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Full text of "The book of the Indians; or, Biography and history of the Indians of North America, from its first discovery to the year 1841 .."

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THE 



BOOR OF THE INDIANS; 

OR, 

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY 



INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA, 



FROM ITS FIRST DISCOVERY 
TO THE YEAR 1841. 



History maketh a young man to be old, without either wrinkles or gray hairs ; privilledging him 
with the experience of age, without either the infirmities or inconveniencies thereof. 

FULLER'S Holy War. 
They waste us ; ay, like April snow 

In the warm noon, we shrink away; 
And fast they follow as we go 

Towards the setting day, 
Till they shall fill the land, and we 
Are driven into the western sea. BRYANT. 



BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE, " 

FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF NORTHERN ANTIQUARIES, AT COPENHAGEN, HONORARY 
MEMBER OF THE NEW HAMPSHIRE AND NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETIES. 



NINTH EDITION, 
With large Additions and Corrections. 



BOSTON : 

BENJAMIN B. MUSSEY. 



M.DCCC.XLV. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1841, 

Br THE AUTHOR, 
In the Clerk s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. 



Ubrwy 

PREFACE 



THE study of American History in general, and of Indian History in particular, has lonff 
been the favorite employment of many of my hours ; I cannot say " leisure hours/' for such 
are unknown to me ; but time amidst a variety of cares and business, and before and after 
" business hours." My first publication upon the subject of the Indians was an edition of 
Church's History of Philip's War, a duodecimo, with notes and an appendix. This was in 
the summer of 1825; and, in 1827, it was considerably enlarged, and issued in a second 
edition, the copyright of which, not long after, passed out of my hands, and the number of 
editions since issued is unknown to me ; but, about two years since, one of the proprietors 
told me they amounted to some thirty or forty; yet "second edition" is continued in the title- 
page to this day. In this republicaiion I intimated my design of a work upon INDIAN BI 
OGRAPHY, and in 1832, a small duodecimo of 348 pages, bearing that title, was published. 
In that edition, the chiefs and others noticed were arranged alphabetically. In 1833, a second 
edition was issued, with THE BOOK OF THE INDIANS superadded to the tide. The volume 
now contained three times as much as before, and yet my materials were scarcely half ex 
hausted. It was in octavo, and under an entirely new arrangement, namely, in books and 
chapters; each BOOK being paged by itself, for the purpose of adding new matter at some 
future time. This arrangement was continued through all the editions to the present. A 
Ikird edition,* also considerably enlarged, was published- in 1834, which extended to 548 
pages, 108 more than the second. The same year produced a fourth, with a few corrections, 
but without altering the number of the edition in the title-page. A Jijth, which stands num 
bered as the fourth, appeared in 1835, wilh the addition of a catalogue of all the principal 
Indian tribes, arranged alphabetically. This was drawn, at great expense of time, from an 
incredible number of sources. The second edition had been stereotyped, to the original cost 
of which great expense had been added in corrections and additions, considerably exceeding 
the profits which had accrued, and I was now beginning to console myself that very little, \i 
any thing, more would be required by way of additions or corrections, and that I should 
soon begin to derive some small advantage from it, as it had been tolerably well re 
ceived; but I found I had "reckoned without my host;" for, on the night of the 30ih of 
September, 1835, the whole was consumed by fire. This was quite discouraging. However, 
I soon determined to stereotype it anew. Thus taking advantage of what I had considered a 
great misfortune, I began to revise the whole throughout. Parts were rewritten, and addi 
tions made in almost every page, and the page itself was enlarged, although one of the pages 
of the former editions contained as much reading as two octavo pages in the common type. 
Besides this enlargement of the pages, their number was extended to six hundred. Such 
were the preparations for the sixth (though printed as the fifth) edition, an impression of 
which was issued in 1836. The next year produced a seventh. This was the same as the 
preceding, excepting a few important corrections. I come now to the eighth and present 
edition, which has received very important enlargements in the three last books, amounting to 
more than one hundred pages ; and it may be proper to note, that all after pages 143 of 
Book III., 96 of Book IV., 168 of Book V., are additions to what has been before published. 
And the catalogue of the TRIBES has been enlarged to more than twice its original amount. 
It is now submitted wilh all its imperfections; and, although I hope to multiply the number 
of editions, I have no intention of further enlarging the work. 

