1' 'K' ""' '"' ■'■' '^"^
ESTHONIANS: AN ANCIENT PEOPLE OF THE BALTIC SEA COAST
319I
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
paling ; the guardians had gone away. The
Vikings dug up the sepulchral mounds and
found a quantity of gold. There stood in
the temple an image of Jumala, on whose
knees was placed a plate filled with gold ;
this Torer carried off. Karli, however,
struck off the head of the idol, in order to
geize its golden necklace. The guards rushed
«>• D . up at the noise, blew their
Before horns, and the Vikings escaped
tK °&i their pursuers with difficulty.
This is almost the only account
w^ have of Finnish Biarmia. Its history
is then merged in that of Novgorod.
The Finnish tribes could not resist the
advance of- the Slavs. The Esthonians
alone were able to maintain their nation-
ality. Mordvinnic princes are mentioned ,
by the Russian chroniclers even in the
•fourteenth century. The Finns, especially
the Permians, carried on a modest trade ;
they were glad to take sabres from
Mohammedan countries in exchange for
furs. They also engaged in agriculture.
Their religion resembled the Lithuanian.
The Finns also were widely famed as sooth-
Sc^yers and magicians. This ice-bound
country was otherwise little known or ex-
plored. Kaswini, who died in 1283, relates
how the Bulgarians on the Kama and
Volga traded with the Finns in dumb
show. The Bulgarian brought his goods,
pointed to them, and left them on the
ground. He then came back, and found
on the same spot such commodities as
were used in the country. If lie was
satisfied with them he exchanged his goods
for those deposited by the strangers ; if he
was dissatisfied, he took his own wares
away again.
We have almost as little information
about the Bulgarians, that nation of horse-
men on the Volga, and even that only after
the tenth century, when their prjnce
Almys went over to Islam shortly before
921. We are indebted to this circumstance
for the before-mentioned report of Ahmad
ben Fadlan (ibn Fadhlan,
How^They ^^ Foszlan), who entered
With •• Witches" the capital, Bulgar, on May
nth, 922, as the envoy of
the Caliph. The Spanish Abu Hamid, who
visited Great Bulgaria in the twelfth cen-
tury, reports : " Every twenty years the
old women of this country are suspected
of witchcraft, and great excitement pre-
vails among the people. The old women
are then collected, their feet and hands
are bound, and they are thrown into a
3192
great river that flows past. Those who
swim are considered to be witches, and are
burnt ; those who sink are regarded as
innocent, and are rescued." Human
sacrifices were not infrequent in those
days. We come upon instances among
the Herulians (Procopius and Ennodius)
and the Ros (ibn Rusta), among the Wends
or Sorbs (Bonifatius) and the pagan Poles
(Thietmar), the Radimici, Wjatici, and
Sewerane (Nestor), and even among the
eastern Slavs. Most of the instances de-
scribed were cases of the burning of widows.
Some Slavonic tribes paid the Bulgarians
a tribute in horses, furs, and other articles,
such as an ox-hide, from every house.
At this same era the West Turkish
nation of the Khazars, of whom we have
evidence after the second century a.d.,
was settled in the south of Russia between
the Caspian and Black Seas. The most
flourishing period of the Khazar Empire
seems to have been in the seventh century,
after the fall of the Hun Empire. Their
most important towns were : Saryg-sar, on
the west bank of the Volga (yellow town ;
later Itil, now Astrachan), and
en e Khamlikh, or Khazaran, which
„, ... lay opposite ; also Samandar,
Flourished -^ o j / n- t, I
or Smendr (now larchu, east
of Temirchan-Schura, on the west shore
of the Caspian Sea), and the fortress of
Sarkel at the mouth of the Danube, built
under the Emperor Theophilus in 833-835
by the Greek Petronas (in Nestor : Bela-
weza ; destroyed by Sviatoslav) ; a second
Khazar fortress of some temporary im-
portance was Balangar, in the Caucasus.
The Khazars carried on an extensive
trade with Bulgaria, Russia, Persia, and
Byzantium. T|ie half-nomadic popula-
tion still lived partly in those Wojlok-
Jurtes which we find at the present
day among the Kirghiz. Only the richer
men built themselves mud huts, and the
Khagan alone had high tiled houses. The
Khagan was the supreme head in religion,
while a Veg stood at the head of military
affairs. Under the Khagan Bulan — tra-
ditionally about 740; more correctly
shortly after 860 — the Khazars, after a
temporary conversion to Christianity,
partly adopted the Jewish faith. They
were completely subjugated by Russia
about 969. Remnants of the Khazars
long remained in the Crimea and the
Caucasus ; some memories of them still
survive in the names of a few towns.
Vladimir Milkowicz
POLAND
BEFORE THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE AND THE
MEN WHO SHAPED ITS DESTINIES
HTHE waves of Slavonic migration, which
■'■ surged to and fro in the Far East of
Europe, had from an early date come into
contact with the peoples of Western
Europe ; but there were as yet only tribes
and no large empire. The tidings first
came to Constantinople in the ninth
century that a large Russian Empire existed
.in the north. A hundred years later a
powerful Polish Empire was discovered in
the north-west. The credit of this dis-
covery belongs to Germany. War had been
raging between the two races since the
middle of the eighth century, on the Une of
the Elbe, at the point where the Slavonic
and German tribes came into contact with
each other. But while the Germans won
political unity through Charles the Great,
assimilated Roman culture and adopted
Christianity, the Slavs were still disunited,
and were inimical to Western views on
politics, religion, and culture. A bitter
contest was waged for these principles,
and finally for freedom. In the course
of a hundred years the Slavs between the
Elbe and the Oder were subjugated ; the
Slavs on the Oder also were now engaged
_ , , . in a desperate struggle, more
Poland in • 11 ^.u 4.
- . . especially since they were torn
. "w ^y internal feuds. It then
happened that the Wend§
chose the Saxon Count Wichmann, who
died in 967, and who had quarrelled with
the German Empire, as their leader against
the neighbouring Lisikaviki. Wichmann
inflicted, in 962, two defeats on Misako —
Miseko, or Mesko, a diminutive of Mstislav
— and killed his brother ; Mesko, in con-
sequence, submitted to the Margrave Gero,
who was then stationed with an army on
the Polish frontier, and agreed to pay a
tribute for the country between the Oder
and the Warthe. That was the first
contact of Poland with the West.
In 965 the Spanish Jew Ibrahim ibn-
Jacob travelled through Germany for
trading purposes and made his way to
. _ Merseburg and Prague,
T A '^^'^ where he became acqainted
» nt\n V A with the Slavs. " There are
1,000 Years Ago ,, , . ,, .
now, he wrote, four
princes among them," of whom he names
" Mshka," i.e., Mesko, as " Prince of the
North." " As regards the country of Mshka,
it is the largest of the Slavonic countries.
It is rich in corn, flesh, honey, and
pasturage. The taxes, which he levies, are
paid in Byzantine Mitkal ; they serve to
maintain his people. . . . He has 3,000
Dsra (Duzina, or bodyguard suite) . . . ;
he gives them armour and horses, arms,
and whatever they need. The Russians
hve to the East of Mshka and the Prus-
sians in the north."
The above-named Misako, or Mesko, is.
therefore, the first Polish prince who is
authenticated by history. The later tra-
dition relates that he was descended from
the family of the Piast of Krushwitz ; it
speaks of a dynasty of the Piasts, and
can give some account of his ancestors.
Piast in Pohsh means much the same
as tutor or guardian. In connection with
the legendary narrative it is conjectured
that a court official of the royal family,
who filled the post of teacher to the
children, resembling, therefore, a Prankish
majordomo, overthrew the old dynasty
3193
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
and obtained the throne. The Piast
family ruled in Poland until 1370.
Poland comes into history at the time
whdn Germany revived the claim of the
Roman Empire to rule over all lands and
peoples, and showed the strength necessary
to enforce the claim. The Slavonic tribes,
which adjoined on the east, although
they obstinately defended
The Holy ^j^^j^. jj^grty, must have heard
Roman ^^ ^j^^^^ alleged claims of
"*'*"'* sovereignty, since they soon
reconciled themselves to the position of
vassals of the Holy Roman Empire. This
empire, hke the whole West, was
dominated then by the Christian idea. To
disseminate it was the noblest task, and
the Church, which put forward legal
claims, supplied the power and authority
for it. The heathen Slavs in the East
thus offered a wide field to German
missionary enterprise ; and with this
purpose an archbishopric was founded in
Magdeburg. The conversion of Poland to
Christianity was, under these conditions,
only a question of time.
Some years after the first contact with
Germany Mesko married the daughter
of the Bohemian prince Boleslav I.,
by name Dubrava. At her persuasion
he and all his nobles are said to have ac-
cepted Christianity in 966. The political
consideration that this was the only way
to assert, even partially, his independence,
must have turned the scale. He must
have seen that Rome was the powerful head
of the Christian world, and that upon Rome
even Germany was, in a sense, dependent.
In 968 a bishopric for the Polish territory
was founded in Posen, under the juris-
diction of the archbishopric of Magdeburg.
Jordan was the first Bishop of Posen.
This was the turning-point in the history
of the Polish tribes ; they began a new
chapter of life with their connection with
the West. Poland first grew into a power-
ful empire under the guidance of the
—^ _ Christian Church. For this rea-
F * d** f ^°^ Mesko must be regarded as
p J - the real founder of Poland.
He cemented more closely his
amicable relations with the German Em-
pire by wedding Oda, the daughter of the
Margrave Thiedrich, after the death of his
Bohemian consort in 977. He took part,
however, in the conspiracy of Henry of
Bavaria against the Emperor Otto H., in
the year 976, and had to be reminded of
his duties as a vassal in 979 ; nevertheless,
3194
on the death of Otto II., in 983, the Poles
once more sided with the rebellious Henry.
It was only in 985 that Mesko loyally
shared the campaigns of Germany against
the Wends, and actually fought, in 990,
against Boleslav of Bohemia, the brother
of his deceased wife.
Mesko died in 992, and left several
children by both wives, who, according
to Slavonic law, were all entitled to inherit.
Possibly he had contemplated some
division of his inheritance. But the
sovereignty over the whole empire
was seized by Boleslav I., the son of the
Bohemian mother ; later called " Chabri "
the Valiant. A man of unusual ability,
he anticipated in some degree the results
that coming centuries were destined to
effect, and to some extent himself
attained the objects for which the nation
subsequently struggled. Cunning and
brave, an admirable politician and
administrator, possessed of indefatigable
energy, he was superior to all who had
dealings with him. A true appreciation
of existing needs and the forces actually
available prevented him from ever at-
j^ . tempting the impossible. The
f^B'^K °°' ^^t^o" ^^ '^o^ prosper when it
Ad lb T w^n^^ outside the circle which
he drew round it. At the very
beginning of his reign he marched north-
wards and conquered Pomerania and the
Prussian territory, and in the south
Chrobatia with Cracow, and Moravia
with Slovakia, as far as the Danube.
Just at this time Bishop Adalbert, who
had been banished from Prague, went
northwards to preach the Gospel to the
pagan Prussians, and died a martyr's
death there in 997. Boleslav ransomed
his bones from the pagans and buried them
in Gnesen. He knew that the bones of a
saint were necessary for the founding of
churches, and that high respect was then
paid to relics. Adalbert thus became the
patron of the Polish realm. Churches were
built in his honour. The standard of the
corps which the prince himself com-
manded bore as a badge the figure of
Adalbert, and the military standard of
the whole Polish army displayed his
portrait. Boleslav must have already been
negotiating with the emperor and the Pope
on the subject of new bishoprics, for we
find by the year 999 an organised body
of clergy in Poland. Gaudentius, brother
of Adalbert, was nominated to be
Archbishop of Gnesen, distinct from
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE
Madgeburg ; he was given as suffragans
the Bishop of Cracow for Chrobatia, the
Bishop of Breslau for Silesia, and the
Bishop of Kolberg for Pomerania. Posen
still remained under Mainz.
Thus an independent church of Poland
was established as a foundation for the
later political independence. In the
year looo, when, according to the
teaching of the Chiliasts the end of the
world ought to have come, the fanatical
Emperor Otto III. went to Gnesen,
in order to pray at the tomb of the
saint, to whom he was also« related.
He had a brilliant reception ; but the
political advantages which the Pole
was able to obtain were not small. Otto
approved of the ecclesiastical system of
Poland, and promoted the prince, whom
hitherto he had reckoned as the vassal of
the German Empire, to be brother, friend,
and ally under the title of Patricius. In
his pursuit of the dream of a world-
empire. Otto III. had lost his footing on
the soil of fact. " May Heaven forgive the
emperor," exclaimed Bishop Thietmar of
Merseburg about 1018 discontentedly, " for
_^ ^ ,, ., having made a sovereign out
StrT^h^ns Ihe °^ the Duke of Poland, who
n 1**5 r.*°* * hitherto was a tributary, and
Polish Empire r v. • li. j i.-
for havmg exalted him so
high that he soon sought to bring beneath
his rule and degrade to servitude those who
were once his superiors." It was shown
afterwards that, in the days of the civil
wars and disintegration, the solidarity of
the Polish Empire was safeguarded and
strengthened only by the unity of the
Church.
The growth of the power of Poland
caused alarm in Germany. Matters culmi-
nated in a war under Otto's successor, the
Emperor Henry II., since Boleslav at the
beginning of 1003 had annexed Bohemia
also. Henry II. for many years waged
war with great energy against the Duke of
Poland, supported by Bohemia, which had
been evacuated by Boleslav in 1004, and
by the heathen Liutizes — an alliance which
horrified the pious German clergy — but
could effect nothing. Boleslav had his
supporters everywhere, and roused up
enemies on all sides for the emperor, even
in Germany. The political and military
superiority of Boleslav now showed itself
in the clearest colours.
In the year 1005, Henry was forced
to conclude a disadvantageous peace at
Bautzen, while the treaty of Madgeburg,
in 1013, ratified the Pole's claim to all
the conquests made in the East at the
cost of Germany. Boleslav, indeed,
in return did homage to the emperor at
Merseburg, because he wished at the same
time to turn against Russia. Being now
recognised as an ally, he was accompanied
on his Russian campaign by 300 German
_,. _ warriors, but obtained little
The B&aner y , , .,,
^t x> 1- k success. In 1015 the war with
of fOllSh ^ , r 1 •.
Patriotism Germany began afresh ; it was
not until 10 18 that a second
peace was concluded at Bautzen. The Elbe
once more was the western frontier of
Poland. Boleslav took Kiev on August
14th, ioi8, and reinstated his exiled son-
in-law Svia-topolk.
Although the union of Bohemia and
Poland had not been successfully carried
out, Boleslav had united most of the west
Slavs, who were still independent of
Germany, under his own sceptre, and had
founded an empire which stretched from
the Elster and the Elbe to the Dniester.
He also emphasised the Slavonic as
opposed to the Germanic features of
national life. His name has thus become
the banner of Polish patriotism. After so
many successes the Polish duke solicited
the title of king, and with this object sent
an embassy to Rome. This was inter-
cepted by the emperor, but after the death
of Henry, in 1024, Boleslav placed the
crown on his own head. He died in the
year 1025 at the age of fifty-eight.
Under the first successors of the greatest
Polish king the situation was at once
changed ; not one of the conquests of
Boleslav could be retained. In the first
place, the empire, according to custom,
had to be divided between the heirs ; but
Boleslav I. had already decided that one of
his sons should rule over the whole realm,
and the other petty princes should be
subordinate to him. Mesko II. did, in
fact, assume the government with the
crown, while we find his brothers and
_ , ^. ^ kinsmen as petty princes.
Quarrels that Quarrels naturally broke out,
p t* h P* which weakened the power of
01s ower p^j^j^ud. The Bohemian prince
Bretislav conquered Moravia in 1029 ;
Stefan of Hungary, Slovakia ; Canute the
Dane, Pomerania ; and Jaroslav of Russia,
the eastern half of GaUcia. It was a
more momentous matter that relations
with Germany grew worse. Emperor
Conrad II., who had been closely bound
by ties of friendship with the Danish king
3195
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
since 1025, adopted Besprim, the exiled
elder brother of Mesko. He must also
have considered the coronation of Mesko
an insult. Mesko, indeed, valiantly held
his ground and ravaged Saxony and other
districts with the utmost ferocity in 1028
and 1030. Finally he was forced to suc-
cumb, to resign Lusatia once more, and
The Splendour ^" the Merseburg treaty of
-„ , , 1033 to recognise m ex-
of Boleslav ,• ., . ^u /-
^ ^ ^ 1 f> plicit terms the German
Completely Gone ^ . . 1 1.1 1
suzeramty ; probably also
to pay tribute. The splendour which Poland
had reached under Boleslav I. was com-
pletely gone. The conditions of a vassal
state existed for centuries, and were more
or less burdensome. We are nowhere dis-
tinctly told what constituted the duties of
vassals ; we may, however, consider it as
certain that the Polish princes were bound
to attend certain court ceremonies, to
provide tribute or presents, and on the
occasion of coronation journeys to Rome
to supply an escort of 500, or, later, 300
soldiers. So long as ambitious ideas of
empire dominated the German kings, they
actually claimed the feudal rights of
suzerains over Poland. It was only about
the end of the thirteenth century that
Poland was once for all recognised and
treated as an independent state.
The political efforts of the Polish princes
were naturally directed to shake off that
yoke. When a favourable opportunity
offered, they revolted, refused military
services and tribute, seldom appeared at
the court ceremonials, and here and there
assumed the royal title, although in the
German Empire they were styled merely
" duces," or dukes. The country reached
the zenith of independence under Bole-
slav II. at the time of Henry IV., while it
sank to the lowest depth during the
rule of Frederic Barbarossa and Rudolf
of Hapsburg.
When Mesko II. died, in 1034, complete
confusion ensued. Slaves rose against free-
p . men, the semi-serfs against the
aganism ^obles; churches and mon-
Revives With , . 1 j j j
Q- 'lyf asteries were plundered, and
the bishops killed or banished.
Richenza, Mesko's widow, a daughter of
Hermann II. of Suabia and sister of
the Empress Gisela, was forced to leave
Poland with her little son Casimir, and
went to her home to implore help from
her brother-in-law, the Emperor Conrad.
The old pagan faith seems then to have
once more proudly raised its head. To
3196
fill up the cup of misery, the surrounding
nations attacked and pillaged the country.
Besides this Bretislav Achilles of Bohemia
in 1039 carried off from Gnesen to Prague
the bones of St. Adalbert, doubtless next
to the booty the main object of his cam-
paign. Boleslav I. had built up the Polish
Church over the tomb of the Bohemian
martyr and had deprived Bohemia of the
glory of the martyrdom. How important
the event was for both sides is proved by
the lamentations of the Polish chroniclers,
the joy with which the relics of the national
saint were received at Prague, and the long
trial which was held about them at Rome.
Cosmas of Prague cannot find language
enough to praise the prince. The holy
Adalbert now became, equally with the
holy Wenzel, the patron saint of Bohemia ;
the chief military standard of the country
bore his image. Now that he possessed
these relics, the Bohemian duke contem-
plated founding an archbishopric in
Prague. It was only in the thirteenth
century that Poland was able to acquire a
new national saint — Stanislav.
Casimir, meanwhile, remained in Ger-
many. In the reign of the
J *^" Emperor Henry III., who
° . . gladly seized the opportunity
of once again asserting imperial
claims upon the East, he marched, in
1040, with 500 men to Poland in order to
win back his inheritance. He found the
country ruined. Wild animals had their
lairs where once the cathedral of Gnesen
stood. The nobles had established in-
dependent lordships in the provinces.
Casimir, in order to be able to carry
on war successfully, married a Russian
wife and made an alUance with Hungary.
The war against Bohemia was conducted
with unusual energy on account of
Moravia and Silesia, as well as of the
plundering of the church of Gnesen.
When, by the help of Russia Casimir had
won back Masovia and also Silesia, he pro-
ceeded to re-establish the decayed Pohsh
Church. He renewed the bishoprics, and
conferred the archbishopric upon his
kinsman Aaron, who resided at Cracow
so long as the road to Gnesen was blocked.
Casimir successfully accomplished his plans
by the help of Germany, whose suzerainty
he acknowledged. He died in 1058. The
distress and misery which Poland suffered
in the first years after Mesko's death
never occurred again down to the time
of its overthrow. Casimir, therefore, for
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE
his services in the restoration of the
empire has been given the honourable
title of " Restaurator."
The empire owes to him also a second
change. Hitherto, the Polish duke had
no permanent abode ; he journeyed from
country to country, in order to administer
justice personally in every place. The
duke had his throne in the town where
he preferred to live.
When Casimir came to
Poland he took up his
quarters in Cracow, since
other provinces were still
to be conquered. From
that timeCracow remained
the residence of the duke
and was, down to the
sixteenth century, the
poUtical centre. This was
not any advantage for
the development of the
empire. Posen orGnesen
would indisputably have
better answered the pur-
pose, since both lay nearer
to Pomerania and the sea.
In conformity with the order of succes-
sion, introduced probably by Boleslav as
king, the eldest of four sons, Boleslav II.,
subsequently called by the Chroniclers
" the Bold," assumed the reins of govern-
ment on the death of Casimir. His
courage and ambitious plans recalled the
memory of Boleslav I. The poUtical
situation on his accession was peculiarly
f. mmtHi ^»a»
AT THE PRESENT DAY
favourable ; the dispute
about the right of investi-
ture between Henry IV.
and the Pope left a free
hand to the Polish duke.
Boleslav actually took the
side of Henry's enemies,
and had himself crowned
at Christmas, 1076. But
the scene of the struggle
of the Salian with the
rival kingdom was mostly
the valley of the Main.
Fraught with greater
consequences was Bole-
slav's attitude towards
CRACOW CASTLE IN MEDiiEVAL TIMES Stanislav, Bishop of Cra-
From the time of Casimir, who restored the Polish power in the middle of the COW, whom the king, for
eleventh century, until the sixteenth century, Cracow was the political centre. r-poconS UnkuOWn to US
3a:^s:^^c
to which, indeed, the future of Poland-
pointed. With Cracow as capital, Poland
came into the disturbing vicinity of Bo-
hemia and Hungary, and was distracted
from her true aims. Apart from this dis-
advantage, the West Slavs were in this
way more easily Germanised. The remote-
ness from the sea was partially remedied
by the removal of the court to W^arsa,w,
murdered with his own hands before the
altar. This tragedy was the theme of
many writers. It is also said to have been
the cause of Boleslav being forced to go
into exile ; but the story is improbable.
He died in 1081, but the place of his death
is unknown. Many churches were built
in honour of the murdered bishop, who
was promoted in the thirteenth century
3197
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
to be the first patron saint of Poland.
Boleslav's successor, until 1103, at first
only in Posen, while Cracow belonged to
Bohemia, was his brother Vladislav
Hermann, a weakUng in brain and body.
He was unable to take up any firm attitude
either towards the nobles or his own
sons, or even the Church, to which he is
said to have granted certain
_ *" privileges. He divided the
T B th empire during his lifetime ;
while he himself retained the
supreme authority, Boleslav received Mas-
ovia, Gnesen, and Posen, and his illegiti-
mate son Sbignev Cracow and Silesia.
The smouldering feud between the two
brothers burnt the more fiercely after
Hermann's death, until Boleslav HI.
Krzyvousty (Crooked Mouth) had con-
quered his brother's share. In spite of
numerous frontier wars — for example, in
1 1 09 the defence of Glogau against the
Emperor Henry V. and Svatopluk of
Olmiitz — Boleslav did not secure any
lasting advantage. Nor does his im-
portant place in the history of Poland
depend upon the fact that he re-
subjugated Pomerania and won it for
Christianity by his missionaries, espe-
cially Bishop Otto of Bamberg, formerly
chaplain of Vladislav Hermann ; for by
his very choice of a German bishop to
evangelise Pomerania the Germanisation
and hence the loss of Pomerania were
hastened. But the Church paid him an
appropriate tribute of thanks for what
he had done. A priest, probably a
Venetian, erroneously known by the
name of Martinus Gallus, wrote in glorifi-
cation of Boleslav III. the " Chronicae
Polonorum," reaching down to 11 13 — the
oldest chronicle of Poland, and the
earliest literary monument belonging to
the country. The campaigns in Pome-
rania and the conversion of the land had
the same value for Poland as the Crusades
for the West. Bohemia and Poland in
-> return for their often rather
Cracow x li • • 1 •
„ ^. forcible missionary work in
Becomes the r, • j
rut- • t e> * pagan Pomerania and
Official Centre V» ° . , , j-
Prussia were released from
the obligation of sharing in the expeditions
to Palestine. The importance of Boleslav
III. for Poland consists chiefly in his settle-
ment of the order of succession to the throne.
He divided his empire before his death in
the following way : Vladislav, the el(Jest
son, inherited Silesia with Glatz ; Boleslav,
Masovia and Kujavja with Dobrzyn ;
3198
Mesko, Gnesen and Posen with Pomerania ;
Henry, Sandomir ; Casimir, a posthu-
mous son, came off empty-handed. The
eldest of the family was always to be
Grand Duke, and reside in Cracow ; to him
were assigned the district of Cracow with
Lengzyca and Sieradz, besides the tribute
from Pomerania and the region beyond
the Oder, so that he might be superior in
possessions to all other petty princes.
Cracow thus became an official centre.
It is persistently asserted that Boleslav
introduced with this measure the custom
of seniority, according to which the
eldest Piast for the time being should be
the supreme head of the whole kingdom.
But that is hardly correct. In the old
days there was no distinction between
public and private law. His scheme for
the succession was not, therefore, new.
Further, when, in 1054. the Bohemian
duke Bretislav Achilles and Jaroslav of
Kiev introduced the seniority, they only
applied to the royal power the old Slavonic
custom of family inheritance. The Polish
duke, therefore, made use of the experience
which had been gained in Bohemia and
_^ _^ Russia. The conference of
. _ J J , Russian princes at Lubetch. in
jj . 1097, had already declared that
the petty principalities were
hereditary. Boleslav now adopted this
principle for his realm. The only new
feature in Boleslav's scheme for the
succession was that the district of Cracow
remained as an appanage of the Grand
Duke without any hereditary rights.
The consequences of Boleslav's settle-
ment of the succession were the same in
Poland as in Bohemia and Russia. The
office of Grand Duke became, it is true,
the badge and guarantee of national unity.
But it also became an apple of discord
among the Piasts. The sanguinary wars,
which lasted among the descendants of
Boleslav almost unceasingly down to the
year 1333, are full of petty incidents
which possess no significance in universal
history ; but nevertheless, like the similar
wars in the families of the Premyslids,
Rurikovitches, and Arpades, they supply
a fresh proof that the rule of seniority
was destructive to the state. When men
notice that a law produces in different
places the same disastrous effects, they
must arrive at the consciousness that it
is bad ; but they have simultaneously
taken a step forward. But from the cir-
cumstance that Boheniia was able to
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE
abolish the rule of seniority in 1216, and
Poland and Russia only in the fourteenth
century, it may be gathered how tena-
ciously mankind clings to one idea, and
how hard it is to strike out a new path.
We also learn from it that Bohemia was
more than a hundred years ahead of the
above-named states in political develop-
ment.
The oldest period of Polish history,
when the young realm, guided mostly by
strong hands and sound at the core,
turned its strength toward the outside
world, ends with Boleslav III., who had
done homage again in ii35to the Emperor
Lothar, and died in 1138. The course of
events after 1138 was exactly opposite.
While the Piasts disputed among them-
selves for the seniority, they regarded only
themselves, and
lost sight of the
common Polish in-
terests in the
outside world. The
dispute among the
sons broke out soon
after the death of
the father. The
Grand Duke Vlad-
islav II., of Cracow,
wished once more
to restore unity at
the expense of his
brothers.
But the threat-
ened princes com-
bined and asserted
their claims ; the
law, indeed, spoke
A POLISH ROYAL TOMB IN PLOCK CATHEDRAL
for them. Boleslav
IV. (Curly-head), the eldest but one of
the brothers, ascended the grand-ducal
throne in the place of Vladislav, who
was deprived of his share in the in-
heritance in 1 146; and maintained his
position until his death in 1173, notwith-
standing that the exiled monarch sought
to recover his sovereignty by the aid of
Germany. After him, the third brother,
Mesko III. (the Elder), became Grand
_ . . Duke ; and finally, after his
, " "^ banishment by the nobles the
Just Comes ,, i j j /- • •
« »i. Tk ongmally excluded Casimir
to the Throne ,, »., t ^ / x \
II. the Just (1179 to 1194),
came to the throne, since Henry of San-
domir had already fallen. The Pope and
the emperor had approved of this choice.
Matters so far had gone smoothly with
the succession to the throne. But the fruit
of the new order of things had already been
tasted ; thus Leszko I., the White, a son
of Casimir, disputed the grand-ducal
throne with his uncle Mesko III. Vlad-
islav III., Longshanks, a son of Mesko
The E • ^^^■' ^^° resided at Cracow,
Loses"* "^ 1202-1206, must have equally
Prestige recognised the evil latent in
that law. Even the sons of
the deposed Vladislav II — Boleslav I. the
Tall of Breslau, Mesko of Ratibor, and
Conrad of Glogau — came forward with
their claims, and not without success,
after they had previously, with the help
of Germany, taken possession of their
inheritance.
The empire, owing to this, could not
but lose all prestige with the outside
world. The banished or defrauded Piasts
sought help on
every side, espe-
cially in Germany;
each promised and
performed all that
was required of
him in return. The
dukes Vladislav II.,
Boleslav IV., and
Mesko III., ap-
peared in deepest
submission before
the German em-
peror ; they paid
tribute and fines,
and furnished
hostages. The Bo-
hemian duke was,
as it were, their
mediator with the
emperor, who
usually received him with great respect.
The conquests in the north also were
lost. The German princes Albert the
Bear and Henry the Lion of Saxony
had, in alliance with the Danish king
Waldemar I., finally subjugated the north
and west Slavs between the Elbe and the
Oder, and had secured their territory,
after 1150, by the new margraviate of
Brandenburg. Not far from the place
where the Slavonic Brennaburg stood,
Berlin arose at the beginning o.f the thir-
teenth century.
The Pomeranian princes, who were once
tributaries of Poland, were now forced
to acknowledge the German sovereignty.
Bogislav II. of Stettin was raised by
Frederic Barbarossa, in the summer of
1 18 1, to the dignity of a prince of the
3199
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The Great
Power of
empire. Only a part of Pomerania was
still left for a time to Poland. For
that reason also the empire would have
required a free hand in order to be able
to defend its interests against Russia,
which was at a low ebb owing to civil
wars. But thus it lost not merely the
East Galician towns which Boleslav I,
and Boleslav II. had once con-
quered, but allowed a strong
th N b'l't ^^ss^^" principality to be
° * ' ^ formed on the Dniester. The
events of domestic history were far
more momentous. First and foremost the
power of the nobility, which composed
the fighting strength, rose to an unfore-
seen height. The Slachta — the noblesse —
forced even the vigorous Boleslav II. to
leave the country, as his father Casimir had
been obliged to do. Under Boleslav III.,
who was an able soldier, his Palatine
Skarbimir rebelled, and was blinded as a
punishment in 1117. In 1171 the nobihty,
under the leadership of Jakva of Miechow,
rose against Boleslav IV. in order to put
his brother Casimir in his place ; this was
the first great rebellion of the Slachta.
Mesko the Elder fought for the princely
rights in Poland, just as the son and
grandson of Vladimir Monomach did in
Susdal ; though repeatedly driven from
the throne, he mounted it again.
Besides the nobility, a second power
arose in the empire — the Church. The
storm of the Investitures Controversy had
passed over Poland in the eleventh cen-
tury almost without leaving a trace, so
little power had the hierarchy in those
parts ; Boleslav had entered the lists
against Henry IV. merely on political
grounds. If we assume, with the clerical
chroniclers, that Boleslav was forced to
go into exile for the murder of Bishop
Stanislav, we are regarding that event
from the standpoint of the thirteenth
century — in the eleventh century the
Polish Church was still too young to be
CK ' f 't ^^P^^^^ of s^ch ^ vengeance.
St ^k' "r' ^t ^^^ pious historian of the
in P I d thirteenth century pictured to
himself that the wanton crime
must have been expiated in some way or
other. The Christian religion only slowly
struck root in Poland. The first prince
who was obedient to the Church was
Boleslav III. ; he took interest in the
missions, and himself made pilgrimages
to France to the tomb of St. iEgidius.
During his reign the first papal legate came
3200
to Poland in 1123-1125 — from which
period dates the oldest Polish document —
in order to settle the boundaries of the
dioceses there, establish the cathedral
chapters in the sees, etc. The Polish
clergy still recognised no rule of celibacy,
and the prince alone nominated the bishops
and removed them at his own discretion ;
and this state of things continued for a
long time. No bishop would then have
been able to oppose the prince. It was
only at the period of the civil wars that
the Church acquired an increasing reputa-
tion. Vladislav III. Longshanks, son
of Mesko the Elder, suspecting the latent
danger, obstinately resisted the claims of
the clergy.
The conviction was at last brought home
to the Poles, as it had been to the Bo-
hemians and the Russians, that the only
salvation for the empire lay in a hereditary
monarchy. Since each of the petty princes
wished to become hereditary ruler, and
no one of them would give way, for a
time the evil grew only worse. The
ablest statesman among the Piasts of
the time was undoubtedly Casimir II,
. . , Brought up in the German
Ah'rt"*^ * school, he grasped the true
St V ^ " state of affairs, and therefore
allied himself with the newly
arisen forces, the nobility and the clergy,
in order to reach his goal. Immediately
after his elevation to the Grand Dukedom,
probably in 1179, ^^ convened an imperial
assembly at Lenczyca, at which the clergy
appeared as well as the nobles.
This was the first imperial assembly of
Poland, and at the same time its first
synod. Here the Church obtained the
important privilege of exemption from
payment of imposts and taxes to the
princes. The power of the princes was
checked. By this policy Casimir placed
himself in opposition to the conservative
line of Great Poland, which would not
hear of any concessions to the Church.
Casimir acted here in the same way as the
Ottos when they provided a counterpoise
to the dukes by the creation of the im-
perial ecclesiastical offices ; he must
have fully understood that he was de-
pendent on the nobility. But the result
was that he was supported in his efforts
by the grateful Church.
Casimir also took the precaution of
having his title confirmed by the Pope and
the emperor ; in this policy he seems to have
been the model for the Bohemian dukes.
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE
He was now able to think how to make
the grand-ducal power hereditary in his
family, an arrangement which was also
the ambition of the Premyslids. Thus
he and Mesko III. represented two
opposite political schools, and friction
was inevitable. But when Casimir died
in 1 1 94, it was seen that matters were in
a favourable position for his children.
Vincentius, Bishop of Cracow — later
sumamed Kadlubek — who voluntarily
became a monk at Jedrzejow in 1218, and
died in 1223, records that the clergy and
nobility met in 1195 at Cracow in order
to settle the question of the throne.
Who had summoned them ? 'The Chronicle
does not tell us. We learn
only that the Church sided
there with the house of
Casimir. At the instance
of Bishop Fulko of Cracow,
who adroitly adduced as
an argument the preference
given by Pope and em-
peror to Casimir over
Mesko, Casimir's elder son,
Leszko I. (the White) was
summoned to Cracow.
It was the first election
of a prince in Poland ;
though only, as in Bo-
hemia, from among the
members of the already
ruling family, the Piasts,
Henceforward, with little
interruption, Cracow re-
mained until 1370 — when
the family died out — in
the hands of the descen-
dants of Casimir, although
the hereditary monarchy
■had not yet been formally
legalised, and contests for
the throne were frequent,
the will of the Church and of the nobility
of Cracow. This struggle for a satisfac-
tory constitution progressed slowly;
Russia and Bohemia had not escaped
it. It is an important feature in the
present case that it was the Church
_ p which solved the problem ; it
must have been already very
. ^. . powerful in Poland in the first
half of the thirteenth century.
Leszko, it is true, had not been able to
gain any success against Mesko. But
after the latter's death, in 1202, Leszko was
summoned by the nobles of Cracow, and
the only condition imposed upon him was
POLISH WARRIOR OF THE
THIRTEENTH CENTURY
But it was
that he should remove the Palatine
Govorko of Sandomir. That, instead of
doing so, he preferred to abdicate the
throne in favour of the son of Mesko,
Vladislav Longshanks, proves how well
Conflict of designed was the policy of
Temporal and the royal house. Vladislav,
Spiritual Power !\°^^r'' ^^'"^ tV ^nemy of
the Church, could not hold
his own. Just at this time Henry KietUcz,
a Silesian by birth, was elected Arch-
bishop of Poland. He had formerly
studied theology at the Sorbonne in Paris
with Count Lothar Conti, who mounted
the papal throne on January 8th, 1198,
as Innocent III. ; and he had been
steeped in the plans of this
mighty Pope. When placed
on the archbishop's throne
at Gnesen, he did not de-
mand privileges but rights
for the Polish Church.
Then, for the first time
there, a conflict between
the temporal and spiritual
powers broke out. Kietlicz
was obdurate, and for the
first time in Poland, apart
from the dubious case of
Boleslav II., launched the
ban at the Grand Duke. He
was forced, indeed, to flee
the country, but the duke
also had to leave Cracow,
since the nobles of Cracow,
incited by Bishop Fulko,
left him in the lurch.
Leszko was then — in
1206 — recalled. And he
now took decisive measures
for the succession. Since
he first, following the
example of many princes
of the time — for example, Premsyl
Ottokar I. of Bohemia, 1204 — declared
his country to be a papal fief, and then
gave his brother, Conrad, Masovia and
Kujavia, he contrived, with the assent
of the clergy and the nobihty, that
Cracow and Sandomir should remain an
inheritance of his family. This arrange-
ment was confirmed by the Pope. And
by it the law of seniority of Boleslav III.
was formally repealed. But since this
was not done with the approval of all the
Piasts, the civil wars still continued. The
result of the enactment, on the contrary,
was that the provinces felt themselves
independent of Cracow, and the unity of
3201
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the empire seemed imperilled ; but this
danger was averted by the Church. Arch-
bishop Kietlicz soon came back from
Rome, and summoned a synod at Gnesen.
The rule of celibacy was here introduced ;
and a special jurisdiction and other rights
were conferred on the Church. Vladislav
was therefore forced to give way. The
remaining petty princes fol-
Banner o*f the ^°^^^ ^^ example. But in all
anner o e ^j^ggg events the Archbishop
Christian Faith ^ ^ , , ■ r -
of Gnesen played an mterior
part to the Bishop of Cracow, for Gnesen
was in another country. The wish, how-
ever, of the bishops of Cracow that the
archbishopric should be removed from
Gnesen to their court was not gratified.
Poland in the thirteenth century stood
already definitely under the banner of the
Christian faith, and the princes acknow-
ledged the power of the Church. Casimir
had made an alhance with it in 1180, and
solicited Pope Alexander III. to confirm
him in his title. Now, also, the canonisa-
tion of Stanislaus, Bishop of Cracow, was
completed, in order that the country
might have its own patron saint ; with
this object the old Chronicles had to be
purposely falsified. Churches and monas-
teries sprang up everywhere. The in-
fluence of the Church was felt in every
domain of public life. Boleslav, Leszko's
son, practised deeds of piety and acts of
penance. The princesses took the veil
and won for themselves the saintly nimbus.
It was Leszko's brother Conrad who fought
against the pagan Prussians and sum-
moned the order of Teutonic knights, and
by so doing later brought great danger
upon Poland.
When Leszko died, in 1227, and Conrad
of Masovia assumed the government in
the name of his infant son Boleslav the
Shamefaced, or Modest, the nobles con-
spired against him. They made use of
the Silesian Piasts, whose head at that
time was Henry I. the Bearded, grandson of
A rki. ♦• ^^^^ Vladislav who had been
St^ru le expelled in 1 146 from Cracow.
rugg e jj^^ nobihty of Cracow sup-
for Cracow _x j tt i, • i
ported Henry, who, m spite
of his piety, was at variance with the
clergy. The princes of Silesia, as well as
of Great Poland, seem to have agreed
together about him. Vladislav, in opposi-
tion to whom his own son Vladislav
Odonicz came forward as a champion of
the Church, actually designated the
Silesian Henry as heir to Great Poland.
3202
Under such circumstances Henry suc-
ceeded in uniting in his hands the greater
part of the Polish dominions. It would
have been a good thing for Poland if the
Silesian Piasts had been able permanently
to hold Cracow. But Henry I. died early
in 1238 ; and his son Henry II., the Pious,
fell gloriously on the battlefield at Liegnitz,
on April 9th, 1241, in a campaign against
the Mongols.
Thus once more an obstinate struggle
for Cracow was kindled. Three lines of
Piasts — the Silesian, the Great Polish, and
the Casimirid — entered the lists. The
weakest of all, Casimir's grandson, Boles-
lav Vstydlivy, substantiated his claim ;
the bishops, who were on his side, married
him to a Hungarian princess, so that he
was supported also by Hungary. On his
death without issue the grandsons of
Conrad of Masovia, Leszko the Black and
Vladislav Lokietek, both of whom had
estates only in Kujavia, came forward as
claimants to the throne. Leszko main-
tained his position until 1288. The in-
ternal feuds were then at their height ;
each province had its own prince, who,
though himself too weak,
S'!''°T was still at war with his
B^tmia neighbour. After Vladislav
emia j^Q^jg^gj^^ ^j^q reigned only
a short time, another Silesian prince,
Henry IV. Probus of Breslau, took posses-
sion of Cracow (1289-1290). In the true
spirit of patriotism he selected Przemyslav
of Great Poland, a grandson of Odonicz,
to inherit his dominions. But others came
forward as rivals. The most dangerous was
the Bohemian king Wenzel II. He married,
in 1287, as his first wife, Jutta, a daughter
of the German king Rudolf I. of Hapsburg ;
perhaps the object in view was a union of
Poland with Bohemia under the overlord-
ship of Germany. Cracow was taken by
Bohemia in the year 1291. Przemyslav,
it is true, in order to notify the indepen-
dence of the crown of all the Polands, had
himself crowned king of Poland at Gnesen
in 1295 ; but he died the next year, 1296.
Wenzel conquered Great Poland, and had
himself crowned king of Poland in 1300.
His death, in 1305, alone saved the indepen-
dence of Poland ; but the kings of Bo-
hemia henceforward bore the title of
" Rex Poloniae." The native candidates
for the throne were finally beaten by
Vladislav Lokietek, brother of Leszko the
Black. When he was himself crowned at
Gnesen, in January, 1320, with the consent
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE
of the Pope, the union of Poland was once
more safeguarded, and with it the era of
hereditary monarchy had dawned. More
than two hundred years had elapsed before
the PoHsh nation, by great sacrifices and
hard struggles, had won the suitable form
of government.
The Polish nation, which had bled to
gratify the ambition of her princes, while
defiant nobles claimed a share in the
government, had seen her most prosperous
days irrevocably ruined through civil
wars. We can best estimate her loss by
her relations to her neighbours.
The position of Poland towards Germany
had become unfavourable. It was only
when Germany, weakened by long wars,
had, under Rudolf I. of Hapsburg, aban-
doned all notions of world empire, that a
more prosperous era dawned for Poland.
It was only to the turn of events in other
countries, and to the battles which had
been fought in the West between emperor
and Pope, and not to their own efficiency,
that the Piasts of Poland owed their
independence from Germany. The Bohe-
mian relations of Poland were important,
and, in fact, decisive for
enace ^^^ states in friendly rela-
ermany ^j^j^g ^^^g ^q ^j^g Other ;
Mesko I. married a Bohemian princess.
The common menace of Germany had
probably brought them closer together.
It then happened that the two princes
quarrelled with each other because the
Polish prince had robbed the Bohemian of
a province (Moravia or Cracow). The
emperor, it is true, decided in favour of
Bohemia, but could not force Poland to
accept his arbitration.
This mutual hostility forms a pivot
of the future policy of Bohemia and
Poland. Bohemia openly joined the
German Empire, and, relying on this,
wished to make conquests ; the only
place left for Poland was in the camp of
its enemies. In the year 1003 Boleslav I.
of Poland succeeded in making himself
master of Bohemia. The union of these
two kingdoms would have been of far-
reaching importance for the whole Slavonic
world, but Germany could not and would
not tolerate the subjugation of her vassal.
Poland was forced to liberate Bohemia.
The capture of Prague only increased
the hatred of the two nations. Bretislav
of Bohemia then conquered Moravia,
and carried off to Prague the bones of
204
St. Adalbert. Silesia and Cracow fell for
a time under Bohemian rule. Polish
refugees were welcomed in Bohemia, and
those of Bohemia in Poland. There was
almost uninterrupted fighting in the
forests on the Silesian frontier. The same
jealousy was apparent in the ecclesiastical
domain. Bohemia wished to have its
„. , . archbishopric, like Poland. Bo-
^f D 1 J hemia took part m Prussian
of Poland 1 . i , •
and Bohemia "Missionary work, but only m
rivalry with Poland. The
words, therefore, of the Polish Chronicle
of the so-called Martinus Gallus, " the
Bohemians are the worst enemies of
Poland," have a deep significance.
It was only in the thirteenth century
that this hostility decreased, principally
through the efforts of Premysl Ottokarll.
The hatred of Germany had now brought
the two countries together. It was Otto-
kar who first appealed to the Slavonic
fellow-sympathies of the Poles when he
prepared for a decisive campaign against
Germany. But Bohemia was too closely
associated with the empire, and already
too far removed from the Slavonic spirit,
for this step to have any prospect of
success. Poland was weaker, but since
she was always opposed to Germany, the
day of her independence would eventually
dawn. While Bohemia, however, in con-
nection with Germany, developed more
peacefully and under able kings attained
some importance, Poland sank deeper and
deeper. Poland formerly had assumed the
aggressive towards Bohemia, but now the
two neighbours had exchanged their roles.
Bohemia obtained Moravia and extended
her influence over Silesia. In fact,
Bohemia, the direction of whose plans was
defined by the northern course of the Elbe
and Oder, had formed still wider plans.
If the Bohemian princes repeatedly warred
with Prussia, and if Wenzel II. conquered
Cracow, the incentive to such action
must have been the Baltic. Poland
barred the way thither.
of p'oland ^^^ relations of Poland and
H*° Hungary were quite different.
ungary q^^^^ ^^^y had the sove-
reigns of the two kingdoms faced each
other as foes — when Boleslav I. took
Slovacia, and at the same time contested
with Stefan in Rome for the royal crown.
In later times the interests of the two
countries seldom conflicted. Hungary
went down the Danube south-eastwards ;
Poland struggled to reach the Baltic.
3203
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Owing to this divergence of their aims,
quite friendly relations were often after-
wards developed.
The state of things on the Baltic Sea
became dangerous for Poland at the time
of the civil wars. The Polish princes of
Kujavia and Masovia were unable to
defend themselves against the pagan
_ Prussians. The popes, indeed,
owero ^gj.g solicitous about their
c agan ^.Q^ygj-gJQjj . crusades were
Prussians i j j j r
preached, and an order of
knights was founded in Dobrzyn. But that
was of little avail. Conrad of Masovia and
Kujavia, therefore, summoned the Teu-
tonic knights and assigned to them some
districts in 1226. Hermann of Salza did
not, however, content himself with the
deed of gift of the Piast, but obtained that
district as a fief from the Emperor
Frederic II. and Pope Gregory IX. ; the
latter, in fact, freed the territory of the
Order from all except papal overlordship.
Thus secured on all sides the Order began
the war with the Prussians, supported by
the knights of Western Europe, and especi-
ally those of Germany ; the princes of
Bohemia, Poland, and Pomerania also
sent help. Success came rapidly ; Prussia
was soon conquered and secured by
fortresses. But it was soon apparent that
the Order had its own interests, not those
of Poland, in view. Duke Svatopluk of
Pomerania soon confronted the Order and
protected Prussia. The Polish princes,
however, had claimed the help of the
knights against Brandenburg, which
wished to have Pomerania. But the
Order, when once brought into Pomerania,
was unwilling to evacuate the country.
In the same year, 1309, the Teutonic
knights removed their chief centre from
Venice to Marienburg. Thus there arose
here a dangerous neighbour, supported by
Germany and the Pope, which threatened
to cut off Poland from the sea. The only
hope left was, that now Lithuania was
, ...,., developing to the east of
Irresponsibility ,, r^ j -. j. • 1 ^
of the Polish *^^ ^'■^^'■' ^* certamly lay
g . with Poland to make the best
use of this turn of events.
Poland was equally unable to guard her
interests in Russia. This position was
now all the more dangerous, since after
the subjugation of her eastern neighbour
by the Tartars, the way to Poland lay open
to the latter, and often enough have
the Tartars ravaged Polish countries.
Equally gloomy was the position at that
3204
time of the internal state of Poland,
both in respect of legal and economic
developments and with regard to general
culture. The person of the prince and
his court constituted the centre of public
life. The prince was the supreme adminis-
trator, judge, and general ; he was
formally absolute and irresponsible. He
nominated the higher officials, who re-
presented his rights ; such were the
court-judge and under-court-judge, the
marshal and under-marshal, the cham-
berlain and under-chamberlain, senesechal
and under-seneschal, carver, etc. At their
head stood the palatine, or wojewoda. It
cannot now be determined which offices
dated from the pagan times and how far
the court may have been altered later ;
the offices of chancellor and court secretary
were certainly only creations of the
Christian age.
The administration was simple. The
country was divided into Castellanries ;
each Castellan exercised in his own
division all the rights of the prince. The
Castellanries were divided into smaller
districts, or opola, which, probably dating
_ . from the oldest time, con-
rievous tinned in existence until the
^ * ^.^ thirteenth century. But more
important for the people were
the treasury and the law court. It is
difficult to distinguish accurately between
the fiscal dues which the freemen and
serfs, who resided on the crown lands,
were required to pay, and those which were
payable to the royal coffers from other
lands. The dues required consisted of
payments in kind and in compulsory
services, and there was a long list. A
plough tax, a court tax, and a peace tax
are first mentioned ; we find also dues
on honey, corn, cows, oxen, sheep, swine,
etc. The subjects had to discharge public
duties ; they were, for instance, bound
to build and restore the castles and bridges,
and compelled to dig moats, mount watch
in the castles and courts, furnish the
prince and his officials with horses and
carriages, guides and escorts, to hunt
down criminals and clear the forests, and
so forth.
Most burdensome was the obligation
to receive and board messengers and
officials, hunters, falconers, the keepers
of the royal horses and hounds, their
brewers, bakers, fishermen, etc., and supply
food for the hounds and fodder for the
horses. Even the butchers were bound
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE
to hand over to the royal falconers the
livers of the animals which they slaugh-
tered. Besides this the prince claimed
all unoccupied lands, all hunting-grounds
and fisheries, all castles and towns, tolls
and coinage rights, mills and the sale of
salt, markets and court fees, etc. No
considerable deviations from the oppres-
sive burdens of the feudal system in
Western Europe are observable. If we
bear in mind also that abuses in the system
occurred, that, for instance, when horses
were required, they were taken from any
place, but were often not restored, we
shall understand that the people were
completely at the mercy of the prince and
his officials.
Equally unfavourable to the people was
the judicial system. The inhabitants of
each district, or opole, were collectively
responsible for any crimes, and in the event
of a murder which had been committed
on its soil it paid the indemnity, and also
was under the obligation of prosecuting
the criminals. Since, with the exception
of the death penalty or mutilation, there
were only fines, that is to say, court dues,
the courts themselves became
Oppression
a sort of fiscal institution. As
ty Provincial j^^^ ^^ ^^^ kingdom was Still
Princes undivided and large, all
burdens were still more or less endurable.
But the position became worse, and finally
intolerable, when after the partition every
prince kept up in his own province a
court with a crowd of officials. To crown
all, the nobles and clergy struggled more
and more, as time went on, to free them-
selves from these obligations, while they
obtained the corresponding privileges.
They released themselves from the systenl
of the opole, and, by so doing, from its
collective responsibility, jurisdiction, and
taxation. In this way private lordships,
almost tax free as regards the treasury,
with their own jurisdiction, and their
own system of taxation, were formed by
the side of the opole. The whole burden
of the kingdom was shifted on to the
peasants. The clergy and nobility became
rich, while the people and the peasantry
were impoverished.
The old Slavonic law and the earlier
enactments were so riddled by these
privileges that they became almost im-
practicable. The necessary change came
in the shape of the German colonisation.
The circumstance that the Piasts, es-
pecially in Silesia, married German
princesses, who came to Poland with a
German suite, must have contributed to
increase the German element in Poland,
just as in the adjoining country of Hun-
gary. The economic distress, however,
was the decisive cause. In order to fill
the treasury, princes, as well as monas-
teries and nobles, brought into the country
g German settlers from the more
of German ^^"^^^Y inhabited West in order
Settlers ^^ gather the produce of the
fields. The superiority and the
lasting influence of the foreign colonists
lay less in the fact that the Germans
knew better how to cultivate the soil
rather than in their more favourable legal
position. The colonists, who were brought
into the country by a contractor, received
a plot of ground as an hereditary property,
with certain minor rights and privileges,
and had in return merely to pay a definite
annual sum to the lord of the manor.
This privileged position was bound to
promote their prosperity and to strengthen
in them that feeling of self-reliance which
they had brought with them as subjects
of the German Empire, to which Poland
was tributary. The relation of the im-
migrant to the native was the same in
Bohemia and Russia. The strong political
position of Germany benefited the settlers
of that day as much as it benefits the
German merchants and artisans of our
times. Foreigners were promoted by the
Slavonic princes to the detriment of their
own people. The princes were too short-
sighted to see that in this waj' they fostered
in their own people that sense of humilia-
tion which has been felt for centuries and
has found its expression in legends, songs,
and other forms of literature.
On the other hand, the Germans, who
had the means at their disposal, were
always in the position to pursue further
developments of culture. The feelings of
the Slavonic population, mortified and
ignored by their own princes, either
, unburdened themselves in
e avs j^^|-j.p(j fQj. ^i^g quite innocent
p *^ ^ . German element and in re-
rosperi y i^^j^j^j^g against the authorities,
or found a vent in emigration. On the
other hand, the people took refuge in the
protection of the German law ; Polish
villages and towns under the Slavonic law
wished, in order to increase their prosperity,
to be " promoted " to the German law. Ger-
man customs, language, and culture would
obviously spread rapidly under these
3205
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
conditions. The devastations of the Tartars
and the civil wars helped on the German
colonisation. Silesia was soon com-
pletely Germanised, and in other pro-
vinces the German element at any rate
grew steadily stronger. If the Silesian
Piasts succeeded in temporarily driving
the Casimirids from the throne of Cracow,
_, they owed that in no small
owns as degree to the support of their
N f iL'f German subjects. AGerman-
isation of the entire Polish
state lay already within the range of proba-
bility. A national crisis now took the
place of the economic crisis which had been
partially relieved by the German colonisa-
tion. This was the more dangerous since
the Teutonic knights had now formed a
third party in the country by the side of
the Germans and the empire.
This situation was especially gloomy for
Poland and all Slavs, since it was no
longer the courts and castles of the ruling
class, but rather the towns, that formed
the centres of political, economic, and
social life. The Slavs had, however,
adopted their municipal organisation
directly from the Germans, who were far
ahead of them in this respect, and they
usually found that their requirements in
culture were satisfied to a far higher
degree among the Teutons than among
the Latins.
Such was the state of affairs in Poland
when, in 1320, Vladislav Lokietek was
crowned king in Cracow. The removal of
all abuses in the interior of the realm, the
improvement of the administration and
judicature, the revision of the system of
taxation, the establishment of equitable
relations between the various sections of
the people, the restraint of the German-
ising movement, the encouragement of
culture, and the protection of the realm
against foreign attacks — such was the
task of the restored monarchy. It was
the more difficult since Poland had no
p . . friend, or, at the most, some
,„.^- ^ moderate support from the
Without T-> /- • u- 1-
P . . Roman Curia, which was aga.n
in conflict with the empire.
Lokietek saw clearly that the Teutonic
Order was the most dangerous enemy of
Poland. He therefore sued the knights in
the Roman Curia respecting Pomerania. He
formed an alliance with Denmark, Sweden,
and Norway, and married his daughter
Elizabeth to the Hungarian king, Charles
Robert the Angevin. He also succeeded
3206
in gaining the friendship of Lithuanian
princes, who were already hostile to the
Order. In 1325 he married his son
Casimir to Aldona, daughter of the war-
like Lithuanian Gedymin. Thus strength-
ened, he advanced himself against the
Order. The first engagements proved
favourable to him. But the results were
temporarily unimportant ; and the Roman
suit brought him no advantage. This was
due partly to the hostile attitude of King
John of Bohemia, who could not disguise
his impulse toward the North. John so
far accomplished his purpose between the
years 1327 and 1331, that most of the
Silesian princes did homage to him ; and
he undertook a campaign against Lithu-
ania, receiving on the way the homage of
a Masovian prince. The Hungarian assis-
tance, which Lokietek received, alone
checked the Bohemian king from further
steps. In spite of all this, the neighbour-
ing states noticed that the position of
Poland was strengthened when Lokietek
died in 1333.
Work enough was left for his son
Casimir. Lokietek had, it is true, already
_ . , restored to a large extent the
asimir unity of the empire, and its
St HA iridependence was actually
rong an acknowledged by the Holy
Roman Empire. But Poland, which had
hardly been cemented together, was so
exhausted that it could be permanently
saved only by a strong hand. Casimir
proved himself the wished- for strong king.
The times had changed. The formerly des-
potic ruler had now to share his power with
the priests and the nobles. By the side
of these the towns rose continuously vic-
torious. Chivalry soon lost its pecuUar
value ; on the one hand, firearms had
been invented ; on the other, the ideas
and objects of men changed with the
growing prosperity of trades and indus-
tries. The laws, the military system, and
the government required reform ; they
were to suit the conditions of a new era.
Casimir was competent for his task ;
with unerring eye he recognised that
chivalry was nearing its end ; and he did
not fritter his time away in tournaments
as King John did, but turned his attention
with all the greater zeal to important
economic, pohtical, and social questions.
Thus, in 1335, making full use of the
favourable situation, he concluded with
John of Bohemia the treaty of Visegrad.
John abandoned his claims on Poland, in
THE OLD POLISH EMPIRE
he recovered only Kujavia and Dobrzyn.
Half voluntarily Poland thus barred her
own access to the Baltic Sea. But in
return there was the glimpse of hope in
the future of pressing onwards to the East,
The King's '^^ reaching perhaps the Black
^.^^ ' Sea, and, finally, through the
Guidance increase of power there ac-
quired, of wreaking vengeance
on her old foes, and winning back the
provinces lost to Bohemia and the Teutonic
Order.
Perhaps this goal hovered before
Casimir's eyes when he concluded, in 1339,
the settlement of
the succession with
Hungary ; there were
then clear signs of
ferment in the region
of Halicz. At first,
however, Casimir was
unfortunate; the war
with Lithuania and
the Tartars was by
no means easy. It
was only towards
1366 that be perma-
nently secured Lem-
berg, Halicz, and a
part of Volhynia for
Poland. Meanwhile
he had also re-
conquered a part of
Silesia ; the Prince of
Masovia also took the
oath of fealty to him.
He still, however,
bore the title " Heir
to Pomerania " ; a
proof that he con-
CASiMiR THE GREAT OF POLAND tinucd to think about
poisoned in Halicz Casimir in. came to the Polish throne at a time when that COUUtry.
h\r flip RnvarQ nothing but the iron hand of a strong ruler could have t>„+ ;+ «rac rinf
oy Xlie O O y a I b, g^^^^j ^^^ country from disintegrration, and proved himself ^^^ ^"- ^^^ ""^
Casimir was bound the wished-for man of power. He carried forward many in his COUqUCStS and
4. • .„„r !( 1 „ reforms, and greatly advanced his country's prosDeritv. i.- j 4.
to interfere if he . & ^ y ym^ycuLy. j^^^ advancement
did not wish that the Lithuanians of his realm that the true greatness
return for which Casimir paid him 120,000
Bohemian groschen, and recognised the
Bohemian suzerainty over Silesia and
Plock.
Casimir's relations with the Teutonic
Order did not turn out so favourably
for Poland. The kings of Bohemia and
Hungary decided in favour of the knights ;
the Roman Curia played a double game.
Thus Pomerania, which was lost, could be
won back only by the sword. Casimir
must have been resolved on this, since he
concluded a treaty with Charles Robert
of Hungary, in 1339, at Visegrad. Having
no male issue, he
promised the succes-
sion in Poland to
Lewis, the son of the
latter and his own
nephew, on
understanding
Lewis would
back the lost
vinces, especially
Pomerania, would fill
the offices and high
posts only with Poles,
would impose no new
-taxes, and would
respect the ancient
privileges. The pur-
port of this here-
ditary alUance was
certainly hostile to
the Order. But
Casimir's attention
was turned in
another direction.
When the child-
less Prince Boleslav
Troidenovicz was
the
that
win
pro-
or the Tartars should seize the
country and thus become his immediate
neighbours. When Casimir took Halicz
and Lemberg, in 1340, the Lithuanians
_ ^ . occupied Volhynia; an event
Teutonic r . ,5 - . • . r '
Q . .of the greatest importance for
the K'n ^^^ Eastern Europe. Even the
question of the Teutonic Order
at once became less weighty and urgent
for Poland. In 1343 Casimir concluded
a treaty with the knights at Kalisch, by
which he ceded to them Pomerania and
the region of Michelau and Chelm, while
of Casimir lay, but in his administra-
tion and organisation. He would not
have been able to achieve any political
successes had he not been intent on internal
reform. In the first place, he gave
Poland, which had hitherto been only a
personal union of distinct countries, a
centralised organisation. He unified the
administration by creating new imperial
offices in addition to the local offices which
had existed since the times of the petty
principalities. He then proceeded to im-
prove the judicial system. He first of all
3207
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Casimir
Fosters National
Feeling
ordered the customary law, which was
preserved only in oral tradition and
naturally was different in the different
districts, to be written down, and then had
a universal code prepared for all Polish
countries. He allowed the flourishing
towns which lived according to the code of
Kulm or Magdeburg to retain their laws,
but forbade any appeal to
the mother towns outside
the kingdom. He sub-
stituted a superior court of
German law in every district, which decided
cases acccording to the principles of the
Magdeburg Code and the Sachsenspiegel ;
the magistrates of all the German villages
were subordinated to this court. As the
tribunal of highest instance for all local
courts he estabhshed the Supreme Court
of Justice at Cracow in 1356, at the head
of which stood the governor of Cracow
and a royal procurator-general, with
seven quaUfied lawyers as assessors.
The towns were in this way severed from
Germany, and since they gradually lost
any tendency to become Germanised,
the national feeUngs of Poland were
cautiously fostered and developed.
It seemed as if Casimir from the same
motives had specially favoured the nobility,
in order to prevent the German town ele-
ment from acquiring political importance.
The arrogance of the slachta certainly in-
creased from the fact of his taking the
advice of assembhes of nobles ; indeed,
there was actually formed among the
nobiUty a league whose head suffered the
death penalty by order of the king on
account of outrages which had been com-
mitted. The king, however, continued to
regard the nobles as the advisers of the
crown. This tendency was visible in the
actions of his successors ; the national
opposition between Poles and Germans
was then very strong.
The reorganisation of the military
system was not less important. Hitherto
p J, only the wealthy nobles had
wi ^-i-i furnished troops, since the
New Military , , . ' ' ,
g cost of equipment was heavy
and the landowning clergy
were exempt from the duty. Casimir now
decided that for the future, in order to
raise the sunken state of the army, the
duty of service should be imposed upon all
possessors of land. Thus the citizen be-
came equally available for the army ; the
clergy had to send substitutes. Regula-
tions as to levying troops were also drawn
3208
up. In addition to this he ordered that
stone fortresses should be constructed
everywhere in place of wooden ; he
transformed churches into castles — hence
the Polish kosciol, Bohemian kostel, in the
sense of church — and built good roads.
The later successes of Poland were con-
siderably influenced by these military
reforms.
He took steps no less effective to advance
the trade of the country, since he con-
ferred special privileges on the towns,
guaranteed security of person and prop-
erty to foreign merchants, and gave them
rights, built roads and bridges, founded
markets, multiplied the number of fairs,
opened up trade-routes into the interior,
extirpated brigandage, and, what was
the most important point, introduced a
uniform coinage. The prosperity of the
kingdom suddenly revived, and the repu-
tation of the king grew so greatly that he
was chosen to arbitrate between the
Emperor Charles IV. and King Lewis of
Hungary. The former of these sovereigns
married at Cracow, as his fourth wife,
Casimir's grand- daughter Elizabeth, and
p a daughter of Boguslav V.
° f "^ J of Pomerania. On this
Rich and /^ ■ • u-
«. ... . occasion Casimir gave his
guests, the kings of Hun-
gary, Bohemia, Cyprus, and Denmark, a
brilliant reception. The event is de-
scribed in the "Chronica Cracoviae" of
John of Czarnkov, Archdeacon of Gnesen.
Casimir put the coping-stone on his
labours when he founded, in 1364, a univer-
sity at Cracow. Now, for the first time,
Poland entered the ranks of civihsed states,
and could now perform her duty in the
east of Europe. He considered in this
scheme the interests of all classes, nations,
and creeds. He protected the peasants
from the nobles, and was therefore called
the Peasants' King. He granted rights
to Armenians, Jews, and others. Himself
a Roman Cathohc, he nevertheless in-
structed the Byzantine patriarch to found
bishoprics in his Russian dominions.
When Casimir died in 1370 the formerly
exhausted and despised Poland was a
rich and respected civilised state. The
old dynasty of the Piasts became extinct
with him. And with him also closes the
first great era of Polish history. In
conformity with the arrangement which
had been made respecting the succession.
King Lewis of Hungary took over the
government. Piasts still ruled, it is
3209
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
true, in the petty principality of Masovia,
but Casimir had been forced to exclude
from the succession these ultra-con-
servative and insignificant relations, in
the interests of the realm, which could
attain greater importance only in alli-
ance with a second power. The reign
of the Angevin Lewis brought no pros-
perity to the country of Poland, which
was regarded merely as an appanage
of Hungary.
After his coronation in Cracow Lewis
returned home with the Polish royal
insignia, and sent his mother EUzabeth,
the sister of Casimir, to Poland to act as
his regent. He thought only of securing
the crown of Poland for one of his daugh-
ters, since he had no male heirs, who
alone were regarded in the succession
treaty by Casimir. The agreement with
the Polish nobles was signed at Kaschau
in 1374. The king, in return, pledged
himself to reconquer the lost Pohsh
provincies, to remit the dues of the nobility
except the sum of two groschen from each
plough, to confer all offices only on Poles
of the district concerned, and to give
special pay to the military for service
rendered outside the borders of the
country. He was not concerned by the
thought that the mihtary and fiscal
strength of Poland was thus much reduced
and that the nobility were expressly recog-
nised as the dominant influence ; indeed,
he actually united Red Russia with the
Hungarian throne, and sent his own
governor thither. He it was, also, who
largely promoted the Roman Catholic
propaganda in the Russian territory, and
thus generated a movement which not
only cost Hungary Red Russia, but later
proved most disastrous to Poland also.
The arrogance of the nobihty increased
during his reign, and with it disorders in
the country, so much that there was no
longer any justice. The property of the
poor was continually plundered by the
Captains and Burggraves. And when, after
large payments to the Chancery, a
petitioner came back from Hungary with
a royal letter, the noble brigands took
no notice of it at all. Merchants and
travellers were continually robbed and
plundered on the high-roads without the
slightest interference on the part of the
Captains.
^^^^^m
-^j^^LiLUmM
GROUP OF POLISH PEASANTS AND OTHER NATIVES OF POLAND
3210
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
WHEN KNIGHTHOOD WAS IN FLOWER
LITHUANIA TO THE UNION WITH POLAND
/^N the southern shores of the Baltic,
^^ where Nature has not marked any
sharply defined limits landwards, the Slavs,
Finns, and Lithuanians influenced each
other reciprocally. In the first place, the
Slavs, who were the earliest to found states
in those parts, ruled the others. Thus,
Poland, following the course of the Vistula,
turned against the Prussian Lithuanians
in order to set foot on the Baltic. We
find the Finnish Livonians at an early
period of history the vassals of the Russian
princes of Polock, who ruled the whole
course of the Dwina as far as the sea.
The Esthonians finally became dependent
on the Novgorodian Slavs on the Lake
of Ilmen, who founded there Jurjev,
or Dorpat, and other towns.
But when Russia became weakened by
civil wars, and the princes of Polock could
not, therefore, assert their authority over
the tribes on the Dwina, other nations tried
_ . to gain a firm footing there.
Danes and ^ni " .
_ The country was more acces-
. , . . sible from the sea than from
the interior of the continent of
Eastern Europe, and could not escape the
influence of those nations who navigated
the Baltic Sea. " The Danes were the first
to try to settle in Livonia. The Swedes
also, who navigated the whole Baltic
coast and estabhshed a large emporium
at Wlsby on the island of Gotland, came
into contact with the Finnish tribes in
Livonia and Esthonia. But even they
failed to achieve permanent successes.
The situation changed only when the
German trading towns of the North came
into prominence. Liibeck also possessed
an emporium and trading factories at.
Wisby, but then tried to come into direct
communication with the Finnish tribes
without Swedish intervention. The Ger-
man ship that had sailed to seek out
these tribes was driven by a storm into
the Gulf of Riga. The natives flocked
together, as the older Livonian Rhymed
Chronicle tells us, and attacked the
Germans. But when they were beaten
off, they proffered peace and began
to trade by barter. The founding of
the castle Uxkiill, usually assigned to the
year 1143, really dates from four decades
later. This first contact of Germans with
_ Livonians, Lithuanians, and
tf. ^^ f*"^ Slavs was due purely to a
of the Great • , ,- t:> xm-jj
n- 1. rk« commercial pohcy. But it did
Bishop Otto , .. ^ "Vu r
not continue so. 1 he races 01
Western Europe were then permeated
by a deep religious feeling. The paganism
of the Finnish and Lithuanian tribes
attracted attention. The awakening mis-
sionary zeal found supporters in Germany
the more readily since it promised to be
remunerative both in its political and
economic aspects.
The first missionary of the Prussians
was St. Adalbert, who enjoyed the pro-
tection of Poland. Twelve years after
him, St. Bruno of Querfurt also found a
martyr's death there. Boleslav IIL
Krzyvousty carried on the work of con-
version in Pomerania- and Prussia on a
larger scale. The man in whom he con-
fided, Bishop Otto of Bamberg, in contrast
to other missionaries who went barefooted
and shabbily dressed, appeared among the
Pomeranians as a mighty prince, with a
briUiant suite, and supported by the
Polish army. He gave beautiful clothes
and other presents to the newly baptised,
and met with great success.
Henry Zdik, Bishop of Olmiitz, then
resolved to preach the Gospel to the
Prussians in the footsteps of St. Adalbert,
and appUed to the Curia in 1140. But it
was not until 1144, when pre-
Converting pg^j-ations were being made for
the Second Crusade, that Pope
Lucius IL negotiated with
Henry about a Prussian mission. It was
then determined that Bohemia, Poland,
and other northern kingdoms should
not be obhged to join expeditions to the
Holy Land, but should undertake the
conversion of the Prussians instead. The
321 1
the
Prussians
HISTORY Of THE WoftLG
Moravian princes, therefore, undertook,
with Bishop Henry, a crusade against the
Prussians in 1147. They were joined by
German and Polish princes. This event
may have ripened the plans at the Bo-
hemian court for expanding in a northerly
direction at the cost of Poland, and
obtaining a footing on the Baltic by
p , , building castles, etc. The
„ - , Prussians obstinatelv de-
Freference for r j j .i - u j j
Its Old Gods !?"^^^,.?T "^^nf"^' ^"^
their hberty. They im-
proved their methods of warfare, and even
ventured on invading Kuj avia and Masovia.
During the course of these events the
Danes turned their attention to the Wends,
and the Swedes to Finland, Livonia and
Esthonia. Abbot Peter of Rheims marked
out for the Finnish mission his pupil
Fulko, who was consecrated bishop by
the Archbishop of Lund. Pope Alexander
in. gave his sanction to the plan in 1169,
and conferred indulgences on all Scan-
dinavians who would join the war against
the Esthonians. Fulko was not, how-
ever, adequately supported by either
side. The Christian propaganda of
the Scandinavians generally met with
no success.
Abbot Arnold of Liibeck, who is
generally supposed to have continued
the Slavonic Chronicle of Helmod, relates
that Meinhard, a priest, came with the
Germans to Livonia, and was the first to
try to preach the Gospel to the Livonians.
When he found that the harvest was good,
he applied to the Archbishop of Bremen,
in 1 186, to inaugurate a mission on a grand
scale ; he also asked the Prince of Polock
to allow the mission. As a reward for his
successful energy in building a church and
a castle at Uxkiill, founding of convents,
etc., the Archbishop of Bremen con-
secrated him Bishop of Uxkiill. But when
tithes were exacted from the Livonians,
and they noticed their dependence on
Bremen, they attacked Uxkiill and dived
_ . . into the Dwina to wash off their
aJ "a*" baptism. Meinhard, who could
^. . .. .. not leave the castle, sent his
Christianity T\.t.u *
Vicar, Dietrich, as an envoy to
Rome, and died in 1196. His successor,
Berthold, reached Livonia with an army
of Crusaders, but was defeated by the
Livonians in 1198.
All the baptised Livonians abandoned
Christianity ; they threw into the sea a
wooden image which they thought to be
the German god of destruction.
3212
The Archbishop of Bremen now sent
Albert of Bukshovden, in 1198, as bishop
to Uxkiill. King Canute of Denmark,
Pope Innocent III., and several princes
supported him. A crusading force of
twenty-three ships now came to Livonia.
The Livonians assumed the defensive, but
Albert had recourse to stratagem. After
concluding an armistice, he invited the
oM"st Livonians to a banquet, and did not
let them go free until they gave their
children as hostages, and promised
acceptance of Christianity. The opposition
of the Livonians was broken down, the
children were sent to Bremen to be
educated, and the Gospel was preached
everywhere. In 1201, for greater security,
he removed the bishopric from Uxkiill to
the town of Riga, which had been newly
fortified by him, and lay nearer to the sea.
He then, in order to create a fighting
force for himself, divided the land as liefs
among such Crusaders as were willing to
settle there. When the news of the
founding of Riga was spread, Esthonians,
Livonians, Courlanders, and Lithuanians
came to conclude peace. In order to
secure absolutely the work of conversion,
Albert founded, in 1202, a new
knightly order for Livonia on
the model of the Templars.
These jratres militicB Christi
wore white cloaks with a red cross and
sword on the left breast, and were there-
fore called fratres ensiferi, or gladiferi,
sword- wielders, the order of the sword.
They were subject to the temporal and
spiritual jurisdiction of the bishops of
Riga. The master had his seat in the
newly built Wenden.
In the year 1207, Albert surrendered
Livonia to the Emperor Phihp of
Suabia as a fief. The real conquest
now began. The Livonians first, and
then the Letts were subjugated. The
Russian principality of Polock, to which
the country on the Dwina paid tribute
(the two principalities of Kukenojs and
Gersike belonged to it), attempted, it is
true, to enforce its rights by help of the
Esthonians, but it was too weak. Even
Kukenojs and Gersike were conquered by
the Germans, and the name of the latter
soon disappears from history, although
Albert agreed to the payment of a tribute
for Livonia to Polock.
It was now the turn of Esthonia. The
district of Sakkala, with FeUin, was
first conquered; then Ungaunia. Here,
Surrender
of
Livonia
VIEWS OF RIGA THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF LIVONIA
3213
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The Danes
Founders
of Reval
however, Novgorod, to which the Estho-
nians paid tribute, and which had built
Jurjev in those parts in 1030, came into
the question. The princes also of Pskow,
with the help of Novgorod, inflicted
defeats on the Germans. Albert therefore
turned, in 1218, to King Waldemar II.
of Denmark. The Esthonians were
beaten in 1219. The Danes
founded then the town and
castle of Reval, and placed a
bishop there, who was sub-
ordinate to the Archbishopric of Lund.
The Danes and the Germans now vied with
each other in the conversion of the country.
The Livonian Order protested against the
Danish conquest. Albert lodged charges
against Waldemar in Rome and before
the German Emperor, all in vain. Walde-
mar offered Esthonia as a fief to the Pope ;
the Emperor Frederic II. was involved in
the preparations for a crusade. Albert
was compelled, therefore, to recognise the
supremacy of Denmark over Esthonia.
But since Waldemar, his attention being
engrossed elsewhere, abandoned the con-
quered countries to their fate, the Germans
were able to recover their strength. In
the year 1224 they took Jurjev, although
it had been obstinately defended by the
Prince Wjatko. Albert then conquered
the islands of Mon and Oesel. The Order
attacked Reval and other Danish
possessions. Even the Courlanders and
Semgallians on the left bank of the Dwina
were subjugated in the hfetime of Albert.
The Order received, after the year 1207,
a third of the conquered countries for its
maintenance. When Albert died, in X229,
the sovereignty of the bishopric and the
Order extended over the whole of Cour-
land, Livonia, and Esthonia.
The successes of the Livonian Order
drew the attention of all the northern
states to it. The PoUsh prince, Conrad of
Masovia and Kujavia, whose dominions
had been cruelly raided by the pagan
p Prussians and were being
to'^"c Pasan ^'^^'"''^'^ ^Y ^^^ Lithuanians,
Prussians formed a scheme of founding
a similar knighthood. At
that time Christian, a monk of the Cistercian
monastery in Ohva, late Suffragan Bishop
ot Mainz, was preaching the Gospel to the
Prussians. Pope Honorius III., to whom
he appealed for assistance, raised him to the
Bishopric of Lithuania and recommended
him to the Archbishop of Gnesen. On his
return to Prussia he could not, however,
3214
maintain his position. Even Conrad was
compelled to leave his principality. In his
straits he founded an " Order of Christ,"
and cissigned to it the territory of Dobrzyn ;
hence also the name " Dobrinian Order."
But this Order also failed to hold its own.
Conrad now turned to the Teutonic
Order, which just at this time, 1225, was
expelled from Transylvania by King
Andreas of Hungary. The Grand Master
Hermann of Salza accepted his offer, and
received as territory the district of Kulm
and the regions still to be conquered. The
Order took all this in 1226 as a fief from
the Emperor Frederic, and thus continued
to make itself independent of the
Masovian prince.
In the year 1228 Hermann Balk, the
first territorial master, appeared in Prussia
with a strong force of knights under the
banner of the Blessed Virgin. The
heathen, who were still disunited and
carried on the war in bands, were driven
back step by step. Good roads were laid
down everywhere, and castles built. Thus,
first of all, Thorn arose, then Kulm,
Marienwerder and Elbing. The Prussian
children were taken away and sent to
Th T t • ^^^"^^^y to be educated.
Q * , " The pagans offered, indeed,
^ . 0 an obstinate resistance. But
Oreat rower ,, „ 1 • i ,
the German knights were
supported by the whole of Europe, while
the Prussians found only here and there
some slight help from their fellow tribes-
men in Lithuania.
While the Teutonic Order thus grew
stronger, the news suddenly came from
Livonia that the Order in that country,
being inadequately supported by the West
and threatened by an overwhelming force
of Livonians, Danes and Russians, was
on the verge of being dissolved. In order
to save the new offshoot, it was proposed
to combine the two foundations. The
Knights of the Sword were incorporated
in the Teutonic Order in 1237, adopted
its badges and dress, and henceforward
formed a province of the Teutonic Order,
without, however, disowning their duties
toward the Bishop of Riga and the Prince
of Polock. The amalgamation was ad-
vantageous for beth parties. A powerful
German state was now formed on the
southern coast of the Baltic, to which the
Lithuanians, Finns and Slavs were sub-
ordinated. Its superiority in culture, war-
fare, and government soon made the Order
a menace to the Russians and the Poles.
LITHUANIA TO THE UNION WITH POLAND
Knights flocked to the territory of the
Order from all parts of Europe. Luxury
and magnificence, with a constant round
of brilliant tournaments and banquets,
were the order of the day at Marienburg,
the seat of the Grand Master, and in
the other castles. Possibly no royal
court in Europe, not excepting that of the
emperor himself, offered such pleasures and
distractions to the knights as the court
of Marienburg. This was the training
college for the young knights, who natur-
ally went there in preference to Palestine.
Every year foreign knights assembled in
the domains of the Order to take part
in the campaigns. "Journeys" were made
to Lithuania, when the lakes and morasses
were frozen. The country was completely
ravaged, the inhabitants were carried
off, and the villages burnt. The Lithu-
anians then did the same, only in larger
up in consequence of the dissensions of the
princely family and with the popular
assembUes, the contending parties often
called in the help of their neighbours,
and in this way Lithuania was drawn
into Russian affairs. By the first half of the
thirteenth century Lithuanian principaU-
ties had arisen on Russian soil. Towards
•' Black Russia " ^^^ middle of the thir-
the Prize teenth century Mendog, or
of Battle Mindove, came into prom-
inence as ruler of Lithuania.
He appears to have been the first who, as
" Grand Duke " treated the other petty
princes as vassals. But his position was
difficult. Not only did the lords of Hahcz
and Vladimir fight against him for the
possession of Black Russia, but his kins-
men pressed on him still more heavily.
Even the people, dissatisfied with his im-
perious policy, turned against him ; the
THE CASTLE OF REVAL, THE PRINCIPAL CITY OF ESTHONIA
The history of Reval dates back to the thirteenth century, when it was founded as a Danish town. It was sold, in 1346,
to the Teutonic knights by Denmark; it became Swedish in 1561, and in 1710 it was captured by Peter the Great.
numbers, since the domains of the Order
were thickly populated and studded with
castles. The Teutonic knights succeeded
after a time in winning a party for them-
selves among the Lithuanians ; the
wealthier and shrewder pagans were
forced ultimately to acknowledge that
Christianity was better, the culture of the
-^ p , Order higher, and their way of
T "b .'Y*^* ^^^^ more pleasant. At the
Christianity moment when the danger from
the Teutonic Order was the
greatest, Lithuania unexpectedly found a
new source of strength in the surrounding
Russian territory. The adjoining district
of Polock had severed itself earlier than
the other Russian principalities from the
control of Kiev. Since there also, as
formerly in the Russia of the twelfth
centtury, several petty principalities sprang
more so as the prince, although still a
pagan, was not disinchned towards the
Christian religion, which was introduced
there from Russia.
The result was the formation of two
parties in Lithuania. The one repre-
sented the national element, and
defended the national language, cus-
toms, and rehgion ; the Christian, which
was already the stronger party, incUned
toward Russia. At the head of the
latter party stood Mendog's son Voj-
schelk, an enterprising character, who
was devoted to the Greek Church with the
full zeal of his fiery soul. He entered a
convent, and his dearest wish was to end
his days on Mount Athos, as many
sovereigns of Oriental Christendom had
done. But what Mendog wished was
some relaxation in the struggle against the
3215
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Livonian and Teutonic Orders ; instead
of which both parties launched him into
a still more obstinate war with the Orders,
and, in addition, with Russia. Red
Russia now entered on the scene against
Lithuania \vith all its forces ; a better
understanding between it and the Teutonic
knights had been effected. Both sides
fought for the possession of Black Russia.
If the princes of HaUcz had succeeded in
uniting Black Russia with their possessions,
a new power,
with the Little
Russians for its
chief supporters,
would have been
formed, owing
to the internal
dissensions of
Lithuania and
the disintegra-
tion with which
Russia was
threatened from
the south-east
through the Tar-
tar ascendancy.
But the wily
Lithuanian un-
derstood how to
cri pple all his
foes. He first
professed h i s
willingness t o
accept Christian-
ity. Innocently,
sent him the
royal crown, and
Mendog received
it and the rite of
baptism at Nov-
gorod, in 1250.
In this way a
friendly under-
standing was pro-
moted between
him and the
Livonian Order,
the whole region
A PILGRIMAGE SCENE AT THE CHAPEL OF
OSTRO BRAMA IN WILNA
By ceding to the latter
of Smud, he revenged
himself also on that national party which
refused to recognise his overlordship.
Mendog also concluded a treaty with
the Prince of Red Russia in 1255,
and ceded Black Russia to him as a
fief. His son Vojschelk married a
daughter of the prince of the former.
The people soon rose in Smud against the
Livonian Order, and were willing now to
accept Mendog's rule. Mendog vigorously
3216
supported this movement ; tne Order
suffered a decisive defeat, and was com-
pelled once more to cede all the Lithuanian
provinces. In this way the power of the
Grand Dukein Lithuania was strengthened.
For although Mendog was murdered in
1263, others aimed at the position of
Grand Duke. Lithuania had now,
therefore, to face the same struggle
for the constitution as Russia, Poland,
and other Slavonic countries.
The family of
Men dog had
made a power out
of Lithuania ; but
it was the lot of
another Lithu-
anian family to
raise Lithuania
into a great power
— the family, that
is, whose repre-
sentative, Gedy-
min, was Grand
Duke in 1316.
The state of
Lithuania had
already acquired
a quite different
aspect. Its
swamps and lakes
were not its only
fortifications, but
the country was
covered with
castles and walled
towns. An im-
proved method
of warfare had
been learnt from
the Germans.
Russian culture
permeated public
and private life ;
the Russian lan-
guage was the
language of the
Church, the court, and the nobility ;
the princely chancery used no language
except Russian ; the Lithuanian army
consisted to a large extent of
Russian troops, and was often led by
Russians.
As a sort of Russian
was able to expand
Russian territory. Gedymin had several
Russian principalities. His rule was
actually greeted with joy in the re^ons
occupied by the Tartars.
state, Lithuania
more easily on
3217
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The Lithuanians defeated even the
dreaded Mongols, who were reckoned
invincible. Kiev itself oscillated now
between the Lithuanian and the Tartar
ruler. Russian districts composed with
it the predominant part of the Lithuanian
state, which, under Gedymin, was the first
power of Eastern Europe. Although still
^. _ ., a pagan, Gedymin married
The Founding -r, • ■ ji
, , .,. . , Russian princesses, and
C "t 1 C't a-ilowed them to live accord-
ing to the Christian faith and
educate their children in it. He married
his son Olgerd to a princess of Witebsk, his
second son to a princess of Volhynia ; one
daughter to Prince Symeon of Moscow, and
another to the Prince of Tver. Aldona
wedded Casimir of Poland ; the fourth
daughter, Boleslav Trojdenovicz of Maso-
via. He sent colonists into the wide deserts,
and built towns and villages, to which he
gave privileges of the German type.
He founded Wilna, the future capital
of Lithuania, transferred the pagan
sanctuary thither in 1322, and had
the sacred fire kindled there before
the altar of Perkunas. At the same
time he entered into negotiations with the
Pope, obviously only to hold the Teutonic
Order in check. In 1336 the Grand
Master Dietrich of Altenburg (1335-1341)
once more organised a great " journey "
to Lithuania. The knights marched on
Smud ; and Pillene, where some four
thousand Lithuanians, with their wives
and children, were shut in, was besieged.
Fire decided the fate of the wooden fortress
and its valiant defenders.
Gedymin met his death in 1340 or 1341,
at the fortress of Welona when it was
besieged by the Germans, having been
struck by a cannon-ball ; use was therefore
made of the invention of gunpowder earlier
than at Crecy in 1346. Following the
precedent of Russia, Gedymin had legal-
ised the dignity of Grand Duke, and at-
tached it to the possession of Wilna.
B B • . Javnut was marked out
Pagan Burial ^^ ^^ ^^^^^ j^^j^^ ^.^
^t • *• ¥ J other six sons — Monvid,
Christian Leader ^^ ^ -rr ■ 1 ^-\^ ■,
Narymunt, Koriat,01gerd,
Kejstut and Lubart — divided the rest of
the kingdom between them. Olgerd and
Kejstut stood out conspicuously among
them. The former obtained Lithuania
proper, with Krevo and the territory of
Witebsk ; Kejstut, on the other hand,
obtained Smud, with Troki as capital,
Grodno, and Berestie in Black Russia.
3218
Olgerd was a strong and handsome man,
of fine intellect and political insight, and,
what was rare in his days, sober and ab-
stemious. He understood several languages,
and was not addicted to play. A crafty
leader, he did not even inform his troops
on the march to what goal he was leading
them. Olgerd was the representative of
the Christian party among the Russians.
His wives and children were Christians.
According to Russian authorities he was a
Christian himself, although the foreign
chroniclers assert that his corpse was
burnt on a funeral pyre ; perhaps the
pagan priests wished this to be so.
Kejstut, an honest nature, a typical
knight in every sense, and an impetuous
spirit, was deified by the people as the
representative of the national paganism.
He unselfishly helped his brother to obtain
the grand- ducal power, and was his most
loyal subject, friend and guardian. Him-
self a pagan by honest conviction, he
was the last Lithuanian prince who was
buried according to heathen customs.
Both added to the greatness and fame of
Lithuania. While Olgerd as Grand Duke
united Russian principalities with Lithu-
. ^ ania, conquered Kiev itself,
„ "* and so advanced the frontiers
K • hth a ^^ ^^^ south as the Tartar tribes
"** ° of the Black Sea and east-
ward beyond the Dnieper, Kejstut took
over the protection of the western frontier
and the war with the combined knightly
Orders.
The chroniclers record many noble
features in the life of this great hero.
Kejstut rescued by his intercession the
commandant of a castle of the Order who
was sentenced by the Lithuanians to be
burnt ; he also forcibly expressed his
displeasure when corpses were wantonly
mutilated on the battlefield. H he
planned an attack into the knights'
country he used to announce his intention
to their commanders, and he naturally
expected similar chivalrous treatment
from the Order. When Covno was sud-
denly attacked by the knights in 1362, he
lodged a protest against such conduct
before the far-famed Grand Master Win-
rich von Kniprode (1351-1382). On one
occasion, being made prisoner and brought
to Marienburg, he was recognised and
secretly liberated by Alf, the servant
assigned to him, a Lithuanian by birth.
Kejstut was almost beloved by the Order
on account of his chivalrous spirit. Once,
LITHUANIA TO THE UNION WITH POLAND
when, after the unsuccessful siege of a
castle, he was compelled to cross a river
and was nearly drowned, the marshal
Henning Schindekopf drew him out of
the water and refused to make him
prisoner.
For forty years Kejstut unweariedly
defended Lithuania, by the people of
which he was extolled as their first national
hero. The Order was not able to make
any conquests there in his time. In spite
of his support of paganism, Christianity
itself continued to make greater and
greater progress in Kejstut's dominions,
although there were naturally many
martyrs. Roman Catholicism alonC'
could strike no root there. Both the
Dominican and Franciscan monasteries,
which had existed in Wilna under Gedymin,
were suspended under Olgerd. When,
then, they were revived by the Boyar
Gastold, who went over to Catholicism
to please his wife, a band of pagans
attacked Gastold's house and killed seven
monks ; the others were crucified and
thrown into the river.
Lithuania in its victorious career was
bound sooner or later to come into
.... . , contact with Moscow and the
Lithuania St^. uiujj j
_. Tartars ; both, mdeed, aimed
- y. at the same goal — the union of
»c ory j^^ggjg^ j^ their hands. If
Olgerd beat the Tartars, his success could
find only a joyful response in the hearts
of the Russians. It was therefore easy
for him to subjugate one Russian district
after another. There was no funda-
mental distinction between Russia and
Lithuania under Olgerd's regime. Only
in Moscow existed any dangerous rival
to the Lithuanian princes. Olgerd was
able to postpone the decisive blow.
He died, however, in 1377.
After Olgerd, Kejstut, as the senior of
the family, ought to have mounted the
grand ducal throne ; but in accordance
with a wish of his brother, he renounced his
claim in favour of his nephew Jagiello.
The latter was of a different disposition
from his father, Olgerd. He dragged on
a dull existence without lofty aspirations.
Contrary to precedent, Jagiello allied him-,
self with the Tartars, nominally in order to
confront Moscow with their help. He
then, by an equally gross breach with the
traditions of his house, made secret over-
tures to the Teutonic Order. He was
assisted in this by one of his crown
councillors named Vojdyllo, whom Kejstut
205
had offended on some occasion. Jagiello
did not concern himself about the repeated
attacks of the knights ; in fact, he
concluded with the Order a secret treaty
which was aimed at Kejstut.
Kejstut, greatly annoyed, surprised
Wilna, took his nephew prisoner, and dis-
covered the original text of the treaty with
National ^^^ Order. He then mounted
„ , the grand ducal throne himself,
Tragic End ^^^^ Witebsk and Krevo to
Jagiello, and then set him
completely at hberty, with no other con-
dition than that he should hang the traitor
Vojdyllo. Then a second relation, Dmitri
Korybut, rose against Kejstut. Jagiello
brought up his forces, nominally to the aid
of Kejstut, but led them against Wilna
and took it. The knights of the Order,
who were allied with Jagiello, soon ad-
vanced. Troki, Kejstut's residence, was
taken and sacked. Kejstut quickly
collected forces to save his castles. J agiello
then implored Kejstut's son Witold, a
friend of his, to intervene, since he did not
wish to shed blood. Kejstut and Witold
went, on the guarantee of a third person,
into the camp of Jagiello, and were then
thrown into chains. Cast into a gloomy
dungeon at Krewo, Kejstut was found
strangled there on the fifth day, in 1382.
His body was burnt according to pagan
rites.
Witold, who had made good his escape,
went to Masovia and thence to the terri-
tory of the Order. Baptised according to
Catholic rites, he took the name of his
sponsor, Wigand, commander of Ragnit,
1383. The Order, to which Witold-
Wigand promised to cede Saimaiten,
north of the river Memel, in the event of
his having no issue, welcomed the new ally.
But in the latter the old, and therefore
more intense, hatred for the Teutonic
knights quickly overpowered his momen-
tary thirst for vengeance. He had barely
concluded the treaty with the Order when
g he sought and obtained a recon-
LUhTaria ciUation with Jagiello. The
1 uania j^^Qg^ sahent feature of Witold's
and Poland , , ,
character was a pronounced
sympathy with Lithuania. If he could not
reach the desired goal by the straight road,
he did not, on occasion, hesitate at dubious
methods. Here, however, the separate
history of Lithuania closes. In 1386
Jagiello was baptised, and wedded Hedwig
of Poland. The union of the crowns
merges Lithuania into Poland.
3219
15
POLAN D, LIT H U AN LA
AJTD
"WESTERN RUSSIA
I Ow>e
, ^ .-Band
v-'tvWM
at thebe|^mini;art)ieH'\cnniry
1^
too*
,^0^
to
,v
'K ) r 't-^re^^ V'- ten
^t.
jfoliUer ^ _^
oT /t V -hie t?\-o ^ ^ r^^
^
Epericji \jji 0 N COJvfe/,v-j;
\«.rt?
TV
6> \Pt>Uam^
^^^n
Xal
ta
r s
v'O^
) '
OlsfiaJioA
POLAND
before the Peace i
of (Riva (1660;anrt indrus6zo\-o (16G7 ) j 0<*sel
HISTORICAL MAPS OF POLAND AND WESTERN RUSSIA FROM THE YEAR 1300 TILL 1660
3220
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
UNION OF LITHUANIA WITH POLAND
STAGES IN THE NATION'S DEVELOPMENT
WHEN King Lewis L of Hungary and
Poland died at Tyrnau, on September
nth, 1382, according to the tenor of the
treaty of Kashau, concluded in 1374, one
of his daughters was to obtain the Polish
crown. He had three daughters — Catha-
rine, Maria, and Hedwig. Catharine was
originally intended for Poland, Maria was
wedded to Sigismund, Margrave of
Brandenburg, and Hedwig was betrothed
to Duke William of Austria. When Catha-
rine had predeceased her father, the PoUsh
succession was proposed for Maria. But
this was hardly acceptable for Poland.
Since Poland had been greatly neglected by
Lewis, it wished to acknowledge only that
one of his daughters who would pledge
herself to reside with her husband in the
country. Sigismund, the prospective king
of Hungary, could not possibly consent to
such an arrangement. Casimir the Great had
wished first to strengthen
his country economically,
in order to be able to show
a bolder front against the
Teutonic Order — the most dangerous of
Poland's foes, since it was supported by
all Western Europe ; with this object he
had concluded a series of treaties with his
neighbours. When he concluded the suc-
cession treaty with his nephew Lewis of
Hungary, the latter had to give a pledge
that he would reconquer the lost provinces
of Poland with his own forces. From
whom ? Obviously only from the Order.
But Lewis had procrastinated ; the Polish
atmosphere did not please him. The
Order thus increased, and with it the
German element. As a result of this, the
national feehng and the hatred of the
Germans grew so strong, both in Poland
and Lithuania, that any candidate would
have been more acceptable to the Poles
and Lithuanians than the Margrave of
Brandenburg. The Polish statesmen were
aware that if Sigismund obtained the
crown of Poland this would involve the
Candid&tes
for the
Polish Crown
Thwarted
Purpose
loss of its independence. When, even in
the hfetime of his father-in-law, he had
come to Poland at the head of a small
army in order to receive homage, his
entry into Cracow was barred ; only the
towns, where the German element pre-
dominated, received him cordially. Sigis-
„. . , mund was compelled, there-
-rlf""!!!!! * ^ore, to leave Poland without
having achieved his purpose.
And so the matter rested, since
he could not obtain any firm footing at
first even in Hungary.
The PoHsh throne was thus once more
regarded as vacant. Prince Ziemko of
Masovia soon came forward, supported
by a large party and the Archbishop Bod-
zanta of Gnesen, who actually proclaimed
him king when the envoys of the queen
mother Elizabeth — who died in 1387 —
appeared, with the declaration that Hed-
wig, who was born in 1369, and who
was destined for the Polish throne,
would soon come to Cracow for corona-
tion. But after vainly waiting a long
time for Hedwig, the Poles began to
lose patience. The matter was not so
simple. In the first place, the queen
widow WcLS herself in danger. Next, Hed-
wig, although just thirteen years old, was
betrothed to William of Austria, whom the
Poles could never accept, and who would
not consent to give up Hedwig. Only after
a declaration that the claims of Hedwig
on the Polish crown would be regarded as
waived if she did not appear within two
_. . months in Poland, did Elizabeth
. "^ ° resolve to send her daughter
^.* -,. to Poland. Hedwig, now a child
the Throne r 1 1 £/. ,^ -
of barely fifteen years, came to
Cracow at the beginning of October, 1384,
accompanied by the Archbishop of Gran
and the Bishop of Csanad, and was crowned
on October 15th. The first important step
taken by the Polish statesmen had suc-
ceeded. The question now remained to find
a suitable husband for the young queen.
3221
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
National and religious considerations
led the Poles to Lithuania. Poland as
well as Lithuania fought against the
Teutonic Order as their common and
deadly enemy. Only by combined efforts
could they hope to crush it. At the same
time the thought of a union was not new.
Vladislav Lokietok, when pressed hard
by the Knights, had married
• 'tK^^G* ^^^ ^^^ Casimir to Aldona, a
*^ G* "^ daughter of Gedymin. The
idea then still prevailed that
even single-handed they were a match for
the Germans. But Lithuania was now
torn by party feuds. New and stronger
German castles arose on its soil and gripped
it with iron arms. Another circumstance
also favoured the rapprochement. Lithu-
ania had been zealously addicted to
paganism, but the number of the Christians
now increased continually. Kejstut, the
last pagan on the throne, was now dead.
Lithuania was thus, from political and
religious reasons, ripe for a union with
Poland, and it is easy for two nations to
form a sincere alhance when a great danger
threatens both.
We do not know from which side the
suggestion came. But since the prospect
of missionary work on a large scale in
Lithuania and the whole East was thus
opened up to the Catholic Church of
Poland, and since Kmita, the provincial
of the Franciscan Order, was a trusted
friend of Jagiello, we may suppose that
apart from the nobility of Little Poland,
who turned the scale and zealously advo-
cated the union of the two states — the
Franciscans chiefly prepared the ground
in Lithuania. The view that paganism
could nowhere be tolerated was then very
strong in Europe ;-.the Order owed to it
the friendship of Western Europe. But
if this pretext, which furnished its chief
source of strength in the struggle against
Lithuania, were to be cut away, Lithuania
must inevitably accept Christianity. Then
_ ^ . only could the power of the
r D I °°^^^ Roman Church, which was
of Poland s , .,, .r J • • £
v r. still the decisive force in
Young Queen t^ , , , , ~,
Europe, be made useful. The
fact that Jagiello with his whole people
resolved to accept Christianity shows
that, in spite of his low moral char-
acter, he was a far-sighted statesman,
with a clear notion of diplomacy.
In the early days of the year 1385 a
Lithuanian embassy to Cracow formally
asked Hedwig's hand for their prince
3222
Jagiello. No decision could be made
without consulting Hedwig's mother ;
and messengers were, therefore, sent to
EUzabeth. The dishke felt by the Mag-
yars for Sigismund and William caused a
decision in favour of Jagiello. It was
certainly withdrawn again, and William
himself appeared in Cracow, where
romantic love passages took place between
him and the young queen. But any
opposition was wrecked on the firmness
of the Polish grandees.
On February 12th, 1386, Jagiello made
his entry into Cracow after he had ac-
cepted all the conditions proposed. He
promised to throw himself into the
bosom of the Catholic Church with all
his still unbaptised brothers and relations,
all the nobles, and all the inhabitants
of his country, rich or poor, and to
devote his treasures to the use of both
kingdoms. Further, he promised to pay
Duke William of Austria the forfeit of
200,000 gulden, which was entailed by
the repudiation of the marriage contract,
to make good at his own cost all the en-
croachments and curtailments to which
the PoUsh Empire had been subjected, to
. release all Polish prisoners of
f » "*r both sexes, and to unite for
y. 7^ ever his Lithuanian and Rus-
arnag s ^.^^ dominions with the PoUsh
crown. Everything now depended on
Hedwig. It was plainly put to her that she
would not only serve her own country, but
would perform a meritorious action in the
sight of God, if a whole region was won for
Christianity through her instrumentality.
Besides this, the news from Hungary must
have forced Hedwig to come to a deter-
mination, where the royal power was
grievously imperilled, and her mother's
life in danger. On February 15th, Jagiello
was baptised, together with those of his
brothers and kinsmen who were present.
The office of sponsor, which had been
declined by the Grand Master Conrad of
Rotenstein (1382-1390), fell to Vladislav
of Oppeln, whence Jagiello received in
baptism the name of Vladislav II.
Then followed the marriage and the
coronation, on March 4th, 1386. After that,
Wigand, the king's brother, married the
daughter of Vladislav of Oppeln, Prince
Janusz of Ratibor married Helene, niece
of the king, and Prince Ziemko of Masovia
the king's sister, Alexandra. Vladislav
II., Jagiello of Lithuania, was not at first
hereditary monarch of Poland, biit merely
UNION OF LITHUANIA WITH POLAND
prince consort and regent of the empire.
The name of his dynasty is perhaps more
famiUar in the form Jagellon.
There is no more important event in
the history of the Polish people, with the
exception of the conversion to Christianity,
than the union of Lithuania with Poland,
which was completed in the year 1386.
It gave a quite different aspect to the
Eastern question, and completely changed
the course of
history. Poland,
itself too small
to play any part
in the midst of
powerful neigh-
bours, had first
leaned upon
Hungary. But
that policy had
not proved to
her advantage ;
Polish interests,
especially as
against the
Order, had been
neglected, where-
as Poland and
Lithuania had
now hardly any-
thing more to
fearfrom theTeu-
tonic Knights.
Indeed, the
Order, when deal-
ing with a Chris-
tianised Lithu-
ania, lost its
raison d'etre.
Soon not merely
the emperor,
but the Pope,
declared publicly
that the Order Vladislav iii. the boy king of Hungary & Poland
had now fulfilled Brief, but stirring:, was the reign of this youthful monarch. He was
its task. Later '•^.rely fifteen years of age when, in 1440, a Hungarian embassy
arriving in Poland, offered him the throne of his late father, Vladislav
II. Fighting against the Turks, the young king fell at Varna in 1444.
Popes forbade
the expeditions
among the heathen and any injury to
Lithuania ; a century had hardly elapsed
after the baptism of Jagiello when it was
proposed that the Knights should be
transplanted to PodoUa, and be employed
in the war against the Turks and Tartars.
Besides this, the position of Poland in
the new treaty with Lithuania was far
more favourable than had been the case
in the treaty with Hungary. Poland, as a
result of these changes, now stood higher
in every respect than Lithuania Further,
Jagiello, a thoroughly selfish character,
had, in return for the crown of Poland,
formally given up his country to the Poles.
Poland was the recipient, Lithuania the
donor, if we disregard the free constitu-
tion, the new reUgion, and the culture
which the Poles had to give to the
Lithuanians. Henceforward the will of
the Pohsh king was all important in
Lithuania, or
rather, since he
himself was of
little conse-
quence, the will
of the Polish
nobles and the
CathoUc priest-
hood. Lithuania,
three times as
large as Poland,
sank into an
appanage of the
PoHsh crown.
Hitherto there
had been in
Eastern Europe
three poUtical
centres, Poland,
Lithuania, and
Russia, not to
speak of the Tar-
tars, but now the
largest of them,
Lithuania, sud-
denly ceased to
exist. Hencefor-
ward only Poland
and Russia con-
fro n t e d each
other, and the
time was ap-
proaching when
the question
would be decided
which of the two
was to dominate
Eastern Europe.
When the first frosts came in the winter
of 1386-1387, Jagiello, accompanied by
princes and grandees, and by numerous
priests and Franciscan monks as spiritual
leaders of the undertaking, marched to his
home in order, according to his promise,
to baptise his subjects. At the beginning
of January, 1387, when the ice built firm
bridges everywhere in that country of
rivers, lakes, and marshes, the Polish
mission appeared at Wilna. It was just
3223
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
after tlift long autumn festivities, a time
when the supphes of the Lithuanians
began to fail. The missionaries, however,
brought a quantity of corn, new white
linen robes, and other presents for those
about to be baptised, and appeared in
state just as Otto, the apostle of Pomerania,
had formerly done. The will of the prince
had still more weight in Lithu-
ania. Besides this, Vladislav
The Dawn
of a
„ p Jagiello, in order to win over
the nobles, conferred on all
Catholic Boyars, as from February 20th,
1387, the " Polish right " — that is, all the
liberties which the Polish nobility possessed.
This was the first charter of Lithuania.
Concurrently, the Catholic Church was
organised by the creation and splendid
endowment of a bishopric at Wilna, with
seven parish churches at Miednicki, Mes-
zagole, Wilkomierz, Krevo, Niemerczyn,
Hajnovo, and Obolcza. The first bishop
was the Franciscan Vasylo, a Pole,
formerly confessor of Queen Elizabeth,
and then Bishop of Sereth. The wooden
image of the god Perkunas stood on the
highest summit of the town of Wilna.
The flames of the unapproachable Znicz
still darted forth on the oak-planted square
as the missionary procession came up the
hill, singing holy songs. The sacred oaks
were felled, the " eternal " fire was
quenched. A thundering Te Deum an-
nounced to the people the dawn of a new
era. Not a hand was raised to protect the
old gods. Men and women were then led
to the river, and whole companies received
a Christian name — one to each batch.
Distinguished Boyars had the honour
of separate baptisn.
The same ceremony was performed in
the surrounding country. The number of
those who were then baptised is put at
30,000. By the end of July, 1387,
Jagiello was again in Cracow, and in-
formed the Pope that Lithuania was
converted. " Among all kings ol the wo Id
thou, dear son, boldest the first
' ""'* place in our heart," answered
Ch°''r "t Urban VL, whose sternness
rw lani y .^ ^^^g ^^^^gg^j ^^le great schism.
But when he further said, " Rejoice,
my son, that thou hast been found again
like a hidden treasure and hast escaped
destruction," these words, transferred to
the political world, aptly represented the
true state of affairs. Even in Germany
there was a prophecy that all states would
disappear except Poland and Lithuania.
3224
Various petty states of Eastern Europe
now sought support from the newly
created empire of Poland-Lithuania ; Hun-
gary, for example, was just then crippled
by internal disturbances. Soon after the
coronation the petty princes of North
Russia, mostly vassals of Lithuania, began
to do homage to the now powerful Grand
Duke. While Vladislav Jagiello still re-
mained in Lithuania, Hedwig personally
received the homage of Red Russia, which,
since the times of Casimir the Great,
belonged half to the Hungarian, half to
the Polish crown, but had received from
Lewis the Great a Magyar Starost-General.
In Lemberg the brothers Peter and Roman
who, as voivodes of Moldavia, were,
properly speaking, Hungarian vassals, did
homage to the Lithuanian ; the Metro-
politan Cyprian of Kiev read out the
formula of the oath according to the
orthodox rites. In the year 1390, a second
Hungarian vassal, Prince Mircea the Elder
of Wallachia, did homage. In the course
of the next years the voivodes of Bessarabia
and Transylvania did the same, and their
successors renewed this oath. In the north
thefearof theGerman-Livonian
V ^ • '■^ Order and of Moscow, in the
™j"^l* south the fear of the Turks,
Wide Power , ,, n •.
drove those small pnnces to
seek refuge under the great ruler. The
sphere of the influence of Poland-
Lithuania expanded now from sea to sea.
Meanwhile, the Teutonic Order had
acquired more and more territory by
purchase and treaty. It roused up opposi-
tion against Vladislav Jagiello at Rome
and at every European court. The situa-
tion became especially grave, since in
every negotiation it constantly invoked
the intervention of the empire, and
required actual obedience from Lithuanian
princes. Vladislav of Oppeln submitted
to the Grand Master of Wallenrod himself
(1391-1393) a scheme for the partition of
Poland. Poland-Lithuania was, however,
not free from blame. In dire straits
treaties were made with the Knights, and
some territory was actually ceded ; but
there was bitter feeling against every
arbitrator who assigned the land in
question to the Germans. There was no
rupture to be feared in the lifetime of
Hedwig, whose father, Lewis, had been a
patron of the Order. But after her death,
in 1399, the decision could not long be
postponed. Witold, Jagiello's cousin, was
especially eager for war.
UNION OF LITHUANIA WITH POLAND
In the year 1410, Germany had three
kings or emperors, Wenzel, Jost, and
Sigismund, and would therefore bring no
help to the Order. Lithuania enlisted
Bohemian mercenaries and secured the aid
of the Tartars. Witold incited the
Samaiten country to revolt, although he
had previously given 150 hostages to the
Order. There was nothing left for these
poor wretches except to hang themselves
on the doors of their prisons. The
Russian vassals of Lithuania marched
also to their assistance. Nevertheless, the
operations were by no means easy.
and Zbignew Olesnicki, later Bishop of
Cracow and first statesman of Poland,
took part in the battle. Contemporaries
probably realised the far-reaching effects
of this event more than the writers of
the present day ; John Dlugosz, soon after
1457, urged that the spoils should be
kept for ever in the Church, and that
the anniversary should be commemorated
in perpetuity.
The Order, it is true, tried its fortune
repeatedly afterwards, but always with-
out success. If Vladislav IL Jagiello
had been a true soldier he could easily have
ARMED POLISH NOBLEMAN AND A "HAIDUK" OF THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
The Teutonic Order, then the only power
in Europe which could mobilise its forces
in a fortnight, had splendid artillery, excel-
lent cavalry, and a large body of merce-
naries at its disposal. In culture it stood
on a distinctly higher level than Poland.
The Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen
anticipated Poland with a declaration of
war. The first engagement took place in
the territory of the Order at Griinwald
and Tannenberg, on July 15th, 1410 ; the
army of the Order was annihilated. The
Polish army for the first time sang the
Te Deum in the Polish language. The
chief credit of the victory belongs to Witold.
Dlugosz, father of the celebrated historian,
made himselt master of Marienburg, for
treachery was rife. Many of the Knights
collected their money and goods and fled
to Germany. The writer who completed
the " Chronicle of the Land of Prussia,"
which had been commenced by Johann
von Posilge, an official of Riesenburg,
deceased in 1405, laments the fact. In
spite of the comparatively favourable
treaty of Thorn on February ist, 141 1,
the fall of the Teutonic Order was inevit-
able. The Electoral College recommended
the protection of the Order to the
Emperor Sigismund, and Charles VI. of
France issued a warning to Poland; but
such steps were of little avail.
3225
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
With the collapse of the power of
the Order, the influence of Germany,
both national and pohtical on Eastern
Europe was broken. The empire lost
its magic charm there, while Poland
became a great European power ; the
Hussite movement, for example, became
possible only after 1410. The Slavonic
. spirit grew so strong that even
I ^ 11 **t ° 1 ^^"""^^^ culture could not hold
p " its own. The effect of the
rogress ^^^^ 1386, enhanced by the
year 1410, thus signifies an important
crisis for the Western and Northern Slavs,
whose subjugation would certainly other-
wise have been accomplished, as weU as a
revival of the Slavonic movement.
Vladislav II, Jagiello and Hedwig had
done great services in raising the level of
Polish civilisation. Hedwig first endowed
a college at the University of Prague for
such Lithuanians as studied theology
there, and then obtained permission from
Pope Boniface IX. to found a theological
faculty in Cracow. Finally she left her
fortune to the University of Cracow, so
that in the year 1400 it was able to leave
the hamlet of Bavol, near Cracow, and
settle in its own buildings in the city.