This edition has been delayed many months in consequence of a hope I had entertained of 
living to be assured that the Florida war was at an end. That time may now be considered 
to have arrived. On the events of that war, as will be seen, I have been full and particular; 
and, if events of importance have escaped me, it was not because I had not used great ex 
ertions to possess myself of them. If, however, a doubt should be raised upon this head, I 
would refer the skeptical reader to a document published by order of the U. S. Senate in 
1840, purporting to be a report of the secretary of war, " showing the massacres committed 
and the property destroyed by the hostile Indians in Florida" since 1835. where a comparison 
may be made between what 1 have published, and the amount of information in the possession 
of the war department. 

The history of the wrongs and sufferings of the Cherokees has been an important addition 
to this edition ; and, whatever judgments may be pronounced upon it by the present genera 
tion, I shall remain silent, under the consciousness that I have done no injustice to the parties 
concerned. I have been an observer through the whole.course of it, and registered events as 
they passed. I have not used a dirk in the dark, but the broadsword in open day, with fair 
warning to the adversary. " Let those who undertake prepare to undergo. 

* As the word edition in the title-page of a book now-a-days may mean any thing or nothing, when 
a number stands before it, t will just observe that my first edition consisted of 1,500 copies, the second 
of 2,000, the third of 500, the fourth, fifth, and sixth of 1,000 each, and the seventh of 500. 



AN 

ALPHABETICAL ENUMERATION 



OF 



THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS 



AN attempt is made, in the following Table, to locate the various bands 
of Aborigines, ancient and modern, and to convey the best information 
respecting their numbers our multifarious sources will warrant. Mod 
ern writers have been, for several years, endeavoring to divide North 
America into certain districts, each of which should include all the In 
dians speaking the same, or dialects of the same, language ; but whoever 
has paid any attention to the subject, must undoubtedly have been con 
vinced that 'it can never be done with any degree of accuracy. This has 
been undertaken in reference to an approximation of the great question 
of the origin of this people, from a comparison of the various languages 
used among them. An unwritten language is easily varied, and there 
can be no barrier to innovation. A continual intermixing of tribes has 
gone on from the period of their origin to the present time, judging from 
what we have daily seen ; and when any two tribes unite, speaking dif 
ferent languages, or dialects of the same, a new dialect is produced by 
such amalgamation. Hence the accumulation of vocabularies would be 
like the pursuit of an infinite series in mathematics; with this difference, 
however in the one we recede from the object in pursuit, while in the 
other we approach it. But I would not be understood to speak dispar 
agingly of this attempt at classification; for, if it be unimportant in the 
main design, it will be of considerable service to the student in Indian 
history on other accounts. Thus, the Uckees are said to speak a primitive 
language, and they were districted in a small territory south of the Chero- 
kees; but, some 200 years ago, if they then existed as a tribe, and their 
tradition be true, they were bounded on the north by one of the great 
lakes. And they are said to be descended from the Shawanees by sorne^ 
of themselves. We know an important community of them is still in 
existence in Florida. Have they created a new language in the course 
of their wanderings? or have those from whom they separated done so? 
Such are the difficulties we meet with at every step of a classification. 
But a dissertation upon these matters cannot now be attempted. 

In the following analysis, the names of the tribes have been generally given 
in the singular number, for the sake of brevity; and the word Indians^ 
after such names, is omitted from the same cause. Few abbreviations 
have been used : W. R., west of the Rocky Mountains ; m., miles ; r., 
river ; 1., lake ; and perhaps a few others. In some instances, reference 
is made to the body of the work, where a more extended account of a 
tribe is to be found. Such references are to the Book and Page, the same 
as in the Index. 

ABEKAS, probably Muskogees, under the French at Tombeckbee in 1750. 
ABENAKIES, over Maine till 1754, then went to Canada; 200 in 1689: 150 in 1780. 
AESOROKA, (Minetare,) S. branch Yellowstone; lat. 46, Ion. 105; 45,000 in 1834 
ACCOKESAVV, W. side Colorado, about 200 m. S. W. Nacogdoches. 
ACOMAK, one of the six tribes in Virginia when settled by the English in 1607. 
ADAIZE, 4 m. from Nachitoches, on Lake Macdon ; 40 men in 1805. 
ADIRONDAKS, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence; 100 in 1786. 



vi INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 

AFFAGOULA, small clan in 1783, on Mississippi r., 8 m. above Point Coupe. 
AGAWOM, (Wampanoags,) at Sandwich, Mass. ; others at Ipswich 11. 46. 
AHWAHAWAT, (Minetare,) S. W. Missouri 1820, 3 m. above Mandans; 200 m 1805. 
AJOUES, S. of the Missouri, and N. of the Padoucas; 1,100 m 1760. 
ALANSAR, (Fall,) head branches S. fork Saskashawan; 2,500 m 1804 
ALGONKIN over Canada; from low down the St. Lawrence to Lake ol the Woods. 
ALIATAN, three tribes in 1805 among the Rocky Mountains, on heads Platte. 
ALICHE, near Nacogdoches in 1805, then nearly extinct; spoke Caddo. 
ALLAKAWEAH, (Paunch,) both sides Yellowstone, heads Big Horn r. ; 2,300 in 180o. 
ALLIBAMA, formerly on that r., but removed to Red River in 1764. 
A MALISTES, (Algonkins,) once on St. Lawrence; 500 in 1760. 
ASASAGUWTAKOOK, (Abenaki,) on sources Androscoggin, in Maine, m. 13b, 15^. 
ANDASTES, once on S. shore Lake Erie, S. W. Senecas, who destroyed them in 1672. 
APACHES, (Lapane,) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaces r. ; 3,500 in 1817. 
APALACHICOLA, once on that r. in W. Florida ; removed to Red River in 1764. 
APPALOUSA, aboriginal in the country of their name; but 40 men in 1805. 
AquANUscHio.vi, the name by which the Iroquois knew themselves, v. 3, &c. 
ARAPAHAS, S. side main Canada River; 4,000 in 1836, on Kanzas River. 
ARMOUCHJQUOIS, or MARACHITE, (Abenaki,) on River St. Johns, New Brunswick. 
ARRENAMUSE, on St. Antonio River, near its mouth, in Texas; 120 in 1818. 
ASSINNABOIN, (Sioux,) betw. Assinn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1836. 
ATENAS, in a village with the Faculli in 1836, west of the Rocky Mountains. 
ATHAPASCOW, about the shores of the great lake of their name. 
ATNAS, next S. of the Athapascow, about lat. 57 N. 

ATTACAPAS, in a district of their name in Louisiana ; but 50 men in 1805. 
ATTAPULGAS, (Seminoles;) on Little r., a branch of Oloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls. 
ATTIKAMIGUES, in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1670. 
Aucosisco, (Abenaki,) between the Saco and Androscoggin River, ii. 48 ; iii. 93. 
AUGHQUAGA, on E. branch Susquehannah River; 150 in 1768 ; since extinct. 
AYAUAIS, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, S. E. side ; 800 in 1805. 
AVCTANS, 8,000 in 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains. 

BAYAGOULA, W. bank Mississippi, opposite the Colipasa; important in 1699. 
BEDIES, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches ; 100 in 1805. 
BIG-DEVILS, (Yonktons,) 2,500 in 1836; about the heads of Red River. 
BILOXI, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 1699; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed. 
BLACKFEET, sources Missouri ; 30,000 in 1834 ; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838. 
BLANCHE, (Bearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri. 
BLUE-MUD, W., and in the vicinity, of the Rocky Mountains. 
BROTHERTON, near Oneida Lake; composed of various tribes; 350 in 1836. 