The king himself and the highest officials
registered their names as the first' among
200 students. Peter Wysz began with
lectures in the presence of the king. After
1410 it was possible to equip the university
still better, and it soon flourished.
Nicholas Copernicus studied theology,
medicine, mathematics and astronomy
there in 1491. Schools were provided,
churches built, art studied.
The Pomeranian duke Bogulslav, for-
merly an ally of the Order, now did
homage to the Polish king. Duke Ernest
the Iron of Styria, Carinthia and Car-
niola, a brother of that William who met
with such humiliating treatment in 1385,
went to Cracow in 1412, concluded a defen-
sive and offensive alUance with Poland,
Tu n *-r 1 ^nd married a niece of the
The Beautiful 1 ■ ,, j 1. ,
Ancestress of ^?"g' ^he daughter of
theHapsburgs?^^"^.'^o o^ Masovia, Cim-
burgis, or Cecilia, who
created a sensation by her physical
strength, her beauty, and her " large lips."
She became in 1415 the mother of Emperor
Frederic III., and thus — after the here-
ditary Countess Johanna von Pfirdt, who
died in 1351 — the second great ancestress
of the house of Hapsburg ; at the same
time she attained a similarly high dignity in
3226
house of Wettin, since her daughter the
Margaretha, who died in i486, was married
to the elector Frederic II. the Clement.
The Emperor Sigismund himself, who
even before Tannenberg had invaded the
Cracovian territory, concluded a truce
with Poland, and from November 8th,
1412, pledged the thirteen towns of the
Zips district to Vladislav Jagiello. In
fact, just when the Hussite movement
was at its height, embassies appeared
several times in Cracow to offer the crown
of Bohemia also to the PoHsh king.
But this 'sche^4-','K!ke the further pro-
gress of Poland, was vvrecked on the per-
sonality of the king. Vladislav 1 1 . J agiello,
uneducated and sensual, without energy
and deficient in military ability, was not
the man who might have served a great
empire, burdened with a difficult constitu-
tion in critical times, although from his
position as Grand Duke of Lithuania he
was invaluable as a visible sign of the
union, and was clever enough to adapt
himself to the new situation. He was,
besides, too indifferent in most matters.
His nobles, especially the bishops, man-
«r. ,. . *. aged everything. Nevertheless,
Vladislav II. '^ , ■ -' ° • , , ,
r^ w ji * a certain progress is observable
Culturedbut • ,■ r ^ • , ■ 1
p„ . , in him if we picture to ourselves
Effeminate ,1^11 ■,
how he once had governed
despotically as a pagan ; while he now had
to rule a Catholic people within almost
constitutional limits. Transplanted to
another soil, his disposition underwent a
change ; from a rude barbarian he be-
came a soft-hearted and absolutely effemi-
nate character. He towered above the
princes of Moscow, for example, in culture.
Illuminated by the glory of a great victory,
and as the suzerain of many princes, he
loved to appear in magnificent state,
Uke his brother-in-law Sigismund, for
whom he always showed a certain weak-
ness. He rode with a suite of 100 knights
and an escort of 6,000 or 8,000 horse.
He was so generous that the story ran
in the territory of the Order that he had
won the Polish crown by bribery, and
his successors completely squandered the
crown lands. Vladislav Jagiello was
four times married. After the death of
Hedwig in 1399 he married the daughter
of the Cbunt of CilH, a granddaughter of
Casimir the Great and sister of that
Barbara who, having married, as her
second husband, Sigismund in 1408, died
as empress widow in 1451 ; next, Ehza-
beth Granovska ; and, finally, in X422, he
UNION OF LITHUANIA WITH POLAND
espoused, through the mediation of Witold,
the Russian princess Sofie Olfzanska
of Kiev, who died in 1461. He died on
May 31st, 1434, at Grodek, having almost
attained the age of eighty-six years.
His successors, called after him Jag-
ellons, ruled in Poland until 1572 as elec-
tive, not hereditary, kings. In the fifteenth
century Poland reached the highest point
in her poUtical history, while in the six-
teenth her civilisation was at its zenith.
Some years after the death of Vladislav
II. Jagiello, who had left two sons, Vladi-
slav (III.) and Casimir IV. (Andreas), a
Hungarian embassy appeared in Poland
in 1440, which offered the crown of St.
Stefan to Vladislav III., a boy of barely
fifteen years. Fear of the Turks had
caused this recourse to powerful Poland.
This time not merely the notables of the
national party, but also the bishops, even
Olesnicki of Cracow, the all-powerful
leader of Polish poUcy, counselled accep-
tance of the offer. It was worth the
struggle against the unbehevers. Poland
also had interests in the south. This led,
therefore, to the first war against the Otto-
„. mans. The young king fell
Young King ^^ y^^.^^ ^^ November loth,
r. J.J'* "^ 1444- The Hungarians had,
the Ottomans -J^ -^ . u n* t*u-
it IS true, chosen Matthias
Corvinus king in 1458, and the Bohemians,
George of Podiebrad. But after the
death of the two, the Bohemians first,
and then the Hungarians, by the choice
of Vladimir (II.), a son of Casimir, fell
back upon the house of the Jagellons.
This family retained the crowns of Poland,
Hungary, and Bohemia until 1526, when
Lewis, son of Vladislav II., fell as the
last of the Bohemian -Hungarian branch
at Mohacs.
More important for the Pohsh Empire
than the acquisition of the crowns of
Bohemia and Hungary was the victorious
advance to the Baltic. The Teutonic
Knights had often tried after 1410 to
retrieve their losses. Poland was com-
pelled to wage a tedious war against them
during the years 1420- 1430 ; the cam-
paign flagged greatly. But the dissolution
of the Order could not be staved off. The
estates of the country, dissatisfied with
the rule of the Knights, took up a hostile
attitude ; the " Lizard League " founded
in 1397, and the Prussian League of
1440, were openly and secretly aimed
against the Order. Men once more took
courage and tried to effect a rupture.
After the Emperor Frederic III. in 1453
had issued the command that the league
was to be dissolved, the latter resolved to
submit to the Polish king, Casimir IV,
Andreas. In February, 1454, twelve mem-
bers of the league appeared in Cracow and
offered the Polish king the possession of
Prussia. Cardinal Olesnicki tried to dis-
Polish King ^uade him. But Casimir
:« P«..-..:l- accepted it without hesi-
in rossesston , ,■ '■ ■, ■ ,• ,
of Prussia *^*^°"' ^"^ immediately
nominated the spokesman
of the Knights of the Lizard, Hans von
Baisen, to be governor, awarded to the
Prussian estates the rights of salvage, etc.,
and freed the towns from the harbour dues
known as poundage. The Order, defeated
and actually driven out of Marienburg, was
forced to accept on October 19th, 1466,
the unpalatable second treaty of Thorn.
The whole of Western Prussia, with
Marienburg, Thorn, Danzig, Elbing, and
Kulm, fell to Poland, and Ludwig von
EhrHchshausen (1449-1469) was compelled
to take the oath of fealty to the King
of Poland for East Prussia. Every Grand
Master, six months after election, was to
swear the oath of loyalty to the king for
himself and his followers. The Master was
to recognise no superior — Poland excepted
— but the Pope, and to conclude no alliances
or treaties without the sanction of the
king. Prussia and Poland were to remain
united for ever. Immediately afterwards
" suitable persons " from the subjects of
the PoHsh kingdom were added to the
Prussian houses of the Teutonic Order, on
condition that they should not compose
more than half the members of the Order,
but should be also eUgible to half its
offices. The Grand Master further could
not be deprived of his office without
the king's knowledge. A long chapter
in PoUsh history was thus closed. " With
reluctance I saw," said Dlugosz, " how
Polish territory hitherto was divided
among different nations, and I count my-
self and my contemporaries
Poian s happy in having been
Lost Terntopy ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ %^^ ^^-^
Won Back territory won back again."
Poland thus obtained a large town popula-
tion, of which she had long and deeply felt
the want. The possession of the mouth of
the Vistula and a firm foothold on the Baltic
Sea was of inestimable value to Poland,
although she did not make full use of it
for the development of her trade, or
succeed in making the townsfolk PoUsh.
3227
THE NEW DOMINION OF POLAND
LITHUANIA'S PLACE IN THE DUAL MONARCHY
|\40RE important for Poland than its
* '-^ foreign relations was the internal de-
velopment— that is, the development of the
constitution in the young dual monarchy
and the other relations between Poland
and Lithuania. The chief task was to
secure for all future time the union which
had early been accompanied by such great
successes. The solution of this and many
other problems devolved upon Poland.
There could be no doubt as to the foun-
dation on which the constitution was to
be based. The Catholic religion was
certainly the standard by which all
reforms must be tested. This fundamental
idea had already been expressed in the
document of February 20th, 1387, in which
the Polish rights were only granted to
Catholic Lithuanians ; a special article
went so far as to assert that any man who
left the Catholic faith should
* .*.* t/>so /fldo lose all privileges. In
° Au* *c!°? order that the Church might
in the State • .1 r ^ •
grow m the future, marriage
between the Roman Catholic Lithuanians
and members of the Greek Orthodox
faith was forbidden ; if, however, the
parties had secretly married, the Greek
party was to be compelled to accept
conversion. The non-Catholic population
was excluded, therefore, from all privileges.
But this policy of depressing the non-
Catholic population, intelligible and wise
as it was in itself, provoked bitterness in
the Lithuanian and Russian districts and
commotions in the adjoining states. When
Jagiello was in Cracow in 1386 he had, in
order to secure Lithuania, transferred the
grand ducal office to his brother Skirgello.
One danger threatened, however : his
cousin Witold, who had only obtained
Grodno, seemed eminently dissatisfied
with the new turn of events. He entered
into secret connections not only with the
Order, but also with the Grand Duke
Vassilij Dmitri] evitch of Moscow, and was
a suitor for the hand of his sister Sophia.
The cousin brought his Russian bride
home in the face of the express prohibition
of the king.
An alliance of Lithuania with Moscow
influenced for the first time Polish and
Lithuanian relations. The distinction
between 1he Roman and the
Greek faith became the more
Schemes and
Schemers in
High Places
noticeable, since Lithuania
definitely inclined toward the
side of the latter. Witold wished to
take the opportunity of his marriage to
surprise Wilna. Jagiello, who suspected
even his brother, who belonged to the
Greek faith, thought it best to win over
Witold to his plans. The latter happened
to be in the territory of the Order when
Bishop Henry of Plock came to him on a
secret mission from Jagiello. Witold
accepted the offer, effected a reconciliation
with Jagiello and Hedwig at Ostrov in
Volhynia, and received the grand ducal
title, while Skirgello was sent to Kiev.
From that day Witold remained so loyal,
to the Catholic Church at least, that Pope
John XXIIL conferred on him later the
title of " Vicar of the Church."
The case was different with his loyalty
to the Polish crown. The subordinate
position which his native land now took
as regards Poland, and perhaps also the
slight inflicted upon the Orthodox Church,
in which he was brought up, must have
chagrined a typical Lithuanian like WitoJd.
The great campaign which he prepared
against the Tartars throws a peculiar light
on his political plans. He fed himself with
. the thought of bringing the
Great Campaign Russian principalities under
th^^^T^rt ^^^ supremacy in order
e ar ars finally to make even Poland
dependent on Lithuania. But if he
wished to subjugate Moscow, which was
then growing, the Tartar power must first
be crushed. He was defeated, however,
on the Vorskla in 1399. His hopes, so far
as they had travelled in that direction,
3229
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
were buried in that reverse. The battle
on the Vorskia was therefore momentous
not only for Poland and Lithuania,
but also for all Eastern Europe. Above
all, it placed Lithuania in a lower
position towards Poland. The depressed
Witold now resolved to tighten the bond
with Poland, and hurried to the king at
Cracow. Now for the first time
the amalgamation of the two
Poland and
Lithuania
Amalgamate
countries was seriously carried
out. At the beginning of
1401 Witold assembled his Boyars and
Russian vassal princes at Wilna ; they all
pledged themselves to help Poland with
all their forces and take measures that, if
Witold died, the whole dominions, in-
herited and acquired, might devolve on
Vladislav Jagiello.
Witold renewed his oath of homage,
and the other princes followed his
lead ; Svidrigello alone appended, as
the chronicler of the Order relates,
"an illegal seal" to the document in
order to testify to his reluctance. Im-
mediately afterwards the Polish digni-
taries held an assembly on their side at
Radom on March nth, and equally gave
the promise that they would support
Lithuania, and after the death of Vladislav
Jagiello would not elect a king without
Witold's knowledge. If a personal union
was concluded in 1386, a constitutional
union of the two kingdoms was now
effected. The advantage lay with Poland ;
Lithuania was to be independent only
during the lifetime of Witold, and would
then be incorporated with the crown of
Poland.
When the common danger threatening
from the Teutonic Order had been dis-
pelled after the great victory of 1410, it
seemed as if the union would break up,
for Witold believed that he was strong
enough single-handed. Since the Polish
statesmen had at times almost spared the
Order, they might nearly be suspected of
^ .. ,. . having intentionally wished to
Catholicism , °, , •' , ,,.
the Religion '^^^P ^^-^^ ^"'T''^/ ""^ ?" ^ '"
of Chivalry ?-"f ^^^ Poland contmually
before the eyes of the Lith-
uanians. Witold for his part valued
Western civilisation too highly not to
form a true estimate of its blessings. But
if he wished to raise his country to the
plane of a European state, it was essential
to make his people Catholics. Catholicism
had yet another charm for him — it was
the religion of chivalry. Witold had
3230
already dubbed several of his men as
knights ; but now a creation of knights
on a large scale was planned.
The Polish and Lithuanian nobles
hurried in crowds to Horodlo on the
Bug (1413). Each Polish clan adopted
a Catholic Lithuanian Boyar, who then
received the family name, the arms, and
all rights of the members of that
Polish family ; thus, for example, the
palatine of Wilna, Monvid, became a
member of the Leliva family, and bore the
same arms as Jasko of Tarnow. Witold
himself named forty-seven Boyars as the
most worthy. The personal union of 1386
and the constitutional union of 1401 were
thus followed by the inauguration of
brotherhood between the two nations.
All earlier enactments were renewed, and
the preliminaries of the impending cor-
poration of Lithuania were so far arranged
that it was resolved to undertake for
administrative purposes a new partition
of the Lithuanian territory on the Polish
model.
Vladislav II. Jagiello on this occasion
increased the fundamental privileges of
the nobility by an enactment of great
-^ p importance for the future.
Henceforward all nobles of
Parliament
Recognised
Poland and Lithuania were to
have the right, whenever it was
necessary, of holding meetings and parlia-
ments, for the benefit of the realm with
the sanction of the king, at Lublin, Parczov,
or some other suitable place. By this
enactment the Polish parliament, as it is
styled in the charter, was legally recognised,
and the chief power in the state was placed
in the hands of the nobility. While this
new parliamentary constitution implied for
Poland an enlargement of existing rights,
it was something quite new for Lithuania,
which had hitherto been governed by an
absolute monarch.
The Lithuanians, in return for their
adoption of the Catholic religion and the
surrender of political independence, re-
ceived the same liberties and the same con-
stitution as the Poles, whose arms they
were permitted to bear as brothers. Their
political loss was compensated by their
newly acquired influence on the general
affairs of the empire. The two other
achievements of the Lithuanians, at any
rate, proved illusive. The greatest con-
fusion then prevailed throughout the
whole community ; the Hussite and the
Protestant movements soon increa,sed it.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY ARMOUR OF A POLISH CHIEFTAIN
The gorgeous panoply of a military commander of the sixteenth century, the fantastic
dress being made of numerous small iron scales or plates and the elaborate ornamenta-
tion being of copper work covered with gold. From the Museum of Tsarskoe Seloe.
3231
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Nevertheless, Christianity had not yet
lost all its strength. But chivalry was
waning ; it had already become unten-
able on military, economic, and social
grounds, and from the advance of civilisa-
tion. Lithuania had only just laboriously
introduced what Western Europe had
already begun to discard. On the other
hand, the constitution of Ho-
Contending ^.^^j^ -^ ^j first-class import-
•0*1°''!! ance from the standpoint of
in Poland civilisation and history gener-
ally. Its most prominent characteristic
is the accentuation of Catholicity. The
Polish statesmen tried to solve their
main constitutional problem by the
example of Western Europe, Did they
succeed ? The constitutions of the West
were equally based on a Catholic founda-
tion ; but their success was not menaced
by the existence of a non-Catholic element.
Poland, on the contrary, had two strong
religious parties side by side. That no
account was taken of the Greek faith
was attributable to the ideas of Western
Europe ; but a political reason for this
was adduced. " Difference of faith pro-
duces difference of sympathies." But
subsequently friction was produced by
this, and rebellions broke out. Moscow,
seizing on this weak spot in the armour
of Poland, proclaimed herself the protector
of the Orthodox faith and brought Poland
to the ground. Through this vulnerable
point of her constitution Poland was
affected by the prevailing Roman Catholic
ideas.
Witold then once more showed that he
towered above the Polish politicians in
statesmanship. It was clear to him that
the gulf must somehow be bridged ; he
perceived the constitutional humiliation
of the Orthodox population, and found the
solution in the idea of ecclesiastical union.
Rome, if an oppressed sovereign sought
her aid, had formerly stipulated for a
complete adoption of the Catholic faith,
. even if some occasional exemp-
Dissenstons ^-^^^ ^^^^ promised. But now
tn the Roman ■. i j x ^
Ch h ^^ resolved to carry out
the unification of the two
Churches in such a way that the Orthodox
population need only accept the Catholic
articles of beUef and show obedience to the
Pope, but in other respects should retain
their Greek ritual. Before the spread of
the Hussite movement men would hardly
have ventured to lay such terms before the
Curia. Witold energetically supported the
3232
prosecution of this plan. It was essential
that the Russo- Lithuanian district with
Kiev should, in Church matters, be
made independent of the Metropolitan
at Moscow. In the same year that
JIuss was burnt at the stake at Con-
>stance (1415), Witold convened a synod
of the Russo - Lithuanian clergy at
Novohorodok in Lithuania, and pro-
claimed the independence of the Russo-
Lithuanian Church with Kiev as its
centre. Gregor Camblak, raised to be
Metropolitan of Kiev, went in 141 8 with
eighteen suffragan bishops to Constance,
at the command of the Grand Duke, in
order to conclude there the union with the
Roman Church. On account of the
dissensions in the bosom of the Roman
Church the negotiations fell through.
But the idea of union remained. Thus,
the union concluded at Florence in the
reign of Vladislav III. is, properly speak-
ing, the sequel of those efforts. The plan
was resumed in the year 1596 under
Sigismund III., when a union was agreed
upon at Berest ; and so again later. But
there is a vast difference between the plan
of Witold and the later unions. Witold
contemplated only a con-
IHie Polish stitutional equalisation of the
Nationality Rugso-Lithuanian and Catholic
reng ene population, in which connec-
tion he, as a statesman, laid no special
weight on creeds, and even protected the
Jews ; while later the only wish was to
promote the Roman Catholic Church and
the spread of the Polish element.
The second chief characteristic of the
Polish constitution of 1413 is the stress
laid on nationality. The Piast constitu-
tion had taken no account of other races
because it had no cause to do so. But
vvhen in 1291 the Bohemian king Wenzel
II. became King of Poland also, the
Polish nobihty, following a precedent under
Henry 11. of Silesia in the year 1239, drew
up a charter that the king should confer
offices on Poles alone. The same thing
occurred when King Lewis of Hungary
reigned in Poland, and again at the elec-
tion of Jagiello. This article of the con-
stitution raised a barrier between the
Poles and the other nations, and thus
strengthened the consciousness of Polish
nationality.
A third peculiar feature of the Polish
constitution was its republican spirit.
Since in Horodlo it was only said
generally that nobles might rneet in suitable
THE NEW DOMINION OF POLAND
localities, but was not precisely laid
down by whom or how often they were
to be summoned and how many might be
present, the republican character of the
constitution was emphasised. Wherever
several nobles met they had, ipso facto,
the right to decide on affairs of state ;
this was the source of the later Sejmiki and
confederations. The unity of the con-
stitution was destroyed by it. When an
attempt was made, in 1540, in the imperial
diet, to fix at least the. number of their
deputies, the nobility
did not even concede
that point. Every noble
was a deputy by birth
and had a share in the
imperial government.
The anarchy of the
falling empire had its
origin at Horodlo. Two
classes now guided the
destinies of Poland —
the Cathohc priesthood
and the nobility. The
peasant population and
the citizens of the
towns had no place by
the side of these two.
The impoverishment
which the privileged
orders brought upon
the middle class had a
most disastrous effect
on industry and trade.
The peasantry, how-
ever, were bound to
retrograde in every
sense. The two power-
ful parties were natur-
ally anxious to increase
their privileges still
more. When Vladislav
we will not allow any property-owning
Pole to be imprisoned for any crime, or
any penalty to be inflicted upon him
before he has been assigned to and
brought before some court ; excepting
thieves and criminals caught red-handed,
as well as persons who cannot or will not
give any security. Nobody shall be
deprived of his goods by the king, but
only by the sentence of the barons."
This was the Polish act of Habeas Corpus.
In Lithuania people had long been
discontented with the
state of things created
by the union with
Poland. Chiefly belong-
ing to the Orthodox
communion, they felt
their religious and po-
litical degradation the
more keenly, since they
were socially and
economically prejudiced
by it, and their culture
must in the long run
inevitably be stunted.
In fine, it was felt that
Lithuania was in an
inferior position as re-
gards Poland. This was
perceived with the
greater bitterness, since
before 1386 Lithuania
contained three times
as much territory as
Poland. At first the
opposition massed itself
round Witold. The
Poles won him over.
Then he wished to
equalise the differences
in a constitutional way
by the union. But he
could not overcome the
J agiello m 142:) wished casimir iv: Poland's powerful king ,..,,.-.
to secure the succession when he ascended the throne of Poland, in 1447, pohtlCally mlenor pOSl-
Of his sons, the StipU- Casimir attempted to curtail the excessive power of tion of Lithuania. In
, . ' . ,' . the Catholic ecclesiastical princes, and forced i .. . in j- i
lation was required in the Pope to renounce the exclusive right of a letter to Vladislav
return that for the "«»i"*tingr these dignitaries. He died in 1492. jagiello he declared
future only men of noble birth should be that the Emperor Sigismund (Poland's
admitted to spiritual dignities. This stipu-
lation was not granted, because it ran
counter to the custom of the Roman
Church itself ; but henceforward priests
from the common people were to be
excluded at any rate from the cathedral
chapters at Cracow and Gnesen. Jagiello
conferred a new favour on the nobiUty
at Jedlno in the year 1430, and in 1433
at Cracow : " We promise and vow that
evil genius, in whose power it lay to break
up the union) had suggested to him the
idea of aiming at the royal crown for
Lithuania. Witold, in fact, staked every-
thing upon obtaining his coronation. He
had already invited Jagiello and many
neighbouring princes to Luck. The im-
perial embassy, which was to bring him
the crown, had reached the Pohsh frontier
when the Poles barred the way. Sigismund
3233
CHRISTMAS
PRETTY POLISH CUSTOM
At the Cliristmas season the Pohsh peasants go round the villages, carrying a huge lighted star, symbolising the Star
Of Bethlehem. Three boys impersonate the three kings of the East, Caspar, Melchior, and Balthazar. They also
carry a little puppet-show, in which the drama of the Nativity and other Scripture incidents are performed.
3234
CHRISTMAS IN POLAND: THE STORK AS CAROL -SINGER
In commemoration of the legend that tells how the birds and beusts of the field came to worsliip the Infant Jesus, the
young Polish peasants dress up as various creatures, such as the stork and the bear, and go round the houses sm^ng
traditional carols. They are paid with gifts of cakes and sausages. The ceremony is practised also during the Carnival.
206
3235
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
and Jagiello were at Luck, when Witold
died unexpectedly (October 27th, 1430).
The danger thus disappeared. Witold
probably did not aim at a complete
severance of Lithuania from Poland or at
the status (which Sigismund designed
imposing on him) of a vassal of the German
emperor, but rather intended to place
D I J' V I. Lithuania on an equal foot-
Pretses'ol ^"8 ^ith Poland, and wished
.... to employ Germany for the
purpose. The Pohsh yoke
grew heavier after Witold's death. Thus,
for example, Polish garrisons were thrown
into Kamienec and other Podohan fort-
resses without any warning, and Sigis-
mund, the Grand Duke of Lithuania, was
forced in the name of Lithuania to
waive all claim to Podolia, and actually
to surrender the most important fort-
resses of Volhynia. Nor was that all.
The Poles demanded that all fresh
acquisitions of territory should be made
in the name of the crown of Poland
alone. Finally, in all negotiations and
treaties with foreign countries Lithuania
was almost completely ignored. The
malcontents grouped themselves round
the person of Svidrigello, and the opposi-
tion found support in Moscow. Then war
was determined upon in Poland. Svid-
rigello, defeated in 1435 on the River
Svienta, was forced to recognise the
suzerainty of Poland. But the opposition
was not yet crushed by this defeat, and
now the Grand Duke Casimir himself,
brother of King Vladislav IIL, put himself
at its head. The union of Florence in
1439, the arrangements of which were
promoted by the Pohsh statesmen (Bishop
Olesnicki received for his services a
cardinal's hat), could not but make the
more bad blood in the Russo- Lithuanian
districts, since King Vladislav IIL at the
suggestion of the cardinal conferred on
the united clergy the same rights which
the Latin clergy enjoyed. Casimir IV.
_ . . .„ Andreas, even after he had
nd th" become King of Poland in
Church ^447. did not alter his Li-
thuanian proclivities. On the
contrary, he endeavoured to change the
constitution, the defects of which he had
clearly recognised. His greatest anxiety
was due to the excessive power of the
Catholic ecclesiastical princes, especially
the haughty behaviour of Olesnicki, who,
being the real originator of that constitu-
tion, tried to overshadow the crown itself.
3236
Casimir, adroitly making full use of the
schism which then divided the Roman
Church, forced the anti-Pope Fehx V. to
renounce the exclusive right of nominating
the ecclesiastical dignitaries of his empire ;
henceforward the king had for six years to
fill ninety first places. By this plan the
election of the chapters became invaUd,
and only persons acceptable to the king
could be nominated to high offices.
Casimir IV. also passed the enactment
that the prelates as landowners should be
hable to mihtary service, by which means
the mihtary constitution of Casimir the
Great was completed.
The king also planned to break down
the excessive power of the nobihty. He
was at the same time firmly resolved not
to allow Lithuania to be overshadowed
by Poland ; he resided by preference in
the former country and surrounded him-
self with Lithuanians. When we hear what
his attitude towards Bohemia and the
Hussites was, how in 1449, in his capacity
as Grand Duke of Lithuania, he made an
alhance with Grand Duke Vasilij Vasilje-
witch against common enemies — the
second treaty of Lithuania with Moscow,
. made in the spirit of Witold —
Lithuama j^^^ ^^^^ mutually secured the
Rcv*h* guardianship of their children
and allowed free trading facili-
ties, and how cautious was Casimir
in settling the frontier on the side of
Moscow, we may fairly suppose that
Casimir courted connections with Moscow
in order to show a bolder front against
the Poles, and then to be able to reform
the constitution.
He delayed to confirm the PoUsh
privileges, wished to institute a trial
for high treason against the cardinal,
surrounded himself with younger men
of his own views, and pubhshed pamph-
lets on the necessity of constitutional
reform ; in fact, he did not shrink
from emplo5nng the headsman's axe in
order to show the great officials that they
were not masters of the state. He
began by favouring the lesser nobility, in
order to pit them against the magnates.
This policy led later to the change in the
constitution.
There was popular talk in Lithuania of
conquering Podolia by force of arms, and
the bitterness between Lithuania and
Poland soon reached such a pitch that an
open revolt of Lithuania threatened in 1456.
If Casimir had persevered in his action
3237
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
he would certainly have gained his end.
But financial straits forced him to con-
cessions. Poland was confronted with a
war against the Order. The Slachta,
which met at Cerekwica, refused to take
the field before their privileges had been
confirmed. Casimir himself required
money, since he wished to marry Elizabeth,
. the sister of the Hungarian
The King m ^^^^^ Ladislaus Posthumus ; and
since according to the laws the
Financial
Difficulties
country had to furnish the
dowry for the queen, the king was forced
in 1453 to give way, and at the imperial
diet at Piotrkov, in the presence of twelve
knights and twelve barons, took the
constitutional oath at the hands of the
cardinal whom he detested. The regal
power was still more restricted by the
appointment of four councillors as assessors
to the king, without whose consent no
ordinance of the king should have the
force of law. This first defeat of the
crown was followed by others under
Casimir's successors.
From the time of Casimir onwards we
can notice two currents in the national
life of Poland : the majority of the nobles
worked for the enlargement of their
privileges, while the second party aimed
at the strengthening of the royal power
and a restriction of personal liberty. This
division of aims was to be found in every
state of Europe. A contemporary of
Casimir was the Florentine Niccolo Machia-
velU (1469-1527), who, in his " Principe,"
which was addressed to Lorenzo de'
Medici in 1514, published a treatise for the
guidance of princes, to whom he wished
to communicate the art of attaining an
unrestricted authority. And at the court
of Poland lived a representative of this
school, the humanist Filippo Buonaccorsi,
better known under the Latin name
of Callimachus Experiens, to whom,
together with John Dlugosz, Casimir had
entrusted the education of his children.
. But while in many European
ppostng countries the imperialistic
. 1 , . party won the day, the re-
in Poland ui- . • T^ 1 J
publican party m Poland
continuously gained the upper hand.
Casimir's son and successor, John L
Albert (1492-1501) vigorously prosecuted
his father's plan, but in the end, like him,
had to acknowledge failure. He is said to
have planned nothing less than a coup
d'etat in order to overthrow the nobles
and strengthen the monarchical power.
3238
He governed without the senate. When
the primate Olesnicki died, John Albert set
his brother Frederic on the archiepiscopal.
throne. He introduced greater magni-
ficence at court and made difficulties,
whenever possible, about the admission
of the magnates. He concluded a
treaty with his brother Vladislav (H.)
of Bohemia and Hungary in which they
pledged themselves to help each other
" in case of any rebellion of their subjects
or any attempt by them to restrict the
monarchical power."
The most certain means of increasing
his power seemed to him to be a victorious
war ; he proposed to conquer Moldavia
for his youngest brother Sigismund.
All the Jagellons, with the exception
of Alexander of Lithuania, assembled
at Leutschau in Hungary in 1494 to
discuss that campaign. They had, be-
sides, every cause to join forces, since
the Hapsburgs had concluded an alliance
with Moscow against Poland. Prepara-
tions were made under pretext of a war
against the Turks. Then the same situa-
tion came about as under Casimir — the
nobles would not vote any supplies, and
«». ..» ».... Albert saw himself compelled
The Nobility ■ ^ - • ^
_ 'to grant extensive concessions
* c * *° the nobility at the diet at
Piotrkov in 1496. Besides this,
he suffered an overwhelming defeat in
1497 at Cozmin in the Bukovina.
The new, and at the same time mon-
strous feature, of the legislation of John
Albert, extorted in 1496 by the Slachta,
was that it formally surrendered the
peasant population to the nobility. The
pressure of the Slachta must have been
great indeed when it could be complained
in the diet that the country-folk left
their fields in crowds and that the villages
were empty. On the basis of the enact-
ments of Casimir the Great (who had
checked emigration so far that only a
peasant who had more than one son
should be allowed to send one to school
or to business in the town, and then
only on a certificate from his lord) it
was enacted that henceforward in every
year only one peasant might leave
his village. This restriction was not
modified until 1501. In another article
townsfolk were prohibited from acquir-
ing and owning property according to
provincial law. Further, the admission of
non-nobles into the ecclesiastical hierarchy
was restricted. Formerly, indeed, no
4|f-- 31
3239
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
non-nobles were admitted to the higher
offices in the cathedrals at Gnesen,
Cracow, Posen, and Plock, but now the
superior posts generally, to the exclusion of
foreigners, were reserved for natives of
noble birth alone. These two provisions
were ostensibly designed to increase the
military force. If, according to the tenor
of the military system of Casimir the
Great, only land-owning nobles were
under any obligations of military
service, in the interests of public
defence the admission of non-nobles
to ecclesiastical offices ought to be
prevented, and the sale of " noble "
property to them forbidden,
because" they were exempt from
military service. Only certain
benefices might be conferred upon
"plebeians."
The articles concerning work-
men were equally harsh : they
were forbidden to go to Prussia
and Silesia to work at harvest-
tide, in order that there might
be no want of labour in Poland
and that the wages might not
need to be raised. The destitute
were to be employed on the
construction of fortresses on
the Turkish or Tartar frontiers.
The statute of 1496 significantly
recounts that there were more
beggars in the realm of Poland
than anywhere else. The poor
population, therefore, took refuge
by hundreds in those ownerless
districts on the Dnieper where
freedom and a less degrading
existence were still to be found,
and they found a suitable em-
ployment in campaigns against
Ottomans and Tartars. From
these people arose the avengers ^
of Polish oppression. The same sword
characteristics are shown by polish
the laws passed under Albert's brothers,
Alexander I. (1501-1506), and Sigismund
the Elder or the Great (1506-1548). The
imperial diets were bent on further re-
stricting the royal power. Thus we may
call attention to the provision that the
king had not to decide anything by him-
self, but merely to lead the deUberations
of the senate; for " an oligarchical govern-
ment was better than a monarchical."
Further, the famous statute Nihil novi
declared that the king henceforth might
not introduce any new measure without
3240
the assent of the senate and the provincial
deputies ; this strengthened the provisions
of 1453 and 1454. High offices were to
be conferred according to length of service
and not at the caprice of the monarch.
Grave consequences ensued from the decree
of the diet of 1504, by which the king
might not pledge or give away crown
lands except with the knowledge of the
diet and the assent of the senate. The
legislative proposals which aimed at the
increase of the defensive powers of the
realm are noteworthy, and they would
doubtless haye achieved their purpose
had they been carried out. According
to them, not merely were the
townsfolk who owned landed
property liable to mihtary service,
but every tenth man from
the country population was to
be drafted into the militia,
which was intended to form the
basis of the nation's mihtary
organisation.
The diets under Sigismund
frequently occupied themselves
with this question. Under him
the Hberty of the peasants to
leave their homes was still more
restricted, since they were made
solely and absolutely dependent
on the lord, while the rights
of private jurisdiction were ex-
tended. In the legislative enact-
ments of Melnik, of 1501, which,
however, are not to be found in
the " Volumina legum " of Jan
Laski (John a Lasco; 1466-1531),
it is laid down that, in case the
king should prosecute any innocent
person, or not conform to the
enactments of the council, and
act contrary to the well-being
of the empire, the whole empire
OF THE was released from the oath of
KINGS loyalty and might regard the
king as a tyrant and a foe.
Such proceedings could not produce
any good impression in Lithuania. When
John Albert's brother, Alexander, became
Grand Duke of Lithuania, this was done
without the assent of Poland. The union,
therefore, was formally non-existent.
Alexander, in fact, trod in the foot-
steps of Witold and Casimir, since
he similarly entered into alliance with
Moscow. Only the war against the
Order brought both parties quickly
together again. -^J.^SSt-J-
POLAND UNDER THE JAGELLONS
SEEDS OF DECAY IN THE NATIONAL LIFE
"VY/HEN Sigismund, Casimir's son,
^ mounted the throne of Poland in 1506
Eastern Europe presented a very different
poHtical picture from that of a hundred
years before. The hardest task of Poland
in the course of the three last centuries,
the suppression, that is, of the Teutonic
Knights in order to occupy the coast of
the Baltic, had been performed in 1466.
It was high time, for a few decades
later it would hardly have been possible.
Threatening clouds gathered in the
east and west of Poland just at the close
of the fifteenth century and the beginning
of the sixteenth. On the one hand
Moscow was arming for an attack on
Poland-Lithuania ; on the other side the
Ottomans were pressing with increasing
power. Poland had long enjoyed tran-
quillity on the side of Moscow, which,
groaning under the Tartar rule, had been
unable to move. But when Ivan III.
had shaken off the Mongol
c" ion of y°^^ ^"^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^"^^
«K *o*th*'d° ^^^' ^^ formed comprehen-
e r o ox gj^^ schemes. He worked
for the unification of Russia with skill and
good fortune. One district after another
was brought over to him.
When he married in 1472 the Byzan-
tine princess Sophia (Zoe), daughter of
the despot Thomas of Morea, the last of
the race of the Palaeologi, he assumed
the Byzantine imperial arms, the double-
headed eagle, and claimed from Rome
the title of Emperor of Russia. He also
laid claim to the Russian districts of
Poland. The current of anti-PoUsh feeling
in Lithuania was perceived by Ivan III.
He therefore came forward as the champion
of the Orthodox population of Poland.
The Russian party in Lithuania was always
strong ; and capable men, such as
Michael GUnskij, stood at its head. Even
in Casimir's days the poHtical condi-
tions in Eastern Europe seemed to have
shifted in favour of Moscow.
Since the year 1481, after the Tartars
had been beaten, the Lithuanian princes,
hitherto friendly towards Poland, began
one after the other to go over to the side
of Moscow. Alexander, while Grand Duke
of Lithuania, was openly pro-Russian. A
rapprochement between him and Ivan took
place in 1494. Alexander married the
D t J- €s* J Princess Helene and
Poland s Stand ■ j 1. - 1 • j.
. . . ., waived his claim to a
Against the . , . ,
f> tu f r-u V senes of towns in favour
Catholic Church r i_- r ■! 1 t
of his father-in-law. In
the marriage contract he pledged himself
not to force Helene to go over to the Catholic
reHgion,and in fact not to allow her to do so
" voluntarily." He built a chapel for her in
Wilna,and surrounded her only with people
of her own creed. We learn from these
stipulations that the determined influence
of the Roman Catholic Church on public
poUcy, against which a stand was being
made in Poland, was already recognised
in Moscow. Alexander confirmed in 1499
the old rights of the Orthodox Church.
Ivan also knew how to stir up hostility
on every side against Poland, and to
organise a menacing league against it.
He married his son VasiUj to a daughter
of Stefan the Great of Moldavia, and
thus drew this country into the sphere
of his interests. He w£is allied with the
Teutonic Order and friendly with the
Tartar Khan Mengli Giray I. (1469- 1474
and 1478- 15 15) ; he observed an amicable
attitude towards Turkey, and would not
_ J entertain any idea of a league
Mo™ow^in ^^*^ Poland and Hungary
oscow in aerainst Turkey. HissonVasiUi
Agreement ° , ,, -^ ,• •"
observed the same poucy.
In this attitude towards Polandthe Russian
princes were met by the German emperor
Maximihan, who, as an opponent of the
Jagellons in the contest for the crowns of
Bohemia and Hungary, found a welcome
ally in the Muscovite grand duke. This
was the first time that Germany entered
into relations with Moscow.
3241
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Equally threatening was the attitude
of the Sublime Porte. It was the zenith of
Ottoman power. Moldavia and Wallachia
already wavered in their loyalty as allies
of Poland ; if they were lost, it would be
the turn of the Dniester district. Finally,
it lay with the Jagellons to defend the
Hungarian crown. This state of things
drove Poland also towards the
eague g^y^j^ ^^^ provoked hostilities
n^""! with Germany. The Haps-
burgs, therefore, were eager, in
league with Moscow and the Teutonic
Order, to close the circle of the enemies
of Poland ; besides these, Maximilian
won over the Margrave of Brandenburg,
the Duke of Saxony, and the King of
Denmark, for the combination against
Poland, as well as a distinct party in
Poland itself.
It was thus high time for Sigismund to
act. He had concluded an alliance with
Hungary in 1507, had renounced Moldavia
in favour of Hungary, and married
Barbara, sister of John Zapolya, besides
winning over Mengli Giray, the Tartar
Khan, by " yearly presents " of 15,000
gulden — everything in order to show a
bolder front to Maximilian and others —
when he suddenly changed his views.
Sigismund could not, of course, wage war
with all his enemies at one and the same
time, and was forced, therefore, to decide
whether to turn toward the West or the
East. But Maximilian also had cause to
seek a peace with Poland. The great
struggle between the Hapsburgs and
Valois then began. The succession in
Milan and Naples aroused this struggle,
and both antagonists fought in every part
of the world where they could inflict
damage on each other.
Sigismund decided for the contest with
the East and fos the alliance with Maxi-
milian. His brother Ladislaus (Vladislav) II.
of Hungary was the intermediary. Thus,
on July 22nd, 1515, that memorable treaty
The World between the three monarchs
Power of the ^^ *° *^^ succession, which
Hapsburgs "^^^ decisive not merely for
the history of Poland, was
arranged in Vienna. The granddaughter of
the emperor, Maria, was to marry Lewis, the
son of Ladislaus, and Anna, his daughter,
was to wed one of the two grandsons of
the emperor, Charles or Ferdinand ; the
emperor went through the form of
• betrothal with Anna in the name of the
not yet selected grandson, in the church
.3242
of St. Stephen. It was further decided
that, in the event of Lewis dying without
issue, the Hungarian crown should devolve
on his sister Anna.
This treaty meant the renunciation by
the Jagellons of their claims to the crowns
of Bohemia and Hungary, and therefore to
any power in the West, and founded the
world power of the house of Hapsburg, just
as it laid the foundations of the later
empire of Austria. The day which saw the
last Hungarian Jagellon fall at Mohics,
August 29th, 1526, was the birthday of the
Austrian monarchy.
But this treaty, on the other side,
brought advantages to Poland. The
emperor no longer supported the Teutonic
Order, and did not aim at an armed
alliance with the Grand Duke of Moscow,
but left Poland a free hand. The situation
that had been prepared and created by the
battle at Tanenberg was formally recognised
and confirmed by Germany so far as such
treaties can be binding. The year 15 15
forms the last stage in the development of
the conditions created by the year 1410.
Poland thus entered upon a new chapter
N Ch ofherhistoricaldevelopment.
in Pol" h** ^'^ ^^^ empire, which had
Development hitherto turned its face
toward the west, now turned
toward the east — namely, toward Moscow.
The c.ntestwith this power fills the pagesof
the history of Poland for the succeeding cen-
turies and decides her fate. Poland, indeed,
only gradually recognised the necessity
of the struggle. Even Sigismund did not
keep this goal steadily before him, though
he wavered in his loyalty to Germany.
The Poles, whose country lay on the
upper courses of the Oder and the Vistula,
must have always struggled to reach the
Baltic. This motive, indeed, led to the
union with Lithuania, which equally
was drawn toward the Baltic. For this
reason the Lithuano-Polish union was
maintained in the face of all hindrances.
In the second treaty of Thorn of 1466 the
Poles had reached the goal which the
course of their rivers clearly indicated.
The same physical necessity caused the
change of front in the year 15 15. Poland
never found the partnership with Hungary
profitable ; the connection was physically
impossible, since a chain of mountains
raised a barrier between them. Bohemia
and Hungary especially had greater
interests in common with Austria than
with Poland, which lay on another line.
POLAND UNDER THE JAGELLONS
There the Danube created out of all the
surrounding regions a new state, Austria,
the necessity of which was proved by the
joint wars against the Turks, who wished
to dispute with it the possession of the
Danube. The influence of geography
therefore kept Poland aloof from Hungary,
Bohemia and Austria, and indicated to
her that abandonment of all interests in
Hungary which forms the one side of the
treaty of 1515.
But the other side of the treaty, the
advance againsfthe East, was qualified by
physical conditions. While Western Europe
is divided by mountain ranges into many
distinct and separate parts, in which
individual states could develop apart,
since they were protected
from their neighbours
by Nature, East Europe
forms one gigantic plain
which, in spite of its
expanse, must have
favoured the formation of
a homogeneous political
structure on its whole
surface. The waves of
nations continually swept
on and broke one on the
othrr ; the weaker tribes
were subjugated, until at
last only the strongest
survived. Nowhere
perhaps has the ethno-
graphical picture changed
so often as here — on the
sea-coasts, if anywhere.
Many centunes elapsed
What the East
European
War Meant
dominates man. The two races, educated
in different schools, worshipped quite
different ideals. It was not the Poles
that were fighting against the Russians
there, but the Catholic Church against the
Orthodox, republicanism against despotism.
Hence the bitterness of this
East European war ; it was a
war of two conflicting prin-
ciples. Moscow had emerged
from the Tartar school hard and barbarised.
An implacably stern absolutism had saved
Russia from destruction. How, therefore,
after this experience, was she to give up her
own form of government and join the
Western current of ideas ? People and
prince alike in Russia were so convinced of
the blessing of absolute
monarchy that they were
readier to go further in
that direction rather than
to abandon it ; especially
since in the impending
war all the resources of the
country stood at the abso-
lute disposal of the des-
potic ruler, and the nation
was so devoted to him
that it hardly ventured
to murmur under the
heaviest oppression. A
glance at the development
of things in Poland could
only strengthen Moscow
in this conviction.
Just when the struggle
between these two nation-
ahties began, the royal
power in Poland had
SIGISMUND I. : AN ENERGETIC
RULER
reign, from 1503 till 1548, Sigis-
betore a homogeneous ^^^^-^^ ^^^
political structure? arose mund i. was "endeavouring" to"strengtiienThe gradually suuk into a
in this gigantic basin. rweTerfwere^Tair^o^c^:^^^^^^^
There were countless decay which had taken root in the national soil, king and the nobiUty
tribes there, and countless tribes were seemed to constitute two hostile, opposing
fated to fall, until finally, on the question
who was to ruia over the whole of East
Europe, only two nations could come
under consideration — the Poles and the
Russians. And as soon as they recognised
each other as rivals they rushed at each
other, just as when in the desert
one wild beast crosses the path
of another. Properly speaking,
the two kindred stocks, since
similar economic, political,
artistic, and even national interests, and
to some degree the same enemies, could
have quite well united, as was the case
with Poland and Lithuania. But it was
shown once more how powerfully an idea
Poles and
Russians in
Antagonism
they had
parties. The nobiUty would not under-
take anything unless they received in return
some concession or other from the king.
The Slachta decided on war and peace, and
obtained pay for the campaigns outside the
borders of the empire. The ravages and
losses in war had to be made good to them,
and their prisoners of war ransomed by the
king. The nobihty was desirous of paying
as few taxes as possible, and of hghtening
the burden of their other state duties,
and naturally saw with pleasure when the
king was freehanded. The kings bore
the whole load of responsibility, and often
rescued the realm from distress merely
by the weight of their personahty and with
3243
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
their own means. These nobles, again,
cared nothing for economy or work ; work
was the concern of the peasants. These
latter, therefore, and the king were the
martyrs of the commonweal. And the class
which possessed the most power in the
state regarded the highest interests of the
kingdom as something almost foreign.
How could Poland under such
conditions be a strong state ?
Poland's
Weakness
in Battle
These weaknesses came to light
in all the wars which Poland
waged in the fifteenth century. The whole
management of the war against the
Teutonic Order, which, after the year 1410,
was enfeebled, was a discredit to Poland as
a state ; and a\\ the more so since there
were brave soldiers and competent officers
enough in the country. Nevertheless, the
Pohsh nobiUty was proud of its imperial
constitution and its personal privileges.
Its freedom appeared to it in a pecuUarly
briUiant light when it saw how in the
neighbouring kingdom the intellectual life
was stunted under the oppression of the
despotic tsar.
We see here the strange phenomenon
of two nations alarmed at the defects
which each noticed in the other, and driven
to exaggerate their own good qualities.
The Russians enlarged the despotic power
of the tsar to a monstrous degree ; the
Poles strengthened the freedom of the
individual so greatly that the unity and
liberty of the kingdom were destroyed.
The two countries, apart from isolated
personaHties, who wished now and again
to stay the evils, but could not carry their
purpose through, did not adopt a middle
course between the two extremes or any
other solution of the problem.
Let us consider other circumstances
in order to determine what were the
intentions of each of the two opponents
in the impending struggle. Although
Poland was weaker as a state, yet it was
benefited by the higher civilisation and
_ the support of Rome, so that it
jj J. ^ came forward in the contest
. *p*'!°'^ J with the East as the representa-
tive of Europe in the interests
of culture and rehgion. It could boast
also of the sympathies of Europe, which
did not, however, go beyond wordy agree-
ments, and did not prevent the Western
Powers from attacking Poland itself on
a favourable occasion. Poland at first
made great progress. But then only too
soon the difficulty of her task was apparent.
3244
If Poland was resolved to carry Roman
Catholicism to the East, she was destined
to learn that Greek orthodoxy was being
organised and grouped round Moscow
as its representative. And even those
aristocratic hberties which the Poles
thought to disseminate in the East were
accompanied by conditions which were
fatal to them, since a heavy oppression
of the country population went hand in
hand with them. These two movements,
the rehgious and the social, could not but
cause widespread agitation among the
population, which led to revolts and the
ultimate loss of the Ukraine. The Poles
finally became conscious that a concen-
tration of all their energies was necessary
in order to face the hard struggle. But
it was at this point that the capabilities
of the highly gifted and patriotic people
failed. The old proverb, " Rzecz pos|:ohta
cnota stoi " (the republic exists by virtue),
was no longer applicable, since civic
virtue had disappeared from Poland.
Sigismund and his son, Sigisfnund
Augustus, the last two J agellons, clearly per-
ceived the root of the malady from which
_. _. . _, the Polish nation suffered.
E detvdr'to ^^^ P^"°^ °^ ^^^^"^ '■^'S"^. '^
Ch ^k^D*"^ ° therefore an unbroken series
ccay ^j attempts to change the
constitution, to stem the arrogance of the
nobles, to strengthen the monarchy, and to
pass wise laws ; and we must admit that
they showed abundant proofs of good
intentions, energy, perseverance, and self-
sacrifice. We see them and their successors
continually at war with the disorder and
anarchy in the country, but also notice
how uselessly they spent their efforts in
this unequal contest and were unable, try
as they might, to check the universal pro-
gress of decay. Sigismund (1506-1548)
soon showed his incapacity for the weighty
task. Even before 1515 he was involved in
war with Moscow, and gained some
successes ; but the war could no longer be
prosecuted energetically. It was the same
in the second war, which broke out in 1533.
Moldavia was already on the side of Mos-
cow. Sigismund here displayed marked
feebleness toward Germany. When, in
1518, he married as his second wdfe
Bona Sforza of ' Milan, the daughter
of Giovanni Galeazzo, who died in
1494, and thus became nephew of
the Emperor MaximiUan, he seems to
have let himself be influenced by
Germany, as Jagiello once did.
POLAND UNDER THE JAGELLONS
The brilliance of the imperial title induced
him to form a friendship with Ferdinand I.,
and to ask the hand of Elizabeth, the
emperor's daughter, for his son Sigismund
Augustus. But he did not make full use
of this alHance with Germany. Thus,
he did not declare war, for example,
against the Order, whose Grand Master
persistently refused to do homage until
after the death of MaximiUan in 1519.
But even then he did not understand how
to retain his advantage. In 1521 a truce
for four years was concluded by the good
services of the Emperor Charles V., who
once more tried to play off the Teutonic
Order against Poland.
The Reformation made nowhere such
rapid progress as in
Prussia under the rule of
the monastic knights, and
by Luther's advice it was
resolved to change the
lands of the Order into a
secular duchy. The Grand
Master, Albert of Bran-
denburg, a son of
Frederic of Anspach
and Sophia, Sigismund's
sister, who died in 1513,
and therefore a nephew
of Sigismund, entered
Cracow at the beginning
of April, 1525, laid aside
the dress of the Order,
and did homage to the
king on the great square
at Cracow as a secular
prince and hereditary
duke of Prussia. The
duke pledged himself to
be a loyal vassal to the
king, and to aid him in war
with a hundred knights, and renounced his
right of coinage. He received in return
the first place in the Senate at the king's
side. On the extinction of his descendants
in the male line Prussia was to fall to
Poland.
There was little cause for Poland to
rejoice at this conclusion of the matter.
For now the place of a periodically elected
Grand Master was filled by a hereditary
German duke, and, what was a far
weightier matter, the country, owing to
the Reformation, assumed a thoroughly
German character. The old enemy reap-
peared in a form still more dangerous to
Poland. So weak and short-sighted was
Polish policy, that even after the death
of Duke Albert II. Frederic on August 27th,
1618, the fief was not resumed according
to the meaning of the compact, but was
transferred to the Kur-Brandenburg elder
line of the Hohenzollerns. The complete
severance of Prussia from the Polish crown
could only be a question of time ; it was
destined to take place in 1659, when Poland,
completely surrounded by enemies, was in
the greatest straits, and a formidable
danger was threatening from the East.
Even now Moscow and Prussia united
against Poland, and their friendship soon
became traditional.
It was but a slight compensation that
Sigismund united the western Masovian
principalities with his own crown after the
extinction of the Piasts in
those parts. It was fortu-
nate for Poland that with
true discernment he main-
tained friendly relations
with Turkey.
In spite of his circum-
spection and foresight
Sigismund, though
personally an efficient
ruler, who reduced to
order the chaos of the
imperial finances, did not
achieve a complete
success in any direction.
How could the vast
empire make a bold show
when the nobility evinced
no patriotism, but were
bent on their own
advantages and the
increase of their privi-
leges, and only too often
in matters of foreign policy. Known also as prejudiced the rCSpCCt dut
Augustus I., he reigned from 1548 till 1572. to the CrOWn ? EvCU UUdcr
Jagiello, the Slachta. when the king had
refused to cede some privilege, had
hacked in pieces before his eyes the deed of
acknowledgment intended for them. They
had threatened Casimir, the son of
Jagiello, with deposition. The same scenes
were repeated now.
Maximilian, who, even before 1515,
stood in strained relations with Sigismund,
succeeded in bringing over a part of the
nobles to his side. The Slachta refused the
king the supplies for the war against
Moscow. Christopher Szydloviecki, one ot
the most influential ministers of Sigismund,
prided himself on having received from
Maximilian 80,000 gulden, without being
conscious that he was guilty of high treason.
3245
SIGISMUND II.
He was heir to his father's difficulties as well
as to his father's throne, but he was an able
ruler, and his governing genius revealed itself
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Polish Troops
Become
Rebellious
For the same reasons Sigismund was
unable to carry on the war against the
Order with the necessary vigour. When,
in 1537, he summoned the nobihty to
a campaign against Moldavia, and some
150,000 men assembled at Lemberg, these
masses would not march to the war, but
became rebellious and demanded legisla-
tive reforms. An attempt on
the king's hfe was actually
made in the diet of 1523. But
when in 1538 it was proposed
to punish severely the crimes of public out-
rage and lese majeste recourse was had to
Roman law, since the national code was
deficient. It deserves to be specially noticed
that the custom now began to develop
of allowing no law to pass without the
common consent. This fundamental prin-
ciple led ultimately to the " liberum veto."
This state of things lasted under
Sigismund II. Augustus (also called
Augustus I. ; 1548-1572), son of Sigis-
mund I. He was much wiser than his
father, so that he accomplished notable
results, both in foreign policy and in the
field of internal reforms.
Sigismund Augustus was able to make
an important conquest on the Baltic Sea.
The Livonian section of the Teutonic
Order was then approaching its dissolution,
and Poland required to keep watch on the
forthcoming negotiations as to the succes-
sion. The Order had never reached such
power and prosperity in Livonia as in
Prussia. For one thing, the stream of
immigrating Germans was less full there ;
for another, the continual struggle between
the Order and the archbishopric of Riga
prevented any close amalgamation of the
estates of the realm. The provincial
bishops did not shrink from looking for
outside aid. Thus the last Archbishop of
Riga allied himself with Poland, and put
himself formally under the protection of
the Polish king, conduct intensely exas-
perating to the Order, which had always
The Balti shown a national spirit.
Supremacy in
the Balance
Poland and Russia had a keen
interest in the decision of the
Livonian question. The pos-
session of this rich and populated country,
and through it of an important position
on the Baltic, was worth the greatest
sacrifices. The supremacy on the Baltic
simply depended upon the sovereignty of
the old German colony. Russia was still
more interested, although in spite of the
" historic " rights put forward by the
3246
tsars, no Russian prince ruled on these
coasts until 1721. Russia was pressing
forward in the sixteenth century with
redoubled strength ; access to the ocean
was essential for her, if she wished to
become a great power in Europe.
But Sweden and Denmark had an equally
marked interest in the solution of the
Livonian question ; the former, because
she had planted foot on the north and east
shores of the Gulf of Finland, and found
the advance of Russia a menace to these
possessions ; the latter, because since the
days of Waldemar 11. she raised claims
to Esthonia. If we reflect that the
empire with which Livonia was politically
united, and from religious reasons Rome
also, must have had interests at stake, we
shall comprehend how the Livonian ques-
tion might grow into a European one.
The prospects of Poland were the most
favourable, and the Polish king adopted
the most practical measures. Not only
had Sigismund I. (who was still on the
throne) always opportunity as patron of
the archbishopric of Riga to interfere in the
internal affairs of Livonia, but he had also
Q p . a loyal ally in Duke Albert
™ ' of Prussia, his Hohenzollern
«-j fDi J vassal, who, as former Grand
aide 01 roland -mr . ■ 1
Master, exercised a great
influence on the Order in Livonia, and was
willing to employ it for the benefit of Poland.
He succeeded in raising his brother
William to be coadjutor, and in 1539 to
be Archbishop of Riga, and thus strength-
ened his influence in that direction.
The Curia supported the Polish king
in everything ; and for this reason
Sigismund Augustus was obliged to pro-
ceed cautiously in matters of reformation
in his empire, and to try and hinder any
general defection from Rome. Poland, as
well as WilUam himself and his brother
Albert of Prussia, entertained the idea of
secularising the archbishopric of Riga, as
had been the case with Prussia. Wilham
selected as the heir to his plans his kins-
man, the young Duke Christopher of
Mecklenburg, formerly bishop of Ratze-
burg, who was also nearly related to the
King of Poland.
Thus the most powerful princes of North-
Eastern Germany now made common cause
with Poland. Christopher, in spite of the
protests of the Livonian states, was elevated
to the post of coadjutor of the archbishop.
Moscow also had achieved some succeess.
In the year 1554 the Livonian Order had
POLAND UNDER THE JAGELLONS
concluded a treaty with Ivan IV., in
which it agreed never to enter into an
alliance with Poland, and to remain
neutral in case of war, besides parang a
contribution from the bishopric of Dorpat
of one mark per head.
The outbreak of war was brought on in
1556 by an intercepted letter from the
bishop to his brother Albert of Prussia,
in which there was mention of his plans
directed against the Order. The arch-
bishop was arrested as a traitor, his castles
and seats were occupied, the archbishopric
confiscated, and the management of it
handed over to the bishops of Dorpat and
Oesel. The outbreak of the war, which,
in distinction from that of 1700 to 1718, is
usually called the First Northern War,
was accelerated, since, on the death of
the Grand Master, Heinrich von Galen,
Wilhelm von Fiirstenberg, a man of
warlike propensities, was elected Master
(1550). But it was now seen that the days
of the Livonian Order were numbered.
While Sigismund Augustus stood with
100,000 men on the frontier of Courland,
the Knights were hardly able to put
p 10,000 men, including land-
W " 'fh knechts and peasants, into the
. K • ht field. Internal feuds broke up
*"* ' the forces of the country. The
Order was compelled, therefore, to yield
without a struggle, to ask the Polish king
for forgiveness, and to reinstate the arch-
bishop with his coadjutor. The declara-
tion of war by Moscow was made in
November, 1557. And now the general war
began. The Knights of the Order and
their vassals performed many heroic feats
in it, but confusion, discouragement, and
treachery prevented the classes agreeing
on united action.
As once before in the hour of need in
Prussia, so also here a movement was
made against the Order, and once more the
intrigues were due to the Polish party,
who raised their supporter Gotthard
Kettler to the Mastership ; Poland thus
immediately gained a great advantage
from the election. Kettler, it is true,
wished to preserve his independence, and
sought help from the Holy Roman Empire,
the Teutonic Order, and other powers, but,
as he himself said later, found no consola-
tion from anyone, while the disturbances
in the country grew worse.
The Grand Master and the archbishop,
weary of the disorders, soon surrendered to
the Polish king. The treaty was signed
on November 28th, 1561. The territory
of the Order was secularised. Gotthard
Kettler returned to secular rank, and
received Courland as a fief with the title
of the Duke of Courland and Semgallen,
and also a seat and vote in the Polish
Senate. Mitau, not Riga, was assigned
him as residence. All the country be-
Ajj-.- yond the Dwina, Riga in-
to th eluded, was mcorporated m the
Em Dire Po^^^h Empire, while the king
at the same time confirmed all
the privileges of the country, secured to it a
German government, German language,
and the freedom of the Augsburg Con-
fession, and also promised to obtain the
sanction of the German Empire to these
treaties, by which Livonia was separated
from the empire. The government of
Livonia was entrusted to the Duke Kettler.
On the basis of this Frivilegium Sigis-
mundi Augusli the territory of the Order
was able to maintciin its German character
for 300 years. In the year 1562 all the
estates of the realm, and twenty years
later Riga, agreed to the treaty.
Poland gained a further advantage by
the friendly overtures of Sweden. John
III., brother of the Swedish king, Eric
XIV., married in 1562 Katherine, the
daughter of the Polish king ; the son of
this marriage became king of Poland as
Sigismund III. in 1587. Sweden came into
the possession of Reval and Esthonia
with the consent of Poland. But even
Denmark gained some advantages, for the
Danish prince Magnus, obtained the
bishopric of Oesel by treachery. Moscow,
which persistently continued the war and
made devastating inroads, was obliged
to be content with Dorpat. But this was
ceded to Poland in 1582.
Attempts had been made at numerous
imperial diets to reform the judicial
system, the common law, the system of
taxation, and the constitution of the
army, but almost fruitlessly, since often
p , what had been once accepted
g° *^ ' was again rejected. If we cast
, *V .* . our eyes over the legislation of
egis a ton p^jg^j^^j irom 1500 to 1560 or
so, we are astonished at its sterility ; so
little was passed, so much was merely
discussed. Sigismund Augustus only suc-
ceeded in effecting some improvement
towards the close of his reign. Even under
his father, the nobles in the imperial
diets of 1535- 1536 had demanded
and agreed to a revision of the statute-
3247
HISTORY OF THE "WORLD
book. In the course of time resolutions
had been passed by the imperial diets
which were contradictory to each other ;
thus, for example, the privileges of the
monasteries and the clergy, as well as the
jurisdiction of the bishops and the im-
munity from taxation enjoyed by the
clergy, were inconsistent with the laws of
_ . the country affecting the taxa-
ciericai ^^^^ ^^ property, and with the
"" ^*a nii^i^^ry constitution connected
therewith, as well as, on the
other hand, with the statute Neminem
Captivahimtis and with the sovereignty
of the nobles generally. Even under
Casimir III. the Slachta had opposed the
privileges of the clerics, and the king thus
succeeded in breaking down the excessive
power of the Church.
The tendency everywhere was to abolish
all privileges, whether belonging to classes
or individuals. There was also a general
wish to abolish the Incompatibtlia, or
questionable concentration of several
offices in one person. It was further
important from the standpoint of the
royal treasury and national taxation
to organise and classify the crown
lands which had been pawned or given
away in large quantities, and were held
on illegal titles. Their occupants were now
forced to give them up, and thus a fund
was created which was large enough to
cover the most necessary outgoings of the
kingdom, and by which the nobility could
be relieved of their burdens. But the
most important reform was to abolish
the privileges of individual provinces
and to bring them under one law, in order
to put an end to their efforts for independ-
ence and to the lawless state of things.
To these belonged in the first line
Lithuania, then Masovia, Prussia, Livonia,
and finally Zator and Oswiecim (Ausch-
witz in Galicia), which John Albert had
acquired. All these legislative labours
were comprised under the name " execu-
—^ _ tion of the laws," and the
e ayso jjQijjjj^y g^^ every opportunity
p ".' noisily clamoured for their
acceptance. The future political
and social structure of the kingdom was
dependent on this reform ; so was the
solution of the religious question ; for Pro-
testantism at that particular time had
received a great stimulus in Poland. The
freedom which Poland enjoyed was favour-
able to the spread of various doctrines.
Humanism had found a great response
3248
there ; and with it the Hussite movement,
which it fostered, was so widely spread that
the Hussites were supported in the towns
and even among the nobles. The Lutheran
teaching found the ground still better
cleared, because the old Hussite doctrine
had not yet died out, the power of the
clergy was limited, and freedom of
conscience was now traditional.
Lutheran ideas were disseminated in
Poland as early as the year 15 18. In
Dantzic the monk Jacob Knade success-
fully raised his voice against the abuses of
the Church. Even in Great and Little
Poland, and in other provinces, preachers
came forward. Only in ultra-conservative
Masovia did the new doctrine find no
followers. The nobility greedily grasped
at the new teaching, and not less greedily
the citizens of the towns. We soon find
followers of the Calvinistic teaching, which
in Poland was spread perhaps still more
successfully, besides Anti - Trinitarians,
Socinians, Bohemian Brethren, Arians and
others.
Powerful noble families adopted the new
doctrines and took them under their pro-
tection. They raised centres
ing an ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^ teaching on their
ope gams gg^^^gg Many priests and
Luther , , u- u
monks, and even bishops, op-
posed the Catholic Church. Religious inno-
vations found patronage even at the royal
court, and secret meetings were held at the
house of the queen's confessor, a Francis-
can. The court preacher was a friend of
the movement. The heir to the throne,
Sigismund Augustus, at that time still
grand duke of Lithuania, was considered
a supporter of the new teaching ; it was
only towards the end of his life that he
came forward as a zealous Catholic.
The king, under the pressure of the
bishops and the Curia, was at first moved to
adopt severe measures. In the years 1520,
1522 and 1523 he forbade the dissemination
of Lutheran books on pain of confiscation
of property. The synod in Len9zyca pub-
lished in 1523 the bull of excommunica-
tion issued by Leo X. against Luther,
excommunicated for its own part all
heretics, and introduced a clerical censor-
ship by giving priests the right to institute
searches in private houses. The king was
petitioned to renew the old Hussite
statute of Wielun dating from the year
1424, according to which heresy was to
be punished as lese majeste and to be
subject to episcopal jurisdiction. The
3249
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
inquisition was introduced in the year 1527 ;
in 1534, it was forbidden to attend the
University of Wittenberg, and in 1541, on
pain of loss of nobiUty, to keep priests who
were independent of Rome. And later the
episcopate, consolidated by the exclusion
of its doubtful members, developed a
successful energy, especially when the
_ vigorous Bishop of Ermland,
X ecu ion Stanislaus Hosius, took the
Punishment , j • -u /- i.u i- i.-
- „ lead in the Catholic reaction.
eresy g^^ ^^ these measures
against the new doctrines bore little fruit.
King Sigismund had acted with severity
only in Dantzic, when he went there in
March, 1526, to suppress heresy, and ordered
thirteen citizens to be executed in the
market place without a trial ; and that
though he had earlier sworn " by the king's
honour, helmet and sword," and under
letter and seal, to shed no blood, but to
establish peace and concord. This was
indeed of small avail ; Prussia remained the
first country where the Lutheran doctrine
was promoted to be the national religion.
But then the king relaxed in his zeal.
When Dr. Johann Eck challenged him
to proceed in the spirit of Henry VIII.,
he answered him, in 1528 : " The times
are changed, and with them the rulers
and the spirit of the legislators ; sciences
decay and others blossom. King Henry
may write against Luther — you will
allow me to be king of the sheep as well
as of the goats." So he adopted mild
measures. His son Sigismund Augustus
did the same. One case only is known
where Sigismund allowed the burning of
a woman, Katharina Malcher ; otherwise
the bishops at most let some innovators
die in prison without a trial. So under
Sigismund Augustus, only once was a
woman burnt at the stake.
The prohibition on visiting foreign
universities was removed in 1543, since it
was totally impossible to enforce it.
Sigismund Augustus, who often asserted
Nobility and ,^^ "^^"^^ ^^ "° j"^g^ ^^^^
Clergy in
men's consciences, acted with
Opposition ^q"^^' Z' P^'"*iapS' greater leni-
ency. The bitterness between
the nobility and the clergy meanwhile
grew more intense, since the former would
not recognise the episcopal jurisdiction.
" We only wish," said Jan Tarnovski,
" to submit to the king's court, and if
the king merely executed the will of the
bishops, our slavery would be worse
than the Turkish ; for the least suspicion
3250
would suffice to stamp any man as a
heretic. No injustice is done to the
bishops, for as members of the Senate
they will be, in some sort, judges with us
in matters of heresy." And when the
Bishop of Cracow, Zebrzydovski, answered
him, " What shall I be if I am not to be
judge over heresy — beadle or bishop ? "
Tarnovski remarked to him, " It is better
for you to be a beadle than for me to be a
slave. " It is exhilarating to hear with what
manly courage the nobles defended their
freedom.
The young Rafael Leszczynski once,
during Mass in the cathedral, while the
king and bishops were kneeling, put his
cap on his head. This breach of decorum
was aimed at the bishop, not the religion.
In Poland, freedom was prized beyond
everything, while earthly honours were
despised. Things went so far that full
Mberty of conscience was demanded for
the serfs. The Poles showed that they
were truly a nation of free men. The
young Rafael was then chosen marshal
of the imperial diet, in defiance of the
bishops who had impeached him before
_^ p the king. It was wished to
.... '^ aboUsh the episcopal iurisdic-
a Nation of .• , -^ 1 • -u 1
P j^ tion, in order to bring the clergy
under the laws of the country.
This was intended to be decided at once
as a main feature of the programme of
legislative revision.
The matter was not easy, and the king
long hesitated. If he decided in favour of
the bishops and recognised their jurisdic-
tion, dangerous results would follow ; on
the other hand, no right of deciding
religious questions could be conferred with
propriety upon the secular judges. The
king, therefore, postponed the decision and
resolved to temporise, although in prin-
ciple, according to the sense of the old
laws, he recognised the episcopal juris-i
diction. Possibly the Livonian question
deterred him from breaking off with the
Curia, whose help he required.
In spite of, or rather on account of, this
great freedom, Protestantism could not
strike root deeply in Poland. In Germany
it was a reaction against the encroach-
ments of the Church ; there it had sprung
up out of the existing conditions, like
a wild plant. In Poland the Church could
not allow herself any great abuses, and
Protestantism was accordingly regarded
as an imported luxury. Most people
played with it, to show that they were at
POLAND UNDER THE JAGELLONS
liberty to hold different views. When,
then, the CathoUc Church renewed her
vigour at the Council of Trent, and clearly
proclaimed her object, the Counter Refor-
mation in Poland had an easy task.
While in the West the Reformation had
been mostly suppressed with bloodshed,
in Poland the Counter Reformation was
carried out almost unnoticed ; even such
influential opponents as Stanislaus Orze-
chovski went over again to the CathoUc
Church. Only the anirnosity between the
Roman Catholic Church and the Greek
Orthodoxy grew more bitter.
A side movement, started by the Re-
formation, deserves our notice — the wish
for a national church. The preachers
employed everywhere the popular dialect
in spreading their teaching, and thus
revived the national languages. This
had already been done to some degree
in Poland by Hussitism, and Protes-
tantism now developed the Polish lan-
guage to higher perfection. If the Polish
language ousted Latin in Poland in the
sixteenth century and created a national
literature, this golden age, as elsewhere, was
_ . .. „ . primarily inaugurated by
Poland s Desire f, t>j.a4.
the Protestant move-
ment. The dialects, now
awakened to fresh hfe,
forced their way into the church services.
While in the West the opponents of the
CathoUc Church aimed at extending the
independence of their own national
churches, seeking in France a Gailican
national church and in England estab-
lishing the Anglican national church,
Poland also wished for the estabUshment
of a national church with a Slavonic liturgy
and more or less complete independence
from Rome. And the opposition wished
to win the king over to this plan.
But since this would have necessarily
brought with it a change of the constitu-
tion, this point also formed part of the
programme of the Revision or " Execution
of the Laws." FinaUy the king, in 1562,
soon after the acquisition of Livonia,
determined in favour of the Execution.
A start was made with the easiest part of
the demands, namely, the crown lands
and the Incompatibilia ; the Slachta
understood originaUy by this the abolition
generally of all special privileges. But by
the influence of the queen the question of
the confiscation of the mortgaged crown
lands was first dealt with ; she wished by
the multipUcation of crown lands to
207
for a
National Church
found a dynasty, as had been done in the
case of other royal f^miligs.
As under Sigismund, a resolution passed
by the imperial diet in the year 1504 was
chosen as the starting-point, by which the
pledging of crown property was made de-
pendent on the sanction of the Senate.
Some grandees under Sigismund had torn
The King their grants of privileges in
Sacrifkes P^^^^^ ^"^ thrown them at the
Revenue king's feet, and there were now
some such who resigned their
offices if they filled two or more. But
when a serious attempt was made to
confiscate the crown lands, such difficulties
cropped up that the whole scheme melted
away.
Sigismund Augustus himself showed the
greatest self-sacrifice, since he agreed
that a fourth part of the revenues of all
the crown lands should be applied to
cover the expenses of the army, and took
for his share exclusively those estates
about which it had not been decided
whether they should be confiscated. In
the future the management of the army
was often assigned to this royal fourth.
This, indeed, was estimated at so low a
figure that it had later to be doubled.
The question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction
then came up. After great discussions
the king decided in favour of a com-
promise, which recognised the jurisdiction
of the Church, but withdrew from it the
secular arm. This law was so formulated in
1565 that municipal starosts could not be
made responsible by the ecclesiastical
authorities for the execution of commands.
But the party of reform demanded that the
clergy and nobiUty should be placed on a
precisely equal footing with regard to the
burdens of taxation and military service.
Only the presence of the papal legate,
Francis Commendone, a skilled diplomat,
who knew how to smooth the ruffled waters,
spared the CathoUc Church in Poland new
humiUations. He was vigorously supported
#^ t. •• ^L V by Bishop Hosius of Erm-
Cathohc Church land, who had represented
Escapes Poland at the Council of
numuiaiions ^ i. ■ i. n- x j. 1
Trent m bnlhant style,
and had composed a new confessto fidei
adopted by the whole Catholic Church.
Commendone recommended the clergy,
in order to preserve their other rights,
not to evade the duty of paying taxes ;
the Church tithe was therefore a tax.
The attempt of the legate to introduce
into Poland the resolutions of the Council
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
of Trent met with great difficulties ; a part
of the clergy opposed several of the enact-
ments. Thanks only to the good offices of
the king, who declared he wished to live and
die a Catholic, the Catholic Church finally
conquered her opponents, who were in a
more unfavourable position from the very
first, since they were split up into many
u .1 /^ ... .. parties. All the plans
Chrrlt ^^ *^^ opposition-the
_, !^"^ . . national church, the
nomp e national synod, and the
complete abolition of clerical jurisdiction —
remained unfulfilled, although it tried to win
over the king to its cause by meeting his
wishes in all his private affairs. On the con-
trary, he accepted from the hand of the
legate the resolutions of the Council of Trent ,
gave them validity in Poland, and pub-
lished an ordinance which banished foreign
religious innovators from the country ;
indeed, he even wished, in concession to
the wishes of the legate, to allow no reli-
gious discussions between the Catholics
and the zealous reformers. The Catholic
Church did not approve of disputations,
judging correctly that they could not be
profitable to the faith.
The laws as to the Incompatibilia, as
well as that touching the duty of an
official to reside on the scene of his duties,
were once more strictly enforced, both for
secular office-holders, and, in the meaning
of the resolutions of Trent, also for
spiritual dignitaries.
But the revision affected also the privi-
leges of the towns, since the export of
goods to foreign countries was prohibited
— a prohibition which was certain to
undermine the welfare not only of the
towns, but also of the whole empire. The
nobility alone were to be permitted to
export raw materials. Since the importa-
tion of foreign goods was still allowed, it
will be understood how the development
of home industries was thus sapped.
Poland never understood how to honour
_ sufficiently this important
, .' . branch of human energy and
Industries .. , ., ^y-'
a . national prosperity. The pre-
*'*'** judiced notion that work is un-
worthy 01 a nobleman, and that trade and
industrial undertakings are ignoble, has
survived there untU modern times.
In Poland the value of the towns and
their importance for culture and industry
was not recognised till it was too late.
In a dialogue, written about this time by
Lucas Gornicki, between a Pole and an
3252
Italian, the Pole will not allow himself to
be convinced of the necessity for towns,
which became everywhere the centres of
political and social life and of culture, and
points to the Tartars, who, indeed, had no
towns. Towns and the citizen class were
never able to develop in Poland. Owing
to the depression in trade and industries
which then set in, wealthy citizens began
to have recourse to agriculture. Poland
did not rise beyond an agrarian standpoint,
and was therefore exploited by Italian,
English, and Scottish traders. No sufficient
use was made of her position on the Baltic.
Instead of favouring the Baltic trade, the
Poles burdened Dantzic with taxes, and
brought matters to such a pitch that this
busy town often looked round for other
patrons. No one in Poland took any
interest in commerce.
All these enactments, by which the
privileges of the magnates, the bishops,
and the towns were partly limited, partly
abolished, made the chamber of provincial
deputies the most powerful institution in
the state- — a circumstance which, in view
of the low education of the Slachta and the
. . . , one-sided representation of their
1 uania s ^j^^^ rights, could not conduce
plmon ^^° the national prosperity.
In 1563 an important ordin-
ance was passed by which the Orthodox
Greek nobility in Lithuania were conceded
the same rights which the Catholics pos-
sessed ; henceforward any Boyar was
admissible to any office. The nobility,
incensed at the connection of the king
with the Catholic Church, refused other
important proposals of the king, such as
the reform of the army and finance, the
order of the election to the throne, and
others.
A complete unification of the empire in
place of loosely compacted unions was the
more urgently demanded ; the king, with
the prospect of a dangerous war with
Moscow before his eyes, was himself in
favour of the scheme. But the Lithua-
nians offered a stubborn resistance. Their
embassy, with Nicholas Radziwill the
Black at its head, after pointing to the
independent position of Lithuania and the
previous measures of union, declared for
a personal union, even if a restricted one,
demanded diets of their own, a revision of
the frontiers of Lithuania and Poland,
and a special coronation of the king as
Grand Duke of Lithuania. The king
stood on the side of the Polish crown, and
POLAND UNDER THE JAGELLONS
was resolved to incorporate Lithuania
with it. To facihtate the execution of
this plan, he cleared away the last legal
obstacle by waiving his hereditary rights
in Lithuania, and thus placing both parts
in equal relations to his person.
When the Lithuanian deputation left the
Polish diet, in order in this way to prevent
the incorporation of their country, the king
nevertheless declared his intention to
carry it out. The entreaties of the envoys,
who implored the king with tears to pro-
tect them, were unavailing. On the
Polish side there was talk of war if Lith-
uania offered resistance. Thus in 1569, at
the imperial diet at Lublin, the " union,"
which was in fact an incorporation of
Lithuania, was definitely carried. Pod-
lachia, Kiev, and Volhynia, districts
which had originally been Lithuanian,
and for a long time a disputed possession,
were first united with the Polish crown
in a special act. Only the use of the
Russian language in law courts was
granted them. Lithuania lost its richest
provinces. Any man who refused to
recognise this act was held to have for-
feited his titles and property.
Po an There was no idea of serious
*^J**" opposition, since the lesser
°^ Lithuanian nobility, who were
jealous of the magnates, remained loyal
to Poland, in order by the closer union with
Poland to obtain the same rights which
the lesser nobility in Poland possessed.
Thus on July ist, 1569, the union was
proclaimed, and both sides swore to it.
Lithuania only retained its own officials,
and therefore ceased to be an independent
state. Both parties shed tears when the
oaths to the treaty were administered,
only with the distinction that in the case of
the Lithuanians they were tears of sorrow ;
in that of the Poles, tears of joy. What
the first Jagellon, Vladislav IL, in 1386,
1401, and 1413 had, so to say, merely
promised, the last really accomplished.
After this the union of Prussia, Livonia,
and the other provinces was carried
through, and the amalgamation was com-
plete. Poland now was united. This was
a great political and economical gain;
Nothing now stood in the way of Polish
colonisation in the vast Russo-Lithuanian
regions ; and the stream of German and
Polish colonists to the eastern provinces
swelled from year to year.
But the chief source of weakness to the
empire was not thus removed. This lay
not so much in the constitutional relations
of individual parties as in the impotence
of the crown — that is to say, in the Polish
constitution, which threatened to degener-
ate into an anarchy. This evil was bound
to spread over every province equally.
Nothing occurred to strengthen the central
administration ; on the contrary, the
The G Slachta, in view of the king
Weakness ^^^"8 childless, of the question
of Poland °^ succession, and of the
election to the crown, feared to
lose in power, and to have diminished
rights even in the religious question.
The future of the rehgious parties
depended to a great extent on the attitude
of the king towards this question; and both
parties, the Catholic no less than the united
non-Catholic, cherished the idea of choosing
a king after their own heart by an elector^
compact. Since for the moment the non-
Catholics were in the majority, there were
many among the minority to whom the
principle of a majority in the resolutions
of the parliament seemed dangerous.
They demanded the legal introduction of
"unanimity." They clearly saw the
necessity of . a strict government, but
liberty was more valuable in their eyes
than order. Since a general assent was
necessary in adopting resolutions, the
liberum veto now really existed, although
it was first claimed as a right in 1652.
Sigismund and Sigismund Augustus
failed, therefore, in their efforts to
strengthen the power of the sovereign.
The latter, while still Grand Duke of
Lithuania, married, after the death of his
first wife,without the consent of the Senate,
Barbara, the daughter of the Castellan
Radziwill. His father and the Slachta
disapproved ; the nation was reluctant to
recognise Barbara as queen. In order
that his bride might be crownea, the king
adopted a conciliatory attitude toward
the nobles. After the death of his deeply
loved Barbara, he married the second
daughter of Emperor Maxi-
Augustus ^jjjI^ ij Katharina, a
Succumbs to ■ , rv •/- - •£ T^i-
w • Kt fC Sister of his first wife, Lliza-
eig o ares^ beth. Since he had no
issue by her, he wished to be divorced from
her and to marry again. But Rome and
th? clergy, whom the king tried equally
to propitiate by concessions, were opposed
to his wish. He thus did not face either
one or the other Order with firmness.
Overwhelmed ' by cares, Sigismund II.
Augustus died on July 14th, 1572,
3253
3254
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
POLAND
VI
THE DECLINE OF POLAND
A NATION BETRAYED BY ITS NOBLES
A FTER the death of the hist Jagellon,
^*' whose reign seemed in the memory
of the nation a period of power and glory,
a period of decay set in, which ended with
the pohtical downfall of the country.
The constitution was, in isolated points,
logically completed, according to the
principle of the most absolute authority of
the individual, and was used to the full
by every individual in his own interest
without regard for the common good.
After the extinction of the Jagellon
dynasty, Poland was proclaimed an elective
monarchy. The primate of the kingdom,
the Archbishop of Gnesen, obtained thereby
wide privileges. The conduct of state
affairs during the interregnum — the sum-
moning of the elective diet, the acceptance
or rejection of candidatures, and the procla-
mation of the name of the elected — de-
volved upon him. Catholicism in Poland
_. „. , was thus once more greatly
The Pivot i iu J T^u
. _ strengthened. There was no
uro ean ^gg^j.|.j^ qJ candidates, and the
ip omacy political situation might well
be learnt from the promises of the represen-
tatives of the European sovereigns. Above
all,- on this occasion the hostility between
France and Austria, the pivot on which
the diplomacy of Europe then turned,
cast its shadow on Poland. Both oppo-
nents brought forward their candidates
and fought each other with traditional
bitterness even on Polish soil. France
relied on her friendship with Turkey ;
Austria offered an alliance with Spain and
Denmark against Turkey ; both held out
the prospect of further advantages. France
promised the formation of a fleet and the
organisation of the finances and army ;
Austria, a favourable solution of the
Livonian, Prussian, and other questions ;
both powers threw money by handfuls
among the senators and the Slachta.
But the King of Sweden also announced
his candidature as husband of Katharina,
one of the Jagellon stock, and promised an
alliance against Moscow. There was, how-
ever, among the Slachta a strong party
(that which under Sigismund Augustus
had deserved the greatest credit for the
reform of the legislature) which recom-
mended the candidature of the Tsar of
Moscow, and laid stress on the great benefit
for Poland which would proceed from this
-, -^, course, as formerly from the
Su^ortedb ^^^^^ ^'^th Lithuania. But
th''*cT * ^ Ivan the Terrible seemed de-
void of ambition ; he sent his
embcissy and courteously announced the
conditions on which he would accept the
crown of Poland. Once again native candi-
dates, from envy and unpopularity.were in-
sufficiently supported by their countrymen.
Henry, Duke of Anjou, brother of the
King of France, and his heir-presumptive,
was elected in the middle of May, 1573,
not merely because French diplomacy was
clever, but because his Catholicism found
favour with the high clergy. He was also
supported by the papal legate, who
henceforth intervened at every election
of a Polish king in the interests of the
Church, and always with success. This
success was aided by the circumstance
that royal elections henceforward were
held in the fields near Warsaw, where
many of the strictly Cathohc Masovians
could take part. Ten thousand of them
appeared at the election of Henry.
The Slachta once again had an oppor-
tunity of imposing conditions on their
king, which were as humiliating as possible.
The king, hitherto, could only more or less
maintain his position by three means : he
SI ht ^^^ ^^^ "ght, first, when con-
„ ...*j * fronted with conflicting resolu-
j,. „ tions of the diet, to make one
ing enry ^^ ^J^gj^ \q^ qj- ^^q " conclude " ;
secondly, to confer the vacant offices of
state, with which he could reward his
adherents and create a party for himself ;
and, finally, to call out the mihtia, and
therefore often practically decided upon
war or peace. The new king, on thf-
contrary, was no longer to possess the
3255
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
right of " conclusion " ; the Senate was to
decide on war and peace, and the diet was
to summon the army. The freedom of
denominations was proclaimed, and the
title " heir to the empire " was erased from
the royal title. Should the king act con-
trary to these terms, the nation was
justified in refusing him obedience. Be-
sides this, Henry pledged him-
The King's
self to build a fleet at his own
p *f d*^**" ^°^^' *^ ^^®P ^P 4,000 soldiers,
and to pay the debts of the
empire. However suspicious these pacts
were, the new king subscribed them and
took the oath to the constitution.
If the people did not see in the king the
first power in the empire, but almost
an enemy to their hberties, they still
regarded the monarchy as a brilliant post,
for which there were always candidates, of
whom, indeed, nothing more could be pre-
dicated than that they wished to gratify
their pride. It goes without saying that
many candidates put themselves to great
expense, that other countries had a
welcome plea for intervention, which
Poland bought by her moral degradation,
and that a contested election threw the
land into civil war. But the Slachta was
still lulled in the sweet dream of hberty
and security. The connection with France
might, perhaps, have been profitable to
Poland ; but Henry fled on July 17th,
1574, in order to place on his own head
the crown of France after the death of his
brother Charles IX. His reign left behind
no traces beyond those of the resolutions
adopted at his election.
Even at the next elections the candidates
of the Roman CathoUc party came to the
front ; thus, Stefan Bathori, Prince of Tran-
sylvania, who reigned from 1576 to 1586 ;
then Sigismund Vasa of Sweden, the son of
John III. and of Katharina the Jagellon,
from 1587 to 1632 ; he was followed by
his sons. Vladislav, who ruled till 1648,
and John Casimir, who in 1668 resigned the
C d'd crown and went to France.
. . Then two natives (Piasts)
n I' L 'n. were elected — Michael Wis-
Polith Throne 1 1 n^- ^ \ r • ^
nioweck {1009-1673), of anch
and respected family ; then John Sobieski.
Next came a double election. The one
party chose Stanislaus Lesczynski, a
native, who was supported by Sweden and
France in the war known as the first War
of the Pohsh Succession ; the other, the
Elector Frederic Augustus of Saxony,
who held his own after many contests
3256
until 1733. This occasion was the first
on which Russia actively interfered in
the PoUsh disorders. She declared for
Frederic Augustus, and helped him to
drive out all enemies. After that time
the Russian influence in Poland was
preponderant. Frederic Augustus II.,
the son of Augustus the Strong, defeated
Stanislaus Lesczynski for the second time,
with the help of Russia, in the second
War of the Polish Succession, and became
the Pohsh king, Augustus III. ; he died in
1763. Similarly the last Pohsh king,
Stanislaus Poniatovski (1764-1795), was a
candidate of Russia.
Of this whole series two kings, Stefan
Bathori and John Sobieski, stand out
conspicuously, and to a lesser degree
Vladislav. But while Sobieski, the libera-
tor of Vienna in the year 1683, was merely
a military hero, Bathori, a no less able
general, distinguished himself by his
skilful administration and his statesman-
like insight. If anyone could have lifted
Poland out of the political and social
slough, it would have been Bathori. After
he had by his manly attitude defeated the
-. ,, rival candidate, the Lmperor
a on s Maximilian, who had already
„ , .. taken an oath to the constitu-
Declaration ,. . ^t 1 1
tion at Vienna, he waged an
obstinate struggle with the Slachta about
the restrictions dating from the year 1573.
He was required to renounce the right of
distribution, that is to say, the right to
grant imperial offices ; these, so soon as
they became empty, were to be filled by
election in the respective voivodeships.
The king then made at the diet of Thorn
the famous declaration that he had no
intention of being merely a king in a
picture.
While he stiU, as elective candidate,
waged war against the imperial party,
but especially against Dantzic and other
German towns, which took Maximilian's
side, Ivan IV. the Terrible conquered
almost all Livonia, with the exception of
Reval and Riga. Bathori's immediate
goal was, therefore, war against Moscow.
After he had secured himself against the
Turks and Tartars, and had raised a loan
from Frederic George, Margrave of Bran-
denburg-Anspach, he began the war in
1579. ^^ spite of superiority of numbers
Ivan's armies were beaten everjrwhere, and
Polock and many other towns and for-
tresses were captured. Ivan, hard pressed,
looked round for help, sent an embassy
THE DECLINE OF POLAND
Ivan the
Terrible and
the Bible
to the emperor and the Pope, professed
that he wished to join the Russian Church
closely with the Roman, complained of
Bathori's " un-Christian " procedure, and
begged for intervention.
Rome was not in a position to resist such
tempting prospects. In 1581 the papal
legate Antonio Possevino ap-
peared in Poland and went
forthwith to Moscow. His con-
versation with Ivan on religious
questions is interesting. Ivan showed him-
self well read in the Scriptures, perhaps
more so than may have been expected
by the legate ; on the whole, he developed
such amiable traits that Possevino,
doubtless to the amazement of all, styled
him a sweet ruler who loved his su
The upshot of the
legate's exertions was
that Ivan obtained com-
paratively favourable
terms of peace. At
Kiverova Horka, in 1582.
he merely renounced his
claim to Livonia, Polock,
and Wielun ; he received
back the other places
which had been con-
quered by the Poles.
The favourable oppor-
tunity of subjugating
Moscow and proceeding
to the conquest of all
Eastern Europe had thus
been let slip ; so, too, the
advance of Rome in that
quarter was checked. ^tefan bathori : the fearless
/-v •■ ,1 Able alike as a g^eneral and as a statesman,
Unce more 11 was ine Stefan Batnori stands out prominently among
Slachta which by its the Polish kings. A man of strong will,
shortsightedness and he left behind many traces of his energy.
selfishness had hindered the king in the creased greatly
execution of his plans. It haggled with the
king over every penny, reproached him
for showing favour to Zamojski, a general
who had distinguished himself in the war
with Moscow, and for his non-fulfilment
of the electoral capitulation ; always choos-
ing the most unfavourable moment, in
order to compel the king the more cer-
tainly to comply. Indeed, it forced him
ii^to negotiations with Moscow and
refused the supplies for the war, so that
the king was driven to incur debts with
foreign countries. When Ivan died in
1584, Bathori contemplated a renewal
of his plans against Turkey, but he
died unexpectedly on May 2nd, 1586, at
Grodno.
The reign of Stefan Bathori was in many
respects profitable to Poland. Not merely
was the glory of the Polish arms revived
by his martial deeds, the Muscovite
lust of conquest quenched for long years
to come, and that semi-Asiatic power
driven back from the Baltic Sea, but he
left other noteworthy traces of his energy.
Thus, he devoted his especial attention
to the important religious question. It
could not escape him that the religious
disputes led to no union, crippled the
power of society and the realm, and at the
same time appreciably checked the develop-
ment of culture and civic virtues. Start-
ing from this practical standpoint of
attention to the general welfare of his
111 his subjects, he threw
himself, though formerly
a Protestant, definitely
into the Catholic cause,
and was thus the first
who, with all the means
standing at his command,
was resolved to carry
through the Counter Re-
formation without giving
an exclusively Catholic
direction to his policy.
Nevertheless, in his
reign the Order of Jesuits
gained great influence in
Poland. The Jesuits had
alread}' moved into
Braunsberg in 1565 at
the invitation of Car-
dinal Stanislaus Hosius,
the greatest Roman
Catholic champion of
Poland, and under Henry
and Bathori they in-
They founded schools
everywhere, and won over the rising
generation for their purposes. How-
ever successful their pedagogic labours
were in many respects, especially in
the field of classical philology, they did
much to disintegrate the structure of
the state, as became evident
under the weak successors
p of Bathori. A particularly
the Peerage f^^o^j-j^bie light is thrown on
Bathori by his friendly feeling towards
the peasants. He regarded the patent
of nobility merely as a distinction for
services to the country, and is said to have
raised fifty-five peasants to the peerage.
He protected the peasants everywhere;
for example, in Livonia against the German
3357
Peasants
Raised to
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
knights, summoned them to miUtary ser-
vice, and organised a corps of those who
were settled on the royal estates — the first
regular infantry. Out of every twenty
small farmers one was chosen for military
service. This corps was called the chosen
or farmer corps ; it acquitted itself well.
He introduced a better organisation into
the imperial militia ; he im-
a" ^'"t ih proved the artillery, and created
gams e ^^^ himself an efficient staff. It
was further important that
Bathori completed the organisation of the
Cossacks in the Ukraine. Even in the
fifteenth century there was in the un-
claimed regions on the Dnieper, which
had been ravaged by the Turks, a large
population, which, fleeing from Poland
and Russia to escape intolerable oppres-
sion, gradually settled in those parts, and
soon did good service as a bulwark of
Christianity against the Tartars. It was
a vigorous, warlike people, which only
needed military organisation to become a
formidable power. Bathori now adopted
them in the name of the empire, and
drew up lists of the able-bodied soldiers,
but limited their number of conscripts
at first to 600. By this means he
obtained new forces for the empire
against Russia.
It was a fresh reminder to the Slachta
that the laws must be regarded, when
Bathori had one of the unruly members
beheaded. He held the reins of govern-
ment with a firm hand. Under his direc-
tion a much-needed reform in the judicial
system was carried out. He abandoned,
indeed, his old right of the last instance,
which from various reasons was no longer
enforceable ; law courts were thus insti-
tuted for separate groups of provinces in
Lublin, Piotrkov, Wilna, Grodno, and
Lutzk. In spite of his high ideals, this king
was the object of the meanest attacks. The
Slachta accused him of despotic aims and
threatened him with deposition. Stefan
_ . ., did not allow himself to the
o very last moment to be de-
Successor on , -^ J r u- 1 A rx
—^ terred from his goal. After
the Throne ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Bathori the
situation grew worse.
The election of Sigismund III. Vasa and
the alliance with Sweden had not proved
beneficial to Poland, first, because this
house subordinated the newly acquired
state to the strict Catholic interests, and
secondly, because it only furnished incom-
petent rulers. Poland was at first by its
3258
new dynasty drawn into the vortex of
Swedish troubles. Sigismund and his two
sons naturally tried to retain the Swedish
crown, their paternal inheritance. But the
empire had not the slightest interest in this
purely dynastic question, since Sweden had
quite other political and economic aims;
Protestantism, too, was the state religion
there. But the Catholic Church, to whom
primarily the election of Sigismund was
due, since she thought to bring the Swedes
back to her bosom, contrived to interest
the realm in the dynasty by the promise
which the king made to cede Esthonia to
Poland. Supplies were granted to the
king for the journey to Sweden. He was
crowned there on February 19th, 1594, and
subscribed, actually with the knowledge of
the papal nuncio, a declaration which
excluded the Catholics in Sweden from all
offices, while he intended in Poland to
exclude the heterodox ; such was the
policy that was adopted and carried
through.
But this was all that Sigismund did
in Sweden. His uncle Charles of Siider-
manland placed himself at the head of the
Protestants, drove out the
o an on j-Qyalists step by step, and
the Verge of -^ ui u ^u l^k^. x.
_ ^ T. was able by the year 1004 to
Destruction ,, ji- j^u
to be crowned kmg under the
title of Charles IX. The long war which
broke out over this brought Poland, in
spite of occasional successes and deeds of
valour, to the verge of destruction by the
terrible losses and humiliations which it
sustained ; it ended finally (1660) in the
treaty at Oliva with the resignation by the
king, John Casimir, of all claims to the
crown of Sweden, and with the exhaustion
of the Polish empire, which had been
obliged to neglect and abandon its most
important interests.
It was, further, of the greatest conse-
quence to the empire that Sigismund
became the wilhng ally of the Jesuits.
Thus a flood of Catholicism poured into
the country, which disregarded other
religions ; a policy that could only create
misfortune in Poland, where there was
such diversity of creed. The neighbouring
powers, shielding religious interests, took,
as might be expected, now the Protestants
now the Orthodox under their protection,
merely in order to interfere in the affairs
of the empire. The very first appearance
of the king on the scene showed that he
was entirely in accord with the Catholic
party. At a hint from Rome he was
THE DECLINE OF POLAND
Abortive
Attempts at
Church Union
willing to abdicate the Polish crown in
favour of the house of Hapsburg, and him-
self to retire to Sweden — a proposal which
evokedgeneral consternation and ill-feeling.
The Jesuits in the interests of the Church
negotiated the marriage of the king with
Anna, and after her death with Constantia,
daughters of the Archduke
Charles of Styria and of Mary
of Bavaria. The privileges
which the Orthodox Church
had acquired at the time of the Hussite
and Protestant movements were removed,
and there was a reversion to the ideas of
union.
The attempts at union in 1415 and the
Florentine union of 1439 had proved
abortive. The Hussite movement and
then the Reformation
strengthened the Ortho-
dox Greek world in its
resistance to the Roman
Catholic Church. The
union only split up the
Russian society into two
camps, which fought
against each other more
bitterly than the Ortho-
dox and the Catholics.
A union of the Greek
Orthodox Church with
Rome is nowadays
usually disparaged. The
Slavonic liturgy, which
would not have been
tolerated by Rome, was
of inestimable value to
all the Slavs; they are
indebted to it for their
oldest literature.
KING OF SWEDEN AND POLAND
Devoted to the Catholic Church, Sigismund
III. Vasa of Sweden became the friend of
the Jesuits. He was even willing, at a hint
But on the other fro™ Rome, to abdicate the crown of Poland.
hand, the Orthodox Church, except in
the first centuries of its spread among
the Slavs, was nowhere an engine of
civilisation. It was rather the cause
why the Slavs and other nations of the
Greek Church remained backward. Their
clergy felt that most deeply in places
where they lived side by side with the
Romans ; for this reason the Orthodox
bishops were mostly those who first
espoused the cause of the union. If some
such union had been introduced, with a
set purpose and yet in a conciliatory spirit,
among the Russo-Polish provinces, the
success would have been irresistible. But
what the Roman priests now undertook
under the spiritual guidance of the
Jesuits and the protection of the Polish
king met with no approval in the com»
munity. The majority of Orthodox
bishops and the most influential laymen,
such as Constantin Ostrogski, were for
the union ; at their head was Atchbishop
Michael Rahoza of Kiev.
But the Catholic prelates failed to
recognize the existing conditions and to
be influenced by them. The earlier
champions of the union, therefore, drew
back, among them the powerful prince
Ostrogski. When, besides this, the Patri-
archs of Antioch and Constantinople
came personally to Poland in order to
organise the resistance, only a handful
of partisans of the union were left. Both
parties met for a final discussion at Brest
in 1596. They soon divided into two
groups, and banned each
other ; only a few
bishops, with the Metro-
politan Rahoza and their
small following, declared
for Ihe union. Two of
them, Hypatius Potij,
Bishop of Vladimir, and
Cyryl Terlecki, Bishop
of Lutzk, went to Rome
with the charter of union,
and took the oath of
obedience in the name of
the whole Russian
Church. Thus the
famous union of Brest
was effected. The Uniate
bishops were immediately
to receive seats and votes
in the Polish Senate.
This union brought no
gain to the Catholic
Church and the Poles in
the future, chiefly because the animosity
between the two Russian parties increased
and they fought against each other still
more obstinately.
At this same time a meeting of the
heterodox, or Dissidents, as they were
called in Poland, assembled at Thorn to
T-j discuss how the swelling tide
Swelling Tide ^^ Catholic influence might be
stemmed. They sent a deputa-
tion to the king, but he did
not receive it. The union of Brest could
not, however, hold its own ; for the king
and the Slachta did not wish to fulfil the
conditions of union. The Uniate bishops
were not introduced into the Senate,
nor were the privileges of the Church
observed; in this way the whole work of
of Catholic
Influence
3259
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
union was made ridiculous in the eyes
of the non-united Orthodox. The per-
secution of the Greek Orthodox, who
had not joined the union, became more
and more severe ; they were hindered in
their performance of Divine worship ; their
priests were pubhcly insulted and out-
raged ; their churches were leased by
their patrons to Jews, who then
„ . ° °!^ demanded money payments for
Priests m ,, t A. \. u
-». , the openme of the churches.
Disfavour ,, \ ° 111,1^1
Many towns expelled the Ortho-
dox from ihe town council, and even
from the body of citizens. Their churches
and church property were taken from
them ; in a word, the oppression became
intolerable. Hatred of Poland increased
throughout the East, and the masses were
stirred up by the non-united priests.
The Cossacks in the Ukraine were especi-
ally active, and came forward as protectors
of the Orthodox faith. They demanded
with threats rights for their metropolitan
and their bishops, and for themselves equal
rights with the Slachta ; but the old
respect for the freedom of all had been lost
under the influence of the reaction.
There was no longer any place for the
heterodox in Poland. The Orthodox,
therefore, organised their forces and at-
tempted to do something for the improve-
ment of culture. Prince Ostrogski founded
in Ostrog an academy and a printing-
office ; presses were started in other
places also. The gulf between the two
camps, which cleverly strengthened them-
selves, grew daily wider.
All this was done by Poland in her blind
infatuation at a time when some faint
prospects in the East were opening out
to her. The house of Ryrik in Russia
was extinct, and Lithuanian magnates
placed at that time the pseudo-Demetrius
on the throne of the tsar. This Dmitri,
about whose real family, in spite of
searching investigations, nothing can with
certainty be said, was a friend of the Poles
Threatened ^^^ °^ European culture pos-
Depositionof ^'^^y \ ^f^. ^H^f^"' There
Sigismund ^^^ actually m Poland a party
which entertained the plan of
deposing Sigismund and offering the
Polish crown to Dmitri.
When this plan miscarried, Poland was
still offered an opportunity of getting a
footing in Russia, since after the deposition
of the Tsar Vassili Shuski, the Privy Council
in Moscow chose as tsar Vladislav, son of
Sigismund. Polish troops under Sholkievski
3260
held Moscow in their power. An agree-
ment was so far made that Vladislav should
pledge himself to protect the Greek faith
and the Greek Church, to allow the Boyars
to retain their privileges, to grant them the
Polish privilege of Neminem Captivabimus,
and to conclude an alliance with Poland.
But the narrow-mindedness of the father,
who, probably at the instigation of the
Church and the Jesuits, wished to acquire
the crown of Russia for himself, and
the rebellion of the Zebrzydovski family,
which broke out at the most critical
moment, frustrated all the great plans
regarding a union with Moscow once and
for ever.
When Russia, therefore, was being
consolidated at home under the new
Romanof dynasty, Poland and Russia
once more faced each other with the old
hostility. Poland resolved on war in order
to bring Vladislav to Moscow by force
of arms ; but at the same time the folly
was committed of binding the king even
then to incorporate any future conquests
with the Polish crown. Vladislav was
forced in the year 1617 solemnly to resign
^ , Smolensk, Starodub, and a
Cossacks t .x^ i. •
t th H 1 series of other countries m
of Pol d ** favour of the Polish crown, as
if this resignation of Russian
provinces would be a recommendation to
the Polish candidates in Russia.
For The favourable peace at Deulino near
the Troizkaja Lawra (1618), which secured
to them Smolensk, Dorogobush, Czernigov,
and several other towns, the Poles are
indebted to the Cossack Hetman Konas-
zevicz, who came to their help with
20,000 picked troops and enabled them to
march on Moscow, as well as to the pacific
nature of the Tsar Michael Romanof and
the Russian desire for tranquility. Soon
afterwards Poland was entangled in a
war with the famous Swedish warrior
Gustavus Adolphus, and with Turkey,
which cost her great sacrifices, in spite of
the heroic deeds of the generals Stanis-
laus Koniecpolski and Chodkievicz. The
Cossacks, who since 1596 had already
come forward openly as protectors of
the Orthodox faith, now assumed a
menacing attitude.
The Slachta, when it met after the death
of Sigismund in 1632 to elect his son
Vladislav IV. Sigismund, who di§d in
1648, restricted still more the power of the
crown. The king was in the future not to
be allowed to begin a war without the
THE DECLINE OF POLAND
Restricted
Liberty
consent of the imperial diet, or to enlist
soldiers out of his privy purse ; he was
required to confer the vacant offices
within six weeks after the diet, to cede to
the country the profits of coinage, to
build a fleet on the Baltic, and to contri-
bute two quarters instead of one quarter
, of the royal revenues to the
The King s ^^,^^ ^^^^^ Moscow. Besides this,
the old tax of two groschen
from the hide of land was
abolished as "a survival of the old serfdom."
According to these provisos the king
was more restricted in his hberty than
the ordinary noble, since the latter
might keep troops ; Zamojski Wisneo-
vecki and others were able to put 10,000
men into the field. Vladislav was com-
pelled to accept these
stipulations, and in the
course of his reign had
to submit to still further
curtailment of his free-
dom. As he once went
to Baden to take the
waters, the diet of 1639
passed a resolution that
the king could not leave
the country without the
consent of parliament.
Later the king was pro-
hibited, and this time
with more justice, from
incurring debts in im-
perial affairs.
Vladislav was ob-
viously forced to try
fortunes, and finally watched every step
which the king took.
Vladislav, who in May, 1624, at his
father's instructions, had undertaken a
long journey to several courts, and finally
to Rome, at last ventured to take up
a bold attitude against the predominance
of the Church. He, hke Casimir IV. pre-
viously, endeavoured to make the influence
of the crown felt in the election of the
bishops, and negotiated with Rome on the
subject with some success. He wished
that the papal consent to the founding of
the Jesuit academy in Cracow should be
recalled. He instituted in Thorn, certainly
to the indignation of the Catholics, a dis-
cussion between the different confessions,
which, however, like others previously,
remained unsuccessful.
He protected the non-
united, and, disregarding
the union at Brest, left
them their own bishoprics
in Lemberg, Premysl,
Lutzk, Mohilev, and the
archbishopric of Kiev,
without troubhng him-
self about the protest
of Rome ; in fact, he
actually permitted the
return of Uniates to
Orthodoxy and treated
the Greek Orthodox with
justice. The success of
his exertions was con-
siderable. In consequence
of this the eastern pro-
vinces, and, above all,
and improve this un- a king without liberty
fpnahlp nodtinn nf fhp The liberty of the crown was curtailed during fUp rn«;<;ark<; thf rham-
lenaoie position 01 me the reign of Vladislav iv. The diet of 1639 ^'}^ ^.ossacKs, me cnam-
Crown in regard to the passed a resolution that the king could not leave pions of Orthodoxy,
estates, and to Strengthen *'>"*=°""''"y"*'*'°"**''"""^*'"'°^P""^"""*- remained true to the
the central power. His whole reign is king, although they were aware that they
a covert struggle against the existing
constitution. Above all, he wished to
withdraw himself from the excessive
influence of the Catholic Church, which
he judged harmful to the welfare 01
the country. The Church, dominated by
Jesuits, encouraged men to enter their
community, conceded no privileges to
the Uniates, and thus rendered the whole
work of the union void. The Jesuits in
Poland, as in other countries, searched
for Protestant and other heretical books
and destroyed them. The schools came
gradually into their hands ; they founded
their own academy in Cracow, in order
to enter into rivalry with the one already
existing. They accumulated immense
could not expect any just treatment
from their enemy the Slachta.
In an equally decisive manner he broke
away from the foreign policy of his
father. He strove for an alhance of
Poland with Russia, carried on war with
_, . great energy, and obtained
PoiTc^of ^" ^^34 ^* Poljanovka a
VI* «r^l° favourable peace, which
brought to the Poles the
possession of Sievsk, Smolensk and
Czernigov. His intention was now to
wage a joint war on a grand scale
against Turkey; he therefore yielded in
the Swedish question, and in the truce
at Stuhmsdorf on September 12th, 1635,
in return for the restoration of Prussia,
3261
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Social
Revolution
in Poland
renounced all claim to Livonia, which was
conquered by Sweden. In his eagerness to
attain his purpose he made overtures to the
house of Hapsburg, and married Cecilia
Renata, an Austrian archduchess. When
on her death he married a French princess
— Marie Louise of Nevers-Gonzaga — he did
so probably in order to fit out troops
against Turkey with her money.
If Poland then achieved suc-
cesses, she owed them only to
the circumspection and self-
sacrifice of her king. In return she was
not even willing to pay the debts incurred
by him in the war against Moscow,
and after great efforts a tax was granted
the king only as "gratitude." In one
single point did the king allow himself
to be carried away by the Slachta to take
a step momentous for Poland, in the
legislation concerning the Cossacks.
At the close of the sixteenth century a
great economic and social revolution had
been completed in Poland. The colonisa-
tion of the eastern provinces had made
unexpected progress. Red Russia,
Volhynia and Podolia had been long
occupied by the Polish lords ; now the
stream of colonists flowed into the
Dnieper region and swept along with it
the inhabitants of the above-named
regions. Even nobles who, in consequence
of the civil wars and also of the struggle
with Russia, were at the end of their
economic resources, marched under the
protection of mighty lords to the eastern
provinces, and there became Cossacks.
Small landowners in the western pro-
vinces could not hold their own from want
of hands ; equally in the east the un-
certainty and the exhausting work of
colonisation rendered the development of
small farms impossible.
The consequence was that the petty
nobility, especially in the east, became
dependent on the large landowners ; by
this step their influence in national life
would naturally sink, while that of the
magnates rose. If in the fifteenth and
also in the sixteenth century the
petty nobles had
exercised such
power in the state
that they could
pass even the
great legislative
Revision, and if
the constitution
had stood under
3262
the banner 01 democracy, the centre of
gravity was now shifted once more to
the Senate, which, by economic pres-
sure, ruled the chamber of provincial
deputies.
The development of Poland from the
close of the sixteenth century lay, there-
fore, in the hands of the magnates; the
oligarchs dictated to the crown ; with
them originated the first of those revolts
so disastrous to the state, which were
destined to lead irresistibly to the down-
fall of Poland. Side by side with the
formation of the large landed estates in
the eastern provinces went a movement
of the population from west to east,
which shifted the economic and also the
political centre of gravity of the empire
toward the eastern frontier. The great
nobles of the east guided the state accord-
ing to their own will.
In addition to this a social transforma-
tion took place. Among the Cossacks a
party was slowly developing which aimed
at freedom and wished to be on equality
with the nobles. But nothing was more
dangerous for the great landowners of the
eastern marches than this movement, by
which they ran the risk of losing the whole
peasantry, the one support of their farms.
All who were oppressed and wished to live
a life of freedom joined the Cossacks. The
^ peasant population could only
v/OSSftCKS 11111 11 r c
. be held back by force from run-
j ning away and migrating to the
Ukraine. The number of the
Cossacks increased from year to year with
great rapidity. To remedy this evil,
measures were taken that only 600 Cos-
sacks should be admitted, and registers
were drawn up for inspection, while all
others had to remain peasants.
The threatened oligarchs now thought
of applying an efficient remedy. At their
instigation the diet of 1638 resolved to
place the registered persons under a Polish
commissary ; all who later acquired
privileges were to forfeit their rights, liber-
ties and incomes. Their possessions were
confiscated by the lords, and they must
immediately pay
taxes on them.
This resolution of
the diet kindled
a revolt of the Cos-
sacks which was
destined in the end
to result in the
loss of the Ukraine.