CADDO, on Red River in 1717, powerful; on Sodo Bay in 1800; in 1804, 100 men. 
CADODACHE, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. above the Nechez; 60 in 1820. 
CAIWAS, or KAIWA, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830. 
CALASTHOCLE, N. Columbia, on the Pacific, next N. the Chillates; 200 in 1820. 
CALLIMIX, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. N. Columbia River; 1,200 in 1820. 
CAMANCHES, (Shoshone,) warlike and numerous; in interior of Texas. 
CANARSEE, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica. 
CANCES, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Grand r., toward Vera Cruz. 
CANIBAS, (Abenaki,) numerous in 1607, and after; on both sides Kennebeck River. 
CARANKOUA, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana; 1,500 in 1805. 
CAREE, on the coast between the Nuaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817. 
CARRIERS, (Nateotetains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders. 
CASTAHANA, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone; 5,000 in 1805. 
CATAKA, between N. and S. forks of Chien River; about 3,000 in 1804. 
L,ATAWBA, till late, on their river in S. Carolina; 1,500 in 1743, and 450 in 1764. 
CATHLACUMUPS, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i. ; 450 in 1820. 
CATHLAKAHIKIT, at the rapids of the Columbia, 160 m. up ; 900 in 1820. 
CATHLAKAMAPS, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820. 
L/ATHLAMAT, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River; 600 in 1820. 
C,ATHLANAMENAMEN, on an island in mouth of Wallaumut River; 400 in 1820. 
CATHLANACIUIAH, (Wappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island ; 400 in 1820. 
CATHLAPOOTLE on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakamaps ; 1,100 in 1820. 

lr V ^ Vion 20 ' n i he Wallaumut River > 60 m. from its mouth. 
UATHLASKO, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Chippanchikchiks. 

LATHLA 900 m 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakahikits. 
CATHLATH, 500 m 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth. 
TTAHAHAW, between the Saskashawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805. 



INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. Vli 

CAUGHNEWAGA, places where Christians lived were so called, v. 115. 
CHACTOO, on Red River; in 1805, but 100; indigenous of that place, it is said. 
CHAOUANONS, the French so called the Shawanese; (Chowans?) 
CHEEGEE, (Cherokees,) 50 to 80 m. S. of them; called also Mid. Settlement, 1780. 
CHEHAVVS, small tribe on Flint River, destroyed by Georgia militia in 1817. 
CHEPEYAN, claim from lat. 60 to 65, Ion. 100 to 110 W. ; 7,500 in 1812. 
CHEROKEE, in Georgia, S. Carolina, &c., till 1836; then forced beyond the Mississ. 
CHESKITALOWA, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, W. side Chattahooch.ee. 
CHIEN, (Dog,) near the sources Chien River; 300 in 1805; 200 in 1820. 
CHIHEELEESH, 40 m. N. of Columbia River; 1,400 in 1820. 