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE hRENCH
REVOLUTION
W^
■■ *u^<f
POLAND
VII
GREAT DAYS OF COSSACK POWER
AND THE COMING UP OF RUSSIA
A FTER the conquest of Kiev and the
**• subjugation of Russia by the Tartars,
Moscow on the one hand, and Lithuania
on the other, had grown into new pohtical
centres. But in Kiev all culture and
political life were dying out. The country
gradually' became a desert ; the survivors
left by the sword of the Tartar were
dragged away into captivity or emigrated,
while a few who remained behind, living
in perpetual danger, sank into barbarism
and took refuge in the forests and fens.
It was only when these districts were
conquered by Lithuanian princes that the
fugitives came back and the country was
once more populated. Princes of the
Olgerd stock received large tracts of this
unowned land and introduced settlers.
Their primary duty was always, however,
to ward off Tartar attacks, and the military
organisation had therefore first to be taken
in hand. Thus, in course of time a kind of
military frontier against the Tartars was
developed. The first step was taken by
the frontier starosties (districts governed
by starosts) ; the resident landowners also
fought the Tartars on their own account.
Owing to this duty of defence, free com-
panies were formed, which stood in very
loose relations with their princes and
starosts. At the beginning of the fifteenth
century they bore the name of Cossacks.
The whole institution, like the name, is
of Tartar origin ; but the Slavonic Cos-
sacks developed quite differently. In any
case, a direct connection with the Kirghiz,
who call themselves Kasaks, is not demon-
_ strable. It is also better to
Ah*' ^°^ separate them entirely from the
^ . Casoges on the peninsula of
Taman, and the Icherkesses m
the Caucasus, who were subjugated in 965
by Sviatoslav. Among the Tartars those
persons were called Cossacks who made
raiding expeditions without the permission
of their chiefs. Russian and Lithuanian
princes, such as Vasilij IV. Ivanovitch and*
Sigismund I., made formal complaint to
the Tartar khans that the " Cossacks "
invaded their territories. In Russia
people were originally called Cossacks
who, in contrast to the settled population
with their burden of taxes, were engaged
in trade and commerce, exporting salt in
particular, or served on board the shipping
on the Volga, or were occupied with
fisheries on the Dnieper and brought fish
_ , n J to the market at Kiev —
Cossack Bands 1-1.1 .
. P , people, m short, who were not
c e ugc fettered to the soil. But by
of Discontents ,, 1 • • rxi_ • ^ ^u
the beginning of the sixteenth
century there were Cossacks whose duties
were exclusively military, although they
were not free, but were the subjects of
various princes. They must have been the
descendants of those free itinerant traders
who must have been familiarised with
every sort of danger on their journeys.
Citizens and peasants who found their
burdens intolerable flocked to them.
These Cossack bands often bore the names
of their lords ; thus we find " Cossacks of
Prince Demetrius Wisnioviecki," or, ac-
cording to the names of the starosties and
towns, Cossacks of Kanew, Bar, Win-
nica, Bilacerkov and Kiev, of Smolensk,
Riasan and Putvol. Those of Czerkasy were
so renowned that the Cossacks were later
called generally Czerkasy. The greatest
services in the organisation and develop-
ment of the Cossack system were per-
formed by the frontier starosts and by the
princes.
Daszkovicz, Starost of Czerkasy on the
Dnieper, went to Poland and demanded
in the diet at Piotrkov that these free
companies should be recognised as an
imperial army, whose duty was to guard
the frontier ; he showed also how import-
ant that might be for the empire. His
request was not granted ; and when the
government proposed to restrict the
Cossack right of settlement they withdrew
behind the rapids south of Czerkasy.
Here the free Cossack race, which recog-
nised no sovereign, made its home. We
find the first traces of these " Saporoska
Sjetsch " in an edict of King Sigismund
3263
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Augustus of 1568. They are more pre-
cisely described to us in the documents of
the end of the sixteenth century. Their
strongholds were the islands in the
Dnieper, where they had their forts.
Their organisation was that of the orders
of chivalry in Western Europe. ImpUcit
obedience, piety, chastity in the camp,
. absolute equahty — these were
The strict ^^^ conditions of life among
thrs^luth *h^ Sjetsch. The assembly
■** '*^ was the only authority ; it
elected the chief, the Ataman or Hetman,
who held his office only for one year, and
then was brought to account for his
actions, and could even be punished by
death ; the Asavul, or second in command,
and a chancellor (pisar). The assembly
possessed also the only judicial authority.
Quarrels were strictly forbidden ; theft
and the plundering of Christians were
punishable by hanging. The Sjetsch lived
according to the precepts of the Orthodox
Church and strictly observed the fasts.
Their most honourable task was war
against the infidels. They lived in fenced
enclosures (kurenj) which were covered
with horse-skins, 150 in each. Married men
could be received into the company, but
their wives might not be brought with
them. Their food was a sort of yeast,
fish, and fish-soup. A new institution
thus began to flourish in those parts ;
indeed, it seemed as if a new state would
spring up there, on a new non-European
basis. While in Poland and the rest of
Europe the freedom of individual classes
alone was known and preserved, there the
very lowest stratum demanded for itself
the same freedom ; there was to be there no
class distinction, but merely a free nation.
Independently of the Sjetsch, free com-
panies also were formed which, when they
planned a raid, chose a Hetman for them-
selves. But everything later was concen-
trated in the Sjetsch, which formed the
rallying point of all the Cossacks of the
_ Ukraine. So far as we know,
. *I°" ° . the noble John Badovskij was
P . . . elected Hetman over all the
airy an Cossacks for the first time under
Sigismund Augustus in 1572. The same
king put all the Cossacks under the juris-
diction of one judge, who had his residence
at Bilacerkov. After this time captains, or
Hetmans, who were recognised by the
Polish government appeared at their head.
The Cossack life possessed an irresistible
charm ; and when the news spread of
3264
this fairyland where every man could live
as free as a bird, and it received a solemn
consecration as a sworn foe to the infidels,
it was gradually populated with fugitives
and deserters from Poland and Russia.
The country on both sides of the Dnieper
round Kiev, as far as the Tartar frontier,
became a paradise for all the poor and the
oppressed, not less than for those who
thirsted for glory and feats of arms. The
Little Russian race seemed qualified to
put into practice the idea of universal
equality and freedom. The science of war
was here brought to high perfection. At
the same time a literature was produced
which glorified the Cossack life in attrac-
tive ballads and tales. All the Slavonic
world might well be proud of this free
state. Of course this people, which
regarded war as the object of life, could
not fairly be expected to cultivate a higher
civilisation.
The Cossacks might have brought incal-
culable advantages to the country and
the whole empire of Poland if the Poles
had understood how to fit this new member
into the organism of the state. But the
democratic spirit of the Cossacks did not
harmonise with the aristocratic
constitution of Poland. There
were in Poland after the Union
of Lublin (1569) only three
sharply divided classes — the Slachta, the
citizens, and the present serfs. There was
no place for the Cossacks among these
three classes, and, instead of any ad-
vantages, the Cossacks therefore presented
to Poland a social and political problem,
as important as it was dangerous, which
in its subsequent shape became predomi-
nantly an economic question.
The Cossacks exercised on the peasantry
in Poland and Lithuania such a strong
attraction that only the severest penalties
could restrain the people from fleeing by
crowds into the Ukraine. They seemed,
therefore, to the Slachta to be a revolu-
tionary influence which disturbed the order
of the state, and, by encouraging the
exodus of the labouring country popula-
tion, threatened every farm with desola-
tion and ruin. But the economic stability
of the Polish state depended on the
serfdom of the country population ; this
had been a main object of the legislature,
just as in the ancient world the prosperity
of the state had depended on slavery as a
legal institution. It is therefore intelligible
why the Slachta persecuted with deadly
Poland's
Problem of
the Cossacks
CHARACTERISTIC PORTRAITS OF THE FIGHTING COSSACKS
1, Cossack o£Bcer; 2, 3, 4, and 5, Typical Cossacks soldiers of the Caucasus ; 6, Cossacks of tbc Don.
32^)5
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
hatred and deep contempt those runaway
peasants who ventured to put themselves
on a level with their betters. They staked
everything on reducing the Cossacks again
to the position of peasants. The division
of interests was not to be healed, and war
was inevitable. It was an almost hopeless
task to find a means of arranging the
dispute and solving the social problem.
Apart from Sigismund I., who had
quietly promoted the organisation of the
Cossacks, Sigismund Augustus was the
first who attempted to
link the Cossack element
with the organism of the
PoHsh state, since he
placed them under the
authority of the starosts,
restricted their numbers,
and fixed their pay.
Bathori had only taken in
his pay 600 Cossacks, and
those for the war against
Moscow. It was only
under Sigismund III. that
the diet of 1590 deter-
mined to pay 6,000
Cossacks. They were en-
tered upon a list and
called "registered."
Their commander-in-chief
was the Polish Crown
Hetman for the time
being, so that the
Cossacks were intended
to compose only a part
of the Polish army. The
"registered" received
grants of land, a court of
justice of their own at
Baturin, and the right of
electing superior officers.
All the others, by far
the majority, were in-
tended to revert to the
status of peasants. Sigis-
mund thus found a way
out of the difficulty
which only satisfied a very small pro-
portion of the Cossacks. But the Slachta
did not wish to admit even these 6,000
into the state, and treated them merely as
mercenaries. This provoked new strife.
The " registered " combined with the non-
registered Cossacks and rebelled against
the government, attacked the Slachta on
their estates, and, under leaders of their
own choice, made raids upon Turkey
\nd the Tartar territory. Through this
3266
ANCIENT COSSACK CHAIN MAIL
Present-day Cossack in the armour of the past.
state of affairs a new difficulty sprang
up for the Polish government ; for this
arrogance of the Cossacks threatened
every moment to bring on their heads
a dangerous war with the Porte, and
injured Ottomans were continually lodging
complaints against insolent Cossacks.
All commands were as useless as the
execution of several Hetmans. What
did the free Cossacks care about the
national interests of Poland ? They loved
liberty and war above everything else ;
they went as gaily to
battle as to a dance. Often
imitating the intrepid
Varangians, they sailed in
their light craft from the
Dnieper to the Black Sea
and plundered the suburbs
of Constantinople or the
towns of Kilia, Akerman,
Ismail, Sinope and others.
Sigismund built the for-
tress of Kremenczug on
the Dnieper in 1591 to
hold 1,000 men, whose
task it w^ould be to keep
the Cossacks in check.
But even these standing
garrisons were unable to
restore order. In the
year 1592 the first revolt
of the registered Cossacks
broke out, under the
leadership of the Hetman
Christopher K o s i n s k i .
Prince Constantine
Ostrogski, himself Ortho-
dox, suppressed it at the
head of the Slachta. The
Cossacks were forced to
surrender Kosinski and
elect another Hetman, to
give up the booty, and to
bind themselves not to
undertake any raids ^vith-
out the knowledge and
consent of the government,
and not to receive any deserters. But a
second rising followed in 1596, under
Loboda and Severin Nalivajko.
The first revolt may have had a more
social character, but now there was a
religious element added, since the Cossacks
rose to protect the Orthodox faith, which
was threatened by the union of Brest in
1596. Ostrogski, the antagonist of the
union, now himself fanned the flame,
since he wished to wreak vengeance on
A KUBAN COSSACK WITH HIS WIFE AND DAUGHTER; AND A KUBAN GIRL K,
__^ -4^
FAMILIAR TYPES OF THE KUBAN COSSACKS
208 3267
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Turkish Fleet
Burned
Alexander Siemaszko, the castellan of
Braclaw, and on the Bishop Cyryl Terlecki.
The rebels assembled in his territory ; they
were joined in Ostrog by Damian Nali-
vajko, a brother of Severin, the chaplain
of Ostrogski ; many nobles, even the non-
registered, took their side. The best
generals, Zamojski and Sholkievski, were
sent against the insurgents
and forced them to surrender.
^ ^ . The two Hetmans were given
by Cossacks , u u j j 4.
up and were beheaded at
Warsaw. Treated with great harshness,
the Cossacks now fled in masses to the
left bank of the Dnieper, to Sapo-
roshje, where they established their head-
quarters. Their numbers grew so rapidly
there that they were able once more to
undertake raids ; they surprised Varna
in 1605, and destroyed, in 1607, Oczakov
and Perekop.
The Saporogi became especially formid-
able when the Hetman Peter Konasze-
vicz Sahajdacznyi, a bold and skilful
strategist, placed himself at their head in
1612. He plundered, in 1612, the coast of
the Crimea as far as Eupatoria, took
Kaffa, destroyed Sinope in 1613, pillaged
in 1614 the coast of Asia Minor, and in
1615-1616 Trebizond, and burnt the Turk-
ish fleet. It was he who supported the
Polish campaign against Moscow. The
name of Saporogi was soon universally
used for the Dnieper Cossacks. Konasze-
vicz assumed the title " Hetman of both
banks of the Dnieper and of the Saporogi,"
and placed himself over the " registered " ;
in fact, he entered into alliance with the
tsar and with Turkey.
He was the first Hetman who openly
protected the Church and organised it, since
he demanded an Orthodox Metropolitan
with suffragan bishops for Kiev, and carried
his point. The Patriarch of Jerusalem,
Theophan, came to Russia and conse-
crated Jov Borecki as Metropolitan and
six other bishops ; Konaszevicz assigned
Th c k ^^^"^ estates. He founded
e ossac j^g^j^y churches, renewed the
. Q monasteries, opened schools,
and was thus the first who laid
stress on the improvement of culture. He
also called upon the Polish government to
confirm his position ; this was done when
his help was required against the Turks.
But he was always endeavouring to
emphasise his independence. When
Poland, in the treaty with Turkey of 1621,
promised to keep the Cossacks in check,
3268
he immediately organised an expedition
into the Turkish territory, by way of regis-
tering his protest against that stipulation.
Strangely enough, this man of iron, who,
for instance, ordered the Hetman of the
" registered " Borodovka to be beheaded
in sight of the Polish camp, and seemed to
love war and war only, retired after the
battle of Khotin, where he was wounded
in the hand, into a monastery, and there
occupied himself with the composition of a
book, to which even his enemies gave
unstinted praise. Konaszevicz died on
April 5th, 1622, an extraordinary character,
bold to foolhardiness, a clever statesman,
a patron of culture and freedom ; in short,
one of the greatest Slavs in history. He
founded the national independence and
spread abroad the fame of his native
Ukraine ; among the Cossacks themselves
he roused a deep love for the mother-
country. He is still celebrated in song.
In three years after his death the Cossack
country sank from the pinnacle to which
it had been raised by Konaszevicz. The
Cossacks had been welcomed everywhere
as mercenaries ; Loboda and Nalivajko
had fought under the emperor's banner in
Transylvania, and others, like
ec me o Lisovski, in Germany itself.
. . . The Polish government now
Independence -.iTXi tz it-
sent the Hetman Koniecpolski
to the Ukraine, on the right bank, under
the pretext of preventing Cossack inroads
into Turkish territory. The Cossacks
were unexpectedly surrounded by his
forces on Lake Kurakov, misled by false
promises, and compelled to surrender.
They were forced to accept the following
terms on the heath of Medveshi Lozy in
1625. Six thousand " registered " were
to be retained, 60,000 gulden in gold paid
to them, and the register kept in the
imperial treasury ; the Hetman was to be
confirmed in his appointment by the Polish
Crown Hetman ; inroads inito Turkish
territory were to be discontinued ; the
boats were to be burnt and no new ones
built. A thousand of the registered Cos-
sacks were to be on garrison duty in the
country of the Saporogi.
The non-registered were to serve their
lords and sell their goods within twelve
weeks. Michael Doroszenko was then
chosen Hetman, and confirmed in his post
by Koniecpolski. Some years afterwards a
Polish army came again into the Ukraine,
and under its protection the Slachta in-
dulged in acts of the greatest injustice and
THE GREAT DAYS OF COSSACK POWER
violence. Murders, outrages, and con-
fiscation of property were the order of the
day. If we reflect that hardly one in
twenty could be entered on the register,
we shall realise how great a mass of in-
flammable material was collected there.
There was equal danger seething among
theSaporogi, who had their ownHetmans.
On the election of Vladislav IV., the
representatives of the Cossacks also ap-
peared in the imperial diet. They asked
for electoral rights, abolition of the
union, increase in the numbers of the
registered, and the confirmation of the
privileges of the Orthodox Church. They
received the answer that the Cossacks
certainly formed part of the body of the
Polish republic, but only as the hair and
nails, which could be cut off. In order to
emphasise his demands, Petryzcky, Het-
man of the " registered." marched to
Volhynia and ravaged the property of
the Slachta. The Cossacks were not ad-
mitted to full electoral privileges ; but
the rights of the Orthodox Church were
confirmed and its Metropolitan, Peter
Mogila, was recognised. Vladislav IV.
promised to restore the Orthodox dioceses
and to found new dioceses for
Cossack theUniates, and allowed them
ea crs ^^ build some churches and
Beheaded . . ■ ,■
to set up prmtmg - presses.
But there was little talk of the freedom
of the Cossacks; on the contrary, he
ordered the new fortress of Kudak to be
built on the Dnieper, which was intended
to keep the Saporogi in check. The
Hetman Sulyma destroyed this fortress,
for which act he was impaled in Warsaw
and an army was sent against the Cos-
sacks ; these, under Pawluk, who already
contemplated the autonomy of the Ukraine,
were ready for a desperate resistance. The
Cossacks fought fiercely at Kumejki and
Borovitza, but were forced to give in.
Pawluk, Tomilenko, and other leaders
were beheaded.
The Cossacks had to ask for pardon ; all
who went to Saporoshje were to be sent
back to their lords. The preparation of
the register was for the future entrusted
to the royal commissaries, and the people
were robbed of their goods. The diet of
1638, rendered arrogant by its last victory,
now had recourse to the severest measures.
The " registered " were put on a level
with the peasants, declared to have for-
feited all rights, and deprived of their
goods. Henceforward the Polish commis-
sary resided in Trechtemirov. The Polish
armies encamped in the Ukraine and
mercilessly wasted the country.
But people were much deceived in
Poland who expected that the Ukraine
would be finally pacified by the enslave-
ment of the Cossacks. As an answer to
the resolutions of the diet a new revolt
T rribi F 11 ^^oke out under Hunia,Ostrja-
, "* * * nvcia and Filonenko. But this
01 the f , ^
Cossacks ° ^^^ suppressed. In a
camp which had surrendered
unconditionally, every single person was
massacred. Among the Polish magnates
who took the greatest interest in the en-
slavement of the Ukraine, Jeremias
Wisnioviecki — a voivode of the Jagellon
stock — distinguished himself by his bar-
barity ; at the head of his own troops he
burnt, beheaded, impaled, or blinded all
the Cossacks who fell in to his hands.
The rebellion was crushed by the weight
of numbers. Many fled to Saporoshje and
wandered about in the steppe. The
idea of gaining support from some foreign
power now gathered strength. Ostrjanycia
and Filonenko went to Moscow ; some
6,000 are said to have entered the service
of Persia. The Slachta now ruled abso-
lutely in the Ukraine : the Cossacks were
forbidden even to fish and to hunt. The
Jesuits, too, came there before long.
Many magnates, such as Wisnioviecki,
Konicepolski, Kalinovski, Potocki,
acquired huge tracts of land. The
district which Wisniovecki now possessed
was greater in size than many a German
principality. A deputation of the Cossacks
— Roman Polovetz, Bogdan Chmelnicki,
Ivan Bojaryn, Ivan Wolezenko — which
demanded from the king the restoration
of freedom, of the right to own property,
and of payment for service, could not
effect anything. There was tranquillity
in the Ukraine only for ten years ; it
seemed as if the country only wished to
try to what limits the oppression of the
Polish Slachta could go. To
:'« !« ^^^^ period belong the meri-
torious exertions of the
famous Metropolitan of Kiev,
Peter Mogila. The family of Mogila gave
some able rulers to the principalities
of Moldavia and Wallachia ; it was
connected by many matrimonial ties with
the foremost families of Poland. Peter
received his education partly in the school
of the Stauropigian fraternity at Lemberg,
which was intimate with his family, and
3269
Ten Years'
Tranquillity in
the Ukraine
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
partly abroad. In 1625 he entered the
most celebrated monastery of Russia, the
Peczerskaja Lavra at Kiev, of which he
became abbot at the end of 1627. In
this capacity he went in 1632, at the head
of the Cossack deputation to Poland, to
the Reichstag, and petitioned the king to
grant rights to the Orthodox Church.
The consecration of Jov Bo-
The Famous ^^^^^ ^^ Metropolitan of Kiev
Metropohtan ^^ ^^^ Patriarch Theophan of
retcr Mogiia jg^usalem, at the request of
the Hetman Konaszevicz, had taken place
without the king's knowledge ; the office
of metropolitan and certain bishoprics
were now intended to be recognised by the
state. After the death of Borecki, Peter
Mogiia was recognised as Metropolitan in
1632.
Mogila's first and important task was
the improvement of secondary and ele-
mentary schools. While the Catholic
priests, the Jesuits in particular, founded
and supported scientific institutions on
every side in order to fight the Evangelicals
with spiritual weapons, the Russian clergy
at the period of the Tartar dominion
had sunk very low. The majority of the
priests were illiterate. Even the most
bigoted supporters of Orthodoxy could not
fail to see that, if they wished to save their
Church, they ought not to neglect culture
any further. Ecclesiastical brotherhoods
were founded, and printing-presses and
schools were set up for the protection of
the Church in the most important sees,
such as Lemberg, Kiev, Luck, Wilna.
The first Orthodox school with a press
was founded in 1580 by Prince Constantine
Ostrogski in his town of Ostrog. A school
with a press was next founded in 1586 at
Lemberg by the Stauropigian fraternity ;
another in 1588 at Wilna, when the
Patriarch of Constantinople stayed there ;
a third in Luck, in 1589 ; a fourth in
Kiev. Books in defence of their Church
now began to be published by the
„. .. Orthodox party. The
Education j .1
e J . c •. danger was the greater
Spreads in Spite rr- c- ■ j ttt
of Persecution ^^^^^ ^/"^ ^Ig'^^^^^d IIL.
an enthusiastic Catholic
and patron of the Jesuits, aimed at the ex-
tirpation of the Church and schools of the
Orthodox party. When Theophan, the
Patriarch of Jerusalem, appeared, he was
announced to be a Turkish spy, and the
bishops consecrated by him were brought
before the courts. In spite of all this they
held their own, and the schools increased in
3270
number. Mogiia was especially desirous ot
founding in Kiev a university, like those of
other countries, in which instruction could
be given in Latin, Greek, and Polish,
He sent young persons abroad for some
years to study the higher branches of
education, and then installed them as
professors in his school, which bore the
name of a " college," and was subse-
quently raised to the rank of a university.
He sacrificed all his property to this end.
He was soon in a position to send exem-
plary monks and efficient teachers to the
Prince of Wallachia and to Moscow.
A vigorous intellectual movement now
began. An apologetic Orthodox literature
appeared ; the Greeks could now vie
successfully with the Roman Calholics.
The school had good teachers, and it
educated famous scholars. Mogiia himself
was conspicuously active in the literary
field. He wrote a series of the most
necessary church books for the people
and for teachers, amended the text of the
translation of the Bible, and composed
apologetics, especially the " Orthodox
Confession of the Catholic and Apostolic
Church of the East " (the Confessio
Orthodoxa of 1643). Russia
." ..^* °. was able for centuries to find
sustenance in the intellectual
products of this man and his
school. In the year 1640, Peter Mogiia
proposed to the Tsar Michael to found
a monastery with a school under the
direction of Little Russian monks, in
which the instruction should be given in
the Greek and Slavonic languages. Two
of the learned Kievans, Epifanij Slavi-
neckij, at the recommendation of the
Patriarch Nikon, and Simeon Polockij,
entered into closer relations with the
Tsar Alexis.
Polockij in particular was both a promi-
nent preacher and a poet, whose dramas
were produced at court ; he was also
(after 1670) manager of the royal printing
establishment. He it was who drafted
the first scheme for a university in
Moscow with faculties in Slavonic, Greek
and Latin — a magnificent conception,
which can be traced back to Mogiia him-
self. The sons of Alexis, Feodor and Ivan
were patrons of the Kievan scholars.
Peter the Great invited the teachers of
this school to his court, and formed out
of them a staff of savants, to whom he
confided the intellectual regeneration of
Russia. The pupils of the Kievan school
Intellectual
Activity
PALACE AT ALOUPKA AND TOMBS OF THE KHANS AT BAKHTCHI-SARAI
jL Jj IN THE GARDEN OF THE PALACE AT ALOUPKA
^ IN THE CRIMEA : SCENES IN THE LAND OF THE TARTAR KHANS
3271
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
bore the torch of culture everywhere,
and filled the highest offices in the Church.
Mogila died in 1647, barely fifty years
old, worn out by his restless energy. As
Konaszevicz aroused the pride and the
independence of the inhabitants of South-
ern Russia, so Mogila, a kindred spirit,
awakened the culture of the Ukraine,
covered it with the glory of science, and
promoted the self-consciousness of the
Orthodox Church. It must be confessed
that even thus the old defects of the
Greek Church could no longer be made
good ; the richest and most conspicuous
families, to whom nearly half the Ukraine
on the left bank belonged, gradually went
over to the CathoUc Church. Almost the
only adherents of the Orthodox faith were
the poor, and in the towns
the few citizens who were
persuaded by spiritual
brotherhood to continue
in the Eastern Church.
In the year of Mogila's
death there was already
great excitement in the
Ukraine, and at the
beginning of 1648 the
Cossacks defeated a Polish
army. This time Bogdan
Sinovi Chmelnicki, son of
a Sotnik from Tchigirin,
had placed himself at the
head of the insurgents.
He had studied in the
Collegium Mogilanum and
then in the Jesuit school
at Jaroslav, and had the
reputation of being a well
A GREAT REBEL LEADER
Bogdan Sinovi Chmelnicki revealed his quali-
„„„j ^„„ TT„ f^,,„U+ :^ ties as a leader, overcoming the Polish forces
read man. He lOUgnt m at Shovti and again at Korsunj. There was
the Pohsh army at the great rejoicing -the pealing of bells and
, ^ , , c r^ 1 the thunder of cannon — when he entered Kiev.
battle of Cecora, where
his father fell; he himself was taken
prisoner and detained for two years in
Constantinople. There he learnt the
Turkish habits and language, a know-
ledge which proved very useful to him.
Returning home on the conclusion of peace
he went, discontented, to the Cossacks,
shared in all their revolts, and was nomi-
nated chancellor (pisar) by them. y '
His was a kindly, peaceable nature ; it
would never have occurred to him to
stir up a rebellion had not the arrogance
of the Polish Slachta and the prevailing
anarchy in Poland driven him to it.
His estate of Sobotovo was taken from
him (he was not a noble) by the under-
starost Czaplinsky ; his wife w£is carried
3272
off, his son killed, and when he demanded
justice he, like all other injured persons
before him, failed to find it. He then
turned to the king. The latter had
then received humiliation upon humiha-
tion from \ he Slachta ; there was reluc-
tance to pay even his war debts, and his
personal Uberty was restricted ; as just
at this time his only son had died, his
sorrow knew no bounds and his temper
was greatly excited. He is said to have
hinted to the Cossack who now lodged his
grievance before him that he had a sword
with which he could procure justice for
himself. In any case, there is little doubt
that Vladislav gave some encouragement
to the Cossack ; the whole subsequent
attitude of Chmelnicki shows it. On the
way back from Warsaw
Chmelnicki stopped in
every village, complained
everywhere at the in-
justice done to him, and
asked if the people were
ready to take up arms
against the Poles ; all
were only waiting for the
right moment. Having
reached the Ukraine, he
took counsel in the forest
with his friends who had
grown grey in campaigns ;
they all thought that no
help could be looked for
except from themselves.
An order for his arrest
was issued, but he escaped
to Saporoshje (towards
the end of 1647). After
having secured the assist-
ance of the Cossacks in an
assembly, he went to the
Tartars to ask their help. His proceeding
got wind in Poland, and at the beginning
of 1648 two army corps were sent to the
Ukraine, one overland, the other down the
Dnieper ; in the latter were embodied the
" registered"" under the Hetman Barabasz.
Chmelnicki advanced to meet them, and
when they came to shore they went over
to him.
Chmelnicki called on them to protect their
life and liberty, their wives and children ;
a shout of joy greeted his words ; Barabasz
was thrown into the river. Thus the
Ukraine on both sides of the Dnieper was
in a blaze. The clergy preached the war
everywhere and encouraged the revolt.
But the feeling was intense enough
THE GREAT DAYS OF COSSACK POWER
without this. Not merely the people in
the Ukraine, but also those of Red Russia,
and even the country folk in the western
provinces of Poland, rose up and helped the
Cossacks. If they murdered the Slachta
and the Catholic clergy, pillaged their
property and burnt their churches, they
only requited them for what they them-
selves had already suffered. Every dis-
contented spirit hurried into Chmelnicki's
camp, knowing well that the hour of
reckoning was at hand.
Chmelnicki soon defeated one Polish
army at Shovti Wody, another at Korsunj.
At the news of this Vladislav IV. started
to go to the Ukraine, but died on the way,
at Merecz, on March 20th, 1648. Another
large army was put in the field, but this,
being surrounded on the River Pilavka,
took to flight under cover of darkness,
and the whole rich camp fell into the hands
of the Cossacks. Confusion and perplexity
now prevailed in Poland. The Cossacks
wished to be led to Warsaw. But Chmel-
nicki hesitated, probably because there
was no reliance to be placed on the Tartars.
He only marched to Red Russia, besieged
Lemberg, took 200,000 gulden as ransom,
^1. »r- . ■ invested Zamosc, received
The Victorious ,, u j
M h f th there 20,000 gulden, and
^ . . awaited the result of the royal
Cossack Army , .. ^t- 1 1 j
election. His embassy worked
for the election of John Casimir, brother
of Vladislav, who was eventually elected.
Chmelnicki now began his homeward
march ; and made his entry amid the
pealing of bells and the thunder of cannon
into Kiev, where he was solemnly received
by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, by the
metropolitan, the clergy, and the citizens.
There how appeared in his camp am-
bassadors of the sultan from Moldavia
and Wallachia, from Transylvania and
Moscow, all with offers of alliance.
Chmelnicki played the part of an inde-
pendent sovereign. Ambassadors also
came from the newly elected king, at
their head Kisiel, an Orthodox noble. But
Chmelnicki rejected all proposals for
peace, and marched for the second time to
the Polish frontier, since he knew that
only the sword could decide.
The king in person now took the field
against him. A battle was fought at
Zborov. John Casimir had almost been
taken prisoner when Chmelnicki gave
orders for the slaughter to cease ; he
wished, he said, to extirpate the Slachta,
but not to fight agdnst the king. New
terms of peace were put forward by him.
He demanded that 40,000 should be put
on the list of the " reserved," and that
the voivode ships of Kiev, Tchernygov,
Poltava, and Podolia, should be given to
the Cossacks ; abolition of the union of
Brest, a seat for the Orthodox Metro-
pohtan in the Polish Senate, and the
g . expulsion of the Jesuits and
in the ^^^ Jews from the Ukraine.
Ukr&ine P^'^n^ would not listen to
these conditions, and prepara-
tions were renewed for war. The people
now began to mutter that Chmelnicki
was deserting them and would not win
freedom for them. But this time the
Cossacks, although Chmelnicki is said
to have had 350,000 men with him, were
beaten at Beresteczko in Volhynia, through
the treachery of the Tartar Khan, who,
having made" an agreement with the king,
left the field of battle at the decisive
moment and carried off with him as pri-
soner Chmelnicki, vainly urging him to
turn back. The latter regained his liberty
after much trouble, and when he came
back all was lost. He still persevered,
indeed, and even won some victories ; but
he saw that the country could not hold its
own without foreign aid. At the assembly
specially convened for the purpose some
declared for Turkey, others for Moscow ;
there were a few voices in favour of re-
maining with Poland. The masses were
for Russia, with which the common faith
formed a link. Chmelnicki himself pre-
ferred Russia. He sent in 1653 a solemn
embassy to the Tsar Alexis, who had
hitherto maintained an unfriendly attitude
toward the insurgents, and this time the
Grand Duke decided to accept the Cos-
sacks. In the next year Muscovite com-
missaries appeared in the Ukraine and
took possession of the country. An army
under Doroszenko submitted some years
later to Turkey. In the centuries of
struggle between Poland and Russia for
_ . , _ . the sovereignty in the East,
In^to'^he"'" t^^ year 1654 forms the turn-
B \ d ^"? pont. Poland had been
groun driven into the background
by her own fault, while the power of Russia
was from year to year extended at the
expense of Poland. It might now be said
that the game was lost for Poland.
But the democratic Cossack community
was as little adapted for the arrogant
Muscovites as for the aristocratic Polish
republic. Absolutism cannot brook
3273
3274
THE GREAT DAYS OF COSSACK POWER
national forms of liberty in its own
domain. Moscow was otherwise, with its
rude Boyars and its low culture, little
adapted to benefit a people like the
Cossacks, who, accustomed to freedom,
stood on a higher plane in politics and
culture. The position of the Cossacks,
however, became more endurable under
the Muscovite sceptre, since definite laws
were enforced there ; all subjects were
equal, and even those outside the Boyar
class were not treated more indulgently.
The weight of the government was,
therefore, felt less acutely.
An independent existence for the Cossack
state was impossible. The Cossacks re-
ceived their material as well as spiritual
requirements from Russia. They bought
their weapons in Russian
marts, and they owed
their very moderate de-
gree of intellectual de-
velopment to the Ortho-
dox clergy, whose patron
the Russian Tsar was.
Chmelnicki alone, with
his sound common sense,
recognised this. A bold
and skilful soldier, he was
hardly competent for his
great task as a statesman ;
he was no born ruler, but,
always regarding himself
as a servant of the
trown, he only thought
how to find out another
master for himself. He
at another time there were reversions to
Moscow. But there were always the three
parties existing in the Ukraine, the Polish,
the Turkish, and the Russian, which fought
each other with renewed vigour. Soon
there was evidence of a deplorable spht
between the Cossacks and the population
which was excluded from the military
service. The Cossacks, who acquired large
estates, began to separate themselves more
sharply as an aristocracy from the lower
stratum, over which they wished to rule,
like the Slachta in Poland. The demo-
cratic spirit, which had formerly worked
wonders in the Ukraine and had inspired
and morally elevated the whole people,
gradually disappeared. Soon the hate of
the people turned against the Cossacks
themselves, who became
their oppressors. When
the reorganisation of the
government and the army
was completed under
Peter the Great and a
standing army was raised,
the Cossacks no longer
fitted into the new politi-
cal and military structure.
But Peter still spared
them. It was only when
Hetman Ivan Mazeppa
(the hero of Byron's poem)
had attempted in the
Northern War {1707) to
emancipate the Ukraine
with the help of the
Swedes, and had entered
A : HERO OF BYRONS POEM into sccrct negotiations
showed superficiahty in
his grip of the national in the Northern War of 1707, Hetman Ivan with CharlcS XII., that
and the social questions. t'^ilLTma^e^an'effoTto^rerthe'uLTa^ne; Peter Struck about him
He owed the successes with Swedish help ; this led to the abolition, with his USUal CrUClty ;
, . , , , . J by Peter the Great, of the office of Hetman. i . i x xu
which he achieved more he took no further con-
sideration for the separate interests of the
to accident and the universal hatred of
the Slachta than to his genius. The people
did not notice these defects in him ;
and when he died, on August 25th, 1657,
at the age of sixty-four years, a Cossack
ballad sang that it was not the wind that
groaned and howled in the trees, but the
nation bewailing its father Chmelnicki.
It was not long before the Muscovite
administration in the Ukraine caused a
bitter disappointment. The PoUsh party
therefore grew again, especially among the
upper classes, while the people mostly
remained loyal to Moscow. There was still
vacillation ; at one time there were fresh
submissions to Poland, as, for instance,
in the case of Jurij, Chmelnicki's own son,
Cossacks, instituted in Moscow a special
" Chancery for Little Russian affairs,"
and abolished the office of Hetman.
Menschikov captured the Sjetch of the
Saporogi on the. island of Chortiza, and
they now emigrated to the Crimea. They
were recalled to the Dnieper under the
Empress Anna in 1737. They did not
recognise their country again. Southern
Russia had become quickly settled
after the subjugation of the Tartar
khanates, and was covered with towns.
The steppe, through which the Cossacks
had roamed like the Arabs through
their desert, had been transformed into
a populous land. Discontented with
3275
»»!■ TTit wiv 1111 ipiii mi mm ■ »ivi ml ■ nil tiTi rr
THE CARPET FAIR IN THE KREML AT ASTRAKHAN
"" *"" ^'■^ ^^*< »m tt" »m tm int T^
SCENES IN THE ANCIENT CITY OF ASTRAKHAN, FORMERLY KNOWN AS SARAI
3276
THE GREAT DAYS OF COSSACK POWER
this, they wished their old land to be
restored to them and changed back again
into a waste — a further proof that they,
the knights of robbery and plunder, were
no longer suited to the new age and an
organised government. Once again in the
time of Catharine II. a savage social
and religious war against
Poles, Jews, and Catholics
blazed forth, when the
Cossacks, together with
Haidamakes and every
sort of riffraff, wreaked
their fury and pillaged
whole towns like Umani.
Gonta and Sehsnjak were
the ringleaders ; the Greek
clergy once more added
fuel to the flames. At
last, in 1775, Potemkin,
by Catharine's orders,
took the Sjetch and de-
stroyed it. One part of
the insurgents emigrated
to Turkey ; the rest re-
mained as Cossacks of
the Black Sea ; they re-
ceived the southern shore
^of the Sea of Azov and pugatchef : a leader of revolt
... J r T^ Cathanne II. was much alarined at the frc-
tne island 01 r anagoria quent revolts, and at the hindered develop-
oc tVioir Vinrnoc Ti-i+Vi a ment of her new towns in the south in conse-
dis lllt;ir Iiomes, Wllll a quence of these outbreaks. Pugatchef, who
the treatment of the serfs became more
and more oppressive, only with the dis-
tinction that it was not so much the Boyars
here, as the state itself and the magistrates,
who ill-treated the people with true Oriental
brutality, and extorted from them the
uttermost farthing. Whole districts be-
came depopulated. Ac-
cording to the official
report there were in one
region of 460 square miles
(German) only 123 in-
habited settlements and
967 deserted ones ; the
reason often given for this
was " the tsar's taxes
and imposts." The people
emigrated by thousands ;
the limitation and the
subsequent abolition of
the right of emigration
proved ineffectual. All
the pretenders to the
Russian crown found
supporters among the
Cossacks or started from
that country. Among the
more famous chieftains
we may mention Bolot-
nikof , who encouraged the
bands to murder the
».w *.-»,«.. »»v^..»^^, .,»..»• ^ quence of these outbreaks. Pugatchef, who •^"•»*^-' >■" -..«.—>.. .,.•„
special constitution. This gave himself out to be Peter Til., in 1774, Boyars, to appropriate
was the end of the free ""^^ ^ particularly dangerous revolutionary, ^j^^.^. ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^-^^^
Cossack life ; it survived only in songs.
Catharine II., being alarmed by revolts,
especially by that of Pugatchef (1774),
and also indignant because her new settle-
ments and towns in the south were
injured in their development by a popula-
tion of born robbers, declared, in the
decree of May 3rd, 1783, in spite of her
liberal views, all the crown peasants of
Little Russia, and therefore the peasants
among the Cossacks, to be serfs — a measure
by which 1,500,000 peasants were presented
to the nobles. When in the same year
she united the Crimea (the Tartar Cos-
sacks) with the empire, " the old life
of those half-nomads, half-robber knights,
„^ e r with all its romance and ad-
The Serfs , ■, r • i.u
U <i H K v^i^ture, ceased for ever in the
-, . . south, and the stillness of the
grave sank over that country
where for centuries a noisy life had pulsed."
A similar phenomenon came to light in
the territory belonging to the state of
Moscow, and to some extent in the ad-
joining districts. The peasant population
was no better treated there than in Poland ;
and daughters, to plunder the warehouses of
the merchants and divide all state offices
among themselves ; then the dreaded
Hetman Stenka (Stefan) Rasin in the
time of the Tsar Alexis (1667-1671) ;
Kondratij Bulavin under Peter the Great
o I. * (1707-1708): Pugatchef, who
Cossacks at himself out to be Peter
to"or!er "^^ ' ^^^^^^^ *^° P^^^^^"
Demetri ; they were all sup-
ported by these bands. This was the harvest
which the state of Moscow reaped from
the Asiatic brutality of its poHcy. But
among the Cossacks also arose Jarmak
Timofejef, who became famous by the
conquest of Siberia, and then Deschnef,
the discoverer in 1648 of the strait between
America and Asia which was later re-
discovered by Behring and called after him.
Cossacks conquered Azov and wished to
surrender it to the tsar. Nevertheless,
the . revolts of these Cossacks gave the
Russian government much trouble. It was
only after the defeat of Pugatchef under
Catharine II. that their wide domains
became gradually reduced to order.
3277
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
THE FALL OF POLAND
AND ITS PARTITION AFTER 800 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE
TTHE loss of the Ukraine was not the sole
■'• disaster which befell Poland in 1654.
The war for it with Moscow and Turkey
was almost worse. But the Swedish
king, Charles X. Gustavus, against whose
accession John IL Casimir (i 648-1 668)
raised a protest, also declared war with
Poland. In addition to these Prince
George Rakoczy IL of Transylvania
attacked Poland in 1657. For many years
Poland had not been faced by such great
danger. Warsaw and Cracow were in the
hands of the Swedes; the Great Elector
of Brandenburg took Prussia ; Wilna
and Red Russia were occupied by the
Russians and Cossacks, and Rakoczy was
committing the most terrible ravages.
The king fled to Silesia. The saddest
feature was that the Slachta joined the
Swedes, and that there were traitors who
roused rebellion against their own sove-
reign. The nobler minds formed a league,
at whose head the king placed himself ;
and an alliance was concluded with Austria
and Denmark.
In spite of some successes, Poland was
forced to submit to great sacrifices. In the
treaty of Wehlau (September 29th, 1657)
she renounced the suzerainty of Prussia in
favour of the Elector Frederic William ;
by this concession the duchy of Prussia
was definitely lost. By the treaty with
Sweden, concluded on May 3rd, 1660,
in the Cistercian monastery of Oliva
near Dantzic, Poland had to cede Elbing
and Livonia ; besides this, John Casimir
abandoned his rights of inherit-
o an a ^^^^ ^^ Sweden, and was only
oncessions a^jQ^g^j ^0 assume for his life
o oscow ^j^^ ^^^j^ ^^ King of Sweden.
The Polish arms were comparatively
most successful in the Ukraine, where
the Poles succeeded in winning over to
their side a part of the Cossacks under
Wyhovskij .
Even the son of Chmelnicki submitted to
Poland. Nevertheless, Poland was com-
pelled by the truce of Andrussov (January
3278
20th, 1667) to cede to Moscow Smolensk,
Severien, Czernigov, and the Ukraine on
the left bank of the Dnieper for thirteen
years, and Kiev for two years. The war
with Turkey, which had been brought
about by the defeat of a part of the
Cossacks under Doroszenko, similarly
ended v/ith a humiliating peace for Poland
at Buczacz (Budziek), which
-, * .. * , was concluded eventually under
Condition of -^
Poland
Michael, the successor of John
Casimir, on September i8th,
1672. According to its terms Poland
ceded part of the Ukraine to Doroszenko,
PodoUa with the fortress of Kamieniec
(Kamenez) to Turkey, and consented to
pay an annual tribute of 22,000 ducats.
Still more unfortunate for Poland were
the moral degeneracy of its Slachta
and the general corruption of public Ufe.
Each group concluded peace on its
owh account with the enemy ; the parties
were hostile to each other and stirred
up ill-will against the king ; even in-
dividual officials carried out an independent
policy. Many were in the pay of foreign
powers, among them, for instance, the
primate of the empire and John Sobieski,
the subsequent king ; the high digni-
taries publicly taunted each other with
venahty.
It was in the year 1652 that a single
deputy from Troki in Lithuania, Vladislav
Sicinski by name, dissolved the Reichstag,
which had been summoned at a dangerous
crisis, by interposing his veto. That the
validity of a resolution of the Reichstag
depended on the assent of each individual
member — the "liberum veto" — was the
essence of the constitution ; each individual
was the embodiment of the majesty of
the empire. Unanimity in all the reso-
lutions of the Reichstag had already
been demanded, and minorities had before
this dissolved the Reichstag. But it was
unprecedented that an individual should
have dared to make the fullest use of the
" liberum veto." Foreign interference and
THE FALL OF POLAND
the exercise of influence on the imperial
policy were henceforward much simphfied,
since all that was now required was to
win over one single individual.
But then, as formerly, as if that was the
obvious course, the blame was laid on
the king. John Casimir was cautious and
bold, but nevertheless the Slachta
hated him. He was accused of indiffer-
ence, no regard was paid to him, and his
deposition was discussed. He anticipated
this last proceeding, as he resolved to
lay down the crown voluntarily. There
was still much haggling about the
annuity payable to
him, just as he had
formerly been torced
from motives of
economy to marry
his brother's widow,
Marie Louise, in
order that the
country might not
require to keep up
two queens. The
abdication took place
on September i6th,
1668. The Senate
and the Chamber of
Provincial Deputies
met in a joint ses-
sion. With touching
words of farewell the
weeping king laid on
the table of the house
the deed of abdica-
tion, and the whole
assembly wept with
him. But the whole
state, as it were, abdi-
cated in the person
of the king; his
JOHN
Reigning: during a period of wars and rebellions (1648-
1668), Casimir placed himself at the head of a league which
the kingship of Poland in the seventeenth
century meant little more than a super-
fluous ornament, and this was exemplified
in Wisnioviecki with peculiar force.
Contemporary Polish literature, which
is characterised by the same shallow-
ness as the political life, is a true mirror
of the faiults and vices of the Slachta.
There were few exceptions. We find an
apt criticism of it in the Respublica
Poloniae (Leiden, 1627) : " The king can do
just so much as he can personally effect by
good fortune and cleverness. The nobles
do what they like ; they associate with
the king, not as peers,
but as brothers."
In the person of
John HL Sobieski
(elected after the
death of Wisnio-
viecki on May 19th,
1674), who had dis-
tinguished himself as
a general against the
Turks, Poland ob-
tained a king who
would have been
capable of retrieving
the losses of recent
years and of winning
fresh glory for the
empire. He clung
with the full force of
his soldierly nature
to the plan enter-
tained by the greatest
kings of Poland of
opening the decisive
campaign against
Turkey in alliance
with Moscow and
Austria, since he
CASIMIR
rpfJrpmpnf wa<5 the succeeded in bringing about an alliance with Austria and nghtlv SaW that the
retirement was tne Yi(ta^Sii\i. He abdicated in lees, dying in France in 1 672. J& re of Poland dc-
most tangible proof
of the impossible position of public affairs.
The ex-king revisited Sokal, Cracow,
and Czenstochau ; he learned of the election
of his successor, the feeble Michael Thomas
Korybut Wisnioviecki (1669-1673), and
went to France, where he died at St.
Germain on December i6th, 1672.
Shortly before that. King Michael had
been forced to conclude the shameful
peace of Buczacz. He was the son of
that voivode, Jeremias Wisnioviecki of
Reussen, who had once vented his fury
on the Ukraine Cossacks ; but he had not
inherited the warlike abilities of his father.
Under the prevailing repubUcan conditions
pended on it. This idea led him in 1683 to
Vienna, where he defeated the Ottomans.
This brilliant victory, which made him
celebrated in the whole Christian world,
and further successes in Hungary, were
the last rays of sunlight in which the
fame of Poland shone. A thorough
statesman, he treated also the religious
question from the political standpoint,
and thought he could end the disputes
between the Roman Catholics and the
other confessions by a synod, which
he convened at Lublin in 1680 and then
at Warsaw. From this higher point of
view he organised the Ukraine, adopting
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
just and lenient measures, and in this
way he won over a large part of the
Cossacks.
He did not hesitate at great self-sacri-
fices in order to attain his purpose of
annihilating the Turks. At the beginning
of 1656 he sent Christopher Grzymul-
tovski to Moscow to conclude an alliance
with the Tsaritsa Sophia. Poland ceded,
on April 21st, in perpetuity, Smolensk,
Czernigov, Dorogobush, Sterodab, and
Kiev, with the whole of the Ukraine
on the left bank of the Dnieper. Moscow
was to pay 146,000 roubles, and to wrest
the Crimea from the Tartars. The Polish
hero, with tears
in his eyes, took the
oath to this " eternal
peace" with Russia,
in the hope that
he had won this state
for his great plans.
But Moscow was
then still too bar-
barous to entertam
such noble ideas, and
too weak to be able
to carry them out.
Sobieski saw himself
thrown on his own
resources. But in his
tioble efforts he, like
his predecessors, was
always hindered by
that social and poli-
tical corruption in
his own country
which rendered every
great undertaking
abortive. At the be-
ginning of his reign
The reign of Sobieski was the last
flickering gleam in the life of the Polish
state. The terrible times of John Casimir
now seemed to have come back ; party
feuds began afresh and with redoubled
fury. Hitherto, individuals or parties
had betrayed and sold their country, but
now kings did the same ; foreign countries
had hitherto made their influence felt in
Poland only by residents and money, but
now they did so directly by troops, which
never left the borders of the realm and
enforced the orders of their sovereigns by
the sword. The Slachta formerly, loving
freedom beyond all else, had refused to
make any sacrifices
to the dictates of
sound policy or to
listen to any reform ;
but now foreign
countries were
eagerly desirous of
maintaining the ex-
isting conditions and
admitted no reforms.
Foreign mercenaries
took up their
quarters in Poland,
established arsenals,
fought each other, and
traversed the terri-
tory of the republic
in every direction
without asking leave.
Even before this
time the neighbour-
ing powers had
entertained no
great respect for the
sovereignty of the
Polish state. In 1670
THE FEEBLE KING MICHAEL
Unlike his powerful father, the voivode Jeremais Wisnio-
Sr'woc ff,u"^f •^'^" viecki. King Michael had but little wUl of his own, and was -f ""SXl Staie. in IO70
ne was lUll^ 01 laeas easily influenced by those around him. He was, in fact, the Great Elcctor had
of a coup d'etat, but Uttle more than a superfluous ornament; he died in 1 673. ordered a PrUSsiaU
was compelled, like all the others, to nobleman to be
give up every hope. The actions of this
monarch furnish a proof that even capable
men may become the slaves of circum-
stances. Men should be accounted great
not according to their achievement, but
according to their endeavour.
The Slachta did not even allow him to
nominate his son Jacob Lewis as his
successor ; they felt indeed a malicious
joy when the latter did not receive the
promised hand of an Austrian princess,
and they tried to thwart even his marriage
with a rich Lithuanian. Filled with morti-
fication and weighed down by care, John
in. sank into his grave on June 17th, 1696.
3280
a
forcibly seized from
the very side of King Michael Wis-
nioviecki and led away to Konigsberg.
John Casimir himself, even in the reign of
his brother Vladislaus, while travelling
in the west of Europe, and driven by
a storm on the French coast, was kept
two years in imprisonment without any
special feeling being caused in his country
at the incident. Poland was now treated
with undisguised contempt.
In the old days, when, according to
the ancient custom at a coronation,
money was scattered among the crowd,
no Pole ever stooped to pick up a coin ;
now they all clutched with both hands at
THE FALL OF POLAND
doles from whatever side they came.
Formerly the Slachta had imposed harsh
conditions on foreign candidates for the
throne, and had
stipulated for the
recovery of lost
provinces, but now
no king could be
elected without the
consent of foreign
powers, obtained by
humiliating promises.
National and religious
intolerance grew in
consequence stronger.
Rome and the Jesuits
had great influence,
and indefatigably
carried out their
task of conversion
and antagonism
toward all who
were not of their
creed.
The Elector Frede-
rick Augustus (the
Strong) of Saxony, or
as King of Poland
Augustus II. (1697-
1733), owed his elec-
tion partly to the
money which he
distributed, but
mostly to the circumstance that he
had adopted the Catholic faith on
June 1st, 1697.
In the year
1733 the Reich-
stag declared he-
terodox persons
to have forfeited
all political rights
and offices, and
by this action
had given a new
pretext to foreign
powers for inter-
ference in the
affairs of the
empire. The
sudden dissolu-
tion of the diets
was now the
ordinary course
of things. Under
.Augustus II., out
of eighteen diets between the years 1717
and 1733 only five brought their delibera-
tions to a close ; under Augustus III.,
JOHN III. SOBIESKI : ENEMY OF THE TURKS
This great king came too late to avert Poland's impending
doom. In happier circumstances he might have saved
the empire and won for it fresh glory; as it was, he crushed
the Ottoman power, and thus became celebrated in the
whole Christian world. He was a thorough statesman as
well as a brilliant general. Disappointed, he died in 1696.
MONUMENT AT WARSAW TO THE
JOHN III. SOBIESKI
only one. Even the law courts were often
hindered in their duties by party contests
and were compelled to suspend their
sittings. Smce the
state machinery was
stopped recourse was
had to alliances and
armed combinations
which led mo e cer-
tainly to the goal.
But it was not diffi-
cult even for a foreign
power to call into life,
to suit their own
purposes, some such
"confederation."
They grew up like
mushrooms, fought
against each other,
and increased the
confusion. Together
with political dis-
organisation, the im-
poverishment of the
Slachta made alarm-
ing progress. Desti-
tute nobles, who now
lived only on the
patronage and favour
of the high nobility,
crowded in masses
round the rich
magnates, whose
numbers also steadily decreased. As a
natural consequence, the peasants were
inhumanly op-
pressed. The
towns, more and
more burdened
by the national
needs, were
equally i m-
poverished, es-
pecially since
they never en-
joyed the favour
of the crown.
The Jesuit
schools now only
fostered a spe-
cious learning,
and only edu-
cated soldiers of
Christ, who were
intended to set
up in Poland the
Society of Jesus rather than the kingdom
of God. Even the Piarists, an order
established in 1607, who founded schools
3281
POLISH KING
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
in rivalry with the Jesuits, were more
solicitous for their own popularity than
for the diffusion of true knowledge.
The morality and culture of the Slachta
were on a disgracefully low level ; and
their condition was the more repellent since
it bore no proportion to their ambition,
their pretensions, or position in the realm.
p The empire had thus
p*!"' "'*' been engaged in a deadly
.. ■»" i» e- " struggle for a century. If
For Its Sins .. ^^ , , ,, j -4. *
its neighbours allowed it to
last so long, the only reason was that they
were not themselves ready and strong
enough to swallow Poland up. They
jealously watched and counterbalanced
each other. It was with good reason
that the saying " Poland stands by dis-
order " now became a current proverb.
Frederic Augustus of Saxony and
Poland, physically so strong that he
could bend a thaler between his fingers,
and a thorough man of the world, seemed
as a Polish writer aptly puts it, to have
been chosen by Providence to punish the
nation for its sins. Frivolous in private
and often also in public life, he intro-
duced immorality and political corruption
into his surroundings. In 1699 he had
just reaped the fruits of the campaigns
of his great predecessor by the treaty
of Karlovitz, through which Poland re-
covered from Turkey Podolia and Kam-
ieniec, when he plunged Poland into a
war which almost cost him the throne.
He made friendly overtures to Peter the
Great of Russia and planned with him a
campaign against Sweden ; Livonia was to
be the prize of victory. The Danish king,
Frederic IV. was then drawn into the
alliance, and the Saxon troops, which
Augustus always kept in Poland, began the
war. But the allies had grievously de-
luded themselves in the person of the
youthful King of Sweden. Charles XII.
struck blow after blow with crushing effect.
While Russia by her natural weight and
Di L a J not by her warlike skill
Plucky Sweden en u 1 j.
. . was finally able to conquer
Youthful Kins ^^^ ^^**^^ country of Sweden,
Augustus II. and Denmark
could not make any stand against it.
Charles XII. demanded from the Slachta
the deposition of the king, and ordered
the election of Stanislaus Lesczynski as
king on June 12th, 1704.
Augustus II. tried in vain to win over
Charles XII. He repeatedly offered him,
through secret emissaries, a partition of
3282
Poland, but was obliged, on September
24th, 1706, when Charles had also conquered
Saxony, to renounce the crown of Poland
by the treaty of Altranstadt, and did not
recover it until Charles XII. had been
decisively defeated by Peter the Great at
Poltawa on July 8th, 1709. The only power
to benefit from this second Northern War
was Russia, finally which acquired Livonia,
Esthonia, and Ingria, and so set foot on
the Baltic.
From the beginning of his reign Augus-
tus II. entertained the idea of strengthen-
ing the monarchical power ; he kept Saxon
troops in Poland, and did not consult the
Reichstag. But although he possessed
considerable talents as a ruler, the various
schemes which he evolved all turned out
disastrously for Poland. The opposition
against him daily grew stronger, and the
followers of Lesczynski, who was deposed
on August 8th, 1709, increased in numbers ;
confederations were formed on both sides.
Russia brought matters to a head. Rapidly,
and with astonishing astuteness, Peter the
Great found his way in the PoHsh diffi-
culty, and knew how to act. He came
p t tK G between the parties as a
.. p "^ ^ '^^ mediator, but took the side
r D I ... of Augustus as the least
ofPoland J ^ , , .,
dangerous ; he sent, as the
" Protector of Poland," 18,000 men into
the country, and negotiated an agreement
between the rival parties in Warsaw.
Augustus 11. promised to withdraw his
Saxons from the country within twenty-
five days ; all confederations were broken
up and prohibited for the future, and the
constitution was safeguarded. In a secret
clause the number of troops in Poland was
limited ; Poland was not to keep more than
17,000, Lithuania not more than 6,000
men. The Reichstag of 1717 was forced
to approve of all these points without
discussion, for which reason it was called
the " Dumb Diet." This was a master
move of Peter's, and all the more so since
he succeeded in inducing Turkey to
recognise this agreement. Since that date
Russian troops never left Poland, a policy
observed up to the last partition.
Another neighbour had to be considered
during the dispute for the Polish succes-
sion, in the person of the Elector Frederic
of Brandenburg. He retorted to the
promotion of the Elector of Saxony to
the throne of Poland by crowning himself
as King of Prussia, on January i8th,
1 70 1. This action of his meant that he
THE FALL OF POLAND
withdrew from the federation of the
German Empire with one part of his
territory, and shifted the centre of gravity
of power as a sovereign to Prussia, which
was not indeed subject to the suzerainty
of the emperor ; attention was at the same
time called to the fact that he claimed the
other part of Prussia, which still was
subject to Poland.
The far-sighted policy of the Prussian
king and his successors is shown by
their unwearying solicitude for the
organisation and strengthening of their
army. The numerical superiority of the
Russian and other troops was intended to
be balanced by the efficiency of the
Prussians. Frederic I. was also approached
by Augustus II. with the plan of parti-
tionmg Poland. Thus he, the King of
Poland, was the first to suggest to his
neighbours the idea of its partition. The
third occasion was in the year 1732, when
he hoped by this offer to win over the
Prussian king for the election of his son
Frederic Augustus as King of Poland.
The Reichstag, it is true, after the death
of Augustus II. (February ist, 1733),
elected with unusual unanimity Stanislaus
Lesczynski on September nth, for the
second time. But the Slachta forgot that
their resolutions were meaningless against
the will of a stronger power. Forty
STANISLAUS II. : POLAND'S LAST KING
The end of the Polish Empire was in sight when, in 1764,
Stanislaus II. Poniatovski ascended the throne. He did
nothing to stem the rapid tide of ruin or to prevent the
country's shameful betrayal by its aristocracy. In 1795,
Stanislaus resigned the crown, and died three years later.
aog
STANISLAUS I. : TWICE KING OF POLAND
The troubled condition of Polish affairs is reflected in the
history of Stanislaus Lesczynski, who was elected to the
throne in 1704. Five years later, in 1709, he was deposed
on the return of Augustus, at whose deatli. in 1733, he
was, for the second time, elected to the throne. But he
bad to give way to Frederic Augustus II. of Saxony.
thousand Russians entered Poland, and
Russia's protege, Frederic Augustus II.
of Saxony, was elected king on January
17th, 1734, with the title of Augustus III.
France was obliged to acquiesce in the
defeat of her candidate, Lesczynski. He
received Lorraine and Bar as a solatium
(1735-1738). He was occupied to the day
of his death (February 23rd, 1766) with
the thought of his unhappy native land,
and ultimately collected round him at
Nancy and Luneville, the youth of Poland,
in order to educate them as reformers.
It was now perceived, even in Poland,
that the catastrophe could not be long
delayed. The voices that demanded
reform grew more numerous. It is a
tragic spectacle to see how the nobler
minds in the nation exerted themselves
vainly in carrying reforms and saving
their country. Two great parties (at the
head of the one was the Tsartoryski family,
at the head of the other the Potocki) were
bitter antagonists. The former wished to
redeem Poland with the help of Russia ;
the latter, with the support of France.
Both were wrong in their calculation, for
the salvation of Poland was not to be
expected from any foreign power, but
depended solely on the unanimity and self-
devotion of the nation itself, and this
32S3
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
was unattainable. The whole reign of
Augustus III. (he died on October 5th,
1763) is filled with these party feuds.
The evil star of Poland willed that in
the second half of the eighteenth century
Prussia and Russia should possess, in the
persons of Frederic the Great and
Catharine II., rulers who are reckoned
among the greatest in history, while
Poland herself was being ruined by dis-
union. In 1764, soon after the death of
Augustus II., both the adjoining states
came to an agreement as to an occupation
of parts of Poland's territory. Stanislaus
II. Poniatovski, a relation of the Tsar-
toryski family, who had been elected king
on October 7th, 1764, had lived hitherto
in St. Petersburg, and had been, as a
William I. of Prussia, had already inquired,
through their representatives in Russia,
what attitude the tsar would adopt on the
fall of the Polish Empire. The idea of a
partition of Prussia had already been
dispelled by the Seven Years' War ; and
the Prussian hero of that war, Frederic
the Great, was quite ready to apply the
idea to Poland. Neither England nor
France intervened when, in February,
1772, at the beginning of 1793, and on
October 24th, 1795, Poland was parti-
tioned between Russia, Prussia, and
Austria, and the Pohsh Empire disappeared
from the map of Europe. The people of
Poland had also to endure the mortifica-
tion of seeing their own diet concur in
these outrages of the great powers.
TARTAR (
MD DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH
- 1
CENTURIES
favourite 01 Latnarme, mtended for the
throne of Poland. This circumstance in
itself gave grounds for supposing that this
king, in spite of his amiable nature, would
be a tool of the Russian policy.
The Tsartoryskis, indeed, wished to use
the opportunity and introduce useful re-
forms, and took up a strong position against
Russia ; but confederations were soon
formed for the protection of the old
liberties, and these received the support
of Russia, whose interest it was to keep up
the lack of central authority in Poland.
All the European powers then showed a
singular eagerness for expansion ; the idea
of partition seemed to be in the air. The
Emperor Charles VI. and Frederic
3284
Thus the Polish state after lasting 800
years, ceased to be. Poland, in the search
for the solution of the main constitutional
question, went to excess and was choked
by the exuberance of individucil license.
After this date there were frequent
rumours of efforts to be made by Polish
patriots, especially by those who had
emigrated to France, to recover political
independence ; European diplomacy has
often been occupied with the Polish
question. But beyond friendly encourage-
ment the Poles have found no friend who,
with powerful hand, could and would
have reversed the momentous events of
the last decades of the eighteenth century.
Vladimir Milkowicz
THE BEGINNING OF THE NATION
RISE AND FALL OF THE FIRST EMPIRE
HTHE birth of the Russian Empire falls in
•*■ the period when the Scandinavian
Vikings were at the zenith of their power.
Just as these hardy rovers sailed over the
Baltic, the Atlantic and the Mediter-
ranean, until they reached Iceland and
North America, and in their small forty-
oared galleys went up from the mouths
of the Elbe, the Weser, the Rhine, the
Maas and the Seine far into the interior,
striking terror into the inhabitants, so,
too, in the east of Europe they followed
the course of the rivers and discovered
the way to the Black Sea and Constanti-
nople. The route which led up the
Dwina and then down the Dnieper to
Byzantium was called the Varagian way ;
even the rapids of the Dnieper bore, so
it is said, Scandinavian names. The
Norsemen, who had founded here and
there independent empires in the west
of Europe, could do so still more easily
in the east.
At the outset of Russian history we
find here six or seven independent dis-
tricts, which stood, perhaps, under Norse
rule : (old) Ladoga on the Wolchow, later
. Novgorod, Bjelosersk, Isborsk,
^uri . e juj-Q^ jj^ ^hg region of Minsk,
Polock, and Kiev. The core
Ancestor
of Russia
of the later Russian Empire
was at first (about 840) in the north,
in the Slavonic-Finnish region, but it soon
spread toward the south and was then
shifted to Kiev in the basin of the Dnieper.
" Russia " absorbed the Slavonic, Finnish,
Bulgarian and Khazar empires. Rurik,
in Norse Hroerekr, an otherwise unknown
semi-mythical hero of royal race [see page
3183], was regarded in the eleventh century
as the ancestor of the Russian dynasty.
The soil was so favourable here for the
growth of a large empire that the Russians
were able, by the middle of the ninth
century (860), to undertake a marauding
expedition against Constantinople. Besides
Slavs, Lithuanians, Finns, and Khazars, the
,^ ™ . Varagians fought ; usually
Norse Warriors -, °c j r tt 1 j
Q^^j^^ it was Swedes from Upland,
by the Slavs Sodermanland, and Oster-
gotland who formed the
picked troops and took the lead in every
expedition. The mercenary bands had
entered into a covenant with the prince,
but were pledged to obey him ; they were
not, however, his subjects and could,
therefore, leave him at any time ; their pay
consisted in the booty they won. The Slavs
composed the overwhelming majority of
the inhabitants ; they gradually replaced
the Norse warriors and ousted them
completely later, notwithstanding various
reinforcements from their northern home.
By the end of the eleventh century the
Varagian element had almost disappeared.
In less than 250 years the same fate befell
them which shortly before had befallen
the Finno-Ugrian Bulgars in the Balkan
Peninsula. Both races were merged in
the Slavonic.
The first hero of the old Varagian style,
and at the same time the first genuinely
historical ruler, meets us in Gleg, or
Helgi, who, in 880, became the head of
the Russian state. He conquered (880-
881) Smolensk, defeated the petty princes
in Kiev in 882, and then transferred
thither the centre of the empire. He
3285
3286
Igor II. X^^^I^^P\^ Sviatopolk II., lojj 'C /i^VC^' J^yi- Muiiomacli, 1114
THE EARLY RULERS OF RUSSIA
Reproduced from a series of historic medals.
Basil I., isji 'C /'Clr>^V^T^ Dmitri, 1*76
THE RULERS OF RUSSIA FROM. 1125 TILL 1276
Reproduced from a series of historic medals.
3287
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
inflicted on the Khazars and the Bulgarians
defeats from which they never recovered.
In 900 he forced part of the Chorvats on
the Vistula to serve in his army. In this
way he founded a Dnieper empire, which
reached from the North Sea to the Black
Sea, from the Bug to the Volga. Not
satisfied with this, Oleg planned an ex-
_ . pedition against Byzantium,
w***ho which, like Rome and Italy,
^. , was always the coveted goal
on Wheels , xt ^v. t xu
of every Northman. In the
year 907 he went with a mighty army of
allies down the Dnieper ; the Russian
Chronicle states that he had 2,000 boats
with forty men in each. As the harbour
in the Bosphorus was closed, he beached
his ships, set them on wheels, bent his
sails, and thus advanced against the town,
to the horror of his enemies, with his
vessels from the landside. A propitious
moment had been chosen. The Greek
fleet had fallen into decay, and the empire
was hard pressed by the Bulgarians. The
Emperor Leo VI. (the Philosopher) de-
termined, therefore, to bribe the Russians
to withdraw, after an ineffectual attempt
had been made to get rid of them by
poisoned food. The Greeks paid six
pounds of silver for every ship, and in
addition gave presents for the Russian
towns.
Liberty of trading with Constantinople
was then secured to the Russians. Their
merchants, however, were to enter the
city only by a certain gate and unarmed,
under the escort of an imperial official;
their station was near the church of St.
Mammas. They received also the right
to obtain for six months provisions in
the city, to visit baths, and to demand pro-
visions and ships' gear (anchor, cables,
and sails) for their return voyage. This
treaty, having been concluded by word
of mouth, was sworn to by the Byzantines
on the cross, and by Oleg and his vassals
before their gods Peran and Wolas, and
Q. , on their weapons. When the
S ^bol of ^^ssians left the city, Oleg
victory fastened his shield to the
city wall, as a token that
he had taken possession of the city.
This treaty was reduced to writing m
the year 911 — a noteworthy document.
Both parties first promise love and friend-
ship to each other, and fix the penalties to
be incurred by any who disturb their con-
cord through murder, theft, or indiscretion.
Then follow agreements as to the ransom
3288
of prisoners of war and slaves, as to servants
who had deserted or been enticed away, and
as to the estates of the Russians (Varangians
or Varagians) who had died in the service
of the emperor. The proviso as to ship-
wrecked men is important as a contribu-
tion to international law. " If the storm
drives a Greek vessel on to a foreign coast,
and any Russians inhabit such coast, the
latter shall place in safety the ship with
its cargo and help it on its voyage to the
Christian country and pilot it through any
dangerous places. But if such ship, either
from storm or some other hindrance,
cannot reach home again, then we Russians
will help the sailors and recover the goods,
if this occurs near the Greek territory.
Should, however, such a calamity befall
a Greek ship (far from Greece), we are
willing to steer it to Russia and the cargo
may be sold. Any part of it that cannot
be sold and the ship itself we Russians are
willing to bring with us honestly, either
when we go to Greece or are sent as
ambassadors to your emperor, or when we
come as traders to buy goods, and we will
hand over untouched the money paid for
the merchandise. Should a
Russian have slain a man on
this vessel or have plundered
any goods, the agreed penalty
will be inflicted on him." Oleg died in
the year 912, from the bite of a snake,
which, it was alleged, crept out of the
skull of his favourite steed ; hence arose
the legend about the marvellous fulfilment
of a wizard's prophecy that he should
meet his death from that horse. Nine
hundred years later Oleg became a favourite
hero of Catharine II., who extolled him in
a drama bearing his name.
His successor, Igor or Ingvar, a less
capable ruler, carried the work of conquest
a stage further. In the year 914 the
Russians went with 500 ships to the
Caspian Sea and plundered the Persian
coasts. The Arab Mascudi has described
this expedition, which appears to have
been made during the minority of Igor,
when his wife Olga (Helga) administered
the affairs of the state. He himself took
command of the army in 941, when he
planned a new expedition against Con-
stantinople ; about the same time the
Pechenegs, at his instigation, undertook to
plunder Bulgaria, which had been allied
with Byzantium since 924. But on this
occasion the Russian fleet was annihilated
by the Greek fire, with which the Russians
The Legend
of a Wizard's
Prophecy
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
now made their first acquaintance. In
944, Igor marched once more against
Byzantium — the fourth Russian campaign
against the capital. Igor was induced by
peasants to withdraw, and a new treaty
was then concluded (945). The old trading
privileges of the Russians were somewhat
restricted. Certain goods, for example,
_ . , might not be sold to them, and
ussia s strict passports were demanded
p* . from them. The Russians, in
addition to this, pledged
themselves to protect the region of the
Chersonnese against attacks of the
Danubian Bulgars, and to come to the aid
of the Greek emperor in time of need.
The treaty was once more solemnly sworn.
" And we," so it runs in the Russian
version of the document, " so many of us
as are baptised, have sworn in the cathe-
dral of St. Elias (at Kiev), on the holy
cross lying before us and this parchment,
to hold and observe all that is written
thereon, and not to transgress any part
thereof. If any man transgress this,
whether he be the prince himself or another,
whether Christian or unbaptised, may he
be deprived of all help from God ; let him
become a serf in this Hfe and in the hfe
to come, and let him die by his own sword.
The unbaptised Russians shall lay their
shields, their naked swords, their gorgets,
and other arms on the ground and swear
to everything contained in this parchment ;
to wit, that Igor, every Boyar, and all the
Russians will uphold it for ever. But if
any man, be he prince or Russian subject,
baptised or unbaptised, act contrary to
the tenor of this document, let him die
deservedly by his own sword, and let him
be accursed by God and by Perun, since
he breaketh his oath. May the great
Prince Igor deign to preserve his sincere
love for us, and not weaken it, so long as
the sun shineth and the world remaineth
in this and all future time." On his return
home, Igor was murdered by the Drevlanes,
•wt r» j( f from whom he wished to
The Dreadful x ^ u ^ j-
j.j^j ^j exact tribute ; accordmg to
Prince Ijror ^^^ *^^ Deacon he was bound
to two saplings, which were
bent to the ground, and was torn in two,
after the manner of Sinnis in the Greek
legend of Theseus.
Since Igor's son Sviatoslav was a
minor, his widow Olga held the reins of
government. She first wreaked vengeance
on the Drevlanes. While besieging their
town, Korosten, she promised to make
3290
a peace with them in return for a tribute
of three pigeons and three sparrows from
every house. She then ordered balb of
hghted tow to be fastened on the birds,
which were let loose and set fire to the
houses and outhouses of the Drevlanes.
The Chronicle styles Olga the wisest of
women. She was the first to accept
Christianity ; in 957 she went with a large
retinue to Constantinople, and under the
sponsorship of the Emperor Constantine
Porphyrogennetus and the Empress
Helena, daughter of Romanus Lacapenus,
received baptism and the name of Helena
from the patriarch Theophylactus. She
endeavoured to win her son over to the
new doctrine; "My druzina [body-guard,
huscarlesj would despise me," he is said
to have replied.
In 964 Sviatoslav himself, the greatest
hero of old Russia, took over the govern-
ment, although his mother (who died in
970) still administered home affairs, since
he was seldom in the country. He wished
to complete the task which Oleg and
Igor began. He turned his attention first
against the still unconquered peoples on the
_ . Oka and Volga, marched
via OS av e ^^g^jj^g^ ^jjg Wiatici and then
Greatest Hero ° ■ , ,1 t7-i_ 1.
f Old R ■ 3-g3-i^st the Khazars, whose
town Belaweza (Belaja Vesh
or Sarkel) he captured ; after subjugating
the Jases (old Russian for Alanes, or in
Georgian Owsi = Ossetes) and the Kasoges
(Tcherkesses) he returned to Kiev. After
the year 966 the Wiatici paid tribute to
Sviatoslav ; shortly afterwards (968-969)
the Ros (apparently Baltic Vikings inde-
pendent of Sviatoslav) laid waste Bulgaria
as well as the Khazar towns Itil, Kha-
zaran, and Samandar. These blows were
so crushing that during the next fifty
years we hear nothing more of the Khazars.
Shortly before these events Sviatoslav,
acceding to the request of the Emperor
Nicephorus Phocas, backed up by a
payment of fifteen hundredweight of gold
(180,000 Byzantine gold pieces), had
undertaken a campaign against the Danu-
bian Bulgars ; they were to be attacked
simultaneously from north and south. In
the summer of 968 Sviatoslav crossed the
Danube, defeated the Bulgars, captured
numerous places, and took up his abode
in Perejaslavetz. Sviatoslav was already
planning to establish himself firmly in
Bulgaria, since Peter, the Bulgarian ruler,
died at the end of January, 969, when
tidings cajne from Russia that the wild
THE BEGINNING OF THE RUSSIAN NATION
Pechenegs were besieging Kiev. They were
induced temporarily to withdraw by the
ruse of a false report that Sviatoslav was
advancing with all speed against them ;
but the people of Kiev accused Sviatoslav
of indifference. He therefore retraced his
steps as quickly as possible, defeated the
Pechenegs, and restored peace.
But his heart was still fixed on Bulgaria,
since Perejaslavetz on the Danube was the
centre of his country, and a place where all
good things were collected together : " from
the Greeks gold and precious stuffs, wine
and fruits ; from the Bohemians and
Hungarians silver and horses ; from Russia
furs, wax, honey and slaves." In the end,
Sviatoslav divided his empire among his
three sons and marched towards the
south-west.
John Tzimisces had now come to the
throne of the Byzantine Empire in the
place of the murdered Nicephorus Phocas.
His predecessor had concluded peace with
Bulgaria so soon as he learnt the real
plans of Sviatoslav, and Tzimisces now
made a similar attempt, but twice with-
out success. There remained therefore
_ . only the arbitrament of
m ^j^^ sword. Perejaslavetz
and Silistria, to which
towns the Russians had
withdrawn, were captured by the Greeks,
in spite of a most gallant resistance ; the
Russian women themselves fought hand-
to-hand in the mel^e.
The Russians were seen during the night
after a battle coming out of the town by
moonlight to burn their dead. They
sacrificed the prisoners of war over their
ashes, and drowned fowls and little chil-
dren in the Danube. The emperor pro-
posed to Sviatoslav to decide the victory
by single combat. Sviatoslav declined,
and was the more bent on a last passage
of arms. But when this also turned out
disastrously to him, owing to the superior-
ity of the Greek forces, he made overtures
for peace (971). The terms were as
follows : The emperor promised to provide
provisions for the army of Sviatoslav,
which withdrew with the honours of war,
and not to harass them with the Greek
fire during the retreat ; he also confirmed
the old trading privileges of the Russian
merchants.
A meeting of Sviatoslav and Tzimisces
took place on the right bank of the Danube
to ratify the settlement. Leo the Deacon
has left us a description of his person.
Fight
Against Greeks
Sviatoslav was of middle height, with
blue eyes and thick eyebrows ; his nose
was flattish, his mouth hidden by a heavy
moustache ; his beard was scanty, and his
head close shorn except for one lock
hanging down on each side (a sign of his
high birth) ; his neck rose like a column
from his shoulders, and his limbs were
_. well proportioned. His general
jj . , aspect was gloomy and savage.
D A A gold ring, set with a ruby
P&gan Age , ,«=> , ^' , , ,
between two pearls, hung from
one ear ; his white tunic was only distin-
guished from those of his warriors by its
cleanliness.
Sviatoslav now set out on his homeward
journey. But the Pechenegs were already
waiting on the Dnieper. The Greek chron-
iclers relate that Tzimisces had requested
the Pechenegs to allow the Russian army
to pass through without hindrance ; but
he would probably have done the exact
opposite. With a wearied and exhausted
army, whose ranks were being thinned
by hunger, Sviatoslav went slowly home-
wards. He was slain by Kuria, the prince
of the Pechenegs (973), who had his skull
made into a drinking-vessel. Part only
of Sviatoslav's army succeeded in making
their way to Kiev. This was the end of
the greatest hero of Old Russia. A soldier
rather than a general or statesman, he
was worshipped by his followers. He and
Oleg strengthened and consolidated tlie
Old Russian state. The Pagan age of
Russia ends with Sviatoslav.
Sviatoslav's three sons were still minors
when he divided his empire among them,
and each of them was placed under a
guardian. Jarapolk was sovereign in
Kiev, Oleg in the country of the Drevlanes,
Vladimir in Novgorod. Quarrels soon
broke out ; Oleg fell in battle ; Vladimir
fled to Scandinavia ; Jarapolk thus re-
mained sole ruler. But Vladimir came
back with numerous Varagian mercenaries,
defeated Jarapolk and besieged him in
Rodna. When Jarapolk sur-
The Hero rendered, at the demand of
Vladimir j^j^ brother, and was on the
on the Throne ^^^ ^^ Vladimir, he was
murdered by two Varagians at the door
of the presence-chamber.
Vladimir thus assumed the govern-
ment in 977. He, too, was a hero, fought
many wars, and conquered numerous
tribes. His importance, however, does not
lie in this, but in the Christianising of the
Russians, which was completed by him.
3291
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Merchants had long since brought the
Christian doctrines from Byzantium to
Russia ; several churches already existed
in Kiev and elsewhere, and the Christian
faith in Russia was free and unmolested.
When Olga received baptism, in 957,
there was already a considerable Christian
community in Kiev. Tradition relates
... that the Jews, the Moham-
a/ r'»k medans, the Romans, and the
qJ^^^YJ*^ Byzantines had tried to win
Vladimir over to their faith.
He is said to have sent, by the advice of
his Boyars and city elders, envoys into every
country, who were to report f'rom their
own experience on the value of the different
religions. Ten men thus started out, first
to the Bulgarians, then to the Germans,
lastly to Byzantium. The service in
the splendid church of St. Sophia at
Byzantium made the best impression on
them. This decided the adoption of the
Greek faith. Vladimir had indeed no
other choice. Unless he made some
violent breach with the past, he was
bound to establish the Byzantine re-
ligion, which was already widely spread
in the country, as the national religion.
The decision was taken, as had been the
case with the Franks or the Bulgarians,
during a campaign. Vladimir, as an ally
of the emperor, vowed to become a
Christian if he should take Kherson,
christians were already strongly repre-
sented in his army. When, then, the
town surrendered, he sent to the Em-
perors Basil II. and Constant ine VI II,, and
asked the hand of their sister Anna. His
request was granted on the condition that
he would consent to be baptised.
Vladimir is said to have attributed the
defeats of his great father to the mighty
God of the Christians, just as the Byzan-
tines thanked at one time St. Demetrius, at
another St. Theodorus Stratilates, for their
victories. Vladimir now, therefore, put
the Christian God to the proof before
_. ^. . ^. Kherson, just as Constantine
The Christian j /-1 • i. j j
-, J „ . and Clovis had done m
God Put . ., J • -i
to the T t Similar crises, and since the
result was favourable, he
decided to adopt the Christian doctrine. He
was, therefore, baptised in 988 in Kherson.
The Byzantines conferred on him new
royal insignia and the title of Basileus,
which he at once inscribed on his gold and
silver coins. He returned to Kiev, after
founding another church in Kherson.
The Russian chronicle tells us what a
3292
marvellous change was then accom-
plished in the character of Vladimir.
Formerly a bloodthirsty barbarian, he had
once wished to revive the service of the
old gods to whom he owed his victory
over Jarapolk. He commanded a Perun
of wood with a silver head and golden
beard to be erected on a hill in the vicinity
of his palace at Kiev, and then images
of Chors, Dashbog, Stribog, Simargla and
Mokosh. Two Christian Varagians were
sacrificed to Perun, since the father re-
fused to surrender to the pagan priests his
son, on whom the sacrificial lot had fallen.
Vladimir had been an unbridled volup-
tuary. Besides five lawful wives, he had
three hundred concubines in Wyszgorod,
300 in Belgorod, and 200 in the village of
Berestow near Kiev.
But after the adoption of Christianity he
became a changed man. The idols were
cast down, and, amid the tears of their
worshippers, were partly hacked to pieces,
partly burnt. He ordered the Perun, which
was most highly revered, to be fastened
to the tail of a horse ; twelve men then
belaboured it with sticks and hurled it
into the river. The spot is
even now pointed out where
the " downfall of the devil "
was consummated. Men were
posted along the shore to push back
into the water the stranded god and
to keep off the wailing pagans.
Vladimir then issued a proclamation that
any man, whether rich or poor, who did not
come to the river bank on the next morning
would be considered his enemy. The next
day he went to the Dnieper accom-
panied by the priests. The people stepped
into the water and were baptised in
crowds. Many followers of the old gods
escaped into the steppes or the woods ;
centuries elapsed before Russia was
entirely Christian. Under the direction of
the Greeks he started a school at Kiev.
Even this encountered difficulties ; Vladi-
mir, indeed, was compelled to send many
children away from school back to their
homes, because their parents regarded
writing as a dangerous form of witchcraft.
Kiev, where there was already a bishop-
ric, was now made the see of a metro-
politan, and several new bishoprics were
founded. The first metropolitan, Michael,
came from Constantinople ; even in
later times the bishops and metropolitans
were mostly Greeks, seventeen out of
twenty-three, down to the Mongol invasion
Vladimir
Destroys
His Idols
KJW^ ^ J^ AX Mk Ilk J:X ATk J!< J^ JK .^ J^ AK AX JX ii^ J^S^ j:^. J5. JS .IXJIV. J\M
VIEWS OF THE CHURCHES OF ST. ANDREW AND ST. VLADIMIR
]
:
I HE BEAUTIFUL MONASTERY OF ST. MICHAEL
rA," W VV ^/ SV W VIV W NVSV VWiy SV MV^NVVTy'SV ST,^^.V%%^fy^NV Vy'SV^,^
THE ANCIENT AND ROYAL CITY OF KIEV: "THE RIVAL OF CONSTANTINOPLE"
3293
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
of 1240. The first priests are said to
have been Bulgarians. It was not until
later that the schools provided for their
own rising generation.
Vladimir was completely changed. He
remained loyal to his Greek wife, distri-
buted his income to the churches and the
poor, and no longer took pleasure in wars.
A ^ ^ «sx In contrast to his previous
A Great Step t. i.u
. „ . seventy the pnnce was now
in Russian u iT 1 a. a. r
j.. mild; he was reluctant, from
IS ory ^^^^ ^j ^.^^ ^^ enforce death
penalties, and, since brigandage was largely
on the increase, had to be urged by the
bishops to reintroduce the old laws. In all
probability, he, like the Emperor Otto III.
and Duke Boleslav I. Chabis, had been
influenced by the idea of the millennium,
and believed that the end of the world
would come in the year 1000. He was
passionately fond of relics, and came back
from Kherson with a rich store of them.
He is worshipped in the Russian Church
as a saint, and was named Isapostolos, or
the Apostle-like.
Although Christianity was only super-
ficially grafted upon national life and
was so adapted to Pagan customs and ideas
that it was closely interwoven with
the old popular religion, nevertheless the
conversion was decisive for Russia. By
the adoption of the Greek faith it entered
into the communion of the Greek Church
and into the intellectual heritage of the
Greek world, and by so doing was distinctly
opposed to the Roman Church and
Western civilisation. This step decided the
place of Russia in the history of the world.
Henceforward Russia shares the for-
tunes of the Oriental Church, and partly
those of the Byzantine Empire. Byzan-
tium had gained more by the conversion
of Russia than it could have ever won by
force of arms ; Russia became in culture and
religion a colony of Byzantium without
thereby losing political independence. We
must not overlook the fact that Byzan-
iiri. .. n • tium then was the foremost
What Russia • i- j ,• r 1 ■ 1
G • dt Civilised nation, from which
„ . all Western Europe had much
^ ° ' ™ to learn. Byzantine Christian-
ity brought inestimable advantages to the
Russian people — a language for church
services, which was understood by all and
enriched the vernacular with a host of
new words ; and an independent church,
which promoted culture and at the same
time was considered politically as a
common focus for all parts of Russia.
3294
Priests and bishops brought books from
New Byzantium and disseminated the
art of writing. These were followed by
architects, builders, scholars, artists and
teachers. Splendid edifices rapidly arose
in Russia. Kiev with its countless churches
was soon able to vie with Byzantium.
Vladimir founded a school for the training
of the priests. Monasteries were built,
which carried culture into distant coun-
tries. It was the national church which
helped the Russians to impress a Slavonic
character on alien races.
The union with Byzantium had, it is
true, some disadvantages ; but these
were not apparent for centuries. After
the thirteenth century Byzantine culture
retrograded, and Russia suffered the same
fate as her instructress. The hatred of the
West, which Russia inherited from Byzan-
tium, was transformed, at a period when
the Western civilisation stood high, into
a hatred of culture. .Russia was thus con-
demned to a sort of stagnation. But it
can hardly be asserted with justice that
Russia suffered any detriment because
in daj^s of danger it could not reckon on
j^ - support from Rome. It is true
. _ that Rome was for many cen-
-, turies the foremost power, but
^ was she able to save Palestine ?
Russia shared the fate of Byzantium,
because that was the fate of all Eastern
Europe, which, lying on the frontier of
Asia, suffered much from Asiatic hordes.
Russia and Byzantium were like break-
waters erected against the waves of
Asiatic immigration. That was the draw-
back of the geographical position. Even
the line of states which lay further back,
Poland and Hungary, had been partly
drawn into the same vortex. Only the
states westward of this dividing wall
were able to develop their civilisation
unhindered.
Since Russia entered fully into the
field of Greek thought, it adopted those
peculiar conditions which resulted as a
consequence of the relations of Church to
State in Byzantium. Rome aimed at
ecclesiastical absolutism and world-sove-
reignty. The papacy was not content with
a position subordinate to, or even parallel
with, the state, but insisted that the
spiritual power ranked above the secular.
This claim kindled in the West the
struggle between the secular power and
the Church, the struggle between Papacy
and Empire. No such movement disturbed
THE BEGINNING OF THE RUSSIAN NATION
the East. There the Church continued
in that subordination to the state
which had existed from the beginning.
Hence the omnipotence of the State in
Russia, although the Church at all times
exercised great influence there. The
sovereign could appoint or depose the
bishops. Even the ecclesiastical depend-
ence on Byzantium was rather a matter
of tolerance and custom than an esta-
blished right. If the sovereign did not
find it agreeable to receive a bishop sent
from Byzantium, he substituted another.
The inner change which was worked
in Vladimir was in one respect dis-
advantageous for the empire ; there was
a loss of energy. In the year 992 Vladimir
came into conflict with the Pechenegs on
the southern frontier near Perejaslav.
A single combat was to decide the day.
After a fierce struggle a young Russian
succeeded in throttling with his own
hands the giant champion of the Peche-
negs. In order to protect the country
against further attacks, Vladimir esta-
blished a line of defence. There are indica-
tions that he entered into alliances with
. the West, above all with Rome,
. \ i'.™"^ Germany, Poland and Bohemia.
... J. His son Sviatopolk married the
daughter of Boleslav I, of
Poland. Possibly there is some connection
between this and the fact that Vladimir
in 981 took possession of the Czerwenish
towns of Halicz and Przemysl — the later
Red Russia — and thus pushed the western
frontier of Russia as far as the Carpa-
thians.
In the year 1000, Bruno of Querfurt,
styled the Archbishop of the Heathen,
came to him, being desirous to preach the
Gospel to the wild Pechenegs. Vladimir
employed him to negotiate a peace with
the Pechenegs, and accompanied him to
the frontier. The report which Bruno
furnished in 1008 to the Emperor Henry II.
gives us a good picture of Vladimir's
character. He wrote : " After I had spent
a full year among the Hungarians to no
purpose, I went amongst the most terrible
of all heathen, the Pechenegs. The lord of
the Russians (Vladimir), ruler of a wide
territory and great riches, detained me
for a month, tried to deter me from my
purpose, and was solicitous about me,
as if I was one who wantonly desired to
rush upon destruction. . . . But since
he could not move me from my purpose,
and since, besides that, a vision concerning
my unworthy self frightened him, he
accompanied me with his army for two
days to the furthest boundary of his
kingdom, which he had surrounded with
an exceedingly strong and long palisade.
He dismounted ; I and my companions
went ahead, while he followed with the
chief men of his army. Thus we passed
Mission to ^^^°"g^ t^^ g^te. He took his
the Wild Station on one hill, we on
Pechenegs another. I myself carried the
cross, which I embraced with
my arms, and sang the well-known verse,
' Peter, if thou lovest Me, feed My sheep.'
" When the antiphone was finished, the
prince sent one of his nobles to us with
the following message : ' I have escorted
thee to th^ spot where my land ends and
that of the enemy begins. I beseech thee
in God's name not to grieve me by forfeit-
ing thy young life ; I know that to-morrow
before the third hour thou wilt have to
taste the bitterness of death without
cause and without gain.' I sent the
following answer back to him : ' May
God open paradise to thee, as thou hast
opened to us the way to the heathen ! '
We then started, and went two days, and
no one did us any harm. On th-i third
day — it was a Friday — we were thrice,
at daybreak, noon, and at the ninth hour,
brought to execution with bowed neck,
and yet each time came out from among
the army of the enemy unscathed. On
Sunday we reached a large tribe, and a
respite was accorded to us until special
messengers had summoned the whole
tribe to a council. At the ninth hour of
the next Sunday we were haled to the
meeting. . . . Then a vast multitude
rushed upon us . . . and raised a terrible
outcry. With a thousand axes and swords
they threatened to hew us to pieces. . . .
The elders at length tore us forcibly from
their hands. They listened to us, and
recognised in their wisdom that we had
come to them with good intentions. So
_ we stayed for five months with
Converts ^^^^ people, and travelled
*° . ,. .. through three of their districts ;
Christianity^^ did not reach the fourth,
but envoys from their nobles came to us.
When some thirty souls had been won
for Christianity, we concluded for the
acceptance of the king a peace such as
they thought no one save we would have
been able to conclude. ' This peace,' they
said, ' is concluded through thee. If, as
thou promisest, it is lasting, we are willing
3295
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
all to become Christians ; but if the
prince does not loyally adhere to it, we
must then think about war, not Chris-
tianity.' With this object I went back
again to the prince of the Russians, who
for God's sake was contented therewith,
and gave his son as hostage. We, however,
consecrated one of our number to be bishop,
. and placed him, together with
Vladimir j^-^ ^^^^ j^ ^^le middle of the
^^°^'^. land. Thus Christian order now
am s pj.gyaj]s among the most cruel
and wicked nation of heathens that
dwells on the face of the globe." This
important letter, which is also the only
contemporary account of Vladimir, un-
fortunately breaks off here. St. Bruno
was probably master of some one Slavonic
language.
According to the later chroniclers,
Vladimir was much beloved by his people.
The tradition records with especial plea-
sure how every week he banqueted with
his Druzina and the elders of the city of
Kiev. He is celebrated in historical
ballad as a sun-god, and called the beauti-
ful red sun of Russ a(krasnoje solnyszko).
The Church reckoned him amongst her
saints.
Vladimir died in 1015. Some con-
siderable time probably before his death
he had divided his empire among his
sons after the following method : Sviato-
polk received Turow ; Isjaslav, Polock ;
Boris, Rostow ; Gleb, Murom ; Sviato-
slav, the country of the Drevlanes ;
Wsevolod, Volhynia ; Mstislav, Tmuto-
rokan. Whether or how he disposed of
Kiev we are not told. In any case, the
quarrel about it broke out immediately
after his death. The Druzina had wished
for one of the sons of the Greek princess
Anna. But Boris, like his brother Gleb,
was absent, and the power was seized by
Sviatopolk, the son-in-law of Boleslav of
Poland, who happened to be on the spot,
although an attempt was made to keep
_ . secret the death of the
d" *1* U d ^^ther until the arrival of
f-*J,f.i*JL* ** *' Boris. The latter himself
resigned the sovereignty in
favour of his elder brother, but neverthe-
less was assassinated together with Gleb
and Sviatoslav. Boris and Gleb were
worshipped as holy martyrs, and many
churches bear their names.
The other brothers were now seized
with panic. Jaroslav of Novgorod
marched at once against Sviatopolk,
3296
defeated the " godless " sinner atLubetch
and forced him to fly to Poland. Jaroslav
then remained in Kiev ; for Sviatopolk,
although reinstated in 1017 by Boleslav
of Poland — who took this opportunity
to conquer Przemysl in 1018 — could not
maintain his position. Jaroslav had yet
another war to face with Mstivlav of
Tmutorokon. With the help of the
Kasoges, Khazars and Seweranes Mstislav
insisted upon a new partition of the
empire in 1023 ; he received the whole
country east of the Dnieper, with a
residence in Tchernigov. Jaroslav's rule
was important for the development of
Russia. We notice especially a coolness
in the relations with the Varagians, who
began to be troublesome and, indeed,
dangerous to him. Between them and the
Novgorodians there were frequent and
sanguinary riots. Jaroslav supported the
latter, and sent the Varagians out of the
land, as Vladimir had tried to do in 980.
Thus the Varagian age of Russia ends
with Jaroslav.
Russia already appears as a large Slavonic
commonwealth, with a policy of its own
„. and a consciousness of nation-
f th"^w ^^l ^^ Byzantium had formerly
been due merely to Varagian
influences, the last occasion when Russia
and the empire came into collision occurred
under Jaroslav. The casus belli was a
quarrel between Russian merchants and
Byzantines. The punitory expedition
with which Jaroslav entrusted his son
Vladimir in 1043 ended disastrously, once
more in consequence of the devastating
effect of the Greek fire. Part only of the
Russian army was able to rally and
inflict a defeat on the pursuing Greeks.
Jaroslav, though no hero in the style of
Sviatoslav, still knew how to handle the
sword. He struck the Pechenegs such a
blow that they no longer ventured to
attack Russia ; their name soon dis-
appeared. Their role was taken over,
however, by another wild people, the
Polowzes, whom we already know as
Kumanes. In the west, also, Jaroslav
fought with Lithuanians, Jatvinges, and
Masovians, and helped his son-in-law
Casimir of Poland to win back the empire.
Kiev reached the zenith of its grandeur
under Jaroslav and excited the admiration
of the West ; among its churches, which
were said to number 400, that of St.
Sophia with its splendid mosaics was
THE BEGINNING OF THE RUSSIAN NATION
conspicuous. The city with its eight
markets was the rendezvous of merchants
from Byzantium, Germany, Scandinavia,
Hungary and Holland ; flotillas of mer-
chantmen furrowed the waters of the
Dnieper.
Jaroslav founded monasteries, for
instance, the Crypt Monastery at Kiev,
which was destined to become a seminary
of culture for Russia. Himself acquainted
with writing, he took an interest in schools,
and founded one in his beloved Novgorod
for 300 boys. He had not artists enough
to decorate all the churches, nor priests
enough to provide for divine service. He
Jaroslav enjoyed a high reputation
among his contemporaries. He formed
connections by marriage with the royal
houses of Norway, Poland, Hungary and
France, and was in request as an ally.
The Russian people called him the Wise ;
the Scandinavian sagas have much to tell
of him. If, however, the empire was
to be preserved in its old grandeur the
succession must be fixed in some way.
In old times, when the state was governed
in patriarchal style and the sovereign
held a paternal authority, when the royal
treasury was also the national treasury
and the offices at the royal court were also
THE GRAND DUKE VLADIMIR MONOMACH
His government lasted from 1114 till 1125, and was marked by vigour and justice.
summoned Greek choristers from Byzan-
tium to the capital, who were to instruct
the Russian clergy. Adam of Bremen was
justified, therefore, in calling Kiev the rival
of Constantinople and the fairest ornament
of Greece. Since Russia had hitherto no
written laws, Jaroslav ordered the custom-
ary law to be noted down. This simple
code contains little beyond a scale of
penalties for various crimes, and a fixed
table of fines ; it does not mention death
sentences or corporal punishments. Never-
theless, it was a promising preliminary step.
The first ecclesiastical laws for Russia were
also put into writing under Jaroslav.
state offices — when, that is, the empire
was considered the private property of the
monarch, family law was identical with
public law, and the sovereign had the con-
trol of the kingdom as much as of his own
goods and chattels. And just as, according
to the civil law of the time, every child
had a claim to a part of the paternal or
family property, so every member of the
reigning house had a claim to a share of
the kingdom.
Since, then, according to Germano-
Slavonic custom, the eldest of the tribe or
of the family administered affairs within
the family circle, so in the empire the
3297
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
younger members were pledged to obey
the eldest. This was the so-called ' ' right of
seniority." Russia had long been ruled on
this principle. The custom had grown up
there since the days of Olga that the
eldest should have his home in Kiev, while
the younger sons lived elsewhere, and
were in some sense his subjects. Sviato-
_ , slav had divided the kingdom
p among his sons on this prin-
repares (.jpjg^ Only reserving for himself
the title of grand duke.
According to the Russian Chronicle,
Jaroslav, foreseeing his death, made the
following arrangements : " Isjaslav, your
eldest brother, will represent me and reign
in Kiev. Subject yourselves to him as
you have subjected yourselves to your
father. I give to Sviatoslav, Tchernigov,
to Wsewolod, Perejaslav, to Wjatshelav,
Smolensk. Igor, the youngest, receives
Vladimir with Volhynia. Let each be
content with his share ; if not, then shall
the elder brother sit in justice over you as
lord. He will defend the oppressed and
punish the guilty." By this arrangement
Jaroslav had merely acted according
to the ancient custom. How far the privi-
leges went which customary lav^^ gave
to the " eldest " is shown by the expression
current at that time ; the younger rode
at the rein of the elder ; he had him as
master, stood at his orders, and looked up
to him. The grand duke, whose seat was
in Kiev, was lord over all Russia ; he
disposed of vacant principalities, and was
the supreme judge and commander-in-
chief.
The innovation introduced by Jaro-
slav probably consisted only in clearly
defining the order in which the younger
princes should be promoted after the
death of the grand duke. The territories,
which he assigned to his sons according
to their respective age and rank, formed
the following scale : Kiev I., Tchernigov
II., Perejaslav III., Smolensk IV., Vladi-
TK St ^^^ ^' ^^^ royal throne was
p fh °^°^^ ^"^y ^° ^^ reached by pro-
. Th ceedingfrom V. to I. If a junior
prince died before the elder, and
therefore without having reached Kiev,
his sons also remained excluded from the
grand ducal title. Thus the son of Vladimir
of Novgorod, Rotislav, was forced to
abandon any prospect of reaching Kiev.
The princes who were thus from the first
precluded from advancing, since their
fathers had not been grand dukes, were
3298
called Isgoji. But the weakness of the law
lay in this very point ; for those who were
set aside felt the injustice of it, and had
recourse to arms. Parties were formed
which were bitter foes to each other.
The position of the grand duke at the
same time was not strong enough to ensure
order. His power rested on the idea of a
paternal authority which was deficient
in any true basis of power ; he had, in fact,
only obtained one share, like the others.
If he wished to enforce the right of seniority,
he was compelled to look out for alliances.
And since self-interest usually outweighs
patriotism, Russia was plunged into long
years of civil war through the increasing
numbers of the royal house. Subsequently
many petty principalities, which were
unceasingly at war with each other,
sprang up side by side in Russia, since
the legal arrangement was broken down
by unforeseen contingencies. The root
of the evil is to be found in that defective
legislation and in the large increase of
the Rurikoviches.
Thus the heroic age ended with Jaroslav.
Russia, parcelled out into numerous pro-
vinces, its strength sapped by
prolonged civil wars, soon sank
Russia's
Heroic Age
_ . from the pinnacle which it had
at an End ^ -, ■ ■ , ^ e
reached in its days of prosper-
ity. Perhaps for this reason tradition has
shed a flood of glory round the last prince
and despot of the old era.
The very first successor of Jaroslav,
the Grand Duke Isjaslav, whom his father
had placed on the throne at Kiev during
his lifetime, could not maintain his posi-
tion. The people of Kiev banished him
and raised to the throne a prince who
stood outside the prescribed order of
succession. A hot dispute soon broke out
which was destined to last for centuries.
Not a single Russian prince was ashamed
to invoke, in case of need, the help of
Poles, Germans, Lithuanians, Hungarians,
or even Polovzes. The first appeal for
help was to the Polish duke Boleslav II.
the Bold, who conquered Kiev in 1069,
as Boleslav I. had once done, and for the
first time sacked the city. Soon, however,
the threatened Isjaslav was compelled
once more to give way, and his renewed
appeals to the Poles for help were futile.
Then in 1075 he made overtures to the
Emperor Henry IV. ; but the embassy
of the latter failed to obtain any results
in Kiev. Isjaslav, in order to leave no
stone unturned, actually sent his son.
THE BEGINNING OF THE RUSSIAN NATION
Jaropolk, to Rome to Pope Gregory VII.
(a course which was followed later by his
second son, Sviatopolk, grand duke from
1093 to 1114).
If we reflect that the Investiture struggle
was then at its height, and that the rift
between Rome and the Greek Church was
now too wide to be bridged, we must
from the Russian standpoint condemn the
conduct of Isjaslav in offering for sale in
every market the honour of his country.
He had not been able to induce Little
Poland or Germany to lend him any help
without some return, and he now went to
Rome and professed himself to be a vassal
of the papal chair. The Pope in gratitude
nominated his son Jaropolk to be his
successor. Had that nomination been
accepted, a hereditary monarchy would at
one stroke have been created in Russia,
certainly to the country's advantage. But
Isjaslav never came to the throne.
Hitherto there had not been wanting a
supply of able princes and heroes of the
old stamp ; but they destroyed each other.
Everyone knew that this meant the ruin
of Russia ; but no one was willing or
able to prevent it. Vladimir
Monomach, the son of that
Wsewolod to whom, accord-
ing to the distribution made
by Jaroslav, the district of Perejaslav was
assigned, was a man of gentle character,
religious and just, but at the same time
brave and shrewd. He always endeavoured
to settle disputes by pacific methods, and
pointed out the great ravages caused by
the Polovzes. The princes finally concluded
a peaceful alliance, when they met in 1097
at Lubetch by Tchernigov on the Dnieper.
The source of the evil was seen to lie in
the proviso that the princes, since they
moved from one country to another,
gradually approaching Kiev, never felt at
home anywhere, but neglected their princi-
palities. It was, therefore, decided that
every Rurikovich should continue to hold
his father's share. All kissed the cross
of peace, and promised to defend the
country, one and all, against the Polovzes.
But the rule of succession, which had
become in Lubetch the law of the land,
did not put an end to the civil wars.
David of Volhynia, the son of Igor and
grandson of Jaroslav, was at enmity with
Volodar of Terebowla and Vassilko of
Przemysl, the sons of Rotislav. The princes
had hardly separated when the Grand Duke
Sviatopolk, in consequence of the hints of
Princes
Kiss the Cross
of Peace
Letter
of Counsel
David, enticed Vassilko to Kiev, and
then surrendered him to David, who
put out his eyes. The princes once more
assembled in iioo at Uwjatyci on the
Dnieper, and concluded a new peace ; the
chief agent this time, also, was Vladimir
Monomach. He was Grand Duke from
1 114 to 1 125, and conducted the govern-
^ .. ment with xngour and justice.
Monomach s . , .. °,. , ^J .. .
A letter which Vladimir
wrote to Oleg of Tchernigov
is still extant, as also his will,
some of the chief sentences of which deserve
to be quoted. " Since my end is near, I
thank the All Highest that he has prolonged
my days. . . . Praise the Lord, dear chil-
dren, and love also your fellow-men.
Neither fasting, nor solitude, nor monasti-
cism will save you, but good deeds alone,
. . Do not always have the name of
God on your hps ; but if you have
strengthened an oath by kissing the cross,
beware of breaking it. . . . Look
diligently yourselves after everything in
your households, and do not trust to
retainers and servants, or the guests will
speak evil of your house. Be strenuous in
war, setting a model to your voivodes.
. . . When you travel through your
country, suffer not your vassals to molest
the people, but where you halt, give your
meat and drink to your hosts. Above all,
honour your guests, noble and lowly, mer-
chants and ambassadors ; if ye cannot
give them presents, make them content
at least with food and drink. For guests
spread good and evil report of us in
foreign lands. . . . Love your wives,
but be not governed by them. . . .
Keep in mind the good which ye hear, and
learn that which ye do not know. My father
could speak in live languages. . . .,
Man ought always to be occupied. When
you are journeying on horseback, and
have no business to transact, do not give
way fo idle thoughts, but repeat some
prayer which you have learnt ; if no other
occurs to you, then the shortest
Rules for ^^^ ^^^ . ^^^^ j^^^^ ^^^^.^^y
^'* ^^ upon me.' Never go to sleep
wors ip ^^.i^j^Q^t having bowed your
head to the earth ; but if you feel ill, bow
yourselves thrice to the earth. Let the sun
never find you in bed ! Go early into the
church to offer your matins to God ; my
father did so. and so did all good men.
. . . After doing that they sat in
council with the Druzina, or administered
justice or rode to the chase. But at noon
3299
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Record of
Monomach
they lay down to sleep ; for God hath
fixed noontide as a time of rest not only
for men, but also for four-footed creatures
and for birds. Thus, too, hath your
father lived. I have always done per-
sonally that which I might have employed
my servants to do. ... I myself
exercised supervision over the church and
•ri. r- V*- divine worship, over the
I *__/_!""* household, the tables, the
chase, the hawks and the
falcons. I have fought in
eighty-three campaigns altogether, not
reckoning the unimportant ones. I con-
cluded nineteen treaties of peace with the
Polovzes. I took prisoners more than a
hundred of their noblest princes and
afterwards released them ; more than two
hundred I executed and drowned in the
rivers. Who has travelled quicker than I ?
If I started in the morning from Tcherni-
gov, I was in Kiev before vespers. . .
I loved the chase, and your uncle and I
have often captured wild beasts together.
How often have I been brought to the
ground . . . but the Lord hath pre-
served me. Therefore, dear children, fear
neither death nor battle nor wild beasts.
Be men, whatever be the destiny that
God intends for you ! If divine provi-
dence has destined death for us, neither
father nor mother nor brother can save
us. Let the hope of man be in the pro-
tection of God alone." When Vladimir
Monomach died, in 1125, "all the people
wept," said his contemporary Nestor.
The number of the princes fighting for the
possession of Kiev grew more and more,
and the position of Russia became more
and more desperate. South Russia in
particular could never regain tranquillity
and defend itself against the wild dwellers
in the steppe. It was a fortunate cir-
cumstance indeed that inveterate feuds
prevailed among these latter. The western
tribes, the Torkes, Berendejans, and
Pechenegs, which were called collectively
Chornyje Klobuki (Black
Caps), were mortal enemies
of the Polovzes, and there-
fore sided with Russia and
were settled in the country. They were
soon assimilated with the Russian people,
and thus brought a peculiar strain into
the national characteristics of South
Russia. These various nations of the
steppe fought as allies of one Russian
prince against others, until they all became
Slavs. But as late as the sixteenth century
3300
Political
Collapse of
South Russia
a tribe in the district of Skvirsh near
Kiev called itself " Polovces."
The end of all this was the political and
economic collapse of South Russia. A con-
sequence of the same causes was that the
princes who were excluded from the con-
test for Kiev shook themselves free from
the supremacy of the grand duke there,
and that totally independent principalities
were formed. This was the case with
Polock, Novgorod, Rostov, Turov, Pskov,
Wjatka, and in the west with Halicz.
A powerful principality developed in the
south-west of Russia, in the Dniester
district. Vladimir, who had been entrusted
by Jaroslav the Wise with the conduct of
the campaign against Byzantium in 1043,
and as prince of Novgorod had pre-
deceased his father in 1052, had left a son,
Rotislav. The latter, as the " Isgoj " [see
above] having no claim to the throne of the
grand duke, had to be content with Rostov.
When, then, one of his uncles, Vjatcheslav
of Smolensk, died, and the youngest uncle,
Igor, advanced from Volhynia to Smo-
lensk, Rotislav obtained Volhynia, while
Rostov was defeated at Perejaslav. But
when Igor also died at Smolensk
Poison Ends .^ 1060, and Rotislav indulged
Rotislav s . , r J • i
. . m hopes of advancmg to
Smolensk, and later eventually
to Kiev, the uncles did not wish to make
this fresh concession to him. The adven-
turous prince, therefore, went in 1064 with
his Druzina in an oblique line from the
extreme west of Russia to the farthest
eastern boundary, to Tmutorokan, and
drove out the prince Gleb, the son of his
uncle Sviatoslav of Tchernigov. As the
nearest neighbour of the Byzantines, he
aroused their alarm ; a Katapan who was
sent to him won his confidence and
poisoned him in 1066.
Rurik, Volodar, and Vassilko, the sons
of Rotislav, inherited a part of the
Volhynian principality, Przemysl and
Terebowla ; these " Chervenian towns,"
which had been conquered by Vladimir
the Great in 981, and taken from him by
Boleslav of Poland in 1018, had been won
back by Jaroslav in 1031, at the time of
the Polish disturbances. The Diet of
Princes at Lubetch recognised their right
to the towns. The efforts of the Igorid,
David of Volhynia, to wrest this province
from the Rotislaviches were unsuccessful.
New bishoprics were formed here in the
twelfth century, as, for example, in
Przemysl (1120) and Halicz (about 1157).
THE BEGINNING OF THE RUSSIAN NATION
Vladimirko, the son of Volodar, after the
death of his father, his uncles, and his
brother Rotislav of Przemysl, united the
whole country under his sceptre and made
Halicz on the Dniester his capital. When
he died in 1153 he left to his only son
Jaroslav Osmomsyl, who reigned until
1187, a principality stretching from the
River San almost to the mouth of the
Dniester. The Chronicle extols the wis-
dom and learning of this prince, who was
a patron of culture and possessed a re-
markable library. The principality of
Halicz (Galicia) threatened to eclipse
Kiev.
It fell to the lot of this principality,
from its prominent position on the western
frontier of Russia, to repel the attacks of
the Hungarians under Bela HI. and of the
Poles, who were then torn by internal
feuds. But under Vladimir, son of
Osmomysl (about 1200), Roman of Volhynia,
having been called in by Galician Boyars,
won the country over to his side, and by
this union of Volhynia with Halicz
founded a dominion which was perhaps
the most powerful among all the Russian
U d' t d ^*^^^s ^"^ larger than the exist-
^n ispu e jj^g Polish Empire. Roman had
All R ss' *^^ throne of Kiev at his dis-
posal, and fought with Poles,
Lithuanians, and Hungarians. The
Volhynian Chronicler calls him the undis-
puted monarch of all Russia. The ex-
pelled Vladimir sought refuge with the
German Emperor. Innocent III., to whose
ears the fame of Roman had come, sent
an embassy to him, offering him the royal
crown, and urged him to adopt Catholic-
ism ; he received, however, an unfavour-
able answer. The effect of the proximity
of Hungary and Poland was that the
Druzina of the prince, the nobility, was
more prominent here than in other parts
of Russia and influenced the destiny of
the country. This tendency was sup-
pressed by Roman. He is said to have
ordered refractory Boyars to be quartered
or buried alive. "In order to eat a honey-
comb peacefully, the bees must be killed,"
was his favourite saying.
When Roman fell in 1205, at the battle
of Zavichost, leaving behind him two
infant sons, Daniel and Vassilko, inter-
minable wars for the possession of the
country broke out, and princes were
tortured and hanged. Poles and Hun-
garians took advantage of these disturb-
ances to seize the country. Koloman, a
son of the Hungarian king Andreas II.,
having married the Polish princess Salome,
was placed on the throne of Halicz. Daniel
had reconquered it in 1229 by dint of great
efforts, and did not succeed in winning
back his whole inheritance until 1239. He
then chose Cholm for his residence. The
estrangement of the north-west was fraught
The Cradle ^^^^ disastrous consequences
of Russian J?'", Russia. The princes of
History Polock m the region watered
by the Niemen and the Dwina
were too weak to protect themselves, first
from the Swedes and Germans, and then
from the Lithuanians. It was the weaken-
ing of this region which rendered the rise
of a strong Lithuanian state possible.
Novgorod also aimed at independence,
but had to suffer much from the wars
about Kiev. The ruling body there was
the assembly of citizens {wece), not prince
or Boyars. Novgorod was an important
industrial centre and greatly influenced
the history of the northern Slavs and
Finns. It was in fact the cradle of
Russian history. The Novgorodians were
once the first and only people to resist
the Varagians, whom they ultimately
drove out of Russia. When Jaroslav the
Wise, having been defeated by his brother
Sviatopolk and the Poles, came to Nov-
gorod and wished to cross the sea, the
people of Novgorod broke up his boats,
voluntarily laid a tax on themselves for
war purposes, and forced him once more
to resume hostilities with Sviatopolk.
Being victorious at their head, he held
Novgorod in high honour, and is said to
have granted a charter of privileges to the
city in 1019. The people of Novgorod
also always held his memory sacred. But
in that busy trading town, with its hundred
thousand or more inhabitants, no prince
was able to exercise absolute authority,
nor could any dynasty find a firm footing.
The prince was obliged to take an oath
that he would respect their rights and
privileges. He could not pro-
nounce any judicial sentence
without the assistance of
the municipal " Possadnik,"
and, above all, he could not bring a disputed
cause before a foreign court. He could
neither obtain any existing villages nor
build any new ones within the municipal
district. His revenue was accurately fixed.
The prince had, it is true, the right
to summon the popular assemblies, which
met in "the court of Jaroslav " at the
3301
Princely Power
Restricted
in Novgorod
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
sound of the tocsin. But they were more
powerful than he was ; for with his small
Druzina, which neither belonged to the
body of citizens nor could live in the centre
of the district, he was totally unable to
keep the great city in check. If the prince
was guilty of any misconduct, he was
impeached. If he did not give satisfaction
" they said farewell to him and showed
him his way." When Prince Vsevolod-
Gabriel, who exchanged Novgorod with
Perejaslav, came back in 1132, the Wece
said to him : " Thou hast forgotten thy
oath to die with us, and hast sought a new
princedom for thyself ; go hence whither
thou wilt." The popular assembly also
Far East. Independent Druzines tra-
velled in search of adventure, subjugated
countries, and founded colonies, as, for
instance, the subsequently important Free
State of Vjatka, which, like Pskov also,
was governed by its assembly of citizens.
The Novgorodians were esteemed good
seamen ; their merchants formed a
guild of their own. Novgorod played the
principal part in Slavonicising the north
of Eastern Europe.
The congress of princes at Lubetch,
which settled the hereditary provinces to
be held by the princes, had assigned the
Finnish territory round Rostov to the
family of Monomach. Monomach founded
ipi
nWL ' ^ "^ 9
Ml
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Bk "^R^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ET*
MARKET DAY IN THE OLD TOWN OF HALICZ ON THE DNIESTER
summoned new princes. The princes, for
this reason, were reluctant to go to
Novgorod. • When an archbishopric was
founded there in the twelfth century, the
archbishop himself was chosen by the
popular assembly, which naturally deposed
him if there was anything against him.
The Wece decided even matters of faith.
The town, therefore, proudly styled itself
" sovereign, mighty Novgorod." It was
full of churches and monasteries founded
by private individuals. Since the soil was
sandy, the town was forced to expand,
colonise, and trade far and wide, especially
with Northern Europe and even with the
3302
there on the Kliasma a town which bore
his name, Vladimir. The son of Mono-
mach, George Dolgoruki, was the first
independent prince of Rostov. He soon
attained his object of becoming Grand
Duke in Kiev ; yet he cared more for his
inheritance in the north, for Vladimir and
Susdal. He removed ttiither the discon-
tented population from the south ; he
founded towns there, and, according to
tradition, Moscow also, which is mentioned
for the first time in 1147. His son Andrew
Bogolubski, who became ruler in 1157,
took no further interest in the south, since
Kiev, he thought, had no future ; its title
■■""' Ji'i '"» rvrt >viT vvvt
HOLY MONASTERY OF THE ANNUNCIATION AND THE SIBERIAN WHARVES
VIEWS IN IHE RUSSIAN CITY OF NIJNI NOVGOROD
3303
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
of grand duke had been passed on from
hand to hand eighteen times since 1125 !
In the year 11 69 he organised an
alhance of eleven princes, at whose
head he placed his son Mstislav. The
latter took Kiev by storm after three days'
siege and allowed it to be sacked merci-
lessly. A great impression was made on
the whole country when the city, which
was sacred in the eyes of every Russian,
the mother of all Russian towns and the
goal of the ambition of their princes, was
captured by her own sons ; many believed
. . . that the end of Russia had come.
Q. The glory and importance of
of^e Kiev were ended. Andrew
assumed, it is true, the grand
ducal title, but sent to Kiev his brother
Gleb, who also bore the title of grand duke.
Other heads of the princely families —
those of Halicz, Smolensk, Tchernigov —
equally assumed the title of grand duke.
There was, however, no doubt that the
Grand Duke of Susdal-Vladimir, the con-
queror of Kiev, was the true master of
Russia ; Vladimir on the Kliasma was
destined to become the centre of the
empire.
George Dolgoruki and Andrew Bogo-
lubski had a clear insight into the heart
of the matter. They wished to found a
strong princely power independent of the
Boyars (Druzina) and the municipality,
which in later years had often disposed of
the crown in the south. Father and son,
therefore, showed no mercy towards the
Boyars. In the north there were mostly
newcomers and colonists, who were bound
from the outset to adapt themselves to
the new conditions. The towns, too. were
new, uninfluential settlements, which be-
came exactly what their founders wished
them to become. Andrew had for this reason
chosen as his residence in the district of
Susdal neither Rostov nor Susdal with their
old citizen assemblies, but the insignificant
market town of Vladimir. An absolute
monarchy was able to develop there
which was capable of rescuing Russia
from destruction. Andrew, it is true, was
murdered by his Boyars in 1175 ; but his
successors resolutely carried out the
policy of treating the Druzina merely as
subjects.
During the calamitous civil wars the
consciousness of a common Russian mother
country was kept alive less by the blood
relationship of the reigning princes than
by the Church. In the later period the
glory of Kiev also was mainly based on the
fact that the oldest churches were there,
especially the famous subterranean monas-
tery, where the bones of the saints reposed,
and that the supreme metropolitan resided
there. If, then, Vladimir on the Kliasma
was to be a serious rival of Kiev, it must
receive an archbishop and magnificent
churches. The princes provided both these
essentials. Vladimir soon possessed a
golden gate, like that of Kiev, a tithe
church, several monasteries, and beautiful
buildings. At the sack of Kiev valuable
images, church ornaments, books and bells
had been carried off to Vladimir.
But the petition to the Patriarch of
Constantinople to found an archbishopric
in Susdal met with no immediate success.
Otherwise the power of Susdal grew
stronger from year to year. Vsevolod the
Great, brother of Andrew, was feared
throughout Russia. But quarrels again
arose among his sons, until Constantine
defeated the others. After his death, in
1217, his brother George II. became Grand
Duke of Vladimir. He conquered the
»^ _, J. country of the Mordvins and
Ine Founding r j j • xt- • xt
- M-. . founded m 1221 Niini Nov-
of Nijni J J. {
Novgorod go^o/' ^ro"? ^350 to 1390
residence of the prmces of
Susdal, at the point where the Oka flows
into the Volga.
In 1200 three forces in Russia were
struggling for victory — the princes, the
nobles, and the popular assembly (wece).
The Boyars were victorious in Halicz, the
citizens in Novgorod, Pskov, and Vjatka,
and the princes in Susdal ; in Kiev alone
the three institutions existed side by side,
collectively powerless. As an inevitable
consequence, instead of only one, several
political centres were formed side by side
in Russia.
3304
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
I ^1
RUSSIA
II
RUSSIA UNDER THE MONGOLS
THE DEGENERATING INFLUENCE OF THE TARTAR YOKE
DUSSIA had already been weakened by
*^ internal feuds, and now the greatest
calamity that had ever befallen it burst
on the country. In the year 1222 the
Mongols appeared in the south, and first
struck a blow at the Alans, who lived to the
north of the Caucasus. Terrible tidings
heralded their approach. Genghis Khan
had united the Mongol tribes, had con-
quered and plundered Northern China,
Kharismia. Bokhara, Samarkand, and
Northern India, and was now filled with
the idea of subduing Europe. He styled
himself the Scourge of God, and the
Asiatics, with their inborn fatalism, seldom
dared to offer resistance.
The Alans allied themselves with the
Polovzes ; but the Mongols brought the
Polovzes over to their side by bribes, and
subjugated the Alans, and after that the
faithless Polovzes. The latter appeared as
fugitives in Russia. The princes of
Southern Russia united their forces, and
the Polovzes joined them, their khan,
Basti, having accepted Christianity. They
determined to anticipate the enemy and
attack him in the steppe. Tartar envoys
then appeared in their camp, ostensibly on
account of the detested Polovzes. The
Russians, in their infatuation, rejected the
offer of peace and put the envoys to death ;
they had collected more than 80,000 men.
A decisive battle was fought on June i6th,
1223, on the banks of the small river
Kalka, which flows into the Sea of Azov.
, The Polovzes fled at the very
Mongols outset, and thus forced the
rucsomc Russians into a retreat which
anq«« degenerated into a disastrous
rout. Mstislav of Kiev defended himself
for three days longer in his fortified camp,
but finally, from over-confidence, fell into
the hands of the Tartars ; six princes and
seventy Boyars were left on the field of
battle. Mstislav and his two sons-in-law
were suffocated under planks, and the
Mongols celebrated the victory by a
banquet over their dead bodies. Hardly
a tenth part of the army succeeded in
escaping. " A vast host pressed on its
heels, plundering, murdering, and sacking
the towns," so the Arab Ibn al-Athir
records ; " many Russian merchants
banded together, packed up their valu-
ables, and sailed in many ships to Moham-
_. medan countries." Genghis
lege an j^han Suddenly turned back
Massacre ^ a ■ n ■ j
.jf. to Asia ; Russia was saved.
of Kiasan »,, . i- 1
The great conqueror died
in 1227, and was succeeded by his
third son Ogdai. A resolution was
passed by the general assembly of the
empire at Karakorum in 1235 that Russia
and Europe generally should be conquered,
and the supreme command was given to
Batu, a grandson of Genghis Khan. A
Mongol army of 500,000 men, nominally,
appeared in Russia in the year 1237.
The Bulgarians on the Volga offered a
feeble resistance, and their capital, Bulgar,
was destroyed. The Mordvins, who were
of Finnish stock, joined the Tartars and
became their scouts. The enemy were
soon before the gates of Riasan ; by the
help of powerful siege-engines they took
the town after five days' storming, on
December 21st, and a terrible massacre
ensued. The Grand Duke of Vladimir
had gone northwards before the battle,
but was soon overtaken and killed ;
Vladimir, which was defended by his sons
Vsevolod and Mstislav, had already fallen
on February 14th, 1238.
The whole principality of Susdal was
plundered, and Kolomna, Moscow, Volo
Kolamsk, Tver and Torchok were re-
duced to ashes. Batu was now close
to Novgorod when a thaw prevented
any further advance of the Mongols.
On their way back they captured Kose-
lok after a gallant resistance of seven
weeks. In the winter of 1239 Batu
marched against South Russia ; the task
of conquest was rendered easier for him
3305
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
by the persistent feuds of the Russian
princes. Daniel of HaHcz seized Kiev,
which he ordered his Boyar Dmitri to
defend, but the latter's stubborn courage
was ineffectual against the superior force.
Kiev fell on December 6th, 1240, and was
ruthlessly sacked ; even the tombs were not
spared. Batu spared the life of the brave
_ . . Dmitri, an unprecedented act
ussia in ^j grace, and kept him by his
the Hands of .-P .,r j •'.
. -, Side as a military adviser.
He then conquered Halicz ;
Novgorod alone still held out. In the
higher arts of war the Russians were in-
ferior to the Mongols, who were always
mounted ; the latter even employed a
sort of Greek fire. Poland, Hungary, and
other neighbouring kingdoms were filled
with Russian fugitives. Counter measures
were discussed everywhere, in Rome,
Hungary, Bohemia and Germany. Men's
thoughts turned to Gog and Magog, the
mythical destroyers, whose appearance
would signify the end of the world.
Louis IX. of France made ready for a
crusade.
The Tartar storm then raged over
Poland, Moravia and Dalmatia. Suddenly
the Asiatic tide ebbed. Russia alone
remained Tartar. The fugitive princes
returned, but as Tartar vassals. Attempts
were begun to make the pillaged towns
once more habitable, and the ruins were
partially rebuilt. But the country was
depopulated ; men were required and
they were chiefly taken from the more
densely populated west. From this time
dates the movement of German colonists
towards the east.
Batu had long since established on the
Volga an empire, almost independent
of the Great Khan, called Kiptchak, or
the Golden Horde, with Sarai as capital,
and was now occupied with its organisa-
tion. The national code was the Yasa or
customary law drawn up by Genghis
Khan, which recognised only the penalty of
.^ _ , death and corporal punish-
1T.eJrande«r ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^
^c * n » was taken bareheaded, kneel-
KAan Datu i -^i. i j • n
mg and with loosened girdle.
A strict ceremonial distinguished the khan
from the people. Before any man
approached him, he had to pass between
two fires, since poison or other dangerous
things, which he might have on his person,
would thus, it was supposed, be ren-
dered harmless. No one might speak
with the khan except when kneeling,
3306
and frequently a veil was thrown over
the visitor that he might not look on the
face of the khan.
John de Piano Carpini, who was
received in audience by Batu as ambas-
sador of Pope Innocent IV., records :
" Batu keeps a splendid court ; his army
numbers 600,000 men. His brothers,
sons, and grandees sit below him on a
bench in the middle, all others on the bare
ground — men on the right, women on the
left. . . . We, too, when we had delivered
our message, seated ourselves on the left,
as all ambassadors do ; but we were placed
on the right. . . . Batu never drinks in
the presence of people without singing
and zither-playing. When he rides, an
umbrella is held over his head, as is the
custom of all Tartar princes and their
wives."
The residence of the khan was called
Orda, hence " horde." The nation was
divided on a military system into groups
of tens, hundreds and thousands. A tuman,
or body of ten thousand, constituted a
separate province. The subject peoples
had only to pay taxes, and were not under
_ . any other obligation. The
Russian •' • 1 r x
„ . ... receiver-general of taxes was
Princes Under n j u 1 i /i *
g . . . called baskak (later, equiva-
lent to extortioner or op-
pressor). Piano Carpini tells us that one
such baskak carried off one son out of every
family which had three ; the same thing
occurred with the unmarried men, women
and all beggars. A list was made of the
remaining inhabitants, and a tax levied
on every human being, new-born babes
of a day old included ; from each a black
or white bearskin, a black beaver, a sable, a
marten, and a black fox. Those who could
not pay were carried off into slavery.
The Russian princes were required
to make personal suit to the khan that
he would confirm their rank. Thus Batu
summoned the Grand Duke Jaroslav
of Vladimir, who had succeeded his
brother George II., to appear before him
at Sarai with all his family. Jaroslav was
further forced to go to the Great Khan at
Karakorum ; there he met Piano Carpini.
Jaroslav died in the desert on his way
home, either from exhaustion or from
poison, which he is supposed to have
drunk at the court of the Great Khan
(1246). The adventurous Minorite saw
in the Kirghiz steppes the dried bones of
the Boyars of the grand duke, who had
perished of thirst in the desert. It was
THE KREMLIN MOSCOW S ACROPOLIS— SURROUNDED BY ITS GREAT WALL
THE CITY AS SEEN FROM THE KREMLIN
\trr
Tin 1«»r nm 11.11 im mi mi- iin 1 1 n-
SCENES IN MOSCOW, THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF RUSSIA
3307
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
necessary, in order to be successful, to
spend large sums on " presents " to
Tartar princes, favourites and women.
The unhappy Russian princes had also to
face the machinations of their own people.
Daniel of Halicz, far from paying any
tribute, fortified his towns and sought
an alliance with the Pope after 1246.
- But in 1250 a message came
eve re from the khan, that he was
Me&sures of the . tt i- t-> ■
Great Khan ^^ f"^ 'J? H^^^^^" J^V^^
inadequately prepared lor
resistance, he went thither and humbled
himself by drinking the black mare's milk
(kumiss) and prostrating himself before
the " great princess." He was dismissed
after twenty-five days, and received
Halicz back again as a fief. He never-
theless renewed his negotiations with
Innocent IV., and promised to subordinate
his Church to him ; he received papal
legates, by whom he was crowned king
in 1254. 6ut as the crusade was preached
in vain, he once more broke off his rela-
tions with Rome. He was then compelled
at the command of the Great Khan to
raze his fortresses, and from dire necessity
he bore the Tartar yoke until his death,
which occurred at Cholm in 1266.
Alexander, son of Jaroslav, who had
driven out the Germans, and in 1240 had
conquered the Swedes on the Neva
(hence the honourable title of Newskij)
was then established in Novgorod. Inno-
cent IV. sent two cardinals in 1251 to
win him over to the Roman Church, but
in vain. Alexander, on the other hand,
went in 1254 to Sarai, accompanied by
his brother Andrew, and thence to Kara-
korum ; the journey lasted three full
years. He must have obtained an over-
powering impression of the Mongol power ;
henceforward he remained loyal to the
Tartars, and even fought with his own
brother Andrew on their behalf. Only
a united Russia could have resisted.
Batu Khan died in 1256. His son
„ Sertak, who was devoted to
„ *, * *. Christianity, soon followed him
Baskaks tn . ,, •' u ui
Novgorod *° *^^ 8^^^^' probably owmg
to poison, and Batu's brother
Berkai (or Bereke) now mounted the
throne (1257). He instituted a general
census and taxation throughout Russia.
The hated Baskaks now appeared for
the first time in Novgorod. The popular
assembly was convened. The Possadnik
addressed the meeting, but when he coun-
selled submission, the people killed him.
3308
Alexander's own son reproached his father
for imposing servitude on free men. It
was with the greatest difficulty that the
prince induced the defiant population to
allow themselves finally to be registered.
In the year 1262 the towns of Vladimir,
Susdal, and Rostov revolted against the
Baskaks. Alexander hurried with presents
to the khan, but was nevertheless detained
for a year. He died on the journey home
on November 14th, 1263, in consequence
of his privations.
A change was then produced in the life
of the Tartar people. They could not
permanently disregard the influence of a
higher culture. Rome made great efforts
to win them by missions, especially since
the Mongol world, by the destruction of
Bagdad in 1258, had proclaimed itself
hostile to Islam. The two recently
founded orders of Franciscans and Do-
minicans gained a name in the Church
history of the East, and undertook in
particular the task of converting the
Tartars. John de Piano Carpini the
Minorite was not the last who sought to
win the Tartar khan for the Roman faith.
The Greek Church also was
Wh* W r"* ^°* without influence. Some
-.. ? ^. ^^^ great khans were superficially
Christians ? „ , r-u • ^- a
followers of Christianity.
Kuyuk (1246-1248) had a Christian chapel
near his palace ; Kublai (i 260-1 294)
regularly attended the celebration of the
feast of Easter. A Greek bishopric was
founded in Sarai itself. The Mongol
rulers were thoroughly tolerant. Piano
Carpini saw, in the camp of the Great
Khan, Christians, Greek priests, and a
Christian church. The Franciscan William
of Rubruquis describes how Mangu Khan
in 1254 arranged a discussion between the
representatives of various beliefs ; Chris-
tians, Mohammedans, and heathen per-
formed their acts of worship in his presence.
Priests and monks were exempt from the
poll-tax ; the jurisdiction of the Greek
Church was confirmed ; sacrilege was
punishable with death. The monasteries
within the dominions of the formerly
abused Mongols increased in numbers and
wealth.
An event of great significance then
occurred ; Berkai Khan turned his atten-
tion to Islam. The religious fanaticism
of the Moslems then invaded Sarai, and
prevented the fusion of the nations. It
was one of the serious results of the
miserable Fourth Crusade, which, by the
RUSSIAN SOVEREIGNS FROM 1281 TILL 1533
From 9 series q{ historic medAl^
3309
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
capture of Constantinople (1203) under
conditions of revolting cruelty and by
the partition of the empire, had crippled
the power of the Greek Church and of
Greek culture without aiding the West,
that Mohammedanism was able to achieve
so important a victory. A Byzantium o f un-
diminished power would have all the more
certainly won the Tartars for
T^!-.^-* the Orthodox faith, since
the Greek form of worship
Adopt the
Faith of Islam
impressed the Asiatics, and
since their army, to the extent, perhaps,
of three-fifths, consisted of Oriental Chris-
tians, owing to the thousands of prisoners
made yearly. But a destroyed Byzan-
tium commanded as little respect from
the Tartars as the mutual hatred of the
two " Christian " beliefs. The Mongols,
therefore, adopted Islam, which from racial
considerations at least appealed more
closely to them and seemed to be
politically more advantageous. The gulf
between Europe and Russia was widened
by the Mohammedan Tartars. Russia
had now for the first time become a pro-
vince of Asia in the true sense of the word.
The three centuries which Russia had
spent under the Tartar yoke had deter-
mined its place in civilisation and its
development. Hitherto it had stood, if
not higher, at any rate not lower than
many a Western state. But now its
culture was so sapped and had sunk so low
that, even at the present day, it has not
completely recovered from the blow.
The political situation, it is true, remained
much in the same position ; some princes
were confirmed in their dominions, and
self-government conceded to them.
But the excessive drain on the finances
weighed so heavily on the country that
it infallibly took from the people any
desire to work. The humiliating treat-
ment and the feeling of absolute im-
potence as regards the Great Khan could
not but corrupt the ideas of the people,
_ . , destroy their national pride,
ussia * g^j^(j ga^p their moral fibre.
National Pride ^,- •'^ ,• , ,
jj , 1 his IS noticeable even
es roye j^ ^j^^ chroniclers of the
Tartar age. When in the fifteenth century
one prince put out the eyes of another,
the Chronicle did not utter a word of blame,
as it did when Vassilko was blinded. The
Russian people had thus become accus-
tomed to scenes of horror. And these
outrages were a heavier burden and lasted
longer than the economic (iownfEUl,
3310
Even after half a century the widely
spread influence of the Asiatic school
could be felt. The son of Daniel of Hahcz
already kept a Tartar body-guard ; the
insubordination of the nobles cannot
alone excuse this procedure. That same
proud city of Novgorod, which had only
submitted to the Baskaks with extreme
reluctance, rejected Prince Michael in
1304 with the words : " We elected thee,
indeed, but only on the condition that
thou showest us the Jarlyk " (the warrant
from the khan). Mongols were called
in by Russian princes just as Pechenegs
and Polovzes had been — to help them
against their own people. Russians took
part in the campaigns of the Tartars, who
honourably gave them a share of the spoils.
The relations between Mongols and Rus-
sians rapidly became so much closer, that
in the first half of the fourteenth century
Tartar princes and nobles settled in Mos-
cow. Many distinguished Russian.families
are of Tartar descent ; but, on the other
hand, we must not overlook the fact that
the later Tartar immigrants were mostly
descendants of Russian prisoners, so that
we ought rather to speak of
e erms g^g^y^j^^^^ blood among the
?, .,!*^".* Tartars than vice versa. Russia
Unification u i j. u 4.
would almost have got over
the depression had not, from time to
time, fresh outbursts of savage barbarism
inflicted new wounds on the country.
The keen wish for liberty was thus kept
alive. Russia obtained some partial
successes politically. Hostilities between
Russian princes were forbidden, since no
one dared to wage war without the con-
sent of the khan. A still more important
point was that the grand duke, as vassal of
the dreaded Mongol, enjoyed elsewhere a
greater reputation than had ever been the
case. We may see in this fact the germs
of the subsequent unification of Russia.
Under the Tartar supremacy the place
of Vladimir (in the principality of Susdal)
as the residence of the grand duke and
the capital of Russia, was taken by
Moscow, which lay to the west of it on the
small river Moskva. The grand dukes,
as Nikolai M. Karamsin justly observes,
while assuming the modest title of servants
of the khan, became gradually powerful
monarchs. By this policy the way was
paved for the rise of despotic power in
Russia, and the princely house, in Moscow
as formerly in Vladimir, had a definite
c^in^ before its eyes. They were responsible
^"' "" ■'" ■"■■ '^" ■ "ir
Hl§TQRig PAI,ACt§ ANP CHURCHES QF MOSCOW
33"
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
to the khan for the maintenance of
pubUc order in Russia, assumed, as
general agents of the khan, the collection
of taxes throughout Russia in order to be
spared the torment of Tartar tax-gatherers,
and thus were able to act unscrupulously
towards their own subjects and other
princes, and showed no mercy, since
-- _. thev received none them-
Moscow Rises ^^^^^^ -^ g^^.^- j^^ ^^j^^^.
in Wealth ■ , j , i ,
. D ^. mdependent princes lost
and Prestige ^ ,. '^ , ,
m prestige, and no less
so the popular assemblies and the
nobility. Everyone from fear of the
Mongol bowed before the grand dukes of
Moscow. They drew from the farming
of the revenue not merely financial but
also political strength. The Tartar
tribute was exacted by Moscow even
when it was not necessary to pay it to the
Tartars, and the people paid it without
murmuring. Thanks to this circumstance,
Moscow had always large sums of money
at its disposal, and Russia in this way
grew accustomed by the fourteenth cen-
tury to see in it the capital of the country.
These princes of Moscow of the four-
teenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries
were unpleasing figures, harsh, selfish,
and shrinking from no steps which led to
power. It is a repugnant task in these
modern times to read the accounts of the
degradation and meanness of most of
them in their dealings with the Mongols.
But it was a political necessity. Lithuania
and afterwards Poland were willing to
form leagues with the Tartars against
Russia, and actually did so. Only such
unscrupulous, unfeeling, but diplomatic
rulers as the Muscovites were, could have
saved Russia in its helpless and desperate
plight from the Mongols and other neigh-
bouring nations.
The first known prince of Moscow was
Michael the Bold (after 1248), younger
brother of Alexander Nevski. The true
founder of the princedom was Nevski's son.
The First ^^"^^^ (1263-1303), who had
p . . received Moscow as an appan-
w age. He increased his territory,
founded convents, encouraged
trade, and made a good waterway on the
MosKva. When he died in 1303 he left to
his sons George, Danilovitch (1303-1325),
and Ivan (1328-1341) a compact territory,
which they still further enlarged. George
was the first who, after the death of the
Grand Duke Andrew Alexandrovitch of
Vladimir, came forward in 1304 as a
3313
claimant of the grand ducal title ; but his
second uncle, Michael of Tver, had, as
the eldest of the family, a better claim
to it. Both went to their over-lord at
Sarai, and tried to defeat each other by
bribery and intrigues.
A civil war thus broke out between
Moscow and Tver, which lasted almost
thirty years, revealed starthng depths
of baseness, and cost the Ufe of several
princes. Moscow eventually won. George,
who married in 1315 Kontchaka, the
favourite sister of Uzbeg Khan, became
grand duke. Ivan I., surnamed KaUta,
from the purse which he wore in order
to distribute alms, knew how to win over
the Church, and to induce the Metro-
politan Peter of Vladimir to settle at
Moscow ; Theognost, Peter's successor,
also resided in Moscow, which ranked as
the capital after 1328,
No Russian prince made so many
journeys to the Horde as Kalita. He
so completely won over the Mongols
that they entrusted him with the
government of the affairs of his kingdom,
and even placed an army at his dis-
. posal. Peace reigned for years
eign o -^ Russia. The amalgamation
„ . of the two nations made rapid
strides. This wise poUcy was
the more profitable since the mighty
Uzbeg (1312-1340) then sat on the
throne of Kiptchak. Kalita was himself
a merchant prince and in favour of
Uzbeg, and the wide expanse of the Mongol
Empire helped the Russian trade. Ivan
took upon himself the duty of levying
the tribute from Russia.
The same policy was followed by his
sons Simeon the Proud (1341-1353) and
Ivan II. (1353-1359). Simeon even ven-
tured to assume the title " Grand Duke
of all Russia." Other times had come.
The grand duke had formerly been to
all other princes " father " or " elder
brother," now he was for all his relations
" lord " (gospodin). All had to feel the
weight of his hand. When Novgorod,
which had become a dependency of Moscow,
tried to gain freedom, it was punished
with severity, and the obligation imposed
on it that in the future the municipal
officials should kneel barefooted before
the assembly of the princes and entreat
their mercy. We notice here the influence
of Mongolian customs. But the necessity
for this severity is shown by the reign of
Simeon's brother Ivan II„ whose weakness
RUSSIA UNDER THE MONGOLS
rendered insecure all the successes that
had been achieved.
The position of Russia had meantime
improved. While the Muscovite princes
slowly united the Russian countries in
their hands, the Mongol state began to
break up. Some parts of the vast empire
made themselves independent of Sarai
under khans of their own, the same
process which had formerly ruined Russia.
The son of Ivan II., Dmitri Ivanovitch
(1362-1389), was soon strong enough to
defy the wiU of the Tartars and to govern
in Russia as he thought best ; in 1376
he actually made two petty Tartar
princes his tributaries. When in the same
year he conquered a governor of the able
Manaj Khan, he exclaimed: "God is with
us ; their day is over ! " But that was
premature. Manaj collected an immense
army, and at the same time concluded a
treaty with the Lithuanian prince, Jagiello.
Dmitri also rallied many princes round
him, and strengthened himself by prayer
in the Church of the Assumption, before
he rode to the battlefield. All felt keenly
that a religious war impended. Manaj
p. „. is said to have threatened to
. destroy all the churches and
MonKol Yoke ^^'"§ ^^^^ Russia to Islam.
The battle took place on
September 8th, 1380, on the plain of Kuli-
kovo (at the confluence of the Nepraedva
and the Don), and was decided in favour
of Russia. Fifteen Russian princes were
left on the field. Dmitri received the
surname of Donskoj, the Victor of the
Don. On that very day Jagiello of
Lithuania had been only a few miles
away from the Tartars ; his junction
with Manaj would certainly have changed
the result. The rejoicings at this first great
victory were immense ; Moscow, the new
capital of Russia, thus received its baptism
of war. Even if the Tartar yoke was
still far from being shaken off, it was yet
seen that the Russians in their long
servitude had not forgotten how to draw
the sword for freedom and honour. They
had now learnt that the Mongols were
not invincible ; and their courage and
character were increased.
Not the less important for the uni-
fication of Russia was the enactment of
Dmitri, by which primogeniture became
the law of the land. The eldest son of
the grand duke, not the eldest of the
stock, was henceforward to succeed his
lather. By this law, of which we have
no details, the family disputes of the ruling
house were not indeed completely ended,
but, happily for Russia, were restricted.
The son of Donskoj, Vasilij I. Dmitrije-
vitch (1389-1425), now succeeded in
accordance with this law of succession.
Under Vasilij 's successor, Vasilij II.
Vasilijevitch (1425-1462), a dispute once
Great Prize ^lore broke out between the
in the Contest f^PPorters of the old rule of
of Humility Seniority and the new rule
of " Primogeniture." George
Dmitrijevitch was opposed to the grandson
of Dmitri Donskoj , the uncle to the nephew.
The ambassador sent from Moscow saved
the cause of his master s.t Sarai by a
speech which throws a flood of light upon
the situation. " All powerful Tsar," so
Vsevoloshkij in 1431 addressed Ulugh
Mahmet, 'allow me to speak, who am the
Grand Duke's slave. My master, the
Grand Duke, solicits the throne of the
Grand Duchy, which is entirely thy
property, without any other claim thereto
but through thy good will, thy consent,
and thy warrant. Thou disposest of it
as thou thinkest fit. The prince George
Dmitrijevitch, his uncle, on the other
hand, claims the Grand Duchy according
to the enactment and last will of his
father, but not as a favour of thy omni-
potence."
The speech did its work ; the khan
commanded that George should hence-
forward lead his nephew's horse by
the bridle. " Thus the prize in this
contest of humility was assigned to the
prince of Moscow." At VasUij's corona-
tion (such ceremonies have always taken
place at Moscow since that day) a Mon-
golian Baskak was present. Vladimir,
the old capital, now lost the last trace
of its glory. The war between uncle and
nephew was continued in spite of the
decision of the khan. It was then seen
how dependent the people were on their
prince. When Vasilij, ousted by his uncle,
had Kostroma assigned him as
cpar e residence*, the Muscovites left
„ °'y ° their city in crowds and joined
him at Kostroma ; the uncle,
who could not maintain his position in
Moscow, now voluntarily withdrew. And
when Vasilij II. entered Moscow 'or a
second time, the people thronged round
him "like bees round their queen," says
a chronicler. He died, blinded in 1446
by a son of George (hence called Temnyi),
on March 17th, 1462.
3313
THE RULERS OF RUSSIA FROM 1584 TILL 1762
Fioiu a series of historic medals.
3314
THE MONARCHS OF MOSCOW
AND THE DAWN OF BETTER DAYS FOR RUSSIA
'T'HE fall of the Tartar power rendered
•*■ the consolidation of Russia possible.
The unerring persistent policy of the
Muscovite princes was destined to bear
good fruit. Their aim was to shake off the
Tartar yoke and to "join" all countries
formerly Russian— i hat is to say, to re-
unite them in one empire. Ivan III.
(1462-1505), who now mounted the throne
as " sole monarch," his son Vasilij III.
(1505-1533), and his grandson Ivan IV.
(1533-1584), surnamed the Terrible,
effected this junction of Russia, although
they were the reverse of heroic soldiers.
Ivan III., the most important among
them, was the model of a Susdalian and
Muscovite ruler, a cold, heartless and
calculating statesman. His policy was
markedly influenced by his second mar-
riage with Sophia (Zoe), a niece of the
last Byzantine emperor, who had been
educated in Rome at the papal court.
Cardinal Bessarion (the humanist and
advocate of the union of the Churches),
had first prompted that alliance. The
proposal in question reached the grand
duke, then twenty years old, in 1469,
and had been received by the Boyars
with enthusiasm. In the year 1472
Sophia entered Moscow accompanied by
many of her countrymen and by the
papal legate Antonio, and her arrival
brought a new spirit into the Russian
court. She it was who realised the
humiliation of the Mongol yoke. Moscow
regarded itself now as the heir of
p , Byzantium, and Ivan adopted
e ope s ^j^g double - headed Byzan-
. U . tine eagle as the new arms
of Russia. The outlook of
Russian policy widened ; henceforward
Russia was regarded as the representative
and seat of orthodoxy. Moscow took up
the cause of the Greek Christians in the
East and actually waged war in the name
of this idea, which was translated into
deeds against the Ottomans in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The
2ZX
of Ivan "The
Awful "
Pope, indeed, when he sent the fair
daughter of the Palaeologi to Russia, was
intent on the plan of winning the whole
of Russia for Rome ; but the cunning of
the Russian sovereign frustrated such
intentions. Ivan derived all possible ad-
vantages from that alliance without con-
ferring the slightest benefits in return.
_ J The entry of the Roman legate
into Moscow was a humiliation
for Rome ; he was forced to
put aside the silver crucifix,
which he wished to be borne in front of
him, and to face an argument with a
learned Russian monk, which only caused
him annoyance. Even the young Greek
princess, once arrived on Russian soil,
seemed to have forgotten her Roman
education and her papal benefactor.
It was Sophia also who taught her
husband " the secret of despotism." Ivan
came forward now in a quite different
character from the earlier grand dukes.
He stood before the eyes of the Russians
like an avenging deity, and was called
not only the " Great " but the " Awful "
(gnosnyi ; the surname of " Terrible "
suits Ivan IV. better). He inflicted death
penalties and martyrdoms lavishly. When
he slept after meals, the Boyars anxiously
kept watch by him ; women fainted at
his gaze. He treated foreign potentates
with almost Oriental presumption. When
the Mongol Khan Ahmed sent envoys
with his portrait, in order to demand the
tribute, he stamped on the portrait, and
ordered all the envoys to be killed except
one who was to carry the tidings to
Astrakhan. He communicated with the
Mongol envoys only through officials of
the second rank.
In a word, the bearing of the grand
duke testified to unbounded pride of
sovereignty. He governed without the
Boyars ; when one of them complained
that the grand duke decided every point
alone, he was beheaded. Herberstein
asserts that no monarch in Europe was so
3315
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
implicitly obeyed by his subjects as the
Grand Duke of Russia. This self-con-
sciousness of the Russian court often,
indeed, amounted to an absurdity, and
barbarous customs considerably detracted
from the magnificence which was displayed
at the reception of foreign embassies.
Ivan carried on the work of uniting Russia
J n fc ^^ ^^^ most unscrupulous
» 'Vt,. " * manner. He began by entering
Ambitious • , r .J. iu
p mto a series of contracts with
"* his relations, in order to secure
the supremacy to himself. He then put
an end to the more or less independent
petty principalities and lordships which
existed round Moscow. Thus, in the first
years of his reign, Tver, Vereja, Rjasan,
and then Bjelosersk, Rostow, Jaroslav,
were placed under the immediate govern-
ment of Moscow.
The union of Novgorod with Moscow
cost much bloodshed. This once powerful
free city on the Ilmen, the cradle of the
Russian state, brought on its own fall
by internal factions. The princes of
Moscow had long been indignant that
Novgorod barred their access to the sea,
and also entertained the suspicion that
it might join their enemies, Lithuania
or Poland. Its freedom must, therefore,
be crushed ; it was not enough that,
having long recognised the suzerainty of
the lords of Moscow, it paid them tribute
without difficulty ; its self-government
was to be taken away.
Ivan understood how to form a political
party out of the supporters of the Greek
faith in Novgorod, and to play them
off against the others, who were devoted
to the Catholic cause, and therefore
to Poland. The Lithuano-Polish party
was led by the Borecki family, whose
head was Marfa, the energetic widow of
a former Possadnik. Ivan waited until
Novgorod was guilty of a breach of
faith by opening negotiations with
Poland, in order to seek protection
-, . «. .. there against the attacks
Se3/ °^ ^^''^^- '^^^ Muscovite
c ore army then entered the
Muscovite Army . y, , ^t j j
territory of Novgorod and
defeated the untrained Novgorodian
troops, who had been collected with great
difficulty, in 1471 at the river Schelona.
The Novgorodians submitted, recognised
Ivan as sovereign, and actually accepted
the jurisdiction of the courts of Moscow.
But in 1478 Ivan took from them the rest
of their self-government, deported the
3316
most famous families into the interior of
Russia, sent his governors to Novgorod,
and brought to Moscow the bell which for
centuries had summoned the people to
the popular assembly. The fall of Novgo-
rod has often been sung by the poets and
made the subject of drama, Marfa Borecki
being celebrated as the heroine. But no
one will deny that the republic outlived
its day, that it never properly fulfilled
its duty as a middleman between the
merchants of the East and West, and that
it now really stood in the way of the union
of Russian countries. The capture of
Novgorod and its environs gave Moscow
an overwhelming superiority over the
other principalities.
Besides this, Ivan conquered Perm,
" the land of silver beyond the Kama."
The second free city, Viatka, was con-
quered in 1489 ; an advance was made to
the Petchora, the Ural was crossed, and
the country of the Voguls and Ugrians
made tributary. Russia thus expanded
as far as the Arctic Ocean, and for the first
time set foot in Asia. Vasilij III. then
subjugated the free state of Pskov, where
, the dissensions of the citizens
J*^ * - had opened the ground for
^ him ; many families were
sent thence to other towns.
" Alas, glorious and mighty Pskov, where-
fore this despair and these tears ? " ex-
claims the poetical chronicler. " How
shall I not despair ? " answered Pskov.
" An eagle with the claws of a lion has
swooped down on me. . . . Our land is
wasted, our city ruined, our marts are
destroyed, our brethren led away whither
neither our fathers nor grandfathers
dwelt." But subordination to Moscow was
for Pskov an historical necessity if the
unification of Russia was to progress.
When Vasilij had banished the princes
of Rjasan and Novgorod Severskij and
united their lands with Moscow, the union
of European Russia under the leadership
of Moscow would appear almost finished.
Russia already directed her eyes toward
newly discovered Asiatic districts, where
the Arctic Ocean formed the frontier.
Only the Lithuanians and the Tartars
were still left to be conquered.
Ivan III. had the good fortune to shake
off the Tartar yoke. There were then
several Tartar kingdoms — Kasan, Astra-
khan (Sarai), the Nogai Horde, the pro-
vince of the Crimea, and numerous smaller
independent hordes — ^who all fought with
THE MONARCHS OF MOSCOW
each other, and thus Hghtened the task
of the grand duke. In the year 1480
Ivan advanced with a strong army against
the great horde of Sarai, but could not
make up his mind to strike ; for months
the two armies stood opposite each other
in inaction, until at last the Tartars with-
drew. It was not therefore a great
victory ; Russia had only ceased to pay
tribute. Once again, in the year 1521,
the Tartars of the Crimean horde united
with their tribesmen beyond the Volga in
the Nogai steppe and in Kasan, to attack
Moscow. The town was so suddenly
invested on all sides that the Grand Duke
Vasilij hardly made good his escape. The
citizens in their first panic promised to pay
again the old tribute.
Then discord broke out
among the Tartars ; they
withdrew.
From that time the
Tartar danger was as good
as ended. But another
Mohammedan power,
Turkey, threatened Rus-
sia from the south ; in
1475 Mohammed II.
. brought the Crimea under
his suzerainty. At the
same time a growing
danger arose in the union
of Poland with Lithuania.
How could Russia have
withstood this powerful
neighbour if she had been
still politically divided,
and dependent on Tartar
hordes ? It was the merit ivan hi.
of civilisation. Just as when formerly
the Grand Duke Vladimir married the
Greek princess, Anna, the art and religion
of Byzantium were transplanted with her
to Russia, so the second wife of Ivan and
her Greek suite now called a new age of
Ivan's Wif ^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^i^^- Byzantine
Introduces' ^^^olars brought Greek books
Culture ^^*^ them, which formed the
nucleus of the later libraries
of Moscow. Ivan III. himself took plea-
sure in distinguished foreigners.
Artists and scholars from Western
Europe found a brilliant reception at Ivan's
court. In Aristotele Fioraventi of Bologna
he acquired a distinguished architect,
artillerist, and tutor for his children. Pietro
Antonio built a palace for
him. Monks from the
famous monastery of
Athos came to Russia ;
amongst them a learned
Greek, Maxim by name,
was conspicuous. He
is said to have been
astonished to find such a
mass of old manuscripts
in the Kremlin at Moscow.
The monks were entrusted
by the grand duke with
the translation of Greek
books into Slavonic. The
grand dukes owed their
successes against the Tar-
tars and petty princes
partly to the artillery
perfected by foreigners.
The whole system of war-
THE AWFUL" ^^^^ ^^^ revolutionised,
of the grand dukes of Cow.heartiessandcaicuiating.ivan 111. stood At the Same time mineral
Moscow that a liberated ^r/^^^^hiy^fntcTef del?h"pSfes'f„^d treasures were exploited,
and united Russia could martyrdoms. During his reign, from i462 tm Ivau III. also dcvotcd
not only defend itself, ^^os. the prestige of NfoscowgreaUy extended, attention to the judicial
but could also advance victoriously against system, which in the Tartar age was often
the menacing foe.
The prestige of Moscow grew not only
in all Russian districts, but also in foreign
countries. The courts of Western Europe
sought to win the alliance of the grand
duke. Apart from their re-
lations to Rome, Lithuania
and Poland, Ivan III. and his
son Vasilij received envoys from
Venice, Hungary, the Emperor Frederic
III. and his son Maximilian, Sweden and
Denmark. From the East came envoys
from Turkey, Georgia and Persia. Russia
now found the leisure and also experienced
the desire to devote time to the work
Advance
of Russian
Prestige
a matter of caprice, and in 1497 caused
the common law to be published in the
new Russian code Sudebnik.
The question of the succession, that
open wound from which Russia so long
bled, and to which she formerly owed her
subjugation, was at last settled. The
testamentary dispositions of Ivan III.
showed his opinion on the point. After
he had long hesitated whether to nominate
as his successor his grandson or his
son by his second wife, he decided in
favour of his son Vasilij, probably because
his mother was a Byzantine. The other
sons received small provinces without
33x7
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
monarchical rule ; they had neither the
right of coinage, nor any higher jurisdiction,
and were compelled to recognise the elder
brother as their lord. If one of them died
without issue, his lands reverted to the
grand duke. Thus the first hereditary
monarchy was instituted in Russia. An
era of renaissance now began for Russia —
-^ _ a restoration of the political
The Dawn • j j j • r
- mdependence and union of
Q Q. the empire, an economic
revival, an awakening of the
national self-consciousness, a renewal of
national culture and literature, the dawn
of new and greater glory. Russia, by
frequently sending embassies to foreign
courts, entered by degrees into the circle
of the civilised nations of the West. In
short, fortune once more smiled on Russia.
But the goal was still far away, and
serious obstacles remained to be overcome.
The people were now the greatest obstacle
to themselves. In the long period of
Tartar rule they had been warped not
merely politically but morally. The
Russians had emerged from the Asiatic
school, in which they had so long been
trained, as Asiatics accustomed to murder
and cruelty. The Greek Church in Russia
had suffered equally ; left to itself it
inevitably became stagnant. It is easier
to improve the national welfare and
culture and to gain victories than to
change the nature of a whole people ;
several generations at least are requited
for that.
The hard fortunes of the country had
produced a hard ruling dynasty. The
pride and self-consciousness of the sover-
eign, in whose person the state was bound
up, grew with the progress which the
union of Russia made under Moscow's
supremacy, with the increase of the royal
power as compared with the nobility and
the popular assembly, and with the growth
in the power and prestige of the nation. In
Moscow the contest between the power of
I ..^1^ the prince and that of the
», ... ,,* nobility and the popular
Terrible on A i, • u j xil i.
(he Throne assembly, which raged through-
out Russia, had been decided in
favour of the former. It was a soil on which
tyranny might flourish. The Susdalian and
Muscovite princes had increased the strict-
ness of their government, and while Ivan
III. had already earned the surname of
"Awful," this stamp of sovereign reached
the climax in Ivan IV. History calls him
"The Terrible." A man of unusual gifts
3318
and iron wijl, but of the worst education
imaginable, he is one of the most wonderful
phenomena in history, in which he has
acquired a dark notoriety. It would be
unfair to condemn him at once ; he is too
important to be measured by conventional
standards.
When he was only three years old his
father died. The government during his
minority was taken over by his mother,
Helene Glinska, a Lithuanian, whose
family was originally Tartar. A council of
Boyars, in which the first place was ceded
to her uncle Michael Glinski, was placed
at her side. But it was soon apparent that
this ambitious woman would not tolerate
any other will by the side of hers. Only
her favourite, Count Ivan Telepnev
Obolenskij, could exercise any influence
over her. A reign of bloodshed began.
Her brother-in-law George, her uncle
Michael, her second brother-in-law Andrew,
and others who seemed dangerous to
her, died a cruel death, while the affairs
of the empire were not maladministered
externally. When Helene died suddenly
in 1538, and the Boyar council alone under-
took the conduct of state
'^*™* . affairs, two families, the
an un enng g^^j^^jsi^jj g^j^jj y -^ Bielskij,
^*" came forward, disputed for
precedence, and fought each other. Once
more there were scenes of blood ; no quarter
was given by either side when it had the
upper hand. Russia had now been so long
accustomed to self-government that even
in the Privy Council a member would wish
to have unrestricted liberty of language.
The fact that no regard was shown the suc-
cessor to the crown in the matter, and that
he would have been gladly ignored, shows
how untamed the powerful Boyars then
were. Even in later years Ivan complained
that Ivan Schujskij had not greeted him,
and in his bedroom had placed his feet on
his father's bed, that the treasury of his
father and his uncle had been plundered by
the Boyars, and that even the royal service
of plate had been marked with their names.
Ivan in those days often suffered
hunger ; even his life was threatened. The
Schujskij attacked towns and villages,
tormenting and extortijng without mercy.
They jealously watched that no one else
gained influence. One of the privy coun-
cillors, Fedor Voronzov, who seemed to
rejoice in the favour of the young sove-
reign, was insulted and cuffed in the
presence of the latter ; his clothes were
THE MONARCHS OF MOSCOW
torn, and he would have been killed had
not the metropolitan rescued him at
Ivan's petition. Prematurely accustomed
to barbarity and bloodshed, the twelve-
year old boy gloated over the agonies of
tortured animals ; when only fifteen years
old, he rode through the streets of Moscow
with his young companions and cut and
slashed all he met.
The Orthodox Greek Church, which
might have been expected to exercise
a favourable influence on the lawless
youth, had sunk into such decay under
the Mongol yoke, that it had not the
strength to interfere. The clergy were
almost as addicted to gaming, drunken-
ness, and other vices, as the laity ; the
darkest superstition prevailed among the
common people. Impostors, robbers, and
fanatics roamed the land ; murder and
brigandage were everyday occurrences.
This was the normal condition of the
society in which Ivan the Terrible grew up.
At first he submitted, until, in 1543, in
blazing fury he had Prince Andrew
Schujskij seized in the open street, sub-
jected to gross indignities, and murdered.
-. From that day, says the
Chronicle, the Boyars began to
fear him. He was then thirteen
years old. On February 3rd,
1547, when barely seventeen years old, he
married Anastasia, daughter of the
chamberlain, Roman Sacharin. It is a
proof of his political insight that he
assumed the title of tsar, and that he
obtained in 1561, personally through the
Patriarch of Constantinople, as well as
through a council expressly called for the
purpose, a confirmation of his descent
from the imperial Byzantine house and of
his right to the imperial crown.
Fear fell on all pagan countries, says the
Chronicle of Novgorod. All the nations of
the Orthodox East began to look to the
Muscovite tsar as to the head and repre-
sentative of their Church and their
patron. In the year of his coronation
three outbreaks of fire (April and June,
1547) reduced the city of Moscow to ashes.
The lives of the tsar and the metropolitan
were in the greatest danger. The Schuj-
skij princes spread the report that the
tsar's grandmother, Anna Glinska, had
torn the hearts out of corpses, soaked them
in water, sprinkled the streets of Moscow
with them, and thus caused the fire. The
excited populace murdered the uncle of
Ivan, George Glinska, in the church,
la
Ashes
marched to Vorobjovo, where the tsar was
staying, and demanded with threats the
surrender of his grandmother. The mob
did not disperse until Ivan, acting on a
bold impulse, had the spokesman executed.
The occurrence is said to have made a
weighty and lasting impression on the
tsar, it was then that Ivan drew two men
The G d *° his side, the Pope Silvester
InfluenTe of ^"K^ \ ^^^^^^ official, Alexis
Pope Silvester Adaschev Silvester governed
him completely. Ivan did not
venture on a step without Silvester ;
he ate, drank, dressed and lived according
to Silvester's doctrines. The influence of
the two was very beneficial, and not less so
that of his wife Anastasia. An honourable
atmosphere prevailed in court circles ; in
all state business, moral and religious
aspects came into the foreground. Synods
and imperial assemblies were summoned,
in order to discuss important business.
It was an inspiring moment when the
young tsar, in the year 1549, asked for-
giveness from the assembled people for all
injustice, and humiliated himself. He
showed universal courtesy and commanded
men's trust and love. Much good was
really done then. In 1556 a new code of
civil and canon law appeared, which from
its division into one hundred chapters was
called Stoglaw. Its sixteenth paragraph
contained an enactment for the erection
of parochial schools in every town.
At the same time the court of Moscow
resolved to carry on war against the
Tartars on the Volga, who still harassed
Russia. Ivan, at Silvester's advice, though
reluctantly, placed himself at the head of
the army. Kasan was taken in 1552,
not so much by the bravery as by the
sheer numerical superiority of the Russians.
In the year 1557, Astrakhan, the old
Sarai, once so formidable to Russia, also
fell. The results of this first conquest at
the cost of the Asiatics were far-reaching.
Not merely was the power of the Tartars
crushed and the whole of the
r°K*x great Volga made a Russian
Crwhed " stream, but Russian influence
now reached into the Caucasus
as far as Persia. Other tribes, such as the
Tcheremisses, Mordvins, Tchuvashes,
Votiaks, Bashkirs, who had formerly been
subject to the ruler of Kasan, now made
their submission. The first step .towards
the conquest of Asia was taken. The
Crimean horde alone was left ; but it led
a precarious existence and sought the
3319
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Treason
Against
the Tsar
alliance of Russia. Ivan returned to
Moscow as a hero. His confident attitude
towards the Boyars increased. " I fear
you no longer," he is said to have
exclaimed to a voivode.
He resolved at this period to disseminate
the culture of Western Europe in Russia.
Hans Slitte, a German from Goslar, who
was at Moscow in 1547, ^^^ commissioned
by him to bring scholars, artists, physicians,
printers, artisans, etc., to Russia. And it
was only in consequence of the hostile
attitude of the Livonians, who saw in this
plan a dangerous strengthening of their
neighbour, that Slitte failed to bring to
Russia the 123 persons whom he had
engaged. From this moment the dislike
Ivan felt for the Baltic Germans grew the
more intense, since the
Teutonic Order in T ivonia
barred his road to the sea.
From these reasons the
determination to conquer
Livonia matured in his
mind despite the warnings
of Silvester and Adaschev.
When in 1553, under
Edward VI., a British
expedition of three ships
was sent to explore the
route to China and India
by the Arctic Ocean, and
one of the ships was cast
away at the mouth of the
Dwina, Ivan seized the
opportunity of opening
commercial negotiations
with England. He con- ..^.^^ terrible" ivan iv.
Ceaed to the Enghsh it was not without reason that this significant
merchants highly advan-
tageous trading privi-
leges, and thus secured
name, "The Terrible," came to be applied to
Ivan IV. But he was the first ruler to en-
courage British merchants to trade in Russia,
and was thus nicknamed " The English Tsar."
to his empire a connection with the West.
In the war for Livonia, which broke out
between Russia, Poland, and Sweden,
Ivan obtained only Dorpat (1558), while
Poland held Livonia as a province and the
duchy of Courland as a fief. Esthonia fell
to Sweden. These events entirely broke off
Russia's Share J^^ ^^"^^y '^j^l^^"' ^^-
tween Ivan and Adaschev
and Silvester. The death of
his virtuous queen (August
7th, 1560) certainly contributed to this
result. The guardianship exercised over him
by the two men had at last become intoler-
able. Silvester had tried to make his master
quite dependent on him, and had even taken
up a position of hostihty to the tsaritsa.
3320
When the first son of the tsar died (June,
1553), Silvester declared to him that it
was a punishment inflicted by heaven
for his disobedience. But a severe illness
of the tsar, about the end of the year
1552-1553, had brought matters to a
head. Awaiting his end, Ivan
called on the Boyars to do
homage to his son Dmitri.
But the Boyars refused ; Sil-
vester and Adaschev sided with the rebels.
The noise of the disputants reached the
sick chamber of the tsar.
When Ivan, contrary to expectation,
recovered, his confidence in his two coun-
cillors was gone. Ivan was as yet moderate
in his punishments ; but little by little the
number of executions increased, until his
fury against the Boyars
knew no bounds. The
fallen ministers had many
partisans ; and when Ivan
later scented treason
everywhere, and felt him-
self insecure in his own
court, he was to some
extent justified. Lithu-
ania - Poland, the most
dangerous enemy of
Russia, kept up com-
munications with the
malcontents, and the
party of the fallen made
no disguise of their Polish
proclivities. Prince
Andrew Kurbskij inten-
tionally brought about a
shameful defeat in the
Livonian campaign, and
fled in 1564 to the Polish
camp. Others actually
admitted Tartars into the
Ivan's anxiety now became a
he believed himself to be sur-
of the
Spoils of War
country
disease ;
rounded by none but traitors.
He at this time received a letter from
the fugitive Kurbskij, in which the latter
summoned him before a divine tribunal to
answer for his cruelties. Ivan sent for the
bearer of the letter, drove his iron-shod
staff through his foot, leant with all his
weight on it, and then had the letter read
out. Rarely have more stinging reproaches
been hurled in the face of a sovereign.
The tsar thought well to answer the letter
at length.
Both writings belong to the most
remarkable documents of Russian history.
Ivan suddenly left Moscow on December
THE METROPOLITAN PHILIP REFUSING TO BLESS IVAN THE TERRIBLE
Both for good and evil, Ivan IV., known as "The Terrible," occupies a prominent place in Russian history. Singling:
out a series of towns and some streets in Moscow, he declared them to be his own private property. The Metro-
politan Philip was bold enough to protest, and refused his blessing to the tsar. Ivan, in hot rage, summoned an
ecclesiastical court, and from the steps of the altar, on November 8th, 1568, Philip was dragged oflF to a convent
prison, where he was strangled the following year. Ivan's reign lasted for fifty-one years— from 1533 till 1584.
3321
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
3rd, 1564, in the company of his family,
many Boyars, and an armed force, and
went to Alexandrovskaja Sloboda. He
took the most revered rehcs and the state
treasure with him. Moscow was wildly
excited. A month afterwards two missives
from him arrived — one to the metro-
politan, in which he said that he could no
longer tolerate the illegalities of
J'*'^ '. . the Boyars, especially since the
n mics an (>jgj.gy hindered him from
punishing them, and that he
had resolved to leave the empire and go
whither God led him ; a second was
addressed to the Orthodox citizens of
Moscow, in which he assured them that
he was not angry with them.
The impression produced by these two
letters was overwhelming. The people, filled
with the fear of falling again under the rule
of the nobles, marched with lamentations
and threats through the streets of the city,
ready to cut down the tsar's enemies, and
requested the metropolitan to propitiate
the tsar ; whereupon an embassy to the
tsar was organised.
' Ivan came back on February 2nd, 1565.
But a terrible change would seem to have
taken place in him. " His mere aspect
struck horror ; his features were distorted
with fiiry, his sight nearly gone, his hair
almost all fallen off. He declared before a
great meeting that he needed a body-
guaird." He then singled out a series of
towns and some streets of Moscow, and
declared that to be his private property,
which was called Opritshina, while the rest
of Russia as state property was called
Semshtshina, and was left under the
management of the council of Boyars.
This was the first separation of crown
property from national property, and was
important in its consequences.
He chose out of his own lands a body-
guard of 6,000 men with wives and children,
mostly people of low origin, the Opritshniki.
An axe, a dogshead, and a besom were
Seven Years ^^^^^ badges, signifying that
^j traitors would be beheaded,
Strange Events g"^^fd ^^ PJ^J^S, and
swept away. The whole
Semshtshina was assigned to them to
plunder, and there was no appeal to
justice against them. How they wreaked
their fury is shown by the circumstance
that even now in Russo-Polish countries a
vagabond and robber is called "opryszok."
Ivan meantime executed the traitors un-
sparingly, and then retired to Alexandrovo.
3322
There he indulged in wild excesses, m
brutal man-hunts, murdering, and burning.
Strangely enough, he combined with all this
sincere religious observances, arranging
his court as a convent, and forming out of
300 trustworthy myrmidons a monastic
brotherhood, of which he was abbot. He
performed every duty and himself rang
the bell for service. At midnight they
assembled in cowls and black gowns, and
Ivan struck his forehead so hard upon the
floor that his face was covered with bruises.
This state of things lasted until 1572,
for seven full years. Ivan was mean-
time conscious of the disgracefulness of
these proceedings, for he endeavoured to
disguise to the outside world the existence
of the Opritshniki, and conducted the
affairs of state as before. The Metropolitan
Philip finally plucked up courage to
ask him to abolish the Opritshina. Ivan,
however, summoned an ecclesiastical
court and impeached the bold petitioner.
While Philip was standing in full robes
before the altar on November 8th, 1568,
a troop of the bodyguard rushed in, tore
the vestments from him, and dragged him
off to a convent prison, where
p"^ ." - he was strangled in 1569. The
„ . . . public mourning for the
metropolitan reduced Ivan to
fury. Hundreds of persons were daily
executed, burnt, or tortured to death,
and whole communities were annihilated.
Ivan lived under the delusion that for
the sake of his own and his family's
existence he must exterminate the
traitors. In the year 1572, tormented by
fear and anxiety, the monarch, who in
his soul was intensely unhappy, made
his will : " My body is exhausted, my
spirit gloomy ; the ulcers on my soul and
my body are spreading, and no physician
is there to heal them. I waited if any
would wish to have pity on me, but none
came to me. . . . They have returned
good with evil, love with hate." These
are his words at the opening of this
document. We now have an insane person
before us. He seems to have been stung
by qualms of conscience in his lucid
intervals, as is seen from many indications.
A most remarkable and historically
unique record of the tsar is left us in the
shape of a book of masses for the souls
of the deceased drawn up by his own
hand, in which he instituted masses for
each one of his victims. After several
names stands the sinister note, " with his
THE MONARCHS OF MOSCOW
wife, his children and servants," " with
his sons," or " with his daughters." Or
we read there " twenty men from Komen-
skoje/' "eighty-seven from Matvejschevo,"
" Lord be gracious to the souls of Thy
servants, 1,505 persons from Novgorod,"
and so on. This list alone gives a total of
3,470 victims. There was no one now at
court who would have had any influence
on Ivan. His second wife, a Tcherkess,
who was only baptised just before her
marriage, may well have increased Ivan's
evil propensities by her barbarous nature.
Thus, then, the torrent, having once
left its banks, rushed on, destroying all
in its course. Since the time of the Roman
Caesars hardly any sovereign can have
proved so clearly as Ivan the Terrible
the truth of the doctrine that every
human being and all earthly power require
some restriction, if they are to remain
within the pale of humanity. But the
Russian people share the guilt with him ;
especially are the nobility and clergy
to blame, since they did not support the
efforts of the monarch in the cause of
culture, but by cringing and immorality
paved the way for his wicked
• ^Iv^^R** propensities. The last liberties
in e oya ^^ ^^^ people were destroyed.
Household J ,1 J. r Al-
and the omnipotence of the
crown established for all future time.
The foreign policy was successful in the
East ; the Cossack Jarmak laid the
crown of Siberia at Ivan's feet. But in the
contest with Poland he was worsted,
notwithstanding that, under the pretext
of wishing to receive the Roman faith,
he humbly begged the emperor and Pope
to intervene. The Poles, who were ready
to offer him the crown after the death of
Sigismund Augustus, were deterred by
his untrustworthiness and his avarice.
Fate brought grievous misfortunes on
his own house. In a quarrel he struck his
son Ivan such a blow with an iron rod
that the prince died from it on November
19th, 1581. His third son, Feodor, was
of weak intellect. Ivan's remorse hastened
his end. This remarkable prince, whose
crimes are not devoid of some great-
ness, but whose name must always
be mentioned with a shudder, died on
March 17th, 1584. Ivan IV. holds a
prominent place in Russian history both
for good and for evil.
Ivan's son Feodor mounted the throne
in 1584 ; but his gentleness and piety
would have been more suitable for a
convent. The whole power thus lay in the
hands of the privy councillors, amongst
whom existed a dangerous rivalry between
a Schujskij and a Bielskij. The reputation
of Boris Godunov at the same time was
slowly increasing, more especially since
Nikita Romanof, Feodor's uncle, who
was at first the most influential regent,
, . ,», . had died in 1586, and Godu-
Ivan s Weak , , ^ • j
S M ^^"^ contrived a marriage
♦v Tk between his sister and the
the Throne , • r ^ i. j u.
young tsar ; m fact, he aimed at
the crown himself. Although he could
neither read nor write, he skilfully con-
ducted the business of the nation, won a
great reputation for Russia in foreign
countries, and appreciated the value of
Western European culture. He proposed
to found schools and in Moscow a uni-
versity, and sent John Kramer to Germany
to obtain professors for it. He sent young
Russians abroad to study, and gladly
employed foreigners in his service ; began
giving an excellent education to his
children and supported art and industries.
In a word, Godunov was thoroughly
capable of performing his task. His name,
therefore, had a good reputation in foreign
countries, but not so in Russia. There men
regarded his innovations with disapproval.
The clergy despised the acquisition of
foreign languages as superfluous, con-
fusing and dangerous to the faith. The
great nobles muttered against the upstart.
Godunov found himself compelled to
look for support to the higher clergy
and smaller nobility. Two important
innovations owe their inception to this
circumstance — the prohibition of free-
dom of movement of the peasants, and the
founding of the patriarchate. The Russian
peasant had hitherto been allowed to
change his master ; that alone differen-
tiated him from a slave. But this liberty of
migration only benefited the owners of
extensive properties, who held out enticing
advantages to the peasant in order to be
able to cultivate their broad
Liberty of pj^ins. The peasantry, there -
Peasants ^^^^^ deserted the small pro-
Kestricted pj-jg^Qj-g ^hose lands became
def)Opulated and depreciated ; yet these
latter sustained the chief state burdens.
Thus in this case the interests of the state
coincided with those of the lesser nobility.
Godunov, by taking from the peasant the
right of movement, saved the lesser
nobility from misery and gained it for
his purposes. That must have been far
3323
HlStORV OF THE WORLD
The Protector
of Orthodox
Christianity
irom his own interest, since he was himself
the owner of extensive landed estates.
What was really for his personal advan-
tage was the founding of the patriarchate.
The Russian clergy had long complained
that its supreme head, the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople, was the servant
of an infidel monarch and
possessed no proper prestige,
Moscow regarded herself as the
third Rome, just as Byzantium had
thought herself the second. Why should
Moscow not obtain ecclesiastical inde-
pendence, now that Constantinople had
fallen so low, and Russia was reckoned
the protector of Orthodox Christianty ?
Just then Jeremias, Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, came to Moscow. Godunov seized
the opportunity to win
him over to his scheme.
The other patriarchs as-
sented, and in 1598 was
founded in Moscow the
patriarchate which con-
tinued until the end of
1700. The first patriarch
was Job, a favourite of
Godunov.
Even now Godunov
seems to have made all
preparations for gaining
the throne after the death
of Feodor. But a brother
of Feodor, Dmitri, son of
the seventh unlawful wife
of Ivan the Terrible, was
still living. Although he
had been sent in good
time to Uglitch with all
his relations, there was no
room for doubt that he
would mount the throne
after the death of Feodor
arrived (1591) that the young Dmitri was
no more. Public opinion incriminated
Godunov. It is true that he organised an
investigation and executed the inhabitants
of Uglitch ; but the rumour persisted.
Nevertheless Boris Godunov mounted
the throne of the tsar after the death of
the childless Feodor (January 7th, 1598),
since the crown was offered him by the
Patriarch Job, and he had been elected
in a sort of imperial assembly. In order
to ensure his own safety, he threw Bielskij
into prison and banished the Romanofs.
One of them, Feodor Nikititsch, was
compelled to become a monk under
the name of Philaret; his wife, Xenia
3324
MICHAEL III. THE FIRST ROMANOF
When Michael III. was called to rule in 1613
a new dynasty mounted the Russian throne.
It was a time of severe crisis, and Michael,
physically weak and of small intellectual en-
dowments, was not the necessary strong: man.
The news then
Schestov, took the veil as the nun Marfa.
Boris was at first an admirable ruler.
But soon he was overcome by fears ; he,
too, saw himself surrounded by traitors.
He completely lost his balance of mind
when the news spread that Dmitri was
still alive, and was preparing to recover
the throne. Lithuanian magnates under-
took to put a person who styled himself
the miraculously rescued Dmitri on the
Russian throne by force of arms. The
people believed that Dmitri was the true
tsarevitch. The troops wavered in
their loyalty, and, in spite of the reverse
which was inflicted on the pretender,
his adherents increased in numbers.
Godunov died in 1605, in the middle of
this movement, and the pseudo-Dmitri
became master of Russia.
The whole nation shed
tears of joy at seeing the
son of their prince once
more. His behaviour and
sympathies showed that
he was no Rurikovitch.
He doted on the West and
on the Roman Church,
he associated with Jesuits,
and wished to convert
Russia to Catholicism.
He ridiculed the native
customs and the Boyars,
and scorned the court
ceremonial. The Polish
nobles who came to Mos-
cow with their retinue
indulged
behaviour
Russians.
in shameless
towards the
A month
hardly had elapsed before
Dmitri fell victim to a
conspiracy (May 17th,
1606). His corpse was burnt, and a
cannon loaded with the ashes, which were
then scattered to the four winds.
The succeeding period was full of dis-
turbances. In a new assembly, summoned
by the patriarch, Vasilij Schujskij, who
had conducted the inquiry in Uglitch, had
y .... struck the pretender, and had
c!*t' '^, •• .1. the courage to tell him he was
Schujskij the ° 1 X J i
j^ -, an impostor, was elected tsar.
Since a new patriarch had
been installed by the pseudo-Dmitri, a
change now took place in this office. The
assembly imposed on the new tsar the
condition that he was not to punish any
offender by death without a trial, nor
confiscate the property of criminals,
THE MONARCHS OF MOSCOW
and that false accusers should be liable
to penalties. These formed a charter or
constitution, such as the Slachta had
extorted from the Polish king. Schujskij
solemnly swore to it. But Russia saw in
it a weakening of the royal dignity. The
dominion of the nobility was feared more
than the tyranny of the tsar.
Schujskij could not hold his own. Not
merely were the nobility opposed to
him from jealousy and envy, but new
pretenders cropped up who professed to be
Dmitri, or Peter, Feodor's son. A more
dangerous symptom was that the King of
Poland came forward as a serious candidate
for the Russian crown. In 1587 the
Swedish house of Vasa attained the Polish
throne in the person of Sigismund III.
It was wished to })rocure
the Russian crown for
his son, Vladislav ; Sigis-
mund would certainly
have liked to obtain
it for himself. The
Polish troops, which were
already in the vicinity
of Moscow, did not
wish to leave Russia,
since the new tsar had
already been elected.
Schujskij could not
restore order, and was
" humbly " begged by
the assembly to vacate
the throne, since he was
unfortunate in his govern-
ment and could not en-
force any obedience to
his rule. He abdicated
and became a monk. The
council of Boyars now
elected Vladislav to be
tsar, on the condition that he would accept
the Orthodox faith. The Polish troops
were already allowed to enter Moscow and
commanded the city.
Then the Russian people rose throughout
the empire, the monasteries also, with
the Troizko-Sergievsch at their head.
Nobles, merchants, and
peasants banded together to
save Russia from the foreign
yoke. In Nijni Novgorod
many, following the example of a meat-
seller, Kusma Minin, sacrificed a third part
of their property. The noble prince Poshar-
skij took the lead, and the Poles were soon
driven out of Moscow. In the year 1613
the new assembly was convened. The
A New
Dynasty for
Russia
PHILARET : FATHER OF MICHAEL III-
The Metropolitan Philaret, who g:ave the
first Romanof to the throne of Russia, really
ruled in place of his son, but as he had no
governing talents, he accomplished very little.
Russia in Fear
of the
Foreign Yoke
votes now fell on a step-grandson of Anas-
tasia, wife of Ivan the Terrible, Michael
III. Romanof, the fifteen-year-old son
of the Metropolitan Philaret, who had
gone as ambassador to the Polish king
and had been kept prisoner by him in
Marienburg. Even in 1610
Michael found himself among
the candidates for the throne,
and had barely escaped Polish
plots. With him a new dynasty mounted
the Russian throne.
The state was impoverished and public
affairs were in a bad condition. Many
towns declared outright that they could
pay no taxes. Michael, who had received
a monastic education, and was physically
weak and of small intellectual endowments,
was not the right man
for Russia at this severe
crisis. Even his father,
Philaret, who really
governed in place of his
son, possessed no talent
as a ruler, while able
monarchs were seated on
the thrones of Sweden
and Poland in the per-
sons of Vladislav and
Gustavus II. Adolphus.
Russia thus was forced
to endure still longer to
be cut off from the Baltic
Sea by Poland and
Sweden. In the treaties
which she made with
Sweden at Stolbovo in
1617, with Poland at
Deulino in 1618, and
then at Poljanovka in
1634, Russia was forced
to relinquish all claim on
Livonia, Smolensk, and a series of towns.
" Russia now cannot launch a single boat
on the Baltic without our consent," said
Gustavus Adolphus in the Swedish diet,
" and it will be hard for the Russians to
leap over this stream." Even against
other enemies Russia felt her weakness.
When the Cossacks had conquered Turkish
Azov, the tsar ordered them to evacuate
the fortress. The highest merits of
Michael and his father were that they
governed without harshness and endea-
voured to raise the economic position of
Russia. After centuries of oppression
from Tartars and tsars the people once
more enjoyed more humane treatment.
Both rulers held frequent sessions of the
3325
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Fortune
Smiles on
Russia
Privy Council, which had long been in
abeyance.
It was only under Michael's son Alexis
(1645-1676) and under the children of
Alexis, Feodor (1676-1682), Ivan (1682-
1689), Sophia, and Peter the Great, that
fortune once more smiled on Russia, first
in consequence of the weakness of Poland
under John Casimir, and then
from her own increased strength.
The Ukraine then submitted to
the tsar ; in 1667 Poland in
the treaty at Andrussov was obliged to
cede the Ukraine, on the left bank of the
Dnieper, with Kiev ; this was finally
ratified in 1686 in the peace of Grzymul-
tovskij by Sobieski, when Sophia reigned
in the name of her infant brother. Russia
also in 1667 recovered Smolensk and other
territories, which had been the cause of
wars for centuries. Peter the Great first
began the war with Sweden on account of
Livonia. It was still more important for
Russia that with the Romanofs Tartar
Russia ceased, and its Europeanising began.
The Tartar supremacy was the greatest
calamit^' that befell the Russian state in
its entire historical development, not
merely because it lost political indepen-
dence for nearly 300 years, and was treated
with barbarity and became impoverished,
but, in a still higher degree, because the
people were nearly 500 years behind
Western Europe in the progress of civilisa-
tion. A despotic government, which
treated its subjects like Asiatics, a taxation
which emptied the pockets of the people,
a brutalisation of habits, a growth of
servility among the population, and, as a
consequence, a disparagement and even
a contempt for culture, an Asiatic arro-
gance, and a tendency to aloofness from
the West European world — all this was
the fruit of the long Tartar thraldom.
And can any one assert that even now
Russia has entirely outgrown these charac-
teristics ? It was only towards the end
—^ . of the fifteenth century that
J 1. ?" ' more frequent tidings of Russia
Th Id reached Western Europe. On
the other hand, Russia had a
keen interest in the West. The Florentine
Union might be regarded as the first step
towards closer intercourse between East
and West. But the reign of Ivan III. in
this, as in many other connections, marks
a real epoch. Ivan III. made himself
famous by his marriage with the house of
the Palaeologi, and also by the fact that
3326
he finally shook ofi the Tartar yoke. The
Hapsburgs were the first to wish to enter
into relations with Russia. Nicholas Popel
von Lobkovitz (i486) and George von
Thurn appeared there as the envoys of
Frederic III. and Maximilian. The Arch-
duke Sigismund of the Tyrol, who died in
1496, sent Michael Snups with the order to
learn Russian, and inquire into all the
chief points of interest in the country.
Ivan himself instituted embassies to
Hungary, Germany and Italy. He asked
King Matthias Corvinus to send him skilful
miners (1482). He made the same request
to the Emperor Frederic III., asking at
the same time for an artillerist, a builder,
and a silversmith. He summoned pain-
ters and architects, goldsmiths and bell
founders from Italy ; among the engineers
the most famous was Aristotele Fioraventi,
a Bolognese, who cast cannon and created
the first artillery in Russia. An Italian,
Giambattista della Volpe, was director of
the Mint in Moscow after the year 1469.
The Greek diplomatist, Trachaniotes, in
the year 1489, conducted negotiations for
the marriage of a daughter of Ivan III.
with Maximilian. In 1520
ew ou e Paolo Centurione, a Genoese
"^^"d' ^^°^^ merchant, came to Moscow
with a papal letter of intro-
duction. He was ostensibly com-
missioned to find a new route from
Europe to India, but undoubtedly received
other secret instructions. Important re-
sults followed the diplomatic labours
of the Austrian ambassador, Siegmund
Herberstein, who visited Russia on two
occasions (1516-1518 and 1526-1527) and
wrote a much read book, " Rerum mosco-
viticarum commentarii," about the results
of his investigations. A Carinthian by
birth, he knew Slavonic, and could there-
fore with great "facility learn the Russian
language and collect news. Neverthe-
less, he relates many fabulous stories of
wonderful human beings and beasts in
Russia.
The Venetians and English being excited
by the discovery of America, like the
Genoese by their merchant Centurione,
wished to find a new route through Russia
to India. In England, Willoughby and
Chancellor, in the reign of King Edward
VI. (1553) fitted out an expedition to find
the north-east passage to India; Will-
oughby was lost ; Chancellor was driven by
a storm to the mouth of the Dwina. Ivan
the Terrible received him very graciously
^7zr
TSAR AND TSARITSA IN NATIONAL COSTUMES
OF THE MIDDLE AGES
*v*«
an-
j-ma :
i-
TTTT - -
— rm — ^
*r
■ i
. <
\i
B'^^B^^ v^l
^^^^■(^H
1
V J
■
V>^H
H
TPTT
m;
TXIl
H
RUSSIAN PRINCES IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY DRESSES OF THE GRAND DUKES
THE RICH COSTUMES OF RUSSIA'S ROYALTY
3327
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
England's
Trade with
Russia
and gave the English merchants special
privileges. After that time a brisk trade
developed between England and Russia ;
in fact, an English trading company for
Russia was founded, with headquarters at
Moscow, and several branches which be-
came a formidable rival of the
Hansa. Ivan, a friend of the
British, was nick-named by
the anti-progressive Russians
" the English Tsar," and even contem-
plated the idea of marrying Queen Elizabeth
of England. The English merchants soon
aimed at monopolising the trade and
industries of Russia ; they started factories
and prepared accurate maps of separate
districts. Their trading-agent, Giles
Fletcher, wrote in 1591 a detailed account
of Russian trade. This first discovery of
Russia, as the people of England called
Chancellor's journey, brought arich harvest
to the English, and produced a large output
of rather valuable literature on Russia.
The Dutch, here, as in many other parts
of the world, followed in the footsteps of
the English. They, too, equipped several
expeditions in order to
find the northern passage
+0 China and India, and
their trade soon out-
stripped the English.
Isaac Massa, their agent,
who made several jour-
neys in Russia and Asia,
collected important infor-
mation, studied carto-
graphy, and was the first
to bring home trust-
worthy accounts of
Siberia. Hessel Gerritsz,
a Dutchman, published
in 1641 a map of Russia
(the first, by Anton Wied,
dates from the year
1542). Even the French
and Germans took steps
to open commercial rela-
tions with Russia.
But the Russian nation, p***""" °^ foreigners,
instead of seizing the opportunity and
learning as much as possible from the
foreigners, offered energetic resistance to
foreign influence ; only some few persons
tried to bring Russia into closer relations
with Western Europe. A feud broke out
between the conservatives and the party
of progress, between darkness and en-
lightenment, which characterised the inner
life of Russia after its emancipation from
3328
Resistance
to Western
Culture
THE TSAR FEODOR III.
ovemed
exis, an
accomplished and cultured ruler and the
Feodor died in 1682.
A monarch of kindly disposition, he g:(
on the same lines as his father, aT<
the Mongol dominion. It continued with
undiminished force and persistently de-
manded immense sacrifices of blood,
wealth, and the most valuable possessions
of mankind. The future of Russia
depended on the decision she took to
oppose or to encourage progress.
In Russia, as a despotic state, the
decision ought, in the first instance, to
come from the rulers themselves. But
the education which always fettered the
Russian tsars to the palace and its
environs, and tied them with innumerable
formalities, was ill adapted to make clear-
sighted, level-headed men of them. The
Orthodox Church in her ignorance sup-
ported the policy of resistance
to Western culture. Such harm-
less innovations as shaving the
beard, bathing on certain days,
killing vermin, or wearing European
clothes, were, in the eyes of the uneducated
clergy, who could hardly read or write,
regarded as treachery to their nationality
and the Church.
It is, therefore, no mere accident that
Boris Godunov, having
been brought up far from
the court, was the first
tsar who could be called
an Occidental friend of
civilisation. Not only
did he invite foreigners
to his country, but he sent
young men to study in
Liibeck. France, and Eng-
land, founded schools, and
wished even to endow a
university at Moscow,
and for this purpose
obtained professors from
Germany. He had his
children taught by stran-
gers, and ordered a map
of Russia to be prepared
for his son, which was
afterwards used by the
Dutchman, Hessel Ger-
ritsz, for his publication.
He was, therefore, compared by foreign
nations to Ptolemy or Numa Pompilius.
But he roused antagonism in Russia, and
representations were made to him through
the patriarch. Even Dmitri the Pretender
was a friend of culture, and for this reason
could not hold his own. Schujskij, a
thorough-paced Muscovite, repealed the
innovations of Godunov and Dmitri.
The first Romanofs were friends of
THE MONARCHS OF MOSCOW
European culture. Michael summoned
scholars to Russia ; Arsenius, a Greek,
set up a Greek and Latin school in Moscow.
A still greater patron of foreigners was
Alexis (1645-1676). He was devoted to
hawking, although it was forbidden by
the Church;
he brought
foreigners in
numbers to Rus-
sia, protected
them from the
hatred of the
people, and as-
signed them a
particular quar-
ter in Moscow,
which was called
the Germ an
suburb or Slo-
boda. Previous
tsars had not
even known how
to write; we have
many letters
written byAlexis,
a treatise on
hawking, and
memoirs of the
Polish war. It
was he who
fetched the
Little Russian
scholars Slavi-
necky and Po-
locky to Moscow
and established
the first postal
c o mmunications
with the West.
He also first
THE PATRIARCH NIKON, THE REFORMER
The reforming zeal of the age revealed itself in the bosom of the
Church itself, where the Patriarch Nikon attempted to introduce
ecclesiastical changes. Among other things, he ordered a revision
of the service books, but the success of his efforts was very slight
Reproduced irom an old engraving;.
established a court theatre. His son
Feodor, a monarch of kindly disposition,
governed on the same lines. Now
at last private individuals and ministers
were found who were zealous advo-
cates of West European culture. The
enlightened chancellor Alexis, Ordin-
Nashtshokin, and the Boyar Matvejev
were Westerners ; they lived in civilisation,
and were students of learning without
paying any attention to the prejudices of
their countrjonen. Vasilij Golizyn, who was
minister (1680-1689) and favourite of the
regent Sophia, was especially praised and
admired by the foreigners. Neuville, the
Franco-Polish diplomatist, wrote of him
that he was one of the most intellectual,
magnificent, and courteous princes of his
time. Even in the bosom of the Church
there appeared, under Alexis, a man who
ventured to meditate ecclesiastical reforms;
this was the Patriarch Nikon. Among
other things, he ordered a revision of the
service books, into which many errors had
been introduced
by copyists. But
the success of his
efforts was tri-
fling. The emen-
dations of Nikon
far from a re-
form, produced a
schism in the
Russian Church.
The priests re-
fused to accept
the revised
books, and re-
garded them as
heretical. This
schism still
estranges from
the Russian
Church millions
of subjects, who
embody Old Rus-
sia. From the
bosom of the
Raskolnikscame,
for example,
Pugatchef. After
postal comrauni-
cations with
Western Europe
had been insti-
tuted, a Russian
wrote : "The
foreigners have
knocked a hole
between our country and theirs ; the post,
which possibly is financially advantageous
to the tsar, only harms the country. The
foreigners know at once whatever takes
place in our land."
And yet what would Russia have been
without the foreigners ? Everything had
to be brought in from abroad ; architects,
engineers, painters, artists, officers, cannon-
founders, bell-founders, miners, silver-
smiths, goldsmiths, doctors, chemists,
actors, teachers, and so on. It was only
under the direction of the English,
Germans, and Dutch that industries,
such as mines, glass manufactories,
powder-mills, etc., were started. For
all military successes the Russians are
thus indebted to the outside world.
3329
The one aim of Peter the Great was to advance the interests of his country, and he devoted himself
customs '^f"n?h^r^n.'t^,^"n^-'''".TT '°' *'"^^=»^''- . «« -^^ ^ close student of thrmanners and
customs of other nations. Dunn? the tsars residence m London he was taken by Lord Dartmouth
to the roof of the House of Lords, where he watched the Second Clm.nber traLactinr its b„sT„ess
3330
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
RUSSIA
IV
I
THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF PETER THE GREAT
I
T was the greatest good fortune for Russia
that in the long struggle between light
and darkness, affecting aii the aspects of
Russian life, it possessed such a ruler
as Peter the Great, the son of Alex s by
his second wife — a lady of the house of
Naryszkin. Peter, a man of rare gifts,
with a marvellous memory and an indomit-
able will, placed himself most emphatically
on the side of the party of culture ; he
overthrew with a strong but rough hand
the enemies of European civilisation and
refinement, brought Russia suddenly nearer
to Europe, and procured her an honourable
place among the great European powers.
Like Godonov, he had not been brought
up in the stifling atmosphere of the tsar's
court, but in the country, since his sister
Sophia wished to keep him far from the
throne. A rough child of Nature, with
keen mother wit, he rode rough-shod over
all meaningless tradition, and while thus
arousing the horror of his countrymen, he
excited the admiration of the outside
world. He was the first Isar who left his
palace, laid his own hand to every sort of
work, travelled widely, and performed
the hitherto unprecedented feat of a
journey to the West.
Peter became absolute tsar in 1689,
after his half-sister Sophia the regent, who
had even plotted against his life, had been
placed in the convent of the Muscovite
Sisters. His brother and co-tsar Ivan V.
took no share in the government, but was
P t ' G merely named with Peter in all
. * . ^ state documents down to his
. D s • death on January 29th, 1696.
By the year 1725 Peter with
restless energy had accomplished a vast
number of works, for the completion of
which the Russians, with their natural
lethargy, would have otherwise required
centuries. One goal shone before him
and led his steps ; he wished to make Russia
great and strong by culture. And since
he was not for one moment in doubt that
2X2
much must first be learned from Europe, he
twice journeyed westward to study, and
was always eager to bring his country
nearer to the Western nations and to pave
the way for a systematised commerce with
them. Just as his plans were diametric-
ally opposed to the views of the Russian
conservatives, so his life was an uninter-
TheDark '^Pted and bitter struggle
Forces f against Old Russia, against all
Old Russia ^ d^T^^ forces which openly
and in secret tried to preserve
the old order — in a word, against the past.
This explains his enthusiasm for the sea
and the navy, which might become the
connecting links with Western Eurof)e.
Russia was an inland empire, on every
side somewhat remote from the sea, and
her neighbours jealously watched that she
should not set sail on it. This unfavour-
able geographical position has coloured the
whole history of Russia. Condemned by
Nature to seclusion, she became in the
course of time accustomed to this, and soon
regarded it as a natural characteristic.
The Uttle country of Greece was formerly
indebted to its position on the Mediterra-
nean, the high-road of the world, for its
high civilisation, as also was ancient Italy.
For this reason Ivan IV. had already
endeavoured to conquer Livonia and win
a place on the Baltic. Peter grasped this
idea still more clearly and applied himself
to the naval question with all the fire of
his soul. When he saw the sea for the
first time at Archangel, he was as it were
inspired. English and Dutch ships came
thither by the long and seldom ice-free
route past the North Cape. That was, for
the time being, the only way to Western
Europe, and there was the first oppor-
tunity of seeing foreign shipping ; Peter
was seized by a longing for the sea, like a
man who, after long years in a foreign
country, is smitten with home-sickness.
He learnt shipbuilding, studied naval
subjects, associated with mariners, and
3331
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
on a
Tour of Study
formed the plan of journeying to Western
Europe in order to gain a complete know-
ledge of the subject. But he first con-
quered the Turkish Azov, in 1696, and
determined to build a fleet on the corner
of the Sea of Azov.
He had been primarily indebted to the
technical skill of foreign officers for the
p t th G capture of the fortress, and
e er e rea ^j^-^ could only confirm him
in his intention of going to
the West. His victory over
the Turks produced an impression in
Western Europe and many sovereigns con-
gratulated him. In the year 1697 he
started on his first European journey, ac-
companied by 270 followers. This was an
epoch-making event for Russia and for the
civilised world, since Russia thus broke with
her past and went to sit at the feet of the
West, onlj' to
assume later one
of the first places
in the circle of
the European
powers. It was
not so much the
magnific nee of
the Western
courts that im-
pressed the royal
barbarian as the
culture ; before
that he bowed
humbly.
Disguised as a
simple member
of his suite under
THE
the nobles, who avoided all manual
labour, that he worked there with an axe
as a carpenter in order to learn thoroughly
the art of shipbuilding.
Peter, on his return home from abroad,
tried to utilise what he had learned in
as many ways and places as he could.
The knowledge that Russia emphatically
required access to the sea for her developr
ment soon led him into war with Sweden,
which, by the possession of Livonia,
Esthonia, Ingria, and Finland, could call
the Baltic its own. This, the second or
true "Northern War" with Charles XII.
of Sweden ranks among the most important
in European history. Peter's badly armed
and ill-trained army confronted the best
troops in Europe. But every defeat
which he sustained only served him as
a lesson. The losses of his enemies grew
larger and larger,
until on July 8th,
1709, he crushed
them at Poltava.
At a banquet
afterwards he
drank the health
of the captured
Swedish officers
for the lessons
they had taught
him.
From that day
forward he made
continuous pro-
gress on the
»w^ WIVES OF PETER THE GREAT „ . .
This great monarch was twice married. It was a deep sorrow to him -DaillC, UntU at
that his first wife, Eudoxia Lopuchin, whom, in 1698, he sent to a con- the peace of
the plebeian vent, did not share his reforming: zeal but schemed against him ; his Nvstad (ScDtcm-
»,^»v,« nf Ppfpr s^*^**"*^ wife, Catharine, succeeded him on the throne and died in 1727. i 'T y^fU t'7'9t\
name
Michailof, he went into foreign countries,
not to enjoy himself, but to learn. He
did not yet consider himself worthy to
appear in all his state. He had for some
time served in his own army as a private,
then as a bombardier, later as a captain,
and so through the grades, and had sub-
mitted to the orders of foreigners. It was
only after great victories that he ventured
to assume higher commands. He went via
Riga to Holland first, and then visited
England and Holland again ; not France
this time, because Louis XIV., as Saint-
Simon tells us, dissuaded him in a courteous
manner. He wished to see everything
everywhere. Holland, with its highly
developed navy, especially attracted him.
It was an important point for the educa-
tion of the Russian people, particularly
3332
he obtained Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, and
parts of Finland and Carelia. Sweden thus
sank to the position of a second-class or
third class power. The maritime problem
was solved for Russia ; a new era dawned.
Peter and Russia were seized with a wild
joy. Peter publicly danced upon the
table and drank to the health
of the cheering mob. Ho had
resolved even before the close
of the war to remove the
centre of the empire to the Baltic. He,
therefore, built after 1703 on the Neva,
in the territory conquered from Sweden,
a fortress and a new capital which was
to bear his name, in order that Russia
should not again be driven back from the
sea, and that she should not forget the
man who had led her to the sea. He
Russia as
a Maritime
Power
PETER THE GREAT, THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA
remembered, as he did so, the ancient times
when that coast had been Russian, and
the men who had won the first victory
over the Swedes. He, therefore, founded
the Alexander-Nevskij Order. St. Peters-
burg, wh.re he felt himself " in a sort of
paradise," he modestly called his little
window looking on Europe.
This same longing for the sea impelled
him to win the shore of the Black Sea.
The declaration of hostilities by the
sultan, whom Sweden, the Tartars, Stan-
islaus Lesczynski, and the French had
instigated to make war on Russia, was
therefore most
welcome to him.
Peter already
dreamt of march-
ing to "Zari-
grad," that is,
Constantinople,
as once the heroes
of old Russia had
done, in order to
free the Chris-
tians of the East
— S e r b s, M o n -
tenegrins, B u 1-
-garians, Greeks,
and Wallachians
— from the Tur-
kish yoke. He
calculated upon
a universal rising
of the Christians,
but his under-
taking failed
simply because
no such rising
took place. Sur-
rounded at Husch
for new high-roads and waterways through-
out his empTe, and contempla ed con-
necting the Twerza with the Msta, the
Dwina and the Don with the Volga, the
Caspian Sea with the Black Sea, and both
by means of the Volga with the Baltic.
He constructed the great Ladoga Canal,
which connected the Wolchov with the
Neva. Holland was his model in these
operations, as Sweden was for road-
making. The postal system was satis-
factorily enlarged under Peter, although
German officials were still employed and the
postal accounts were for a long time kept
^"■^"■^"■■"^^^■^^ in German. Peter
also tried to im-
prove the fairs, of
which there were
some 1,630.
He concluded
commercial trea-
ties with several
European states,
ordered his Bo-
yars to send their
children abroad,
and undertook
himself, in the
year 1716, his
second journey
to the West,
where he devoted
his special atten-
tion this time to
art and scie: ce,
a proof of the
progress he him-
self had made in
culture. He now
visited France
and tc ok pains
on the Pruth by peter the great : chief of all the romanofs to conclude a
•7 on nnn TnrL-c Becoming: absolute Tsar in 1(589, Peter the Great rode rough-shod n nm m o r r- i '^ 1
^uu,UUO XUlKb oygr aU meaningless tradition, and soon procured for Russia an COmmerCiaJ
and Tartars, he honourable place among the great European powers. He died in 172.5. treaty and
was compelled to surrender Azov on July
23rd, 1711, and destroy his fleet. He took
this humiliation deeply to heart. It was
reserved for his successors to conquer the
northern shore of the Black Sea.
He fought with better fortune against
the Persians for the possession of the
Caspian Sea, across which the commerce
between Europe and Asia was intended
to pass. The Russians captured in 1723
Daghestan, Gilan, Mazandaran, with Resht,
Asterabad, and Baku. The way was
paved for their dominion on the Caspian
Sea. With a thorough appreciation of the
value of free intercourse, Peter provided
closer alliance with Louis XV., and would
have been glad to marry his daughter
Elizabeth to the heir to the throne. But
France only consented to a commercial
treaty. Louis XV. married on September
5th, 1725, Maria, daughter of that Stanis-
laus Lesczynski whom Peter in 1707 had
helped to drive from the Polish throne.
Peter also brought foreigners into the
country that they might erect workshops
there and carry on business. The French
started tapestry works and stocking
factories on the model of the Gobelins
manufactory at Paris, and were famous
for their skill in weaving Russian wool,
3333
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Russia's
Debt to
as the English were for the preparation
of Russian leather. The tsar allowed
foreigners to look everywhere for metals.
He himself founded factories and com-
manded the Russian artisans to take
instruction from foreigners ; thus he sent
a number of shoemakers from
every town to Moscow to be
_ . taught by the English who were
oreigners ^^j-j^jj^g there. He improved
+he conditions of mining, agriculture and
jck-rearing. No aspect of economic
welopment escaped his notice. The
sperity of the empire increased and
economic revival spread. The national
■ nue increased in fifteen years (1710-
3^ from three to ten million roubles.
■ le iifluence and prestige of Russia were
of the line, 800 vessels, and 28,000 sailors,
which soon showed its value in war.
There were in his army many foreign
officers or Russians educated abroad, so
that in the end he was able to defeat all
his enemies. In this task he was especially
supported by his general Patrick Gordon,
a Scotsman, his admiral Francois Lefort,
a Genevan — both died in 1699 — and
James Bruce, a Scotsman, who managed
the artillery department. The Russians
themselves soon made merry over the old
army ; Theophan Pososhkof, the peasant
scholar and partisan of Peter, compared
it to a herd of cattle. The army which
Peter created beat the first commanders
in Europe.
He devoted not less careful attention
THE PALACE OF ORANIENBAUM, NEAR PETERHOF. BUILT BY PETER THE GREAT IN 17U
immensely widened by the growth of
national wealth and intercourse with
other countries. The first place among
all Russian monarchs is on these grounds
most emphatically to be assigned to Peter
the Great.
The chief corps in Russia had been,
since Ivan the Terrible, the Strelitz. As
they had several times revolted against
Peter, he dissolved them in 1698, after
inflicting a sanguinary punishment for
their disloyalty. He now formed new
regiments of foot soldiers and dragoons
as a standing army, which was raised to
210,000 men and regularly levied. The
Cossacks and the wild Eastern tribes
supplied an unlimited number of fighting
men. Peter created a large force of artillery
and a fleet, numbering forty-eight ships
3334 >
to founding educational institutions, so
that Russia might no longer be dependent
for her culture on the outside world. He
thus set up technical schools, such as a
school for accountants, a school for
working builders, a naval academy, a
school of cartography, and introduced
foreign teachers, with whom he had
personally much intercourse. His acquaint-
. ance with Leibnitz, whom he
I ^ 11 ^*t ° 1 ^oiTii^ated privy councillor
* "* with a salary of 1,000 thalers,
Progress j. j. a 1 av,
was important. At the sugges-
tion of Leibnitz he founded the Academy of
Sciences, which was intended to have its
seat in St. Petersburg (it only came into
existence after his death, 1725). Peter
also equipped scientific expeditions, as
for example to Kamchatka, in order to
AN EARLY APPEARANCE OF THE JEWS IN RUSSIA
Peter the Great was the friend of foreigners, and he is here depicted g^ranting: pennission
to settle in Russia to a deputation of Jews in Moscow. But although this conrp«.:ir.., ,.-
made by Peter, it was not until 1839 that a Jew could be a citizen of the first cl,
J
3335
RUSSIA IN WINTER : ST. PETERSBURG UNDER SNOW
solve the problem whether Asia is con-
nected with America.
It was not less important for Russia
that he brought to his court scholars
from Little Russia such as Theophan
Prokopovitch and Stefan Javorsky,
who nad already advised the founding
of an academy and now found a use-
ful outlet for their energies in the
ecclesiastical domain. But the most
important point was that Peter decided
no one should be admitted to the service
of the state who had not acquired the
rudiments of school education and some
technical knowledge. Nobles who were
unable to read and write were to lose their
nobility. Every official was bound to put
his children in a national school from
their tenth to their fifteenth year ; un-
educated children of the official class
were not allowed to marry unless they had
learned a trade. The tsar ordered a number
of technical books to be translated into
Russian, on which task he himself gave
advice to the authors. They were to aim
in their translations at re-
producing not so much the
words as the sense, and
were to guard against
useless digressions. Peter also reformed
the obsolete and unpractical alphabet
by devising new forms of letters. Since
the art of printing in Russia had made no
progress since the sixteenth century, he
summoned Dutch printers and set up two
printing-presses in Moscow, four in St.
Petersburg, one each in Tchernigov,
3336
The Founder
of Russian
Newspapers
Tsar Encourages
Printing
aind Science
Novgorod, and other towns. He also was a
patron of science. The author Polykarpov
received 200 roubles from Peter for the
" History of Russia from the Sixteenth
Century onwards, ' ' which he printed. Peter
did much also for geography. He ordered
curious bones, peculiar stones, and even
inscriptions to be collected, and human
and animal abortions to be
exhibited, while he noticed in
the ukase that ignorant people
made mysteries of such things
and" ascribed them usually to diabolic
agency. He had the monastic libraries
examined and copies made of their archives.
He built hospitals, and sent young persons
to study medicine abroad. From January
ist, 1700, he introduced into Russia the
Christian chronology — of course according
to the Julian calendar, which had become
antiquated in the interval but was still
tenaciously upheld by most non-Catholics
— while hitherto the creation of the
world had been taken as the starting-
point. He even recognised the value of
the public Press, and brought into exist-
ence in 1714 the " Petersburg Journal."
By such many-sided and far-sighted
efforts to advance the civilisation of his
country, he more than justified the
doctorate which he received from Oxford,
and the further honour of being nominated
a member of the Academy of Sciences at
Paris.
The ancient provincial administration
would obviously be affected by this great
reorganisation, and all the more so as
PETER THE GREAT, THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA
the worst abuses prevailed in this domain.
Since the officials, as was then the custom
almost everywhere, received no salary,
but only grants of land, or had to maintain
themselves at the expense of the popula-
tion, they became regular tormentors of
the people, whom they could plunder
without breaking the law. Such emolu-
ments were called in Russia Kormlenje ;
that is, nourishment or forage. " Wait for
your post and grow fat " was the formula
for appointment in the days o( the old
tsars. Peter abolished the Kgaimlenje,
in doing which he acted with his usual
harshness, if not brutality, and appointed
a fixed salary for every office. ;;
In the machinery of administration
complete confusion prevailed, since the
departments of the individual magistrates
were not clearly separated. Peter
divided the empire in 1708 into eight.
in 1719 into ten, and later into eleven,
governorships, and these finally into
forty-three provinces. Each governor
had at his side a provincial council
elected from the nobles. As central
authorities he created in 1718 ten govern,
mental colleges or ministries, on the
Danish and Swedish model, for foreign
affairs, war, the navy, the treasury,
law, the revenue, noble estates, industries,
mining and trade. In each college one
foreigner was given a position. In 171 1
Peter instituted a senate, in the place of
the Council of the Boyars, as the supreme
court of justice and a supervisory author-
ity ; he nominated a Procurator-General
as its president, who was to watch over the
observance of the laws. He gave the
towns self-government and independent
jurisdiction, and established at St.
Petersburg, to control them all. a chief
PETER THp GREAT ON HORSEBACK
■While Peter the'Great sought to advance Russia by culture and the arts of peace, he was not \'"'"'."^f"' o*". '*»
position as an empire that depended upon its strength of arms, and he aimed at making it powerful against its enemies.
3337
333S
THE CROSS OF DESTINY NEAR POLTAVA
Near the city of Poltava, at the Junction of the Poltava and the Vorskla rivers, stands the massive cross shown in the
illustration. It marks the resting-place of many hundreds of Swedish soldiers, who, under Charles XII. were defeated
by the Russians, led by Peter the Great, on July 8th, 1709. The battle at once marks the fall of Sweden s power and
the beginning of the rise of modern Russia, for as the one nation retrograded the other made rapid strides forward.
magistrate who was responsible to the
senate only, and had to attend to trade
and commerce.
The tsar created a body of police and
introduced a sort of state inquisition
in order to break down the opposition
-to his reforms. He improved the judicial
system parth' after the Swedish model,
more especiallj' the criminal code, and
reformed the system of taxation by sub-
stituting a poll-tax for the hearth-tax.
He took the severest measures to ensure
the public peace, by no means an easy
task when brigandage was so widely
prevalent. He prosecuted the coiners,
built workhouses, infirmaries, and lunatic
asylums ; he called on all his subjects to
inform against thieves, and punished
the guilty often x\ith his own hand. In
order to raise the tone of honour among
the whole body of officials, who were both
ignorant and corrupt, he ordered that every-
one who entered the public service should
become noble. By this expedient, and
by the institution of orders, he abolished
the privileges of the hereditary nobility.
GENERAL VIEW OF POLTAVA SHOWING THE FAMOUS BATTLEFIELD
3339
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Service and work would for the future
ennoble a man. He introduced into the
public service fourteen grades, of which
the highest were to be attained by merit
only, without respect of birth.
He interfered even with family and
social life. He would not tolerate face-
veils, or litters concealed by curtains.
Women were not to live in Asiatic seclu-
sion, but to move about freely in the
European fashion. He repealed the old
Russian law by which all members of a
fam.ily had equal rights of inheritance, and
introduced the German law of primo-
geniture, in order that the younger sons
should be compelled to look for a livelihood
at court in any other costume ; • and a tax
of from thirty to one hundred roubles
was laid upon beards. In short, there
was hardly a form of life that Peter would
not have gladly reformed, all to raise his
people as quickly as possible from the
condition of barbarism. But although
he esteemed strangers, followed their
advice, and wished to Europeanise Russia,
he did not do so slavishly, but only adopted
useful novelties ; he preserved the dignity
of the Russian nation and allowed no
encroachments by foreigners. Thus he
punished severely anyone who propagated
Lutheran doctrines ; and as far as possible
he placed Russians in the leading positions.
He did all this with as much
haste as if he wanted to leave
nothing for his successors to do,
or as if he were afraid that his
reforms would be reversed and his
Russians brought back to the old
barbarism. Nor was this anticipa-
tion altogether groundless ; for,
in spite of his iron rule and un-
paralleled energy, he had his ene-
mies ; he had not by any means
conquered the darkness. The party
A CANAL DREDGER AT WORK
in trade or in the civil service.
But this enactment was repealed
under the Empress Anna, since it
did not suit Russian conditions.
Peter further decreed that serfs
should only be sold by families and
not separately like heads of cattle.
He introduced the social forms and
customs of the West, arranging, for
example, balls and receptions upon
the French model. Indeed, he gave
orders that Western dress should
be worn, in order, as an English diplomat
expressed it, that his people might be trans-
formed both outwardly and inwardly ; and
to make them entirely European, or, as he
himself declared to the Danish Ambassador,
Juel, in order to make men out of beasts.
When, having returned from his first
European journey, he was respectfully
welcomed by the Boyars, he received
them graciously, embraced and kissed
them, but at the same time remonstrated
with them about their dress, cut off with
his own hands the beards of Field-Marshal
Alexei Schein and others, as well as their
long skirts and sleeves, and required
that men and women alike should dress
like Europeans. No one might appear
3340
LADOGA CANAL, BUILT BY PETER THE GREAT
of Old Russia still lived ; they crept away
like reptiles when a sunbeam strikes into
their lurking place. " Unhappily he stands
alone with his dozen workers while mil-
lions block the way," wrote the en-
lightened Pososkof, peasant and merchant
at once, in his book on " Poverty and
Wealth."
The people, the body of officials,
the clergy, the Boyars, and in fact his
own relations were dissatisfied with
the reforms. When Peter came back
in i6g8 from his travels, a story was
current that it was not the tsar, but a
stranger, while the real tsar had been
rolled into the sea in a barrel by the
Germans. The priests announced the
THE ANITCHKOFF PALACE
HERMITAGE ADJOINING WINTER PALACE
I ' • ' ! f s i" i g «
1% >'^ r I I I I
1 1 »■
S*M J^SKB
PALACES OF THE NOBLES ON THE FONTANKA CANAL
THt STATELY PALACES OF ST. PETERSBURG
3341
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
secret agents after him. They found
him at Sant' Elmo, near Naples. He
was induced to return home, and his father
sat sternly in judgment over him. He
forced Alexis, at a meeting of notables in
the Kremlin, to renounce the throne
(February 14th, 1718) . He then ordered him
'to be thrown into prison and tortured.
The tsarevitch was found dead there on
July 7th. Peter the Great, in excess'^of
zeal, had thought himself bound to sacri-
fice his own son on the altar of his country.
He clearly saw from which side the
greatest danger threatened his immense
work : it was the Church ; and he there-
fore soon determined to limit the influence
of the clergy. On the death of the Patriarch
Adrian, the enemy of his reforms, in 1700,
he did not again fill the vacant chair, but
nominated Stefan Javorsky as
vice-patriarch. In 1721 he
definitely abolished the office
of Patriarch, and appointed a
synod of bishops as the
chief ecclesiastical authority,
and, as in the case of the
S'^nate, he placed at its head
a procurator-general, who was
often a soldier, to represent
the tsar. In the edict which
announced this change the
tsar stated that " the common
people cannot grasp the differ-
ence between Ihe highest
spiritual and secular power,
and imagine that the chief
strengthen Peter's govern- ave7se"to Employing" foreign" offi- pastor of the Church is a
ment. Nevertheless, he was cers, many of whom were in the second sovereign, who is the
called upon to suppress numer- service of Russia. Francois Lefort, equal, if not the superior
He advised
approach of Antichrist, and since, ac-
cording to a prophecy, Antichrist was to be
born in adultery, it was said that Peter's
mother, the second wife of Alexis, was
the false virgin, the adulteress. Insulting
notices were posted on the walls. The
clergy were especially dangerous, since,
being unpleasantly disturbed in their dolce
«M. ^M /^^ niente by Peter, they
The Clergy as thought it their duty to op-
the Enemies ^^^^ ^^^ innovations. The
of Progress patriarch of Moscow declared
that shaven beards were unworthy of men ;
a beardless man resembled a beast. Euro-
pean dress was stigmatised as the badge
of unchristian views. Foreigners were
always in such danger that Peter had
to protect them. A physician, Brem-
burg, was almost murdered because a
skeleton had been seen in his
possession. Whenever fires
broke out, foreigners were
not infrequently the victims.
On the occasion of the revolt
of the Strelitz corps, a mass-
acre of all foreigners had been
planned. It was intended to
destroy the German quarte
and to attempt the life of the
tsar. If he had not inter-
vened at the very first with
severity and courage, a
general revolution would have
broken out.
The victories of Azov and
PoltavaCOntributed largely to Peter^heTetLasYy^oIeans
Peters
admiral of the fleet, was a Genevan
ous risings of the Cossacks
and different bands, as well as the
rebellions of various individuals. How
far the clergy were to blame for these
insurrections cannot at this distance
of time be ascertained. They even knew
how to sow opposition in his family.
His sister, his wife Eudoxia Lopuchin,
and even his son Alexis, were unfriendly
to his reforms and therefore to him.
That was the greatest sorrow to Peter.
He sent his wife, in 1698, to a convent,
but her cell became the centre of all the
machinations against him. He tried
vainly to guide his son's steps into another
path. Even the threat to exclude him from
the throne proved unavailing. While
he was on his travels, Alexis fled, in 1717,
to the relations of his wife, Charlotte
of Brunswick, at Vienna. But Peter s?nt
of the tsar."
the bishops to avoid display and pride,
and to forbid men prostrating them-
selves before them. Every bishop was
to set up a school in his palace.
Peter also looked into the monastic
question, and forbade anyone to enter a
convent before the age of thirty. He
ordered the monks to learn a
trade. He did not venture to
jj .. . coniiscate the monastic re-
e >g»ons venues, although the monas-
teries had piled up immense wealth, and
were often merely incentives to idleness
and vice. He imposed on them, however,
the duty of keeping up schools and support-
ing the destitute. With these exceptions
he interfered little in religious questions,
and was thoroughly tolerant to all denomi-
nc^tions. It was perhaps mainly from f^ar of
Peter
Tolerant to
NEVSKY PROSPECKT : THE SPLENDID MAIN THOROUGHFARE OF ST. PETERSBURG
SPANNING THE RIVER NEVA : THE NICHOLAS BRIDGE
§T. PETERSBURG, THE MAGNIFICENT CAPITAL OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE
^343
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the excessive power of the Church that he
retained the despotic form of government,
and even wished to strengthen the
power of the sovereign. Even Ivan the
Terrible had condescended to convene
provincial diets ; his successors did the
same ; but Peter refused. His ministers
supported him in this. Stefan Javorsky
-, actually wrote a book in which
f°AlMh ^^ tried to give a scientific
„ . basis to absolutism. Peter did
Russias ^ , , ,
not, however, go so far ; for
instance, he forbade prostration before him
and servile modes of address. But in the
question of the royal title he wished to
break with tradition, and assumed the
style of Emperor of all the Russias. He
thus placed himself on an equality with
the Roman emperor, since he regarded
himself as a successor of the Byzantine
Caesars. He was thus the first sove-
reign in Europe who no longer acknow-
ledged the Roman idea of world empire.
In order that his reforms and those of
his heirs might not be exposed to an
attack delivered by some crown prince of
the Old Russian party, he changed the
law of succession in so far that each tsar
could nominate his successor.