CHIKASAW, between heads of Mobile River in 1780; once 10,000; now in Arkansas. 
CHIPPANCHIKCHIKS, 60 in 1820, N. side Columbia River, 220 m. from its mouth. 
CHIKAHOMINI, on Matapony River, Va., in 1661 ; but 3 or 4 in 1790; now extinct. 
CHIKAMAUGAS, on Tennessee River, 90 m. below the Cherokees, in 1790. 
CHILLATES, 150 in 1820, on the Pacific, N. Columbia River, beyond the Quieetsos. 
CHILLUKITTEQUAU, on the Columbia, next below the Narrows; 1,400 in 1820. 
CHILTZ, N. of Columbia River, on the Pacific, next N. of the Killaxthocles. 
CHIMNAHPUM, on Lewis River, N. W. side of the Columbia; 1,800 in 1820. 
CHINNOOK, on N. side Columbia River; in 1820, about 400 in 28 lodges. 
CHIPPEWAS, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the N., very numerous. 
CHITIMICHA, on W. bank Miss. River in 1722; once powerful, then slaves. 
CHOKTAW, S. of the Creeks; 15,000 in 1812; now in Arkansas, iv. 25. 
CHOPUNNISH, on Kooskooskee River ; 4,300 in 1806, in 73 lodges. 
CHO WANOK, (Shawanese ?) in N. Carolina, on Bennet's Creek, in 1708 ; 3,000 in 1630. 
CHOWANS, E. of the Tuscaroras in N. Carolina; 60 join the Tuscaroras in 1720. 
CHRISTENAUX, only another spelling of KNISTENAUX, which see. 
CLAHCLELLAH, 700 in 1820, on the Columbia River, below the rapids. 
CLAKSTAR, W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia at Wappatoo Island. 
CLAMOCTOMICH, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chiltz ; 260 in 1820. 
CLANIMATAS, on the S. W. side of Wappatoo Island; 200 in 1820, W. R. 
CLANNARMINIMUNS, S. W. side of Wappatoo Island; 280 in 1820, W. R. 
CLATSOPS, about 2 m. N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 1,300 in 1820. 
CLARKAMES, on a river of their name flowing into the Wallaumut; 1,800 in 1820. 
CNEIS, on a river flowing into Sabine Lake, 1690 ; the COENIS of Hennepin, probably 
COHAKIES, nearly destroyed in Pontiak's time ; in 1800, a few near Lake Winnebago. 
COLAPISSAS, on E. bank Mississippi in 1720, opposite head of Lake Pontchartrain. 
CONCHATTAS came to Appalousas in 1794, from E. the Mississ.; in 1801, on Sabine. 
CONGAREES, a small tribe on Congaree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since gone. 
CONOYS, perhaps Kanhawas, being once on that river; (Canais, and variations.) 
COOKKOO-OOSE, 1,500 in 180(5, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., and S. of Killawats. 
COOPSFELLAR, on a river falling into the Columbia, N. of Clark's; 1,600 in 1806. 
COOSADAS, (Creeks,) once resided near the River Tallapoosie. 

COPPER, so called from their copper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north. 
COREES, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus River, N. Carolina, in 1700, and subsequently. 
CORONKAWA, on St. Jacintho River, between Trinity and Brazos; 350 in J820. 
COWLITSICK, on Columbia River, 62 rn. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820. 
CREEKS, (Muscogees,) Savannah r. to St. Augustine, thence to Flint r., 1730. iv. 54. 
CREES, (Lynx, or Cat,) another name of the Knistenaux, or a part of them. 
CROWS, (Absorokas,) S. branches of the Yellowstone River; 45,000 in 1834. 
CUTSAHNIM, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820. 

DAHCOTA, or DOCOTA, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. 

DELAWARE, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay ; 500 in 1750. 

DINONDADIES, (Hurons,) same called by the French Tionontaties. 

DOEGS, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1675. 

DOGRIBS, (Blackfeet,) but speak a different language. 

DOGS, the Chiens of the French. See CHIEN. 

DOTAME, 120 in 1805 ; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country. 

EAMUSES. See EMUSAS. 

ECHEMINS, (Canoe-men,) on R. St. Johns; include Passamaquoddie^ and St. Johns. 

EDISTOES, in S. Carolina in 1670; a place still bears their name there. 

EMUSAS, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the Wekisas; 20 in 1820. 

ENESHURES, at the great Narrows of the Columbia ; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges. 

ERIES, along E. side of Lake Erie, destroyed by the Iroquois about 1654. 

ESAWS, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably. 

ESKELOOTS, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia. 

ESQUIMAUX, all along the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of 60 N. lat. 

ETOHUSSEWAKKES, (Semin.,) on Chattahoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Gaines; 100 in 1820. 



frfi INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 

FACULLIES, 100 in 1820 ; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. 54, Ion. 125 W. 
FALL so called from their residence at the falls of the Kooskooskee. See ALANSARS. 
FIVE NATIONS, Mohawks, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Oneidas; which see. 
FLAT-HEADS, (Tutseewas,) on a large river W. R. ; on S. fork Columbia r. iv. 25. 
FOLLES AVOINES, the French so called the Menominies. 
FOND DO LAC, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes. 
FOWL-TOWNS. (Seminoles,) 12 m. E. Fort Scott; about 300 in 1820. 
FOXES, (Ottagamies,) called Renardsby the French; dispossessed by B. Hawk's war. 

GANAWESE, on the heads of Potomac River; same as Kanhaways, probably. 
GAYHEAD, Martha's Vineyard; 200 in 1800; in 1820, 340. 

GRAND RIVER, on Grand r., N. side L, Ontario ; Mohawks, Senecas, and oth. ; 2,000. 
GROS VENTRES, W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 1806; in 1834, 3,000. 

HARE-FOOT, next S. of the Esquimaux, and in perpetual war with them. 
HALLIBEES, a tribe of Creeks, destroyed in 1813. iv. 57. 

HANNAKALI.AL, 600 in 1820, on Pacific, S. Columbia, next beyond the Luckkarso. 
HASSANAMESITS, a tribe of Nipmuks, embraced Christianity in 1660. ii. 51, 115. 
HIHIGHENIMMO, 1,300 in 1820. from mouth of Lastaw River, up it to the forks. 
HELLWITS, 100 m. along the Columbia, from the falls upward, on the N. side. 
HERRING POND, a remnant of Wampanoags, in Sandwich, Mass.; about 40. 
HIETANS, (Camanches,) erratic bands; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red River. 
HIM, (Cadodache,) 200 in 1820, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte. 
HiTCHiTTEF.s. once on Chaltahoochee r. ; 600 now in Arkansas ; speak Muskogee. 
HOHILPOS, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1820, above great falls on Clark's River. 
HUM AS, (Oumas,} * Red nation," in Ixsussees Parish, La., in 1805, below Manchak. 
HURONS, (Wyanaots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and N. gt. lakes; subd. by Iroq., 1650. 

ILLINOIS, "the lake of men," both sides Illinois r.; 12,000 in 1670; 60 towns in 1700. 
INIES, or TACHIES, [Texas?] branch Sabine; 80 men in 1806; speak Caddo. 
IOWAYS, on Toway River before Black Hawk's war; 1,100 beyond the Mississippi. 
IROO.UOIS, 1606, on St. Lawrence, below Quebec ; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Miss. v. 3. 
ISATIS, sometimes a name of the Sioux before 1755. 
ITHKYEMAMITS, 600 in 1820, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskbs. 

JELAN, one of three tribes of Camanches, on sources Brazos, del Norte, &C; 

KADAPAUS, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707. 

KAHUNKLES, 400 in 1820, W. Rocky Mountains; abode unknown. 

KALOOSAS. a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct. 

KANENAVISH, on the Padoucas' fork of the Platte; 400 in 1805. 

KANHAWAS, Ganawese or Canhaways; on the River Kanhawa, formerly. 

KANSAS, on the Arkansas River; about 1,000 in 1836; in 1820, 1.850. 

KASKASKIAS, (Illin.,) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 250 in 1797 

KASKAYAS, between sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains; 3,000 in 1836. 

KATTEKA, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See PADOUCAS'. 

KEEKATSA, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Bio- Horn r. ; 3,500 in 1805 

KEYCHE, E. branch Trinity River in 1806; once on the Sabine; 260 in 1820. 

KIAWAS, on Padouca River, beyond the Kites; 1,000 in 1806. 

KIGENE, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1821, under the chief Skittejmtes. 

KIKAPOO, formerly m Illinois; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mississippi 

KILLAMHK, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean ; about 1 000 

KILLAWAT, in a large town on the coast of the Pacific, E. of the Luktons 

KILLAXTHOCLES, 100 in 1H20, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N side' 

KIMOENIMS, a band of the Chopunnish,.on Lewis's River; 800 in 1820, in 33 clans 

KINAI, about Cook s Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. 