A more versatile monarch can hardly be
imagined. Peter put his hand to every-
thing ; almost everything was due to
his own initiative. Even if he tried to
introduce the civilisation and morality
of the West into Russia by force, he never
allowed Russia to become dependent on
strangers or to be governed by them. He
summoned young Russians as well as
foreigners to his side. In Peter's eyrie,
as Pushkin says, there was a wonderful
brood of eaglets : Menschikov, who sprang
from a small family, became prince,
field-marshal and admiral ; Boris Schere-
metjef, the first marshal of Russia, re-
nowned for his bravery and uprightness,
whose exploits were the* theme of folk-
songs ; the brothers Demetrius and
Michael Golizyn, Feodor Golovin, Gavrilo
Golovkin, Jacob Vasily, and Gregor
Dolgoruki ; the fiery, honest, and
shrewd Jagusinsky, solicitor - general
of the senate ; Boris and Alexander
Kurakin (father and son), ambassadors
to the European courts ; Peter Tolstoi,
a splendid diplomat ; Alexis Kurbatof , the
treasurer, and others. Even Peter III. of
Holstein, the degenerate grandson of Peter
the Great, said in his praise that he
had reared an enlightened family and
furnished the state with able generals and
officials.
Peter died on February 8th (January
28th O.S.), 1725, barely fifty-three years
old, the greatest of the Romanovs, and
one of the greatest monarchs of any
nation. Seldom has any man employed
his life to more advantage. The new era
of Russia begins with him. He filled the
country with fresh and vigorous sap,
breathed a new spirit into the giant frame
of the nation, and rejuvenated the
empire. His successors stand on his
shoulders. The foreign diplomats were full
of wonder at his person. " The Isar
towers above every man in his realm,"
wrote the Danish ambassador ; " he is
a marvel of wisdom, acuteness, observa-
tion, promptness, and strength."
The tsar's own people honoured such
services. The senate bestowed on him the
title of Great Father of his Country. Yet
he had received a very defective and old-
fashioned education. The electress, Sophia
Charlotte of Brandenburg, after 1701
first queen of Prussia, admirably described
., _ him : " He is at once very
r *u* r good and very bad," she
Father of ° , .<u j u • j
H's C t " ^^ot^5 ^^^ he enjoyed a
better education he would
have been a perfect man." It is obvious that
sometimes in his exacting labours he acted
over-hastily, and that thus many of his
creations appeared clumsy at first ; much
also that he planned was not carried out,
and much proved ephemeral. Documents
that have been quite recently published
give us a glimpse into the indefatigable-
ness and variety of his labours, and into
his capacity for carrying a matter through.
The documents for the history of his reign
are not yet completely accessible, nor has
any exhaustive life of Peter been written
owing to the mass of materials. But with
the lapse of time his true greatness has
been more fully realised. In days of dis-
tress his disciples wept at his grave, and
folk songs called on him to rise from the
tomb.
3344
EASTERN I
EUROPE TO I
THE FRENCH j)
REVOLUTION It
1.
WHEN WOMEN RULED IN RUSSIA
PETER THE GREAT'S SUCCESSORS AND THE
BRILLIANT REIGN OF CATHARINE THE GREAT
IT was a misfortune for the empire that
* Peter the Great died without having
nominated his successor, not merely because
a civil war might easily have arisen, but
because this insecurity grew into a malady
which endured for a whole century, occa-
sioning great dangers to the empire.
Almost all the relations of Peter, his
second wife, Catharine I., his nieces, his
daughters, and his grandsons grasped at the
sceptre. After 1598 almost every change
of sovereignty from the end of the sixteenth
to the beginning of the nineteenth century
was effected by a coup d'etat ; and how
many tsars died a natural death ?
Peter was followed on the throne by
Catharine, a Lithuanian of low origin,
chieffy because she had won much credit
both with the army and with the official
classes by wise bribery of the Grand Vizir
in the crisis on the Pruth (171 1). She
designated Peter IL, grandson of Peter
and son of the unfortunate Alexis, as her
successor. She died in 1727, and he on
February 9th, 1730. The throne was
then held by the army, especially by the
guards. Thus in 1730 the niece of Peter,
the Duchess of Courland, Anna Ivanovna,
the second daughter of his brother and
co-tsar Ivan, came to the throne, and in
1740 Ivan VI. Antonovitch of Brunswick-
Bevern, a grandson of Peter, with his
mother, Anna Leopoldovna, as regent. But
these latter were deposed in the course of
the next years, and Elizabeth,
th^'T^iT ^^ ^^^ third daughter (born in
-p . 1709, and therefore illegitimate)
of Peter, mounted the throne,
which she occupied until her death, in
1762. After her, the grandson of Peter
the Great by his second daughter, Anne
of Holstein-Gothorp, came to the throne
as Peter III., but was forced to abdicate
after six months, and finally, on July 17th,
1762, was murdered by Alexis Orlov at the
country house of Ropsha. His wife.
Sophia of Anhalf-Zerbst, mounted the
throne as Cathirine 1 1. She was followed
in 1796 by her son Paul I., who was
assassinated on March 23rd, 1801.
It is remarkable that in the course of
the eighteenth century women mostly
guided the fates of Russia, while the men
could not hold their own, but usually died
C th • I ^^o^^"^ deaths. Peter's sister
o ■ • ' Sophia had been the first to sit
M* t ess ^" ^^^ throne, at first as regent ;
she wished to be proclaimed
sole ruler. She allowed herself more
liberty of movement than her brother
Peter would have liked, and in this way
paved the way for other women to the
throne, hitherto an unprecedented event in
Russia. The respect felt for Peter I. was
so intense and permanent that his second
wife was able to succeed him at once.
Catharine I. was the first absolute mistress
of Russia. The Raskolniki alone, true to
their tradition, refused to swear allegiance
to her, and preferred to suffer death.
With the women came also the power
of favourites, of whom some, such as
Btihren (Biron), the favourite of Anna
Ivanovna, behaved defiantly, and treated
the whole nation with contempt ; some
even were desirous of mounting the
throne themselves, such as Alexander
Menschikov, who immediately, after the
death of Catharine I., betrothed his
daughter Maria on May 25th, 1727, to
the heir to the throne (Peter IL), and
wished to marry his son Alexander to the
latter's sister ; in writing to the young
Tsar Peter 1 1., he signed himself " your
father," and ordered the members of his
family to be inserted in the almanac with
those of the imperial family, and the
names of his daughters to be recited in the
church pravers. Alex s Rasumovsky. who
was secretly betrothed to Elizabeth, be-
came count (1744), field-marshal, and
master of the hunt ; Gregory Orlov,
3345
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
ennobled in 1762, " the handsomest man
in the north," wjghed to marry Catharine
II., and became in 1762 an ancestor of
Count Bobrinsky.
It was a shameless state of things.
The parties at court were fighting one
against the other without regard for
the welfare of the nation. If one party
. came to the helm, it wreaked
"h " ^^^ ^^^y recklessly on the out-
ioyat Court goi"g^P^^tj-, ^^^ ^^^^^^^^
were beheaded ; if mercy was
shown them from the " inborn goodness "
of the tsaritsa, their hands were lopped
off, their tongues and ears cut off, their
property confiscated, and they were sent
to Siberia. Thus a series of able men were
killed in barbarous party feuds. The hatred
against foreigners was revived, and foreign
officers were murdered from " patriotism."
The new constitutional
changes were usually due to
the favourites ; an attempt
was made in them to limit
the power of the crown in
favour of the councillors of
the crown. After the death
of the last Romanof (1730)
the " High Privy Council "
resolved to utilise the situa-
tion in order to obtain
charters for the nobility. The
Dolgorukij and Golizyn ac-
cordingly offered the crown
to the female descendants of
Ivan v., who stood further
from the throne, in the well-
founded anticipation that
PETER II. OF RUSSIA
Possibly, too, the Swedish Riksrad had
supplied them with a model. But the
text of the capitulations which we have
quoted shows that the Russians were
tyros in such matters. Men would not
tolerate too sudden innovations, especially
when the body of Boyars and priests was
intended to submit to the rule of a few
persons.
The Russian nation feared the domina-
tion of the high nobility more than the
tyranny of the tsar. When, therefore, a
few days afterwards, a general assembly
of the states was summoned and the
capitulation was read out, there was no one,
so Bishop Theophan Procopovitch tells us,
among those present who did not tremble
from head to foot when he heard the
document. The members of the Senate
and many others presented the empress
with petitions against the new
constitution, and the officers
of the guard cried : " We do
not wish that laws shall be
dictated to the empress ; she
ought to have the same rights
as her predecessors." Anna,
as might be expected, then
carried out a coup d'etat to
secure the crown. Russia was
not yet ripe for a more liberal
constitution. Despotism, in
fact, now struck deeper roots,
since it had, as it were, received
the sanction of the people.
In other respects the rule
the of
Desig-nated by Catharine,
widow of Peter the Great, as her wif Ji
successor on the throne of Russia,
the Russian empresses,
the exception of
they would more easily ac- Peter 11., grandson of the Great,' Catharine II., was thoroughlv
^^^4- +^^^^ A^«^ T,,^„^,,«« became tsar in 1727. He died in 1730. i 1 * — ^x r^^^ xu^ t^^4.
cept terms. Anna Ivanovna
actually signed the demands laid before
her to the effect that the High Council
should consist of eight members ; that
vacancies should be filled by co-optation,
and that the council should be summoned
for all imperial affairs, so that without its
consent no decision could be taken as to
peace and war, nor any new taxes levied ;
that no offices from the highest downwards
might be conferred, nor any crown property
alienated without its approbation, nor any
member of the nobihty punished without
its judicial cognisance.
Anna, further, might neither marry nor
nominate her successor without the ap-
approval of the council. Thus in 1730
the Russian Privy Councillors demanded
all at once that which the Polish nobility
only obtained in the course of centuries.
3346
bad. Apart from the fact
that the greatest licentiousness pre-
vailed at the court, and that some
empresses, like Catharine I. and Elizabeth,
were addicted to drink, they achieved
nothing of note by their foreign policy,
although they all governed in the spirit
of Peter, and were anxious to carry out
F.V h th ^^^ plans. Elizabeth, at the
. p . advice of her favourite, Ivan
p. ,. Schuvalov, founded the Uni-
Education .l ^ nV j
versity at Moscow in 1755, and
the Academy of Fine Arts at St. Peters-
burg in 1758. Cyril Rasumovsky wished to
establish a university at Baturin in the
Ukraine. The learned Privy Councillor
Teplof said, with justice, of these founda-
tions : " The Academy is without acade-
micians, the University without students,
the rules are not followed ; an irremediable
DECEIVING CATHARINE THE GREAT
» w
L
was desirous at otie time to abolish seridom. and took a deep iiuece&t iu the condK;ou ut her people.
During her Majesty's royal progresses it was the custom of her favourite, Potemkin, to patch up
miserable Tillagrs into a state of apparent prosperity. Our illustration depicts such a deception.
2IJ
3347
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
confusion prevails everywhere." This con-
fusion was apparent in foreign pohcy no
less than in home affairs. The influence of
foreigners now made itself felt in a harsh
manner. Under Anna, the German in-
fluence was predominant ; the Russians
were treated with contempt.
Anna regarded herself as a
foreigner, and ridiculed the
Russian nobility and all that
was Russian in an unseemly
fashion . She chose her court
fools by preference from
among the Russian nobles ;
even princesses were com-
pelled to submit to whip-
pings, to crow like hens, sit
on nests of eggs, etc.
Under, -Elizabeth, French
fashions were the vogue,
and were equally exagge-
rated. The foreign policy
was shaped to suit this
movement. The greatest
victories, such as that won
in conjunction with Laudon
in 1759 at Kunersdorf, were not made full
use of. Policy was guided by sentiment
rather than by regard for the public wel-
fare. Some advantages were obtained
against Turkey, but at an excessive price.
At the invitation of the Empress
Elizabeth there then came to court Joanna
Elizabeth of
Anhalt-Zerbst, a
princess of Got-
torp, connected
through Anna
Petrovna with
the Romanovs,
together with
her daughter
Sophia Augusta
Frederica. She
succeeded in
marrying her
daughter to the
heir to the
throne, Peter
Fedo rovi tch
(September ist,
1745). Sophia
had already
adopted the Orthodox religion in 1744,
and took the name of Catharine Alexe-
jevna ; she became afterwards the
great empress Catharine II. Herself a
beautiful and accomplished woman, of
great intellectual powers, she could not
3348
but overshadow her husband, who pos-
sessed limited abilities and had been
indifferently educated. When she was only
fifteen, she read Plato, Cicero, and other
classics. She studied later the new French
literature, especially the Encyclopaedists.
Thus, besides D'Alembert
and others, she read and
passionately admired Monte-
squieu, whose writings she
" pillaged," and called his
" Esprit des Lois," the
monarch's breviary. " If I
were Pope," she said, " I
would canonise him." She
kept up a vigorous corre-
spondence with Voltaire :
"The ancients would have
ranked him among the
HUSBAND OF CATHARINE II.
Peter III. had been on the throne
for only six months when he was
forced to abdicate, and on July 17th,
1762, was murdered by Alexis Orlov
at the country house of Ropsha.
gods,"
She '
library
EMPRESSES ANNA IVANOVNA AND ELIZABETH
The German influence was predominant in Russia during: the rcigrn
of Anna, who, regarding herself as a foreigner, ridiculed every-
thing that was Russian. French fashions were the vogue under
Elizabeth, and the foreign policy was shaped to suit this movement.
she wrote of him.
bought " Diderot's
for 15,000 livres,
but on the condition that he
managed it for her during
the rest of his life at a high
salary. She was also familiar
with the literatures of England and Spain.
Her gifts and accomplishments were
balanced by her licentiousness, in which
she surpassed her predecessors. Never-
theless, the fortunes of Russia took a turn
for the better when she mounted the
throne on July gth, 1762, having deposed
her husband by
force. This able
woman soon
probed the most
complicated
questions. It
could not, there-
fore, escape her
notice that the
future of Russia
depended on the
establishment of
connections with
the West. Itw^s
a great stroke
of good fortune
for the Russian
nation that in
her person a
ruler took the
reins of government who, as Peter the
Great formerly, in the great struggle
between reaction and progress, definitely
placed herself on the side of progress. She
not only possessed the will to do something
for the elevation of culture, but knew how
THE SUCCESSORS OF PETER THE GREAT
to set the machinery of reform in motion
with undeniable skill and intelligence.
Her powerful mind had long contem-
plated various schemes of reform. She
found a coadjutor in the equally intel-
lectual and beautiful Princess Catharine
Romanovna Woronzov-Dashkov, the most
accomplished woman of her time, who, as
she said, was willing to mount the scaffold
for her mistress. She did Catharine great
service in the deposition of Peter III.
The French were the models for Catharine
in culture as well as in immorality ; but
she did not imi-
tate them to a
slavish or vulgar
degree. As she
always remained
a sovereign in
her attitude
towards her
favourites, so
she always main-
tained her dig-
nity among the
foreigners from
whom she learnt.
She knew how
t o strike the
-happy mean, and
did not go to ex-
tremes, as Anna
and Elizabeth
did, or her hus-
band Peter III.,
who had deified
the Prussian
king, Frederic
the Great, to an
absurd degree.
Besides French,
she also brought
Germans to her
court, especially
natives of the
Baltic provinces,
in which the best schools were to be found.
Above all, she allowed the French
philosophy of enlightenment to influence
her mind. Worshipping the views of the
Encyclopaedists, she was filled with the
lofty thought of making her people happy.-
She dreamed of no less a scheme than the
abolition of serfdom. " Freedom, thou
soul of all things," she wrote, " without
thee all is dead ; I wish to have obedience
in laws, but no slaves." Steeped in these
ideals, she desired to inaugurate her reign
with a modern code. She therefore resolved
ANNA IVANOVNA IN HER ROYAL SPLENDOUR
From .1 p-iintin^ in the Roinanof Gallery, St. Petersburg.
to summon a legislative assembly, on the
model of the old French estates, from the
whole of Russia, and worked for some
years with great diligence and acuteness
at a draft scheme for its constitution,
which testified to her liberal views. She
wrote: "The nation is not for the ruler,
but the ruler for the nation. The equality
of the citizens consists in their only having
to obey the law ; freedom is the right to do
everything that is not forbidden by the
law." She condemned religious persecu-
tions and every form of intolerance.
Voltaire ex-
pressed his as-
tonishment to
he-.
Even Frederic
the Great could
not find words
enough to cele-
brate the author-
ess, the first
woman who came
forward as a
legislator. The
legislative assem-
bly was sum-
moned in the
year 1766. It
consisted of re-
presentatives of
all classes and
races in the em-
jiire, 559 persons.
There were to
be seen senators,
officials, soldiers,
members of the
synod, citizens,
peasants, Tar-
tars, Kalmucks.
L a ff s, Samoy-
edes, Germans,
and Poles. Every
member was
required to be provided with an authori-
sation from at least five of his electors,
and received a medallion bearing the
likeness of Catharine and the inscription :
" For the happiness of one and all,
December 14th, 1766."
All members were declared inviolable
for the period of their sittings, and exempt
for ever from all corporal punishments.
She wrote to Voltaire: " I think that you
would be pleased with an assembly in
which the Orthodox believer sits between
the heretic and the Moslem, all three
3349
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
listen to tke speech of an idolator, and then
the four of them come to a unanimous
opinion." This assembly, owing to its
composition, was naturally unfitted for
legislative work. In the middle of an
earnest discussion over the rights of
citizens in towns, one member talked
about hygiene, and another recommended
a remedy against frost-bite. Nevertheless,
in the 200 sittings or more which the
assembly held, a number of questions were
thoroughly discussed, and resolutions
were formulated which are of the highest
interest.
Owing presumably to the Turkish
war, Catharine dissolved the assembly
on December i8th, 1768 ; only the
special committees continued in force
until December 4th, 1774.
She emphasised, at any
rate, in a ukase, the
belief that the proceed-
ings had diffused light
and learning over the
whole realm. The ques-
tion of the abolition of
serfdom had also been
touched upon in the
assembly ; even some
nobles among the depu-
ties were in favour of
it. Count Peter Schere-
metjet, a great benefactor
to the poor, and so free
from prejudice that he
had married a serf, de-
clared his readiness to
emancipate them all. But
on the whole the Rus-
sian nobility were not Catharine
inclined to release their uniform of
" souls " ; for that would have meant
economic ruin for most of them. Many
were full of class prejudices. The poet
Alexander Sumarokov expressed their
view when he says : " The peasant is as
fitted for serfdom as the house-dog for the
chain or the canary for the cage."
Catharine herself honestly desired the
complete, but gradual, abolition of serf-
dom, and energetically advocated its
amelioration. She severely punished
persons who were denounced to her for
their inhumane treatment of serfs. But
the question was very complicated, for
serfdom had a political basis. Its begin-
ning lies in the Tartar age, when the
Russian petty princes, who were also the
chief tax-collectors of the Tartar Khans,
3350
were obliged to raise the Tartar imposts
together with their own, and for this
object had to introduce a new system of
fiscal groups. The increased demands on
the army and revenue caused by con-
tinual wars compelled the Muscovite
grand dukes above all to look for means
with which they could enforce the military
duties of the nobility and the taxes and
services of the peasantry.
A suitable machinery was found in the
well-proved system of fiscal groups with
common responsibility, so that the govern-
ment could not touch each separate indi-
vidual immediately, but only through the
body of ratepayers. The same method
was applied to the nobility to bring
til' in ii.to touch with military service
by the creation of
" districts of nobility."
in which an ocladozik,
elected from amongst the
nobles, fixed the amount
and value of the military
service which each of the
" district nobles " had to
render. As a reward for
the service the prince
handed over to the nobles
crown lands with the
resident peasants, whose
numbers constituted the
real value of the lands.
The nobles naturally
could only discharge their
obligations to the state
if the peasants remained
on the soil and cultivated
it ; if these left their
part of the country,
the lands which they
deserted had no further value. In order,
therefore, that military service might be
secured, and the land-tax (plough-tax),
and, after Peter the Great, the hearth-tax
or poll-tax, might not be diminished, the
peasants' right of moving their domicile
required to be checked. At first it was
only restricted. Feodor Ivanovitch, 1592
and 1597, then Boris Godunov, 1601 and
1602, Schuskij, 1607, and Peter the Great,
frequently occupied themselves with this
problem. First of all, emigration was
rendered difficult ; then it was absolutely
forbidden, and the " floating element "
of the population was permanently riveted
to the soil. The power of the lord over his
serf thus was strengthened, and the state
did not interfere in their mutual relations.
GREAT IN THE
THE HUSSARS
THE SUCCESSORS OF PETER THE GREAT
In the seventeenth century, prison, fetters peasants in Little Russia. The sanguinary
and neck-irons were to be found in a revolt of the Ukraine peasants under
country house. Gonta and Selisnjak in 1767-1768, just
This patriarchal jurisdiction was not at the time when the abolition of serfdom
limited by any legal conditions, except was being discussed, completely destroyed
that the death penalty was forbidden, the tsaritsa's pleasure in reforms, since
The peasants, however, always endured she was indignant at the cruelties perpe-
this burden in the knowledge that trated there, and she entirely changed her
their services were rendered directly to attitude, as the dangerous and sanguinary
the state as payment for the officials rebellion of Pugatchef fully occupied her
performing military and other servkes ; attention.
~ ~ Although the Russian nobihty in the
bulk was hardly worth more than the
peasantry, yet it helped the state to
keep the savage peasantry in check,
and might be regarded, therefore, as
part of the state machinery. Catharine's
liberal notions received a still ruder
shock when, in the
course of the French
Revolution, that very
people, for whose welfare
and freedom men had
written and toiled in-
defatigably, perpetrated
hideous atrocities. Gonta,
Selisnjak, and the Jaco-
bins, Umani and the
storming of the Bastile,
gave her much food for
meditation. Her opinion
was that the people did
not deserve liberty.
Then her reactionary
efforts began. She de-
stroyed socialistic books
and ordered their authors
to be watched and their
correspondence opened.
She broke off relations
with France, banished all
that is, the nobility. But when Peter
III. in 1762 released the nobles from
the obligation to serve the state, on
the grounds that love for the sovereign
and zeal for the service of the state
were so universal that it no longer
appeared necessary to maintain those
compulsory mea-
sures, a great agitation
was roused among the
peasants, for they
believed that on their
side they were released
from all obligations to
the nobility. A respon-
sive quiver was felt
throughout the empire ;
even the disturbances
in the Ukraine of the
year 1767-1768, were in-
fluenced by it. For the
first time the peasants
were overcome by mis-
trust of the nobles,
whom they accused of
keeping them in slavery
in defiance of the tsar's
will. This idea came
more prominently for-
ward under Alexander II.,
THE FAMOUS CATHARINE 11. IN
HER ROYAL ROBES
and has not been entirely dissipated Frenchmen who were supporters of the
to-day. Revolution, and received the emigres with
Catharine would certainlv have lightened open arms. Catharine did not, how-
the yoke of serfdom. But on the other hand ever, entirely sacrifice her hberal ideas;
the solution of this question was then far the peasants were only temporarily in
too difficult ; on the other hand she had disfavour with her. She gave the nobility
just been diverted from that idea by the a sort of constitution according to districts,
bai^barism of the empire, and altered her to the towns self-government and pnvate
views surprisingly in 1768. Instead of jurisdiction, and special privileges to the
alleviating the lot of the peasants, she merchants. The nobility at that period
extended the prerogatives of the land- • enjoyed her peculiar favour. She thought
owners, conceded to them the most the king's cause was the nobles' cause;
extensive jurisdiction, forbade the pea- no nobility, no monarch,
sants to impeach their lords, and allowed Although Catharine would not abolish
tl^e lords to send their serfs to Siberia, serfdom, she was at least trying to prepare
Catharine, who erased the word rab for its abolition. She saw that the culture
(slave) from the Russian dictionary, of the nation must first be raised before
reduced to serfdom a million and a half its condition could be ameUorated, and she
3351
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
threw herself heart and soul into the task
of raising the standard of schools and
education. In this effort she was much
helped by Ivan Betzkoy, who had been
educated abroad. Like Peter the Great,
she founded schools, academies of science
and art, and educational establishments.
There was room, for example, for some
„ , - ^ hundreds of well-born girls in
fo^Learnir ^^'^ Smolna convent. and the
° d g**™"^* immense educational institute
for destitute children roused
the admiration of Napoleon I. She com-
missioned Diderot to prepare a scheme
for a system of secondary schools.
But, unlike Peter the Great, she contem-
plated the education of the masses, and,
therefore, set more thoroughly to work. She
not only, in 1775, ordered the " colleges
of general supervision " in the separate
governments to provide for the founda-
tion of schools in every large town, and in
1781 built in Petersburg seven schools
containing one class only, which im-
mediately received 486 scholars, but also
nominated, in 1782, a special committee
for the establishment of national schools.
At the head of the commission, it is true,
was placed Peter Savadovskij, who, in
spite of his learning, was very indolent,
but he had efficient scholars at his side,
among them the " IllvTian " school-
director Theodor von Jankovics sent by
the Emperor Joseph II., in 1782, who
elaborated a new curriculum and wrote
text-books. The Russian Kosodavlef
published twenty-eight school-books.
These were modest beginnings ; no vil-
lage school had yet been erectejd- But the
National School Ordinance of August 5th,
1786, made school reform obligatory on the
whole of Russia. The French educational
system was the empress's ideal in this;
the Emperor Joseph, whom she had met
at the beginning of July, 1780, in Mohilef,
influenced her in this direction, since he,
too, was under the spell of the French en-
lightenment. At the advice
of the Princess Dashkov,
Catharine founded in 1783,
on the model of the French,
a Russian Academy, which was entrusted
ydth the dut\' of " drawing up rules for
orthography, preparing a Russian gram-
mar and prosody, and encouraging the
study of Russian histor\'." The Russian
Academy stood, therefore, independently
by the side of the Academy of Sciences,
whose director was also the princess,
3352
Catharine
Founds a Russian
Academy
from 17S3-1796 ; the former was incor-
porated in the latter as a second division
as recently as 1855. The Russian
Academy set about the preparation of a
Russian dictionary. The Princess Dash-
kov edited three letters ; the empress
composed an appendix to the first volume.
Both academies performed meritorious
services in elevating the progress of
science in Russia.
Catharine's literary activity had many
phases. When Princess Dashkov, in
1783-1785, published " The Companion "
(or " Conversational Guide for Friends
of Russian Literature "), the empress
composed for it some anonymous sketches
of a satirical character. She also
wrote treatises, tales, and plays. Thus
she glorified in " Oleg " the first cam-
paign of the Russians against Con-
stantinople ; her court bandmaster,
Giuseppe Sarti, composed choruses for
this piece. In the piece called " Gore-
bogatyr," or the " Hero of Misfortunes,"
she ridiculed Gustavus III. of Sweden.
Other works from her pen are " The
Siberian Shamans," " Deceivers," " The
_ . ., Blinded," " Woe for the
The Literary t- >> t^ 1 1
Q . - limes. ror her grandsons
the Em ress Alexander and Constantine she
™'*'^ wrote " The Grandmother's
Alphabet," and "The Library," which was
printed in Berlin. She collected linguisti:
notes, spent time qn archaeology and
mythology, and extracted chronicles. She
was fond of history, especially Russian.
" No history supplies better and greater
men than ours ; I love it to infatuation,"
she wrote to Diderot.
An imperishable monument of her
genius is to be found in her numerous
letters, which testify to her grace, her
good breeding, her great intellect and
literary talent, as well as to her sparkling
\\it and sensibility. She wrote with equal
facihty (though, it must be owned, with
equal incorrectness) in Russian, German,
and French. Her French letters, accord-
ing to the opinion of the Abbe Jean
Siffrein Maury, surpassed even those of
Voltaire. For music alone she had no
talent. She commissioned many trans-
lators and paid them well, as Peter the
Great had formerly done. As a patroness
of belles lettres she brought distinguished
poets, artists, philosophers, and scholars
to her court, at which a high intellectual
tone prevailed. Many famous contem-
poraries visited her there, among them
CATHARINE THE GREAT OF RUSSIA
Mounting the throne in 1762, after deposing Peter III., this remarkable
woman did much to raise the standard of education. Liberal and tasteful,
she enriched St. Petersburg with works of art and splendid buildings.
3353
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Voltaire and Diderot. With Baron
Melchior Grimm (1723-1807), she once
conversed for seven hours without inter-
ruption on scientific questions. He was
her art and Hterary agent in France, and
bought for her books, works of art, and
collections. Voltaire was her intellectual
model. Liberal and tasteful, she adorned
and enriched St. Petersburg with works
of art and splendid buildings of every sort.
She loved brilliance and a luxury hitherto
unknown in Russia.
She also patronised the Russian scholars
and poets. Even in her day, Russian
literature showed a list of famous names ;
the Russian drama was created at this
time. The empress had a great share in
rousing the self-conscious-
ness of the nation. Although
a German princess by birth,
she felt herself a Russian.
She said in jest to the
physician who opened one
of her veins : " That is
better ; the last drop of
GeiTnan blood is gone."
The Russian party might
have seen that it was pos-
sible to be a reformer and
remain a true Russian. A
number of Russian news-
papers sprang up, and the
national literature of Russia
now flowed in a broad
stream. In short, the cul-
ture of East Europe rose,
at least in the higher circles
of society, to heights of
which the most sanguine
had never dreamed. It
was also greatly to the
honour of Catharine that she employed
the Church in the cause of culture. She
completed a step, on which Peter the
Great did not venture, namely, the confis-
cation of the estates of the Church. The
Russian monasteries were enormously
wealthy. They had been spared even by
the Tartars, and their property had grown
from century to century. The number of
their members amounted to more than a
million ; the convent of Troizko-Sergiev,
at Moscow, alone had 120,000. Catharine
now appointed a board, which placed all
Church estates under one government.
The convents received for every male
member a rouble and a half ; from the
surplus, schools, hospitals, and other
charitable institutions were to be erected.
3354
POTEMKIN, THE FAVOURITE
The favourites of Catharine were, for
the most part, highly gifted men, and
in the front rank of her esteem stood
Gregory Potemkin. But he was not
above deceiving her Majesty on occasion.
Catharine divided the Russian state into
districts, in order to improve the admini-
stration and facilitate supervision, and
thus created forty governments. During
her reign large tracts of land were settled,
mostly with colonists from the West,
among them many Germans. The num-
ber of the population of the kingdom rose
under her to forty millions, which was
due not only to the colonisation and in-
corporation of various regions, but also
to the circumstance that she paid attention
to public sanitation, and among other
things introduced inoculation for small-
pox. She founded many towns, several
of which bear her name, constructed,
like Peter, canals and roads, and pro-
moted trade and industries.
It was fortunate for
Russia that through the
advocacy of her great
tsaritsa the warming rays
of Western culture shone
on her longer than formerly
under Peter the Great. For
the military strength and
political influence of Russia
grew with the progress of
her civilisation. In spite
of the great services of
Catharine we must not
forget tliat she only built
on the foundation which
Peter I. had laid. Peter the
Great had roused Russia
from a secular apathy, and
his task was the greater.
He did almost everything
himself. Catharine worked
mainly through her states-
men ; her greatest gift was
her knack of gathering splendid men
round her. She was aware of this, and
just enough to admit it openly and to
give the precedence to Peter the Great.
Catharine's favourites were to some ex-
tent highly gifted men, to whose suggestion
she may have been indebted for many
an act ascribed to her own inventive
powers. It is perhaps an excuse for
Catharine's weaknesses and sensuality
that in her days such conduct was uni-
versal. But while other sovereigns were
taken up with sensuality, she worked
indefatigably ; from early morning until
late into the night she attended to the
business of the empire. Her people
readily forgave her any failings in view
of her services.
GREAT DATES IN THE
HISTORY OF EASTERN
EUROPE: A.D.
376 TO 1793
A.D.
376
Huns invade Russia
A.D.
1593
AustroTurkish war
C. 480
Czech migration to Bohemia and Moravia
1598
Murder of the pseudo-Dmitri m Russia ;
799
Prague founded
murder of Feodor I., last of the Ruriks ;
862
Rurik the first of his line at Novgorod
Moscow patriarchate founded
864
Moravia Christianised
1606
Peace of Vienna
894
Bohemia Christianised
1613
Michael Fedorovitz, first Romanof ruler;
906
Magyars overcome Moravia
Russia becomes Europeanised
907
Oleg invades Greek Empire
1617
Treaty of Solbovo and cession of Finland to
941 \
944 /
Igor attacks Byzantium
1619
Sweden
Revolt of Bohemia ; Frederick elector palatine
9SS
Olga of Russia baptised
elected king of Bohemia
988
Russia under Greek and Christian influence
1648
Bohemia secured to Austria
C. 992
Christianity introduced into Poland
1634
Conquest of Poland by Russia and Sweden
996
Hungarian monarchy founded
1660
Poland regains independence
1041
Henry 111. conquers and devastates Bohemia
1667
Treaty of Andrussov and acquisition of Polish
:06l
Hungary infested by Poles
territory by Russia
1077
Saint Ladislaus king of Hungary
1668
John Casimir abdicates Poland
1132
Bela H. king of Hungary
1671
Cossacks subjugated in Russia
1157
Progress of Silesia
1674
John Sobieski reigns in Poland
1174
Bela HI. brings Greek civilisation into Hungary
1675
Turks defeated at Lemberg by John Sobieski
1187
Premysl Ottokar first king of Bohemia
1676
Stefan Bathori reigns in Poland
1222
Golden Bull of Hungary
1683
John Sobieski overcomes the Turks and raises
1223
Russia invaded by the Golden Horde
the siege of Vienna
1238
Henry H. extends rule of Silesia
1686
Ofen retaken from Turks
1241
Tartars ravage Hungary; Danes driven back
1687
Hungarian crown becomes hereditary
from Russia
1689
Peter the Great absolute ruler in Russia
1242
Tartar power in Russia
1696
Conquest of Azov by Russia
1274
Ladislaus of Hungary and Rudolf of Hapsburg
1697
Turks defeated at Zenta; Peter the Great
make league
travels
1300
Moscow made the capital of Russia
1698
He dissolves the Strelitz and forms a fleet
1301
Arpad dynasty in Hungary ends
1699
Hungary freed from Turks; peace of
1309
Charles Robert of Anjou elected king of
Carlowitz
Hungary
1700
Russia defeated at Narva by Charles XII. of
1325
Silesia invaded by John of Bohemia
Sweden ; introduction of Julian Calendar
1342
Lewis the Great king of Hungary
into Russia
1344-82
Lewis the Great victorious in Servia, Bulgaria
1703
St. Petersburg built for the capital
and Dalmatia
1704
Stanislaus I. elected at Vienna
1346
King John, blind king of Bohemia, slain at
1707
Mazeppa attempts to free the Ukraine
Crecy
1709
Swedes defeated at Poltava
1370
Lewis of Hungary elected king of Poland
1711
Defeat of Russians on the Pruth ; Russia in-
1380
Tartar war in Russia
stitutes a senate
1383
Moscow burned
1715
Russian conquests on the Baltic; Finnish
1395
Tamerlane invades Russia
territory, Esthonia and Livonia added to
1411
Sigismund of Hungary elected emperor of
Russia
Germany
1716
Peter the Great's second visit to the West
1415
Martyrdom of John Huss
1718
Expulsion of the Jesuits from Russia ; peace
1419
Capture of Prague by Ziska, the Hussite leader ;
of Passarowitz ; death of Peter's son.
Hussite war in Bohemia
Alexis
1437
Bohemia and Hungary united to Austria
1721
Abolition of patriarchal office in Russia
1442
Hunyadi victorious over the Turks
1722
Pragmatic sanction in Austria permitting
1444
Ladislaus of Hungary defeated and slain at
female succession
Varna; Hunyadi regent of Hungary
1723
Russian conquests on the Caspian shores
1448
Hunyadi defeated at Kossova by Turks
1725
Death of Peter the Great
1456
Hunyadi defends Belgrade
1730
Deposition of Peter II. (last of the Romanofs)
I4R2
Ivan III. reigns in Russia
1737
Austro-Russian war with Turkey
1471
Ladislaus, king of Poland, elected to Bohemian
1739
Cession of Servia and Wallachia to Turkey by
throne
Peace of Belgrade
1478
King of Hungary takes Silesia
1740
Prussia conquers Silesia ; Hungary supports
1479
Tartar invasion of Russia repelled by Ivan III.
Maria Theresa
1481
Tartars in Russia crushed
1741
War of Austrian succession ; Elizabeth,
1491
Hungary invaded by Maximilian of Austria
daughter of Peter the Great, reigns in
1S06
Sigismund I. reigns in Poland ; war between
Russia
Russia and Poland
1757
Prussia defeats Austria at Prague
1514
Peasant revolt in Hungary
1762
Catharine II. reigns in Russia
1516
Louis 11. king of Hungary
1763
Frederick of Prussia retains Silesia
1526
Hungary invaded by Turks; Ofen captured;
1764
Murder of Ivan VI., lawful heir of Russia
Louis II. defeated at Battle of Mohacs;
1770
Great pestilence in Poland
John Zapolya elected king of Hungary
1772
First partition of Poland
1531
Defeat of Wallachia
1774
Crimea independent ; peace of Kainardji
1533
Ivan the Terrible reigns in Russia
1775
Cossack rebellion in Russia ; peasant revolt in
1548
Sigismund II. effects reforms in Poland
Bohemia
1553
England opens trade with Russia
1781
Bohemian edict of toleration
1568
Strelitz established in Russia
1783
Russia an:.e.\es Crimea
1569
Lithuania united to Poland
1784
Protestants tolerated in Hungary
1579
Ivan the Terrible of Russii seeks to marry
1790
Hungary independent
Elizabeth of Enuland
1791
Peace of Sistova
1591
Hungary devastated by Turks
1793
Second partition of Poland
3355
SYMBOLS OF RUSSIA'S GREATNESS: CROWNS AND SCEPTRES OF THE NATIONS RULER
1, Tsar's " globe " as Tsar of Astrakhan. 2, The costliest crown in the world, worn by the Russian Emperor as
the Tsar of Novgorod ; surmounted by a cross of twelve enormous diamonds. 3, The " globe " which, as Tsar of
Kiev, belongs to the Emperor ; and, 4, his sceptre as Tsar of Siberia. 5, The Russian crown of Siberia ; and, 6, the
crown of the kingdom of Kasan. 7, This sceptre, which once belonged to Peter the Great, is wielded by the
Tsar as "Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias." 8, The Tsar's throne as ruler of Vladimir (16th
century). 9, Crown used in ceremony of crowning heir to Russian throne. 10, Sceptre as Tsar of Moscow.
3356
EASTERN
EUROPE TO
THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION
RISE OF THE KINGDOM OF RUSSIA
ITS RAPID GROWTH IN POWER AND INFLUENCE
VY/HILE the sum total of the work done
^ by Russia in the domain of culture
during her general development was
hardly sufficient for her own requirements,
her military and political successes were, on
the other hand, most important, although
purchased by great sacrifices. The Russian
people had stubbornly survived the Tartar
terrorism, had subdued in the sixteenth
century the Tartar khanates of Kosan
and Astrakhan, had obtained possession of
Siberia, had acquired in the seventeenth
century the Ukraine, had conquered under
Peter the Great the Baltic coast, the
Caspian, and the Sea of Azov, and had
carried their arms to Persia.
In the eighteenth century the diplo-
matists of Europe were much occupied by
the Turkish or Eastern question as well
as with the destiny of Poland. A happy
solution of this problem was a vitally
important task for Russia. Some few years
after the great defeat under
Turkey ^^^ ^^jj^ ^^ Vienna (1683), the
A Bone of • , ■ r xr c c
^ ^ ,. Victories of Eugene of Savoy
Contention 1 j 1 1 xl t- 1 • i.
had shaken the Turkish power
to its foundations. As long as a war
against the Porte seemed a dangerous
enterprise, Hungary, Austria and Poland
had been forced to bear the brunt of it
alone : in fact they had been sometimes
actually hindered by other i)owers. But
when after 1718 the question of the
Turkish succession became one of practical
politics, all the powers announced their
interest in what they were pleased to call
the Eastern question, and thus Turkey
has been as great a bone of contention as
was Poland at an earlier period. Russia,
France and England, who hitherto had
taken practically no share in wars with
Turkey, now became so susceptible on
this very point that they thought they
alone had a right to settle the matter.
Russia has been often surprised by
events at a moment when she was still too
weak to discharge some great task with
which she suddenly found herself con-
fronted ; but then, after collecting all
814
her forces, she has often outdistanced her
rivals, who had got the start. At the end
of the seventeenth century, when Poland
and Austria dealt Turkey such heavy
blows, Russia was still too unprepared to
think of making war upon the sultan.
The war which she was compelled to wage
for the possession of the Ukraine ended
. in 1 68 1 with the inglorious peace
. . of Bachtschissarai. Then in 1684
^ . a joint embassy for Austria and
Poland appeared in Moscow to
induce the tsar to occupy the Crimea,
the " right hand of the sultan." In
1686 John Sobieski ceded the Ukraine east
of the Dnieper to Moscow, in order to
secure its co-operation in his plan.
War against the Turks was then still
regarded as a holy war, to which all
Christian states ought to feel themselves
bound ; the fact that the Polish king
nevertheless richly rewarded Moscow for
its services shows that other motives
besides those of the Crusader were brought
into play. The Russian court, indeed,
promised in that treaty to attack the
Crimea ; but two expeditions equipped for
that purpose were abortive. Even Peter
the Great only succeeded in taking Azov
at the second attempt (1696). By these
campaigns he formally opened the series
of Russian wars with Turkey, just as on
the west he was the first to gain a firm
footing in Poland. When Peter, a year
later, started on his European journey,
he received congratulations on all sides,
even in Poland. In Vienna the Jesuit
p , Freiherr von Liidinghausen
e er s brought into his sermon the
Scheme ^^'"^^ *^^* " God would give the
*" tsar, as the namesake of St.
Peter, the keys to open the Sublime Porte."
But Peter had more important matters
to settle first. It was not until after Poltava
(1709) that he recurred to that idea. To
drive out the Ottomans from Europe in
the name of civilisation became a favourite
scheme of his ; he saw many millions of
Christians of his own faith pining under
3357
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the Turkish yoke and fixing their hopes
on him. He was already thinking of
reheving these peoples when he sustained
the reverse of 171 1. Surrounded on
the Pruth, he was compelled to resign
Azov and destroy his fleet. Peter did not
venture to contemplate a fourth war
against Turkey. Austria, meanwhile, was
. still entangled in the War of
ussia ^Y^Q Spanish Succession. The
ee mes a jja.psburgs won, it is true, whole
Kingdom r u J.U x i. \ T>
regions by the treaty at ro-
sharevatz (1718) ; but twenty years had
hardly passed before most of the fruits
of these great efforts and sacrifices were
once more lost. Russia filled the place
of the now crippled Poland. Soon after
the promotion of Russia to the rank of a
kingdom (1701), the growing hostility
between Brandenburg and Austria had
formed the political axis of Central
Europe ; at the conferences of Vienna in
1720 Frederick William I. was already
termed the most dangerous enemy. Hardly
any other state than Russia could be
taken into consideration as an ally against
the house of Hohenzollern. The first
alliance between them, therefore, was
concluded on August 6th, 1726. The
advantage lay on the side of Austria.
The Viennese diplomatists cautiously
assumed no responsibility towards Turkey
except for Russian possessions in Europe,
and succeeded in strictly limiting their
obligations to their ally, while the
latter was pledged in general terms to
afford assistance against the house of
Brandenburg.
The assistance which Austria voluntarily
extended to Russia on the question
of the Polish succession was possibly
of more value ; later, too, the friendly
attitude of Austria in Polish matters
was highly useful to Russia. France,
however, on the one hand avenged
herself for the defeat of Lesczynski in
the Polish election of 1733 by Augustus
HI. of Saxony, by declaring
war on Austria, and by incit-
ing to rebellion the electors
of Mainz, Cologne, Bavaria
and the Palatinate, and on the other hand
by forcing Turkey into war against Russia.
Urged by Austria, Russia in 1736 sent for
the first time her armies to the West, and
simultaneously, supported by Austria,
began a war against the Porte, after she
had by a treaty with Persia, given up the
conquests of Peter. This common action
3358
France
At War with ;
Austria
is the more noteworthy since from the
language of the Russian and Austrian
diplomatists in Niemirov it was clearly
shown that both countries had Constan-
tinople before their eyes as the ultimate
goal. While, however, Russia fought
victoriously against France in Poland,
and also against Turkey, Austria was
beaten on both fields of battle with con-
siderable losses. In the peace of Belgrade
of 1739, Charles VI. was forced to give
back Belgrade and Orsova, with Servia
and Wallachia. Anna Ivanovna, how-
ever, won on the Black Sea a strip of
country between the Bug and the Dniester.
The influence of Austria henceforth
steadily declines in the south, while
Russian influence rises ; the victories of
Prince Eugene in the end only benefited
Austria's neighbours.
It would seem as if fear of Prussia had
crippled all the energies of Austria. The
watchword of Austrian diplomacy was
necessarily " Freedom from Prussia."
A scheme for effecting this was soon
prepared ; it proposed the partition of
Prussia. Sweden and France declared
their readiness for it, and Russia was tc
r. . • .1 be the main support. But
Frederic the t.^ 1 t- j •
Great Insults ""^ ^^y ^rd., 1740, Frederic
Er b th ^^^ Great mounted the throne
of Prussia ; on October 20th,
the Emperor Charles VI. died, and by
December Frederic was in possession of
Silesia, having stolen a march on his
enemies. Austria was defeated in two
wars. In their terror, the Austrian
diplomatists allied themselves still more
closely with Russia in the new treaty
of June 2nd, 1746. Attempts were made
in every possible way to bring home to
Russia the conviction that Prussia was
dangerous to both parties. The advantage
lay again on the side of Austria ; Russia
was pjedged to send her sixty thousand
auxiliaries should the position become
critical. And it was only because Frederic
had insulted the Empress Elizabeth by a
disparaging remark that the latter had on
her part a cause for fighting.
Notwithstanding that Russian armies
several times defeated the Prussian king,
as at Kunersdorf (August 12th, 1759)
or his generals, the opinion gained ground
in St. Petersburg that Russia was only
picking the chestnuts out of the fire for
Austria, and that nothing could be accom-
plished in Polish affairs without Prussia.
The court of St. Petersburg was driven
RISE OF THE KINGDOM OF RUSSIA
to this view by the Eastern policy of Aus-
tria. In the eighteenth century Austria
possessed no statesman of first rank ;
even the much-lauded Kaunitz really
accomplished nothing. Confusion and
hollow phrases mark the style of the
Austrian memoirs of that age.
Since the Congress of Niemirov and the
peace of Belgrade envious glances had
been turned on Russia. The mediocre
diplomatists of Vienna thought that
Russia would help to crush Prussia and
rebuild the power of Austria in the West
without interfering with Turkey in return.
This absence of any definite plan wearied
and exasperated the two northern courts.
Not to mention Peter II., who was an un-
qualified admirer of Frederic, even the
cool-headed Catharine II. came to an
understanding with Frederic as to all
the essential questions of the foreign
policy of both countries in the " treaty
for mutual defence " of April 1764.
France now, as in the year 1736. fanned
a flame in the East, since she urged the
Porte to a war against Russia with
the intention of diverting the latter from
Poland. Kaunitz probably
had a hand in the matter ;
he was convinced that Russia
was not in a position to offer
resistance, and that he would thus cheaply
get rid of the danger threatened from that
quarter. But the very opposite result
followed. Alexander Golizyn with thirty
thousand men defeated the Grand
Vizir Mohammed Emin with a hun-
dred thousand men in 1769 at Chotin
on the Dniester, and occupied Moldavia
and Wallachia ; Peter Rumjanzov
similarly with a few thousand troops
defeated a hundred thousand Tartars on
the Large, and then with seventeen
thousand beat the Grand Vizir himself with
a hundred and fifty thousand men on
the Kaghul. Vasili Dolgoruki con-
quered almost the whole Crimea (1771),
after Alexis Orlovon July i6th, 1770, had
annihilated the Turkish fleet in the
channel of Scio. Bessarabia, some part
of Bulgaria, and a few islands of the
Archipelago were conquered.
The panic at Constantinople knew no
bounds. Even in the cabinet of Vienna the
greatest bewilderment prevailed. Russia,
it was feared, would conquer Turkey
single-handed. The Prussians now were
acceptable to Kaunitz, who, with the
approval of Emperor Joseph II., paved
Great Panic
Constantinople
the way for an understanding with
Frederic. He also concluded a secret
treaty on July 7th, 1771, with Turkey,
which was, however, repudiated by Maria
Theresa. But he did not wish definitely
to abandon the old alliance with Russia.
Frederic the Great began to feel
anxious about the rapid growth of
Brilliant Russian power. A suitable
Victories of P^^^sure exerted at this fitting
Russia opportunity, when the Russian
state, on account of Austria,
was dependent on the friendly neutrality
of Prussia, promised success'; after the
brilliant victories of the Russians he saw
that some enlargement of his empire was
a political necessity in order to preserve
the balance of power. In Poland alone
was there any possibility of acquiring some
enclaves, which could be permanently
incorporated with the body of the empire.
The Prussian king therefore asserted
that he required some parts of it. A com-
plete annexation of Poland, such as Peter I,
had contemplated for his son Alexis,
was abandoned by Catharine II, who
had too great interests at stake in the
south, and was compelled to satisfy the
claims of her two other neighbours. Prussia
made the proposal, Austria took Zips
while waiting to arrange matters with the
other courts, and Russia put the seal
to it. Thus the first partition of Poland
was arranged on August 5th, 1772. The
lion's share, the rest of Livonia and White
Russia (Witebsk, Mstislav, half Polock,
and districts on the Dnieper), with
1,800,000 inhabitants fell to Russia.
Russia, after soothing the political
conscience of Prussia and Austria, could
now, strengthened by Polish territory,
follow out her southern aims with greater
energy. From this aspect we can under-
stand the arrangement of her favourable
treaty with the Porte, concluded on July
2ist, 1774, at Kutchuk-Kainardje (near
, Silistria), Turkey was com-
"**'* wth P^^^^^ *° recognise the indepen-
the Porte
dence of the Tartars in the
Kuban country, on the Bug,
and in the Crimea. Russia received Azov
on the Don, Kinburn on the Dniester, and
all fortified places in the Crimea ; besides
that, the right of sailing in all Turkish
waters and the protectorate over all
Orthodox Christians in the East were
secured to Russia, The severance of the
Tartars from Turkey rendered it easier
for Russia to subdue them, and the
3359
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
protectorate over the Orthodox Christians
allowed her to interfere at any time in the
political affairs of Turkey. By the first
stipulation, the loss of the Black Sea for
Turkey, and by the second, the loss of
the Balkan countries, became nearer
possibilities. Catharine would certainly
have dictated harder terms had not her
attention been occupied by
f: . "' , , the rebellion of Jemelian
DnvenOutof p^^^^^^^^ (1773-1774 ; exe-
cuted January nth, 1775).
But reasons of foreign policy imposed
moderation upon her ; the Austrian
statesmen, who had themselves brought
on the Eastern question, terrified at the
unwelcome turn of events, sounded a
loud alarm. In defiance of the principle
of the inviolability of Turkey laid down
by the Viennese cabinet, Austria induced
the Porte to cede Bukowina to her in 1774,
an act which could only at bottom be
acceptable to the Russian statesmen.
Austria reaped the fruits of this policy
in the War of the Bavarian Succession
(1778 to 1779), in which she was driven
out of Bavaria by Prussia and Russia.
The young monarch, Joseph II. (1780-
1790), after receiving these new blows,
became wiser than his diplomatists ;
he sided with his Russian neighbour,
since he would not or could not come
to terms with Prussia ; he guaranteed
to Russia her Turkish conquests by the
treaty concluded in the autumn of 1782,
and confirmed the agreements as to
Poland.
Russia meanwhile resolutely pushed on
towards her goal. In March, 1779, the
Porte was induced to complete the treaty
of 1774 by the agreement of Ainali Kavak.
In 1783, the Kuban and the Crimea were
annexed by Russia, and thus the sub-
jugation of the Turkish Khanates, which
Ivan the Terrible had begun, was com-
pleted. Petersburg actually prepared a
plan for the partition of Turkey, the
„ • A • " Greek scheme " of Septem-
_^ _, , sanctioned on November
13th, 1782. The Greek Empire
was to be restored and the Grand Duke
Constantine (born on May 8th, 1770) to
be created emperor. The child was given
a Greek nurse ; he learned Greek, and
was surrounded by Greeks. Potemkin's
boastful inscription. " Road to Byzan-
tium," belongs to this period. Turkey,
in great disquietude, and encouraged by
3360
Great Britain, Sweden (whose help was of
little value) and Prussia, took the
initiative in declaring war. The Russian
commanders, Suvarof, Potemkin, Repnin,
supported by Austrian generals, again won
brilliant victories over the Turks. In the
peace of Jassy (January 9th, 1792) Russia
received merely Oczakov and the stretch
of coast between the Bug and the Dniester ;
Russian influence over the Danubian
principalities was secured.
This moderation was prescribed by
reasons the same as, or similar to, those
in the year 1771. Russia urged a further
partition of Poland. The latter had after
1772 zealously reformed the educational
and fiscal systems, raised the number of
her troops to 100,000, and even abolished
the liberum veto. The new constitution,
which had been laboriously and judiciously
elaborated by the Polish diet, was based on
patriotic ideas and liberal notions. It was
published on May 3rd, 1791, and held out
the promise of a better future. If Russia
and Prussia did not wish to suffer by
this movement, they must nip it in the
bud. The official pretext for intervention
p was offered by the guarantee
ar 1 ions ^j^j^,^^ they had given for the
p J . maintenance of the old constitu-
tion. In 1772 the powers had
appropriated pieces of Poland on political
grounds. Then followed in 1793 the second,
and in 1795, after the insurrection under
Kosciusko, the third, partition of Poland ;
in the latter Austria again partici-
pated, having just then (January
3rd, 1795) come to an understanding with
Russia against Prussia. Only these two
events properly deserve the name of
partitions, since the three courts then
actually contemplated erasing Poland
from the map of Europe, while in 1772 it
had only been a question of ceding several
districts. The Polish diet, as in 1772, was
compelled in 1793 also to approve the
resolutions of the powers and to sign its
own death-warrant. While Prussia and
Austria, after numerous changes of owner-
ship, took the central districts of old
Poland, Cracow (and the old Russian
principality of Halicz), Gnesen, Posen,
and Polish Prussia, Russia, with the
exception of Masovia (Warsaw), only
occupied territories once belonging to old
Russia. Catharine thus almost completed
the " collection of Russia " which Ivan III,
had begun.
Vladimir Milkowicz
t^OTS, — I'or references qx\ history of Poland and Russia, see Appendix,
THE HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF
THE BALTIC SEA
AND THE NATIONS AROUND ITS SHORES
TTHE Mediterranean and the Baltic in
^ Europe occupy an exceptional posi-
tion among the secondary seas. The sea
which the ancients regarded as placed in
the centre of the world, and which they
therefore called Mediterranean, displays
for our admiration the architects of that
civilisation which preceded Columbus, the
representatives of an intellectualism which
is imposing itself upon the whole of man-
kind. The Baltic Sea, again, though of
smaller extent, and at the present day of
no greater importance than any other
secondary sea, at one time played a very
similar part and exerted no small influence
upon a considerable portion of Europe
throughout the historical changes which
took place in the countries which formed
its shores. Hence the Baltic seems to
deserve that special treatment which we
have already devoted to the Mediterra-
^1. D t.- . nean. Within the last thirty
The Baltic s ,, i_- i • -i
.... years the geographical similar-
Pro r s ^^y between these two seas has
often been pointed out, and with
full justification. Both are true inland
seas, which may be regarded as deep gulfs
extending from the Atlantic Ocean far
into the gigantic continental mass of Asia,
Europe, and Africa. The Mediterranean
is 730,000 square miles in extent, the Baltic
but little more than a seventh of that
amount, namely, 111,408. The fact be-
comes highly important when we remem-
ber that the Mediterranean, notwithstand-
ing its comparatively narrow area, was
the sea of chief importance to the ancient
world ; in fact, almost the whole of the
then known world was concentrated upon
the length of its shores. The Baltic has
never been able to claim so high a position.
It has, indeed, its own cycle of historical
progress and national development ; but
it is only one of many successive cycles,
and one, too, considerably more remote.
It must, moreover, be admitted that
the history of the Baltic cannot compare
in uniformity with that of the Medi-
terranean, notwithstanding the fact that
the smaller size of this sea seemed to
favour concentration upon its shores.
Only once — during the time of the Roman
Empire — has its political uniformity
found complete expression ; on the other
Wh s A '^^^^' attempts have often
n we en ^^^^ made to unify the
Q * p Mediterranean, in the colo-
nisation of the Phoenicians
and Greeks, in the establishment of the Pax
Romana, in the triumphs of Christianity,
and the advances of the Arabs — and these
were attempts which reached the shores
of the Atlantic Ocean.
In the case of the Baltic a modern
attempt to secure complete political uni-
formity occurs only once, during the age
when Sweden became a great power, though
other peoples upon the coast, such as the
Danes, Germans, Poles, and Russians,
have aimed at the " dominion of the
Baltic." Similarly, an economic and com-
mercial uniformity has existed, not only
during the prosperity of the Hanseatic
League, but also again under the Swedish
domination. At the present day it is
possible to regard the Baltic as dominated
by a German commercial system, as the
business of the Russian and Polish interior
is largely carried on by German firms ; and
in modern times Protestantism has retained
_ - its ground on every shore.
German System g^gj^ St. Petersburg, the
Dominating cosmopolitan capital, cannot
the Baltic Sea ■ n ii_- c -j.
influence this uniformity, as
the Russian national spirit is rather repelled
by than attracted to the capital on the
Neva, and is, moreover, of small com-
mercial influence. In Finland, the Swedish
element of the population is largely con-
cerned with commerce over seas, and the
coasts overshadow the -interior, both in
economic progress and in their influence
3361
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
upon civilisation as a whole. A material
difference exists between the two seas,
with regard both to their position and
the direction which their civilisation
followed. In the Mediterranean, civilisa-
tion advanced with comparative rapidity
at an early date from east to west, sup-
ported as it was by similar geographical
conditions on every coast. In
ThTn the ' ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^' ^^ conformity
B Tf S^ ^^^^ ^^^ position running from
south to north, the southern
shores are mentioned by history far earlier
than the northern, which were opened to
Christianity and to European culture only
at a later date. Though the geological
changes which have characterised the
Baltic were of no importance to the history
of mankind, we do not mean to imply
that man was not a conscious witness of
their passage. Man was already living and
hunting in Central Germany long before
there was any Baltic Sea in the present
sense of the word ; recent discoveries
seem to betoken an even wider distribution
of man in the neighbouring districts.
However this may be, it is likely that even
as antediluvian man did not object to live
permanently upon ice and glacier, so his
descendants did not hesitate to follow the
ice when it finally melted and retreated.
Such progress was indeed imposed upon
man by the fact that he depended for his
hunting upon the fauna of the glacier,
which he was obliged to follow until new
climatic conditions opened to him a life
of greater material convenience and com-
fort. This, however, must have been a
process of such long continuance through-
out the district of the retreating glaciers
that the Baltic and the North Sea had time
to fill their deepest recesses and to assume
those general outlines which have since
remained practically unchanged. As a
matter of fact, certain experts upon the
stone age of the north assert that the
" kitchen-midden " people are not to be
_ regarded as the first inhabitants
_ I of the shores of the western
I J k-* * Baltic, but that the traces of
Inhabitants ' , . ^ r ,
an earlier race can be found
which must have been more closely con-
nected with the geological development of
Northern Europe than those later archi-
tects of the mussel heaps can ever have
been. We are therefore justified in saying
that man has witnessed the formation of
the Baltic. This sounds a great assertion,
and seems to secure to this sea an
3362
exceptional position among its sisters. The
fact, however, is not so. Long before the
connecting straits were broken through,
men were living upon the rolling plains of
South-eastern England ; and even upon
the shores of the oceans which go back to
a remoter period mankind has witnessed
changes which have exerted a deep
influence upon the later distribution of
humanity. The Baltic for a time certainly
remained without influence upon the fate ol
its earliest settlers, for the momentous step
of embarking upon the sea has been taken
by humanity without exception at a late
and comparatively advanced period of
civilisation. If in the case of the Baltic
we find it necessary to look back to
prehistoric times we are therefore bound
to give special reasons for our decision.
The historical importance of the sea is
chiefly and most easily obvious to the
eye of the spectator in so far as it evokes
and consolidates certain anthropological,
ethnographical, political, economic, and
intellectual conditions, and in so far as its
mere existence upon the surface of the earth
diminishes the differences between near or
, ^ - remote settlements of man-
L^r'^l ^^"^- ^° ^^"^^^ ^^'^ °^ °^^
x^'f^ c * larger water systems has
Water Systems t ■? ■, , .-^ ,
failed to exert some such
influence ; even in the case of seas so sparsely
inhabited as the Arctic Ocean, these results
have been attained by centuries of search
for the North - east and North - west
Passages ; in the absolutely uninhabited
Antarctic Ocean the search for the " Terra
australis incognita " has produced the
same results. It may indeed be said that
the final influence of these seas upon the
formation of our modern territorial and
economic relations has been far greater
than that of many seas more favourably
situated upon the habitable globe, and far
deeper, for instance, than the influence
of the Baltic, which has, however, a
historical character of its own.
The special position of the Baltic is due
to a point which falls outside the limits of
those general considerations, and which
for this reason, and also because its dis-
covery is the work only of very recent
years, has been neglected or disregarded
by the ordinary historian. In the case of
the Baltic, it is possible for us, using pre-
historic and early historic discoveries, and
utilising the sciences of comparative civili-
sation and comparative philology, to
follow upon the shores of this sea a sharply
THE HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE BALTIC SEA
distinguished group of peoples almost to
its birth, and to an earlier age than
perhaps anywhere else in the world, with
the possible exceptions of Mesopotamia
and Kgypt. These groups are Indo-
Germanic or Indo-Keltic, or whatever
other name may be chosen for this great
ethnographical unity which in respect of
language and civilisation is unmistakably
identical, whatever differences may exist
among the component members of the race.
In the process of retracing these people to
those remote times, generally known as
prehistoric, there rises before the eyes of
the modern historian, who no less than
the ethnographer must deal with pre-
historic facts, an ethnological unity, the
foundations of which remain unshaken
at the present day, though many of its
numerous portions may require recon-
struction.
As soon as the Baltic begins to influence
the history of its inhabitants and neigh-
bours, its special position and configura-"
tion make their effects felt as plainly
as in all later times, notwithstanding the
great modern improvements in means of
communication. Comparison
and contrast with the Medi-
terranean are immediately
suggested. Both seas are un-
usually secluded from the outer ocean, and
advance unusually far into the broad
continent of the Old World, and to the
common configuration of both seas Europe
owes the fact that so many countries have
been laid open to communication and well
provided with coast line. At a very early
period the Mediterranean facilitated con-
tact and amalgamation between different
races, and linked together spheres of
civilisation which differed ethnographi-
cally and intellectually ; the Baltic, on the
other hand, was but a means of union
between neighbours who were little more
than tribes of the same race, and there-
fore stood upon a very similar intellectual
plane. The presence of the Finns in the
gulfs of Finland and Bothnia became a
disturbing influence upon this unity ; the
Finns, however, were late in entering the
circle of the Baltic people, and have, more-
over, avoided its rivers more entirely than
any branch of the Indo-Germanic family.
Apart from the piratical Esthonians and
Livonians, who flourished comparatively
late and were speedily crushed by the
Germans and the Danes, no great maritime
movement is discoverable among this
Baltic and
Mediterranean
Contrasted
group of nations, who were predestined
by their position to work by land rather
than by sea.
Thus far the Baltic appears as the
counterpart of the Mediterranean, with
the difference that its population is more
uniform, its position more northerly, and
its historical force inferior. This similarity,
„ , however, comes to an end so
Progress of ,
w„.., soon as we turn our gaze upon
Mediterranean ,, j-.- ^ ,
Civilisation economic Conditions of
the surrounding countries
and the influence exerted by the sea upon
their composition. The geographical posi-
tion of the Mediterranean is characterised
by the fact that its axis follow the degrees
of latitude. In comparison with this axis,
all other lines of extent are so short that
the northern and southern shores are
separated only by a few degrees at any one
point. Consequently, the climate and the
natural products of the Mediterranean dis-
trict are everywhere characterised by a
certain uniformity; the products of the
various Mediterranean countries differ
rather in quantity than in kind. The
economic importance of the Mediterranean
has been more strongly influenced by this
uniformity than is commonly supposed ; of
native products there has been but little
fetching or carrying on the Mediterranean ;
its importance rather consists in the fact
that it gathered the products of foreign and
often distant countries and distributed
them equally over its breadth and other
surrounding countries. To the Mediterra-
nean there primarily belongs that unique
uniformity of moral and intellectual pro-
gress, for which we justifiably employ the
term " Mediterranean civilisation."
In the case of the Baltic, these condi-
tions are largely, though not entirely,
changed. The shorter axis of the Baltic
is that which runs from west to east ;
none the less the eastern and western
extremities of this sea differ remarkably
in climate, in conformation, in the condi-
tions of production and distri-
Different ^^tion. The western extremity
th Blui/" ^^ "^^^y articulated, its climate
* * " is that of the ocean, and it leads
to direct communication with western
Europe while the eastern extremity bears
the characteristics of the north-east of the
European continent. The northern third
of the Baltic is characterised by the scanty
influence it has exerted upon the history of
mankind ; on the other hand, the configura-
tion of the remaining two-thirds has resulted
3363
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
in an influence far greater. Superficially,
this configuration appears to have little in
common with that of the Mediterranean ;
but if we disregard the exchange of com-
mercial products, the only point in ques-
tion before nations became politically
active over seas, another similarity be-
tween the two seas becomes obvious. The
. Mediterranean at every period
aryiBg ^^^ acted as a great collecting
egrecso j-^^gj^ jj^j-q which more has
flowed from the East than has
flowed out ; the eyes of the whole antique
and mediaeval world eagerly directed to this
quarter are sufficient evidence of the fact.
Eastward the Mediterranean need give
but little to receive more.
Westward and northward the contrary
was the case. In these directions there
were to be found no peoples of a civili-
sation in some respects higher than that
of the Mediterranean, as was the case
in Mesopotamia, India, and China ; on
that side existed only poverty-stricken
tribes, which were regarded with scorn,
as too far beneath the ideals of
civilisation then prevalent. If upon occa-
sion they were deemed worthy of com-
mercial intercourse by no means insignifi-
cant, the fact was due merely to practical
considerations : in return for staple wares
esteemed but little at the centre of civilisa-
tion, they gave those products of their
Northern homes which were indispensable
to satisfy the luxurious wants of the sunny
South ; these were tin and amber. The
general picture therefore appears as follows:
From the south-east to the Red Sea. the
Persian Gulf, and the Syrian passes, came
a strong influx of expensive wares indis-
pensable to refined civilisation — silks, aro-
matic spices, etc. ; there is a weaker but
well-marked flow of Mediterranean pro-
ducts northward and a vast consumption
of such products in the great basin of the
Mediterranean itself. The Baltic never had
the character of a collecting basin in anv
i»i. B ,.• high degree ; it has alwavs been.
The Baltic ^ • j. j.u ' ^ j
■ . and remams at the present dav,
as a Line ,. ^ ^ t xt_"
J p a fine of passage. In other
respects its circumstances re-
semble those of the Mediterranean, wnth
the exception that the lines of exit and
entrance diverge by some ninety degrees.
The North Sea and the strait on which lie
Hamburg and Liibeck serve as the line of
entrance, as also at times do the three straits
leading to the Skagerrak ; from this direc-
tion the most valuable articles of commerce
3364
have reached the south Baltic, which alone
can be regarded as an independent centre
of civilisation ; this process has continued
from neolithic times — in which, as is evi-
denced by the dolmens and stone burial
places, a civilisation connected with an-
cestor worship extended from the Medi-
terranean Sea to the western Baltic
territories — down to the Hanseatic and
modern periods, which have always given
and continue to give a larger amount
of manufactured articles to these Baltic
shores than they receive in the way of
raw material. The district of exportation
is the whole of the north east. It is
not until later centuries that it can be
shown to have assumed this character,
which then became strong enough to
influence the whole commercial and
economic history of central and western
Europe. Its importance, however, was
secured, not by tin or amber, but by
boundless woods which afforded admirable
timber for shipbuilding, and vast supphes
of com, which then fed the industrial
districts of western Euro|^, and es-
pecially of Flanders. These goods still form
the staple exports of those
districts. Thechief reason for
the fact that the north-east
part of the Baltic became of
imjx)rtance to international communica-
tion at so late a date is to be found in the
slow development which north Euro})ean
civilisation pursued. The original Ger-
manic tribes were for many thousands
of years living in a state of nature ; they
were dependent upon the gifts of nature
to a greater extent than almost any un-
civilised people in their position. In
considering the part played by the Baltic
in the development of the settlers upon
its shores, it is obviously permissible
for these reasons to regard that part, up
to a certain date, as coincident with the
influence exerted by the sea in general
upon the life of primeval humanity.
That influence is wonderfully slight.
For the majority of inferior races, it is
practically non-existent, and in the case of
others it does not extend beyond the
occasional practice of shore fishing for pur-
poses of food or beyond coast navigation
for a similar object ; the sea becomes a
means of intercommunication and a
modifying influence only for a very small
number of peoples living in favourably
situated islands or upon broken coasts,
such as the Malay Polynesians, the North-
German Tribes
in a State
of Nature
THE HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE BALTIC SEA
west Americans, and Eskimo. Such in-
fluence was exerted by the Baltic at the
end of the first millennium a.d. only upon
the adjacent parts of the extreme west of
Europe, where civilisation was more ad-
vanced ; for the remaining time and over
its larger eastern portion, the importance
of the Baltic varies, though it never be-
comes an influence of direct importance
to the inhabitants of these shores. As we
have already observed we can pursue
their history in an unbroken course to the
"midden mounds" of the early Neolithic
Age. Neither the sea nor its shores were
of any great importance to them ; no
evidence has yet been found to prove the
existence of the simplest methods of navi-
gation in those early times.
During the later period of this long era,
and above all in the Bronze Age, the case
is entirely changed. The distribution
of great megalithic buildings shows that
during the early period maritime com-
munication was continued with the Medi-
terranean round the west coasts of Europe.
During the Bronze Age, the Hallristningar,
the rock carvings in the southern frontier
_ ,. . provinces of Norway and
Sweden, with their numerous
pictures of strongly manned
warships, sea-fights, and
other warlike enterprises, prove that the
old Scandinavians were mariners almost
as bold and confident as their successors
the Vikings and shared their art of boat-
building. In view of this close acquaint-
anceship with the sea, we cannot be
surprised at the uniformity of the civilisa-
tion which during the whole metallic age
prevailed throughout the coast lands of
the southern and central Baltic ; navi-
gation proved to be the best means of
equalising contrasts and differences in
the native civilisation, and also of dis-
tributing rapidly and equably through-
out the districts those material and in-
tellectual importations which arrived in
such number from the South and the
Mediterranean.
The close connection between the
European North and the Mediterranean
South is one of the remarkable facts in
the early history of our continent, while
its illustration is one of the greatest
achievements of northern archaeologists.
This connection was maintained by the
most different routes, from the Adriatic
Sea, down the Elbe and the Oder, along
the Danube, and from the Black Sea
in the
Bronze Age
westward through Russia ; all these were
paths converging directly upon the southern
Baltic. These facts cannot be due to
chance, and we shall certainly not be
wrong in assuming the true cause to exist
in the civilising influence of the Baltic
itself. This influence was inadequate to
create unaided a special and isolated
T 1 t d civilisation, such as charac-
Norther terises the Mediterranean ; the
Peoples arctic position, the small size,
and the sparse population of
the Baltic region militated against such
a possibility ; but when once connection
had been made with the more complex
civilisation of the south, the talented
northern races were fully capable, not
only of assimilating foreign importations,
but also of adding to them new forms,
which in many cases were nobler and more
beautiful. Thus the Mediterranean and
the Baltic stand connected in the history
of the world. From the south, which
was itself influenced by the east, civilisa-
tion advanced to the north, whereupon
the Baltic, though exercising no creative
power, continued to disseminate and
unify that civilisation.
The connected history of the Baltic
begins at a time when the interchange of
commercial products was more often
effected by force than by peaceful trade.
As yet no great political heroes advance
into the dawning light of history ; we can
observe only the representatives of con-
siderable bodies of seafarers, whose ambi-
tion sent them forth upon bold voyages in
small boats, to plunder foreign coasts.
Gradually these piratical raids became
more deliberate undertakings for the foun-
dation of settlements and supremacy. The
Vikings, the " men of the creeks," founded
a kingdom in Russia in the ninth century
under the Slavs, and in the tenth wrested
Normandy from the Franks ; they soon
entered the Mediterranean and settled in
Italy. They came forth from every part
in. vt-- of Scandinavia, including the
The Vikings .^j^^^^ ^^ j ^^^^^^ . ^^^ ^^^^^
inter the ^j^^ founded the kingdom of
Mediterranean -.^ , re
Novgorod came from bveo-
land ; others from Norway and Denmark ; all
were heathen and enemies to the people of
European civilisation. They advanced
from the Volkhov and Dwina to the
Dnieper, thence into the Black Sea and
extorted gold and manufactured articles
from the Byzantines. They raised their
dragon standard on the Volga and spread
3365
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the terror of their name to the Caspian Sea.
At the same time a peaceful commerce
grew up between Upper Asia and Germany
by way of Kiev ; thus even in England,
traces are to be found of a commerce
which was largely in the hands of the
Arabians ; Kufish coins were then current
from the Black and Caspian Seas to the
u D r • shores of the Baltic and to
CoIm?ce England. This commerce was
tamer e destroyed by domestic con-
Was Destroyed r ■ ■^ ■ •' r, u
fusion m Russia, by
struggle between the Russian princes and
also between the Slavic and Finnish tribes.
The Baltic, which sent its amber by
various routes to the south, also attracted
Oriental wares by other routes. The
necessity was soon recognised of effecting a
union among the Baltic coast lands. In
the eleventh century the Danes first raised
the claim of political supremacy over the
coasts of the Baltic instead of making
their name feared by piratical raids.
Gorm the Old was prevented by Henry
the Fowler from carrying out similar
intentions, and the Mark of Schleswig was
secured against Danish influence (934).
Canute the Great (1014-1035) appeared
capable of gaining that supremacy for
his nation ; he united England and Nor-
way with Denmark, secured the Mark
of Schleswig by an alliance with the Em-
peror Conrad II., wrested Pomerania from
the Polish League, and extended his
conquests to Samland. These great suc-
cesses were to be immortalised by the
conversion of this people to Christianity.
If the empire had remained in the
hands of the Franconians and southern
Germans, the Danish supremacy might
have endured for a long period. Fortu-
nately for the future of Germany, a Saxon,
Lothar of Suplinburg, was elected em-
peror in 1 1 25. The Emperor Lothar and
after him the great duke, Henry the
Lion, recognised the wide danger implied
by the Danish advance and began meas-
_ _ ures of defence. They entered
e *y'** upon the struggle with their
g Scandinavian neighbours, in full
^ consciousness of the political
importance which the entrance to the
Baltic implied to the German nationality.
To secure the victory, all that was necessary
was to burst through the barrier of Slav
peoples which had settled on the shores
of the Baltic up to the period of the
great migrations and separated the Ger-
mans from their harbours.
3366
Concerning Jomsburg, Vineta, and the
great Wendish commercial towns, we have
only legendary narratives ; history must
confine itself to the statement that the
maritime tiaific of the Slavs upon the Baltic
in the eleventh and twelfth centuries was
of first-rate importance.
From an early period Wisby, in Goth-
land, was the central point of the Baltic
commerce. The old town laws contained
the following clause : " Let it be known
that as the people of many countries have
gathered in Gothland, peace is hereby
assured . . . whoever comes to the
coast is to enjoy the peace that has been
sworn." Soon afterwards a German com-
munity was formed in Wisby by the side
of the Gothlanders. Shortly after the
middle of the twelfth century the Germans
crossed into Russia and appeared together
with the Goths in Slavonic Novgorod.
At the close of the century a German court
existed in that town, on the Volkhov.
Together with Novgorod, Polock and
Smolensk were in commercial relations
with Gothland from an early time, and
with the Germans there, communications
being carried on by way of the
„ Dwina. In 1201 Riga was
.i.^'V^ founded from Wisby, and this
the Lion , , , J /-
became the second German
town on the Baltic ; from Liibeck, the first
German port, the citizens of the West-
phalian towns, Seost, Miinster, and Dort-
mund, travelled to Riga, by way of Goth-
land, in order to found a German civic
community enjoying " the rights of the
Germans in Wisby." The connection
between Liibeck, Wisby, and Riga formed
the chief link in that chain which was
joined at a later period by other Wendish
and Prussian towns.
The Danes were forced to retreat before
these successes. The fall of Henry the
Lion in 1181 and the' resulting revolt of
the Danes under Waldemar I. and Knut
VI., as the overlords of the Baltic Wends,
proved to be of no permanent importance.
It seemed, indeed, that Waldemar II.
(1202-1241) might be able to extend and
permanently to secure these acquisitions.
The Baltic coasts were subjected to
Danish supremacy in a wide curve to the
south-west, from Gothland to Pomerania.
Hence, Waldemar advanced to the island
of Osel at the mouth of the Gulf of Riga
in 1206 ; but the attempts at conquest
and at conversion to Christianity were
alike failures. He sent forth two bishops
THE HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE BALTIC SEA
to Riga to inquire into the state of affairs,
and would have been glad to wrest the
town from the Germans. In the year
1 2 10 he appeared in Pomerellen ; the
duke Mestwyn did homage to him, and
he entertained designs upon Smaland.
Seven years later, in 1217, Count Albert
of Hoist ein, a vassal of Waldemar, founded
a colony in Livonia and would have
resumed the attack upon Osel had he not
been hindered by a thaw. In 1219 the
king appeared in person, and occupied the
Esthonian fortress of Lindanyssa ; this
was destroyed and the town of Reval was
built upon the site. In the next year
W'aldemar again sailed to Reval. On
this occasion he turned his attention to
the more southerly Livonia, which had
been conquered and converted to Chris-
tianity by the Germans. He immediately
closed the harbour of Liibeck, to prevent
any further increase of the German colony.
The year 1222 marks the zenith of Danish
supremacy in the east, and the greater
part of Esthonia then did homage to the
Danebrog. On May 7th, 1223, the whole
of this mighty edifice collapsed. King
. Waldemar II. was taken
enit o prisoner in Fiinen by his vassal,
""*'* Count Henry of Schwerin ;
upremacy ^^^ Count Albert of Holstein
also fell into the hands of the Germans.
The harbour of Liibeck was reopened
and counter influences made themselves
felt throughout the Baltic coasts. Upon
his release from imprisonment Waldemar
again tried the fortune of war, but by his
defeat at Bornhoved on July 22nd, 1227,
the dominion of the Baltic was wrested
for ever from the Danes. Waldemar
surrendered Nordalbingia and the South
Baltic coasts. Northern Esthonia was
already conquered by the Germans, and
its return to the diminished Denmark was
only due to the intervention of the Pope
in 1238.
About the middle of the fourteenth
century a struggle again broke out
between the Germans and the Danes for
the predominance in the Baltic, and then it
was that the union of the Wendish towns
first became the great alliance of the Hansa.
Under King Eric Menved (1286-1319)
Denmark's supremacy had again been
extended to the southern shores of the
Baltic, though in a short time it was driven
back by the German princes. When
Waldemar Atterdag ascended the throne
of Denmark in 1340, her power began to
rise again. The lost portions of the empire
were recovered with the exception of
Esthonia, the masters of which were chiefly
German knights and citizens. Waldemar
sold this province to the Teutonic knights
in 1346. The main territories of Denmark
were united and the kingdom recovered
the power which it had formerly possessed
-,. p under Gorm the Old, and
The Famous ■, '
Federation ^PP^^^ed a serious menace
of Cologne ^° *^^ Germans. In order
to secure his power perman-
ently Waldemar wrested the most valuable
link from the chain of the Hanseatic towns.
Wisby, which remained the staple market
of Novgorod, and which for a long time
rivalled Liibeck, was suddenly captured in
1361 by the Danish king, who had a short
time previously recovered Schonen, with
the Hanseatic towns of Bitten, Halland,
and Blekinge. This event led to a firm
alliance between the Hansa and the famous
federation of Cologne in 1367 ; the
towns from Flanders to Esthonia were
united in a great military confederacy.
Princes who were hostile to Denmark
joined the League, and the proud Walde-
mar succumbed to the repeated attacks
of the Germans. He abandoned his
kingdom, and commissioned the Danish
parliament to conclude peace. The towns
opened negotiations in 1370 at Stralsund,
and secured important commercial and
political privileges ; the prince concluded
negotiations at Stockholm in 1371.
Only now does the Hansa appear as an
independent political power on the Baltic ;
though internal dissensions decreased its
efficiency, yet in its dealings with the
outer world, under the leadership of
Liibeck; it constituted a national power
which did not collapse until Poland
became supreme in the north. At an
earlier period the Hansa had already
suffered infringements of their rights.
The trading privileges of the German
merchants, the maintenance of which
they regarded as their special
Scots and ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ disputed upon
occasion in the north-west and
east ; in Scandinavia the union
of Kalmar paved the way for a federation
of native merchants, while the Prussian
towns had introduced Scottish and English
traders into the Baltic. But the chief
menace to the powers of the federation
was the growing force of the Slav nation-
ality. The Teutonic Order in Prussia and
Livonia had excluded the Russians and
3367
English
on the Baltic
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Poles from the Baltic. In 1402 the knights
bought the New Mark, and thus impeded
Polish access to the coast of Pomerania ;
but in 1410 the Poles, in alliance with
Asiatic hordes of Tartars, defeated 200
Prussian knights on the battlefield of
Tannenberg, and the territory of the Order
would have fallen into the hands of the Polish
inhabitants of the interior
had not the Livonian master,
East Prussia
Becomes a
P r h F" f Conrad of Vitmghove, sent
his marshal to Prussia with
a strong force, which, with the help of Ger-
man mercenaries, secured the peace of
Thorn. Fifty years later, in 1466, in a second
peace of Thorn, West Prussia and Danzig
became Polish, while East Prussia was
made a Polish fief. The white eagle
replaced the black cross, and the Polish
flag became important on the Baltic.
In the year 1494 the Petershof in Novgorod
was destroyed by Russia, which had
been united under Ivan ill. The Russian
traders advanced to the Hanseatic towns
of Livonia. The result was jealousy
between these towns and the other
members of the federation, as the former
began to make the inland trade a mono-
poly of their own.
For another half-century the Slavs on
the Livonian coast were held back, but
without foreign help " the bulwark of
Christianity " was too weak to make
permanent headway against the onslaught
from the east. Denmark and Sweden were
divided by dissension. Gustavus Vasa
destroyed the union of the Scandinavian
powers, introduced the Reformation into
Sweden and Finland, and prepared for
the conquest of Esthonia, which was
also Protestant, an enterprise concluded
by his son, Eric XIV., in 1561. Livonia,
however, was left to the Poles, who secured
the whole seaboard from Pomerania to
Danzig after the retirement of Russia ;
about the same time, 1562, Courland also
came under Polish supremacy. This position
PI AiK °^ *^^ Baltic made Poland the
p . . J principal northern power. With
p strong bases at Cracow, Danzig,
and Riga, extending between
the Black and the Baltic Seas, Poland
played a considerable part in western
history, and attained a measure of
scientific and artistic reputation, supported
by her close connection with Rome and
Italy. Sweden and Russia were unable
to make head against this great power.
The defects of the Polish kingdom,
3368
apart from her internal dissensions, were
very well known to her contemporaries.
She required a fleet to secure the dominion
of the Baltic. In the election capitulations
a fleet was demanded from the kings, but
the jealousy of the Polish Slachta, which
had been long growing, prevented the
imposition of the taxes which would have
sufficed for so great a task. Adherence
to the Catholic reaction against Protes-
tantism, in addition to the want of a fleet,
undermined the position of Poland, and in
the course of one generation this monarch-
ical republic began to totter to its fall.
When the great European wars of
religion broke out, the Swedish Protestant
king, Gustavus Adolphus II., invaded
Livonia, forced Riga to capitulate in 1621,
and defeated the imperial power in
Germany in 163 1. In another generation it
was difficult to conceive that any other
power except Sweden had possessed any
permanent prestige or influence in the
north of the continent.
The Tsar of Russia, Peter the Great,
advanced from the east upon the Baltic
coast. He wished, as he said, to have at
u , least one window through
nmar s ^j-^j^^j^ ^j^g Russians could look
Q out upon Europe. Charles XI.
and Charles XII. of Sweden ac-
celerated the fall of their empire by their
selfishness and stupidity. The Northern
War, which was not inevitable, was badly
conducted, and ended in the loss of
Stettin with part of Nearer Pome-
rania in 1720, of Riga with Livonia, and
of Reval with Esthonia (in the peace of
Nystad, 1721). By his bold foundation of
St. Petersburg in 1703 upon Swedish
territory, which had not yet been ceded,
Peter the Great built a bridge for his nation
to the west.
The dominion of the Baltic which Poland
and Sweden had attempted to exercise
had disappeared after long struggles, and
was never secured by Russia. It may
indeed be said that the small country
of Denmark, through her possession of
the entrance to the Baltic and the
extent of her maritime commerce, was a
greater influence in Baltic navigation
than the tsar's kingdom — at any rate,
until the Sound tolls were removed in
1857. Since that date, the preponderance
of naval force in the Baltic has passed
to Germany.
Karl Weule
Joseph Girgensohn
EUROPE: THIRD DIVISION
WESTERN EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE AGES
From fhe Sundering of the Roman
Empire to the eve ol the Reformation
The first stage in the general treatment of Europe allowed
us to treat so much of the continent as was known to the
Romans, down to the final division of their empire. From
that point it became necessary to introduce a geographical
division between East and West for a period terminating about
the tim° of the French Revolution.
Eastern Europe during that period has formed a single
division. The grezter diversity and the multiplication of
detail in the history of Western Europe requires us to give the
period two divisions — media;val and post medi2e%'al. The first
brings us down to the beginning of the sixteenth century — the
times immediately preceding the Reformation.
In it we shall trace the expansion of the Teutonic wave over
the whole area, and its partial recession, leaving a Latinised
portion and a Germanised portion. We shall see the develop-
ment of the dual conceptions of Emperorand Popeas temporal
and spiritual heads of Western Christendom, often in sharp
rivalry; and the development of nationalities outside the
empire : among the Latins, French and Spanish ; among the
Teutons, Scandinavian and Britannic.
We shall see also the collision between the Cross and the
Crescent expressed in the Crusades. Finally we shall see the
development of the new conceptions, intellectual, religious,
and economic, which evolved modern out of mediaeval Europe ;
and shall survey the fundamental characteristics of the social
and political structure which was passing away.
GENERAL SURVEY OF THE PERIOD
By Dr. Thomas Hodgkin
THE PEOPLES OF WESTERN EUROPE
By Professor Eduard Heyck
THE EMERGING OF THE NATIONS
ITALY— THE PRANKISH EKDMINION— THE EMPIRE OF
CHARLEMAGNE — THE BRITISH ISLES — THE SPANISH
PENINSULA-THE CHURCH IN THE WEST— SCANDINAVIA
By
Dr. H. F Helmolt. H. W. C. Davis. Professor
Heyck. Dr. Mahrenholtz, Dr. H. Schurtz.
Professor Walther, and Dr. Hans Schjoth
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIONS
THE GERMANIC EMPIRE— GERMAN EXPANSION ON THE
EAST— THE PAPACY-FRANCE— THE BRITISH ISLES-ITALY
—SPAIN— THE CRUSADES- INTER NATIONAL COMMERCE—
THE RENAISSANCE
By
Dr. Armin TUIe, H. W. C. Davis, A. D. Innes,
Professor Mayr. Dr. Clemens Klein, and others
THE SOCIAL FABRIC OF THE MEDIiVEVAL WORLD
By W. Romaine Paterson, M.A.
3369
MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE THIRD DIVISION OF EUROPE
In the above map the third division of Europe, which treats of the whole western part of the Continent from the
sundenng: of the Roman Empire down to the eve of the Reformation, is illustrated. The map is at once historical,
geographical and ethnological, since it shows the territorial disposition of the land within the period mentioned as weU
as the ciadles of the various races whose movements throughout that period constitute so large a part of its history.
The shaded portion of the map on the right indicates the western extremity of that part of Europe whose history
down to the time of the French Revolutioa has already been fully dealt with in the preceding division of Europe.
WE5TE
GENERAL SURVEY OF THE PERIOD
By Dr, Thomas Hodgkin
THE MOULDING OF THE NATIONS AND THE
TIME OF THE NORTHMEN
IN the year 500 the leading states of
^ Western Europe were those which had
been founded by the two branches of the
great Gothic nation, itself in many respects
the most civilised and cultured of all the
barbarian tribes that had built their
homes amid the ruins of the Roman
Empire. The West Goths, or Visigoths,
under their king, Alaric II., the
„.* '*" seventh in succession from his
ing o e j^a^niggj^i^g ^}^g ravager of Rome,
Barbarians • i i ^ .1 .
occupied about three-quarters
of the Spanish Peninsula and the whole
of that beautiful region of Gaul which
was known as Aquitaine, and which lay
south and west of the broad sickle of the
Loire. The East Goths, or Ostrogoths,
ruled Italy and Sicily as well as Germany
up to the frontier of the Danube. Their
king, Theoderic, was in many respects
the wisest, strongest, and most enlightened
of all the barbarian rulers, and honestly
strove to blend as much as possible the
culture of the old Greek and Roman
world with the rough strength and energy
of his Gothic countrymen.
Other Teutonic states were those of the
Burgundians in the valley of the Rhone,
of the Vandals along the northern coast of
Africa, and of the Suevi in the region which
is now called Portugal.
All of these kingdoms were drawn
together, not only by a consciousness of
kindred origin, but also by the profession
of the same creed, for all had been con-
verted to Christianity; but all were
Christians of the Arian type, refusing to
accept the statement contained in the
creed of Nicaea as to the co-equal divinity
of Christ with His Father.
One Teutonic nationality, destined to be
the mightiest of all, remains to be noticed.
Along the mouths of the Rhine and
the Meuse, in the flat expanses of Cham-
pagne and Lorraine, and on the left bank
of the Middle Rhine, clustered the two
great divisions of the Prankish nation,
the Salian and Ripuarian Franks. These
fierce wielders of the battle-axe remained
heathen long after most of their fellow-
Teutons had accepted the message of
Christianity; but, four years before our
story begins, their brisk young king,
Chlodwig, or Clovis, embraced the faith
of his Christian wife, Clotilde, and at his
bidding the majority of his subjects
embraced it likewise. A fact of immense
importance for the future history of Gaul
and of Europe was that the Christianity
which won his allegiance was not of the
Arian, but of the Trinitarian or Catholic
type. This secured for him the hearty
goodwill of the Catholic
ExpaDsion ^j^ ^^^ through them
of the Prankish r ?,•' , • . t-> j
Kin dom subject Romanised
ing om population throughout the
whole of Western Europe, and was doubt-
less one cause of the rapid extension of the
Prankish kingdom. In the year 507, with
the words, ''I cannot endure that these
Arians should hold so large a part of Gaul,"
he challenged the Visigothic king to battle,
and defeated and slew him on the plains
of Poitiers. The Visigothic monarchy
3371
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
lived on for a few centuries longer, south
of the Pyrenees, and even extended its
borders in 587 by the conquest of the Suevi,
but, save for a narrow strip of territory,
called Septimania, on the west coast of the
Gulf of Lyons, its grasp on Gaul was gone.
Clovis died, a middle-aged man, in the
year 511, but his sons continued his policy
_,. . J of profitable religious warfare,
. „. * and after some campaigns, con-
g ducted with varymg success,
finally added the fruitful pro-
vinces of Burgundy to the Prankish king-
dom, which now included the whole of
modern France — save for the little strip
of Septimanian territory— and also the
Netherlands, the Rhinelands, and an in-
definable extent of country beyond the
Rhine. It was certainly in the six hundreds
and seven hundreds (seventh and eighth
centuries) the most powerful of all the
barbarian kingdoms, but was weakened by
the perpetual, and, to a historian, most
irritating, partitions of the empire between
the always jealous and often actively
hostile members of the royal family
— surnamed Merovingian, from Merovech,
the fabled son of a sea-god and grandfather
of Clovis.
Another source of weakness was the
rapid demoralisation of the kings, whose
constitutions were ruined by sensual in-
dulgence and who generally, died before
middle life worn out by their vices. Thus,
then, before the middle of the five hundreds
two of the Arian kingdoms, the Burgundian
and the Suevic, had been overthrown, and
a third, the Visigothic, had been shorn
of much of its strength. And before
the five hundreds had run their course
it, too, was lost to the Arian cause, not by
conquest, but by conversion. In 587,
Recared, the Visigothic king, who is
believed by some to have been the first
promulgator of the so-called Athanasian
Creed, formally renounced Arianism, and
the vast majority of his subjects followed
his example. While these events
°™ *. were happening in the west, the
Crippled r 1- ? • a • ■
J. . cause of Teutonic Ariamsm in
™ Italy was sustaining deadly blows
at the hands of an antagonist whom it
had too lightly valued, the by no means
effete though crippled Roman Empire. The
wise and statesmanlike Theoderic, king of
the Ostrogoths, died in 526, his last years
having been clouded by rumours of con-
spiracy and sedition which had seduced
him, naturally one of the most tolerant
3372
of rulers, into persecution of his Catholic
subjects. A minority and a female regency
followed. Theoderic's daughter, Amala-
suntha, lost the love of her Gothic warriors
by her unwise following of Roman fashions ;
her son, the lad Athalaric, died of the
excesses which followed on his liberation
from her maternal strictness. The whole
fair fabric of Italo-Gothic prosperity was
shaken, but might perhaps yet have
endured for generations had not the sceptre
of the Byzantine Caesars been swayed at
this time by one of the most extraordinary
of its possessors.
The story of the reign of Justinian
(527-565), belonging to the Eastern empire,
has been told in another volume. All
that needs to be said here is that by his
brave and skilful general, Belisarius, he
first overthrew the Vandal monarchy in
Africa (533-535), and then successfully
assaulted the Ostrogothic dominion in
Italy. This last enterprise proved a far
harder task than he had anticipated. Rome
was taken and re-taken three times ;
once for the space of forty days she lay
absolutely empty of inhabitants. The
Th o t tK struggle lasted sixteen years,
e s rogo * a,nd wore out the noble heart
isappear ^^ Belisarius, who died, if
From History . . / .
not in poverty, in some mea-
sure of disgrace. But the stubborn pati-
ence of Justinian was at last rewarded
with success. By the victory which his
old wrinkled eunuch general, Narses. won
amid the passes of the Apennines over the
gallant young King Totila the last hope
of the Ostrogoths was crushed. The
remnant of that nation cleared out of
Italy in 553, recrossed the Alps, and
disappeared from history.
Thus, then, by the middle of the five
hundreds, or soon after, the whole of that
powerful combination of peoples which
had upheld the standard of Teutonic
Arianism was dissolved. Some were exter-
minated, others were converted, and
Catholicism was the religion of all, whether
victors or vanquished. Let it not be
thought that this was a matter of which
only Church historians need take notice.
Apart from all questions of theological
soundness or unsoundness, the mere fact
that the whole commonwealth of Western
European nations professed the same
creed and took their spiritual word of
command from the Bishop of Rome
exercised an enormous influence on the
course of political history and national
MEDIEVAL WESTERN EUROPE: GENERAL SURVEY
development from the downfall of the
Arian kingdoms to the Reformation.
What made this extension of the
spiritual sway of Rome more memorable
was the splendid success of the missionary
oj>erations of the greatest of Roman
Pontiffs, Gregory I. (590-604). According
to the well-known story, the sight of some
handsome Anglian lads exposed for sale
in the Forum caused him, in 596, to send
his friend Augustine on a mission to the
then almost forgotten and unknown island
ot Britain. Although Christianity of
a somewhat different type retained its
hold on the Keltic population, and might
a strain of nobleness in his blood. Laymen
and churchmen alike did more than lip-
service to their new creed, and a man
such as Bede, who was barely two genera-
tions removed from heathenism — ^he was
born about 670 — has won the abiding
veneration of posterity both as saint and
scholar.
The seven hundreds witnessed a melan-
choly decline in every department of
Anglo-Saxon life. Murders of kings
abounded, scholars were scarce, the
monasteries became the haunts of the
dissolute and the idle ; but side by side
with this decay of religious life at home
THE GREAT POPE GREGORY AND THE "ANGELS
Gregory I., the greatest of all Roman Pontiffs, made his spiritual sway memorable by the splendid success of his
missionary operations. Seeing some handsome youths exposed for sale in the Forum, he asked whence they came,
and on being told they were Anglians, he replied. " Non Angli sed angeh'— not Anghans but angels. The sight of
these touched his compassionate heart, and caused him. in noc, to send his friend Augustine on a miss on to Bntam,
-t »i.-t ♦:™- ,„ ,im«ct .,nt-„„wn uianrt Rnt it was not until 686 that the orocess of conversion was bnauy compietea.
at that time an almost unknown island.
even be said to flourish in Ireland and in
the Hebrides, the conversion of our
stubborn Anglo-Saxon forefathers was
not altogether an easy process, and, in
fact, was not finaUy accomplished till
the year 686, nearly a century after the
landing of Augustine.
This century, however, during which
the struggle between Christianity and
Paganism was still going forward, was the
heroic age of the Anglo-Saxon nation.
Noble Christian kings, such as Edwin,
Oswald and Oswy, led their people upwards
in the path of civilisation. Even the
obstinate pagan Penda was not without
3X5
ana causea mm. in ,ii«>, lo seuu iii» jwcuu riu^ "=>■""= v.^. .. '"•-":; — . r j
But it was not nntU 686 that the process of conversion was finaUy completed.
From the painting by Kelley HalsweUe, R.I.
there was a marvellous display of mis-
sionary energy abroad.
Wilfrid, Willibrord, Boniface, moved
up and down through Friesland, Hesse
and Franconia, destroying idols and con-
verting their worshippers. They were
thus preparing the way for the addition
of these regions beyond the Rhine to the
vast Prankish empire. It is hardly too
much to say that Germany owes both
her Christianity and her civilisation to the
labours of Anglo-Saxon missionaries.
From the statement previously made
as to the unity of religious belief in
Western Europe, two notable exceptions
3373
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
must, for a time, be made. They were
caused by the arrival of the Lombards in
Italy and of the Moors in Spain.
Only fifteen years after the expulsion
of the Ostrogoths from Italy, the Lom-
bards under their ruthless leader Alboin
arrived in the peninsula (508). An uncouth
and barbarous people, they were for genera-
tions a miserable substitute
e ope on for the almost Cultured Ostro-
the Swords of ,, 1 .1 • i- • c
The Lombards ff^'\^;;^ ^^^'' religion if
they had any, was either
Arian Christianity or absolute heathenism.
Gregory the Great, even while he was plan-
ning his campaigns of spiritual conquest,
was living, as he bitterly complained,
" between the swords of the Lombards,"
and the fierce enmity between the papacy
and the Lombard kings was not ap-
peased even by the conversion of the latter
to Catholic Christianity, which was
effected in a half-hearted, desultory way
about a century after their entry into
Italy. In fact, the relations between
king and pope at this period of the world's
history bore a strong resemblance to
those between their modern Italian re-
presentatives.
The conquest of Italy by the Lombards
was only partial. From their capital at Pa via
they ruled the greater part of the valley
of the Po. Tuscany was theirs, and most
of the country on the flanks af the Apen-
nines, divided into the two great duchies
of Spoleto and Benevento. But the city
of Naples, the toe and heel of Italy, the
island of Sicily, and — in the north-east
corner of the land — the all but impregnable
city of Ravenna, still owed allegiance to
the emperor, whose representative, called
the Exarch (generally a Byzantine cour-
tier), ruled all imperial Italy from
Ravenna as his capital. Rome was, of
course, also nominally imperial ; but
all through these centuries the Popes,
who had many a theological battle with
the Eastern emperor, were showing an
. increasing tendency to make
enice^ Rome their own subject city,
ising in ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ independently of
Constantinople. During the same
period the little city, or group of cities,
amid the mud-banks of the Adriatic,
which was afterwards to be known
as Venice, was quietly increasing in
wealth and power, holding the Lombard
barbarians at bay and professing un-
bounded loyalty to the distant Byzantine
emperor. Visigothic and Catholic Spain
3374
underwent in the six hundreds a process
of rapid decay. It was governed by kings,
none of whom was able to found an
abiding dynasty ; by national councils, in
which the power of the bishops, which
directed the forces of the state chiefly to
the persecution of Jews and heretics,
predominated, and by nobles rich and
turbulent, but destitute of loyal devotion
to their country. The old Romanised
population, of whom we hear but little,
was probably oppressed and down-
trodden. Thus, when, in 711, the Saracen
conquerors of Africa — who are generally
styled Moors, though by no means
all of Mauretanian descent — crossed
the Straits of Gibraltar and challenged
Roderic, the king of the Goths, to a fight,
one obstinately-contested battle — that of
Xeres de la Frontera — overthrew the
whole rotten fabric of the Visigothic
state. Save for a few resolute spirits who,
under their king, Pelayo, kept the standard
of the Cross flying on the mountains of
Asturias, all Spain was Moorish and
Mussulman. Nor did the wave of Saracen
conquest stop with the Pyrenees. It
_ flowed over into Gaul, and for
Great Wave ^ ^-^^ seemed likely to add
of Saracen , 1 , , ^ 1. i.'L
^ that country also to the empire
onques ^^ ^^^ caliphs. Fortunately for
Europe, Charles Martel, the virtual ruler
of the Franks, proved equal to the occa-
sion, and in the desperately hard-fought
battle of Poitiers — about seven miles
from the modern city, often, but incor-
rectly, called the battle of Tours — defeated
the Saracenic emir, Abd-er-Kahman, and
saved Europe from the Moslem yoke. It is
worthy of notice that this battle —
emphatically one of the decisive battles of
the world — was fought in 732, exactly
100 years after the death of Mahomet,
" Prophet of God." So far in one century
had the fierce faith of the sons of the
desert carried them ; but so far, and no
further, did the great wave roll.
We have called Charles Martel " the
virtual ruler of the Franks," for that, and
not crowned king, was still the position
of the members of the Arnulfing family,
of which he was the head. For more than
a century the kings of the Merovingian
line had been sinking into a state of
fatuous decline. Young men, for the
most part ruined by dissipation, and
seldom surviving their thirtieth year, they
had allowed the reins of government to
slip from their nerveless hands into the
3375
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
strong grasp of the chief minister, who
was called Mayor of the Palace ; and for
three generations this fortunate manager
of the royal business had been chosen
from the same family, the descendants of
the sainted Arnulf, Bishop of Metz.
Charles Martel, the greatest man whom
the family had yet produced, and made in-
comparably greater by his
*"_* deliverance of Europe from
e c IV r r ^j^gj^fidel, died in 741, having
urope j^gygj- formally assumed the
regal title, though he allowed himself for
the last four years of his life the luxury of
ruling without a phantom master. His
sons, Carloman and Pippin, from motives
of policy, thought proper to repeat the old
comedy, and, drawing forth a descendant of
Clovis from his seclusion, ordered him to
reign as Childeric III. Before long, how-
ever, Carloman himself retired into a
monastery, and Pippin, sole mayor of the
palace, feeling his position now secure,
addressed to Pope Zacharias the sug-
gestive question whether it was better that
the man who had all the power of a king
or he, who had only the show of sovereignty,
should reign ? The Pope gave the answer
which the wording of the question evidently
implied, and, with his high sanction.
Pippin was crowned and anointed king by
the hands of Boniface, the missionary
Bishop of Germany, about the year 751.
The Prankish king was soon able to
show his gratitude by important services
to his papal benefactor. In the year 752
the king of the Lombards took the long
impregnable Ravenna, and the dominion
of the eastern emperor in the north of
Italy came to an end. The triumphant
Lombards pressed on towards Rome, and it
seemed as if that imperial city itself would
fall into their hands. Sorely pressed,
Pope Stephen II., the successor of Zacha-
rias, uttered plaintive appeals to Pippin
for help, and even crossed the Alps in the
depth of winter to urge his piteous case,
_^ , , . and to gratify his patron by
The Lombards j j ^ ^
_ . a second and solemn corona-
Driven .• t x
-, „ tion. In two successive cam-
From Rome j /' -r.- •
paigns — 755 and 750 — Pippm
vanquished the Lombard king, and com-
pelled him to surrender the territories
which he had conquered from the empire
— known as the Exarchate and Pentapolis
— to the Bishop of Rome. Thus was laid
the foundation of that temporal power of
the Popes, which, through all the Middle
Ages, wrote the title " States of the
3376
Church " on a large block of territory in
Central and Northern Italy, and vvhich,
in fact, was only in the middle of last
century shattered by the united arms of
Napoleon III. and Victor Emmanuel.
When Pippin died, in 768, his two sons,
Charles and Carloman, succeeded without
opposition to his royal inheritance. Carlo-
man soon died, and Charles began that
career of conquest and imperial organisa-
tion which has deservedly won for him the
surname of Great, and has caused him to
figure in countless poems of romance as the
hero Charlemagne. In the first six years
of his reign he conquered the Lombards and
added the northern half of Italy to his
dominions. In a long and stubborn con-
flict, which lasted thirty years, he subdued
the barbarous Saxons, who dwelt in the
modern province of Hanover, and forced
them to accept the yoke of Christianity and
civilisation. The yet more barbarous
Avars, whose kingdom included at least
half of modern Austria, were conquered
before the end of the century ; and the
north-eastern corner of Spain was also
won from the Moors. Thus the dominions
.of Charlemagne included all
ar emagne s g^^-^pg ^vest of the Elbe and
_. . . the Danube, Italy as far as
Dominions xt 1 jo- r
Naples, and Spam as far as
the Ebro. There was no such splendid
realm seen again in Europe till the days
of the Emperor Napoleon.
On Christmas Day, 800, the seal was
set on all this glory by the coronation of
Charles the Frank as Emperor of the
Romans. Though for nearly four cen-
turies the Roman Empire had been but
a shadow as far as Western Europe was
concerned, the memory of its greatness
had never wholly faded out of the minds
of men nor had the people of the West ever
heartily accepted the fiction that the
true home of that empire was- to be found
at Constantinople. Now, when the Bishop
of Rome had placed the imperial diadem
on the head of the mightiest man of the
mightiest nation in Europe, and w^hen the
citizens of Rome had cried with a loud
voice, " Life and victory to Carolus
Augustus, crowned by God, mighty and
pacific emperor," it was felt that the
waters of the barbarian deluge had in-
deed subsided and the world had again
a prospect of a peaceful and well-ordered
life. Such was the second birth of " the
Holy Roman Empire." But the Golden
Age had not yet arrived ; in fact, the eight
THE ADVENTUROUS VENETIANS ON THE TRACK OF WAR
In the eighth century, when the Lombards, under their ruthless leader Alboin, were conauering: Italy, the little citv,
or group of cities, amid the mudbanks of the Adriatic, afterwards to be known as Venice, was making a bold
stand, holding the Lombard barbarians at bay, and steadily increasing in wealth and power. So great did the sea
power of the Venetians become, that the enterprising and adventurous republic, from being- the admitted " Queen of
the Adriatic," rose, in the Middle Ages, to the proud position of " Mistress of the Seas,' the maritime colonies of
Venice being widespread throughout the Near East, and her influence felt in the remote parts of the mediaeval world.
3377
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
hundreds and nine hundreds, the two cen-
turies after the coronation of Charlemagne
at Rome, were in some respects darker
than any that had preceded them.
This was partly due to the weakness of
the rulers. The descendants of Charle-
magne were not nonentities, like the
Merovingians, but they were for the most
_ . , , part selfish and turbulent
Turbulent ^ • j i.
c , prmces ; and only a very
Successors of ^, i j - . l
Charlemagne ^t^'O"? , ^^^^ , grasping the
imperial sceptre could have
kept the discordant elements of that vast
empire in orderly sub j ection . Such a strong
hand was emphatically not possessed by
Charlemagne's son and successor Louis the
Good-natured. His sons revolted against
him and quarrelled among themselves.
France, Germany and Italy sprang apart
and began those separate lives of theirs
which still continue ; and not only so, but
in each country the principle of disintegra-
tion was at work. Counts and barons who
should have been mere officials appointed
for life or during good behaviour became
hereditary nobles ; in short. Feudalism was
born. Amid all these changes the stately
vessel of the Carolingian dynasty went
hopelessly to pieces, the last direct
descendant of Charlemagne who reigned
as emperor in Germany being dethroned
in 887, the last who was king of Italy dying
in 950, the last who was king of France in
987. Out of the drift-wood of the family,
the representatives through females and
the illegitimate descendants, almost all the
reigning dynasties and a large part of
the ducal and baronial houses of Europe
have been constructed.
Chief, however, among the causes which
made Europe miserable were the ravages
of the Scandinavian pirates, who seem at
the end of the seven hundreds to have
suddenly awakened to the fact that there
were fair lands to the south of them with
rich booty, which it needed but good
seamanship and well-organised robber-
r- . n. . raids to make their own. The
Great Pirate tt ^u ^ ^
- . Here, as the great pirate army
in E land ^^^ Called, visited England at
longer or shorter intervals
throughout the three centuries from 787,
when they first landed in Wessex, till
1066, when Harald Hardrada invaded
Yorkshire and fell before his namesake
Harold, son of Godwin. It is not necessary
here to relate the memorable story of the
victories and defeats which marked the
struggle of the Danes with Alfred the
3378
Great from 871 to 900, of their subjugation
by Edward the Elde and Athelstan from
900 to 940, and of the success with which,
under their king, Canute, they fastened
the Danish yoke upon the neck of the
English, so that it seemed for a time
probable that the island would be but a
humble member of a great Scandinavian
empire, dominating the Baltic and the
North Sea.
We must, however, call attention to the
fact that in these three centuries of
conflict the pirates themselves greatly
changed their character, and from bar-
barous pagans became a Christian and
civilised power ; also that they settled in
large numbers in the north-eastern part
of England and added undoubtedly a
valuable element to the population of
Northumbria and Mercia. Moreover, the
fierce attacks of these dreaded invaders
helped to unify the Anglo-Saxon state.
When all the other kingdoms of the so-
called Heptarchy had gone down before
the ruthless Here, Wessex alone success-
fully resisted their onslaught, and there-
fore it is that from the royal house of
_ Wessex the present king of
t ^t ^^**^t , England is descended. It is
of the Terrible ^ , a^ ■ l.^
«, ^. not, perhaps, suthciently re-
Northmen f 11 1 it-
membered how sorely the
scourge of the Danish invasions smote
France and Germany as well as England.
Wherever there was a broad estuary of a
river, there the keels of the Danes might
be looked for ; the Elbe, the Seine, the
Marne, the Loire, the Garonne, all saw the
Dragon-standard of the Mkings mirrored
in their waters. Aachen, Charlemagne's
own capital, was sacked. Rouen was taken.
Paris was once taken and once suffered
a terrible two years' siege (885-886). In
fact, throughout the eight hundreds it
would be hard to say whether England or
France suffered the most from the ravages
of the terrible Northmen.
But in France the most memorable
result of the Scandinavian invasions, the
settlement of the Northmen in the fruitful
lands at the mouth of the Seine, tended
eventually to benefit rather than to injure
civilisation. In the early nine hundreds
Rolf the Northman closed a life of
piratical adventure by becoming the " man "
of the Frankish king Charles the Simple,
and condescending to receive from him the
fair province which has ever since borne
the name of Normandy. His descendants,
appropriately named the " Long-sworded,"
CHARL'cMAGNli and the SCHOLARS
Succeeding his father, Pippin, as Prankish king, Charles, afterwards to fig:ure in countless poems and in «"o«an"
as the hero Charlemagne, began a great career of conquest and imperial organisation, winnmg for himself the
title of "the Great. " His dominions included all Europe west of the Elbe and Danube, Italy as far as Naples,
and Spain as far as the Ebro. Possessed of a learning unusual for the period in which he lived, Charlemagne
could speak Latin and read Greek, and he laboured with much earnestness to extend education. In his palace
he conducted a school for the sons of his servants, and invited teachers of grammar and arithmetic from Rome
to fill his public schools. He was the first Teuton on whom the dignity of Roman Emperor was conferred, i
From the painting by Blaas ^ ^|
'. 3379^
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
" the Fearless," and the Uke, embraced
Christianity of the militant type then
fashionable, inhaled the new air of chivahy,
and became in some respects its tj'pical
representatives. The converted Scandi-
navian pirate seems to have been a finer
specimen of humanity, more chaste, more
temperate, and more devout than either
««. . .V his Prankish or his Saxon
What the • u u u i i
„ _... neighbour: but also more
Norm&ns Did ^?i
K» r 1 J ruthless, more srraspmg, a
For England .. , , . r u ■ >.
better man of busmess.
He was the keen, well polished steel, while
they were but the clumsy iron weapon.
Thus, it was only in the natural order of
things that when, in 1066, William the
Bastard, Duke of Normandy, landed on
the coast of Sussex, his rival, the Saxon
Harold, Godwin's son, should fall before
him in the battle which bears, not with
strict accvu-acy, the name of Hastings.
But memorable as this Norman conquest,
which placed a new dynasty on the throne
and introduced a fresh social and political
order, must ever be to Englishmen, it
is important to remember that it was not
by any means the only Norman conquest
which Europe witnessed in that age.
From the beginning of the ten hundreds,
Normans, half pilgrims, half warriors,
had been making their way over the Alps
and Apennines into Southern Italy. They
had mingled as auxiliaries in the endless
contests which were going on in that
region between Lombards, Greeks and
Germans. At length, in the year 1038,
William of the Iron Arm, eldest of the
twelve sons of a Norman knight, Tancred
de Hauteville. made his prowess felt in a
battle with the Saracen lords of Sicily,
He obtained the dignity of Count of
Apulia. One after another the sons of
that prolific Norman house appeared upon
the scene, eager to share his fortunes.
Robert Guiscard, the sixth brother, made
himself supreme in Southern Italy, dealt
fierce blows at the Eastern Empire,
_ , ,. took the Pope of Rome, Leo
Foundations t-.t ^ • i ,,, ,
f M* ht ' Pnso^^r m battle, and
n^ ^ ^ soon after%vards became the
vassal of his successor. Mean-
while, his brother Roger, the youngest of
the tribe, by his \'ictories over the Saracens,
was building up a more enduring dominion
in Sicily, and preparing the way for a ro\-al
dynasty which, in the eleven and twelve
hundreds, was powerfully to influence the
fortunes of the whole of Europe. And
these Norman conquests in the Mediter-
3380
ranean lands were, be it remembered,
strictly contemporary with that other
Norman Conquest with which we are
familiar as forming the greatest landmark
in English history.
In order to follow the fortunes of the
Northmen, we have come down to the end
of otu: second period ; but we must, for a
little while, remount the stream of time
in order to notice other calamities which
were distressing Europe.
In the eight hundreds, the danger to
Europe of Mohammedan conquest was
more menacing than it had ever been since
Charles Martel won the battle of Poitiers.
For the Saracens had now become a great
sea-power, probably in the decay of the
maritime strength of the Eastern Empire,
the greatest sea-power of the Mediter-
ranean.
In the year 831 they overran and
conquered Sicily, which remained theirs
for more than two centuries till, as just
related, it was won back for Christianity
by Roger the Norman. Fifteen years later
they appeared at the mouth of the Tiber ;
Ostia was taken, the Campagna wasted.
St. Peter's itself was desecrated
and robbed of the treasures
of centuries : St. Paul's \\'ith-
out the Gates shared the same
fate ; the city of Rome itself only just
escaped being handed over to a Mussulman
emir and echoing the cry of the muezzin.
It really seemed as if Mahomet's, rather
than Christ's, was to be the holiest name
in all the Mediterranean lands. And this
lamentable eclipse of the glory of the new
empire was witnessed by a generation,
many of whom must have gazed on the
living face of Charlemagne.
While the Saracens still threatened by
sea, a more terrible, because more bar-
barous, foe spread desolation by land.
Over the vast Danubian plains, where
Attila and his Huns once encamped, the
Magyars, or Hungarians, a race perhaps
remotely connected both with the Huns
and with the Turks, now came thundering
and destro^k^ng. From 889 till 933, when
they were defeated by the Emperor Henry
the Fowler in the great battle of Riada,
the Hungarian squadrons were a night-
mare of terror to Europe. They overran
German}', Burgundy, and Southern France,
crossed the Alps into Italy, burned Pavia,
and threatened, but did not take, Rome.
From many a terrified congregation in the
churches of Italy went up the heart-
Great Wars
on Land
and Sea
CHARLEMAGNE HOLDING AN AUDIENCE OF HIS PEOPLE
After the drawing by E. Dawant
3381
PRANKISH LEADERS AND THE CLERGY DOING HOMAGE TO THE CHILD KING, CLOVIS II.
Clovis II. was only a child six years old when he succeeded his father, Dagobert, as king of Neustria in 638. During
his minority the government was carried on by his mother, Nanthildis, but Clovis, of course, was the king on the
throne, and, as represented in the illustration, received the homage due to that high office. Under Clovis II. the
Prankish Empire was once more united, and he thus became king of the whole of the Franks. He died in 656.
From the painting by Maignan, by permission of Braun, Clement & Cie,
breaking litany : " From the arrows of the
terrible Hungarians, good Lord deliver
us." By the middle of the nine hundreds,
however, they were beaten down into a
reasonable frame of mind ; they became
civilised and Christianised. In the year
1000, a royal saint, Stefan, received from
the Pope the title of King of Hungary,
and in later centuries the brave and
chivalrous Magyar was the great bulwark
of Europe against his Mohammedan
kinsman the Turk.
Beside the miseries of barbarian in-
vasion, Europe, after the collapse of the
dynasty of Charlemagne, suffered from
religious terrors. As the years wore on
towards the fateful era of the thousandth
from the Birth of Christ, a presentiment
brooded over the nations that the end of
the world was at hand. When they
needed most the support of religious faith,
their spiritual guides most signally failed
them. These centuries, the eight hundreds,
the nine hundreds, and the early ten hun-
dreds, are admitted by all historians to
3382
have been the time of the greatest loss of
power of the papacy. A long succession
of Popes is followed by one man of emin-
ence, perhaps of genius, Pope Formosus
(891-896), but he was a strong political
partisan, and after his death the legality
of his acts was contested and his body
was treated with contumely, but Theo-
dorus II. restored it to Christian burial
and at a council presided over by John
IX. his pontificate was declared valid and
all his acts confirmed.
Then came the period of the ascendancy
of two women, a mother and a daughter,
Theodora and Marozia, who for over
sixty years (901-964) influenced the elec-
tion of their sons and their grandsons
to the chair of St. Peter. After an in-
terval the Counts of Tusculum, petty
feudal princes in the neighbourhood of
Rome, succeeded in controlling the elec-
tion of successive Popes (1012-1048).
With such men as these sitting in the
holiest place of Western Christendom, the
reverence which in the days of Gregory the
MEDIiCVAL WESTERN EUROPE: GENERAL SURVEY
The " Holy
Rom&n Empire"
Maintained
Great had waited upon the hghtest word
of " the Apostle " was imperilled.
The cure for the worst miseries of this
anarchic age came this time from Germany.
The old Prankish Empire, it is true, had
split into pieces. France especially, after
the deposition of Charles the Fat, in 887,
had been drawing further and further
away from the empire and when, a century,
later, a new royal dynasty ascended the
throne in the person of Hugh Capet
she no longer, even nominally, formed
part of it. Still, however, the great
political fabric founded by the join action
of Charlemagne and Leo
kept its proud title, "The
Holy Roman Empire,"
though now it virtually in-
cluded only the two countries of Germany
and Italy, divided into an infinite number
of petty feudal principalities, over which
" Caesar " — as the emperor was styled —
wielded a strange and not easily defined
dominion, strong and stern in the hands
of a man of firm
will and with the
trick of success,
shadowy and of
little or no account
m the hands of a
weakling.
To the former
class of strong and
successful rulers
belonged the Saxon
emperors, who wore
the imperial dia-
dem during the
nine hundreds and
whose most cele-
brated representa-
tives were Otho— or
Otto the Great, the
final vanquisher
of the Hungarians,
and his son and
grandson, who bore
his name (Otto I.
936-973 ; Otto n.
973-983; Otto HI.
9S3-1002). These
strong rulers ended
the political
anarchy which had tor a hundred years
prevailed in Italy, where petty princes of
provence, of Spoleto, of Friuli, in rapid and
unremembered succession, had reigned
as shadowy kings. In the ecclesiastical
realm also they restored a certain measure
THE TRIUMPH OF CLOVIS
From ihe painting by Joseph Blanc in the P.uuht'
of order. In 963 Otto the Great summoned
a council to meet in Rome, by which Pope
John XII., a headstrong and arbitrary
youth, grandson of Marozia, was solemnly
deposed, and a layman who had been
a papal secretary, Leo VIII., was chosen
The Papacy ^^ ^^^ Stead. Still, however.
under ^^^ ^'^^ ^^ Roman factions
Leo IX. continued, and one pontiff fol-
lowed another in rapid suc-
cession till, in 996, the boy-emperor,
Otto III., placed his cousin, Bruno of
Carinthia, little older than himself, but
a young man of pure and noble charac-
ter, on the papal throne. Too good
for those surrounding him and the popu-
lace of Rome, this German Pope died
in the last year of the nine hundreds,
the victim, it was said, of poisonous
conspiracy. Ere long followed the
dynasty of Tusculan Popes to which
reference has been already made. It
seemed as if nothing could save the
people from a succession of endless
quarrels, when help
was once more
invoked ftom be-
yond the Alps,
and this time
with success. An-
other German,
Bruno, of noble
descent was raised
to the papacy
by the Emperor
I Henry III. A
saint and a mystic,
the new Pope, who
took the name of
Leo IX., did much
in his six years of
rule ( 1 048-1 054) to
restore peace and
tranquillity on all
sides. Unfortun-
ately for him he
resorted to carnal
weapons for the
defence of his
territory against
the Norman Guis-
card, by whom he
was defeated and
made prisoner. The vexation of his defeat
and the hardships of his captivity prob-
ably hastened his end, for he died the
year after the battle, but the good which
he accomplished survived its author for
generations.
3383
;^s=:as^
1^^
ST. BERNARD PREACHING THE SECOND CRUSADE
During the period of the Crusades, from 1096 till 1272, eight great expeditions, besides many smaUer ones, set out
for the Holy Land to do battle for its recovery from the Turks. Though preached with burning eloquence by the great
S>t. Bernard, the Second Crusade, in 1147-48, did not arous« so much enthusiasm as some of the later enterprises.
33S4
WESTERN
EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE
AGES
GENERAL
SURVEY II
BY
DR. THOMAS
HODGKIN
THE HEROIC AGE OF CHIVALRY
THE CRUSADES TO THE HOLY LAND AND
THE DUEL BETWEEN PAPACY AND EMPIRE
■"PHE result of two centuries of anarchy
■'■ and barbarian invasions, together with
the feudahsm which they had called into
being, was to intensify the military
spirit and to bring back into life the
old theory of the forest-traversing Ger-
mans, th^ war was the only fitting
occupation for a freeman, or, in modern
language, for a gentleman. Immured
within his massive castle, seeing all the
lands up to the horizon cultivated by
serfs " tied to the soil " or by men-at-
arms, his vassals bound to follow him in
war, the knight, or baron, or earl, who
was the only really important unit in
mediaeval society, accepted the excitement
of the chase as making life tolerable, but
longed for the more glorious excitement
of the stern realities of war. Eyen his
religion was of the militant type. As
one of the early Teutonic converts said
when he heard the sad story of Calvary :
" Had I been there with my henchmen,
I would never have allowed the Romans
to nail Him to the Cross."
Thus the spirit of that age, especially
in those countries where the young Norman
nation made itself most manifest, might
be expressed in two words : Militant
Christianity. It was almost as if the
religion of Christ and the religion of
Mahomet had changed places. Faith
longed to display itself by deeds, but they
must be deeds such as the mail-clad
».».. r» r warrior only could perform.
The Days of t>, •' ^ • lix
».. . Ihere was a certam nobility
Chris^anity «^ ^P^^^ ^^out that brave
Ignorance. The heroic age of
chivalry must certainly be placed in the
two centuries which we are about to review
rapidly — the centuries of the Crusades.
The fuel was all laid ready for the fire
when Peter the Hermit, a mean-looking
figure riding on an ass, but bearing aloft
the crucifix and breathing the fiery
eloquence so often given to men with one
idea, went through the cities and villages
of France proclaiming the hardships,
the humiliations, even the cruelties which
Christian pilgrims to the holy places in
Peter the ^^^ ^3iSi had to endure at
H 't St t ^^^ hands of the Mussulmans.
theTrusaVe! ^^,^^ Comparatively mild, the
yoke pressed upon them had
become ten times harder since — in the
year 1076 — the fierce Seljuk Turks
from Tartary made themselves masters
of the sacred lands. The Church of
the Holy Sepulchre had been de^
molished, the Patriarch of Jerusalem had
been dragged along the pavement by his
hair and thrown into a prison, from wh'ch
he was released only on the payment of
an enormous ransom ; everywhere the
Christian pilgrims were being plundered,
insulted, maltreated. • With all these
exasperating stories in men's minds, when
Pope Urban II. convened a council at
Clermont, in the centre of France, in 1096,
and pleaded for an armed expedition to
rescue the holy places of Jerusalem from
the infidels, promising the forgiveness
of all sins to those who should start on
such an expedition, and an immediate
entry into Paradise for those who should
die in its service, the well-known cry
" Dieu le veult ! " burst from thousanck
of excited hearers ; the badge of the
Cross was assumed by all sorts and con-
ditions of men ; the Crusades began their
chequered and feverish life.
The period of the Crusades lasted for
176 years (1096-1272), and during that
time eight great expeditions, besides
numberless smaller ones, were launched
from Europe against Asia. It will thus
be seen that the average interval between
each crusade was a little less than the
3385
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
average length of a generation. That was
the time necessary to rekindle in the bosom
of the French or Norman knight the
enthusiasm which had sent his father to
the Holy War. France, which had been
the scene of the first proclamation of the
crusade, remained the chief supporter of
the movement — France and her sister-
land of Flanders, and her
^rusalcm i^j^sfolk the Normans of Eng-
thT'infidri ^^"^ ^^^ ^*^^y- ^P^^." ^^^
too much occupied with her
own domestic crusades against the Moors,
Germany too keenly interested in her long
battle with the Popes and the internal
dissensions resulting thence, to give her
whole mind to the recovery or the defence
of the holy places, though three of hei
emperors at least took some share in a
crusade. French or Flemish or Norman
remained the chief material forces of the
long campaign, and French were its two
chief spiritual champions — Peter the
Hermit (1093-1099) and Bernard of
Clairvaux (1146-1153).
The detailed history of the Crusades
belongs to Eastern rather than to Western
Europe. The First Crusade, the most
successful and the most memorable of the
number, that one which inspired the
Itahan poet to write his epic " Gerusalemme
Liberata," lasted three years (1096-1099).
It saw the Turks defeated in the great
battle of Dorylaeum, in Bithynia, Antioch
taken, and at last, most joyful of triumphs,
Jerusalem itself recovered from the infidel
in July of 1099. In that holy city, when
Godfrey of Boulogne was proclaimed, but
not crowned king, a dynasty — a " Latin
Christian " dynasty — was established, with
laws and polity all its own, the very em-
bodiment of feudalism ; and this dynasty
lasted with varying fortunes for nearly a
hundred years (1099-1187), till it was
overthrown by the Mussulman soldier of
fortune, Saladin. In this crusade, Robert
the Norman eldest son ot William
the Conqueror, took an im-
ai ure o portant part, having pawned
the Second f- t\ u xxtj j.
^ . his Duchy of Normandy to
his brother Rufus in order
to raise money for the enterprise. The
Second Crusade (1147-1148), though
pleaded for with enthusiastic eloquence by
the great Saint Bernard, was a poor and
ineffectual affair, memorable in French
history chiefly from the fact that it led
to the loss of the province of Aquitaine,
Eleanor, the heiress of that goodly land,
3386
had brought it as a dowry to her husband,
the French king, Louis VII. The young
pair went together on crusade, quarrelled,
as many other travelling companions have
done, and were divorced ; Eleanor, marry-
ing a second time, brought to her new
husband, Henry Plantagenet, King of
England, the right to that splendid in-
heritance along with her own unrivalled
capacity for making her husband's home
miserable.
The son of Eleanor of Aquitaine,
Richard Lion- Heart of England, was the
chief hero of the Third Crusade (1189-
II 92). He failed to recover the Holy
City from the grasp of Saladin, but he
captured Acre, and his personal bravery
did something to restore in the East the
fading lustre of the Christian arms. It is
needless to do more than refer to the well- '
known story of his quarrels with Philip
Augustus of France, his captivity in
Austria, and the enormous ransom which
was extorted from him by the mean-
souled German emperor.
The Fourth Crusade {1202-1204) was a
tragi-comedy, played with a disastrous
disregard to the true interests
of Christian civilisation.
Venice, Champagne and
Flanders furnished the bulk
of the Crusaders, who never approached
within a thousand miles of Jerusalem, but,
instead of fighting the infidel, occupied
themselves in overturning the Christian
Empire of the East, the barrier which had
for six centuries protected Europe from
the ravages of Saracen invasion. A
shadowy " Latin " Empire was founded
when Baldwin, Count of Flanders, was
crowned with the diadem in Constanti-
nople, and the Republic of Venice became
sovereign of " one-quarter and the half of
a quarter of the Roman Empire," and
countless principalities, marquisates, and
baronies were allotted to French and
Flemish knights on the coasts of the
^gean. But none of these stage sove-
reignties, though picturesque and romantic,
had enough inherent vitality to enable
them permanently to resist the rising tide
of Mussulman conquest. That a Turkish
sultan later sat as lord in the palace of
Constantine was a direct — we might
almost say an inevitable — consequence
of the felony of the Fourth Crusade.
The Latin empire of Constantinople
had an even shorter life than the Latin
kingdom of Jerusalem. In 1261 the Greek
The Felony
of the Fourth
Crusade
THE CRUSADES
emperors were back in their own city,
but so weakened and impoverished that
we learn with surprise that the final ruin
of the empire was postponed for nearly
200 years. From this point onwards
the story of the Crusades oecomes rather
monotonous. There was scarcely any
fighting in the Holy Land itself, the
Crusaders having apparently decided that
the conquest of Palestine must be achieved
in Egypt. The Fifth and Seventh Crusades
(1216-1221 ; 1245-1250) — a short notice
of the Sixth Crusade (1235-1241) is reserved
for a later place in this chapter — were
occupied chiefly with operations round
Damietta, which was twice taken by the
Crusaders, and which might, with a little
prudent management, have been exchanged
for Jerusalem. The hero, or, rather, the
saint and martyr, of this Seventh
Crusade was Louis IX. of France, who,
after some successes, was taken prisoner by
the Egyptian sultan and released only on
the payment of an enormous ransom.
Twenty years later — in 1270 — St. Louis
headed the Eighth Crusade, but died of
fever at Tunis at the very beginning of the
_ . expedition. Edward, son of
-* ** Henry in. of England, remained
^ . in command, went forward to
Palestine, landed at Acre, and
took the holy village of Nazareth. His
success, however, ended there. He fell
sick, narrowly escaped death at the hand
of an assassin, and returned to England
in 1272 to mount the throne and begin a
memorable reign as Edward I. This was
virtually the last of the Crusades, and it
will be seen that the last, like the first,
was connected with the personality of a
chivalrous Anglo-Norman prince.
We have seen that the Crusaders were
essentially a product of feudalism, but it
is also true that their influence was in the
end antagonistic to feudalism. Contact
with nations of an utterly different type
of civilisation, with the Greek, the Egyp-
tian and the Arab, brought new ideas and
shook the mail-clad warrior out of his
stolid, knightly pride. The multitude
of lowly born peasants who flocked to the
banner of the Cross loosened the hold of
the landowner on his serfs ; the im-
poverishment of the chivalrous classes
and the diminution of their numbers
increased the relative strength of the
crown ; above all, the spread of commerce,
which was undoubtedly a result of the
Crusades, augmented the wealth and power
of the Communes, whom we find through-
out these centuries rapidly rising into
importance, and who were, moreover,
often able to buy valuable charters and
remissions of obnoxious burdens from a
knightly or baronial neighbour, who
must have money at any price to
enable him to start for the Holy Land.
The New ^^^ influence of the Crusades
Weapon of ^.^ ^^^ whole was on the
the Papacy ^^^^ ^^ enlightenment and
freedom. It is clear that
it put a powerful weapon into the
hands of the papacy, which now put
an end to teaching in which it detected
hostility to Catholicism by declaring
its advocates heretics, and proclaiming
a Crusade against them. A notable
instance of this was furnished by the
Crusade against the Albigenses, en-
gineered by Innocent III. (1209-1217),
a Crusade which crushed the poetic
but free-thinking civilisation of South-
ern France, and possibly postponed
for three centuries the Protestant
Reformation.
The German emperors had done a good
deed for Christendom by helping to raise
the papacy from the position which it
occupied, but they had not altogether
promoted their own ease or security.
Throughout the closing years of our second
period the dominant influence in the
counsels of the papacy had been wielded
by the cardinal sub-deacon Hildebrand.
It had ever been his voice which stimu-
lated the Popes, his nominal superiors, to
assert the claims of their office against
the authority of the emperor. By his advice
Pope Alexander II. had commissioned
William the Norman to undertake the
conquest of England. By his contrivance
the momentous change had been made
which transferred the election of the Pope
from the people of Rome to the bishops and
clergy of that city, who bore the rank of
cardinals. Now, in the year 1073, the great
pope-maker consented to be-
Becorc* ^^^^ himself Pope. The Cardinal
^. * J" Hildebrand began his short but
the Pope ,9 J
ever memorable papacy under
the title of Gregory VII. (1073-1085).
There is an old and true proverb that if
two men ride on one horse, one must go
behind. Such had been for centuries the
condition of Europe under the empire
founded by Charlemagne, and till now
the question had never been fully faced
which of the two riders, emperor or Pope,
3387
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
was to take the hindmost place. One of the
two riders claimed to represent the im-
memorial domination of Rome, to be the
successor of Julius, of Augustus, and of
Constantine, and to possess all their pre-
eminent rights. The other claimed to
be the vicar of Jesus Christ, God's vice-
regent upon earth, and the claim was
generally admitted for all that concerned
the religious interests of mankind ; but
the thought was now finding harbourage
in the minds of churchmen that temporal
matters ought also to be subjected to the
same divinely appointed rule. " Come,
then," said Hildebrand to a council of
proud princes, what may not ye do to these
their servants ? "
The balance of forces at the accession
of Gregory VII., in 1073, was indeed,
strangely altered from that which pre-
vailed in the previous century. Then
there had generally been a pontiff
with comparatively little power against
a strong, chaste, strenuous emperor.
Now there was a stern, austere, monk-
pope matched against the dissolute, un-
stable, though not by any means stupid,
young emperor, Henry IV. Each found
his worst enemies in his own house. Many
Italian bishops were indignant at Gregory's
AN ARMY OF THE CRUSADERS ON THE MARCH
From the picture by Sir John Gilbert, R.A., in the South Kensington Museum
ecclesiastics, " let all the world under-
stand, and know that since y^ have power
to bind and loose in heaven, ye have power
to take away and to grant empires, king-
doms, principalities, duchies, marquisates,
counties and the possessions of all men
according to their deserts. Ye have often
deprived wicked and unworthy men of
patriarchates, primacies, archbishoprics,
bishoprics, and bestowed them on religious
men. If ye then judge in spiritual affairs,
how great must be your power in secular ;
and if ye are to judge angels who rule over
3388
determination to enforce the absolute rule
of celibacy on all churchmen ; many Ger-
man nobles resented every attempt which
Henry made to convert a nominal into a
real supremacy.
In the year 1076 the smouldering
antipathy between the two men broke
out into open war. Gregory summoned
the emperor to appear before him at
Rome, there to answer for various breaches
of ecclesiastical law. Henry retorted by
convoking a synod at Worms at which
the bishops, who were his partisans,
THE CRUSADES
formally renounced their allegiance to
Gregory and served upon him a summons,
couched in insulting terms, to leave the
apostolic throne which he had usurped :
"I, Henry, by the Grace of God, with all
the bishops of my realm, say unto thee —
Down, down ! "
The emperor had over-rated his power,
as he soon discovered when the Pope
replied with his expected counter-stroke,
excommunication and deposition from the
imperial dignity. The political result of
this sentence, the assembling of a hostile
diet, the revolt of three of the most
powerful dukes, he could perhaps have
To the disgust of his Italian allies, Henry
was all for submission, for petitioning
the Pope to annul his sentence of deposi-
tion ; but the Pope was determined not
to make forgiveness easy. For three days
the emperor, clad in the thin white robe
of a penitent, shivered in the courtyard
of Canossa. When at length admitted,
he received absolution, but on the humili-
ating terms of submission to the Pope's
will — a promise to appear before his
judgment scat to answer the charges
made against him, and meanwhile to lay
aside the marks of his rank and perform
none of the functions of royalty.
A FLEET OF THE CRUSADERS CROSSING THE BOSPHORUS
surmounted ; but the social results, the
loneliness and depression caused by the
terrible " boycott " of excommunication —
an expressive word must be borrowed
from modern politics — were too much
for him. In the depth of an unusually
severe winter he and a few faithful
followers scrambled, at the risk of their
lives, over the slippery slopes of Mont
Cenis. At his descent into Italy the
adversaries of Gregory rallied round him,
and the Pope himself retired to the castle
of Canossa, a fortress high up in the
Apennines, which belonged to his faithful
partisan Matilda, Countess of Tuscany.
This is the far-famed pilgrimage to
Canossa, which profoundly stirred the
minds, not only of contemporaries, but
of many succeeding generations, and the
echo of which was heard in modern politics
in Bismarck's well-known phrase, " We
certainly shall not go to Canossa."
It took place in 1077, just eleven years
after the battle of Hastings. In this
instance it was proved that Gregory
had over-strained his power. The humilia-
tion so joyously inflicted on the greatest
of its potentates revolted the conscience
of Christendom. German pride was
wounded by the arrogance of the Italian,
3389
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Henry's affairs assumed for the time a more
cheerful aspect, a second excommunica-
tion fell harmless. Rome was besieged,
and saved from capture only by the appear-
ance of those terrible allies, the Normans,
who pillaged, burnt and ravaged worse
than any of Rome's previous barbarian
conquerors. Gregory himself died at
Salerno in 1085, uttering the
_ * *"" memorable words : "I have
rcgory s loved righteousness and hated
^' ^ iniquity ; therefore it is I die in
exile." The point at issue between the two
rival potentates was not merely a personal
one, though undoubtedly the natural
man's desire for pre-eminence played a
great part in the drama. There was also
one really difficult question which for more
than half a century distracted Christendom,
the question of Investitures. The high lords
of the Church, her bishops, archbishops,
mitred abbots and patriarchs were also,
especially in Germany, high lords in the
state, rulers of enormous territories and
entitled to the obedience of powerful
vassals. Here then were two mighty
organisations, the ecclesiastical and the
feudal. How could these be fitted into
one another ? On feudal principles, all
temporal power involved the feudal tie,
lordship over the vassals beneath, vassal-
age to the lord above, and the lord para-
mount over all was the king.
But on ecclesiastical principles, as now
asserted by Hildebrand, the dignitaries
of the Church, deriving their authority
from God Himself, were subject to no
man, save the Pope, God's vicar. How
then could the bishop or archbishop be
asked to do homage to any temporal
lord, even to the emperor himself ? How
could the hands which in the sacrifice of
the Mass " could create the Creator " be
pressed between the hands of a man who
was perhaps an adulterer and a murderer ?
The symbols of the investiture of a prelate
were the ring and the pastoral staff — the
ring to betoken the new
w ere ope bjgj^Qp'g marriage to his dio-
DiffereT"°' cese, the staff, his duty of
shepherding the flock. Where
was the fitness of the bestowal of these on
a churchman by an earthly potentate ?
Yet, on the other hand, if some of the most
powerful nobles of the empire could hold
their lands subject to no recognition of the
emperor's supremacy, what became of
feudal subordination ? It will therefore
be seen that the dispute about Investitures
3390
was no mere strife about words, but
that a real contest of principles was
involved. At one point of the struggle
a Pope — Paschal II. — was actually willing
to surrender all the landed domains
of the Church if the emperor would give
up his claim to grant investiture to her
officers ; but this sacrifice was too much
for his episcopal clients, and negotiations
on that footing had to be abandoned.
At last, however, at the Diet of Worms in
1122, a reasonable compromise was effected.
Investiture by ring and staff, the religious
part of the process, was renounced by the
emperor, but the newly-consecrated eccle-
siastic must kneel before the emperor and
receive from his outstretched sceptre the
touch which conveyed to him dominion
over the lands attached to his bishopric.
The principle of the Concordat of Worms
was apparently accepted in the other
countries of Western Europe, and in some
of them, at any rate, continues in force
till this day. When a parish clergyman is
selected for promotion to an English
bishopric, after he has gone through the
ecclesiastical ceremonies of election by the
j^^ dean and chapter, consecration
Question of ^y ^^^ brother-bishops, and
Investiture enthronement in his cathe-
dral, it is his duty to take the
train for Windsor, and there do homage to
the Crown for the temporalities of his see.
Though the contest about Investitures
was formally closed, abundant materials
for strife between emperor and Pope still
remained, and, as the eleven hundreds rolled
on, a new element — Republicanism — made
its appearance in Italy. When men
first awoke from the torpor of the dark
centuries, remembrances, dim, but ma-
jestic, of the mighty republics of old, of
Rome, and of all the bright train of her
subject sisters, the municipalities of Italy,
began to stir in their souls ; and now, too,
the democratic side of Christianity began
to display itself especially to some of the
inmates of the cloister. Such a man was
Arnold of Brescia (1136-1155), who
preached republicanism and the abroga-
tion of the temporal power of the priest-
hood in language which now sounds
strangely, modern ; and he actually suc-
ceeded for a time in setting up a republic
in Rome. All over Italy, but especially in
the valley of the Po, the cities began to
withdraw themselves from the feudal
organisation of the empire, or to claim
that the feudal rights which remained
THE CRUSADES
should be vested in their own elected
magistrates, to whom they generally gave
the proud old name of consuls.
This movement inevitably brought them
into collision with the man in whom all
feudal rights and privileges were summed
up, with the man who wore the imperial
crown, and that man in the middle of the
eleven hundreds was one of all others least
likely to forgo a tittle of his rights —
Frederic Barbarossa of Hohenstaufen,
Duke of Swabia and Emperor of Rome.
This great emperor, one of the greatest in
the long line of mediaeval Caesars, had some
qualities in common with King Edward
Plantagenet. Like him, proud, brave, and
strong; like him, generally a man of his
word, and with a deep conviction of the
duties laid upon him by his high office, but,
unfortunately, with a tendency to ride his
steed, the people under his rule, with too
sharp a bit, thus his very virtues were in
danger of becoming crimes. His deter-
mination to put an end to anarchy and to
assert the just claims of the empire
degeijierated more than once into tyranny
and cruelty. The chief quarrel of the
j^. emperor was with Milan, that
. ' *^ stately city which had often
^ . been the residence of the old, the
genuine, Augusti. Frederic's chief
ally in Italy was the Lombard city
of Pavia. Milan, at first rather feebly
supported by her sister-cities, drew strength
from the support of the Popes — first, that
of Hadrian IV., the only Englishman
who has ever worn the triple crown, and
then that of Alexander III, (1159-
1179), who, in his turn, leant upon the
somewhat uncertain help of his Norman
vassal, William, king of Sicily. After
seven years of war, in which the com-
batants had been growing ever more
exasperated against one another, the
emperor, having starved Milan into
submission, received her unconditional
surrender in 1162. He ordered the city to
be levelled with the ground, and sent the
citizens forth to wander as beggars through
the cities of Italy, all save a remnant, who
were allowed to live in four villages planted
near their old home.
But here the emperor had overshot his
mark. The piteous tale told by the
banished Milanese roused the sympathies
even of their former foes. In 1167 the Lom-
bard League was formed, a confederation
which included nearly all the cities of Lom-
bardy ; Milan was rebuilt and received again
her old inhabitants ; the strong city of
Alessandria was built and named after the
pope, patron of the league. Frederic's
armies were more than once all but
annihilated by disease, engendered by
summer heats and ill-drained plains ; and
at last, in 1176, the twenty years' struggle
was ended by the battle of Legnano, in
_. . . which the Italians won a com-
Twent Years' P^^^^ victory, and Frederic,
StruxKU " after witnessing the terrible
slaughter of his men, with
difficulty escaped from the field. Convinced
that it was a hopeless task to overcome the
independent spirit of the Lombard republics,
Barbarossa now thankfully accepted the
mediation of Alexander III. — against
whom he had been raising up one anti-
pope after another for the preceding ten
years — met him at Venice, and humbly
kneeling before him, obtained the removal
of the ban of excommunication for himself
and his adherents. It was on this occasion
that, according to a picturesque but un-
trustworthy legend, the Pope set his foot
on the neck of the prostrate emperor,
saying, with exultation : " Thou shalt
tread upon the lion and adder, the yount^
lion and the dragon shalt thou trample
under foot."
The emperor then returned into Ger-
many, but in 1 1 83 recrossed the Alpr>,
and meeting the delegates of the Lombard
cities at the fair city of Constance, con-
cluded with them a treaty which was the
basis of the public law of Italy for cen-
turies. The regalia, or rights of sove-
reignty, claimed by the emperors, were
greatly limited, the right of the cities to
levy taxes and to elect their own chief
magistrate was recognised ; the Lombard
League itself was solemnly authorised by
the emperor. From this time onwards the
dependence of the cities of Italy upon the
empire was ever tending to become more
precarious and shadowy. Italy and Ger-
many began more and more to trace out
their peculiar and separate
orbits. During these contests
Two Great
Powers
in Italy
two party-names, which were
destined to shed a lurid light
over Italian politics for many centuries,
first came into being. These were the
names of Guelf and Ghibeline. The
Dukes of Bavaria and Saxony — from
whom, through the electors of Brunswick,
England's royal family is descended —
bore the name of Guelf ; and these, partly
from mere antagonism to the other
3391
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
family, were almost invariably found
siding with the Pope against the emperor.
On the other hand were the two families
of Franconia and Swabia, which between
them ruled the whole south-western quarter
of Germany, which were connected by close
family ties, which ruled the empire for two
centuries — the Henries belonging for the
_, most part to the Franconian,
ope ^^^ ^j^^ Frederics to the
£ » Swabian line ; and these were
found with equal constancy
on the side opposed to the Popes, whom
the Church finally recognised, and against
whom they raised up innumerable anti-
popes.
The Swabian emperors, who are now
generally known in history by a surname
derived from their castle of Hohenstaufen,
seem to have been better known among
their contemporaries by the name of
-Weiblingen, which their Italian subjects,
intolerant of the "' W," converted into
Ghibeline. These two party labels were
taken over from German into Italian
politics, and had a far longer and more
vigorous life in Italy than in their native
land. Even so, we may remark in passing,
the words " Whig " and " Tory " were
imported into English party warfare
from Scotland and Ireland respectively.
Of course, in the fierce cross-currents of
Italian urban strife they ofteri drifted
far from their moorings ; but, speaking
generally, we may say that the Guelf
swore by the Pope, and the Ghibeline
by the emperor ; the Guelf leaned towards
republicanism, the Ghibeline towards
feudalism ; religious democracy was the
ideal of the former, the ideal of the latter
was knightly loyalty.
This section must close with a sketch
of the career of the last and most brilliant
of the Hohenstaufen emperors, Frederic
II. of Sicily. His grandfather, Frederic
Barbarossa, having in his old age embarked
on the Third Crusade, was marching
_ . through Asia Minor, and had
'**"?. ' already reached its south-
thc Brilliant , -^ u i •
_ eastern corner when, plungmg
mperor ^^ ^ ^^^ ^^ burning heat into
the little Cilician stream, Calycadnus. he
caught a sudden chill, resulting in a fever
or a stroke of paralysis, by which he waS
almost immediately carried off. Though
he was buried in that far-off Asiatic land,
the imagination of the Germans pictured
the glorious emperor still living in an
enchanted sleep in a cave of the moun-
3393
tains near Salzburg, from which he should
one day burst forth in the time of his
country's darkest need to champion her
cause. Yet Louis XIV. and Napoleon
came, and still Barbarossa slumbered.
The son and successor of Barbarossa,
Henry VI., emperor from 1190 till 1197, was
a man of base and ignoble nature, whose
most memorable action was the arrest and
imprisonment of Richard Coeur-de-Lion
on his return from the Holy Land. He made,
however, a most successful matrimonial
venture when he married Constantia,
who was ultimately the heiress of the
Norman kings of Sicily. He thus acquired
dominion over the whole south of Italy,
and made the house of Hohenstaufen
more terrible and more hateful than ever
to the papacy, which saw itself girt in
on every side, north, east and south, by
this inexorable foe. But Henry VI. died
in the prime of life, a victim probably to
that fatal climate of Italy, which was the
keenest of all Guelfic partisans. His wife
Constantia, whom he had sorely wounded
bv many cruelties towards her kindred
and her people, died a year after him ;
but before dying left her son.
The Famous ^ j-^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^,^^^^ ^j^^
. °^^ ^ ... under the guardianship of the
Innocent III. ,-, i-i • l ifu
Pope. 1 his orphan child was
the future Emperor Frederic II. Guardian
and ward were each to play a great part
on the stage of history, the first in the
early, and the second in the central years
of the century ; but two more diverse
characters could hardly be imagined.
The Pope who received Constantia's
dying charge was none other than the
famous Innocent III., greatest of all the
Popes but Hildebrand, the man whom
we have already met organising the
Fourth Crusade and ruthlessly rooting
up the heresy of the Albigenses ; the man
who brought John of England to his feet
and made the English kings his vassals ;
the man, too, who harnessed the enthu-
siasm of St Francis and St. Dominic to the
chariot of the Church. A Roman noble,
calm, strong, self-possessed, he showed that
the imperial race had not quite forgotten
the secret of " ruling the nations," that it
could still " spare the fallen and wear down
the proud."
The child Frederic, son of a German
father and a Norman-Italian mother,
grew up to the age of seventeen in his
mother's native Sicily, amid many perils,
from which he was on the whole faithfully
A TYPE OF THE MIDDLE AGES : THE SOLDIER OF FORTUNE
Men loved fighting in mediaeval times, and frequently engaged in war out of pure delight in the combat. But fighting
was also a profession ; men were hired to fight, just as to-day they are employed for business, and much fighting meant
handsome recompense. Mr. Seymour Lucas, A.R.A., here admirably depicts a bluff, hearty soldier of fortune.
3393
History of the world
shielded by a Pope, the predestined enemy
of his race. When his character fully
declared itself, when his position as
emperor of Rome and king of Sicily
was established beyond possibility of
question, he was indeed, as he was often
called, " stupor mundi," an object of
bewildered wonder to the world. The
, emperors who followed Charle-
Frederie s j^g^gj^g^ especially the emperors
f \"*i °^ th^ three previous centuries,
!>'<^««y had been for the most part
brave, thick-headed German soldiers,
silently despised as " barbarians " by
their Italian vassals. But now, behold !
the imperial diadem was worn by a man
more Italian than the Italians, a man who
spoke six languages — Latin, Italian, Ger-
man, French, Greek, Arabic — and who
wrote poetry in one of them — the young
" volgare " dialect of Italy. Here was a
troubadour upon the throne, yet also a
skilled and resolute soldier ; a free-
thinker, too, in that most orthodox age ;
a man who consorted with Saracens, and
who dared to say : "If the Almighty
had ever seen my beautiful Sicily, He
would never have given that arid Palestine
as a possession to His chosen people."
And yet this free-thinking emperor could
also be, when it served his purpose, a
cruel persecutor of heretics. There is
much in the character of Frederic II.
to move our just condemnation. We
are always fascinated by his brilliant,
many-sided personality, but we never
quite love him.
By the help of the papacy the young
heir of the Hohenstaufen not only pre-
served his Norman-Sicilian kingdom, but
in 1215 won the imperial crown from a
competitor. Otto of Bavaria (1198-1215),
who, though sprung from a Guelfic
family, had incurred the hostility
of Innocent III. by his too strenuous
advocacy of the rights of the Caesar.
Scarcely, however, was Frederic seated
-, , on his throne when dissensions
^ mpcror s ^j-^gg between him and his
foster-mother the Church. The
ostensible ground for these
dissensions — a real cause of quarrel between
Pope and a Hohenstaufen could never
be lacking — was the fact that on the day
after his election, Frederic, perhaps m
a moment of enthusiasm, had assumed
the Cross and taken a vow to deliver
Jerusalem from the hands of the infidels.
This obligation was solemnly urged upon
3394
New
Crusade
him by successive Popes, by the mild and
good-tempered Honorius III. (1216-1227),
and by the irascible old pontiff Gregory
IX. (1227-1241) who, with octogenarian
bitterness, launched the thunders of the
Church at his devoted head.
It must be admitted that Frederic was
exasperating in his behaviour with reference
to this Crusade. He was always about to
start in two years' time, "if only you will
leave me unexcommunicated so long."
and always found something to do in
crushing Norman barons or Guelfic citizens,
which, when the end of the two years
came, made it impossible to leave Italy
just then. When, at last, in September.
1227, he did set sail from Brindisi, a fatal
sickness, the result no doubt of the neglect
of sanitary precautions, broke out in his
army, carrying off some of the chiefs
of the expedition, and attacking the
emperor himself, whereupon he, not
unnaturally, doffed his armour and re-
turned to his palace in Sicily. The
sickness seems to have been genuine, but
the Pope chose to consider it feigned, and
hurled a furious bull of excommunication
„. p at the offender. There was
. * 0°**** evidently more of spite than
„ . of statesmanship in this pro-
ceedmg, for when m the
following year, 1228, Frederic in good
earnest started for the Sixth Crusade,
the excommunication remained unre-
pealed. Every place at which he
might land was laid under an interdict,
and this interdict was extended even
to Jerusalem itself, which Frederic, it
must be confessed, by diplomacy rather
than by arms, had recovered for Christen-
dom. We have said that the whole conduct
of the Pope at this crisis seems to have
been dictated by passion rather than by
policy. If the Crusade were to have any
chance of success it was essential that
the Crusaders should be of one heart and
one mind and should feel that they had
with them the blessing of the Church.
Moreover, Frederic, who had now
taken for his second wife Yolande of
Brienne, and in right of that marriage
had assumed the title of King of
Jerusalem, had reasons of his own for
making the Crusade a real success,
and should surely from the narrowest
point of view of the papal interests, have-
been encouraged to spend as much of his
strength as possible in the East, instead of
returning to fight the cause of Ghibelinism
THE CRUSADES
in Italy. That, however, was what he
actually did ; and the remaining twenty-
one years of his life (1229-1250) were
one long and deadly duel with the Popes,
first with octogenarian Gregory and then
with a more subtle, but less venerated
foe, Innocent IV, This Pope, in his humbler
capacity as Cardinal Fieschi, had been
classed among the partisans of the empire,
but when Frederic was congratulated
on his elevation he answered with too
true a presentiment : "I have lost a friend
and not gained an ally. No Pope can
ever be a Ghibeline."
After the death of Frederic, in 1250,
IV., who happened to be a Frenchman,
took the fateful step of inviting one of his
countrymen, Charles of Anjou, brother
of St. Louis, to enter Italy as the champion
of the Guelfic cause and wrest the crown
of Sicily from Manfred. He came ; he
conquered his opponent on the desperately
fought field of Benevento on February
26th, 1266. The body of the excom-
municated " Sultan of Lucera," as
the victor derisively called him, was
buried in unconsecrated ground. The
long duel between the Popes and the
Hohenstaufen was ended ; the old priest's
crosier had beaten the young laiight's
CHARACTERISTIC MARKET SCENE OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
This picture is restored from a window in the Cathedral of Chartres
and the short reign of his son, the Em-
peror Conrad IV., the young and brilliant
Manfred was proclaimed king of Sicily,
An illegitimate son of Frederic II., he
inherited many of his father's attractive
qualities and therewith the undying
enmity of the papacy. Like Frederic, he
leaned much on the support of a military
colony of Saracens established in the for-
tress of Lucera, whose vast circuit of walls,
indicating the great size of the mediaeval
castle, may still be seen on a hill of Apulia.
Under Manfred's able guidance the
Ghibeline party in Italy was fast rising
into domination, when the Pope, Urban
sword; or, more literally, the victory
seems to have been won by the rapier
over the sabre. The French had recently
introduced the former weapon, and, while
the Italian soldier was lifting his great
broadsword for a down-stroke, the agile
Frenchman thrust in his rapier's point
and let out the life of his antagonist.
Here too, virtually ended the battle
between the papacy and the empire.
Each will have other foes in the portion
of history which lies next before us ; but
they will not be so directly pitted against
one another as they have been for these
two centuries.
3395
3396
WESTERN
EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE
AGES
PASSING OF THE AGE OF CHIVALRY
AND THE PAPAL SUPREMACY RESTORED
'X'HIS period might fitly be called the
*• Autumn of Chivalry and the Spring of
Literature and Art. There are no more
Crusades; the spirit of knight-errantry
is departing ; war seems to be often a
sordid speculation on the value of the
ransoms that may be extorted from
wealthy prisoners. On the other hand, the
young languages of Europe are beginning
to bud and put forth leaves, as the truth
dawns upon men that poems and histories
may be written in other languages
than Latin, that even the despised ver-
nacular is a possible literary instrument.
To this period belong the names of Dante,
Petrarch, Boccaccio in Italy, of Froissart
in France, of Chaucer and Langland in
England. In the history of art we have
a catalogue of illustrious names from
Giotto to Fra Angelico ; in architecture,
though Norman and early English lie
behind us, the beautiful decorated and
stately perpendicular styles are still to
come.
Nor ought we in this connection to
forget the services which the fresh en-
thusiasm of the young Mendicant Orders
rendered both to literature and to art.
Both Dominic and Francis lived near the
end of our third period, but the influence
on the intellect of Europe of the orders
which they founded was most fully felt
after their deaths, and was certainly
mighty throughout the later twelve
hundreds and the two following centuries.
The Friars — as the Mendicants were called
to distinguish them from their
e riars j-j^g^jg^ ^^le more old-fashioned
as University
Professors
and conservative monks-
chiefiy known by their two
most popular representatives, the Domini-
can Black Friars and Franciscan Grey
Friars, swarmed into the universities now
rising into eminence throughout Europe,
and contributed the most celebrated
names to the list of professors of scholastic
theology, who, however the world may
think to have outgrown their teaching.
evidently possessed some of the strongest
and keenest intellects of their day.
Of the five greatest schoolmen, Albert
the Great and Thomas Aquinas (the
Angelic Doctor) were Dominicans :
Buonaventura the Seraphic, Duns Scotus
the Subtle, and Occam (the Invincible),
were Franciscans. It was from the
bosom of the Franciscan Order also that
the philosopher sprang who antici-
pated in some degree that strictly
scientific method which, in the hands
of his mighty namesake, was one day
to vanquish the word-splitting dialectic
of the schoolmen, Roger Bacon the
_. ^ ^ " Doctor Mirabilis " (1214-
The Creator ^„^,x t • • xu
of the House ^f^fl In reviewmg the coursc
. ^ of these two centuries, we
of Commons i- • ^i ^ 1
may very lightly touch upon
the well-known events which took place
in England. England under the early
Plantagenets had not been a stranger to
the storm which had swept over the
ecclesiastical sky in Southern Europe.
She, too, had found her Hildebrand in
Becket, and had witnessed her Canossa
when the abject John submitted to de-
clare himself the vassal of the Pope.
Perhaps, also, it may be said that she
had not been without her Guelfs and
Ghibelines when Simon de Montfort,
popularly known as the creator of the
English House of Commons, vanquished
Henry III. at Lewes, and was him-
self vanquished by Prince Edward at
Evesham.
In 1272, six years after the battle of
Benevento, Edward Longshartks, greatest
of the Plantagenets, ascended the throne.
In his reign of thirty-five years, he did many
noble deeds both as statesman and as
legislator. Even his conquest of Wales,
notwithstanding some ungenerous harsh-
ness, must be reckoned among his praise-
worthy exploits ; but his unsuccessful
attempt on the liberties of Scotland, his en-
deavour to convert the friendly superiority
which Scotsmen were willing to grant him
3397
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
into the strictest, harshest tie of feudal
vassalage, wrought untold harm to the
England which he surely loved. From
the year 1296, when the galling acts
of Edward drove the luckless John Balliol
into revolt, down to 1603, when James
Stuart mounted the English throne, it
may almost be said that there was never
lasting peace between the two
Scotland i 1 J
countries, only wars and pre-
E * 1 °d ° carious truces, raids and
"^ *** counter-raids, and, above all, a
continual and most natural tendency on
the part of Scotland to ally herself with
England's other enemy, France. There
was thus always a foe at England's
back door who would not have been there
had Edward I. shown somewhat less of
the qualities of a sharp attorney in his
dealings with the sister kingdom.
Though John " Lackland," by his
cowardice and cruelty, had lost his father's
inheritance of Normandy, the Planta-
genets. till the close of our present period,
never entirely quitted hold of the magnifi-
cent dower which Eleanor of Aquitaine
brought to Henry II., and these possessions
in the south-west corner of France often
furnished a base for the operations which
they undertook in what has been forcibly,
if not quite accurately, called the Hundred
Years' War between England and France.
That war began with the invasion of
France by Edward III. in 1339, and it
ended with the defeat of Talbot before
Castillon in 1453, the very year which for
another reason has been chosen as the close
of our present period. During that age
of strife the English won three memorable
victories, Crecy, Poitiers and Agincourt.
We are perhaps too much inclined to for-
get their defeats ; that of Beauge (1421),
where the Duke of Clarence, brother of
Henry V., was slain ; that of Patay (1429),
where Lord Talbot was vanquished and
made prisoner by the heroic Jeanne D' Arc ;
his final defeat and overthrow, as above
mentioned, at Castillon.
ng an 8 j^^ ^^^^^ proudest days for
Triumphs over .1 t- t l • j
P the English invaders were
March 24th, 1359, when, by
the Treaty of London, the captive king of
France yielded to Edward III. in full
sovereignty all that Henry II. had ever
ruled as vassal of the French crown, Nor-
mandy, Brittany, Anjou, Maine, and Aquit-
aine— in other words, a full half of France ;
and, again, December i6th, 1431, when,
apparently with the consent of the greater
339S
part of the French nation, weary of the
feuds of Armagnacs and Burgundians, the
English child, Henry VI., was proclaimed
" King of England and France, our
sovereign lord." That title, King of France,
so soon to be rendered a vain show by the
enthusiasm aind courage of the Maid of
Orleans, was clung to with ludicrous
tenacity by many generations of English
sovereigns, even by James II., when he
was a throneless exile at the court of the
real king of France, Louis XIV., and was
abandoned only in the days of our grand-
fathers at a time when there was no king
in France, and that country, under a ruler
mightier than any of her kings, was
engaged in a life and death struggle with
England.
The high-water mark of England's
dominion in France was soon succeeded
by a steady and continuous ebb of the
tide. It was by a series of petty reverses
more than by any great victories that the
English intruders were edged out of
France, until at last at the end of our
present period Calais only remained to
them. But the Hundred Years' War left
in one way a favourable impress on
France. As the Danish
invasions had consolidated
England, so the long misery
of the English invasions
unified and strengthened the national
feeling of Frenchmen. WTien the Hundred
Years' War began, the men of Aquitaine
scarcely looked upon the Parisians as their
fellow-countrymen. When it ended, they
recognised the necessity of their position
and accepted, if somewhat grudgingly,
Charles VII. as their sovereign lord.
The advantage which France won,
however painfully, from this struggle for
her national existence was to some extent
neutralised by the folly of her kings,
especially of John and Charles V., in grant-
ing enormous " appanages " to members
of their family, which made them almost
independent sovereigns and tended to
keep alive sectional and provincial jea-
lousies. It was owing to this mistaken
policy that the rival houses of Burgundy
and Orleans were able to distract their
country by that fatal feud which, far more
than the English valour at Agincourt,
laid France prostrate at the feet of
Henry V. ; and even when peace was
restored and the English invader ex-
pelled, the reconciled Duke of Burgundy
was terrible to his sovereign lord, whose
France's Gains
from English
Invasions
THE PASSING OF THE AGE OF CHIVALRY
power he gloomily overshadowed. Lords
of Burgundy by inheritance, and of the
rich Netherlands by marriage, these
mighty seigneurs, whose beautifully carved
tombs, a marvel of late mediaeval work,
are the glory of the cathedral at Dijon,
became the traditional enemies of their
French cousins, traditional allies of the
English kings whose country was closely
connected with their country by the ties
proudest of European royalties, was all
accomplished in the period now before
us. When the mighty house of Hohen-
staufen fell (1254) there was for a time
anarchy in Central Europe. Phantom
emperors, an English prince (Richard
Duke of Cornwall), a king of Castile
(Alfonso the Wise), and others flitted
across the stage ; but none of them ex-
ercised anv real authority, till in 1273 the
Electors chose for emperor a
Swabian knight of respectable
l^osition named Rudolf of
Hapsburg, who was accordingly
crowned with the imperial
diadem in Charlemagne's city
of Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle).
Ihe territories — of very mod-
rate extent — over which
Ivudolf ruled, as well as his
' astle of Ha| sburg, were
>ituated in the valley of the
Aar, in the north-east corner
of what is now Switzerland.
It is worthy of note that the
I radle of that dynasty which
has pre-eminently represented
the monarchic principle in
Europe, and the cradle of the
first, and we might almost say
the typical, Teutonic republic
were situated within a short
day's journey of one another.
Rudolf, who had been chosen
partly on account of his very
insignificance, proved himself a
stronger and abler ruler than
had been expected. He hum-
bled to the dust the proud
Ottokar, king of Bohemia, in
whose court he had once
served, and after his second
victory over him rent away
from his slain rival the duchies
of Austria, Styria, Carinthia
and Carniola, a goodly inherit-
of rulers prtxiuced ance which he bestowed upon
by tho Roman Catholic and feudal world of the Micfdle Ages. A sincere bis OWn SOn thereby laying the
Catholic, he was very independent, and under his reign the administrative r J+* 'f+V. ♦ (
and judicial systemsof his country were greatly developed. H3 died in 1270. lOUnClatlOn 01 tnC gTCatneSS OI
ST. LOUIS DISPENSING JUSTICE
LouiB IX., Ung of France, was one of the highest typ(
- ~ ~ - - - -j/^
of commerce. The very surnames of these
men mark their militant position — Philip
the Bold, John the Fearless, and Charles
the Rash ; they were men born to be
assassinated or slain in battle.
Eventually, as we shall see, the fortunes
of the heirs of Burgundy were closely inter-
twined with those of the house of Hapsburg.
The uprise of this house of Hapsburg,
by no means the oldest though one of the
the house of Hapsburg, Unlike his recent
predecessors he was on friendliest terms
with the Pope ; but no invitations or ex-
hortations could induce him to enter
Italy, " that lion's cave," into which he
saw many footsteps tending, but from
which there were none returning.
There was as yet no willingness on the
part of the Electors to permit the empire
to become hereditary in the Hapsburg
3399
History of the world
Of any other line. With difficulty did
Rudolf's son, Albert, win the imperial
crown, which he held for a few troubled
years ; and after his death, in 1308, there
was'tio emperor of the house of Hapsburg
reigning with undisputed title for 130
years. For twelve years (1314-1325)
Frederic of Austria was endeavouring,
_ generally with little success ,
e mperor ^^ vindicate his right to the
Danu's Heart imperial title against his rival,
Louis of Bavaria.
This interval, somewhat tantalising to
the student who knows that it will end
in the establishment of the empire in the
Hapsburg line, was filled chiefly by
emperors of the house of Luxemburg,
such as Henry VH., the ruler for whose
advent into Italy Dante longed, and
who, when he came, was crowned emperor
in Rome, but after three years' stay in
Italy, years of mingled success and
failure, died, as men said, from poison
administered in a cup of sacramental wine.
Henry's son, the blind King John of
Bohemia, who fought so bravely at Cre^y,
was never emperor ; . but his grandson,
Charles IV., the Parson's Emperor, as he
was called, because of the ecclesiastical
influence which secured his election, by
his celebrated Golden Bull (1356) weakened
the prerogatives of the Imperial Crown
and established the Seven Electors as
almost independent sovereigns. These
Electors were three ecclesiastical poten-
tates in Rhineland, the Archbishops of
Mayence, Cologne, and Treves ; and
four secular princes, the Count Pala-
tine of the Rhine, the Margrave of Bran-
denburg, the King of Bohemia (who after
1437 was generally a Hapsburg), and the
Duke of Saxony. By this instrument,
as Mr. Bryce has well said, Charles IV.
" legalised anarchy and called it a con-
stitution." Yet it is interesting to note
the prevalence at this date in Central
Europe of a form of government which
has now entirely disappeared. In the
_, . , thirteen hundreds and for
Experiments ,- , r-
• Tk a ♦ f some time longer, Germany,
Government gohemia, Hungary and
Poland were all elective mon-
archies. In other ways at this time some
new and interestiii^ experiments were being
made in the art of government. Albert
of Austria, son of Rudolf, to whose short
tenure of the imperial dignity reference
has been made, was successfully resisted
(1307-1308) by the inhabitants of the four
3400
Forest Cantons which cluster round the
Lake of Lucerne. This was the germ of
the Swiss Confederation, which at Mor-
garten in 1315, and at Sempach in 1386,
defeated the knights and men at arms
sent against them by the Austrian princes,
and for ever established the independence
of Switzerland.
During the same century, the century
of the thirteen hundreds, the confederacy
of German merchants known as the Hanse
Towns — the chief of them Liibeck, Ham-
burg, and Bremen — were fitting out fleets
and armies, and comporting themselves
like sovereign princes on the shores of the
Baltic. By the treaty of Stralsundin 1370
they obtained from Waldemar III., king
of Denmark, the righ tto receive for fifteen
years two-thirds of the Danish revenues
and a provision that thereafter none of his
successors should ascend the throne with-
out the consent of the Hansa. When, in
1397, the daughter of this king, Waldemar,
Margaret, " the Semiramis of the North,"
succeeded in uniting Denmark, Sweden, and
Norway by the Union of Calmar (1397), the
power of the Hanseatic League was some-
what abated ; but to the end of the
period under consideration it
e^ rrogan j-gj^^ined a most important
„ *. . „, factor in the politics of the
Frederic III. t, ,.• , , ^
Baltic states.
Returning for a moment to the Haps-
burg princes, we have to note that at last,
in 1437-1438, a Hapsburg, Albert II.,
having married the heiress of the house
of Luxemburg, was elected king of
Bohemia, king of Hungary, and emperor ;
but he held these dignities only for a short
time, dying in 1439. On his death, his
cousin, the Duke of Styria, was raised to
the empire as Frederic III., and thence-
forward the imperial title was borne by
none but his descendants for nearly four
centuries, at the end of which time the
empire itself ceased to be. Frederic III.,
himself, a dull, slow man, with the heavy
under-lip of the Hapsburgs, dabbled in
alchemy and astrology, and derived,
apparently from these studies, an intense
conviction of the proud destiny of his
house. This conviction he expressed in the
mystic letters A.E.I.O.U., which he caused
to be carved abundantly on all his furni-
ture, and which signified " Alles Erdreich
1st Oesterreich Untertan (the whole earth
is subject to Austria), which we might
paraphrase " All Europe Is Ours Undoubt-
edly," the equivalent in the fifteenth
THE PASSING OF THE AGE OF CHIVALRY
century of the nineteenth century song,
■" Deutschland, Deutschland, iiber alles."
As that song is now sung chiefly by the
Northern Germans, we may here remark
that the Hohenzollern princes, who are
now represented by the Emperor WiUiam
II., obtained possession of Brandenburg,
which has now been for many centuries the
stronghold of their dynasty, in the year
1417. The Hohenzollerns, Uke the
Hohenstaufen and the Hapsburgs, came
originally from Swabia, that picturesque
south-west corner of Germany, watered by
the sharply turning Rhine, which almost
alone of the provinces of Germany was
once part of the Roman Empire.
We recross the Alps and inquire what
are to be the fortunes of Italy now that
the Swabian sons of her Norman con-
querors are vanished out of the land.
Not absolutely, however, did they vanish
when Manfred fell at Benevento. In 1268,
Manfred's nephew, the gallant youth
Conradin, son of the Emperor Conrad IV.,
descended into Italy with a large army.
For a time fortune smiled upon him, and
even when he joined battle with his enemy,
King Charles, near Tagliacozzo, under the
shadow of the Sabine Moun-
tains, the battle at first went in
Conr&din
Dies on the
g ff ij his favour ; but a well-planned
ambuscade threw his army into
disorder. Victory was for Charles, death
on the field of battle for a multitude of
German knights, the followers of Conradin ;
a more ignominious death at Naples, by
the hands of the executioner, for Conradin,
himself a captured fugitive. It was con-
sidered a foul and unknightly deed when
the Frenchman thus punished the captive
lad who had but striven to regain the
inheritance of his fathers ; and later
writers described how from the scaffold
he threw his gauntlet down on the pave-
ment of the Piazza del Mercato, crying,
" Take that glove to him who will avenge
me." Criticism has thrown doubt on
this story, but there is no doubt that it was
as the avenger of Conradin that his cousin
by marriage, Pedro, king of Arragon,
Manfred's son-in-law, before long appeared
upon the scene.
Charles of Anjou, a hard and hateful
man, vexed his subjects with all manner
of new taxes rigorously exacted ; but even
more than by pecuniary oppression the
souls of the people, especially the hot-
blooded Sicilians, were fired by the
insolence of the French soldiers who
swaggered as conquerors among a nation
whom they despised. Vengeance slum-
bered for fourteen years ; but during all
that time the gauntlet of Conradin — real
or metaphorical — was being treasured at
the court of Arragon, and when at last, on
the evening of Easter Monday (March 30th,
1282) the lewd insults of a French soldier
_ . to a Sicilian matron roused the
„ '" * , people of Palermo to revolt.
Massacre of t.'- ti j j j. j
_. . Kmg Pedro was ready to aid
Frenchmen ,, ^ ~, x ii
them. The massacre of all
Frenchmen, which began with the ringing of
the vesper bell at Palermo, was accom-
plished with dreadful thoroughness all over
the island, and is known to history as the
Sicilian Vespers. Charles of Anjou, of
course, did not surrender the beautiful
island without a struggle. Messina
endured a terrible siege, but survived
untaken. Pedro of Arragon was declared
king, and successfully established . his
kir-gdom, which was held by his descen-
dants down to our own time.
Charles remained king of Naples and of
all Southern Italy, which by a legal fiction
received also the name of Sicily, and hence
came that absurd title, " King of Both the
Sicilies," which, when the two kingdoms
afterwards came together under descen-
dants of the king of Arragon, was borne
by their rulers.
Thus, as far as Sicily was concerned, the
arrogant French invader was repelled,
but, alas, freedom had to be purchased at
the cost of submission to another foreigner,
a Spaniard. The conditions were similar
to those which inspired Byron's lines
addressed to Italy.
"The stranger's sword
Is thy sad weapon of defence, and so, 1
Victor or vanquished, thou the slave (
of friend or foe."
Thus the fall of the Hohenstaufen brought
little peace to Italy. Let us now see how
it affected the fortunes of the Hohen-
staufens' great enemy, the papacy. In
1294, on the occasion of a papal vacancy,
the cardinals, divided among^
A Hermit themselves, and tired of one
Pa 'al* Throne ^'^other's intrigues, took thej
apa rone yjjexpected step of choosing;
as Pope a holy hermit in the moun-
tains of the Abruzzi, who most unwillingly
donned the papal crown and took
the title of Celestine V. It was soon
seen, however, that a great saint might
make a strange Pope. This wild man
from the mountains, with his shaggy
beard and vile raiment, though kings held
3401
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The Pope
Celestine V
Abdicates
December,
the bridle of his ass as he rode into the
city of Aquila, could not adapt himself
to the splendour of his new position or
manage with decent ability the compli-
cated affairs of his world-wide spiritual
kingdom. Almost at once he began to
meditate abdication and a return to the
roots and water of his cell ; and one of
the cardinals, the astute Bene-
detto Gaetano, was ever at his
ear whispering that this would
be his wisest course. In
1294, after little more than
four months' pontificate, Celestine abdi-
cated— if a Pope could abdicate — his great
office, making, as Dante says, " through
cowardice the grand refusal," and was
succeeded by his benevolent adviser,
Gaetano, who took the title Boniface VIII.,
and before long committed his predecessor
to a strict imprisonment in a noisome
dungeon, from which, after a few years'
captivity, he was released by death.
In the pontificate of Boniface VIII. the
papal power seemed to reach its greatest
height, only to undergo its most terrible
humiliation. He out-Hildebranded Hilde-
brand in the language which he addressed
to kings and emperors. " There are two
swords," he said, quoting the words of
Christ in the garden. " These are the
spiritual and the temporal. One sword
must be under the other, the temporal
under the spiritual. The spiritual insti-
tuted the temporal power, and judges
whether that power is well exercised. We
assert, define, and pronounce that it is
necessary to salvation to believe that
every human being is subject to the Pontiff
of Rome."
For a time all went well with the haughty
and grasping Boniface. He banished the
whole family of the Colonnas, his personal
enemies, he razed their fortresses, and
forbade their city of Palestrina to be re-
built. He imposed peace on the warring
kings of England and France. He pro-
claimed a Jubilee in the year 1300 ; men,
women, and children flocked to Rome to
obtain eternal salvation ; and two priests
stood by the altar of St. Peter's with rakes
in their hands sweeping in the gold and
Pilgrims &nd
silver coins offered by the pil-
^. . _, ,, grims. It was said that durmg
their Gold y, • T ui ta r
. c. „ » . this ubilee Boniface wore an
at St. Peter s . -* . , n . 1
imperial crown as well as the
papal, that the purple sandals of the
emperor were on his feet, and that two
swords, signifying temporal an-d spiritual
power, were borne before him.
But this man, so proud and domineer-
ing, met his equal in the king of France,
Philip the Fair, grandson of St. Louis,
and in all things the opposite of his sainted
CHARACTERISTIC LANDSCAPE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
From a copperplate by Albert Diirer
3402
FTiriTIVES- THE MONASTERY AS A HARBOUR OF REFUGE
ancestor. Hard, covetous, and revenge-
ful Philip came into collision with Bom-
face over his claims to tax the revenues
of the Church, and he found his pre-
tensions ably supported by the rising
school of lay lawyers, who magnified the
office of Csesar as much as the ecclesias-
tical lawyers magnified the office of the
Vicar of Christ. The Pope thundered
forth his bulls; the French king replied
with his angry decrees. There were ex-
communications on one side, outlawry
and confiscation on the other ; but it was
plain that Philip had the majority of his
subjects on his part, and that he would
not have to go to Canossa or
The Duel fggj ^^ j^js neck the pressure
Between Pope ^^ ^^^ Pontiff's sandal. Far
and King ^^^^ ^I^J5^ j^g and his legal
advisers began to moot the question of
Boniface's own right to the Popedom, the
weak point in which was, of course, his elec-
tion during the lifetime of his predecessor,
and to press for his trial before a general
council on some strange and scarcely
credible charges of heresy, blasphemy, and
immorality. But ere such a council could
Boniface
Dies from
Assault
be summoned Boniface, who, to avoid the
heat of a summer in the city and the tur-
bulence of Roman citizens, had retired to
his native town of Agnana, was attacked
there by a band of ruffians, headed by one
of his old enemies the Colonnas, and by a
mvrmidon of Phihp, William of Nogaret ;
arid by these men and their followers he
was so roughly handled that in
less than five weeks he expired.
The assailants and all but
murderers of the Pope were
never punished, but, on the other
hand, the memory of Boniface was
spared that solemn condemnation which
Philip longed to inflict. The influence of
the French king, however, was now
triumphant at the papal court ; one
Frenchman after another was raised to
the papacy and came to nestle under the
wing of French royalty at Avignon on the
Rhone. Avignon was not at this time
actually part of the French .territory,
though closely bordering upon it. Ihus
began the Seventy Years' Captivity which
amazed and scandalised Europe. For the
greater part of the thirteen hundreds,
3403
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
from 1305 to 1376, during the hottest of
!the war between Edward III. and the
!Valois kings, we must think of the Pope
as the humble chent of the French king,
it might be said hardly more than his
domestic chaplain.
It was in this position of meek
subordination to the king of France
that Clement V., the first
F^fe of Avignon Pontiff (1305-1314).
th K • ht sanctioned the suppression of
nig s ^^^ Order of Knights Templars,
on account of their alleged immorality,
heresy, and secret practising of obscene
and blasphemous rights. For these al-
leged crimes, mainly on the strength of
confessions extracted by torture, the aged
Grand Master of the Order, Johndu Molay,
and 113 of the knights were burned in
Paris. Hundreds perished in the French
prisons. In England the Order was also
suppressed, and some of its members
appear to have been subjected to the
torture, but the punishment was for the
most part limited to lifelong seclusion in a
convent. The degree of justification for
the suppression of the Order of Knights
Templars is one of the disputed questions
of history, and in some respects resembles
the similar question with reference to the
suppression of the English monastic orders
in the fifteen hundreds.
In both cases large and terrible accusa-
tions were brought against the incriminated
parties, and it is not easy to understand
how these rumours can have arisen abso-
lutely without cause ; but in both cases
also the chief crime of the accused was
evidently their large possessions, which
attracted the desires of a greedy and
extravagant king, in England, Henry VIII. ,
in France, Philip the Fair. The execu-
tion of Grand Master du Molay especially
moved the pity of Europe, which heard
of the martyr's dying summons to king
and Pope to meet him speedily before
the bar of the Most High — a summons
which was followed by the
A^ste? ^^""^^ °^ Clement V. within
_ .' *c thirteen months and of
Dying Summons ^^^^ ^^ ^^.^^^ ^^^^^y_
one months of the murder of their victim.
The sojourn of the Popes for more than
two generations at Avignon is one of the
strange paradoxes of mediaeval history.
How, we ask ourselves, was it possible for
ecclesiastics whose sole title to the obedi-
ence of the Church lay in the fact that
they were Bishops of Rome to spend the
3404
whole of their official lives in a city on the
Rhone, a month's journey from the
imperial city ? Theoretically the position
was certainly indefensible. Practically, it
is easy to see how the thing came to pass.
The French influence having once become
strong in the College of Cardinals, tended
to become ever stronger, since each French
Pope created more and more of his own
countrymen. The king of France, not
yet engaged in his deadly struggle with
England, overshadowed the weak Bohe-
mian emperors of Germany.
Italy, now that the emperor was no longer
in any sense arbiter of her destinies, was
falling into a state of disorganisation, city
warring against city, and almost every city
having its own knot of exiled citizens
who were yearning to return to their
homes and to wreak vengeance upon their
opponents. After a short and glorious
existence, the ItaUan republics in the
thirteen hundreds were falling one by
one under the yoke of tyrants — in the
Greek sense, masters of a city which had
been free — the Visconti at Milan, the Delia
Scala at Verona, Castracani at Lucca, and
so forth. Florence, the great Guelf city,
it is true, was still free, though
T ^'^'aX sorely tossed by faction, and
osse y ygj^j(,g^ ^j^^^- marvel of aristo-
cratic state-craft, had naught to
fear in the way of tyranny from her tightly-
curbed and muzzled Doges. But else-
where th-^ Republicanism which had largely
prevailed in Italy under the theoretical
rule ol the Franconian and Swabian
emperors was giving place to a form of
government which was not feudalism,
still less constitutional monarchy, but the
irresponsible, unlimited, often cruel
^overno d'un solo. In the states of the
Church turbulent barons alternated with
turbulent democracies, and both, as oppor-
tunity offered, availed themselves of the
assistance of those predatory bands of
soldiers representing no nationality and
responsible to no sovereign, who were
called Condottieri, or free companies, and
who were, unfortunately, to a large extent
the outcome of the long and devastating
wars of the Plantagenets in France.
In addition to these troubles came the
terrible scourge of the Black Death —
perhaps the most awful pestilence that the
world has ever seen, which from 1346 to
1368 swept over Europe, destroying in
some regions as much as two-thirds of the
population, and, on an average, of the
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Rienzi
the Meteoric
Reformer
whole probably not less than a quarter.
From these varied causes the condition of
Italy in the middle of the thirteen hun-
dreds was doubtless a sad one, and it is
not perhaps surprising that the Pope and
his cardinals, for the most part Frenchmen,
should have preferred the splendid semi-
regal fortress-palace of Avignon and their
luxurious villas by the Rhone
in beautiful Provence to the
fever-haunted streets of alien
Rome. For a short time it
seemed as if the great absentee landlord
would lose his hold upon the property
from which he took his title.
The splendid dreamer, Nicolas Gabrini,
who is known to history by the name
of Rienzi, musing on the miserable state
of Rome, agitated as she was by the
faction fights of turbulent nobles, and
comparing it with the calm majesty of
the old Roman Republic, as revealed to him
by inscriptions in the Forum, and inter-
preted by the pages of Livy, decided to
call his fellow-citizens to revolt, and
assumed the historic title of Tribune
(1347-1349). He was marvellously suc-
cessful for a time ; the proud nobles, the
Orsini and the Colonnas, were awed into
silence and submission, and the papal
legate found it expedient to be a humble
partner in the tribune's administration.
But Rienzi's record in history is essen-
tially meteoric. As a meteor he burst
upon Europe ; as a meteor he fell, the
victim partly of his own vain, unstable
character. If he had possessed the brave,
modest nature of a Garibaldi, he might,
perhaps, have changed the course of his-
tory and re-established, half a millennium
ago, the Roman Republic. But he was
only Rienzi. and his meteor Ught left the
sky dark behind it.
The Seventy Years' Captivity at Avig-
non, itself somewhat of a scandal, died out
in the greater scandal of the Forty Years'
Schism. Under the earnest pressure of the
public opinion of Christen-
Humble Monk ^ ^^ represented bv such
Raised to the ^
Pope's Chair
enthusiasts as Catharine of
Siena, Pope Gregory XI.
returned to Rome for a visit, which proved
to be a farewell visit, for he died there
early in 1378. Where the Pope died, there
must the Conclave be held. The cardinals
assembled in Rome to choose a new Pope,
appalled by the furious shouts of the
populace, who demanded a Roman, or
at least an Italian, Pope, went outside
3406
their own college — more than half of
whom were Frenchmen — and elected Bar-
tolommeo Prignani, an Italian of low
origin, but skilled in the canon law and
famed for his piety, who took the title of
Urban VT. The humble monk, wherr
raised to the papal throne, developed
qualities of strange and unexpected pride
some of the manifestations of which seem
to indicate a vein of lurking insanity.
The luxurious and high-born cardinals
found themselves restricted to one dish
at dinner, and heard their new master
bellow at them such courtesies as : " You
have talked long enough," " Hold your
tongue," and so forth. Worst of all, the
Pope declared his intention of remaining
in Rome, and was about to make a large
creation of Italian cardinals in order
effectually to bar the way of a return to
Avignon.
At this, a large party of cardinals,
chiefly Frenchmen, broke away from their
allegiance, declared the election of Urban
invalid, as having been made under duress
from the Roman mob, and elected as Pope
the high-born soldier-cardinal. Robert of
Geneva. He took the name of Clement VTL,
and ere long found his way
*d*th °^^^ back to Avignon, and, though
Supporters
with diminished splendour,
kept high court there, hke the
six Popes before him. His rival remained
in Rome, or when frightened thence by the
turbulence of the mob or by the soldiers
of the Queen of Naples, with whom,
though Neapolitan born, he had continued
to quarrel, he took up his abode at Genoa,
at Lucca, at Perugia, at any Italian city
which could give him a constrained
welcome.
The chief powers of Europe ranged
themselves under one or other of the
rival banners. Northern Italy, Germany
and England were in obedience to
Urban VI. France, Spain, Scotland and
Naples were in obedience to Cement
of Avignon. It will be seen how large a
share national quarrels had in determining
ecclesiastical partisanship. France, of
course, took the side of the Pope who
hankered after pleasant Avignon ; Ger-
many and England, as foes to France,
took the side of his rival ; Scotland, as
deadly enemy to England, followed France.
The schism thus begun lasted, as has
been said, for nearly forty years. When
Clement VII. died, in September, 1394, a
successor to him Wcis chosen who took the
POPE URBAN VI. RECITING HIS BREVIARY AT NOCERA
On the death of Pope Gregory XI., in 1378, the populace luriously detnanaed that a Roman, or at least an Italian,
should be raised to the papal throne, and the cardinals, with whom the election rested, appalled by the clamour, chose
Bartolommeo Prignani, an Italian of low origin. The new Pope took the title of Urban V I. Hea ring of a conspiracy
among his cari inals, the Pope invited the ringleaders to his country residence, the Castle of Nocera, and put them
to torture in order tO extract from them the details of the plot.
Hcproduced froiii the painting by the Ifon. John Collier by the artist's perniissioa
34^
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
at the
Same Time
title of Benedict XIII. To his rival, who
had died five years before, three Popes
in succession were elected by the Italian
cardinals, the last of these being the
octogenarian Gregory XI I. (1406-1417).
At each election the same professions of
earnest desire to end the schism were
clamorously repeated, and each successive
p pontiff expressed his willing-
ree opes ^^^^ ^^ abdicate if his rival
would do the same. " I would
abdicate," said Benedict
XIII., before his election, "as easily as I
take oH my hat." " I long for a conference
which shall restore unity," said the vener-
able Gregory XII. "If there is not a galley
to take me to the place of meeting, I will go
in a fishing boat. If horses fail for the land
journey, I will take my staff in my hand
and will go on foot." But practically all
yearning after conciliation and com-
promise resolved itself into a willingness
to accept 'the unconditional surrender of
the opponent. Each Pope would graciously
allow the anti-pope to kiss his foot, but
was invincibly resolved not to perform
the converse operation.
The anarchy of the Church reached its
climax when, at the Council of Pisa in 1409,
both the rival Popes were called upon to
resign and a devout Franciscan friar was
elected in their stead, under the title of
Alexander V. But the existing Popes,
though formally deposed, refused to accept
their deposition, and it was soon evident
that the council, instead of ending the
schism, had only widened it by adding
a third Pope to the list. More dreadful was
the entanglement when, after the short
pontificate of Alexander, the tiara was
bestowed upon a man who, though a
cardinal, was little better than a general
of condottieri, Baltasare Cossa, who
took the title of John XXIII. The well-
meant endeavours to end the schism had
but ended in the election of one of the
most unpopular pontiffs who ever sat in
^. _, the chair of St. Peter. The
The Famous , ,. -i n i i-
^ .. extraordmary evil called for
^t r^^-.*.--- a-n extraordinary remedy.
of Constance r^,. ,-' , J
1 his was none other than the
far-famed Council which assembled at
Constance under the presidency of Sigis-
mund, last emperor of the house of Luxem-
burg, and which sat for three years and a
half — from November, 1414, till May, 1418.
The assembling of this council, at which 29
cardinals, three patriarchs, 33 archbishops,
and 2,400 other ecclesiastics from all parts of
3408
Europe were present, besides 100 dukes and
earls, 2,400 knights, and 116 representatives
of cities, was one of the greatest events of
the Middle Ages. Had it corresponded to
the jubilant expectations formed of it, the
Council might have been their glorious
finale.
Much had been hoped for from the
assembling of so many grave and learned
men, especially in the reformation of
abuses which, in the course of ages, had
crept into the administration of the
Church. What was accomplished ? The
obliteration of the three obstinate old men,
each of whom persisted in calling himself
the Vicar of Christ, and the election in
their stead of a capable and respectable
Italian noble of the house of Colonna, who
took the title of Martin V. This was a wise
and statesmanlike act, though some think
that even after the lapse of three years the
Council showed undue haste in electing a
Pope before, instead of after, passing those
measures of reform which became practic-
ally unattainable after it had given itself
a master in the person of Pope Martin.
Not so wise or so statesmanlike were
the acts by which the Council sought to
demonstrate its own ortho-
"TomrBurned ^^^y- the burning oj John
as Heretics
Huss and Jerome of Prague,
two devout and learned
Bohemians who, in the spirit of Wiclif, and
partly in consequence of his teaching, had
defended what would now be called the
Protestant position against the mediaeval
papacy. In the case of Huss, this murder
was especially to be condemned, as he had
come to Constance of his own free will,
trusting to a safe conduct which he had
received from the emperor. Of this fact
he reminded Sigismund when he stood
before his tribunal to receive his condem-
nation, and it is said that the emperor
blushed with shame. Practically, a Pope
elected and two heretics burned were all
the outcome of this memorable and long-
labouring Council.
Underlying the discussions on temporary
points of policy at the Council of Constance
was the important question of the con-
stitution of the Church. If the power of an
oecumenical council could be magnified,
if its sittings could be repeated at short
and regular intervals, if it could be made
impossible for the Pope to take any
important step without its advice, the
constitution of the Church would become
aristocratic ; if Martin V, and his successors
THE PASSING OF THE AGE OF CHIVALRY
could succeed in negativing these pro-
posals, and could keep the papacy on the
old lines on which it had moved from
Hildebrand to Boniface, it would remain
monarchical. The second alternative event
was that which actually happened. Council
after council was held during the thirty
years after the Council of Constance ;
Basle, Ferrara, Florence, each had its
council, the first defying the Pope, and
even renewing for a time the misery of the
schism, the second and third working
with the Roman Pope and effecting a
papacy in the centuries that we have
been lately traversing is really central
in the history of Europe. Financially,
the enormous drain of bullion to Rome
or to Avignon, in order to meet the de-
mands of the papal tax-gatherers, diverted
the course of commerce, created the
profession of bankers, sometimes helped
and sometimes hindered the struggles of
English parliaments with their kings.
And in the purely political domain, in
the war of dynasties and the collision of
nations the papal question played a most
THE SPANISH INQUISITION : READY FOR THE ACCUSED
This tribunal, established in Spain ana Portugal in the Middle Ages for the suppression of heresy, was a
terrible instrument. All the inquisitors were churchmen, and one of them, the terrible Torquemada, is said to have
condemned no fewer than 9,000 persons during his tenure of office. It was not till 1835 that the Inquisition was finally
abolished, and though it still exists as the Holy Office, its function is confined to the detection of heresy in books.
Reproduce from the paintioK by (Jie Hon. John Collier by the artist's permission
short-lived reconciliation between the*
.Latin and Greek Churches. But all ended
in a re-establishment, apparently on a
firmer basis than ever, of the papal supre-
macy ;. and our fourth period closes with
the pontificate of Nicolas V., a lover of
peace, a lover of the arts, and one of the
best of the mediaeval pontiffs. He is said
to have died of grief on hearing of the
fall of Constantinople.
Let it not be thought that in this brief
sketch too large a space has been given to
ecclesiastical affairs. The history of the
important part. Anyone, who studies
the history of Naples, of Florence, of
Milan, of Bohemia and of Hungary, or
reads the story of the wars between'
England and France, will find his steps
continually dogged by the Seventy Years
Captivity and the Great Schism, It is
worthy of note that Agincourt was fought
in the first year of the CouncU of Con-
stance, and that in the interests of his
schemes for papal reform Sigismund
tried to arrange a three years' truce
between France and England.
For references in this chapter, see Appendix.
3409
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3410
WESTERN
EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE
AGES
GENERAL
SURVEY IV
BY
DR. THOMAS
HODGKIN
THE BIRTH OF A NEW WORLD
AND THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
pNORMOUS as have been the changes
'-^ in the aspect of the world and in
human Ufe which have been wrought by
the nineteenth century, it may probably be
asserted with truth that at least equal
changes were wrought by events which
occurred in the last half of the fourteen
hundreds.
The lirst of these was the fall of
Constantinople (May 29th, 1453). While
emperors and kings were still playing
with the question of possible crusades,
for which Popes were pleading in
deadly earnest, the believers in Islam,
reversing the crusading process, crossed
the Bosphorus and took the great city
which for more than a thousand years
had preserved in strange union the two
memories of Csesar and of Christ. Western
Christendom was horrified at the news,
but did little to stay the onrushing
Ottoman tide which for more than 200
years — till the unsuccessful siege of Vienna
in 1683 — was always more or less of a terror
to Europe. But cruel as was the loss to the
East, the West was in some sort a gainer,
by the dispersion of eminent scholars who
reinforced the ranks of the Humanists —
the lovers of the illustrious classical
literature of bygone ages and the oppo-
nents of the schoolmen — both by their
oral teaching and by the priceless manu-
scripts which they preserved
'^ f. , from the sack of Constanti-
Kises irom , . ^1 ■ 1 1
»K D a" ^ople. As was finely said by a
modern scholar : " At this time
Greece arose from the dead with the New
Testament in her hand." This new
learning, powerfully aided by the art of
printing, which was invented somewhere
about 1450, set fermenting in the minds of
such men as Erasmus and Luther thoughts
which were destined to work marvellous
changes in the mental atmosphere of
Europe. Geographically, the voyages of
discovery which signalised the closing
years of our present period were the most
important that were ever made since the
first Phoenician mariners pushed through
the Pillars of Hercules into the vast and
shoreless Atlantic.
Throughout the fourteen hundreds the
work of maritime discovery along the
east coast of Africa had been entirely
undertaken by the Portuguese, who were
cheered on their adventurous career
by the patronage of their noble prince,
Henry the Navigator, a man who had
p English blood in his veins,
^o uguese ^gi,^g ^^le grandson, on his
jj. . mother's side, of John of
Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster.
From his eyrie on Cape St. Vincent he
watched the departure, in 1419, of two
frail vessels which sailed a little beyond
the Peak of Teneriffe. Later voyages
were much more successful, and before
his death, in 1460, the Portuguese dis-
coverers had crept down to the neigh-
bourhood of Sierra Leone, twenty degrees
nearer to the Equator than that ominous
Cape Nam (Cape No) which, when Prince
Henry began his enterprise, had been the
southern limit of European navigation.
After the prince's death, his great work
went steadily forward. Guinea and the
Gold Coast, the mouth of the mighty
River Congo, and Angola were discovered,
and in i486 Bartholomew Diaz, a knight
of the royal household, with the double
hope of discovering a passage to India
and meeting with the mythical Prester
John, steered due south for many days
and discovered the promontory which he
called the Cape of Storms, but which
the Portuguese king on his return insisted
on renaming the Cape of Good Hope.
But the long eastward bend of the coast
of South Africa seems to have hidden from
him and his sailors the real meaning of
their discovery. It was not till eleven
years later, in 1497, that the illustrious
Vasco da Gama succeeded in fairly
rounding the southern end of the great
34" '
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
continent, and, steering across the Indian
Ocean, reached- the coast of Hindustan
and beheld the Zamorin of Calicut in his
palace.
It is a strange thought that the vain
hope of doing in another way that which was
thus accomplished with comparative ease
by Vasco da Gama had driven Christopher
^ . . Columbus five years previously,
Columbus • i • J i
jj. in 1492, on his desperate
. . voyage westward across the
Atlantic. On the well-known
circumstances of those memorable months
of suspense, which ended on October nth,
when Columbus, standing on the poop of
his vessel, saw the moving lights of Guana-
hani, there is no need to dwell. Only we
ought to emphasise to ourselves the change
which the discovery of this western world,
expanding every year, as it evidently
seemed to expand, by the reports of the
successors of Columbus, must have wrought
in the mind of the ordinary commonplace
mediaeval European. It is perhaps not too
much to say that it was as great as that
which would be wrought in us by the
discovery of a means of communication
with the inhabitants of Mars or Venus.
It was hard that when a Portuguese prince
had been the prime mover in this crusade
of discovery, the glory and the gain of it
accrued chiefly to the Spanish sovereigns.
As the well-known motto on the tomb of
Columbus, dictated by Ferdinand of
Arragon himself, ran :
A Castilla y a Leon
Nuevo Mundo die Colon.
(To Leon's and to Castile's throne
Columbus brought a world unknown. )
Besides the discovery of America and
the riches resulting therefrom, many
other causes concurred in the four-
teen hundreds to push Spain, hitherto
somewhat solitary and self-absorbed, into
the front rank, the fighting line of the
nations of Europe. In the seven centuries
that had elapsed since the Moorish con-
_ . , quest she and the sister state
n***'^ «. of Portugal had been slowly
Rapid Rise u i xi. • ^
p wmnmg back their country
from the Moors. At first the
process was a slow one ; but in the twelve
hundreds, after the great Christian victory
of Navas de Tolosa, in 1212, it went for-
ward with giant strides, and by the middle
of that century the only region of Spain
left to the Moslems was the fertile but
comparatively small province of Granada.
There, however, a compact kingdom was
3412
founded which endured for more than
250 years (1238-1492). One reason for
its continuance, probably the chief reason
for all the long pauses in the Christian
advance, was the number of petty king-
doms into which the peninsula was divided.
Leon, Castile, Navarre, Barcelona, Arra-
gon, Portugal — aU had for long their
separate existence, and were frequently at
war with one another.
Now, however, at last, by the mar-
riage of Ferdinand of Arragon with
Isabella of Castile in 1469, almost the'
whole of Spain was united in one powerful
monarchy. The exception was Navarre, ;
which was not appropriated by Ferdi-.-
nand till 1512. The actual union of
Arragon and Castile did not take place,
till 1479, on the death of Isabella's
brother, Enrique IV. One of the earliest .
enterprises of the royal pair after they
had come into full possession of their
sovereignty was the annexation of,
Granada. For ten years the war went on,
the patient strategy of Ferdinand being
greatly aided by domestic quarrels in the,
Moorish palace, son rebelling against-
^ . father, and uncle fighting
the Christians °" ^^^^^ 4th, 1492-three
months before Columbus set
sail from Seville — the last blow was struck.
Granada itself, hopelessly blockaded, sur-
rendered to the Christians, and its weeping
king, Abu Abdallah, looking his last on its
stately pinnacles, rode forth into exile.
The subjugation of the last Mohamme-
dan state in Spain was perhaps regarded
by Christendom as some slight compen-
sation for the loss of Constantinople.
Unhappily, the Christian sovereigns
showed themselves less tolerant towards
their conquered subjects of another faith
than the Turkish sultan. Ferdinand's
promises of toleration for the Mussulman
Moors were soon evaded ; forcible con-
versions were attempted ; the Inquisition
put forth its baneful energies — everything
was prepared for that disastrous revolt
of the Moriscos, disastrously quelled,
which inflicted so deep a wound on Spain
in the following century.
The " kings " of Arragon and Castile,,
so fortunate in aU else, suffered the dis-.
appointment of seeing their male issue ex-
pire in their own lifetime. It was evident
that their magnificent inheritance must
fail to the lot of the descendants of one
of their daughters ; and that daughter
3413
SEA-GOING NORMAN WARRIORS: ANCESTORS OF ENGLAND'S CONQUERORS
Inhabiting a province of France, the Normans were regarded by their French neighbours as pirates and heathen till
the close of the tenth century, yet under Rolfs grandson. Richard the Fearless (942-906), they gradually adopted
French Christianity and feudalism. William the Conqueror, the seventh Duke, united Normandy to England in 1066.
eventually proved to be Princess Joanna,
wife ol Philip of Hapsburg, whose eldest
son, Charles, the future Charles V., was
born in the last year of the century, the
fateful year 1500.
Meanwhile, during the whole of the pre-
vious period there had been a growing
community of interest between the two
peninsulas, the Spanish and the Italian,
and a growing tendency in Italian affairs
to embitter the relations between Spain
and France. Two successive queens of
Naples, descendants of Charles of Anjou,
Joanna I. and II., both of them women
of tainted reputation, had embroiled the
politics of Italy by adopting as their
heirs both French and Spanish princes.
The French claimants, three successive
Louis of Anjou, had never succeeded
in making good their title for any length-
enied period, and the last of the line,
" le bon roi Rene," troubadour and
master of pageants, but better known
as father of Margaret of Anjou, of
fatal memory in the English civil
wars, was himself as shadowy a king of
3414
Naples as his forefathers. But in 1442
the great prize fell to another adopted
son of the latest Joanna, to Alphonso,
king of Arragon, and also king of Sicily.
Thus at last was the death of Con-
radin fully avenged, and the descendant
of Frederic II., king of both the Sicilies,
possessed the full inheritance of his
Norman forefathers. On his death, while
his Spanish dominions and Sicily went to
his brothers, Naples, which he had won
with his sword and with his bow, became
subject to his illegitimate son Ferdinand,
and thus till near the end of the fourteen
hundreds we have the Sicilies again
disparted, Naples itself ruled by this
Ferdinand, and Sicily by his first cousin,
Ferdinand of Spain, the husband of Isa-
bella. And over all hovered the spectral,
shadowy claims of the titulars of Anjou,
which had bred wars in the past and were
likely to be the cause of wars to come.
Notwithstanding these dynastic con-
flicts, the solid strength of // Regno, as
the kingdom of Naples was called, was
always looked upon with something of
THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
envy and admiration by the northern
states of Italy. There almost every city
was at war with its nearest neighbour,
the trade of the Condottieri flourished,
and, as before stated, the turbulent free-
dom of the repubhcs which had leagued
against Barbarossa was being crushed
under the heel of petty local despots.
An Italian patriot surveying the condition
of his country in 1453 might well think
that the liberation from the yoke of the
empire, which had been won by generations
of Guelfs, had been after all but a doubtful
blessing.
One of the last of the republics to
fall into slavery — and even after her fall
she struggled up once and again into
liberty — was Florence. In 1464 died old
Cosmo de Medici, who by the combined
influence of wealth, eloquence, liberality,
and some real patriotism, aided by the
blunders of his opponents, had made him-
self virtual master of his native city. It
was certainly a wonderful story, that of the
Medicean house. They had no claims to
feudal nobility ; the party which they led
was by profession the Liberal party ;
Cosmo himself with his vast wealth might
be looked upon as the Gladstone-Roth-
schild of Florence ; yet he succeeded in
leaving to his offspring a power which,
in the hands of his grandson, the " Magnifi-
cent " Lorenzo, was httle less than regal ;
his collateral descendants for two centu-
ries were grand dukes of Tuscany, and
their blood, through the intermarriage
of Catharine and Marie de Medici with the
kings of France, now flows in half the
royal families of Europe.
Lorenzo de Medici died in 1492, the
same year which, for other reasons, we
have already seen to be indeed annus
mirahilis. The other great Italian com-
monwealth, Venice, preserved indeed
through all her more than a thousand
years of life her republican freedom, but
changed her popular character in 1300 by
the act known as " the Closing of the
THE DOGE PRESIDING AT A COUNCIL OF WAR IN MEDIi^VAL VENICE
After preserving, in outward form at least, her republican freedom or more than a thousand years, the great Italian
commonwealth of Venice changed her popular character in 13W by the act known as the Cosing of the Grand Council.
Limiting the right of election to the great offices of state to aristocratic families, the tyranny of the oligarchy wai supreme.
From the painting by Sir J. Gilbert, R.A.
3415
THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
Grand Council," which Hmited the right
of election to the great offices of state to
certain aristocratic families, and she
thus became that jealous and suspicious
oligarchy whose methods have been so
lovingly described by many a tragedian
and writer of romance.
In the periods which now lie behind us
she had many a bitter struggle with her
rival Genoa, in one of which, the war of
Chioggia (1378-1381), she all but lost her
national life ; and the domineering Vis-
contis of Milan had, especially towards
the close of the thirteen hundreds, rolled
up dangerously near to her borders.
(Filippo Maria), who died in 1447, leaving
no legitimate progeny. Thus were the
Sforzas established on the throne of Milan,
where they reproduced most of the un-
amiable characteristics of their Visconti
ancestry. In 1492, the year to which so
much of our narrative converges, the young
prince, Gian Galeazzo Sforza, was nominally
reigning in Milan, the real ruler being
his uncle Ludovico il Moro — so-named
from his swarthy complexion — who was
generally believed to be plotting his
nephew's murder.
Here, however, as well as in Naples,
there was also a French claimant in the
A LADY OF RANK RETURNING FROM CHURCH IN MEDIEVAL TIMES
In the mediaeval ages, hardly less than in the great days of Greece and Rome, the ceremonial observance of rank ajid
power was maintained, and characterised the commonest actions of daily life, no less than the afifairs of state. This
painting, and tliat on the opposite page, serve to illustrate the display made by ladies of rank in attending church.
From the painting by George H. Boughton, R,A., in the Guildhall Art Gallery
Since then, however, the tide of conquest person of the Duke of Orleans, who was
had turned ; she had become a great land descended from a legitimate Visconti
power as well as a sea power, and in the princess, while the Sforzas could claim
period before us it may be roughly com- only through Filippo Maria's bastard
puted that she was mistress of two- daughter.
thirds of Lombardy, the remaining, the ' Of the condition of the papacy during
western third, being under the dominion the half century now under review it
of the dukes of Milan. is not easy to speak. Unfortunately
Those dukes were no longer Viscontis Nicolas V. had few successors like-minded
but Sforzas, the renowned Condottieri with himself. The pontificates of Sixtus
general, son of a Romagnole peasant, IV. (Francesco dellaRovere) and Alexander
Francesco Sforza, having succeeded with VI. (Rodrigo Borgia) were not bene-
infinite trouble in winning the hand of ficial to Christendom ; and that of
Bianca, daughter of the last Visconti Alexander, which began in 1492, was
3417
34i8
THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
undoubtedly one of the events which
prepared the way for the Reformation.
It is perhaps a matter of praise rather
than blame that all the Popes of this
period were eager for the strengthening
of the temporal dominion of the Church
in Central Italy. After the troubles of the
last two hundred years, the turbulence of
Rome and the absurdity of the Avignonese
" captivity," it was certainly a more sensible
policy to try to build up a secure and
independent papal state on the basis
of the old " donations " than to repeat
the obsolete pretensions of a Hildebrand
or a Boniface to the deposition of emperors
and the government of the world.
Turning now to the northern nations,
we find that the later fourteen hundreds
were a dreary time for England. In 1445,
only two years after England's expmlsion
from France, began those terrible Wars of
the Roses, in which it is difficult not to
see the righteous judgment of heaven on
the nation which had so wantonly de-
vastated the fair fields of France.
One change, possibly beneficial, was the
result of these sixteen years (1455-1471)
of more or less continuous
I''^"/! . fighting. By them, and by
Feudal System ,u • • r 4.11
g the mcreasmg use of artillery,
which made the mediaeval
castle no longer impregnable, the power of
the old feudal baronage was to a great
extent broken, and king and people were
left practically alone to make what they
could of their country's fortunes. The
century closed with Henry Tudor, the
silent, statesmanlike, unamiable king,
hoarding the treasures which were soon
to be scattered by his lusty son.
In France a somewhat similar process
was going on under the rule of Louis XI.
(1461-1483). The characters of these
two kings, Henry and Louis, present some
points of resemblance, though it would not
be fair to put that eminently respectable
and devout paterfamilias, Henry Tudor
on a level with the unscrupulous Louis
of Valois, who hesitated at no crime to
attain his ends, and who spent his lonely
old age surrounded by his hireling Scottish
archers in abject fear of death, " rising
up at the voice of a bird " and oscillating
between blasphemous irreverence and
abject superstition. Yet Louis XL had
also some clear perception of the duty
which he owed to the country over which
he ruled. He was a most industrious
king ; he encouraged commerce and learn-
ing, and even in his successful endeavours
to free himself from the strait-waistcoat
ot the feudal nobility, by which at his
accession he found himself constrained,
he had probably some consciousness that
he was working for his people as well as
for himself. The first revolt of the
nobles against him called itself " The
. ... League of the Public Weal."
fCh 'rr* Reviewing his reign at its close
the Bold** ^^ might fairly have said, " At
least I did more than they for
the public weal to which they professed
their devotion."
Chief of all the antagonists of Louis XL
was, of course, the head of the great
house of Burgundy, Charles the Bold,
who, with his wide domains for which
he owed vassal-homage partly to France
and partly to the empire, aspired
to make himself independent of both
realms, and would probably, had he
lived and conquered, have founded a
middle state, a kingdom of the Rhine,
or something of the sort, which might have
proved itself a blessing to Europe as a
" buffer state " between France and
Germany. This, however, was not to be.
After years of open or secret conflict with
his cousin Louis XL, a war of the Lion
against the Fox, in which the Fox once
or twice very nearly perished, he became
involved in hostilities with his southern
neighbours, the peasants of the Switzers'
confederation. To the surprise of Europe
the Swiss peasants overcame the mighty
feudal lord ; the stoutly held pike van-
quished the battle array of chivalry.
In three battles, Granson in 1476, Morat in
1476, and Nancy in 1477, Charles was com-
pletely beaten, and after the last a page
found his dead body lying covered with
wounds in a frozen swamp — the battle
was fought on the fourth of January —
and the Switzers took it up and bore it
into Nancy for burial. In that frozen swamp
lay dead the schemes of the aspiring house of
. Burgundy ; and yet in a certain
Marriage o ggj^gg ^j^gy j-^gg again when
mperor Charles' orphaned daughter
Frederic III. ,, u u j * 4.u
Mary gave her hand to the
heir of the house of Austria. This heir was
Maximilian. The Emperor Frederic III.,
who slumbered on the imperial throne
for fifty-three years (1440-1493), did,
at any rate, one sensible thing when he
married, in 1452, the clever and beautiful
Princess Eleonora of Portugal. The off-
spring of this union, Maximilian, born m
3419
A GLIMPSE OF VENICE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
From the painting by Jacques Wagrez. by permission of Messrs. Braun. Clement et Cio
3420
THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
1459, was almost the last of the knights
errant of Europe, a versatile and accom-
plished but somewhat unstable prince, a
mighty hunter but an erratic statesman,
who was elected king of the Romans in
i486, and who, on the death of his father,
obtained the imperial crown.
All this, however, was still in the future,
when, soon after the death of Charles the
Bold, his daughter, beset with enemies on
every side, gladly gave her hand to the
goodly young knight Maximilian, saying :
" Welcome, thou noble German blood, how
has my heart longed for thee." It was a
happy union, too soon closed by death —
the young duchess died in 1482 — but it
changed the fate of Europe, for the issue
of this marriage were two children, a son
and a daughter, and the son, Philip the
Handsome, is the prince who, as we have
already seen, married Joanna, daughter of
Ferdinand and Isabella, and thus trans-
mitted to his son Charles the heirship to the
crowns of Spain and the New World. Let
us just consider to what a height the house
of Hapsburg, founded by the
. little Swabian knight only
two centuries before, had
now reached. They owned
the Austrian provinces, Tyrol, Styria, Car-
inthia, Archducal Austria, etc., by inherit-
ance ; they had acquired, by Maximilian's
marriage with Mary of Burgundy, the
wealthy and populous Low Countries, Hol-
land and Belgium, together with Franche
Comte — this, which was called the County
of Burgundy, escaped for the time absorp-
tion by France. The duchy of Burgundy
was successfully assimilated by Louis XL
on the death of Charles the Bold.
Spain, too, and the Indies became theirs
when Ferdinand and Isabella had gone,
and the child born at Ghent in 1500 had a
better chance of being elected to the
crown of the Holy Roman Empire than
any of his contemporaries.
Later on — but this is beyond our
present horizon — Bohemia and Hungary
fell to a son of the same house,
Ferdinand of Austria, by his marriage
with Anne, the last descendant of the
house of Luxemburg.
Well might other European houses have
looked with envy and amazement at
the immense possessions earned by this
The Great
Possessions
the H&psburgs
simple process of marriage, a sort of fortune-
hunting in empires. A Latin epigram on
the subject may be thus translated :
While other princes wage their toilsome wars,
Thou, lucky Austria, needest but to marry !
Realms which to others are the spoils of Mars
Propitious \'enus to thy sons doth carry.
Truly the old emperor's five-vowel motto
Shadow seemed to be growing near to
of a Comin ^^l^lnient, perilously near for a
StruKKle Europe which might not wish
to be altogether the heritage of
Austria. It was probably clear to anyone
who, with statesmcmlike vision, surveyed
the political horizon in the year 1500 that
there was an inevitable struggle impending
between two great states. On the one
side was this wide-stretching Hapsburg
domain, clutching at France on her
southern, eastern, and north-eastern bor-
ders, ruling a large part of Eastern Europe,
and possessing, for whatever it might be
worth, the magic title of Holy Roman
Empire, possessing also territories of
unknown expanse beyond the Atlantic —
truly a boa constrictor of an empire.
On the other side was France, far
smaller, but compact, rich in natural
gifts and strong in the national spirit,
which had been begotten in her by the
hundred years of war with England.
Such a contest, in truth, was the domi-
nating factor in European politics for
three centuries, strangely complicated and
interfered with by another conflict which
was to be bom of thoughts already ten-
tatively expressed by the middle-aged
Erasmus, but which had not yet begun to
germinate in the brain of the " poor
scholar," Luther.
Italy was to be the prize for which the
two great powers were first to strive, and
the lists were, in fact, opened in 1494 by
I* I • r ♦ *h^ Neapolitan expedition of
in the Charles VIII., son of Louis IX.
_ . But the story of that expedi-
tion connects itself most natur-
ally with the Italian wars of the following
century. It seems better, in the words
of Hallam, " here, while Italy is still
untouched, and before as yet the first
lances of France gleam along the defiles
of the Alps, to close the history of the
Middle Ages."
Thomas Hodgkin
?i9
3421 '
3422
^HEPEDPLES or WESTERN EUROP^
THE ORIGINS OF THE TEUTONS
RISE OF THE GERMANIC RACES AND
THE COMING OF THE BARBARIANS
'T'HE original home of the Indo-Germanic
•'• races is not yet definitely known, not-
withstanding many hypotheses proposed
by experts. The comparative philology
of these races provides no special reason
for placing it in Scandinavia. While the
proofs adduced by supporters of the
theory are little to the point, the history
of " prehistoric " civilisation can produce
many contrary arguments. It is true that
in their earliest home the Indo-Germanic
races saw the phenomena of winter, such
as snow ; they knew the beech and birch-
trees, the wolf and the bear, but no animals
belonging definitely to a southern climate.
It remains to be explained how it was that
the Indo-Germanic tribes left the wide
continent of Asia to other races, and
established themselves upon a line to the
south of the Black and Caspian Seas
and of Lake Ural, extending thence to
India, thus occupying primarily the
Asiatic district of : outh-east Europe and
forcing their way among other races ; it
must be explained, again, how they con-
trived to conquer Europe, and to drive
back or to hem in the primitive inhabitants
_ in possession. Again, lingu-
th Td* * ^^^^^ evidence contradicts
r. •' 1. .t the theory of a northern
Genn&nic Tribes . ^, i i ii_ i
settlement, and the general
picture of Indo-Germanic distribution
points to some early centre which was
situated in Europe itself and must be sought
rather in the south. But, in plain terms,
it is not at present possible to claim anything
more than plausibility for any particular
Where
the Teutons
Failed
theory which professes to have located the
original cradle of the Aryan peoples.
Among the Aryan peoples, the Teutons
form a definite separable group. The
phonetics and grammar of their lan-
guage and its vocabulary, their science,
then household implements,
their mode of life and consti-
tution, their legal conceptions
and their religious ideas dis-
play three distinctive facts. In the first
place, they were merely developing
materials which were the common property
of all Indo-Germanic tribes ; in the second
place, they shared a civilisation always
distinctive of west Indo-Germanic unity ;
and, in the third place, they maintained
their old connection for a long period with
the Slavo-Lithuanians on the one side
and. with the Kelts on the other, and it
was from these groups that they broke
away last of all. Further, they never
reached a complete and self-contained
unity, afterwards differentiated by further
disruption. On the contrary, they grew
as an incoherent group, always united
by a bond of connection, and upon oc-
casion by the special tie of relationship,
but never attaining complete domestic
uniformity, for the reason that their
numbers prevented the rapid acquisition
of any such ideal, and because their wide
extension allowed the old underlying
differences to revive and to complete the
disruption of the whole group, when
reinforced by new points of -difference
developed in a later stage of progress.
3423
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
These unifying and differentiating pro-
cesses continue, neither gaining the pre-
ponderance, throughout the further stages
of Teutonic history, and remain to the
present day as forces operative upon the
Teutonic nationahty by way of opposi-
tion and contradiction. As civihsation
increased, other conditions of difficulty
_ „ . were added to those of mere
c . * , spatial distance ; these were
Search of ^- •, i-.- i j j
Settlements W^^^^^^Y politica^, and made
themselves felt, for mstance,
in distinctions arising from differences of
dialect and the desire to secure a written
language.
During the distribution of the Indo-
Germanic tribes we find the Kelts ad-
vancing from the south and west and
preceding the Teutons and Slavs upon
routes which had been unquestionably
marked out from early antiquity. The
Slavs, on the other hand, are found to the
east of the Teutonic tribes, which thus
stand between the two. These Teutons
reached the sea upon the shores of the
Baltic, while the Indo-Iranians, the Greeks,
the Illyrians, and the Italians reached it
upon the south. We do not know how
far they came into collision with the Kelts,
and with the non-Aryan Finnish tribes
lying to the west upon the northern line
of advance. At any rate, they reached
the Baltic long before the Slavs, and
settled there as the western neighbours
of the Finnish group.
The chronology of this movement is
entirely unknown. We cannot say when
the interchange of civilisation began
which sprang up between the Teutons and
the Finns, and continued until historical
times. Possibly some more accurate evi-
dence may be obtained by the science
of comparative philology. Such inquiries
will show what Teutonic or what Finnish
elements were the earliest or came
into closest connection. The Finns, at
any rate, have retained a number of
^. ... ,. Teutonic words in extremely
Civihsation • j. x j-
,_. ancient form, correspondmg
of Finns , ^ .' , -K ,,°
.J, almost precisely with the
" Primitive Teutonic " which
philologists have restored. On the other
hand, this Finnish tendency to form loan-
words from Teutonic has continued to a
recent period ; for instance, the Roman word
canpo, the innkeeper whose inn was used as
a shop by the simple Teutons, reappeared
among the Finns in the form kauppias.
Further evidence of the kind is the fact
3424
that about the period when Tacitus wrote,
and afterwards, the Germans showed far
more interest in the Finns than in the Slavs,
and Roman authors and geographers
obtained much information from them
concerning the Finns. This information
contained errors such as Germans would
make. A branch of the Finns called
themselves Quaens, while the Germans
called them Finns, in their terminology.
Originally, indeed, groups of peoples had
no special appellation of their own. It
was their neighbours who felt the necessity
of discovering and popularising such
appellations. In this way such tenns as
Welsh, German, Negro, Indian, Finn have
arisen. The Germans called these Quaens
by their own name Quen — the English
Queen — and popular etymology then ex-
plained the word by supposing a female
supremacy to exist among the Finns ; this
is accepted by Tacitus who gives full
respect to all that he hears, but himself
makes a fresh confusion of names. The
debt owed by the Teutons to their inter-
course with the Finns can probably be
determined only by the excavations of the
p .. archaeologists,who have recently
^. . discovered a new mode of
Mines in . . , . . ^ i_
Sib ria tracing foreign influence by
comparing the style and work-
manship of domestic utensils ; this clue
takes us back through the Teutonic north
of Europe to the Finno-Ugrian districts
and to the primitive mines of the Ural
and Siberia.
As 3'et we are not aware whether the
Teutons reached the Baltic at the point
where this coast turns to the north or
to the south. As evidence for the first
supposition we can hardly regard the
fact that the southern Teutons at a later
period, with their " protective cloth ng,"
their mode of house construction, tneir
astonishing powers of endurance, and many
other preferences and customs, appear as a
nation living much as the present inhabi-
tants of the north, standing in this respect
in a certain contrast to those who lived
upon the same isothermal lines. There is,
however, no doubt that the settlement
of Scandinavia was not accomphshed from
this point, but only when the South-west
Baltic was reached, though we cannot '
venture to say that the question is solved
by supposing an early ignorance of navi-
gation. It has been shown elsewhere
that the ship is one of the earliest means
of transport known to mankind- It is,
THE TEUTONS ON THE MARCH
3425
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
in fact, far easier to travel along the coasts
and to cross even open stretches of sea in
simple vessels than to advance overland
through uncleared forests and swamps
with cattle and carts. This is an ex-
perience that forces itself upon the notice of
any traveller who visits a forest country
or archipelago washed by the sea and not
Th F' y^^ open to civilisation. From
I K h't*^*! ^heir food it has certainly
f D k ^^^^ concluded that those
first inhabitants of Denmark,
who left behind them the famous mussel
heaps, or " kitchen-middens," were deep-
sea fishers and mariners. Confirmatory
evidence is afforded by the boldness with
which these Germanic tribes, who after-
wards belonged to the Prankish and Saxon
alliances, ravaged during the first millen-
nium of our era Britain and even more
distant shores and coast lines of the
Roman Empire. We know, again, how
the Vikings, who harassed the Prankish
kingdom, crossed the great North Sea
upon vessels which could be rowed up
rivers. We know what bold mariners were
the Goths when they reached the Black
Sea in the third century ; even bolder
at a later date were the Vandals of Africa ;
while later again the Scandinavian Warager
(Varingjar, Varinja, Varanger), who were
thorough representatives of the old Teu-
tonic civilisation, crossed the Baltic east-
wards and reached the Pinns, travelling
as " rowers." They journeyed by river as
far as the Black Sea, and even greater
distances, dragging their ships from the
Dwina to the Dnieper. There is no reason
why the early Teutons should not have
borne this character. Water communica-
tion wherever it exists is readily used, and
a civilisation speedily arises astonishing in
its complexity. The collections of anti-
quities from Stralsund, Schwerin, Kiel,
Copenhagen and Stockholm display a
civilisation with which no inland culture
could compare. The similar impression of
„ . . , . an earlv settlement relatively
Prehistoric i 'j j j iu j.
„ . , close and endowed with strong
Memorials •. i-. • r j
on the Baltic vitality IS forced upon any-
one who makes a personal
acquaintance with the coast lands and
islands of the Baltic ; the old and remark-
able prehistoric memorials and remains
which are to be found around this sea
far surpass anything of the kind upon the
mainland. Their dispersion over the exten-
sive districts of the Baltic produced an el^ect
upon the Teutons corresponding to that
3426
of the Indo-Germanic dispersion. Local
communication, which would have favoured
the process of unification, was replaced
by disintegrating influences ; a unity that
was never uniform, but in course of
transition, began to break into subordinate
groups. These were not formed instan-
taneously, but they began to arise, and we
can speak of north Teutons and south
Teutons. The latter are fundamentally
identical with the so-called west Teutons,
and these we know to be the same as
the Germans.
To the north Teutons belong the modern
Scandinavian tribes, where they are
not of Pinnish or Lappish origin, and the
Danes, whose early settlements were
also upon the southern portion of the
Scandinavian peninsula. At the dawn of
history the southern Germans are to be
found upon the south coast of the Baltic,
both in Mecklenburg, in West Pomerania,
and further south, and also upon the
peninsula of Schleswig-Holstein and
Jutland, which for simplicity will hence-
forth be referred to as Jutland. The tradi-
tions of the peoples themselves must be
K It A accepted as evidence with the
-, greatest caution, and certainly
J, . . . cannot be regarded as providing
^ *"^ proof upon problems of such
remote antiquity. At the same time, the
powers of memory in nations which poss-
essed no writing have been proved to be
remarkable ; in their simple poems, com-
posed under the reverent and critical
examination of the whole community,
they created " annals " for themselves, as
Tacitus calls them, and we may therefore
refer to the fact that the south Teutons,
in contrast to their related tribes, know
nothing of any sudden change of abode ;
as Tacitus learnt, they regarded them-
selves as indigenous, the fact would be
true if the original home of the Indo-
Germanic tribes was actually about the
Baltic and the North Sea ; and they
certainly were native to the soil in so far as
they did not pass the Baltic.
Teutonic borrowings from the Kelts
are obvious. The Kelts were early
neighbours of the Teutons ; they had re-
tained their sympathy with Mediterranean
culture, and especially with the Italians,
and had advanced to the North Sea at
an early period from the other side.
In the case of the many points of lin-
guistic contact between the Kelts and the
Teutons, we must naturally separate
THE ORIGINS OF THE TEUTONS
those elements which are due to common
association in late Indo-Germanic times,
and the borrowings of a later period, when
the Germans came into contact with the
Kelts in a second intimacy, and with
newly acquired wishes for civilisation.
Naturally the absence of any permanent
geographical division from the neighbour-
ing settlers, and German desire for instruc-
tion and capacity to learn, both perhaps
acting as alternate influences, made this
nation especially inclined from the outset
to borrow from others. The Kelts thus
first acted as the tutors of the Germans,
and this to a remarkable extent, until the
Romans relieved them of the task ; the
Germans then transmitted part of these
acquisitions to the remaining Teutonic
tribes, and also to the Slavo-Lithuanians.
Among a large number of borrowings
from Keltish etymology were many terms
dealing with war and settlement, and
especially with means of transport, also
the word " riks " = " commander."
The Germans, indeed, as a result of their
peculiar political system, made no proper
use of the term ; but the word became
H th popular as an element in the
gV n G t P^OP^'* names of distinguished
Tk • Ki people ; for instance. Boiorix
Their N&mes ^ ^ ' , „. , . /, , \ .
among the Cimbri (the later
termination "-rich ' ' in Friedrich or Frederic,
etc., is the same). Teutonic name-form-
ations of various kinds point to close
connection with these recently discovered
Keltic sources. At a later period we
find names like Flavins, Claudius, Civilis,
Serapion ; at the time of the Hunnish
supremacy we find Hunwulf, Hunigais,
with other similar borrowings throughout
German history to the time of Jean, Louis,
Henry and Harry, wherever foreign
fashion overmastered the Teutons ;
similarly, in the earliest period, we find the
formation of proper names under Keltic
influence. From time to time, however,
the Germans were obliged to find names
for larger or smaller groups of people ; at
a later period they do not disdain to
borrow from vulgar Latin — for instance,
Ribuarii, Ripuarii, afterwards Germanised
as Reiffer and Reifferscheid. So, on
the Teutonic side, we can show phonetic
similarity or parallel formation between
Gaulish and German tribal names. Such
instances as Brigantes and Burgundians,
both appellations of a mountaineering
people, explain the fact, though such
cases may again be due to chance.
The Teutons received but few elements
of civilisation from the Lithuanian group
during their immediate neighbourhood,
and equally little from the Slavs when these
latter gradually advanced to their im
mediate frontiers. On the other hand,
Lithuanians and Slavs received much from
the Teutons. Their relationship is analo-
j _ - gous to that of the Teutons
-, and Kelts. Among other things
~- .k- «i they gained from the Teutons
on the alavs •'<-'. , ,, . , .
expressions for the idea of
lordship, and received the Keltic term
" riks " and the Teutonic " -wait " and
" kuningass." " Kuningass " became the
Lithuanian " kuningas," and was used
as a distinctive title of superiority, which
was applied to the priest at a later date ;
in Slavonic this latter form was reduced
to " kuas " and " kneese." Eventually
" karol{us)" also became " kral " and
" kroU " (" kruU "). The Slavonic method
of forming proper names was also in-
fluenced by Teutonic methods ; " vladi-
mir " corresponds exactly with the
" wait- " and " -mero " of Teutonic names,
and "-mero " (Segimer, Sigmar, Ingwio-
mer, etc.) appears to correspond with the
frequent Keltic termination " -marus,"
used in proper names. Finally, the
Slavo-Lithuanians received from the
Teutons a considerable number of ex-
pressions dealing with intercommunication
and economic facts.
Between the south Germans, next to the
Kelts and the Slavo-Lithuanians, were
settled for some time, apart from the
Finnish peoples, another branch of the
Teutonic group — namely, the east Teutons.
The name has been chosen by philologists,
whose researches are founded upon the
Gothic translation of the Bible by Ulfilas,
other literary works of an ecclesiastical
nature, a few inscriptions upon domestic
articles, some scattered words in Latin
texts, and numerous proper names be-
longing to kindred nationalities. These
latter lost their original char-
acteristics or disappeared at an
earlier or later date. In the
seventeenth century we hear of
the last east Teutons — namely, the Crimean
Goths. Philology regards as east Teutons
those Teutons of the mainland who were
linguistically more nearly related to the
Scandinavians than to the Germans. At
the same time the east Teutons on the
continent lost all sense of connection with
their northern relatives, and either
3427
Gothic
Transl&tioB
of the Bible
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
developed independently, or under the communities ; they are thus emigrants in
strong influence of the west Teutons. On the true sense of the term, seeking wider
philological grounds, east Teutons include and fairer districts than the rocky forest-
the Goths, together with the Gepids, land of Sweden could offer. So far as we
Rugians, Skires, Vandals, Burgundians, possess their native legends, we find
Herulians, and perhaps some earlier ethno- mention of this emigration from Scandi-
graphical unities. The pioneer work of navia, which is thus a useful confirmation
Julius Ficker has thrown of existing evidence,
light upon these problems ^>m[hm^ /t^^Hk. Upon the question as to
from the side of comparative ^3f ^S^® the manner in which the
jurisprudence — amorevalu- 3 I emigration was performed,
able, because a more conser- a H we have evidence at hand
vativesourceof information. ^^^^ i q. Wj^p. both for a maritime and
A comparison of the ^wa3^ il (.ae;^ ^^ for a land route. General
common elements in the ^ ^§ ^ il '^ experience of other cases
earliest legal codes has 'Q^ JM ^ would lead us to conclude
shown that, besides the i|li j|M . ~ that the ship was the more
Goths and Burgundians, w'lj /I'B : usual means of transport,
the Lombards and Frisians \- I, MB ^ -^t the same time there is
possessed a system of tribal ^r MB ^^ doubt that the land
law closely related to that ' r MB^ route through the Danish
of the north Teutons. 'if^ j^BB islands and through Jut-
Where the sciences of phil- ^K) Imr-WBk land also played some part,
ology and comparative law fiM Im^'BB 8 This question concerns us
proceed side by side in H ^ ^^a ' I ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ *^^ Goths,
this matter, they support m ^M ^V ', | whose recollections of Scan-
one another entirely, and |1 ww^ i dinavia are preserved by
no contradictory points are s|| \J^ • [l their historian J ordanes in
apparent. It must only be rlj WM | the sixth century A.D., who
remembered that the lin- ^|J Fm ' I used earlier Gothic narra-
guistic development of the IH | B 'I tives ; and also in the work
groups proceeds upon geo- ^m I I I of Cassiodorus the Senator,
graphical principles and not PB r ■ I the chancellor and chroni-
according to "genealogical i j tB j cler of Theoderic the Great,
relationship," which for li %«Jp I The name which was origi-
historical purposes is prac- jlf I nally spelled " Gutans " is
tically useless. lyl ■ ^ preserved in the modern
If at the present day we /^l^'^ *v!/ Gotarike, found in the ex-
carefully consider as a whole (£ ji tensive districts to the south
the legal, philological, geo- ^^^ of the old Swedish terri-
graphical and literary evi- tories and in the name of
dence, and any other points German weapons of war the island of Gothland,
of the kind, no doubt can These ancient instruments of warfare At the time when the
be felt as to the origin of were in use by the Teutons in their early Roman narrative was
., J T^ i T^-L struggles, and are of great historic ... ., . .
the east Teutons. They are interest. The first is a long iron sword written the emigrant east
emigrants from Scandinavia, with heavy handle, encased in an orna- Tcutouic Goths Were settled
who settled upon the con- mented sheath of brass or bronze. The on the COaSt of the COUti-
tinent. They broke away L^^t^e'seconre^r^e,' whne%'hrt*h^^^^^ nent in the Baltic districts
from the north Teutons, and, that of an iron sword, with Runic in- of the Vistula and about
in fact, are nothing more scription, belonging to a somewhat later Gutalus. The legal code
than the early Vikings, who pe"od than the other two weapons shown. ^^ Gothland and that of
went out as colonists in historical times, Gotarike in later centuries display some
attempted to establish themselves, and points of resemblance ; the same may be
while they succeeded in some districts said of the mediaeval Spanish legal codes,
which are fundamentally west Gothic.
they were driven back in others.
A certain number at least of these old east
Teutons are by no means a nation which
emigrated as a whole, but represent discon-
tented fragments broken away from original
3428
J ordanes mentions the Greutungs, who
formed one section of the historical Ostro-
goths, and were also included among the
Scandinavian peoples as Greotingi. Double
THE ORIGINS OF THE TEUTONS
appellations of this kind are by no means
uncommon among the eastern and northern
Teutons.
It is supposed that the Goths reached
the mainland in part by crossing the
Baltic. Evidence, however, of somewhat
doubtful value — it is, indeed, our earliest
reference to the Teutons — points to a
more complicated route. At the time of
Alexander the Great, Pytheas of Massilia,
the tin merchant and navigator, reached
the " Gulf of Ocean," near the amber
island Abalos, upon his famous voyage
to the north, and encountered the
Gutones ; this name would correspond
with the Gutans, if the emendation be
correct. Pliny's manuscript, which has
alone preserved to us the accounts of
Pytheas, has the word " Guiones." The
island of Abalos is most probably to be
sought on the north coast of Frisia, where
much amber was
found; the
soldiers of Ger-
man i c u s also
knew of an amber
island in that
part, known as
Glaesaria or
Austeravia, the
east island. Both
of these are Teu-
tonic words. The
Romans changed
the Teutonic for household utensils of the teutons
amber mtO glcB- The use of these articles is obvious at a glance. Both vessels were
SUfn and Uviu is '***'' '<"' drinking purposes, the one being a glass goblet and the them
+hp n\r\ (^prman "*'**'' * k'^ss drinking horn, while the middle object is a toilet comb.
au, the connotation of which was eventu-
ally limited by a loan word for " island."
Hence the " Gulf of Ocean " must be
that off the Elbe, and the narrator Pytheas
must have found the Goths after their
migration to the continent. The west
Teutons, who were defending their settle-
ments, must have left the Goths in peace,
for the moment, upon their east side.
The Rugi once occupied Riigen, and
gave it this name. Perhaps it was in
consequence of their stay in that island
that, as Jordanes tells us, they bore the
name Holm-Riigen. Holm is a northern
word for island. Jordanes also speaks
of Etelrugi instead of Ethelrugi, which
is the form we should expect ; the phonetic
spelling of names by Jordanes in the
manuscript of his work is of no philo-
logical value. In Scandinavia are to be
found Rygir and Holmrygir. The Rugi
also shared in the historical settlement of
Britain, and the record has been preserved
to us in the name of " Surrey." Gothic
tradition tells us that the Goths came into
conflict with the Holm-Riigen in the course
of their settlement upon the mainland ;
the scene of the struggle must be sought
at the mouth of the Oder.
The earlier history of the Vandals is
even more obscure. The various phonetic
spellings of their name by the Romans
and Greeks show that the accent must
have been on the first syllable. About the
year loo a.d. they were settled to the
north, between the Elbe and the Vistula,
and thence advanced by the line of the
Oder.
The name " Burgundians " implies
mountain inhabitants. Burg, a secondary
form of Berg, first attained this connota-
tion at a later period, owing to the fact
that the Teutonic
art of fortifica-
tion clung to the
old methods of
retirement to the
mountains for
purposes of de-
fence. Hence we
cannot be sur-
prised at the
word " Teuto-
burg" for a
mountain range.
The Burgundians
have left behind
the names
o f Borgundar-
holm and Bornholm in memory of their
former geographical position. At a later
period they were settled upon the Vistula
and in the district of the Netze to the
south of the Goths, where their character
as mountaineers could no longer be
preserved.
The Herulians followed the remaining
east Teutons at a comparatively late
date, for the reason that they were driven
out by the Danes in Scandinavia. Of
the continental Teutons they remained the
most original, by the preservation of
their old customs and by the bold, defiant
childishness of their national character.
Legend or popular tradition is wanting
in their case, as in those of the Rugi,
the Vandals, and the Burgundians ; there
are, however, several signs that their
Scandinavian recollections were preserved.
Towards the end of the migratory^ period
3429
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
they were involved in the troubles of
their neighbours and reduced to an
unsettled, wandering life. Part of them
eventually reached the North Sea, crossing
a mountainous country, and thence
travelled to Scandinavia, where in the
modern Sweden they found a hospitable
reception at the hands of the Gotes. We
„ have several pieces of evidence
cru lans ^^^^ ^^ reserved their right to
Find a Home , •' ,, . • i.-
. g . return m case their migration
should prove fruitless, and that
the despatch of successive parties was
continued as a regular arrangement.
Thus the Vandals, at the time when their
African kingdom was flourishing, did not
permit their compatriots who had been
left 'jehinj in Pannonia to occupy the
districts reserved for the emigrants in the
event of their return.
It would be bad criticism to regard the
somewhat meagre traditions of the Lom-
bards as unworthy of critical examination.
According to these traditions they re-
garded themselves as a third part of the
people of the Winiles^"the warriors" or
"the battle-loving" — of Scandinavia.
Their legal code most nearly resembles
those of the Frisians and the Saxons —
that is, the isolated group known to
philologists as Anglo-Frisians, who form
the connecting link between the south and
the north Teutons, who had advanced to
the north at an early date. During the
first century a.d. we find a people settled
on the banks of the Lower Elbe under the
name of the Bards or Langobards, thus
named from the battle-axe with which
they were armed. Velleius Paterculus
said that " they even surpass the usual
Teutonic ferocity," and Tacitus observes
that " they are respected for their scanty
numbers, as they can make head in battle
against far stronger neighbours." About
the year 165 they left their homes and
migrated to Pomerania ; thence, about
200, they crossed to the right bank of the
. Vistula, which the Goths had
*""* already abandoned, and en-
... tered the district of Galinden.
About 380 they proceeded
through the district of the Lithuanian
Jatwinges to the land of the Antes north
of the Carpathians. Had no Lombard
elements remained upon the Lower Elbe —
they were afterwards amalgamated with
the Saxons — there would probably have
been no local names compounded with
Barden, and certainly no Bardengau in the
3430
Elbe district about Bardowieck. To
sum up, east Teutons, in the general
sense of the term, were therefore the
Goths, the Gepids, the Rugi, the Skiri,
the Vandals, and the Burgundians. That
they and the west Goths were conscious
of any fundamental difference between
these groups is impossible. The political
and ethnographical ideas of the old
Teutons were extremely simple ; they were
narrow, and yet open-hearted. That the
east Teutons were ready to learn from the
west Teutons was a possibility not pre-
vented by any admitted opposition between
the two groups, but not necessarily for-
warded by any feeling of relationship. The
civilisation handed on by the Germans
to the east Teutons is in no way different
from that given to the Finnish peoples
and afterwards to the Slavo-Lithuanians.
At an early period the Frisians arrived
at the sea by that westerly path which
was afterwards closed to the Lombards.
It was not until a later date that they
extended eastward and northward to their
near relatives, the Angles and the Jutes,
chiefly upon the islands of the North Sea.
- Their exclusive connection with
nh" * ^^^ south Teutons produced
g similarity between their lan-
guage and the dialect of that
branch, and since the discovery of Frisian
linguistic memorials a steady absorption of
the Frisian by the Low German dialect
has been observed. In other words, the
Frisians became part of the west Teutons,
or Germans, in consequence of that course
of linguistic and political development
which they pursued.
The Saxons, who also took their name
from their favourite weapon, preserved
legends relating to the arrival of their
earliest ancestors upon the continent,
which must be considered in connection
with the Anglo-Frisian position, which
they shared, as intermediary between the
south and north Teutons. Though the
Saxons were not west Teutons from the
outset, they entered the west Teutonic,
group at a comparatively early date, and
helped towards the foundation of a special
German nationality. With the south Teu-
tons of modern North Germany they formed
that permanent confederation to which they
have given their name ; this confederacy
again was subjugated to the Prankish
monarchy, while the empire exercised an
increasing influence upon the solidarity of
the Saxons, as upon the Frisians.
WESTERN
EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE
AGES
THE PEOPLES
OF WESTERN
EUROPE
II
THE RISING TIDE OF TEUTON POWER
AND ROME'S VAIN ATTEMPT TO STAY IT
DEFORE Romans or Teutons learned
^ anything of one another the Germans
had been borrowing civiHsation from the
Kelts, upon whom they pressed with slow
but irresistible expansion. Unfortunately,
no Keltic Livy or Tacitus has written a
history of these events. The sources of
our knowledge lie hidden in language, in
geographical names, or in the specimens
of archaeological collections ; at the same
time, we cannot always share the con-
fidence of those who explain these me-
morials. Only when the movement
happens to touch some nerve in the old
Mediterranean civilisation does the light
of literature flame up and illumine some
fragments of the advancing Teutonic band,
or of its pioneers and scouts. Then these
fleeting events are again shrouded in the
prevailing obscurity. Until the time of
Caesar we have only scattered notices of
the general migratory movements of the
Teutons, and chance fragments or poems
pointing to place and time. Such a frag-
mentary record may be found in the
report of Pytheas, and we may thence
conclude that the western Germans of the
Teutonic advance had reached the mouth
of the Rhine about 30 B.C. The next
mark of this concentric expansion is to be
found on the south side ; after 200 B.C.
the Bastarnae, indisputably a Germanic
tribe, had reached the Carpathians, and
_ part of them were taken into
„. _, " " the service of the Macedonian
Hired to I ■ -I- ■ ^
p. . „ kmgs as auxiliaries against
ig ome j^Qj^g The next phenomenon
related by Roman contemporaries is the
advance of the Cimbri. Then comes
Ariovistus.
Of this great advance against the
Keltic nationality, shrouded in darkness
as it is, we may at least say this : where
the Teutons found good arable land they
advanced with steady determination and
left no room for the previous inhabitants
except for those subjugated members who
were bound to pay tribute. The central
mountain district of Germany attracted
them neither to form definite settlements
nor to enter on a serious struggle ; they
attempted to move onward. Hence, we
may explain the wide wanderings of such
tribes. Their household goods and pro-
perty, animate or inanimate, were carried
with them, and their one desire was to
secure a permanent settlement upon good
arable ground ; this was an indispensable
condition. Hence, too, we may explain
«, the unusual characteristics of
.*. that portion of the Suevi who
Q advanced from the east. Caesar
describes them as undecided,
supporting themselves with great diffi-
culty, and going back to an earlier form of
communism. Thus advancing from the
mountain lands on the right bank of the
Rhine, they disturbed the population in
the neighbourhood, and made no difficulty
in retiring before Caesar's two advances
across the line. The case was otherwise
in the year 16 a.d. with the Cherusci, who
conceived, though they did not execute,
the idea of evacuating the country and
retiring beyond the Elbe, only after they
had suffered a military defeat.
The details of this great and general
movement are manifold. Sometimes a
few emigrants separate from their com-
patriots. At other times whole popula-
tions or federated populations set forth
voluntarily ; this latter is the rarer case,
and was due to the compulsion of war
and not to want of land. While some
went abroad to seek their fortunes, others,
if they felt themselves strong, attempted
to found a settlement at their neighbour's
expense.
Either they conquer, and the tribes they
expel are forced to emigrate, or they are
driven back by the peoples they menace,
who defend themselves in isolation or in
alliance until the attempt is given up or the
assailants are annihilated, as were the
Ambsivari. The general result of these in-
dividual movements, which are repeated at
3431
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
many points, and continually disturb the
settled populations, is the map of the Teuton
peoples as depicted by the Roman geo-
graphers and by Tacitus. Any attempt to
form from their description an accurate pic-
ture of the distribution of the prehistoric
groups must be given up as practically
hopeless. The confusion and interconnec-
-. tion of the German tribes is ex-
f th '"^^ traordinarily complex, and all
~, .. attempts to arrange chrono-
logical tables will end at least
a decade out of date. The method of
grouping upon the basis of Ingwaones, the
Istvvaones, and Erminones as the " old
tribes," which has recently been revived,
must be abandoned. It is ethnologically
valueless, and it is useful only as showing
the legendary connection between nations,
based as it is upon those early yearnings
for legends of primeval origin which are
manifest in all nations who think them-
selves of any account. The German tribes
do not descend, but are formed in the
course of history, are brought together by
the stress of political circumstances, and
then attempt to secure a unity by mutual
accommodation.
Anyone who wishes to examine the
recent, and therefore more intelligible,
evidence may consider the people of Wiir-
temberg, or of the Netherlands, who have
b'.oken away from their old nationalities
and have become fresh unities by the
amalgamation of very different elements :
or the Bavarians of modern Bavaria,
who are in the course of this development.
At a previous date the Germans who
migrated eastward beyond the Elbe,
though of most varied origin, thus coalesced
in the districts of the Mark, Silesia, Meck-
lenburg, Pomerania, and Prussia. Long
before came the Anglo-Saxons ; before
them again the Saxons, the Franks,
Alamanni, Baioarii ; before them again the
Belgae and others. In later periods foreign
oppression, dynastic policy, and deliberate
aUiances have done much to
. ^ .. , accelerate such amalgamations
in Tribal - °
Unions
In their historical periods the
Germans are seen with no special
political or ethnical appellation other than
those which belong to their component
nationalities, or to their transitory and
often fortuitous and fragile federations for
political purposes. The nationality is
the final great conception of unity, known
as the " folk," or " diet." With this alone is
connected the idea of a common language,
3432
and of mutual understanding in habitual
association. When fragments of this
nationality emigrate, in certain cases they
retain the name of their parent stock
throughout their wanderings, as is the case
with the Goths or the Cimbri, or the
Charudes, who came from the peninsula
of Jutland to Ariovistus. If they become
newly settled in an independent unity,
they generally assume fresh titles, such
as were taken by the Lombards, who were
offshoots of the Winiles, and by the
Batavi. These were members of the Chatti,
who reached the great river island (Au,
Ava) between the Rhine and the Waal
during the general movements before
Caesar's period, and settled there.
From this island, the Bat-Au, the modem
Betuwe, they called themselves Batavi,
although they retained the ancestral
nomenclature when afterwards providing
names for individual settlements in their
territory ; these names thus begin with
" kat." Their legal code is also that of
the Chatti. But the two peoples ceased
to hold intercourse ; the Chatti shared in
the phonetic shifting of the second High-
German transition, whUe the
Q. ' ^ Batavi retain their older phone-
- jj tic system even to the present
day, as in the name Katwijk.
In this later process of name-giving,
changing geographical conditions play an
important part ; we may mention only
the further examples of the Ambsivari,
who took their name from the Ems, or
of the Sigambri on the Sieg, river names
which are older and of Keltic origin. These
local appellations come into general use
only when a settlement has determined
upon permanent residence. While Caesar's
Suevi were wandering vaguely on the right
bank of the Rhine, or Ariovistus was
attempting to found a supremacy on the
Upper Rhine and in Gaul with fragments
of the Suevi and other adherents, in-
dividual tribal names lost their material
character and were all, or chiefly, absorbed
in the great and famous federation of the
Suevi in the districts upon the Elbe and
Havel ; all these people called themselves
and were called Suevi. But when the iron
girdle of the Roman Empire and of Roman
policy forced the Suevi to abandon their
advance, to leave their neighbours in
peace, and to settle perforce in the hill
country on the right bank of the Rhine,
we meet with their separate tribal names
in place of the general term " Suevi."
THE RISING TIDE OF TEUTON POWER
While the Cimbri were migrating, we hear
of no other name than that borne by their
original stock ; but the remnant of them
who stayed in Gaul became Aduatuci.
From the North Sea to Bohemia and
the Beskides, the Keltic nationality was
spread at first along the whole line of the
Teuton advance, and the Teutons them-
selves perceived that it was with this
nationality they had to reckon. They
required some word to connote the totality
of the Kelts, and for this purpose they
generalised the national name of the
Keltic " Volcae," as the Romans after-
wards wrote it, in the form " Walchen."
The Kelts already possessed fortified
places, which the Germans attacked in
vain, owing to their defective skill in for-
tification and siege work. They had finer
and better made weapons, which the
Teutons could obtain only by importation,
which proved more or less profitable ;
for instance, the Cimbri eagerly possessed
themselves of these weapons, and con-
sidered them valuable objects of plunder.
The public life of the Kelts was more
advanced, and their military spirit was
K stronger ; in all these respects
G'^ w * t *^^ Teutons could learn much
.. '^1 *^ ° from them. In spite of these
the Teutons , , xu rr i^
advantages, the Kelts gave way
before the more primitive and humbler
nation, and retired, as in later years the
warrior Germans retreated before the
advancing wave of the frugal Slavs. The
Teutons, who found their North German
plains too narrow, advanced by the course
of the Weser, and drove back to the Ruhr
Mountains from the Thuringian forest a set
of tribes whom archaeologists have re-
garded as forming a comparatively recent
Keltic outpost. With far greater vigour
than in the hill country of Central Germany
they crossed the Lower Rhine and proceeded
to occupy the Keltic territory. They were
not wholly able to expel all the inhabitants,
or afterwards to absorb them. They
became masters of the country as far as the
Schelde, the Upper Maas, and the con-
fluence of the Saar and Moselle ; between
them, however, remained many Keltic
settlements, either in independence or in
subjugation, and the invaders began to
be absorbed by the Keltic nationality,
as afterwards happened to the Franks,
the advance guard of the second Teutonic
wave of conquest and domination. They
became Belgae, numbering twenty-seven
nationalities in Caesar's time, and still
conscious of their Teutonic origin, though
only five of the Belgian nationalities
living near the Rhine were then actually
Teutons. The Batavi formed the connect-
ing link between these Belgae and the
Teutons on the right bank of the Rhine.
With these events in the Netherlands
and Gaul the rise of the name " German "
Q . . . is connected. As we have
the Word 3^1ready seen elsewhere, the Ger-
.. n^,„.« -. mans themselves did not pro-
duce this appellation for their
nationality, but the Kelts, who felt the
need for some such general term. The
" Germans " have not, to the present day,
developed any general feeling for the
necessity of any special designation denot-
ing their philological totality— Germans,
English and Scandinavians. Those sci-
entists who feel the necessity are con-
tented with the old Keltic term, which the
Romans adopted, and which German
scholars borrowed from them. The Keltic
origin of the word " German " is beyond
doubt, though its etymological significance
is not certain. All that can be said is that
it was an expression suitable to denote
non- Keltic nations, for the Kelts also
applied it to their Iberian neighbours, the
Oretani. On the Rhine they gave this
name, as Tacitus reports, to the Tungri,
who were the first to cross. " Thus the
word was extended from its original appli-
cation to a tribe to cover a whole nation,"
wrote Tacitus, and this tribe, first tem-
porarily known as German, resumed its
name of Tungri.
Caesar, like Tacitus at a later period,
closely examined the general relationship
of the peoples established in Belgium, and
with the care of an ethnographer, whose
researches were guided by the wide
political outlook of a rising power, was
the first to point out the accurate lines of
distinction between Gauls and Germans.
Meanwhile it has gradually become clear
that the Cimbri also belonged to that
, mysterious wave of peoples
w 'k*^ f which the Gauls called Ger-
_ ' . mans. Not until after the
Cimbrian war, about the period
of the great Servile war, does the opinion
become clear in Rome, for which Caesar
was the first to give the desired and
necessary evidence.
The migration of the Cimbri is one of the
numerous subordinate movements among
the Teutonic tribes. Its importance is
due to the fact that it led to the first
3433
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
immediate collision between Teutons and
Romans, and obliged the latter hence-
forward to devote careful attention to the
nations appearing upon the geographical
and political horizon to the north of the
Alps. It is impossible to dispute the fact
of the later existence of a nation of the
Cimbri upon the Cimbrian peninsula by
_ which the wandering bands were
omans absorbed. The inhabitants of
th Elb ^^^^ peninsula were in relations
with Augustus, surrendered to
him the plunder which they had received
from the migrating Cimbri, and were
settled in a district which was by no means
an uUima thule for the Romans, whose
fleets then sailed the Elbe, who had
gained the Frisians for allies, and who were
considerably successful in their efforts to
acquire a geographical knowledge of the
whole Teutonic nationality, including the
Scandinavian portion. When, however,
these emigrants found their home too
small, at what date they started out, how
much time they spent in travelling or
fighting their way through the Germans
upon the south, through modern Central
and Upper Germany, and through the
Keltic nations there established are ques-
tions entirely shrouded in obscurity. It is
not until the last years of the second
century B.C. that we gain any information
upon the nature of their migrations.
In the year 113 B.C. the . Cimbri had
reached the north frontier of the Alps ;
commercial and political considerations
had already turned the attention of the
Romans in this direction. It was in the
process of dividing the Keltic territories
that the Romans and Teutons collided for
the first time. The Cimbri considered
that the world was wide enough for them
both, and that the Keltic districts were
extensive enough to suffer division into a
Roman and Teuton sphere of interest.
The same views are afterwards expressed
by Ariovistus, and in either case there is
^i ^. I •. no direct intention of challeng-
The Cimbri s i.^ i • iu j i
„. . mg or attackmg the deeply
Victories i_ J £ "Ti 'T^i
Q jj respected power of Rome. 1 he
Cimbri respectfully informed
the Romans that they had heard of their
victories over the Kelts, and were therefore
anxious to secure a friendly accommoda-
tion. Whether they are treacherously sur-
prised or openly attacked, the Cimbri
gain victory after victory over the Roman
armies ; at the same time they are ever
ready to make peace, send ambassadors
3434
to Rome, and continually urge that the
Roman government should not oppose
their establishment at a suitable point in
the Keltic districts. Rome, on the other
hand, which had suddenly become con-
scious of this Keltic question, though not
knowing who the disturbers really were,
declined to admit their requests, drove
away the compliant emigrants from the
north frontier of the Alps, and gave them
no rest, even in Gaul.
At that point the Cimbri met with com-
panions in misfortune, the Teutones, a
great horde of emigrants like themselves,
with the exception that those homeless
Teutones were more probably of Keltic
than of Teutonic origin. Their attempts
to find settlements in Gaul, either in the
dominions of the Romans or in those of
the brave Belgi, had proved fruitless. An
invasion of the Cimbri into Spain had led
to equally little result, and the two hordes,
recognising the unity of their purpose,
resolved to march upon Italy. The
Teutones chose the road over the western
Alps, the Cimbri returned by way of
Noricum, which was better known to
them, across the Brenner Pass.
Closer examination shows that
there is more reason to suppose
some rivalry between them
than any project of military co-operation,
such as Rome with her political ideas
naturally imagined.
It is impossible to say whether the
Cimbri were pursuing any definite
plan, whether they had resolved with
greater determination than before upon
the conquest of Upper Italy, the
most fruitful of the Keltic districts,
the occupation of which the Romans had
recently begun, or whether they merely
wished to compel Rome to buy off their
menaces at the price of some final con-
cessions in Gaul. Further, the fact that
the Cimbri left their baggage in Northern
Gaul in the care of a detachment left
behind for the purpose seemed to show
that they merely intended a threat. More-
over, when they had driven the German
armies out and secured a footing, instead
of entering Galha Cispadana, they spent
much time in irresolute wanderings in
the district of Gallia Transpadana, which
was not yet entirely subjugated by Rome.
When Caius Marius at length confronted
them they again demanded from him per-
mission to found a settlement for themselves
and for the Teutones, as otherwise it would
Great
March on
Italy
THE RISING TIDE OF TEUTON POWER
be impossible for them to make peace. It
was only by the scornful answer of Marius
that they learned of the previous destruc-
tion of the Teutones at Aqua Sextiae. On
the Raudian plain before Vercellas, Marius
inflicted equal destruction upon them. Of
the migrating Cimbri there remained only
the detachment which had been left in
Gaul ; these people secured a settlement
among the Belgae, and their amalgamation
with the Tungri jjroduced the Belgian
nationality of the Aduatuci.
The Cimbri were followed by other
emigrants, who advanced within the
Roman Empire in their northern search for
settlements. At the point where the
Rhine crosses the fruitful plains and the
temperate region to the north of the Alps,
Germanic peoples forced their way and
settled as the advance guards of the
Germanic settlements around the old Keltic
towns ; the Nemeti appear about Speyer,
the Vangiones about Worms, the Triboci
about Strassburg. The great river of
Keltic name now flowed, as regards its
middle and upper reaches, no longer through
Keltic territory, or only through scanty
portions of it. Throughout
the districts of the Main and
The Teutons
in Search of
an Easy Life
the Danube the Kelts were
thrown into disturbance by the
Teutons, were forced into movement, and
collided with one another. From the
Main to the Alps they retreated before the
Teutons and surrendered their country,
even before the invaders had determined
upon its capture or retention.
Thus in the angle of the Rhine, about the
modern Baden and Wiirtemberg, the south-
ward advance of the Helvetii created the
" Helvetian Desert," and in this form the
land about the Black Forest to the east
remained ownerless for a long period.
The Teutons were more than ever anxious
to secure a settlement where the soil and
the climate would produce a rich and
easy life. They were not then the patient
agriculturists of later centuries ; to that
point they were educated only by the
necessity for self-content. Their character
at this time is rather arbitrary and
pugnacious than hardworking or laborious.
While we proceed to base these events
upon motives and interests of low
standard, we must not judge them with too
narrow a mind, or forget that migration
begets the desire for wandering. The
plains of the Upper Rhine attracted the
advance guard of the conquerors with far
greater force than the mountains of
Upper Germany, and the sunlit civilisation
of the west and south also proved an
enticement. More successful than the
Cimbri two generations earlier, Ariovistus
and the bands of Suevi which he led
were able to make themselves masters of
Sequani to the south of the Triboci, to
seize the plains on the Upper Rhine and on
_ , the south, and thence to extend
p .J. westward towards Jura and
Folic *^^ Doubs. The process of
Belgian occupation in North
Gaul began to repeat itself in the centre
of the country.
Rome had been greatly paralysed by
domestic dissension, and it was high
time for her to resume the Teutonic policy
which she had carried out against the
Cimbri and to secure the pacification of the
Keltic district. Caesar appeared as the
great leader of this policy ; he began by
repelling the Helvetii, who had found
life uncomfortable in their contracted
settlements, which were invaded by other
Keltic tribes ; exploring bands of Teutons
increased their anxieties, and they were
therefore seeking a settlement in Gaul to
the west. Cesar's victories drove them
back, and he was able to use them as a
buffer against the Germans. Ariovistus
gave them no help ; under the consulate
of Caesar, Rome had sent him presents of
honour with royal insignia and had given
him the title of a friendly king. When
the Helvetian question had been settled,
Caesar turned against him. The confer-
ence between the two leaders led to no
result, and is remarkable only for the fact
that Ariovistus was willing to lead his men
as Roman auxiliaries if they might remain
peacefully in their settlements among the
Sequani. But Caesar was not only anxious
to drive them out, but was compelled
to do so ; their expulsion was necessary, not
only for the sake of the Gauls, but also for
that of the remaining Teutonic
tribes. An appeal to arms re-
sulted in his favour, as in the
case of his great -uncle Marius,
whose triumpihal . monument he had ad-
mired in his youth.
Caesar was now able to pursue his great
object ; he proposed to solve the Keltic
problem definitely by closing Gaul to
any Teutons whatsoever, and making the
Rhine a frontier of the Roman Empire.
He had preferred not to venture on the
experiment of including Ariovistus within
3435
Czesar in
Pursuit of a
Great Object
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the province he was about to create ;
but this poHcy he followed in the case of
the Belgae, who had lost their Teutonic
nationality and become Gauls, although
they offered the bravest resistance. The
Belgae were necessary to him to complete
his work ; he wished to make them the
^ . bulwark of his great province
aesar s ^^ Qaul, and not to leave them
Broken , ,. , ,
p. . as a standmg danger and a
basis for marauding raids upon
Gallia Minor. He was able to win over
the Teutonic Ubii with greater ease ; this
tribe felt the need of such support, as they
were contmually struggling against wander-
ing bands of Suevi and other neighbours.
When Caesar closed the inlets of Gaul,
these Teutonic struggles upon the Rhine
naturally grew more intense. Such
Teutonic bands as crossed the Rhine
were destroyed by Caesar with an utter dis-
regard of his pledged word, even when
they were the victims of those same
Suevi, whom he regarded as the origin of
these disturbances. Against the Suevi he
undertook his two expeditions on the
right bank of the Rhine, which merely
forced that tribe to retire to the interior ;
these attempts were speedily ended by
Caesar before any disaster could occur.
The Rhine frontier, however defective as
a boundary, was retained throughout the
decade following Caesar's supreme com-
mand in Gaul. When the Teutons, who had
been finally driven from their habitations,
were admitted to the west bank — as, for
instance, the Ubii — permission was given
them to settle in definite form. More-
over, during the revolt of Vercingetorix
Caesar had opened a new profession to
dissatisfied and restless Teutons by ad-
mitting them into the Roman service as
auxiliary troops ; it was a profession which
speedily rose to repute, and was regarded
as analogous to the German system of
war bands.
It remained to repeat Caesar's policy
on the Rhine, and on the Danube also,
. before the Teutons reached
eu ons in ^^^ crossed that river. This
the Kofn&n , i_ /-> > • ^ n j. i
_ . was done by Caesar s intellectual
and political heir, Augustus,
through the creation of the provinces of
Noricum and Rhaetia ; the task was
carried out without disturbance from
the Teutons, whose main body had
advanced no further than the Main.
New and more portentous incursions
and disturbances broke out in the Rhine
district. Rome did not care to remain
content with the inadequate frontier line
afforded by the river. When a world-
empire is on the rise and its neighbours are
in a state of political unrest there is an
unconscious tendency to push the frontier
forward. Caesar had secured Gaul ; Au-
gustus and his followers attempted to pro-
tect the three divisions of Gaul by means
of the provinces of Germania.
The first and second provinces of Ger-
mania were easily and rapidly created,
as they were situated upon the left bank
of the Rhine and composed of the German
settlements already in existence ; it re-
mained to secure the third Germania
povince by carrying the eagles of Rome to
the Elbe, and thus following the lines of
commercial intercourse which had been
opened by traders in the frontier districts.
Then in the year i6 B.C. the incompetency
of the legate M. Lollius produced a
general resumption of hostilities.
Nero Claudius Drusus had made the
Rhine frontier a strong basis of operations
by providing a full supply of forts and
garrisons even upon the right bank ;
Mainz was the central point,
while the construction of the
Fossa Drusi had made the
navigation possible at the
mouth of the river in the larger delta of
the Rhine, which then lay further east-
ward than at the present time. He had
won over the Batavi and the Frisians to
accept a position of subjugation similar
to that of the Belgae, under Roman
supremacy, had sent a fleet to the coasts
of the North Sea and up the German
rivers, and had traversed the future
province in various directions with his
army. Tiberius Claudius Nero, the brother
and successor of Drusus, who died upon
his return from the last great expedi-
tion in 9 B.C., pursued the same policy.
Experience had, however, shown him
that the Teutons were most easily Roman-
ised if they were allowed to go their own
way, were compelled to acknowledge
Roman supremacy, and were left to offer
their support, whereas a series of cam-
paigns and premature plans of subjugation
were more likely to turn their attention
to their own powers and prospects of union.
This policy proved, as might have been
expected, so successful, that the third
German province was for a time brought
into actual existence. There was but one
opponent to its permanency — Marbod,
How the
Teutons were
Romanised
THE RISING TIDE OF TEUTON POWER
king of the Suevi, whose name is Latinised
as Maroboduas; but a second arose in
consequence of the blundering whereby
P. QuinctiUus Varus destroyed the achieve-
ments of Tiberius in the year 9 a.d.
Marbod, Hke Arminius, would not accom-
modate himself to the short-sighted policy
or to the ancestral institutions of the
Teutonic tribes. It may be asserted that
had it not been for the political and
general education gained by the young
Teutons in the Roman service there would
have been no " German Liberator," and
that the Teutonic characteristics would
not have proved sufficiently strong to
resist the process of absorption within the
Roman Empire.
The "Kindred" (Sippe) is a conception
which the Teutons derived from their
Indo-Germanic ancestors. It existed in
embryo in all Indo-Germanic societies,
though it was not developed until the
period of separation, with the result that
the characteristics and even the designa-
tion of a Kindred are not the same in every
case. Among the Teutons the Kindred is
rather democratic than patriarchal ; it
Wh t th ^^ ^ union of related families or
"K" a .„ households on the basis of equal
Re resented ^^S^*^' ^^^ authority exercised
^' by the heads of families.
The thorough conservatism under which
Teutonic constitutional forms have devel-
oped has but little modified the old pur-
poses and arrangements of the Kindred
even in historical times. In primitive and in
later times it remains a defensive alliance,
never asking whether a member is " guilty"
or " innocent," but protecting him in
feuds, blood quarrels, legal processes,
oaths, and accepting the responsibility for
his actions as long as he is not formally
deprived of membership. The Kindred
is a coherent armed community, and as
such forms the smallest unit of the army.
It is an industrial and economic guild ;
the individual household has personal
possession only of implements and mov-
able property, among which the house was
for a long time included, just as tent poles
and coverings were among nomadic tribes.
This economic unity forms collectively
with its inhabitants a village, which
consequently in later times bore the name
of the Kindred, just as during the periods
of migration resting places and encamp-
ments may have been named after the
tribe that used them. Thus, the patrony-
mic followed by suffixing " -ton," " -ford,"
"-ham." etc., is very familiar in England.
The district which was occupied by
the Kindred or its settlement, the village
mark, was the property of the community,
which was thus a " mark corjx)ration."
The distribution of the ground which was
carried out at stated periods gave the
temporary usufruct to individuals, pro-
„ ,. vided that they observed the
Functions ,.,. -^ , ,,
of the conditions imposed on the com-
Kindred rnunity ; pasture land and forest
were for a long time enjoyed
in common. The affairs of individual
families also came within the purview of
the Kindred in its character as an economic
corporation, so far as families could affect
the common possession of property or of
labour ; thus, for instance, the Kindred
exercised a right of confirming marriage
contracts, and the appointments of guar-
dians. Hence the separation of the in-
dividual from his kin, or opposition
between the individual and the kin, was
an unexampled occurrence at the outset
of the historical Teutonic period.
About the beginning of the Christian
era these conditions in other respects
were of a very primitive character ; a
general organisation existed only in
the form of Kindreds within the mass
of Teutonic tribes who were connected by
a common nationality and language.
This organisation was first extended by
the necessity of concluding and of turning
to practical account alliances of peace
between the tribes. Thus federations
combining several Kindreds arose ; these
acted as corporations upon important
occasions, and these corporations were a
kind of judicial court. It was not a
court which could decide or pronounce
upon points of law, but it could hear
arguments upon questions of compen-
sation, when such questions arose and
the Kindred concerned were not in a state
of antagonism. In such cases the court
provided that the Kindred upon which
compensation or performance
D °"f th ^^ obligatory should perform
ays o e .^^ duty ; there was as yet no
Penal Code /. ' , 1 j
conception of a penal code.
The old name for this larger conjunction of
Kindreds is the " Hundred," or, in the
northern provinces, herad, herred, harde.
The term is derived from the numeral
" hund," a hundred, probably the highest
number which the original Teutons
possessed. We cannot, however, venture
to conclude from this term the existence
3437
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
of a numerical limit to the corporation.
Any attempt of the kind is met by the
most obvious contradictions ; for instance,
the Hundreds are not extended or con-
tracted in correspondence with the change
in population.
The term " hundred " was merely an
indefinite expression, which might connote
ten multiplied by twelve just
" F^'ik " ^^ much as ten multiplied by
Q ■ . , ten (the Teutons also possessed
the term "great hundred");
the term is no more mathematically
accurate than the usage of our more
educated aeje, when it sends a thousand
kind remembrances or speaks of millions.
The state, or, as the Teutons said, the
Folk, was formed at some date which we
cannot determine. For the latter expres-
sion the term " army " is practically
equivalent. Both were formed only gra-
dually and slowly. The Folk originated
like the Kindred and the Hundred, though
in another manner and direction, from the
need for peace and mutual help. Hence
its origin is not to be regarded as instan-
taneous or uniform, or its organisation as
entirely systematic. It grew slowly and
simply ; in the historical period we find
Teutonic races with this organisation only
in midway process of development. A
number of neighbouring and related Kin-
dreds and Hundreds united to discuss the
ways and means which should enable them
to protect their territory and property
against foreign enemies, and also, if occa-
sion arose, to improve their position at the
expense of others, by some common attack.
The object of the Folk is therefore wholly
military.
It is upon this basis that all its organisa-
tion is founded ; the council which
deliberates and frames proposals, the
popular assembly (folk-moot) of the men
capable of bearing arms, the law of crime
— cowardice, desertion, and treachery —
and the consequent rise of a criminal court
...in., and of punitive power. This new
The Priest • • i j v.
cnmmal code has no connec-
j^ p.. tion with the Hundred courts,
which are essentially different.
The assembly of the Folk is injured in its
military capacity by such transgressions ;
it becomes a court, and proceeds to find
a suitable means of executing punishments
— by the hand of the priest. The trans-
ference of punitive rights to the Hundred
courts is a far later regulation of the state,
when it had become a regulating and
3438
highly organised power. At the moment
the earlier corporate elements, the Kindred
and the Hundred, are used only to forward
its military objects as component parts of
the " army."
To put the matter another way, the
Kindred and the Hundred exist as military
elements, and there is neither oppor-
tunity nor reason for any other mode
of division. On the other hand, in order
to subserve the military purpose, the
Kindred permitted certain interference
by the state with the rights of guardian-
ship reserved to themselves and to their
<"amilies by pronouncing youths to be
capable of bearing arms before the popular
assembly — that is to say, capable of being
enlisted in the army upon the occasion
of its muster. At the same time there is
no actual interference of the state with the
family power of the household ; capacity
to bear arms and patriarchal power are
totally different characteristics.
With these creations we reach the ideas
of people and patriotism, or, as we should
say, of state and citizenship. Here, again,
there is no settled system or line of
demarcation. We find members of a
. nationality breaking away,
/th"*^ founding new settlements and
j^ . becoming independent peoples,
as in the case of the Batavi and
the Mattiaci, who were fragments of the
Chatti. Had Ariovistus been permanently
successful, the seven fragments of different
nationalities which, at the least, he led,
together with the several thousands of the
Charudes who followed him, would have
grown into one nation.
We find remnants or fragments of
one nation absorbed into others ; for
instance, the Aduatuci, a remnant of
the Cimbri, amalgamated with the
Tungri, who had "first" come to Bel-
gium ; the Sigambri, again, absorbed the
remnants of the Usipetes and Tencteri.
Sometimes there is merely a temporary
amalgamation, and a later dissolution or
attempt to dissolve ; thus the Rugi, whom
Theoderic had led to Italy, attempted,
after the murder of Ildebad. to choose a
king of their own and broke away from the
Ostrogoth nationality. Thus the history
of the old Teutonic nationality is for these
reasons, as well as for their continual
migrations, far too complicated a period
to be represented for more than a moment
by maps or general views. For the
same reason, it is impossible to use the
THE RISING TIDE OF TEUTON POWER
information at hand as a basis for specula-
tions about unknown prehistoric times.
A repetition of the process of Folk forma-
tion can be observed, though taking place
upon a higher plane and in wider form.
The co-operation of the Folk naturally did
not abolish war from the world, but
separated war and peace somewhat more
clearly from mere disorder, and made the
difference of more importance. Thus the
impulse which had led to the formation of
the Folk remained operative, and con-
junction was no less necessary than before.
As formerly a number of tribes and hun-
dreds were forced to combine, so now Folk
unions were driven to union. Hence the
corporate character of Teutonic history as
a whole regards the peoples as a transition
form of the corporation, next in point of
greatness to the allied state. This body,
again, produces a transition to the
"nation, "in which the modernTeutonshave
arranged themselves, both to-day and at an
earlier period, if at the cost of great effort.
This movement, which concerns the Folk
unions, began in prehistoric times, but it
remains in constant and steady progress at
the outset of German history. The possi-
—^ ^ bilityof achievement depends
The v>erm&ns ".u i- i- r
c. . t upon the equalisation of com-
in & state of '^^.^- ^ . , ~,
J. ... petitive concurrent forces. 1 he
existence of the Folk union
also exercises a retrograde influence. It is
everywhere existent and recognised ; its
objects and its independence have over-
shadowed the individual of flesh and blood,
just as the modern Mecklenburger or West-
phalian is forgotten in his general German
nationality. Thus the Bructeri or Cherusci
as such did not forget the desirability of
conjunction with others, but only when
confronted with immediate danger did this
possibility become urgent in their eyes ;
thev must first become accustomed to a
wider political outlook and do not care to
see their customary traditions diminished
in importance.
Thus at the time of primitive Ger-
man history we find the Germans in
a condition of more or less transitory
federation, and only gradually do we
find individual federations becoming
permanent associations in the form of
states. Possessions of the Folk as such are
not straightway abandoned to the federa-
tion when a Folk enters into an alliance
with others ; it remains an independent
and political community, and will have
nothing to do with any federal institutions
except the federal assembly, which for
practical reasons is indispensable and
generally employed. Under these cir-
cumstances some compensating element
was required to guarantee fidelity to alli-
ances, and this end was gained by oaths,
religious forms, the union of divinities, and
the subjugation of the alliance to the rule
The Folk' "^ ^^^ divine deities. When an
ReHgious* Amphictyony thus formed has
Festivities remained some time in exist-
ence, a federal name, used for
definite purjxjses, takes the place of the
individual folk names.
The need for an earlier historical origin
is then felt, and finds expression in the
form of epic legends, or, what is a different
process, in artificial ethnogonies and other
fancies of the kind. Many alliances survive
the course of only one campaign, while
others remain in existence only in intention,
and can be aroused by the impact of some
strong collision. There is evidence to
show that the federal religious festivities
once celebrated were not necessarily
allowed to collapse — the gods are not to be
offended — though the political meaning
of the federation may have passed away.
We find, moreover, alliances which may
have remained operative for a long
time, perhaps for centuries, though they
at least remember their great importance
only in its after effects and tradition ;
this is true of the Suevi at the time of
Tacitus. Apart from this we shall hardly
be able to connect the isolated tracks
which wind between different groupings
of the German nations, or to gather any
fruitful or definite result from the tradi-
tional fragments of ethnogonic ideas.
Similarly, only in a few cases can we
venture to say whether later states have
grown up out of individual folks or from
the remnants of alliances.
To form and keep alliances in permanent
connection, to secure the adherence of
allies, and in this way to unify diverse
tribes, remained the privilege
Leaders of the of the kings and princes. The
rise and formation of their
houses was naturally based
upon the individual Folk. Any federation,
no matter how democratic its basis, which
pursues military and political objects,
stands in need of leadership, not only in
war, but also in deliberation. On the other
hand, every man who desired power, or
to work for the general welfare, was
obliged, by the special character of the
3439
" Folk " in
Peace and War
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
old Teutonic kin organisation, to act
upon every occasion in concert with his
Kindred. He exists only for the Kindred,
and his every performance is open to
discussion. Without the Kindred he cannot
rise to pre-eminence, and it is not himself,
but his kin, that he brings into the fore-
ground and makes the leader upon national
. J questions. The question thus
. requires examination upon this
Tacit s ^^de, when we find leading
personalities and their policies,
however democratic and well founded,
involved in domestic difficulties and over-
whelmed by them.
On the other hand, at the period covered
by the Annals of Tacitus — an excellent
source of constitutional information — we
find at times within an individual Folk a
leading Kindred, with its precedence
secured in a surprising measure — provided,
in fact, with a special legitimacy, which it
carefully preserves in such cases as
marriage contracts, which are confined
to members of equal rank, in those in-
stances which we can fully examine.
" Stirps regia " is the name given by
Tacitus to such a family — the noble
family of any specific nationality. This
family provides the princes, from whom
generals are chosen according to their
capacity. These leading men, known as
" kuninge," 'from their membership of
the kuni, or noble Kindred, regarded
as a family, are as yet far removed from
any monarchi al power or sovereignty ;
the latter belongs in all things to the
general assembly.
The princes settle only unimportant
matters by mutual discussion, in accord-
ance with a custom which arose for obvious
reasons of convenience, and their decisions
are subject to the consent of military,
national, or popular assemblies. To the
latter they have to bring their decision on
the more important matters that have
arisen in their own discussions. They are
_ leaders in this assembly, and
_^. J naturally the most important
the Princes o^ators. though anybody may
speak who has the prospect of
getting a hearing. In view of the solemnity
with which even savages conduct debate,
no doubt sh^Tiess forbade attempts to
speak in most cases. All this is excellently
described by Tacitus, who also shows how
the princes ruled " auctoritate suadendi
magis quam jubendi potestate " — '■ by
the influence which persuades rather
3440
' than by the power which commands."
For leadership in war and military expedi-
tions the appointment of definite persons
was a necessity. A chief, whom Tacitus
calls dux, rendered " duke," was ap-
pointed, or sometimes two dukes. But the
latter system was tried only in primitive
times and was not always successful.
The holder of the office is drawn from
the noble families in every case of which
history speaks. Tacitus is in agreement
with this statement, though Beda em-
phasises the princely character of the
dukes among the Saxons in Britam. But
even in face of the enemy their power is
by no means unlimited, and their careful
plans are occasionally overthrown by the
jealousy of their blood relations and the
success of these in persuading the military
assembly, which met for executive pur-
poses as the Folk.
The process by which a particular
Kindred took a leading part and became
a noble family of historical import cannot
be explained in full detail. There is some
evidence to show that the noble family
was able to pledge the credit of the whole,
as the conceptions adal (noble) and odal
Dividing (property) differ only by a dis-
.k ni J tinction of vowels. Again, the
the Plunder xu ^ P -r x
of W r prmces m the time of lacitus
received gifts in virtue of their
leading position, voluntarily given by
their tribal associates ; as such Tacitus
mentions animals and field produce. It
is, however, especially important that the
manager of the general assembly should
be in communication with the all-powerful
gods. The members of the noble Kindred
provided the national priest or priests,
built, administered, and maintained the
sanctuaries of the gods, which we must
imagine as buildings provided with sub-
ordinate offices, sheep, cattle, and pasture,
and an adequate temple precinct, not-
withstanding a passage in the " Germania "
which Tacitus himself contradicts in the
" Annals."
The division of the plunder taken in
war remained the privilege of the popu-
lar assembly until Merovingian times,
though no doubt the leaders gained
certain preferences in this respect. A
somewhat larger share of prisoners of
war — that is, slave labour — was assigned
to the leading Kindred, and enabled them
correspondingly to extend their agricul-
tural operations and their property. Thus
their capacity and their public work
GERMAN RIDERS IN THE ROMAN ARMY
From a relief on the Coloima Antunina at Kuiiu^
received not only a social and political
return from the whole community, but
also secured an increase in property which
steadily consolidated their position. More-
over, the formation of the above-mentioned
ideas of a penal code threw the execution
of punishment into their hands, as they
were the priests who offered to the gods
the sacrifices which appeased their wrath
and secured their friendship ; they alone
could attack the person or the life of the
Teuton.
A further advance in power which
began at the time of Tacitus may
be seen in the fact that they not merely
conduct the popular assembly, but
also divide among themselves the right
to visit and conduct the assemblies of
the Hundreds. We must not
under-estimate the high power
which was given them by the
system of retainers, or by their
right of training the young to the use of arms
where their parents or blood relations were
unable to perform this duty. Here we
have already in embryo the later right of
tutelage exercised by the crown.
Hitherto we have spoken only of the
princes as members of a noble Kindred.
As regards their mutual rank and position.
The Kindred
Adv&nce
in Power
they are all able to raise equal claims
in point of right. Flavins, the brother of
Arminius, renounces the royal position
which belongs to him among the Cherusci
as he is remaining in the service of the
Romans ; but his son Italicus, who was
brought up as a Roman, afterwards con-
centrates in his person all the rights of
the Kindred of which he was
ew oya ^^^ ^^j^ remaining represen-
Families from , , • t-, " , ,^
it «-• J J tative. Ihese rights were
the Kindred . j i ui
respected as long as possible
by the nationality, which was especially
mistrustful of new men and of innovations.
Only in very special cases did the Teutons
raise a new royal family by choice from
one of the other Kindreds in opposition
to the old family.
The overthrow of Marbod or Erma-
naric, with its consequent confusion, does
not prevent the resumption of their
hereditary privileges. By the elevation
of Witichis the Ostrogoths broke away
from the younger house of the Amali,
which had become alienated from the
people ; at the. same time one of the
first acts of Witichis was to secure a
kind of right to share the legitimacy of
the Amali by his marriage with Matas-
winta. Though every member of the royal
3441
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Kindred had the right to come forward
as prince, we find in numerous cases
that not all of them actually exercised
this right or would have had any prospect
of success. The different blood relations
of Segestes and Arminius are politically
without any public reputation, although
they enjoy not only princely rights, but
„ ,. also the princely title iprinceps,
Father ^^ • . \ r^-^f ^^ / ■
. m lacitus). 1 he same remark IS
^ . . true of the brother of Segestes
and of his son, although his
noble birth and consequent right to act
as national priest induced the Romans to
call him from the third Germania to act
as priest at the Ara Ubiorum, which had
been set up at Cologne for the three Ger-
manias, and corresponded to the altars of
I^onie and Augustus, set up at L3^ons over
the three Gauls. The father of Arminius,
who outlived the greatness of his son,
was of no political importance whatever.
This narrower clique of principes — among
the Cherusci, Segestes, Arminius, and his
uncle Inguiomerus — who busied themselves
with public affairs, attempted to determine
the decisions of the people, and thus
arrived at an attitude of mutual jealousy
more or less pronounced. The majority
of the popular assembly follows now one,
now another, of these leaders, according
as he has been successful or represents
the most popular view. No one of the
nobles, or kuninge, was able to become
the sole and privileged ruler in the later
sense of the term, with definite and polit-
ical privileges assured to him for a definite
time ; they were continual rivals, attempt-
ing to secure the momentary and fickle
approval of the majority.
None the less, individual personalities
appeared, sufficiently powerful to break
through the restraints of the Kindred and
to concentrate its collective rights within
themselves. Ariovistus is not exactly a
prince of this character. He succeeded in
securing permanence for his personal
position as prince and duke to an extent
unusual, and not in accordance with the
principle of tribal constitution. This he
achieved by securing definite authority
over the Gauls and also from Rome.
Marbod, on the other hand, is an over-
thrower of tribal legitimacy after the
. manner of the Caesars.
arcomanni ^^^ Marcomanni, who be-
longed to that portion of
the Suevi which had entered
the Rhine district, had settled in
the Lower Maine, and were there
stationed when Augustus and Drusus
began that policy which brought them
between two hostile frontiers from Main/:
and Rhaetia. Marbod then led his
people up the Maine to the comparative
seclusion of Bohemia, which had been
in the Place
of Danger
BATTLE BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND MARCOMANNI
The Marcomanni, a Germanic tribe that originally dwelt between the Rhine and the Danube, expelled the Boii
from Bohemia and part of Bavaria early in the Christian era, and founded a kingdom which reaclied to the Danube.
From a relief on the Colonna Antonina at Rome
3442
THE RISING TIDE OF TEUTON POWER
abandoned by the Boii. Marbod had
become a pohtician in the school of the
Roman mihtary service. He attempted to
make himself a power equal to the Romans.
He was a man of high importance, who,
attempting to break through the restric-
tions of his native birth, had developed
his capacity, driven away his blood
relations, absorbed their rights, and
founded the continuance of his supremacy
on a basis of militarism, and also upon the
predominance of the Marcomanni over
other Teutonic peoples. His rule was
obeyed over an area extending even to the
Lombards at the mouth of the Elbe. Thus
he appeared as a rival acting against the
Romans on the east front of the Teutons
to secure supremacy for the Teuton
sphere of influence, and his rivalry was
the more formidable as the existence of
such despotism generally depends upon
unceasing effort and extension.
Formerly it had been important for Rome
to save the Keltic districts from the hands
of the Teutons, who, though an incoherent
force, were advancing upon every side ;
and so now the question arose whether the
district occupied by the loosely united
. Teutonic peoples between
the Rhine and the Elbe
should belong to Rome or
to Marbod.
Such being the situation and the
opponent, the former policy of Tiberius,
to overcome the Teutons by peace and
not by the challenge of campaigns, proved
inapplicable. After careful plans and
preparatory expeditions through Ger-
mania, which showed him that the popular
opinion of the Germans was inclined to
support Rome and its policy rather than
the supremacy of Marbod, he began his
double attack upon the kingdom of the
Marcomanni by a simultaneous advance
from the Danube and the Rhine in the
year 6 a.d. At this dangerous moment for
Marbod, a revolt broke out in Pannonia
and Dalmatia, and Tiberius was occupied
with its suppression until the year 9 a.d.
Marbod, who could hardly have survived
had he not given some diplomatic assist-
ance to this revolt, calmly reverted to
his old relationship to Rome, as a supreme
king of equal weight with the emperor,
and pursuing a like policy.
The third province of Germania was not
to be lost to Rome on that account.
Augustus had been able undisturbed to
place the garrisons on the Rhine at the
Three Years
Revolt in
Pannonia
disposal of Tiberius for the subjugation
of Pannonia. In Germany, on the right
bank of the Rhine, the diminished Roman
troops held their winter or summer camps
in time of peace ; the surrounding tribes
and their princes who could be won over
by the grant of em]:)ty distinctions
admitted the claim of Roman supremacy.
« and the governor exercised
«i. ^,- - the rights of levying taxes
Supremacy ,9 / P ,. .
Recognised ^"" "^ summary jurisdiction.
The action of P. Quinctilius
Varus, however, in either of these depart-
ments, went far beyond anything that the
patient Teutonic tribes had hitherto borne
in the way of pressure. Hence it became
possible for Arminius to rise in opposition
to Segestes, the friend of Rome, to deprive
the latter of the leadership of the Cherusci,
to secure the alliance of the other peoples
on the right bank of the Rhine, to lead
them cleverly against the position of
Varus, and to destroy that leader with his
army of Roman soldiers and Teutonic
auxiliaries — from the peoples of the North
Sea — in the Teutoberg forest in 9 a.d.
Arminius had returned no long time
previously from the Roman service. C.
Julius Caesar, to whom the south Teutonic
relations with Rome owe their beginning,
had introduced the custom of using
German troops as Roman auxiliaries. We
must remember to distinguish between
migrating tribes in search of land and
the adventurous raids of bold companies.
Caesar was acquainted with Teutonic
invasions of Gaul in both of these forms.
When he discovered the urgent need for
cavalry to deal with the last great revolt,
he had employed the enterprising spirits
of certain mouated troops of young
Teutons. Whether or not this was really
intended as a last resource in time of need,
from that time forward German auxiliaries
become a regular and extending branch
of the Roman service. Thus, while the
Roman state crushed the Teutons or
_ . attempted to confine them
ar arians ^j^^j^jj^ boundaries, it opened
as Roman ., , ,,. ,. ^ ...
Qj^. its armies to this nationality
by the offer of employment.
Leaders of such barbarians became Roman
officers, generals, administrators and high
officials. The Roman armies gradually
lost their nationality, and became a foreign
force, consisting chiefly of Teutonic troops,
paid by Romans, fighting for Rome, but
unable to prevent the overthrow and dis-
ruption of the empire, and destined one
^3
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
day to seize Italy, the last remaining
province of the empire, for themselves
under the leadership of Odoacer.
At the moment the use made by the Ger-
man nobles — that is, by the members of the
leading kindreds among individual peoples
— of the instruction which they gained in
the Roman service and brought home with
. . . them is sufficiently remarkable.
rminius ^^ have already spoken of
in (he Hour ht u j tu .< n
.-, . . Marbod. I he eques Rom-
anus," Arminius,when he led the
revolt against Varus, had no intention of
following the precedent of the Cimbri and
Ariovistus by requesting the Romans to
settle a time and place for a battle or for
a judicial decision by the judgment of
God. War, indeed, was orlog or iir-lag, and
lag i?!feans law. Arminius, however, had
been trained in the Roman school, and he
paid his teachers in full for all their
treacherous attacks since Noreja.
We know but very little of the ideas
which inspired Arminius, but if in the joy
of his triumph he had cherished the
ambitions of Marbod, his capacity would
have been unable to cope with the mass
of opposition which he encountered. The
prestige of Segestes revived, and the
rivalry between himself and Arminius
continued for many years with varying
success. The younger man was helped to
recover his preponderance by the inde-
fatigable efforts of Germanicus, the son
of Drusus, who held command upon the
Rhine, to repair the defeat of Varus by
campaigns against the Teutons.
Segestes was eventually forced to take
refuge with the Romans, together with his
relation and adherents, who were obliged
to follow him, and to abandon the field to
Arminius. Germanicus might lead Segestes,
whose company he had not compelled, in
triumphal procession, but the fact that his
ally was no longer in his own country
was a wholly unexpected result of this
struggle for Rome. Such was the opinion
. of Tiberius, who was now
th t*^"" °\ upon the imperial throne and
c mperi& ^^^ ^^^.^ fresh confirmation of
his old theories as to Teutonic
policy. He put an end to the campaign,
considering that if the third Germania
was to be reconquered it could be better
secured by peace than by war.
The province, however, remained lost to
Rome; and this was, as Tacitus says, "with-
out doubt " the personal achievement of
Arminius. He saved the Germans on the
3444
right bank of the Rhine from becoming
Roman provincials, as those upon the left
had become, in which process large and
capable numbers of the German population
were lost to Germany ; and thus he actu-
ally became, not merely the liberator, but
actually the saviour of German nationality
and of German history.
The Roman abandonment of punitive
measures left Arminius triumphant during
his own time. " In battles against Ger-
manicus he fought with varying success,
but as a leader of war he was uncon-
quered" — thus Tacitus summarises his
achievements. The tribes on the right of
the Rhine were free, and owed their liberty
to him. Among the Cherusci he had but one
serious opponent, Inguiomerus. He now
put forward the claim of supremacy over
the Cherusci, and as Segestes had formerly
gone into exile, so now Inguiomerus took
to flight and went to Marbod. This fact
expresses the whole change in the political
situation.
In place of the Romans, who had
given up the conflict, Marbod led the
opposition against Arminius, who was also
confronted by Marbod's championship of
M h a th ^^^ " freedom " of the country
Champion of
between the Rhine and the Elbe;
" Freedo " ^^^ people who had hitherto
obeyed Marbod now deserted
to Arminius. An appeal to arms led to no
clear decision. Marbod, however, was not
triumphant ; his despotism had begun to
totter, and soon collapsed entirely. One
of the nobles whom he had driven out,
Katwalda, returned from exile and seized
his position, but only to fall himself the
more rapidly. Katwalda was soon living
at Frejus under Roman protection, as
was Marbod at Ravenna, while their
respective adherents had left the country
and were settled by the Romans in the
frontier district on the Danube. The
■' kings," however, of these Suevi — the
name which they now resumed — were
chosen by the Roman emperors themselves.
Thus we meet with a new and clever
system, introduced by Rome; the evils
of tribal supremacy were utilised by Rome,
by the help of her power and the weight
of her name, to raise one man to high
positions, who now became the " rex,"
though entirely dependent upon Roman
patronage, in place of the Stirps, th^
princely family, which was a continual
source of disturbance. In this way the
Romans gained considerable successes
THE RISING TIDE OF TEUTON POWER
to the north of the Danube, even among
the Quadi and Marcomanni. This German
kingship was not, however, based upon the
Roman pohcy, but upon the slow and
systematic disregard of common family
claims — a process which could be achieved
only after centuries had elapsed. On the
other hand, it will be perceived that this
Roman policy was extremely likely to
stimulate ambitious Teutonic nobles to
secure a despotism with — or better with-
out— Roman help, though such supremacy
could be secured only for individual persons
and was not necessarily transmitted by
inheritance to their children.
Among the Cherusci also the Romans
were able to introduce their king. After
the fall of Marbod, Arminius found no
obstacle to the task of making his leader-
ship and his policy a permanent basis of
settlement. He wished to " become king,"
in the words of Tacitus, who speaks of him
as " regnum adfectans." In the course of
this attempt Arminius was overthrown by
the existing members of the noble Kindred,
whose rights were infringed by his efforts.
The principles of public right and the
actual state of affairs were in opposition to
his personal claims. However,
German tradition long re-
mained faithful to the liberator,
and at the time of Tacitus his
fame was sung beyond the limits of the
Cherusci in those epic poems in which the
Teutons, for want of a written language,
preserved their history.
At the death of Arminius a generation
of conflict within the noble family con-
fused the succession until the year 47 a.d.
The only remaining representative of that
house was Italicus, the son of Flavins,
who had been brought up among the
Romans. The invincible ideas of legiti-
macy raised this last member of the family,
the nephew of Arminius, to the leadership
of the nation, and, with the support of the
Romans, Italicus entered the district of
the Weser, which he had never before seen ;
he was now personally a " rex," as the
" stirps regia " depended entirely upon
him ; he was sole king because there
was no other " kuning," no other man
belonging to the noble family (kuni). But
the cessation of political faction was an
inconceivable result. Misunderstandings
arose, and partisans from the struggles
before the year 47 rose against Italicus.
In vain did Italicus urge their want of
nobility, as Tacitus expressly explains.
German
History in
Epic Poetry
and show that no right existed except that
concentrated in himself ; struggles began,
and Italicus was forced to flee to the
Lombards, who were then settled on the
Lower Elbe, to secure their interference.
Further events are unknown to us.
Our scanty knowledge of the history of
Italicus shows plainly enough the em-
p. . . barrassments which inevitably
Trium hs f ^^°^^ from the well-devised
the RTman° Jo"^^^ P^.^^V ^^ protecting
dependent kmgs, m view of the
fact that the kings themselves did not
stop at considerations of legitimacy. Even
when the Romans fought with the Chatti
and other Teutons in the course of the
first century, no great achievement was
ever attained, and the triumphs which the
emperors celebrated before the senate and
people of the capital were but too plainly
fictitious. The true inwardness of the
Roman policy consists not in these
struggles, but in the great technical labour,
which lasted for decades, of establishing
or protecting the lines of frontier. The
several lines of the Rhine and the Danube,
regarded as frontiers, were isolated unities
and as yet unconnected ; in the district
of the Upper Danube., on the wooded
heights of the Baar and the Black Forest,
which were as yet occupied by neither
Romans nor Teutons, and also in the
fair plains of the Breisgau, the ownership
of the land was a doubtful question, and
its occupants always changing. The
angle formed at the north-east by the
Upper Danube and the Rhine formed a
deep wedge between Rhaetia and Upper
Germania. While the world-empire was
still advancing, or while advance was
contemplated, indecision on this point
could be settled by a general advance of
Roman authority either to the Elbe or
elsewhere. When the intention of advance
had been abandoned, it was necessary,
before the Teutons reached the old Keltic
territory, which was now ownerless, to
, close this wedge-shaped opening
^""^^^ and the " Helvetian Desert,"
Ambitious ^.^^g j^j^^^^ ^g ^j^g ^gj.- j)g.
*"* cumates, and to make the
Danube and the Rhine the common frontier
line from Pannonia to the North Sea.
Such was the purpose and the meaning
of the line of communication drawn from
Kelheim to Rheinbrohl ; the separate
fortifications and protected lands were
eventually united into one great fortified
boundary line.
3445
WESTERN
EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE
AGES
THE PEOPLES
OF WESTERN
EUROPE
111
THE GREAT TEUTONIC DELUGE
GOTHS IN CONFLICT WITH THE ROMAN EMPIRE
DOME had now established her frontiers ;
■■■^ the time of expansion, of attack and
counter attack, had ended, and a respite
follows. Then comes a period of defence
and loss. From the Black Sea to the North
Sea the Teutonic nationahty surges over
the frontier and breaks through the
boundaries erected in Dacia and in the
coast lands of the Black Sea ; some rapid
advances are driven back, but they
remain a presage foreboding the inexorable
rise and advance of a current that can
no longer be checked. The material cause
of these movements is not, as before, an
increase of population which has grown
too dense to be supported by the rude
forms of pastoral life and primitive
agriculture, and is therefore forced to send
out migrating bodies ; in this case we
have to deal with a general advance from
the east, which can be recognised by its
effects and by contemporary accounts.
It resulted in a general shifting of nations,
and eventually brought the whole Teutonic
world into movement.
Signs of this movement became evident
from Rhaetia, against which the Chatti
made a disturbing advance, to Pannonia
and Dacia. The Teutonic world was in
a ferment throughout its southern boun-
dary— an effect which points to a great
number of previous changes in the un-
known interior. The Marcomanni ad-
vanced to the Danube ; the Lombards
had left the Lower Elbe for the most part,
and were following an easterly direction ;
the Vandals, who were formerly
settled in Silesia, also started
out. Marcus Aurelius spent half
a generation fighting against
these Teutons and the still more< obstinate
Jazyges of Sarmatia, with the result that
the proposed organisation of a Sarmatian
province was abandoned, and Commodus
permitted the settlement of Teutons in
the frontier districts of the empire on the
Danube. The " pores of the empire "
were beginning to open to the Teutons.
Aurelius
Fighting the
Teutons
The Goths, again, who before the year
200 A.D. had been driven from the Lower
Vistula, had gone up-stream and turned
to the east about the Carpathians ; about
the year 200 they appear on the Black
Sea and on the frontier of Dacia. After
a decade of struggle by land and by sea,
Rome surrendered Dacia to the Goths
_ , after an expensive defence,
c ™ . . and the first great province
Surrender to i i. j. j.u t? t?
Tu r- .u was lost to the Roman tmpire
The Goths A 1- r 1 .
Aurelian was forced to sur
render it, as Rome itself was threatened
by the Alamanni, whose marauding band?
passed through Rhsetia into the peninsula
itself. The policy of using the Teutonic
tribes as a buffer was now shown to be
purposeless and inconsistent.
After a momentary attempt to cross the
Vistula, the Lombards turned to the
south-east and thus joined hands with the
east Teutons, while the forces of the
Alamanni advanced from the south-west.
They came forth from the districts on
the Elbe above the Lombard settlements
and also from those upon the Havel and
Spree. For a wide distance round the
Elbe and to the right of it the country was
abandoned by the Teutons, and room was
made for the Slavs, who desired it. The
Alamanni were the nucleus and the rem-
nant of the old Suevian federation and
clung closely to this name, though they
did not meet with recognition by other
tribes on this account. In the first place
the Alamanni no longer represented the
old confederacy as such ; during the
migration other nationalities, who were
not members, had joined them. More-
over, there were besides themselves many
other Germans, who had also been Suevi,
extending from the Marcomanni and
Danubian Suevi in the south-east, along
the whole line of the Roman frontier, to
the hill country of the Rhine. These
double titles have remained to the present
day, and the name Alamanni has never
been adopted by the Suevi, or Swabians,
3447
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
themselves, except under the influence of
scholars in later times.
The Alamanni marched towards the
frontier of Upper Germania, while the
East Teutonic Burgundians followed in
their path. These two nations pushed the
Chatti and their adherents to the north,
after driving them to abandon their
. . previous attempts upon Rhaetia
Advance on '^ , j , ^, , ■'^ _ x
. P and destroymg their prospects
_, . in the south-west. In con-
™'"" sequence, the Chatti became
a member of, if not the principal nation in,
the union of the " Franks," which extended
from the Central Rhine to the North Sea,
and appeared as the rivals of the Alamanni
throughout the westward advance upon
the Roman Empire.
The year 213 marks the beginning of
the struggle upon the frontier line itself ;
two generations later the Alamanni over-
ran the Agri Decumates and settled there.
In that country they formed a denser
population, as is shown by old local names,
than in their previous settlements to the
east of the boundary ; they had now
reached the land, under Roman adminis-
tration, which had already been under
cultivation, and found, in consequence, a
larger extent of arable land, and probably
learned a more productive form of agri-
culture. But at the beginning of the
fourth century this temporary satisfaction
came to an end. Bands of Alamanni had
long before been making raids beyond the
Rhine into Gaul ; large bodies now,
advancing for purposes of occupation,
overran the province of Alsace and the
district of the Vosges. Once again the
military power of Julian drove them across
the Rhine by his great victory of 357.
But Julian's death soon followed, and
Rome was unable to prevent their return.
The Alamanni of the fourth century
certainly formed a confederacy. Their
several component nationalities pursued,
upon the whole, a similar policy ; but they
-, , , had methods of war and peace
Confederacy ,- . -u 1 j
fth peculiar to themselves, and
, J . even in their chief undertakings
against the Romans they did
not appear absolutely united. In the
case of the individual peoples the leader-
ship is at one time in the hands of one
man, and is at another conducted by a
commission of near relatives ; in general,
the administrative and selective power
within the Stirps regia had advanced
considerably, compared with the time of
3448
Arminius. By what process a uniform
nation was produced from this confederacy
of the Alamanni we do not know. In
any case, this further development began
before the period when they were subject
to Clovis. The districts occupied by the
component nationalities are in the course of
becoming districts, " Gaue," of the nation
of the Alamanni ; for instance, in place
of the district of the Lentienses we find
a " Linzgau," and the whole is ruled by a
kingdom.
The details of the process by which such
a federation became a coherent nation are
known to us only in the case of the Franks.
They also advanced steadily from the
left bank of the Rhine in the fourth cen-
tury. They, too, were checked, though
not driven back, by Julian ; notwith-
standing his victory at Toxandria, he left
them in possession of the country between
the Scheldt and the Maas, which they had
occupied a short time previously. In the
third century the Franks had proved a
burden and a danger to the Romans by
the incredible boldness and extent of their
maritime enterprises. Now, however, they
. appeared in forces confined
*lt.*'^L almost entirely to land ; in
on the Roman ., , -^ ,• •,
-, . other words, marauding raids
Coasts 1 J 1 • -7
had been given up in favour
of permanent occupation. The Franks
themselves had been driven back by the
Saxons, the third of these important
and recently formed federations of the
west Teutons. The origin of the federa-
tion and its name must apparently
be looked for in Nordalbingia. The
federation extended so far westward that
it embraced the old Cherusci, and from
thence it turned northward towards the
Rhine, at the expense of the Eastern
Franks, and almost reached that river.
The traditional task of maritime raids
upon the Roman coasts, which made the
process of conquest a maritime affair,
became a monopoly of the Saxons ; they
were thus employed to a far greater extent
than the Frisian coast dwellers, who
formed a settled people, and were content
with coasting voyages.
To return to the Franks, the character-
istics of their federation and constitution
corresponded with those of the Alamanni.
The intermediate step between the federa-
tion of nationalities and a uniform nation
is seen in the fourth century ; it is the
cohesion of two allied nationalities, the
Ribuarii on the Rhine, and the Salic
THE TEUTONIC DELUGE
Franks nearer the sea. In the fifth century
we find the Ribuarii alone provided with
a royal dynasty of their own.
The emperors of the house of Constantine,
and at a later date the regent of the
Roman Empire, including the Ribuarian
Frank, Arbogast, fought against the
Rhine Teutons incessantly and often with
ferocity. Chiefly on this account the
imperial residence was temporarily trans-
ferred to Treves. The abandonment of this
residence and the surrender of Gaul to the
Alamanni and Franks, and of Britain to
the Saxons, was not forced upon the
empire until the time of Stilicho, and this
and the rivalry of individual tribal
princes, for as yet the old tribal elements
of the Tervinges, Taisales, etc., had not
been entirely absorbed by the Gothic
nationality. Among the Ostrogoths, on
the other hand, the noble family of the
Amalunges or Amalinges — the old language
made no difference between i and u in
this termination — had produced a powerful
national chief, by name Ermanaric or
Hermanrich. His power is said to have
extended over the Goths and the related
east Teutons, over the Slavs and the
nations of that Ural group to which,
among others, the Esthonians and Finns
IN COMMEMORATION OF A GREAT WAR
The inscription on the rock on the banks of the Danube, shown in the illustration, records the great conquest of the
Roman Emperor Trajan over the Dacians in A.D. 103. This hard-won victory completed the triumph of Rome, and
through it the Greek cities on the Pontus were at last delivered from the oppres.sion of the Dacian powers.
retreat was due to the action of other
Teutonic tribes, and to the approach of
danger in another quarter. The action
of the Alamanni had formerly thrown
Dacia open to the Goths, and the Goths
now became the agency which opened
Eastern and Northern Gaul to the
Alamanni and the Franks.
The Goths, who were divided into the
subordinate divisions of the Visigoths and
Ostrogoths, had extended greatly in their
settlements on the Lower Danube about
the north-west and north of the Black
Sea. So late as 375 the Visigoths were
still suffering under the neighbourhood
belong, to the shores of the Arctic Ocean.
So wide an empire could never be coherent,
and the invasion of the Huns in 375
shattered it at one blow. The unity of
the Ostrogoths was broken by repeated
dissensions between the remaining Amali
and other noble princes, in the course of
which the Huns appeared, now as adver-
saries and now as allies, and secured the
mastery of all the Ostrogoths without
trouble.
The Visigoths had made a vain attempt
to prevent the Huns from crossing the
Dniester. Athanaric, the prince who had
hitherto possessed the greatest prestige
3449
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
and power, retired to the mountains of
Transylvania with a number of his people,
while the princes who had attempted to
revolt and maintain themselves against
Athanaric with the help of Christianity,
which was making its way into the country,
asked and secured from the Roman
Empire treaties guaranteeing the reception
Roman Army
of themselves and their people
D^r"? ^ b"'^ within the empire. Bands of
c ea c y yjgj„Q^j-^ converts to Christi-
oaroarians . '^ . 111 1 -
amty, who had been driven
from their homes, had already entered the
empire at an earlier date. The em])ire
undertook to provide for their mainten-
ance until they could begin agricultural
operations and reap their harvests. This
opportunity was turned to scandalous
account by the Roman administrative
officials, who strove to enrich themselves
indefinitely at the expense of the Goths ;
the straits to which the settlers were
reduced eventually brought about the
Gothic revolt, which proved successful,
and ended with the slaughter of Valens
on the battlefield of Adrianople in 378.
Thus a great Roman army had been
defeated on Roman soil by barbarians
hard by the capital of Constantinople, and
for the first time for centuries a triumphant
enemy was in the midst of the country.
Though the Goths met with no open
resistance in the Balkan Peninsula, they
were unable to capture any- towns. At
the same time, this does not necessarily
prove that they had any intention of
making themselves masters of the country.
In this situation the West Roman Empire
succeeded through the Magister militum, or
Captain-general, Theodosius, in resettling
the Goths within the boundary of the
empire as peaceful peasants performing
military service. With the help of their
forces, Theodosius, who had been appointed
co-emperor, starting from Aquileia in the
east, conquered Arbogast, the regent who
held the imperial power in the west, and
-^ _, . established the unity of the
Estabr h ^n^pire. Ihis result endured
Unity '^"^y ^°^ ^^^ lifetime. In both
halves of the empire, both
Greek and Latin, he was succeeded by
regents acting for his sons ; these were
Rufinus in the east, and in the west the
Vandal Stilicho.
Alaric, of the Visigothic noble family
of the Balthi, the leader of the Visigoths
in the Battle of Aquileia, was the first to
impress upon his nation the knowledge
3450
of the fact that Rome no longer had
power to command the Goths, but was
in their hands. He had been the origi-
nator of the plan "of founding kingdoms
with his own forces instead of obeying
strangers." The consent and approval
of his nation made him military king ;
noble families, who had formerly claimed
to lead, retired to the background and did
not reappear until after his death. The
first enterprises of the Visigoths, who
revolted against East Rome, proved fruit-
less. Alaric was in the same position as
Fridigern ; he was able to march through
the peninsula without resistance, but
could not tell what to do with the power
he had gained. In fact, he suddenly
betrayed a certain timorousness before
the vast fabric of this Old World civilisa-
tion, which even in its weakness appeared
invincible.
Stilicho did not allow to pass the oppor-
tunity of acting as champion for the
helpless Roman Empire ; he did not,
however, propose to free the hands of the
Byzantine government by any decisive
victory over Alaric. With the assistance
^. ^ . of Byzantium he concluded
The Goths i 1 ii ^ r
S til d ^ compact by the terms of
. ^. ^ . which Alaric and his followers
*'"* were to be settled in Illyria,
Alaric himself becoming commander-in-
chief in that imperial prefecture. Thus
the Goths were thrust in between Western
and Eastern Rome, and Stilicho might
expect to have their forces ready at his
disposal, especially against the east,
should necessity arise.
The situation, however, was entirely
changed by the difficulties which the West
Roman court threw in the way of the
regent's policy. Stilicho had ordered Alaric
to prepare for an attack upon East Rome,
but was obliged to countermand his orders
at the command of the emperor. Alaric
demanded compensation ; Stilicho cham-
pioned his request, but the emperor
declined, whereupon Alaric led his people,
who were under arms, against Italy.
The result was a wholly unintentional
co-operation and connection between the
Gothic enterprises in the east and those
of the Alamanni and Franks on the Upper
Danube and Rhine. The western half
of the empire, the political outlook of
which had for a long time been limited
by the jealousy of the east, was suddenly
confronted by the danger of immediate
destruction at the hands of barbaric
THE TEUTONIC DELUGE
hordes. The capital of Rome, which had
been recently fortified by Aurelian against
the marauding raids of the Alamanni was
abandoned by the court, which transferred
its residence to the almost impregnable
sea fortress of Ravenna. Once again
Stilicho drove Alaric and the Goths out
of the plains of the Po, which they had
overrun almost to the western Alps. This
success was secured only at a dangerous
price, involving, perhaps, permanent loss,
as Gaul and Britain were almost entirely
deprived of their garrisons, of which they
were in urgent need.
Shortly afterwards, Stilicho with the
same troops destroyed the bands of Rada-
gais, to whom Alaric's advance had pointed
out the way; they were a gigantic ai"my
of emigrants, composed of East Teutons
and Swabian Germans, who had already
crossed the Apennines and reached Fiesole.
This band had reached the Central Danube
in a state of unrest, the reasons for which
apparently continued. As, however, the
invasion of Italy was a failure, other
bodies of the same kind advanced by the
Danube, broke through the position of the
_ , Alamanni, and crossed the Rhine
^.' "^ . * in 406, some of them remaining
J ¥^ ^t in Gaul, while the main body
and Death 1 i <- • i ^i_
reached Spam, where they
founded the kingdom of the Vandals, the
Alans, and the Suevi. Their forcible
passage through the territory of the Ala-
manni proved a benefit to the Burgun-
dians, who had long been hostile neigh-
bours of the Alamanni and had been
prevented by them from advancing. They
now followed this band to the Rhine, where
they stopped, and founded a kingdom
about Worms, one of the few tangible
historical events in this general history
of change and migration, which has, how-
ever, found a special and tragical illustra-
tion in legend and poetry.
Stilicho was unable to use his victories
for the restoration of the West Roman
prestige, or to take new measures to
secure the northern provinces, which had
l)een abandoned owing to force of circum-
stances. He ended his life in the course
of a court intrigue in 408, and a con-
temptible paroxysm of panic against the
Teutons ended in the massacre of the
women and children of the very troops
who had just saved Italy. The warriors
who had suffered under this visitation
then turned to Alaric, who now found
no army to oppose him. On several
STILICHO: GOVERNOR AT ROME
Of Vandal origrin, Stilicho rose to be commander-in-chief of
the Roman army, and married the emperor's niece, Serena.
In 394, Theodosms appointed him governor at Rome. After
defeating: Alaric, king- of the Goths, in two great battles,
in 402 and 403, Stilicho aimed at making himself master of
the empire, but latterly; his own solcijrs turned against
him. He died in 408, in the course of a court intriguo.
TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION OF THEODOSIUS INTO ROME
To Theodosius, as emperor of the East Roman Empire, was entrusted the conduct of the war against the Goths, who
finally yielded. In 383 Theodosius suppressed the revolting Maximus, and the following year he entered the imperial
city in triumph. That great triumphal procession is represented in the illustration, which is reproduced from
the Theodosius Column, erected by the Kaiser Arcadius, in 410, at Constantinople, and demoliihed in 1695.
occasions he made himself master of
Rome and of the whole peninsula as far
as Ravenna. If he wished to occupy
Italy permanently, it was necessary to
secure his possession of the corn pro-
vinces of Sicily and Africa, without which
Italy might well be starved out, under ttie
stress of opposition from the East Roman
Empire. On a journey to the Straits of
Messina the Visigothic king died in the
year 410.
After some hesitation his brother-in-law
Athaulf gave up an attempt to found,
as he expressed it, a Gotia in place
of a Romania — a fact vvhich points to
some similar idea entertained by Alaric.
Athaulf was convinced that the " unre-
deemed simplicity " of his Goths made it
impossible for them to follow the Romans
as masters of a civilised empire. Thus a
convention was concluded with Ravenna ;
the imperial court which had seen Gaul
overrun by Burgundians, Vandals and
Alans, and partially absorbed by Franks
and Alamanni, placed the Visigoths in
the south of this province. Gaul, which
was now to receive the " unredeemed
simplicity " of the Goths, was at least upon
an equality with the Italy of those days
in point of culture ; many characteristics
of civilisation which had decayed and died
in Italy, especially literature, were still
cultivated in Gaul. Aihaulf's ideas were
largely influenced by the emperor's clever
3452
sister, Placidia, who became the wife of
the Goth, and was especially anxious to see
Honorius master of Italy. It was in-
tended that the Visigoths should receive
their province in South Gaul as federal
allies ; Rome then might persuade herself
that she was acting for the protection of
this province, then threatened upon every
side. After some months of internal and
bloody confusion among the Visigoths,
and after a barbarian reaction against the
relations of Athaulf with the Romans and
their emperor, which ended in his death,
an arrangement was concluded upon these
lines. This arrangement rather favoured
than prevented the possibility that the
Visigoth community might develop into
an independent empire, side by side with
the \\"est Roman court, which ruled Italy
from Ravenna.
Their settlement in Gaul and a certain
understanding with the policy of Ravenna
had turned the Visigoths against Spain
and the Teutonic powers in that country.
But before these questions could become
acute, the Vandals under King Geiserich
evacuated the peninsula, and left only
their name, Vandalusia, to the southern
districts which they had inhabited. The
far-seeing Geiserich then availed himself of
the hostility existing between the imperial
regent, Aetius, and the African governor,
Bonifacius. This latter, as commander of
the only province which had as yet been
THE TEUTONIC DELUGE
spared invasion, counted himself at least
as important and supreme as the master
of the other provinces ; Italy was to him
no more than a province, owing to her
dependence upon Africa for her corn supply.
In 429 the Vandals crossed the straits ;
they soon overran the country, and finally
conquered Carthage. They occupied the
Balearic and Tyrrhenian islands, and made
a footing on the shores of Sicily, while
their fleet was supreme in the Mediterra-
nean. It seemed that the Mediterranean
and Atlantic coasts were steadily falling
into the hands of the Teutonic nations.
The retirement of the Vandals from Spain
proved of advantage neither to a revival
of Roman power in that country, nor to
the little kingdom of the Suevi, but placed
the Visigoths in the position of future
masters. Rome was again in that position
which she had occupied before the Punic
wars, with the difference that her power
was now upon the decline.
Rome, however, still possessed the
tradition of a policy superior to that of
the barbarians, if wielded by a clever
hand ; she could replace the decaying
forces of her citizens by mercenaries. In
view of the horrifying loss of Africa and
in opposition to the East Teutonic power
that was there rising, Aetius felt the need
for some temporary success of the Roman
arms. For this purpose the Burgundian
kingdom of Worms appeared weak enough,
and it was certain that neither the Ala-
manni nor the Franks would help it, as it
had pushed itself between them. An
occasion for war was easily provided by
some infringement of Roman rights in
Gaul. With the help of the Hunnish
bands Aetius destroyed the aged king
Gundikar and his kingdom in 437. The
homeless remnants of the Burgundian
people might become a source of general
disturbance in East Gaul, while the Gallic
problem could be settled only by their
complete subjugation ; the Roman ruler
was therefore obliged to give personal
consideration to the matter, and after
some years settled them as federal allies
in Sabaudia on the Lake of Geneva at the
frontier of the Alamannic conquests on
the south-west.
The Huns had now but a short way to
go in order to reach the Rhine. They
were already masters of the Teutonic
peoples on the Noric Danube, so far as
these had not retreated before them, under
pressure from the expeditions of Radagais
and the Gallic invasions of the Vandals
and Danubian Suevi ; certain Vandals
still remained in Pannonia among other
tribes in subjugation to the Huns. Their
employment against the Burgundians had
GOTHIC PRISONERS IN THE TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION OF THEODOSIUS
220
3453
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
already shown the Huns the road west-
ward. This same employment, however,
had inspired Geiserich with the idea of
inviting the Hun forces westward, to
further his own pohtical aims. Geiserich
recognised that the Visigoths even now
might become the principal opponents
of the Vandal empire ; they were a
,_ rising and a conquest-loving
nation, and as all other direc-
Attila's
Famous
Advance
tions had more or less been
closed to them by the Teutons,
they would be forced to expand along
that line which the Vandals had followed
forty-five years previously.
Thus the famous advance into Europe
of Attila, the leader of the Huns and
allied peoples, during the year 451, was
chiefly due to the diplomacy of
Geiserich. In accordance with this policy
the Visigoths and Aetius formed the
main line of resistance. Notwithstand-
ing the indecisive result of the battle
on the plains of Mauriazen, Attila
speedily abandoned his attempt. The
plundering raid which he undertook upon
Italy in the following year, which
was opposed by Aetius and not by the
Visigoths, displayed even greater inde-
cision. No definite plan of changing the
situation in Central Europe seems to have
been entertained by the Hun monarch.
On the death of Attila, in 453, the empire
of the Huns speedily collapsed. The
subjugated East Teutons and Suevi se-
cured their freedom under the leadership
of the Gepids, while the East Roman
Empire recovered its courage for offensive
measures.
Geiserich remained master of the situa-
tion in the west. In the confusion
which followed the fall of Aetius in 454 he
appeared in Rome as arbitrator. As if
he were gathering plunder from subju-
gated territories for his capital, he
shipped objects of value, works of art,
and trophies from Rome to Carthage.
, _ Between East Rome and
• *tK ' * ^ Africa, Italy now appears as
^ a province the fate of which
had not been definitely decided.
While the East Roman Empire was
anxious to secure the existence of a West
Roman emperor who should in reality be
East Roman governor in Italy, the Teutons
simply occupied the country as they pleased.
No attempt of the kind was made by the
Vandals, who would only have hampered
their action by such occupation, but
3454
only by the Teutons, who formed the
standing army in Italy.
The undiminished continuance of the
Roman Empire and of its universal
supremacy remained not only unques-
tioned by Italian ideas, but also by the
Teutons in Italy. The Byzantine em-
perors had recently wielded the im-
perium, which existed unimpaired. The
Byzantine government had despatched
Julius Nepos as emperor of Italy ; he,
however, was obliged to retire to Dalmatia
before the adroit upstart Orestes, the suc-
cessful maker of emperors, and Patricius,
the father of Romulus Augustulus.
The fact that Odoacer now secured
the fall of Orestes was but another
satisfaction to Byzantium, though there
was no prospect of restoring Nepos to
Italy. It was necessary to conclude a
treaty with Odoacer recognising him as
dependent king,, as formerly with Athaulf
and Wallia, to whom the empire had
previously abandoned parts of Gaul ;
but an attempt was made to secure
some theoretical supremacy over Italy.
Through Odoacer the senate proclaimed
, the abolition of the Italian
oacer s imperial dignity, which had
... . always been more or less
Achievements , -^ , ^ t- ^ t^
dependent on East Rome.
By way of compensation East Rome was
asked to grant Odoacer the title of
Patricius and admit the legitimacy of
his position with regard to the Italians.
Odoacer never suspected that his
achievement in overthrowing the West
Roman Empire would be the starting-
point of a great historical period and
that historical science would treat his
reign as a landmark. The importance of
the events of 476 is not merely confined
to the replacing of Nepos and Orestes by
Odoacer, but is accentuated by a long
series of previous events and by the
possibilities which were laid open for the
future. Moreover, as the remaining Teu-
tons recognised in Italy a Teutonic and
not an imperial court, many obstacles to
their development were removed ; as
Odoacer was not a supreme authority
over them, the quondam West Roman
province seemed for the first time to be
left in isolation, or abandoned to those
who desired to extend their power. Thus
the settlement of the old Roman-Teutonic
army in Italy is connected with further
changes in West and Central Europe.
Eduard Heyck
Wfb:^
^^^^W^M0-^^^m^MM^MMM§m\
LiTME EMERGINGOr THENAriONSU
ITALY AND THE LOMBARDS
AND THE DAWN OF PRANKISH SUPREMACY
A FTER the confusions of the Visigoth
^*- and Vandal invasions, Italy enjoyed
a period of comparatively settled govern-
ment under Odoacer and his Heruli,
Odoacer had never entertained any
thoughts of an imperial policy ; he wished
to take the place of the Western emperor
only over Italy itself and its Roman in-
habitants, and as the viceroy of East
Rome. He certainly defeated the Rugii,
who had established themselves in Nori-
cum, a province still remaining to Italy ;
but after his success, he abandoned the
province and transferred the Roman
population to Italy.
Odoacer's campaign in Noricum had been
caused by the intrigues of Byzantium with
the Rugii. Byzantium, indeed, was ex-
tremely reluctant to see this upstart upon
the throne of Italy ; if a Teuton were to
reign there at all, it would be better to
have a king who was bound to the imperial
court by respect and friendship, and who
would consequently act in full compliance
with Byzantium. Such a character was
Theoderic, an Ostrogoth, of the family of
the Amali from Pannonia. He had grown
up in Byzantium as a hostage, with full
knowledge of and a high respect for Roman
civilisation ; he had now united in his
, own person the power of his
yzan lum s f^^j^gj- .^^y^^ j^j^- ^^^^ uncles, and
. _ J also that of a prince who was
notof the Amalic kindred. If he
entered Italy he would be exactly the ruler
whom Byzantium would wish to see ;
moreover, the Ostrogoths would then
leave Pannonia, where they had estab-
lished them; elves after the collapse of the
Hun supremacy, and where they might
easily become inconvenient to Eastern
Rome. Here the Emperor Zeno invested
Theoderic with full powers, and the
remnants of the Rugii were to follow the
Ostrogoth to Italy. Odoacer's action a
short time previously — in 448, when he
_,. . . surrendered and evacuated
Theoderic xt • ^u • l
on the Throne Noricum, the provmce neigh-
, J. J bourmg on Pannonia — was a
vain attempt to avert the
coming storm. In that same year the Goths
and the Rugii started, and reached Italy in
489. A year later the supremacy of Odoacer
had collapsed, though the sea fortress
of Ravenna protected the king until he
could be blockaded with a naval force. In
493 Odoacer surrendered on condition
that he should be left as joint ruler in
Italy ; Theoderic speedily freed himself
from this embarrassment by murdering
his rival. Thus he reigned alone over the
peninsula as patricius ; the capital and
many Romans regarded him from the
outset as a conqueror, who was justified
in recovering Italy for the emperor ; his
Goths settled upon the allotments occupied
by the troops of Odoacer, who remained
subject to him.
Theoderic's rule is to be understood
from two special points of view ; in the
first place, he restored their former con-
ditions of life to the Romans in the country
after the government of Odoacer, which
they considered as a foreign usurpation ;
in the second place, his reign implied a
renewal of western imperial supremacy
over its former province of the West Roman
Empire. The policy implied in the first
point of view, and the consequent con-
sideration which Theoderic- showed for
3455
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Roman customs in general, was increased
and developed to a remarkable care for the
prosperity of the country. He introduced
an economic revival and provided Italy
with new or improved material appliances.
He constructed buildings greater than
any emperor had built for a long
period ; he encouraged a later growth
of the native antique philosophy, and
in every respect was ready to con-
sider Roman claims as much as Gothic.
As regards the revival of
the supremacy of the West
Roman Empire, we find a
curious state of double
dealing ; Theoderic acknow-
ledged the imperial rights of
Byzantium and its supremacy
over himself, but on the other
hand his chancery documents,
delivered to the court of
Thuringia in the silence of
the Teutonic interior, referred
to himself and the house of
Amali as free and independent
heirs of the West Roman
emperors. Thus, Theoderic,
probably with complete suc-
cess, after the manner of
Aetius, regarded the whole of
the west, including old Ger-
mania and the Africa of the
Vandals, as contained in the
political purview of the
western imperial power which
he represented, and in every
political event or transforma-
tion, throughout Central and
Western Europe, he felt bound
to declare his position. Thus,
when the rising power of the
Franks, under Clovis, defeated
King Gibuld, and deprived
his people of their inde-
pendence, and when the loss
of a king had left them
without a leader, Theoderic
proceeded to exercise his
supremacy over Rhaetia in the old
province of Italy and over the Alamanni
there settled, who had been in the course of .
migration.
Theoderic, relying partly upon ties of
kinship, attempted to hold in connec-
tion the Visigoths, Vandals, Burgundians,
Thuringians, Heruli, and Varini in one
great friendly federation, managed from
Ravenna and turned against the restless
Franks ; he was also anxious to gain
3456
"LAST OF THE ROMANS"
Boethius, Theoderic's Minister,
has been described by Gibbon as
" the last of the Romans whom
Cato or TuUy could have acknow-
ledged for their countrymen." He
was accused of treason, and was
executed, without a trial, in 525.
influence over his brother-in-law, Clovis,
by overtures of friendship. His efforts
proved fruitless. In the year 507 the
Merovingians advanced to the attack
upon the Visigoths, a conflict which the
world had anxiously awaited for many
years. The Burgundians were allied with
the Franks during the struggle, and the
other tribes remained neutral. Theoderic,
who was thrown upon his own resources,
saw the defeat of his son-in-law, Alaric II.,
while in the next year, 508,
his dangerous ally subjugated
almost the whole Gallic por-
tion of the Visigoth empire.
Only in Spain, which, after
the elevation of Odoacer, the
Visigoths had rapidly con-
quered as far as the Suevic
Galicia, did the Visigoths and
Alaric's son, Theoderic's
grandson, who had taken
refuge there, find themselves
safe.
The struggle in the west
was followed with close atten-
tion, and with the foresight
of a superior ruler by a yet
earlier power, that of Byzan-
tium. The politeness of
Theoderic, his loyal recog-
nition of his position as the
vassal of East Rome, his care
and consideration for Roman
civilisation, could not prevent
the existence of a deeper
hostility between the two
powers than had ever existed
in the old period of joint
imperial rule. The great
poirt of variance was the
fact that the East Romans
hated the Goths as Arians
and as heretics ruling Catholic
Rome. Hence Clovis, King
of the Franks, had been, since
his baptism, regarded by
Byzantium as Theoderic had
formerly been, when the destruction of
Odoacer was a desired object.
While Clovis marched against Alaric II.,
an East Roman fleet had attacked Lower
Italy without any open declaration of
war. When Clovis returned from his
victorious campaign he met envoys
from Byzantium, who invested him with
the dignity of Roman Consul, which
he accepted with the greatest respect
and with a show of outward solemnity.
ITALY AND THE LOMBARDS
Byzantium then helped to check the
advance of that Teutonic power which
alone among the new conquering states
maintained close connection with the dis-
tricts of pure Teutonic nationality, and, in
consequence, alone seemed capable of
creating a future for the Germans.
Such being the state of affairs, Theoderic
abandoned his position of neutrality so far
as to send an army across the Alps, the
success of which secured
him a certain share in
the plunder ; he con-
quered the country be-
tween the Durance and
the sea, which the
Visigoths had occupied
at the time of Odoacer,
and which Clovis had
handed over to the
Burgundians as the price
of their help. The Franks,
on the other hand, re-
tained Auvergne, Aqui-
tania, and the territory
north of the Garonne,
and, south of it, Gas-
cony, including Toulouse.
Thus the Visigothic
the destruction of other Prankish
noble tribes by Clovis, and the des-
potic institution of a general Prankish
federation, or imperial supremacy of the
Merovingians, Gregory of Tours has, indeed,
no chronology to give, as he borrowed his
narrative of these events from the epic
legends of the time ; he therefore adds
the events to which he can give dates
as an appendix. He also adds a further
THE TOMB OF THEODERIC
isolated notice of the fact
that Clovis murdered his
own nearest blood rela-
tions. The weakness of the
more developed Teutonic
states still consisted in the
lack of any monarchical
succession, and in the old
traditional rights of the
royal house. Two power-
ful rulers attempted to
avert this danger in favour
of the monarch. Geiserich
created the right of
seniority — that is. the
right of the oldest member
of the family to the succes-
sion, an idea calculated to
THE PALACE OF KING THEODERIC AT RAVENNA
kingdom of Spain retained in Gaul only offend as little as possible the theory of
that strip of coast-line, with the town of
Narbonne, which is known as Septimania.
The Ostrogoth and Visigoth kingdoms were
connected by the geographical line of
passage over the Tyrrhenian Sea. More-
over, the Pranks allowed Theoderic to
exercise for the moment a supervisory
power over the Visigoths. As regards
family right ; an institution through which
the Vandal Empire perished. Clovis, with
characteristic disregard of theoretical defi-
nitions, but with full practical effect,
"not sparing his own near relatives,"
secured the result that of all the Mero-
vingians he alone remained in existence
for the moment, and the succession was
34.57
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
afterwards secured to his sons to the
number of four. Even this means natur-
ally proved ineffectual in the future. Thus
family right continued to retain its power,
even among the Franks. Both the later
Merovingians and the Carolingians were
able to limit its influence only by reducing
the number of claimants by murder or
_, „. other violent measures of
our ings exclusion. Of these two great
the F anks teutonic contemporaries, the
West Teuton and practical
politician, Clovis, was the first to die, in
511. His kingdom was not divided, but
after their father's death his four sons all
became kings of the Franks and of the
subject peoples. Their working arrange-
ments regulated only the amount of their
income and the limitations of their adminis-
trative power. The result was by no
means to produce four ruling houses. On
the contrary, when the death of one
brother occurred the survivors took par-
ticular care to reduce the extension of the
ruling power and to exclude the sons of
the deceased from any share in the govern-
ment. The policy was successful upon one
occasion, on the death of Chlodomer, but
fruitless on the death of Theoderic, the
governor of the pure Teutonic subjects of
the empire, who had his capital at Metz.
The rights of the royal family as a whole,
which in early German history had been
subject to the practical effects of personal
influence, were thereby driven back a
step; the actual governor became more
strongly distinguished from hereditary
claimants, partly as a result of his own
course of aggrandisement and partly under
the influence of the manifold responsi-
bilities of the kingdoms which now repre-
sented the supremacy of the Franks over
other nations and over Roman subjects.
Consequently the foreign policy of the
Franks and of their kings followed the
common and federal interests, and in the
course of it the most strongly interested
_ ... brothers appeared as the
Prankish , ■,■ j • i-
^ ^ . leadmg and guidmg powers.
Government m. " ii_T->j-
Difficulties Among the Burgundians,
Sigismund, the son of the de-
ceased Gundobad, attempted to repair his
position by adopting Catholicism and
courting the favour of Byzantium, with the
result that he exposed himself helplessly
to the attacks both of Ostrogoths and
Franks. Theoderic was strengthened by
the domestic difficulties which hampered
the Frankish government, and when the
3458
Franks deposed and killed King Sigismund
in 523, he annexed new parts of the Bur-
gundian territory ; the Merovingians, on
the other hand, were obliged to spare the
Burgundian kingdom under Sigismund's
brother, Godomer, and not until 532 were
they able to overthrow and to incorporate
it with their own.
Theoderic died in 526, saddened by the
knowledge that his policy of care and
reconciliation had proved fruitless, and
that he had only stimulated the tendency
of the Italian Romans and their Catholic
Church towards the Eastern Empire. The
epic poems of popular tradition, in their
picture of his character, concerned them-
selves but little with these concluding
events, of which they were in any case not
likely to take account. They have depicted
the main feature of his fame as resting
upon the fact that he became perforce an
arbitrator and the greatest of the heroes
who have governed the Teutons and re-
strained both the Siegfrieds and the
Hagens among the Franks. The picture
will in any case remain the more striking
as, after his death, no one arose to prevent
_ , .. the Franks from disturbing the
Destruction ^ ,• ,, i-v •
J y . . Burgundians, the Ihurmgians,
J,. . the Alamanni in Rhaetia, and
ing om ^^^ Baioarii in Rhsetia and
Noricum. In Byzantium that strong,
energetic, and prudent ruler Justinian
had succeeded to the throne about the
time when the successor of Theoderic,
the queen-regent, Amalaswintha, began
to grow alienated from the Goths,
owing to her ungovernable preference
for everything Roman. Her government
was only legitimised by her son Athalaric,
who died in 534 ; but a short time
previously she had been able to
perform important services to the East
Roman emperor and his generals upon the
occasion of the African expedition which
had begun after long hesitation, and
ended in the destruction of the Vandal
kingdom. Having secured his power in
Africa and upon the Tyrrhenian islands,
the emperor of the Balkan I'eninsula
could not avoid the obvious necessity
of finally destroying the intermediate
Gothic position in Italy.
An outward reason for war was afforded
by the fact that his ally, Amalas-
wintha, was murdered by an Amalian,
Theodahad, who became king after the
death of Athalaric, in 535. After Theo-
dahad, who was by no means a ruler to the
ITALY AND THE LOMBARDS
liking of the Teutonic nation, had fully
disp ayed his incompetence in the field
against Belisarius, Justinian's general and
the conqueror of the Vandals, the Goths
considered themselves justified by circum-
stances in breaking away from the alien-
ated and degenerate family of the Amali.
In their council, or thing, upon the
open field they elected a new king and
leader, Witichis, who had distinguished
himself by his bravery in a war with the
Gepids. The Italian war of Justinian
was regarded with
favour by the
Franks, as they
hoped to derive
advantage both
from their old
friends the East
Romans and also
from the expelled
Ostrogoths, to
whom they owed
a debt of assist-
ance. Witichis
left to them the
concessions which
Theodahad had
already made,
the districts of
Southern Gaul,
formerly occupied
by Theoderic.
But Prankish
policy was
cherishing bolder
plans. Theude-
bert, the son of
Theuderic, an
energetic charac-
ter, was ruling at
Metz. It was he
who proposed the
carefully planned
attack, in alliance
with the Lom- ThesebeautifuUyworkedemblems of power, belonging to the Visigoth bravely and
bards and Gepids, •^'"^rs of the seventh century, were found near Toledo, in Spain, nobly defended
GOLDEN CROWNS OF THE VISIGOTH KINGS
a position of predominance at the old
centre of the empire, the more so as
Theoderic the Great had strengthened the
theory that the two conceptions were
inseparable. Carolingian history thus
announces itself in the person of this
ambitious Austrasian. As it proved,
however, he was not able to insjiire
his peasant infantry with a permanent
enthusiasm for his imperial policy, and
sickness among his troojis forced him
to retire from the Apennine peninsula.
At a later period
the Merovingians
renewed their at-
tempts to gain by
diplomatic means
some territorial
concessions in
Italy.
The majority
of the Ostrogoths
abandoned Witi-
chis in conse-
quence of his
lack of success.
Belisarius, whose
policy recalls that
of Wallenstein,
threw away the
opportunity af-
forded by his
command of the
war in lialy, and
the royal position
among the Goths
was characteristi-
caliy given to a re-
lation of Witichis,
his uncle Uraja.
He, however, was
advanced in years
and advised the
choice of Hilde-
bad, who had
upon the superior power of East Rome, and
who removed the figure of the emperor
from his gold coins and placed on them the
word Augustus after his own name.
At the moment when Witichis succeeded in
involving Justinian in a war with the
Persians in 539, Theudebert invaded Italy
with a great army, and fought both against
the Goths and against the Byzantine troop i,
who were intended for further employ-
ment in Asia. A supremacy over the
West was indeed inconceivable without
the important town of Verona against Beli-
sarius. and who was of noble birth, as the
nephew of the Visigoth king Theudis.
He began not unsuccessfully to reconcen-
trate and reorganise the confused Gothic
kingdom, but jealousy broke out between
his family and that of Uraja, in which
he took the wrong side, lost much of his
prestige, and was finally murdered to
satisfy private revenge. At this moment
the Rugii, who were settled in isolation
from the Goths, set up a king of their own,
3459
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Eraric, while the Goths remained for
months without a leader, or accepted the
rule of the Rugic king.
Eventually Badvila, or Totila, a nephew
of Hildebad, was appointed king, and
Eraric, who had attempted to consolidate
his position by recognising the imperial
supremacy and accepting the dignity of
_ ^ patricius. was murdered. The
Ostrogoths ^ -u -J
«7 . • r^ Goths once agam gamed an
Weak in Face • , i r ^ i /
, _, mterval of twelve years for
of Danger .. •', ,
unity, recovery and hope.
King Badvila regarded Justinian's actions
in 550 as dangerous, when he attempted to
play off against him the old royal rights
of the Amali. Theoderic's granddaughter,
Amalaswintha, was still living in Byzan-
tium. Witichis, who had formerly been
elected king by the people, had prudently
married her. At the present moment
she was the wife of Germanus, the em-
peror's nephew, whose capacity and wealth
determined Justinian to make an expe-
dition to Italy. Germanus was then
suddenly carried off by sickness while
he was collecting Teutonic light troops in
Illyria for his enterprise ; as a matter of
fact, the Ostrogoths showed much inde-
cision and weakness before this danger.
Once again Badvila gathered his forces
for a determined advance, upon the ap-
pointment of Narses, who had already held
a command under Belisarius. His fleet,
however, met with disaster at Sinigaglia,
and the rude Danubian Teutons, who
formed the flower of Narses' troops,
surrounded Badvila and conquered him
at Taginae (Gualdo Tadino). The Gothic
king received his death wound from the
Gepid leader in 552.
Thereupon the Goths entrusted the
political power to Teja, who commanded
a considerable force as Badvila's general,
though his troops had not arrived in time
for the battle, and therefore remained
intact. In the battle of Vesuvius in 553
Teja was unable to save the Gothic
-, ^ Empire, though he preserved
_ ^„ '^" the inextinguishable honour of
Battle of ,, . ■ u- u 4. ^u
y . their armies, which was not the
case upon the downfall of the
V'andals. The remnant of the Goths in the
town garrisons of Upper Italy now sent for
the Frank Theudbald, a son of Theudebert.
But this youthful king (548-555) died
so early that he was unable to exert
any personal influence upon the course
of affairs in Italy. On the other hand, two
West Teutonic " dukes " of Alamannic
3460
origin, the brothers Leuthari and Butilin,
invaded Italy, unchecked by the Prankish
government, with 72,000 Alamanni and
Franks. They were joined by the
remnant of the Teutonic nationality,
and seriously threatened the position
of Narses for a considerable time. The
Arian East Teutons were also divided by
dissension of every kind Irom the Catholic
Franks and the Alamanni, who were
chiefly heathen. The usual summer
maladies broke out among the Germans,
and Narses was master of them all until
the spring of 555. The danger of the
government of a Radagais or of an Odoacer
in Italy was averted. The last warriors
of Teja had marched northwards across
the Alps at an earlier period. Other
thousands of the Goths were now trans-
ferred to the East Roman Empire. The
commander of the Heruli, who had held
a post under Narses, Sindwal — probably
Sindwalt — attempted to establish himself
on the Etsch. He, however, was over-
thrown and executed by his former
master. To the Goths eventually succeeded,
in 568, the wider empire of the Lombards.
_ . In the course of long migra-
Mh*" tions and changes of settlement
... the Lombards had become a
Lombards , .,., ~, ■
strong mihtary power. Iheir
final victory over the Gepids of Pannonia
in 566, though gained with the help of the
Avars, had given them sufficient self-
confidence to venture upon the conquest
of Italy. This enterprise was, however,
by no means entirely successful. Alboin
is rather to be regarded as the first of the
long roll of Italian petty princes which
most clearly displays, for thirteen hundred
years, the political disruption of the
peninsula.
For the moment, the Roman or Byzan-
tine garrisons retired from the vaUey of
the Po, from Piedmont, Emilia, and
Northern Tuscany, to the coast, in almost
every case. After the surrender of Milan,
on September 4th, 569, Pavia, then known
as Ticinum, which had offered a bold
resistance for several years, was captured
in 572 and became Alboin's capital. At
that period, however, any thorough foun-
dation of an empire was out of the ques-
tion. The wanderings of the Lombards
from the Lower Elbe to the Lower Vistula,
from this again to the Central Danube, and
thence over Monte San Michele, at
Gradisca, to the Po, and the severe
struggles which were often a matter of hfe
THE RETREAT OF THE GOTHS AFTER THE BATTLE OF VESUVIUS IN 553
When the Gothic king Badvila was killed in battle, in 552, the Goths entrusted the political power to Teja, who had
been Badvila's general. He encountered the Romans, under Narses, at the battle of Vesuvius, in 553, and, though he
was unable to save the Gothic Empire, he preserved the honour of their armies. The illustration shows the retreat of
the Goths, bearing the corpse of Teja, after their defeat at Vesuvius, and the weird ceremony attending the procession
3461
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
or death to their nationahty, were in-
fluences by no means calculated to raise
them from their semi-barbarous condition.
Nor were their travelling companions and
allies any more civilised than themselves ;
these were the remnants of the Gepids,
the East Slavs and West Teutons, and the
20,000 Saxons who had accompanied
them. Hence their invasion
j^' ^ J . was more formidable in t ha-
S°^^ ^ t d ^^^^^^ than the occupation of
a third of the country by the
Ostrogoths of Theoderic or than the
invasions of the Visigoths, who indeed
entered the imperial service. The move-
ment thus forms the culmination of the
barbarian invasions.
Alboin enjoyed his success for no long
period ; in the early summer of 572 he
fell a victim to the vengeance of his second
wife, the Gepid Rosamund. A similar
fate befell his successor, Clepho or Kleph,
in 574, after a reign of eighteen months.
The leaders of the tribes had become
military commanders and members of the
royal retinue, under the supremacy of the
king, towards the end of the period of
migration ; at a comparatively early date
they became dukes, ruling a definite tract
of territory, and exercising jurisdiction
according to the customary law over a
certain number of Lombard tribes. By
this process the subjugation of Italy was
completed ; consequently it could never
become a settlement carried out in due
form. The old territorial owners fled, if
they had not first been killed, Before the
intimidated Roman element could turn
to its own advantage the mistakes of an
over-centra.lised royal power, such bold
and ambitious leaders as Faroald and
Zotto rapidly formed, even in Central
Italy, the two great duchies of Spoleto
and Benevento. Narses, the conqueror of
the Goths, had been dead for some con-
siderable time, while Byzantium was
threatened by the Avars and Persians ;
„ ^ ^. the imperial leader Baduarius
Uestruction 111. -,
•.IT- .was repulsed between 575 and
in the Tram of r ^.i, x r / r
Barbarians 576 near the strong fortress of
Ravenna. Ihe process of
Lombard-Arian conquest was marked by
the devastation or extermination of the
Catholic priesthood, and its wild destruction
of episcopal sees has been unmistakably
proved by statistics. The old capital towns
of Ravenna and Naples rose almost in
complete isolation above this inundation,
and were able to defy the untrained
3462
barbarian hordes by means of their fortifi-
cations. Even in these quarters, however,
attempts were already being made to
secure Prankish help, Austrasia in par-
ticular was induced to aid in the expulsion
of the heretical invaders in 582, by means
of a magnificent present from the Emperor
Maurice. Byzantine bribery also secured
the transference of individual Lombard
dukes to the imperial service in 584.
These ten years of selfish ambition were
brought to an end by the view that a
stronger king was required, if the Lombard
nationality was to maintain its ground in
Italy ; the majority of the dukes chose
for this purpose Authari, the son of Kleph.
The new government was forced to
struggle desperately in order to extort
recognition from such of the dukes as
refused submission ; together with the
gastalds, who administered the scattered
portions of crown territory, certain dukes
maintained more or less independent
positions as territorial princes until the
fall of the empire. Authari, however,
showed much dexterity in yielding when
force was useless, and turning every
favourable moment to the best
possible advantage ; he was
thus able to survive even the
perils of the summer of 590,
which brought with it the dangerous
invasion of Childebert II. of Austrasia.
He married Theodelinda, a daughter of the
orthodox Duke of Bavaria, Garibald, a
Prankish vassal in possession of important
Alpine passes, but remained an Arian till
his death, in 590.
At that moment the rising power of
the Roman bishop in Central Italy was
almost paralysed by the secession of the
Patriarch of Aquileia and the Bishops
of Istria from the decrees of the fifth
synod of Constantinople— the queen also
adhered to the doctrine of the Council of
Chalcedon. None the less he eventually
rendered great services in the dissemina-
tion of the Catholic faith among the
Lombards, who had remained isolated in
this respect after the conversion of the
Visigoths in 587. Beyond the limits of
Ravenna but very few remnants of
Ostrogoth and Lombard Arianism are to
be found.
The fruits of the work of Authari were
clearly displayed under the rule of his
brother-in-law, Agilulf, who forced his
way from the ducal chair of Turin to the
Lombard throne in November, 591. A
Missionaries
to the
Lombards
ITALY AND THE LOMBARDS
copper tablet, overlaid with gold — now in
the Bargello at Florence — which was
made at that period, represents him sur-
rounded by hfeguards with clasped helmets
and corselets of mail. The refractory
dukes of Bergamo, Treviso, and Verona
were speedily humiliated. The appoint-
ment of Arichis of Friuli as Duke of
Benevento gave a definite form to the
comparatively aimless settlement of the
Lombards in Southern Italy. The centre
was under the powerful rule of Duke
Ariulf of Spoleto.
Fortunately, during those dangerous
ten years at the close of the sixth
century the Ch-r^h possessed an ener-
getic restorer and a defender of first-
rate capacity in the person of Gregory
the Great, who
ruled for thirteen
years and a half
— 590 to 604 ;
otherwise the
Roman element,
even within the
states of the
Church, would
have succumbed
speedily and for
ever to the ad-
vance of the
Lombards, which
now proceeded
upon more de-
finite lines. The
fact is proved by
dependence and the possibility of separa-
tion from Byzantium naturally increased ;
this tendency forms one of the main
features of Italian history, from the un-
successful revolt of Eleutherios in 610
until the complete break with the East
Roman supremacy introduced by Charles
the Great in 781.
After ti.e death of Agilulf, in 616, Ada-
loald, who had already been baptised
into the Roman Catholic faith, ascended
the throne as a min r, under the regency
of his mother Theodelinda. To this period
belongs the settlement of the disciples of
the Irish monk Columba, who had been
driven from his settlements in the Vosges
by the lawless Brunhilda, and had taken
refuge on the Bobbio with the permission
of Agilulf ; in 628
they left the camp
of the schismatics
and went over to
the papacy, with
flying colours. In
626 Adaloald was
overthrown, ap-
parently for the
reason that he
had shown exces-
sive favour to the
Roman nation-
ality, and his
place was taken
by Arioald (626-
636), the husband
of his sister, who
- .- THE FAMOUS IRON CROWN OF LOMBARDY , r\,thn
the manner m There is a tradition that this celebrated crown of Lombardy, deposited )^ ^^ aiSO a V^aillO-
Which the Lom- in the Cathedral of Monza, was made fromnaUs used at the Crucifixion lie. He, hOWCVer,
, J J ' f~, of Christ, and given to Constantine by his mother, the Empress „,„_ ,,„oK1q t^ot-
bard and rSy- Helena. Henry VII. was the first of the Italian kings who is known vvaS Unaoie per-
-yontino armictirf> with any certainty to have worn it. in 1311. Charles V. was the last of m a n P n 1 1 V tO
Zanime armiblice the emperors who made use ofituntU Napoleon crowned himself with it. "' * " ^ " "^ ' J'
was concluded in
the autumn of 598, and also by the
increased power of the Exarch of
Ravenna, who was entrusted with one of
the most responsible state posts, and had
resumed the powers of Theoderic, though
not with a hereditary title ; it was a rise
of power conditioned by the permanent
danger of exposure to barbaric attacks.
The stern logic of facts had transformed
a peaceful portion of the empire i to a
frontier province under military law and
composed of different fragments, the
several frontiers of which ran into the
interior and not along the coast-line of
Italy, and could be secured only by the
wearisome work of fortified garrisons.
As the imperial government was more
hardly pressed, the inchnation to in-
check the disrup-
tion of the Lombard kingdom, a process
which was accelerated by the autonomous
spirit of the dukes, and was partly due to
the preponderance of Roman civilisation ;
in any case, the outward rest which Italy
enjoyed upon the whole under the Exarch
Isaac (625-643) and the Pope Honorius I.
(625-638) in no way contributed to
strengthen the Lombard position.
No Lombard revival occurred until the
secular policy of the orthodox Curia suffered
a severe defeat on June 17th, 653, when
Pope Martin I. was deposed by imperial
decree, as a result of the Monothelite quarrel.
The revival was begun by King Rothari
(636-652), wl o introduced a national ad-
vance in the second half of the seventh
century by the severity of his attitude
3463
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Through
Murder to
& Throne
towards the autonomofls aspirations of the
dukes in contrast with the more feeble
poHcy of friendship with Rome. His
orgSlhising spirit is evidenced by the
decree of November 22nd, 643, which
provided his subjects for the first time
with the advantage of a legal
code, though written in Latin.
Immediately afterwards the
Lombard attacks upon the
remnants of the Byzantine supremacy
were renewed with a success which
implied a simultaneous strengthening of
the government's dynastic power.
Rodoald, the son of Rothari (652-653),
was succeeded by the Catholic Aripert, the
cousin of Gundeberga ; he reigned until 661,
and his policy was marked by conciliation
towards Rome. During the dissension
between his sons Godepert and Perctarit,
Duke Grimoald L of Benevento secured
the throne by murdering the former,
expelling the latter, and marrying their
sister. The national life
then entered upon a real
revival. Grimoald suc-
ceeded in uniting th«
Lombard districts in thi
north with those m
Southern Italy, and thus
formed a powerful king-
dom with resources which
At the same time the kingdom which
had thus been vigorously held together
by the iron grasp of Grimoald was broken
up almost immediately alter the death
of the king, in 671. Romuald, the elder son,
maintained, indeed, his position in the
south as duke of Benevento, but in the
north Perctarit, who had been formally
expelled, drove out the young Garibald
at the first onslaught. The grand-nephew
of Theodelinda was in policy and in religion
an adherent and supporter of the pacific
policy of the Bavarian dynasty. During
the last quarter of the seventh century
the Catholic Church made great progress
on account of the abandonment of the
Monothelite position and the condemna-
tion of the orthodox Pope Honorius in
681, which had facilitated a reconciliation
between East and West, and the splendour
of its progress benefited chiefly the Roman
papacy. Arianism disappeared, and,
even in the schismatic north-east corner,
gave way to the Roman
Catholic system under
King Kunibert (690-
700).
The uniformity of
religious belief now pre-
vailing in Italy and the
peace which had been
QUEEN THEODELINDA s CROWN Concluded on the ground
almost doubled the This famous crown of the queen of the Lom- of mutual recognition
achievements of Rothari. ^f^tt"tt7i^7llo^"zT'"Vh\ioVetdrw^ between the Lombards
Even the Emperor was a daughter of Ganbaid the orthodox on the one hand and 1 he
,1- ', Duke of Bavaria, married King Authan. ^ • 1,1
.^^* — ^ ,.,^^ «Ki,„„^ ,„ «. Curia and the empire on
the other, about the year 682, could
Constans was obliged, in
663, to renounce his project of driving
the intruders from the old centre of
the empire, and contented himself with
the possession of Sicily. In consequence,
Rome was deprived of her importance
as the chief political town and capital
for almost 1,207 years, while her
ecclesiastical pre-eminence suffered a
further blow from the action of Constans,
who granted with equal readiness and
shortsightedness an independent position
to the Bishop of Ravenna. It must be
said that the latter after no long time
turned upon his patron ; the increasing
division between the Curia and the East
had been extended between 606-741,
notwithstanding the attempts at reunion
and the efforts of thirteen S\Tian or
Greek Popes, for the Curia had been
finally and inevitably driven by the
emperor into the open arras of the Franks,
and Ravenna gradually decayed and was
unable to maintain its position alone.
3464
not prevent the separation of Italy into
a Lombard and non-Lombard portion.
Within the jurisdiction of the Lombard
kingdom the Roman nationality steadily
decayed, notwithstanding the superiority
of its civilisation ; the Roman respect for
law was overthrown by these colonists,
and the idea of " abstract obedience "
was replaced by the Lombard idea of
unlimited freedom and the abandonment
of all restraints. The desire of individuals
to act as they pleased was a constant
obstacle to the foundation of
real political freedom. The
separatism of the south,
which even at the present
day is clearly obvious beneath the outward
union of Italy, may be attributed to the loose
relations of the strong duchy of Benevento
with the North Italian kingdom quite as
reasonably as to the separation of the
dioceses of Lower Italy, which were
What Freedom
Meant to
the Lombards
ITALY AND THE LOMBARDS
inclined to Byzantium, a movement
certainly promoted by the ruling classes.
This partition of Italy into divisions of
different character and different politics
was materially supported by a change
in the centre of power, which became
gradually obvious, and is in close connec-
tion with the above-mentioned alienation
of Western from Eastern Rome ; this was
the movement for freedom which was
vigorously begun by "Pope Sergius with
the " quinisext " (the ecclesiastical assem-
bly of Constantmople,
which completed the
fifth and. sixth councils) ;
the movement was, how-
ever, organised about the
year 710 by Georgius of
Ravenna.
The design simply aimed
at bringing to an end the
s,upremacy of Byzantium,
which in many respects
persisted only in name.
This object would, no
doubt. have been attained
at a much earlier date had
not inopportune resump-
tions of the Lombard
attacks shown that the
Byzantine protectorate
was not only highly
desirable, but at times
absolutely necessary.
The fact that the
Lombards resumed their
plans of conquest after
short pauses was due to
the essential nature of
Ansprand, who died after a short reign in
the spring of 712. Liutprand was a
second Grimoald in his policy of unifica-
tion ; during the struggles between the
Curia and the imperial government he
showed great cleverness in preserving the
balance between these forces.
About 730 he helped- to reduce Pope
Gregory IL (715-731), vvho had made
himself almost entirely independent, to the
position of a supreme bishop of the Church,
using, on the one hand, the exarch for the
humiliation of Spoleto
and Benevento, while he
also provided him, on the
other hand, with sufficient
occupation for his energies
by promoting the auto-
nomous tendencies in
Central and Northern
Italy.
The local governing
powers (tribunes, etc),
which had grown up in
the meantime in such
towns as had remained
Roman, and which were
indispensable to the
further development of
Italy in later years, could
no longer be silenced after
730. Venice, moreover,
now began to rise from
entire unimportance,
favoured as she was by
her geographical position
upon the lagoons and
islands of the North-
west Adriatic, under the
THE CROSS OF KING AGILULF
their constitutional a brother-in-iaw of King Authari, AgUuif government of a "dux,"
svstem • it was onlv bv ^^'^^^^ '"'^ "^^y ^'■°™ ^^^ ^^'^^^ '^'*^''' °' ^''^"" whose office was originally
■^ -' •'.,•' to the Lombard throne in 591. His reign _r r, .; :„;^ U.,*
expansion over
the
to the Lombard throne in
lasted until his death, in 616. The cross is now
of Byzantine origin, but
country that the crown preserved in the treasury of the Castle of in the COUrSC of the
could maintain its position Monza. a copper tablet, overlaid with gold, eighth century gradually
aeainst the dukes and the "°'' '" *^'' BargeUo at Florence, represents became dependent upon
agdUibl iiicuuis.cs, duu LUC ^gilulf surrounded by some of his lifeguards -^^ if *K^ V^^^fjor,
good understanding with with clasped helmets and corselets of mau. the choicc of the Venetian
the Curia was not likely
to be impaired by slight aggressions, as the
papacy was also working against the
emperor, while from 726 the Iconoclastic
quarrel added fresh fuel to the flames and
formed another point of union between the
Romans and the Lombards.
The Lombards were then ruled by King
Liutprand (712-744) ; though his re-
sources were limited, he was able to turn
them to the best advantage, and showed
great ability in increasing his power. He
succeeded his father, the " Wise " Duke
fishermen and traders.
For about 150 years a kind of alliance
had existed between the Lombards and
the Franks, a traditional connection
which was emphasised by the loyal friend-
ship of Liutprand with the powerful mayor,
Charles Mart el ; this connection was now-
exposed to a severe test. The Pope found
that his conventions with the dukes of
Spoleto and Benevento, who preserved
their independent spirit though repeatedly
subjugated, were an inadequate protection
against the Lombard attacks, which were
34^
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
renewed notwithstanding the treaty of
Terni in 742 ; as he could secure no help
from East Rome he applied for assistance
to the Prankish king, Pippin, from 752
onwards. The test proved too severe.
Liutprand was succeeded by Hildeprand,
and he again by Duke Ralchis of Priuli,
before the expiration of the year 744 ;
_, . _ the friendliness to Rome of this
f ^* th *^* latter monarch was replaced in
Lombards J""*^' 749. by the ruthless
oppression of his brother
Aistulf. It was this change which brought
about the breach.
The new king, who had been in occu-
pation of Ravenna since the summer
of 751, had conceived the idea of shatter-
ing the Roman nationality to its very
foundations, and thus drove the first
nail into the coffin of the Lombard king-
dom. The alliance between the Pope and
the Franks had been prepared by the
mission of Boniface and the appeals of
Gregory III., though these had been
fruitless (739-740) ; the accession of
Pippin in 751 definitely secured the
alliance, and even a united Lombard
state could hardly have resisted these
combined forces. The Prankish king was
pledged by the agreements of Ponthion
and Quierzy in 754 to restore the status
quo ante, in other words, the frontier lines
of 682 ; and when his mild remonstrances
produced no effect upon Aistulf, Pippin
crossed the Alps in person upon two
occasions (754 and 756), defeated the
Lombards, and forced them to restore
Ravenna and the castles which they had
previously conquered, though he did not
urge a complete restoration of the territory
taken t)efore 749 by Liutprand and others
from the Curia, or, more exactly, from the
emperor. This, again, was a " barbarian "
attack.
The promises made in the agreement
of Quierzy were thus not entirely fulfilled.
But the performance, though incomplete,
produced a result of vast im-
tK *P "^* portance to later Italy ; this was
e ope s ^j^^ valuable foundation of tbe
States of the Church, which
even now had become something more
than an extended territorial estate, and
offered a convenient basis for the further
extension of the Pope's secular power.
The Prankish king could never have con-
ceived the idea of recovering the terri-
tories alienated from the East Roman
ruler and placing them in the hands of
3466
imperial officials ; what he had done was
done merely to the glory of God and from
his desire to serve the sacred chair. The
fact that the occupant of this chair was
subject to the supremacy of the empire,
as the governor of the Roman duchy and
as an imj>erial bishop ; the fact, again,
that he himself had been brought under
the imperial authority by the Pope's
gratitude, which conferred upon him in
754 the title of " patricius Romanorum "
— these were matters which troubled
Pippin not at all. Thus the movement
for Italian freedom had won a further
victory, and the separation of Rome from
Byzantium had secured a highly promising
recognition beyond the bounds of Italy.
The interference of the chief secular power
of Central Europe in Italian affairs soon
grew stronger and was often repeated ;
but for centuries its work survived it in
its creation of the Patrimony of Peter, a
state within a state.
Aistulf suffered from the effects of the
utter failure of his attempted policy of
aggression only for a few weeks ; he died in
December, 756. His place was unexpectedly
^ . taken by that Ratchis who had
Monk -' , , ,
jj renounced the crown seven
Q and a half years previously,
and had become a monk in
Monte Cassino. Spoleto and Benevento
immediately seized this welcome oppor-
tunity to break away from the kingdom,
while in the north a powerful opposition
king arose in the person of the Tuscan
duke, Desiderius ; these facts dictated the
future policy of Ratchis, and while
formerly a supporter of Rome, he was now
forced to oppose the Pope and the Franks.
On the other hand, the Curia had an easy
task ; it supported Desiderius when he
made overtures to Rome, and secured
from him a promise of the restoration of
such imperial towns as had been left by
the events of 756 — Bologna, Imola,Faenza
and Ferrara, Osimo, Ancona, and
Humana — while he also undertook to
secure the abdication of the monk king,
who was now hard pressed.
As soon as he had secured the power,
Desiderius revealed himself as a second
Aistulf or Liutprand. He opened negotia-
tions with Byzantium with the object of
again reducing the excessive power of the
.Curia, while he declined to offer any
prospect of a serious attempt to redeem
his promises of restoration ; at the same
time the dilatory character of his diplo-
sr> .»»
"". .-««
PAVIA: ONCE THE CAPITAL OF THE LOMBARDIC DOMINIONS
This ancient town, known to the Romans as Ticinum, was taken by Charlemagne in 774, and its liistoric nniversity,
which still stands, is said to have been founded by the great warrior in that year. It was at Pavia, centuries later, in
1525, that the great battle was fought which resulted in the defeat of the French and the capture of their king,
Francis I., by the troops of the Emperor Charles V. The town was joined to the kingdom of Italy in 1859.
macy avoided any open breach with the
dreaded Caiolingians. However, about
763, through the intervention of Pippin, a
peaceful recognition of the status quo was
definitely secured. Thus the Prankish
king had already been invited to arbitrate
in the struggle for the supremacy of non-
Lombard Italy waged by the emperor
and Pope. Prankish friendship, more-
over, proved a permanent possession,
guaranteed as it was by the unanimity of
orthodox faith in opposition to the icono-
clasm of the East. This protectorate
was continued during the following years,
which saw a series of bloody struggles
upon the several elections of the Popes ;
in spite of repeated attacks, the Lombard
nationality was unable to exercise any
material influence upon Roman affairs.
The comparative peace prevailing in
Italy was significantly disturbed by the
complications in the Prankish Empire
which resulted in the death of Pip^pin on
September 24th, 768. The confusion was
initiated, as is often the case, by a woman,
the queen- widow, Bertrada, married her
son Charles to the daughter of the
Lombard king, who had previously been
crushed — she was called Desiderata, accord-
ing to the Vita Adalhardi. The mother
of Charles intended the marriage to make
him brother-in-law of Tassilo, the refrac-
tory Duke of Bavaria. It was only to be
expected that this remarkable change of
Prankish policy should produce a revival
of the Lombard claims. Por the moment,
indeed, Desiderius, under the pressure of
necessity, displa^^ed a friendly attitude
towards the Prankish alliance with the
Pope. The line of cleavage between these
powers was not, however, definitely bridged
by this alliance, and was widened by the
open dissension of the two brothers,
Charles and Carloman, in the middle oiyyi.
After the death of the latter, on
December 4th, Charles took possession of
the other half of the empire on the Italian
side, and the widow Gerberga saw no
alternative before her but an appeal to
Desiderius to protect her children who had
been deprived of their inheritance. The
materials for a conflagration were com-
pleted by Charles' divorce of his Lombard
wife, which coincided in date, and was no
doubt in practical connection, with these
events ; he married Hildegard, a Swabian
of noble birth. The restoration of the
Roman towns, proposed and actually
begun by Bertrada, soon came to an end.
Paenza, Perrara, and Comacchio remained
in Lombard hands; and in declared hos-
tility against his revolted son-in-law, the
Lombard king advised Pope Hadrian I. to
crown the sons of Carloman in jyz-
3467
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Fall of the
Lombard
Kingdom
Negotiations were opened, and papal
expostulations passed continually between
Charles and Desiderius ; but all efforts
proved fruitless, and the expedition to
Italy began in the same year. By the
autumn, the Franks were in front of Pavia,
the strongly fortified capital. Thence, at
the end of March, 774, Charles betook
himself for the first time to
\ f an ot the j^Qj^g^ ^here the Easter festival
was celebrated, and the " pro-
missio " of Pippin was solemnly
received ; the frontier delimitation was
conducted upon principles characteristic
of the age, in a general and very indefinite
manner, and the Curia was thus enabled
to prove from it a " Donation " of the
most extensive kind. Pavia fell at the
beginning of June, and Desiderius, with
his wife and daughter, was taken prisoner
by the Franks. Such was the end of the
Lombard kingdom.
The Lombard nationality, however, was
by no means expelled from Italy. The
Crown 1 rince Adelgis, who had been co-
regent with his father from 759, had fled
from Verona to Byzantium, but the Dukes
of Friuli, Chiusi, Benevento and Sp'oleto
continued to hold out, the last-named being
for a time dependent upon the Pope. Nor
were any bounds placed for the moment to
the extent of the foreign supremacy. From
the year 774 onwards Charles was simply
the heir and successor of Desiderius, and
the immediate representative of the Lom-
bard dynasty. The name of the nation
which occupied the throne had changed ;
the " barbarian " intruder was there as
before.
There was, however, one essential
difference in the situation — the Franks
were compelled to interfere in Italian
affairs, whereas this power of interference
had formerly been the special object of the
Lombards. It may also be asserted that
even after the thorough and conscientious
execution of those tasks which Pippin's
promises had laid upon his great
e a ions ^^^ there existed at the moment
of Pope and , , ■ j- ,i
J, no clear appreciation of the
'^^ ' ' vast historical importance of
the twofold supremacy which had been
secured. There were two reasons to
prevent such appreciation. In the first
place, the relation of the Pope to the
emperor and to the Archbishop of Ravenna
was at that time but vaguely defined, and
was, indeed, in process of transition. Many
points were still uncertain, although the
3468
general policy of separation from Byzan-
tium had long been clearly perceived, and
had been reinforced and pursued by the
efforts of the Franks to emphasise their
own independence.
Considerable doubt also existed con-
cerning the extent of the territorial
claims and rights which the Curia
might raise to districts that had now
come under Frankish supremacy. It is
obvious that this question contained the
germs of much future dissension between
the Pope and his previous protector, who
had now become a neighbour, with in-
terests of his own. On the other hand,
Charles must not be too hastily credited
with fixed aims or a comprehensive policy.
He was a great conqueror, because he
never shrank from any opportunity of
extending his frontiers, and was always
able to cope vigorously with the new
obligations to which he thus laid himself
open. He was, however, also obliged to
consider the circumstances in which he
found himself, and he had no prophetic
expectation of those vast consequences
which might result from the alliance that
, _ he had set on foot between the
ar es rea j^qj^^j^ patricius, the Italian
„** . .. king, and the monarch of
Reconstruction <- ° , t- t- ^i -
Central Lurope. I^rom this
point of view his acquisition of the Roman
imperial crown must be regarded and
understood.
In the autumn of 780 Charles undertook
his second journey to Rome after a tem-
porary reorganisation of the affairs of
Uppsr Italy. The task of reconstruction
was advanced in the famous capital about
the middle of April, 781 (Easter), and
the eldest son of Charles, Pippin, who
had been " crowned " with his younger
brother Louis, was given the government
of the subjugated territory, with a court
of his own and a special administration
at Pavia. He is commemorated by a
fresco of more than life size, which still
survives in San Zeno Maggiore at Verona.
At the same time the frontiers of this
kingdom, which was almost independent,
were arranged upon the principle of 682,
though including the patrimonium of
the Sabine country which had been
occupied under Liutprand. The hopes
which the Curia had vainly cherished
for twenty-seven years were thus at lengt h
fulfilled ; at the same time the vague,
and therefore unlimited, claims which
it had advanced shortly after 774 were
ITALY AND THE LOMBARDS
more closely limited by these arrangements.
The settlement of relations with the
Byzantine south was a matter of much
greater difficulty. As, however, the
East Roman Empire, which was then
in the hands of the Athenian Irene,
had abandoned the policy of the great
Isaurian Leo IIL, the solution proved
surprisingly simple, or, in other words,
unexpectedly peaceful ; at any rate, the
ambassadors of the empress offered no
objection to the complete and absolute
occupation of the Lombard possessions by
the Frank power. The " liberation " of
Italy, begun in 619, was now completed.
Connected with the process, though the
connection was not expressly stated, was
the actual recognition of the separation of
the papal states from the imperial federa-
tion. In another direction the East and
West were brought together, though
Charles himself stood apart with reference
to doctrinal questions raised by the decree
concerning the veneration of
. *JI[. images issued by the Council of
Pa '** Nicaea in ']9s']. Thus the old
division of Italy into three parts
— the Lombard, or Prankish, province,
the Patrimony of Peter, and the isolated
south — had been preserved; the arch-
bishopric of Ravenna was allowed by
Charles to lapse. There appeared, how-
ever, a new phenomenon, which has never
been duly appreciated, and requires careful
consideration ; the papal states are hence-
forward an independent and no longer a
vassal power — protected, indeed, by the
Prankish kings, but manifesting their
independence in charters, coinage, etc. It
is obvious, of course, that they retained
this position only during the transition
period of the twenty years from 781 to 800,
when the supremacy of East Rome had
been overthrown, and no equivalent com-
pensation had been secured by the creation
of a West Rome. Prom this point of view
the coronation of Charles by Leo must
be regarded as a backward step, an
impolitic movement, or, better, a con-
fession of weakness, which was the inex-
orable result of the submission of the
Roman bishop to emperors who regarded
their dignity seriously. The pontificate of
Hadrian (772-795) must from this point
of view be regarded as a culminating
moment in the history of the papacy.
Even at that time, however, the Curia
had become conscious of a certain inade-
The Italian 3"^.^y ?k '^^^T'''"'- ^.^PP^^
Dominioas ^^^l^^ ^he third Visit of Charles
of Charles *° ^^"^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^set of 787,
when Hadrian attempted to
induce the Prankish king to turn his mili-
tary power against Arichis of Benevento,
who had fortified Salerno, but was entirely
loyal in other respects ; the result was his
subjugation and the surrender of important
points to the states of the Church. At
Easter Charles carried to its necessary
conclusion the breach with Irene which
had been sealed by the Council of Nicaea,
abandoning his consideration for the East,
and " granting the restoration " of the
southern patrimonies to the Pope.
In the following year the Carolingian
also abandoned an attempt to include
Southern Italy in his world-wide political
schemes. The dueal throne of Benevento,
which had been vacated by the death of
Arichis on August 26th, 787, was given to
the heir, Grimoald, upon his recognition of
the Prankish supremacy. Charles did not
even insist upon the actual performance
of the conditions imposed upon Grimoald's
father, and thereby crushed for the
moment the germs of a possible alliance
between the remnants of the Lombards
and Byzantium, which was thirsting for
vengeance. His Italian dominions were
further secured by the overthrow of Tassilo
and the incorporation of Bavaria in 788,
which made the most valuable Alpine
passes available as Prankish lines of com-
munication. At the same time the kingdom
of the Avars, which had long been threaten-
ing the north-east of Italy, was crushed
and destroyed by King Pippin, upon
whom this task was imposed for geo-
graphical reasons (791-796 and 803).
H. P. Helmolt
???
KINGS OF THE PRANKISH DOMINION FROM 5U TILL 737
3470
WESTERN
EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE
AGES
THE
EMERGING
OF THE
NATIONS II
RISE OF THE PRANKISH DOMINION
FROM THE GREAT CLOVIS TO CHARLEMAGNE
A BOUT the time when the petty Teu-
^* tonic tribes of the Continent were
permanently amalgamating in alliance with
larger nationalities the Franks appeared
in the whole of the Lower Rhine districts.
In the second half of the third century they
were known to the Romans by this name.
That the appellation was intended to dis-
tinguish the peoples it denoted as being
" free," compared with those within the
Roman provinces on the left bank of the
Rhine, seems improbable ; it is more likely
that the title, as among the Saxons and
others, was adopted from some military
weapon, and only at a later period became
the designation of the dominant people
of the Franks, and also an honourable
appellation. The chief nations which
formed the Prankish federation were the
Chatti, Chattwari, Chamavi, Sigambri,
Bructeri, Ambsiwari, Canninefates,
. Kugerni and Batavi ; the.last,j
* F** k" h ^ fragment of the earlier 'feder-^
Feder&ti n ^^^^^1 of the Chatti, had previ-
ously migrated to the district
at the mouth of the Rhine. Thus the north
and south extremes of the federation
appeared as closely related.
In the case of individual nationalities,
the royal family is invariably retained ;
a purposeful and vigorous federal policy
is called forth only by the necessities of
some important war with the Romans.
At other periods raids are made by in-
dividual tribes, or rather by enterprising
bands sent out by the tribes, and for this
reason the tribal names are preserved by
the Romans throughout the fourth cen-
tury. After that period they disappear
behind the general name, Frank. The
individual tribes become Prankish dis-
tricts, which remain independent military
communities, with their own royal families,
developing their legal rights in isolation.
Among the Chamavi, a traditional right
of this kind regained its force for centuries,
long after one reigning tribal family, that
of the Merovingians, had secured the
domination of all the remaining Franks,
and an equalisation of constitutional
rights had been secured, at any rate among
the two larger groups. These two groups
formed a transition stage on the road
^. .. to a uniform constitu-
Wherc the a- i ^ j
•*ScaFri.nks" Got ^'^^^LTu^^^I ^^'^ '^^'"^
Their Name provided by that general
amalgamation of tribes
into federations, of which we have spoken
above ; these groups appeared as the
Ribuarii and Salii. The connection of the
Salic Franks with Saal, Salland, Salhof,
Salweide, is not very striking in view of the
strong contrast between the Franks on the
shores of the Rhine and the " sea Franks,"
while the latter branch may be shown,
philologically, to have gained their name
from the word " Salhund," meaning a
" sea-dog." It has also been urged, and
perhaps correctly, that the most south-
<f-ward, or Upper Pranks, who advanced
their settlements beyond the Moselle
and later to the Main and beyond the
Neckar, should not be included among
the Ribuarii. In that case the great
people of the Chatti would form a special
group in the federation, side by side with
the two above-mentioned. Questions of
this nature must, however, remain open.
The empire often fought against the
Franks with military success, and the
name of Julian was as terrible to them as
to the Alamanni. but these wars did
not produce permanent peace. Moreover,
the Romans were enabled, by the loose
_ composition of the federation,
G^me o/" ^° P^^y ^^ °"^ *^*^ against
th^'V ° another, and to take discon-
man tented nobles with their follow-
ings into their own service. As regents of
the empire, Arbogast, himself a Frank,
and Stilicho repelled the Franks by force.
When, however, Stilicho was obliged to
recall the troops from Britain and the
Rhine to protect Italy against Alaric,
3471
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
the Franks did not forthwith overrun Gaul ;
a settled peasant population, even at a
stage when property ownership is unde-
veloped, must have more cogent reasons
for abandoning their homes in a body
than the possibility of exploiting a subject
_ population in new territory.
.J V 1 • I. It is more probable that they
the Fr&nkish j n j • . /- n-
• . gradually spread mto Gallic
territory from their previous
boundaries as the superfluous and enter-
prising elements of the population felt the
need of migration, and preferred to make
fresh settlements upon Gallic soil rather
than open up fresh ground at home. Their
occupation was carried out according to
the usual economic forms ; and the ques-
tion must remain for the moment unsolved
whether the Franks thus
advancing left any of the
Gallo- Roman population
in the area of their new
settlements. Hitherto the
possibility is better at-
tested by the existence
of Frankish and also of
Walloon laets, and by the
fact that Latin documents
are sealed with a Roman
signet ring by King
Childeric, than by the
proofs which an examina-
aticn of Frankish place
names is supposed to
yield. In any case the
Frankish language was
predominant in the dis-
tricts immediately ac-
quired.
CLOVIS. THE EMPIRE FOUNDER
Regarded as the founder of the Frankish
himself preferred to leave them undis-
turbed ; it would certainly be wrong to
say that they appeared in Julian's cam-
paigns as the most distinguished of the
Franks. After the year 400 they advanced
by the Scheldt, on both banks, towards
the Sambre and the " Kohlenwald," where
the carboniferous strata appear on the
northern slopes of the Ardennes — that is to
say, nearly to the modern Franco-Belgian
frontier.
About this period the federation as a
whole possessed little importance ; in
the year 451 portions of the Franks
fought both for and against Attila. The
Salii were still under the royal families
of their component nationalities. We ob-
serve, however, that as soon as the dark-
ness begins to recede in
the course of the fifth
century, the kingdom ex-
ercises a leading influence
which grows clearer as
the nationality extends
in area and begins to
pursue a definite foreign
policy. In particular the
Salian Merovingian
family consciousl}' turned
to account the imme-
diate neighbourhood of
the Roman dominion,
which still existed by the
side of its own people in
Gaul. The Merovingian
king, Chlodio — a nick-
name derived from some
more formal name which
is not known — the first
The Upper or Chattian Empire, ciovis i. appeared on the scene historical personalitv that
Franks advanced to the
in 481. In 486 he overthrew the power of „™p,-„pc frnm
Syagrius, added the territory of that ruler to tiiicif^ca in^iii
the mists
Moselle, Xahe, and Saale. hfs own, and vastly extended his own sway, of cpic and etymological
After Aetius had destroyed the Burgundian
empire of Worms they also occupied this
district ; that final success of the Roman
power upon the Rhine, if intended to
intimidate the Franks, produced no per-
manent effect. This movement brought
the Chattian Franks into competition with
the Alamanni, who were also extending in
that direction. Sooner or later the question
would require an appeal to arms. The
Ribuarii advanced over the districts of
the Eifel to Treves. At an earlier period
the Salii had advanced from the old
settlement of the Batavi to Toxandria
into the land between the Scheldt and the
Maas. Although the Romans were highly
indignant at this " presumption," Julian
legend, extended his dominion at the
beginning of the fifth century to the
Somme from the districts which were
still called after the former Belgian Tungri.
It would be a mistake to estimate the
culture or the character of the early
Th G Frankish kings by the scanti-
ness and the barbarity of our
sources of information, or to
regard them as standing upon
a lower level than Odoacer of the
Visigoth kings.
In 481 appears on the scene the king
who is regarded as the founder of the
Frankish Empire, familiarly known,
through French sources, as Ciovis, though
more correctly as Chlodwig — i.e., Ludwig
King
Ciovis I
RISE OF THE PRANKISH DOMINION
or Lewis. The general trend of the poHcy
of Clovis has often been examined ; the
dexterity with which he alternately
planned to secure
the amalgama-
tion of the Teu-
tonic and Roman
populations and
to keep the
balance between
them has often
been pointed out.
If our informa-
tion for this
period were as
extensive as it is
for later cen-
turies, the
prudent sim-
plicity of Clovis'
policy would
probably vanish
before the reve-
lation of the
many-sided and
complicated re-
lations which are
usually main-
tained by estab-
1 i s h e d states,
even when their
civilisation is in-
ferior to that of
migrating
nations. All that
we can attempt
to determine is
the position as
evidenced by tlie
course of events.
Clovis was a
Teutonic and
heathen ruler of
a Franko - Salic
district with a
Gallo-Roman
population. As
long as the Gallo-
Roman suprem-
acy persisted as
a state, and as
inapplicable t o
certain parts of
was advanced by the Teutonic ruler. In
486, the Merovingian overthrew the power
of Syagrius, added the territory of that
ruler to his own,
and extended his
power at first to
the Seine, and
afterwards over
the whole dis-
trict. Thus the
whole of the
Roman domin-
ions in Gaul now
became a Teu-
tonic kingdom,
and lost all con-
nection with any
foreign political
centre, except
possibly with the
distant Byzan-
tium ; Ravenna
was no longer in
Roman hands.
There was, there-
fore, no reason
why Clovis
should make
haste to concili-
ate the orthodox
Church, to which
a considerably
increased
number of his
subjects be-
longed. His
history is by no
means character-
ised by precipi-
tate action, but
rather by con-
sideration and
foresight. It was,
however, in the
nature of the
case that he
should be con-
verted sooner or
later, even as his
father had worn
the Roman signet
ring. He had no
inducement t o
BAPTISM OF THE b;-^.. . ^__ . li
The conversion of Clovis to the Roman Catholic Church, in i96, is said
to have been due to the influence of his wife, who was a devoted member
of that body and brought their children up in its faith. There were
that population, also various reasons why he should pubUcly associate himself with the remain an AriaU,
manv dangerous CathoUcChurch, and these, no doubt, weighed with the prudent Clovis. aS his wife WaS B.
points of differ- '"'""" '*"^ """"' ""'"'""^ ''*' ^"^'^^ ^^"^ '" ""^ ^'"''^^''" Catholic and his
ence and unsettled questions must have children were brought up in that faith,
arisen, even though the Gallo-Roman We shall also be correct in emphasising
population considered that their prosperity the fact, which has often been noted, that,
3473
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
as a Roman Catholic, Clovis would gain the
adherence of a Prankish party among
the Catholic subjects of the Arian Bur-
gundians arid Visigoths. Even if the fact
had never occurred to him, it must have
been brought to his mind by the con-
gratulations of the Burgundian arch-
bishop, Avitus of Vienne, on his baptism.
. It is said that his Catholic wife
ovis ^^,^^ ^j^^ instrument of her
Converted by i . j. tj j
„. ^.j husband s conversion. Had
she been able to secure this
result unaided, her efforts would certainly
not have ceased until the kingdom had sent
forth a mission to work among the Franks.
But of this we hear . nothing ; when
Clovis became a Christian, he was thinking
of his Roman and not. of his Prankish
subjects. The conversion of his immediate
followers was inevitable, as they were
bound to follow their leader ; the free
people obeyed their own inclinations, and
remained for the most part in heathenism.
The date of the conversion coincides
with that of the first campaign against
the Alamanni, in 496. This nation was
now a uniform whole, under the king
Gibuld, or Gebaud, which is nearly the
same in the Alamannic phonetic s\'stem ;
the war was conducted by the Pranks as
a federal war, during which the king
of the Ribuariis, Sigibert, received a wound
in the knee which lamed him. The
problem at stake was the general de-
cision whether the Prankish federation
or the people of the Alamanni should ex-
ercise supremacy in the east and north
of Gaul and secure the lion's share in the
appropriation of land. In . the conclud-
ing campaign of 501 the Pranks were
victorious, and took care to destroy the
prospects of the Alamanni for the futiue.
To the advantage of the upf)er Prankish
nationality of the Chatti, the Alamanni as
a whole were driven behind the Lauter
and Murg. To the south of that point
they came under foreign supremacy ;
—^ _ numerous Prankish lords,
. jj especially in Alsace, had made
-, . good a settlement among the
rri ory Alamannic tribal villages, in the
manner in which the Pranks had already
settled in Roman territory ; and by the
side of these, much of the occupied lands
remained reserved as Prankish state
property.
The conflicts of Clovis with the Ala-
manni and the Burgundians are certainl}'
connected as regards the forces which
3474
were employed. The Burgundian war
falls between the two campaigns against
the Alamanni.
The Burgundians, after their settle-
ment in Sabaudia by Aetius, had, in 443,
strengthened their position under King
Gunjok, who was a member of the old royal
tribe of the nation; apd had gradually ex-
tended around the 'xiistrict of the Rhone.
Upon the death of Gunjok, in 473, the
leading royal family consisted of his three
sons, Gundobad, Godegisel and Chilperic.
In the last year of Gunjok's life, his son
Gundobad governed in Italy as patricius,
after the death of Ricimer. Thence he was
speedily recalled home at the outset of a
family feud between the rival brothers.
After the fourth brother, Godomer, had
been set aside at an earlier period, Gun-
dobad • killed Chilperic with the sword —
according to the comparatively clear
information provided by the epic poem —
and extended his supremacy towards the
Mediterranean, the settlement of the ac-
count between himself and Godegisel being
deferred for the moment. The Catholic
Church of the Roman inhabitants was
... suffering under the oppression
^i.*^ 'J\^°.- of the Arian Burgundians, and
the Catholic , J .i_ . • r ?• / J
^. . had the satisfaction ot gradu-
ally invading the distracted
royal family ; for instance, it found a
zealous champion in the wife of Clovis, a
daughter of Chilperic. whose two brothers
Gundobad is also said to have supplanted.
When Clovis himself became a Catholic
Christian, and discovered speedily after-
wards the Prankish interest that existed
among the Roman subjects of the Bur-
gundians, the natural result was an
informal compact between the royal
family and Catholicism, and a certain
rivalry in this direction, in which the
conflicting brothers strove to outstrip one
another. Godegisel requested King Clovis
to interfere on his behalf in 500. Gundo-
bad was beaten at Dijon and forced to
retire to Avignon.
At that moment, however, Clovis sud-
denly broke off hostilities, and turned
upon the Alamanni, who had not been defi-
nitely defeated, and now completed their
destruction. Godegisel was abandoned
and executed, when Gundobad seized
Vienne ; the latter, until his death, in
516, reigned as the sole king of the Bur-
gundians, issued important laws, and
strove by improving the organisation of
his kingdom and his relations with
RISE OF THE PRANKISH DOMINION
Catholicism and the Merovingians, to
avert the grievous dangers that had
threatened his rule.
The descendants of Clovis had turned
to excellent account the disappearahce
of Theoderic's defensive policy and the
annihilation of the East Teutonic tribes on
the Danube. If their attempt to gain a
footing in Italy failed, the absorption of
the Central European territories into the
Prankish kingdom would continue as
before, with less to impede it.
Long before, the Hermunduri had ad-
vanced from the river district of the Elbe
to that of the Main, whence they had
maintained friendly relations for the most
part with the Romans, though they passed
through severe struggles with their
western neighbours, the Chatti. The
general migration of the second century
pushed the Hermunduri forward to the
Danube frontier and the " Limes." The
forward movement of the Alamanni and
Burgundians then cut them off from
contact with the Romans ; they disap-
peared from the view of Roman or of
modern historians, and their existence is
, unfortunately buried for us in
Sons°"°"* the forests of Central Germany.
,^, . There is no doubt that the
of Clovis T-... . ~, . .
Dunnge, or Ihurmgians, are
connected with them ; these people ap-
peared within the neighbouring sphere
of Prankish history after the fifth century,
though at first only in the dim light of epic
tradition. Thuringi were also to be found
on the left of the Lower Rhine among the
Pranks, and these must no doubt be
regarded as emigrants from the main body.
This formed at that time a considerable
kingdom under one dynasty, extending
from the Harz to beyond the Main.
After a long period of cautious friendship,
the sons of Clovis proceeded to wage
the same decisive warfare against the
Thuringians with which their father had
attacked the Alamanni ; they were at the
same time helped by the struggles of
kinsmen within the royal house, such as
had previously favoured intervention.
In alliance with the Saxons they destroyed
the Thuringian kingdom in 531, and
pursued their triumph as thoroughly as
Clovis had done in the case of the
Alamanni. The Prankish settlements
were advanced along the Main to the
heights which form the Thuringian forest ;
and such Thuringian tribes as were living
to the north of the Rennstieg were made
dependent and tributary. For the future
history of Germany it was a highly im-
portant fact that the triumphant Prankish
Em])ire proceeded to expand eastward,
and that its extended supremacy in
German districts was united with a system
of Prankish colonisation. This conquest
could never have been achieved by the
Franks aad ^'^"^t' ^^^^P^ with the help
Saxons ^ alliance of a people whom
in Alliance 1^^^ T""^"^ obviously have to
nght for eventual supremacy,
the Saxons. These latter, as the price
of victory, received the land from the
Unstrut to the Saale and Elbe ; they
made the inhabitants tributary, reducing
them to the position of laets, them-
selves occupying that of overlords. Por
the moment the Merovingians could
afford to defer the impending struggle for
supremacy. The strong conservatism of
these Low German populations had
hitherto declined to allow any one tribal
family to secure political preponderance
over the rest, such as might be secured
through the leadership of a close federa-
tion or an over-kingdom of Saxony. Nor
did anything of the kind develop in the
future. On the contrary, the aristocracy
of the noble tribes, retaining their equality,
were able to increase their prestige and to
secure it by legal forms, usually in connec-
tion with questions of wergeld and mar-
riage contracts ; the old nobility of the
other great peoples did not attain success,
because they were broken down at a
comparatively early date and fettered by
the monarchy which arose in their midst.
This refusal to permit the rise of a strong
individual leadership produced its natural
consequence upon the federal policy of the
Saxons ; their federation, which was
great, and upon occasion powerful, was
inclined to avoid collision elsewhere,
interfered but little in the affairs of other
Teutonic alliances, and confined offensive
operations against the Pranks to petty
wars, which produced no result
Wave of ^^^ ^gj.g fggbiy conducted, until
Advancing ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ delayed
*^* struggle was eventually forced
upon them by the decision of Charles the
Great.
Together with the Thuringians, or as
a result of their defeat, a number of other
racial fragments came under the supremacy
of the Pranks. These had settled down as
dependents of the Thuringians between
them and the wave of Slavs advancing
J475
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
from the east ; they included fragments
of the Angles, who formerly inhabited
the peninsula of Jutland, and took an
important share in the migration to
Britain. There were also the Wareni, or
Wereni,or Varini, who were ruled by their
own kings as late as the time of Theoderic ;
they were a fragment of that considerable
people formerly settled on the
,,f°'*", . . Baltic and driven away by the
Who Colonised r-i u i i. i
g . . Slavs, who also took some
share in the colonisation of
Britain. Under the Prankish supremacy
both were considered as forming part of
the Thuringians, though down to the time
of Charles the Great they retained separate
legal codes. As the Angles and the Varini
migrated simultaneously from the neigh-
bouring districts in the north, it is not
surprising that under Carolingian sway
these two codes were united in one,
which held good in the Thuringian dis-
tricts of Engili and Werinofeld ; the less
so, as these two peoples had been neigh-
bours for centuries in Central Germany.
At the point where these Angles and
Varini were settled, and, in fact, every-
where to the east of the old Thuringian
districts, settlements were thus lying
vacant for homeless peoples — we also
find Frisians in the district of Friesenfeld —
for the reason that these districts were
menaced by the advances of the Slavs.
Similarly the " Helvetian Desert," though
not occupied by the Teutons, had formerly
attracted and retained such Kelts as,
in the words of Tacitus, had been made
desperate by necessity. Thus the Saxons,
who had turned to the Eastern Harz
after the destruction of the Thuringian
kingdom, may not have felt themselves
entirely comfortable. When the Lombards
started to Italy, an independent band of
Saxons, said to be more than 20,000
strong, accompanied them. A gap was
thus formed on the Slav frontier, and this
the Prankish governor hastened to stop
_ _ with Swabian settlers — that is,
p y "^y North German Suevi, not of the
. p^ . Alamannic tribe — who were
given the districts of the
Bode and the Dipper for colonisation.
This information suggests that the cession
to the allied Saxons of territory from
the East Harz to the Elbe in 531 may
have been a clever piece of far-sighted
Prankish policy, intended to form a
barrier against the Slavs. The existence of
a mediaeval "Hassingau" also points to
3476
the settlement of Hessian colonists on
the Lower Saale. The Saxons who had
marched to Italy were unable to acquiesce
in the necessity of becoming Lombards,
as the Lombard legal code demanded ;
they were unwilling to abandon their
national law and custom, as the continued
preservation of these implied national,
if not political, independence at that date.
This theory met with considerate and
successful treatment from the Prankish
conquerors. The Saxons therefore started
out again in 572 and crossed Mount
Genevre to the Merovingian kingdom, at
first with no settled plan, but in 573 with
the object of recovering their old posses-
sions on the Harz. They were given per-
mission to march thither. The Hessians
were so diminished in battle with the
Suevi, who were first affected by the
attempt of the emigrants to resume their
lands, that at length both nationalities
found the available land sufficient for
their purposes.
In =^i, shortly after the subjugation of
the Thuringians, the Merovingians incor-
porated the Burgundian kingdom in
_ . their empire, also the district
of the Alamanm, who were
formerly under the pro-
tectorate of Theoderic at the
moment when Witichis abandoned the
Ostrogoth part of Gaul.
The Pranks were now neighbours of
the Baioarii, or Bavarians, and afterwards
incorporated this nationality within their
empire, towards the middle of the sixth
century, apparently by peaceful methods.
The family of the Agilolfings, which was
equal in rank to the royal houses, and
superior to the five other noble families
of the Bavarian federation in respect of
wergelds, retained, or thus acquired, the
leadership of the Bavarian people ; the
latter alternative is the more probable.
Possibly the Agilolfings were Pranks
transferred to this district. The Merovin-
gians naturally could not permit the
existence of other kings, and certainly of
none with full governing powers in their
own empire, beside themselves ; hence the
well-known Roman term dux, the title
of the provincial military commander,
which had been borne, for instance, by
Alaric in lUyria, was employed in the
comparatively similar case of Bavaria.
After the Lombards had become masters
on the plains of the Po, local differences
and coUisions began in the Alps between
Incorporated
by the Fr&nks
AFTER THE DEFEAT OF THE SARACENS : CHARLES MARTEL ENTERING PARIS
Mayor of the palace to the Frankish king of Austrasia, succeeding his father. Pippin, in the office, Charles Martel
fought successfully against the Frisians, Saxons, Bavarians, and Alamanni. All these victories, however, were
eclipsed by his great triumph over the Saracens, whom he utterly routed in the hard-fought battle of Tours m lAi..
This victory saved Western Europe from the Moslem domination, which was then immment. Martel, as representea
In this illustration of the event, receivwl an enthusiastic welcome when be entered Paris after the epocb-malung battle.
3477
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
themselves and the grandsons of Clovis,
which eventually became lengthy wars,
under the continued impulse of Byzantine
diplomacy and money expended in sub-
sidising the Franks. On the Prankish
side the struggle is marked by an effort
to extend their territory to the Italian
mountains, while the Lombards were
_ -J anxious to appear as the heirs
„ , ^ of the Ostrogoths, and to
Masters .1 • r
J J . secure their former supremacy
* ^ in Southern Gaul. At the
same time the Franks and Lombards
did not respectively determine the des-
tinies of the Teutonic world, as Clovis
and Theoderic had once done ; nor did
the new masters of Italy, who were not
yet in full occupation of the ' country,
and had difficulty in making head against
Byzantium, attempt to follow any im-
perial policy in Western or Central Europe.
The old friends of the Lombards, the
Bavarians, had gone over to their side,
notwithstanding their inclusion in the
Frankish monarchy. After some attacks
of the Franks, which seem to have been
delivered with greater vigour, these cam-
paigns ended in the year 590.' The
Merovingians gave up their attempts to
secure influence in Italy, which they had
continued for more than half - a century
at various intervals, and refrained on
their side from interference with the
Lombards in Southern Gaul.
The indecision of the Italian pohcy of
the Franks, the loose connection of the
Bavarians with the Frankish Empire, and
other indications of decay, are to be
explained (by that cause which acted as a
disruptive, or weakening influence upon,
the Teutonic empires in general — namely,
the family . struggles within the reigning
dynasties ; these invariably revived upon
every question of policy or other pretext,
and the special course which they ran
among the Merovingians will justify
reference to them as the struggles of
Brunhilde and Fredegunde.
ise o^ e jj^g. j^Qg^ important result of
J. .... these struggles is the rise
* ^ of the new Frankish nobility.
Clovis had thoroughly exterminated the
old noble families. Thus the Franks
of the Merovingian period surprise our
constitutional historians by the fact that,
in contrast with the Alamanni, the
Bavarians, or the Saxons, they possessed
no aristocracy or nobility standing im-
mediately below the crown. The new
3478
aristocracy was one of service, and
arose among the superior secular and
ecclesiastical officials. Distinguished from
these was the Mayor of the Palace, whose
office originally represented the royal
prerogatives which were derived from the
patria poksias of early German society —
a power exercised over followers and
household servants, and now increased in
proportion as that power had extended.
Among the Visigoths, Burgundians, and
Anglo-Saxons the major . domus-. never
became more than a distinguished master
of the household— the title is borrowed
from the Roman official of that name,
in accordance with the early German
reluctance to form new words and" titles
from the native language. The Frankish
mayor became the chief supervsory
official and overseer both of the king's
proj)erty and of all court and state offices.
Eventually jwwerful " nobles " in the
gradually increasing lands of the empire',
such as Austrasia, Burgundy, and Neustria,
which were enlarged despite the partitions
and struggles of the Merovingians, mad^
this important office a personal and family
„ , . possession ; they then speedily
Factors in ^ j x 1 1 ^u • 1 •
At r< 11 » ceased to lead their vassals in
the FaII of ,, , . , J ,
B h"id ^'^S ^ service, and began
to use them as a weapon
against him. This connection between the
mayoralty and the rising aristocracy
eventually led to the fall of Brunhilde.
Although the Merovingian royals house
was never lacking in leading characters,
this connection never allowed such leaders
full access to sovereignty and adminis-
trative power ; it was a connection
prepared by Clovis and actually used by
his descendants in conjunction with Roman
/•conceptions of supremacy. The Teu-
tonic communities of the Frankish people
came into existence only during the
military mobilisations held in different
years, and were only occasionally con-
cerned with political affairs, while the
action of the Crown was restricted by a
continuous and more or less constitutional
co-operation of "nobles." Moreover, the
nobility, as ruling aristocracies are ever
particularist — for community of interests
is destroyed by excess of unity — frustrated
those opportunities which occurred for
concentrating the dynastic government of
the whole Frankish kingdom in one person.
It was not until the maj-oral system
grew sufficiently strong to pursue its
own ambitions or dynastic purposes,
RISE OF THE PRANKISH DOMINION
and to 'employ the military forces of the
official nobility, notwithstanding their
territorial and particularist tendencies,
that the struggle began afresh for supreme
power within the Prankish kingdom. In
this struggle succumbed successively the
Austrasian mayor, Grimoald, a son of the
elder Pippin, and the Neustrian, Ebruin or
Ebroin, the latter upon his first attempt.
After Ebruin was murdered, in 68i, at the
moment of his success,
the nephew of Grimoald
and the grandson of
Bishop Arnulf of Metz,
upon his father's side,
Pippin of Herstal, the
major domus of Aus-
trasia, became the mayor
of the whole Frank
Empire by his victory
at Testri, near Peronne
and St. Quentin, in 687.
The kings of the Mero-
vingian dynasty then
became of no import-
ance. Compared with
the mayor ot ihe palace,
they occupied a position
analogous to that which
belonged after 934 to
the caliphs of Bagdad, as
compared with the Emir
al - Omra, or to the
Japanese Mikado before
1867, compared with the
Shogun. After the victory
of Testri there '" reigned,"
in the words of the annals
composed shortly after
that event, the family of
Arnulf and Pippin, united
in the person of Pippin,
which was afterwards
known as Carolingian.
Pippin began the task of
incorporating the Frisians
in the empire with greater
determination than had
been previously brought
to the attempt. He also tried, by force
of arms, to subjugate the alienated
Alamanni ; their dukes had risen from
their position of officials to become
national leaders in the wide sense of the
term, and leaders of a nation which re-
garded itself as a special and independent
race. The Frisians were among those
Teuton tribes who had been most strongly
influenced and utilised by the Romans,
WARRIOR OF THE FIFTH CENTURY
This statue of a Prankish warrior, which
stands in the Roman-German Museum at
Mainz, was reconstructed from discoveries in
burial places of the fifth to eighth centuries.
and during the Carolingian period they
displayed the greatest capacity of all the
Germans for trade and manufacturing
pursuits ; their political and constitutional
organisation remained, however, for cen-
turies far removed from the characteristics
of the old German institutions.
Though we cannot gain much informa-
tion about their earlier history, we can yet
see that, about 1300, their institutions
corresponded with those
current in the past federal
epochs of other nations,
and were analogous to
those of the Alamanni in
the fourth century. The
Folk, with its assemblies
and its noble families,
formed a unit of organisa-
tion. Every year at a
special time, namely, in
the spring — Whitsuntide
was the season provided
by Christianity, which was
driving out or transform-
ing the institutions of
heathen priesthood — the
general assembly of all
Frisians met at Upstalls-
boom, near Aurich, and
discussed the affairs of
the federation and such
matters as war and peace.
The customary law of the
Frisians was developed
for the individual com-
munities, and also for
the whole of Friesland,
by the legislative activity
of the annual assembly.
We have observed the
process by which the
Folk becomes a nation in
the case of the Franks
— Salii and Ribuarii —
and how it was carried
out by pure geographical
distribution among the
Lombards — Austria and
Neustria — and the Saxons — the East-
phalians, Angrians, and Westphalians.
The Frisians had been visited since tho
outset of the seventh century both by
Franks and by missionaries. As among
the Visigoths during the Dacian period,
and afterwards among the Danes, or as,
in the case of Catholicism, among the
Burgundians, the missions had been largely
supported by the poUtical interests and
3479
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
aims of individual nobles. After the
middle of the seventh century Aldgild is
known both as duke and as king of the
Frisians in the annals which we owe to his
influence ; similarly Ratbod, who was
afterwards conquered by Pippin at Wyk-
te-Durstede, bore a Frankish title equiva-
lent to that of duke, while his position must
_. , . .be regarded as equivalent
Rivalries and , .1 j i . j.
«. , ... to the ducal status among
Struggles of the , , ^y j a 1
M ki T -k the Bavarians and Ala-
Noble Tribes • T-1 ^ r
manni. 1 he prospect of any
general leadership of the Frisian nationality
was, however, destroyed by the rivalry
and the struggles of the noble tribes.
When the Carolingians occupied the
position of king and had ceased to be
merely higher officials, it was inevitable
that they should absorb family rights
as they exercised their authority and
interfered in the struggles of relatives
which thence arose. This process began
immediately after the death of Pippin,
and Charles Martel emerged victorious.
Although he was never able to con-
solidate the empire as a whole, his efforts
were by no means fruitless, and his
achievements were perhaps limited at the
moment by the approach of a serious
danger, the invasion of Frankish Gaul by
the Spanish Arabs. The struggle against
the Arabs was continued from 730 to 740,
and was not definitely settled by the
famous battle in 732 at " Old Poitiers.
The successful repulse of Islam from
Central Europe not only proved the salva-
tion of Western Christianity, of Roman
civilisation revived by the Teutons, and
of the general Indo-European character
of the composite races in Europe, but also
gave a considerable impulse to new de-
velopments. The necessity of keeping a
standing cavalry force under arms in
Southern Gaul for the long struggle with
the Saracens stimulated the process of
transforming the German military system
in the direction of chivalry. Among the
Ch • f i Frankish portions of the empire
ris lani y ^■^^ transformation of the Teu-
Repulses . . . • , ,
J J tonic army into a cavalry force
was a process which had gradu-
ally pervaded the remaining tribes, though
the Saxons and Frisians were least affected.
In spite of all the efforts and the
imperial power which Charles the Great
exerted to secure the direct adminis-
trative action of the state upon questions
of government, all official duties and
responsibilities committed to other hands
3480
assumed a form of feudal dependence,
and this the more easily, as the advance
of agricultural progress involved the
payment of all rewards in the form of
arable ground and soil. The possession
of offices, the capable management of
surplus products, the continual entrance
into some feudal relation of free men
who wished to be relieved of their public
duties or the difficulties of existence,
the exemption t)f influential lords from
the general duties of state administration,
and the grant of judicial powers over their
possessions and their people — these were
all influences which steadily advanced
the size and the independence of great
territorial domains.
It was, however, the Church which
turned its landed property to special
account in acquiring administrative powers
and lordship. She received far more
extensive immunities than the laymen.
She was not discouraged by any temporary
decrease of possessions or power, such as
took place when Charles Martel, finding
large supplies necessary for the repulse
of the Saracens, procured them by wide
_ appropriation of Church pro-
Germans i. r i u- U
y, perty or 01 property which
Ch * t* 't ^^ popular ideas had long been
regarded as subject to the
Church. His sons agreed to return what
they could. The Church, however, was
able to make use of any opportunity.
About the time when the armies of
the Austrasians and other Germans had
saved the West from Mohammedanism,
and during the following decade, the
Frisians, the middle and the southern
Germans, were largely won over to
Christianity, and their districts subjected
to Church organisation, by means of
the missions of Anglo-Saxon and Frankish
evangelists, and especially by the pioneer
work of the Anglo-Saxon Winfried. The
Teuton conceived of his Christianity as
giving him membership in a greater
community, wider than his own tribal
district, or his most extended conception
of the Folk, an idea which in the 'political
world was to dawn upon him much more
slowly. Nor was this the only common
point of interest which bound the Frankish
mayors of the palace to the Church and
induced them to regard the universal
claims of the Bishop of Rome, which
Winfried invariably exalted above his
own, as coincident with their own interests.
Eduard Heyck
WESTERN
EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE
AGES
THE
EMERGING OF
THE NATIONS
111
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
IN THE DAYS OF ITS POWER AND GLORY
(~\P the two sons of Charles Martel who
^^ succeeded jointly to the position of
mayor of the palace, Carloman shortly
retired to a monastery, leaving Pippin —
Pepin le Bref — at the head of the Prankish
dominion. The only thing wanting to con-
firm the power of his predecessors within
the Prankish Empire had been the title of
king, which was something more than a
trifle in the eyes of the people ; Pippin
determined to secure this title with the
help of the ecclesiastical power.
The representatives of St. Peter in their
little " Patrimonium " on the shores of
the Tiber, with Rome as its capital,
continually felt the pressure exerted by
the Lombards, who from 568 had expelled
the Byzantines from Italy after their
Ostrogoth triumphs, though the Lombard
want of a navy obliged them to leave the
Byzantines in possession of Venice, the
three islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica,
and of the southern point of Italy.
Hence, as early as the time of Charles
Martel, the Curia had conceived the plan
of using the warlike Franks to crush the
Lombards, who had grown enfeebled in
the milder climate of Italy and by their
contact with the moral degeneration of
Roman culture. Upon the receipt of a secret
missive from Stephen IV., Pippin invited
the Pope to visit the Prankish Empire,
and promised him a safe conduct through
the Lombard territory. The two met at
„ .. Ponthion, on the Marne, on
uVn^rclV J^^^^^y 6th, 745. Pippin
E br h d ^^^ subsequently anointed as
king at Soissons (July 25th)
notwithstanding the representations of his
brother Carloman. Pippin's two sons were
anointed with himself. Thus the dignity
which he had seized became a hereditary
monarchy resting upon divine right, and the
allegiance of the Franks to Pippin and his
descendants became imperative. As early
as 751, the nominal monarch, Childeric III.,
had been illegaUy deposed in the diet at
Soissons and sent into a monastery.
The newly crowned monarch received
the title of Patricius of the Romans — that
is to say, protector of the Romans and of
the Pope, and thus occupied a position
which had hitherto been held by the East
Roman emj^eror residing in Byzantium.
In return, Pippin conducted two trium-
phant campaigns against the Lombard
king, Aistulf, whom he forced to surrender
the territory taken from the Pope. To
. the Pope was given, besides the
of th P 1 exarchate of Ravenna and the
c apa Pentapolis, the whole of the
coast line from the south of the
Po to Ancona, without reference to the
claims which Byzantium could lay to
these last-named possessions.
The Donation of Pippin is the begin-
ning of the later increase in the secular
power of the Popes ; their position
largely distracted the interests of the
occupants of this highest spiritual dignity
from their ecclesiastical calling and in-
volved them in secular partisanship and
policies ; at the same time it gave them
some independence in their dealings with
the great European powers, the petty
princes of Italy, and the incorrigible insub-
ordination of the Roman populace.
The Lombard kingdom remained for the
moment independent ; Aistulf, however,
paid tribute, and the appointment of his
successor, Desiderius, was subject to
Prankish approval. Desiderius naturally
joined Byzantium, the rights of which had
been infringed equally with his own by the
Franks ; the independent lords of Bene-
ventum and Spoleto turned for support to
the Prankish Empire. It is obvious that
in this state of affairs the Prankish ruler
did not become dependent on the Pope,
who required his protection against th^
Lomba-ds, the Byzantines, the inhabi-
tants of Rome, and the petty princes of
Italy. It is clear that the Pope was rather
depending upon the Franks, and this
relationship served to increase the halo
of religious sanctity surrounding the
3481
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
kingship which the Prankish ruler had
assumed.
Once in possession of this predominant
position, which extended
far beyond the hmits of
the Prankish Empire
proper, Pippin had no
difficulty in humiliating
and subjugating refrac-
tory neighbours. Thus
Aquitaine, over which
many struggles had been
fought, came permanently
into his possession in 768 :
eleven years previoush-
Duke Tassilo of Bavaria
had taken the oath ot
allegiance. Only the free
Saxons — who inhabited
the right bank of the
Rhine to the Lower Elbe,
divided into four groups
of West- and East-
PIPPIN THE FIRST KING
of conquering this nationality was the
more difficult for the reason that it was
necessary to subjugate one tribal district
after another, and that
every failure inspired a
revolt, which ran through
every canton of the three
tribes, as far as the
frontier of the Eider in
Xordalbingia. Hence the
final subjugation and
conversion to Christianity
of this last bulwark of the
old Teutonic freedom was
a process extending over
some thirty years — 772 to
804.
As early as 777, at the
diet of Paderborn, after
two unsuccessful battles,
the Saxon chiefs had
offered their submission,
undertaking to forfeit
Phalians, Angrians and succeeding his father, charies Martei, at the their freedom and posses-
North Albingians — were head of the Prankish dominion, Pippin at once gious if they disavowcd
, , , . , ". , , . ,1 sot himself to secure the title of King, which , , ,^1 • , • r ■ ^
able to maintain their old had not been held by his predecessors. He the Christian faith or
faith and possessions, s^*'"^** ^'^ «"''• ''^•"s: anointed at Soissons. i^^Qj^g ^ fj.Qj^ ^Yie\r
possessions,
though obliged to make certain payments
of tribute. The unity of this extended
empire was expressed in the partition
which Pippin carried out before his death,
on September 24th, 768. His two sons.
Charles and Carloman,
received districts contain-
ing a mixed population
of Teutonic and Romance
elements under conditions
presupposing the common
government of the whole.
These careful beginnings
of the comprehensive
empire which Pippin had
secured were steadily ex-
tended by his son Charles
the Great, or Charle-
magne; the coping-stone
of the whole fabric was
the imperial dignity and
the succession to the posi-
tion of the Caesars in
ancient Rome, united with
away
fidelity to Charles, his sons, and the
Franks. The most bitter enemy of the
Franks was Widukind, who had been
appointed duke by the general assembly
at Marklo on tlie Weser ; he escaped the
obligation of this agree-
ment, and of baptism, by
a flight into the Danish
land across the Eider.
While Charles was fight-
ing in Spain against the
Arab Omayyads in 778,
the revolt broke out
afresh. Under the leader-
ship of Widukind the
rebels advanced to the
Ivhine, supported by the
Danes and Frisians, de-
\ astating Thuringia and
Hesse and destroying the
Christian colonies. In
780 they were recon-
quered as far as the Elbe,
and their land was divided
a right of protectorate ^7^\ Jk^,?"^- Merovingian king into countries accordiner
° , , \ r /-I ■ Though Chimeric was the nominal monarch of , ,, t^ , . , ,, P
over the whole ot ChnS- the Prankish dominion, the reins of govern- tO the Fraukish method,
tianity. The first step SeTthat'thl'^a^'"wt1c^ilL'i}yru;'ed'sh'^^^^^^ native magnates being
was the subjection of all sit on the throne. Childeric was, therefore, appointed COUntS. At the
Teutonic peoples who Still '^P°'"' '"'''• ""^^^"''"*"^™°""*^-^- memorable assembly of
retained their independence of the Prankish Lippspringe in 782,Christianity was imposed
Empire. The most dangerous enemies upon them by strict legislation. Forcible
were the heathen Saxons, and the task entry into Christian churches, disregard
3482
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
of Christian fasts, or the murder of the
clergy, were made punishable with death.
Upon their baptism, the Saxons were to
forsake the devil and the heathen gods
— in the opinion of the Church the latter
were the tools of the devil — and to ac-
knowledge the Trinity in Unity. The
pacification seemed so far complete that
in 782 Charles made a levy of his new
subjects to complete his expedition against
the Wendish Sorbs on the Saale. The
Saxons, however,
attacked the Franks
the march at
on
The religious character of these long
wars was outwardly indicated by the
presence of missionaries and of the relics
of the saints with the armies. The
Christian " message of peace " was intro-
duced by armed force and bloody persecu-
tions, methods repeated 900 years later
in the Huguenot wars under Louis XIV.
These methods, however, were in com-
plete accord with the arbitrary spirit of
the times. The work of conversion was
and Bremen. The the great Charlemagne Wends, and Avars
system of tithes was This illustration, taken from tlie painting by Albert either tO beCOmC
introduced and the ^"'■«'"' »" ^'^^^' "-epresents the great Charlemagne in incorporated with his
T-. 1 • 1 J c the coronation robes of a German emperor of that period. •*. . ,„„„_
Prankish system of ft- empire or to recog-
miUtary service imposed upon the Saxons, nise his supremacy. The campaign in
Once again — 792 and following years — irri-
tation against these two latter innovations
ended in a rebellion, which was punished by
the transportation of 10,000 Saxon families
to the Prankish Empire ; in the lands thus
left vacant Prankish colonists were settled.
In this way the strength of the old race was
broken. The supposed " peace of Salz,"
concluded in 803, on the Prankish Saale,
cannot be proved by documentary evidence.
Spain was inspired only by the desire to
secure the Prankish frontier against a
repetition of the Moorish invasion. Por
this purpose Charles fought in alliance
with the Arab king of Saragossa against
his enemy the caliph Abd ur- Rahman —
a Christian thus uniting with an unbe-
liever, as, during the Crusades, the
Knights Templars occasionally helped the
Mohammedans against their co-religionists.
3483
CHARLEMAGNE RECEIVING THE SUBMISSION OF WIDUKIND
When Charles the Great, better known as Charlemagne, succeeded his father, Pippin, on the throne, he set himself to
subjugate all the Teutonic peoples who Still retained their independence of the Prankish Empire. One of the bitterest
of these enemies was Widukind, who led a revolt while Charlemagne was fighting in Spain, and, supported by the
Danes and Frisians, devastated Thuringia and Hesse and destroyed the Christian colonies. Widukind, however, finally
yielded to Charlemagne's power, and, adopting Christianity, which had been imposed by legislation, was baptised in 785.
The destruction of the Frankish rear-
guard in the valley of Roncevalles, the
historical nucleus of the " Chanson de
Roland," was due to the Basque moun-
taineers and not to the Arabs, who,
however, availed themselves of this de-
feat to regain the territory conquered
by Charles.
The Frankish monarcn and the papacy
also stood in close alliance, even in cases
where matters of European policy were
concerned rather than ecclesiastical and
religious questions. It was to this alliance
that the Lombard kingdom fell a victim
in 774. Desiderius had renewed his
attacks upon the papal possessions, and
had, moreover, entered into close relations
with Charles' brother Carloman and his
family, who were hostile to the emperor.
Desiderius had recognised the two
sons of Carloman, who were not yet
of age, as Frankish kings after their
father's death, in 771. The family dissen-
sion thus threatened was averted by the
3484
premature death of Carloman, upon which
Charles was appointed sole ruler by a
decree of the national assembly, and the
nephews were passed over. None the less,
after a victorious campaign, Charles put
an end to the independence of the Lom-
bard state, was crowned at Milan, divided
the conquered territory into counties,
and introduced the judicial and military
organisation of the Frankish Empire.
Desiderius was sent into a monastery, the
usual fate of troublesome competitors in
that age. Charles thereupon hastened to
Rome to take part in the Easter festivals
of April 3rd, 774 ; he was received in
solemn procession and concluded an
alliance of friendship with Pope Hadrian at
the tomb of the Apostle Peter. There is
no doubt he then renewed the Donation
made by his father ; it is, however,
more than doubtful whether, as a papal
record asserts, he conferred Parma,
Mantua, Reggio, Venice, Spoleto, and
Corsica upon the papal chair as fiefs. Of
ROLAND, THt Hi Hi) Ol
A nephew of Charlemagne and the jj^'catesl of h
IHE NATIONAl 1 I'K i)t IKANii
A nephew of Charlemagne and the Kreatest of hi- p.il.ulins. Kcland l>ecame the theme of le^eii.l and r"Mi.iTn r. On I hirlrin ix;nf s return Irom
Spain. KoUnd. commanding the rear-^uard. fell into an ambuscade in the defile of Koncevalle* and perished with the flower of French chivalry.
Hu &bulaus sword remained unbrokwi cftar ha tud itruck it t*o tisMt on • rock, and !•(<<><> jclU tbtt be finally thraw it into • poitooad Mraam.
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
these supposed grants Charles himself
retained Spoleto after the conquest of the
Lombard kingdom. Even though these
and other districts were declared papal
possessions by a decree of Louis the
Pious in the year 817, the points at
issue were then claims and desires rather
than actual rights of practical possession.
We find the king and Pope agreed upon
the desirability of overthrowing Tassilo,
the last Bavarian duke. He had re-
newed his old oath of allegiance and had
given hostages, but was administering his
territory from the Lech to the Enns as
an independent prince. Charters were
dated by the years of his reign and he had
appointed his son to succeed him. In
the 3^ear 787 negotiations took place in
Rome between his ambassadors and those
of Charles, though the latter were not
given full powers to treat.
The Pope threatened the duke with
excommunication if he broke his
faith. Upon the complaint of certain
treacherous Bavarians that Tassilo had
joined Charles' enemies — the Avars,
who were collected at the Theiss — the
duke was condemned to death in the
following year by the imperial diet at
Ingelheim, though Charles commuted his
sentence to confinement in the monastery
of St. Goar. Bavaria was united with
Franconia ; the limits of the empire were
extended to the Saale and the Wilzes in
Pomerania, the East Mark, Austria, thus
becoming the frontier against the Avars,
and the Mark of Brandenburg securing
the empire against the Slav Sorbs. The
territory taken from the Avars, from the
Enns to the Raba, was given up to Prankish
colonists, and Christianity in the Danube
district was revived by the foundation
of the Archbishopric of Salzburg.
Charles had many opjwrtunities for
using his position as protector of the
papacy after the accession to that dignity
of Leo in. on December 26th, 795. Leo
sent the banner of the city of Rome and the
keys of St. Peter's tomb to the Prankish
king, while Charles used the protectorate
thus given to him by advising the Pope
to follow the canonical rules and to avoid
simony. In the year 799 there broke out
against Leo a popular revolt which was
instigated by his immediate relations.
The threatened Pope fled to Charles, and
ANOINTING THE YOUTHFUL CHARLES THE GREAT AS KING OF THE FRANKS
From the paintiinf by Schoorr yon CafvWeld « Munich
3485
9iZ
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
was brought back to Rome by force of
arms. Before Christmas, in the year 800,
Charles held a court at Rome to decide
between the Pope and his opponents. The
latter did not venture to bring any proof
of their accusations, while the former
swore to his innocence ; and at his request
his opponents, who had been condemned
to death, were punished only with exile.
On December 25th Charles was crowned
emperor in the church of St. Peter ; the
matter had been previously discussed, but
was carried out in a form distasteful to
him, as it seemed to confer too large
a measure of independence upon the Pope,
who required his help, though upon this
occasion the Pope himself bent the knee
before the ruler
of Christianity.
Thus the polit-
ical unity of the
nations of Europe
had received the
blessing of the
Church, for
Charles' empire
included the
countries from
the Pyrenees to
the North Sea
and from the
Eider to the
Apennines. Dis-
regarding the
claims of Byzan-
tium to the title
of Roman Em-
pire, the Prankish
monarch now
ruled as the
CROWN OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE
of which had been ordered by the
Empress Irene. He also wounded the
pride of the Byzantines in 799 when he
received the keys of the Holy Sepulchre
and of the city of Jerusalem from the
patriarch, thus coming forward as pro-
tector of the Holy Land. This fact in no
way disturbed the friendly character of
his relations with the Abbasid caliph,
Harun al Raschid, who kept peace with
the patriarch. In 811 Byzantium was
obliged to recognise the imperial supre-
macy of Charles, and received Venice as
the price.
The last decade of Charles' reign was
disturbed, apart from some frontier wars,
only by a dangerous invasion of the
Danish ruler
Gottfried, who
made a trium-
phant advance
with a large fleet
on the Frisian
coast and threat-
ened with de-
struction the
Christian colonies
in the north of
Germany. As
no fleet of war
existed, the chas-
tisement of this
enemy was out of
the question, and
the danger was
averted only by
Gottfried's mur-
der in 810. The
east and south
frontiers of the
f , This symbol of royal power, known as the Crown of Charlemag-ne, or ,
successor Ot tne the Crown of the Holy Roman Empire, is in the Treasury at Vienna, empire Were, IlOW
ever, firmlv de
X^aesars. His rela-
tions with Byzantium were already strained,
and this tension, accentuated by dogmatic
quarrels and the division of the Greek
Church from the Roman, would no doubt
have led to an appeal to arms had not the
military weakness and dissensions of the
Byzantine Empire forced the authorities
to compliance. For a time the project
was even entertained of a marriage
between Charles, who was nearly sixty
years of age, and the Empress Irene.
Charles also asserted his superiority over
the Eastern Empire by his arbitrary inter-
ference in the lengthy quarrel concerning
the adoration of pictures. An assembly
of Prankish bishops at Frankfort declared
in 794 against this practice, the resumption
3486
fended by the Marks, under the command
of warlike counts. These were : the East
Mark, protecting Thuringia and Franconia
against the Avars, Sorbs and Bohemians ;
and in the south the Spanish Mark, which
was organised in the year 810 after the
reconquest of the district between the
P\Tenees and the Ebro. In the year 806
Charles divided his territory-, according to
the tradition of his house, among his three
sons, Charles, Pippin and Louis, upon
principles that secured the chief power to
the eldest, and were intended to maintain
a close federal alUance between the three
parts of the empire. The death of the
two eldest sons (810-811) overthrew these
arrangements, and on September nth,
348;
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
The Gre&t
Ambition
of Charles
813, Charles himself crowned his youngest
son as emperor, without the assistance of
the Pope, who was entirely subordinate
to his will.
Charles had realised the idea of a
Caesar- Pope — that is to say, the union of
the secular and ecclesiastical
powers ; in the government and
administration of his wide em-
pire he also aimed at unlimited
power. Prankish kings had originally been
nothing more than the first among their
vassals. At the time of the conquest of
the Roman districts the leaders nominally
possessed the right to dispose of all mili-
tary acquisitions ; but, in order to secure
the fidelity of their soldiers, they were
obliged to make a general and equal divi-
sion of all land and property. From the
stage of communistic enjoyment of the
land, that of private ownership was bound
to arise, as the kings, in order to secure
adherents, were accustomed to confer land
upon nobles for agricultural purposes, which
land was thus given as private property.
The occupation of such allodial land
— that is to say, of land held in free-
hold— implied an obligation to serve in
war, to provide an armed force, and to
administer justice in the smaller divisions
of the counties. During the continual
wars the fields lay fallow and property
was ravaged. Hence the smaller free-
holders adopted the method of surrender-
ing their property to some noble, or to the
Church, from whom they received it back
as a fief {beneficiiim) for a yearly rent.
A long-standing custom was the confer-
ment of C hurch property upon smaller
men, or the grant of it by royal decree,
'', under terms which pro vi 1 ed for its e ven-
' tual return, to nobles for a rental, which
was generally unpaid. Charles Martel
was especially fond of this form of grant.
The great landowners also made grants of
small estates in return for payment in kind
and product.
Charles the Great wisely strove to
protect the freemen, supporting their
_ J , independence, and creating a
^' " close bureaucracy dependent
.**p'^ °' only upon himself . For this pur-
pose the obligations of the free-
men were strictly regulated, and the counts,
who were chiefly territorial owners and
used their power to plunder the peasants,
were prohibited from any attempt to
destroy the independence of that class.
The poorer men were reUeved by Charles
3488
of the duty of personal military service,
by the regulation that several might join
to equip one man. Those parts of the
empire which lay at a considerable distance
from the seat of the war were partially
relieved of the necessity for service.
Charles also limited the number of court
days and assembly days. General meet-
ings of the freemen of the county were
to be held only thrice a year, to discuss
the most important matters affecting the
rights and welfare of the community ;
all other judicial sessions took place under
the presidency of the count, and after
about 775 seven assessors only were
summoned to attend, as representing the
communities. These were chosen from
the principal men by the royal " missi
dominici " (itinerant commissioners), the
supervisory officials of the county, while
the counts had a voice in the matter.
These measures did not, however, secure
self-government or real communal free-
dom. Charles was chiefly anxious to
increase the prosperity of the freema.n.
His own estates were regarded as models of
their kind. He was accustomed to examine
the smallest details, to look over the ac-
counts, and to increase the
n"™ -f • productivei)owersof the non-
Pursuits in a i ,j- ^-r ] , , ,
« ,„ , tree. His wiie and daughters
Royal Palace 1 ^^u u i 11
managed the household per-
sonally, and were obliged to spin and
card wool. This high example exercised
a stimulating influence upon agriculture.
Villages and courts arose where formerly
the land had been fallow. Trade also
revived. Military roads went along the
Rhine to the North Sea, from the Elbe
to the Black and Adriatic Seas. Feuds
and other disturbances of the peace were
suppressed by stern regulations.
The administration of justice was the
object of the emperor's special care.
Every week a communal court was held
under the presidency of a Hundred, or,
while a county court was held monthly,
under the count of the district. The
" missi dominici " were obliged to make
quarterly journeys of inspection, when
they examined every detail, inspected the
courts and the military contingents, and
represented the interests of the crown
against the spirit of feudal separatism.
As commissioners dependent upon the
crown, they took the place of the old
independent dukes. The ruler was advised
upon matters of legislation by an imperial
assembly composed of the ecclesiastical
THE SIRASBURG OATHS; LEWIS AND CHARLES FORMING AN ALLIANCE
When the unity of the Carolingian Empire was dissolved, the Eastern and Western Franks, under the rule of Lewis and
Charles, entered upon separate courses of development. In the Treaty of the Meerssen in 870. Lewis the German
and Charles the Bald agreed that their Romance districts, Provence and Burgundy, should belong to the West
Prankish Empire, and that the remainder should come under the East Frankish ruler. In contra.st to the Roman
language of the West Franks, and also to the ecclesiastical Latin, a German vernacular language had there developed,
the first specimen of which is to be found in the Strasburg Oaths which Lewis and Charles, when formmg their alliance
against Lothair, took, each in the language of the other, in February, 842. The oath bound not only the two princes,
but also their officials, who were to be judged gruUty of rebellion if they broke their aUegiance to the.r feudal lords.
3489
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
and secular nobility and of the royal
officials, a continuation of the old popular
and military assembly of the Mayfield. which
had long become meaningless ; this assembly
received and confirmed the decrees of
Charles in the spring, while in the autumn
- . . . an imperial privy council met
imi a ion fQj- (jgiib^ration. Hitherto two
P ^k' * t legal systems had been in vogue,
the Salic and the Ribuarian. It
was now advisable that the united empire
should have a uniform system of law ;
the two existing systems were improved
by Charles, who introduced his own regu-
lations in his " capitularies." In contrast
to those issued by the Merovingians,
these decrees are characterised by their
humanitarian character and their limita-
tion of capital punishment. They were
supplemented by his successor, and the
earliest collection of them is dated 827.
Though written in Latin, they breathe
a Teutonic spirit and faithfully reflect
old Teutonic customs, morality, and in-
stitutions. Charles also caused collec-
tions to be made of the popular laws of
the larger tribes under his rule — the
Saxons, Angles, and Frisians.
Below his court officials, the clergy
formed the medium of higher culture,
their energies being chiefly confined to
studying the creeds of the Church, liturgies,
and extracts from the Fathers,1:he writing
of ecclesiastical Latin and the reading
of some ecclesiastical authors. Of these
court clergy, the highest in rank was the
arch-chaplain, apocrisiarius, who kept
the emperor informed as to all ecclesiastical
matters and received his orders. The arch-
chaplain was at the head of the Imperial
Chancery. In the High Court of Justice
the president was the Count of the Palace,
the highest secular official. With him sat
commissioners, who were chosen from the
most experienced lawyers of the court.
Upon occasion Charles himself presided
in these courts.
The Prankish Empire was essentially an
amalgamation of the Roman and Teutonic
_ civilisations ; side by side with
_, *". the popular law existed the civil
^. ... . law of Rome, just as ecclesi-
astical Latin existed side by
side with the vernacular dialects. Simi-
larly, Charles attempted to conjoin Teu-
tonic legend and tradition with the re-
mains of Roman civilisation and culture.
Hence he caused to be made collections
of the old Teutonic songs which celebrated
3490
the exploits of the legendary kings ; he
conceived the idea of a German grammar,
and replaced the Latin names of the
months with German names. To the four
German terms which existed to denote
the direction of the wind he added twelve
new ones, if we may believe the report of
Einhard.
His own tutors in the classical lan-
guages and civilisation were partly Anglo-
Saxons, with whom were now to be found
the learning and philosophy which had
perished in Italy with Cassiodorus and
Boethius. Of these scholars the chief
was Alcuin of York, who created the
monastic school of Tours, and was the
leading spirit among Charles' group of
scholars. To him Charles owed his know-
ledge of rhetoric, dialectic and astronomy.
The Emperor's teacher of grammar was
Peter of Pisa, a priest like Alcuin. The
most distinguished historians of Charles'
exploits were Einhard, who was by origin
from the Odenwald, and wTote the first com-
plete biography of the Emperor — the only
_. , defect of which is the unneces-
Charles ... ,
, . ,. . sary plagiarism of sentences
Immortalised i f r ^i. i- r
. p and phrases from the lives of
Suetonius — and Angilbert , who
immortalised the emperor's feats in an
epic poem.
Since the time of Gregory of Tours
and his contemporary, jomandes, or
Jordanes, the historian of the Ostrogoths,
historical writing had sunk to a low ebb.
It now revived in the hands of Teutons
who wTote Latin. At Charles' court lived
for some time the Lombard Paul, son of
Wamefried, or Paulus Diaconus, the author
of the history of his nation to the year
744, which is based upon old sagas and
legends. Charles himself attempted to
remed}' the defects of his youthful educa-
tion. When advanced in years he would
spend the nights, though with no great
success, in learning to write, an art which
was chiefly confined to the clergy and
scholars. On the other hand, he had com-
pletely mastered Latin and the elements of
Greek, if the testimony of Einhard may be
beheved. He was acquainted with the
work of St. Augustine, " De Civitate
Dei." He caused his sons and daughters
to be also educated in the sciences, and for
the education of young nobles and of the
more talented sons of the middle class
he provided the School of the Palace, which
he himself was accustomed to inspect, in
addition to the model school of Toius.
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
Among the arts, he had an especial
preference for music and architecture, both
of which he apphed to the service of God.
He attempted to improve church music
by the introduction of ItaUan masters,
whose cleverness, however, could do little
with the rough voices of the Franks, while
divine service was amended by the use of
a book of homilies which Paulus Diaconus
composed. Charles paid zealous attention
to the construction and decoration of
churches. For the Basilica of Aix-la-
Chapelle he sent for marble from Italy, and
provided a magnificent supply of gold and
silver vessels and ecclesiastical robes and
vestments. He visited the church morn-
ing and evening, and often at night, and
took pains to secure the observance of order
and decorum in the services. He also
afforded valuable assistance in the decora-
tion of the Church of St. Peter at Rome.
Those Christians who lived beyond the
boundaries of the Frankish Empire ever
found a ready supporter in Charles the
Great.
In accordance with the spirit of the time,
he enriched churches and monasteries
u ^v . by presents and grants of land :
How Charles . u t- i • u i v.
_, • k J the Frankish clergy, whom
»k />!. L he kept in strict obedience,
the Church , T , • i^- i
began to claim political power
on the ground of their wealth, even in
his successor's reign. Apart from tithes,
the Church possessed wide properties and
estates — the abbey of Fulda, for instance,
owned fifteen thousand hides shortly after
its foundation. At the same time, these
incomes had to provide for much charity,
for the education of the poor, and other
obligations, while the overlords retained
their right of appropriating church pro-
perty in order to reward their own ad-
herents. The monasteries and churches
remained, however, the central points, not
only of education, but also of trade and
intercourse, of manufacture and agricul-
ture.
The great ecclesiastical festivals were
also the most important market days.
Even if business was at a standstill
on those particular days, it was carried
on the more zealously either before or
afterwards. In the towns and market
villages, foreign merchants came in where
formerly trade and manufacture were per-
mitted only to the members of guilds.
The name "mass" for a market was
derived from the solemn high mass which
was held on such days, and was attended
by numerous natives and foreigners.
Around churches and monasteries arose
new marks and even new towns. Within
the territory of the monastery hved also
the non-free artisans, who worked for the
inmates of the monastery, and stimulated
manufacture by their industry and clever-
ness. Agriculture and viticulture, garden-
Improved ^"^ ^"^ vegetable growing, were
Methods in increased by the example of the
Agriculture "i^nasteries ; new products were
discovered and new methods
introduced. The growth of the eccle-
siastical estates and their methods of
cultivation on a great scale, which almost
recalled the Roman latifundia, gave a
useful impulse to changes in the primitive
system of agriculture in vogue upon noble
and peasant properties.
Charles remained a true Teuton in his
mode of living ; his dress, his favourite
exercises of riding and hunting, were
entirely German. Of an excitable dis-
position, which could move him easily to
tears, he was yet entirely master of him-
self. He had, for instance, completely
overcome the tendency to excessive drink-
ing which was characteristic of the
Teutons, and, to a less degree, his inclina-
tion to eating, which his bodily vigour
permitted him to satisfy. His constant
activity, extending often through the hours
of the night, was a standing example.
Wherever he went he inquired personally
into details ; his household, the adminis-
tration of justice, and the settlement of
quarrels were subjects in which he took
most interest. He resided in his palaces
at Nimwegen, with its sixteen-cornered
chapel, at Nieder-Ingelheim, built in 768-
774, and at Aachen, or Aix-la-Chapelle,
rebuilt between yyy and 786, and not in
the Romance portions of his empire.
In 793 Charles attempted to connect the
Rhine with the Danube by the canal from
the Altmiihl to the Rednitz, which was
never completed ; at Mainz he built a
, wooden bridge over the
The ater Rhine 500 yards long, and
Ch"^i when this was burnt down in
ar emagne jyj^y^ g^^^ he projected the
construction of a new bridge in its place.
He was often obUged to change his head-
quarters owing to the difficulty of collect-
ing the necessaries of life in any one spot,
for communications by road or river were
then highly defective. In his last years
Aachen was his favourite residence, and
its hot baths provided him with rehef
3491
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
for his growing infirmities ; he advised
his son, his friends, and his courtiers to
make constant use of them, and often more
than one hundred persons bathed together.
He was distinguished above all other
Franks for his breadth of mind, which
was especially obvious in his preference
for foreign culture and its exponents, and
in his disregard of the limits of nationality
and of religious faith, when higher political
objects seemed to be at stake. He con-
cluded alliances, not only with Alfonso II.
of Galicia and Asturias and with the
Scottish princes, but also with Harun
al-Rashid, who was a friend of culture.
Under the protection of this Mohammedan,
Charles sent an embassy to adorn the
Holy Sepulchre, while Harun sent mes-
sengers to conduct the
Franks on their homeward
journey, bearing presents
to Charles of treasures,
robes, and spices of the
East, in addition to an
elephant, for which the
Frankish rule • had asked.
Charles also showed an
entirely German spirit in
his relations with the
female sex. He did not
indeed follow the tradi-
tional polygamy of his
ancestors, but he con-
stantly changed his wiv^es
and was never long a
widower. After marrying
the daughter of Desi-
derius at the wish of his
times, in conscious opposition to German
manners. Charles the Great is rather t(
be regarded as the earliest exponent ot
the excellencies of the Teutonic character,
the rudeness of which he was able to
moderate while overcoming or mastering
its weaknesses.
It is a common historical experience that
great empires, consisting of mixed peoples
connected by outward ties rather than by
inward solidarity, often lose their greatness
or fall into disruption upon the death of
their founder. Such was the case in the
fourth century B.C. with the empire of
Alexander the Great : also in Central Asia,
after the death of Tamerlane ; and the
phenomenon was repeated in the case of
the Carolingian monarchy. The one-sided
theory which regards
mankind as master of
circumstances, and not as
subject to them, usually
makes the less capable
successors of great princes
responsible for such dis-
ruption ; but the deeper
reasons lie in foreign and
domestic political condi-
tions. Such was the case
with the Frankish Empire.
Notwithstanding his sedu-
lous care for the defence
and security of his fron-
tiers, Charles the Great
had never been able
entirely to overcome two
dangerous enemies.
LOUIS THE PIOUS Evcu during his time
mother, Bertrada, for The sole heir of his great father, Charlemagne the Northmen, or Vikings,
whom he had a great ir^^^^^s'^'^i^'e^Tsli^n^'^^^^^ were plundering the Eng-
respect, he divorced her ling because he divided the empire among lish COastS UUdcr the
for unknown reasons, and ^'^^^'^^ ^°"«' Lothair, Pippin, and Louis, leadership of their petty
married Hildegarde, a Swabian woman of kings, v^po had been driven out of their Nor
noble birth, who died in 771. After this,
in 783, he married a Frankish woman,
Fastrada, who was followed by the Ala-
mannian Luidgard, who died in 800.
Beside his legal wives, he had concubines,
whose numbers increased to three after
the death of Luidgard. He allowed his
unmarried daughters entire freedom of
sexual intercourse.
The glamour which has been spread
. around this great emperor and his paladins
by legend and poetry must pale in the light
of historical truth. But this will also
destroy the grotesque picture of the one-
sided French Charlemagne, to which
French historians have clung until recent
3492
wegian possessions by powerful governors.
In 795 they captured the island of Rathlin
on the north coast of Ireland, in 802 the
missionary settlement of lona, one of the
Hebrides, and in 804 they sailed up the
Boyne and captured Dublin. They were
also advancing in the interior of the country;
in 789 they raided Wessex, and in 799
Northumberland. Charles fortified the
coasts and rivers on the north frontier of
his empire, but for want of a fleet he could
no more permanently repel these raids
than drive back the Danish sea-king
Gottfried. The example of the Northmen
in Western Europe was repeated by th*.
Saracen pirates in Southern Italy, and
THE DEPOSITION OF LOUIS THE PIOUS
When Louis the Pious divided the empire among; his three sons he sowed the s^ed of foture troub^^^^^^^^ Th«*
sons revolted when their father subsequently altered the principle of the partition in °'^°er inarm:. >u j^
marriage afterwards known as Charles>he/ald shoiUd not be left -thXo^nllK'a ie« laTer and dUsdTn liS!
which foUowcd, Louis was deposed in 933, but bo returned to the throne about a year laicr,
3493
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
here again Charles strove to protect him-
self by fortifications at the river mouths
and harbours. The main object of the
Northmen was the extortion of tribute and
the acquisition of plunder, and the extent to
which Charles'
successors
suffered under
this plague will
be seen when
we study the
history of Scan-
dinavia.
The second
enemy was the
Slav people,
who were
divided into a
number of
tribes ; they had
occupied the
country aband-
oned by the
Germans during
their migrations
from the Baltic
and the mouth
of the Elbe to
THE EMPEROR LOTHAiR the Bohemian
This son of Louis the Pious was Tr,^rocf • iVx^nr^i:*
crowned in 823. Troublous times i^Olcbl , iut;ui.e
followed, in which Lothair and his they had eX-
brothers struggled for supremacy. ^^^-^^ ^ ^^ g^^,^..^
and Carinthia, to the Danubian terri-
tories of the Byzantine Empire, and
even into ancient Greece. In Moravia
a powerful empire had arisen under
Svatopluk — who died in 895 — which was
not to collapse until the beginning of the
tenth century. The modern territories of
Prussia, Pomerania, Mecklenburg, Bran-
denburg, Saxon}', Bohemia, Moravia and
the Austrian Alps were in the possession of
Slavonic tribes. Notwithstanding the vic-
tories of Charles over the Sorbs and Wilzes,
they retained their wide sphere of influence
practically undiminished. The dissension
prevailing among the individual tribes,
of whom even in Charles' time the Obotrites
of Mecklenburg joined the Franks, made it
impossible that they should withstand the
superior military prowess of the Germans.
Until the tenth and eleventh centuries
they were steadily driven back before the
missionary zeal of their western neigh-
bours ; only in heathen Prussia did
they resist the power of the Teutonic
knights until the thirteenth century.
In the interior the feudal nobility had
been kept in check by the strong hand of
3494
Charles, but its tendency to separatism
had not been thereby destroyed. The
rich presents and favours of Charles had
raised the power of the ecclesiastical
nobility, which soon became a force
threatening the monarchy, although the
papacy continued subject to the protec-
torate of the Franks for a longer period.
Louis the Pious was the sole heir of
his great father, who died on January 28th,
814. He was crowned emperor in Rheims
by Pope Stephen v., and was by no means
the helpless weakling that he is painted
in the traditional accounts of his reign.
During the lifetime of his two elder bro-
thers he was naturally thrown into the
background, and was brought up in
Aquitaine by monks in an environment
of prayer and penance. After his ac-
cession he continued the great work of
conversion begun by Charles, and created
two strong centres of Christianity in the
bishoprics of Hildesheim and Hamburg.
Hamburg was intended to form a bulwark
against the heathen Danes and North-
men, but was reduced to ashes by them
in 8^y, about thirty years after its founda-
tion. Louis
also followed
his father's
example by
enriching the
clergy with gifts
of land and
rents ; but he
allowed the
secular princes
subordinate
to himself to
appropriate
Church pro-
perty. It was
chiefly for this
reason that the
clergy, who
were conscious
of their inde-
pendence, con-
spired against
the Emperor on
behalf of his charles the bald
i-£.K£.lli/-ino e/->no Another son of Louis the Pious,
reOeillOUS sons, ^r whose benefit the principle of
The action the partition of the empire was
rtf T r»i 'c ■ altered — a step which led to strife.
dividing the empire between his sons,
Lothair, Pippin, and Louis, in 817,
has been denounced as weakness. But
this partition was in the first place pro-
posed rather by the great ecclesiastics of
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
the empire than by Louis himself, and
was but a continuation of the precedent
set by Pippin and Charles. The unity of
the empire and the emperor's own position
were guaranteed by the provisions that
Louis should remain sole ruler during his
lifetime, that the imperial title should pass
only to the eldest son, without whose
consent the other two sons could not
wage war, conclude peace, or negotiate
upon questions of foreign policy, while the
consent of the national assembly was
necessary before they could enjoy their
could take place only when the Emperor's
consent had been obtained.
The misfortunes of Louis were due to
his weakness in dealing with his second
wife, the Guelf Princess Judith. In
order that the son of this marriage, Charles,
afterwards known as tlie Bald, should
not be thrown into the background, Louis
altered the principle of partition in favour
of this son without the consent of the
nation, but with the assent of the com-
pliant Pope. These feminine intrigues
were the signal for a revolt of the three
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ROBERT THE PIOUS
Robert II., King of France, better known as Robert the Pious incurred the severe displeasure gf^he Pope because
of his marnage with Bertha, a distant relative of his own. The king was commanded to P"* ^«'^°*,*,^*yv" „5f
pain of excommunication, and though he struggled for four or five years agamst the terrors of the papal ban. he wa.
at length compelled to yield, and to send from his side the wife to whom he was deeply attached "e afterward,
married Constance daughter of the Count of Toulouse. Robert reigned for nearly thirty-five years, dying m 1031.
From the piinting by Laurens in the Luxembourg
shares. Upon the death of the eldest
brother the next in age was to take the
seniority. Pope Paschal L, who had been
won over by guarantees securing his
territory, agreed to this scheme of partition
and showed great readiness to support
the empire. On April 5th, 823, he
crowned Lothair as emperor, and allowed
the new ruler to impose a regulation upon
the Romans by which they were forced
to take an oath of allegiance to the Pope
and the Emperor, while the papal elections
other sons, whose possessions were thus
reduced. The rebellious sons were now
joined by the \\'est Prankish clergy, who
had grown extremely powerful.
The Empress Judith became a special
point of attack on the part of the
opposition nobles. These were laymen,
many of whom had already shared in
the revolt of Bernhard, the nephew of
Louis. They were able to relieve them-
selves of Judith by confining her in a
monastery; but the monarchy was too
349S
HISTORY OF THE WORLD
Revolt
of the
Clergy
firmly rooted to be overthrown at one
blow. Louis was able to find help among
the East Prankish nobility against the
West Franks and his own sons, of whom
Lothair was the ringleader. At an imperial
diet held at Aachen, or Aix-la-Chapelle, in
831, the emperor and his queen, who had
come back from her monastery, were justi-
fied, and Lothair was forced to
submit. The revolt of the clergy
from the crown offered a favourable
opportunity to the Pope for breaking
away from the dependent position which
Charles had introduced, and for making
himself supreme over the shattered power
of the king. When the sons again raised
the banner of revolt they found Gregory IV.
on their side. At Colmar, in Alsace, the
Emperor's officials, advised by the Pope
himself, deserted to their rebel comrades
in arms at the end of June, 833 ; Rotfeld,
where this treachery was completed,
received the contemptuous name of
Liigenfeld, or field of lies. We now find a
division in the ranks of the West Prankish
episcopate. Many who feared that the
papal aggressions threatened their own
independence renewed the allegiance
to Louis ; a minority, led by the
vigorous Archbishop Ebo of Rheims,
forced the Emperor to do penance in the
church of St. Medard at Soissons, to
abdicate his position as emperor, and to
enter a monastery. The other party in-
duced Louis to withdraw the decision
which he had made at St. Denis, and to
renounce his deposition at a council at
Diedenhofen in 835. The Emperor was
induced by his wife to make a fresh parti-
tion in 839, under which Louis, whom she
hated, was placed at a disadvantage in
favour of Lothair and Charles, although it
was to Louis in part that the Emperor
owed his restoration ; Pippin had died on
December 13th, 838. Louis then took up
arms against his father, who, however, died
at Ingelheim before any battle was fought,
_ . - on June 20th, 840. The struggle
, *. for the inheritance was carried
thc"pious °" ^y *^^ ^^° younger brothers,
Louis and Charles, who joined
their forces against the domineering Lothair,
Lothair was utterly defeated at the Ries in
the beginning of 841, and at Pontenoy en
Puisaye, near Auxerre, on June 25th,
where the flower of the Austrasian nobility
fell. He summoned to his help the
heathen Saxons, to whom he promised the
restoration of their old privileges, and the
3496
Danes ; he also secured the support of the
papal legates, but he was unable to re-
cover the supremacy of his West Prankish
territory. He therefore agreed to the
partition treaty of Verdun on August loth,
843. He was left in possession of the
imperial title, together with the old pro-
vince of Austrasia, the main portion of
Burgundy, the Alamannic districts on the
left bank of the Rhine, Provence and Italy ;
that is to say, of a district extending
from the mouth of the Rhine to the
harbours of the Mediterranean. Neustria,
Planders, and Britanny, North-west
Burgundy, Aquitaine and the Spanish
Mark went to Charles. Louis, known as
the German, received all the country on
the right of the Rhine, and on the left
bank Worms, Mainz, and Speier, together
with parts of modern Switzerland.
Thus the unity of the Carolingian
Empire was dissolved, although Lothair
retained the imperial title. The East and
West Pranks, under the rule of Louis and
Charles, entered upon separate courses of
development, affecting their national
characters, their languages and their
policies, which ended in the
differentiation of Prance from
Germany. The kingdom of
Lothair was broken in 855 into
three parts connected by a siiow of out-
ward unity. These were : Austrasia, with
Friesland, and the left bank of the Rhine
— " Lotharingia," so called from its future
owner, Lothair II. — Provence, with
Burgundy, and Italy, which belonged
to the Emperor Louis II. Lotharingia,
although inhabited by Germans, was
exposed to French aggression.
However, in the treaty of Meerssen on
August 8th, 870, Lewis the German and
Charles the Bald agreed that the Romance
districts — namely, Provence and Bur-
gundy— should belong to the West
Prankish Empire, and that the remainder
should fall under the East Prankish ruler.
Politically, however, the separate
portions of the divided empire went
their own ways. In East Prancia,
the old hereditary Duchies of Saxony,
Franconia, Swabia, and Bavaria gradually
gained a new importance which menaced
the existing unity. In West Franconia
a number of greater and smaller vassals
secured their independence, and in course
of time reduced the crown to the position
of a meaningless and helpless shadow.
Richard Mahrenholtz
The Divided
Carolingian
Empire
UC SOUTHERN neaONU. UBMRY FMaury
A 000 046 831 4
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