KITES, (Staetans ) between sources Platte and Rocky Mountains; about 500 in 1820 

KISKAKONS inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680; a Huron tribe 

KNISTENAUX on Assinnaboin River; 5,000 in 1812; numerous; women comely 

KONAGENS, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58 Ion 152 W 

JK-KOO-OOSE, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats; 1,500 in 1835. 

JKARAWAOKS, one of z tribe* on E. shore of Chesapeak in!607; (Tuscaroras ?) 

C lumbia ' above the mo ^h of Clark's River. 



LEAKO, fni f i* ^ Lastaw River > below Wayton Lake. 

LEAF, (S.oux,) 600 m 1820, on the Missouri, above Prairie du Chien 

LEECH RIVER, about 350 in 1820, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46 9' N 

L,A LEXAPE, once from Hudson to Delaware River; now scattered in the West. 



INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. ix 

LIPANIS, 800 in 1816, from Rio Grande to the interior of Texas; light hair. 
LOUCHEUX, next N. of the Esquimaux, or S of lat. 67 15' N. 
LUKAWIS, 800 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains; abode unknown. 
LUKKARSO, 1,800 in 1820, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., beyond the Shallalah. 
LUKTONS, 20 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains; abode unknown. 

MACHAPUNGAS, in N. Carolina in 1700; practised circumcision. 
MANDANS, 1,250 in 1805, 1200 m. fm. mouth of Misso. ; 1838, reduced to 21 by sra. pox. 
MANGOAGS, or TUTELOES, (Iroquois,) Nottoway River, formerly; now extinct. 
MANHATTANS, (Mohicans,) once on the island where New York city now stands. 
MANNAHOAKS, once on the upper waters of the Rappahannock r. ; extinct long ago. 
MARACHITES, (Abenakies.) on the St. Johns; a remnant remains. 
MARSAPEAGUES, once on Long Island, S. side of Oyster Bay; extinct. 
MARSHPEES, (Wampanoags,) 315 in 1832; Barnstable Co., Mass. ; mixed with blacks. 
MASCOUTINS, or FIRE IND., betw. Mississ. and L. Michigan, 1665 ; (Sacs and Foxes ?) 
MASSACHUSETTS, the state perpetuates their name. ii. 42. 
MASSAWOMES, (Iroquois,) once spread over Kentucky. 

MATHLANOBS, 500 in 1820, on an island in the mouth of Wallaumut River, W. R. 
MA YES, 600 in 1805, St. Gabriel Creek, mouth of Guadaloupe River, Louisiana. , 
MENOMINIES, (Algonkins,) once on Illinois r. ; now 300, W. Mississ. v. 142-4, 171. 
MESSASSAGNES, 2,000 in I764,N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior, v.4, n. 
Mr AMIS, (Algonkins,) once on the r. of their name; now 1,500, beyond the Missies. 
MIKA SAURIES, (Seminoles,) about 1,000 in 1821 ; very warlike, iv. 93, 128. 
MIKMAKS, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 1760, in Nova Scotia; the Suriquois of the French. 
MIKSUKSEALTON, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1820, Clark's River, above great falls, W. R. 
MINETARES, 2,500 in 1805, 5 m. above the Mandans, on both sides Knife River. 
MINDAWARCARTON, in 1805, on both sides Mississippi, from St. Peters upward. 
MINGOES, once such of the Iroquois were so called as resided upon the Scioto River. 
MINSI, Wolf tribe of the Lenna Lenape, once over New Jersey and part of Penn. 
MISSOURIES, once on that part of the River just below Grand River. 
MITCHIGAMIES, one of the five tribes of the Illinois; location uncertain. 
MOHAWKS, head of Five Nations; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now in Canada. 
MOHF.OANS, or MOHEAKONNUKS, in 1610, Hudson r. fromEsopus to Albany, ii. 87,97. 
MONACANS, (Tuscaroras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is. 
MONGOULATCHES, on the W. side of the Mississippi. See BAYAGOULAS. 
MONTAGNES, (Algonkins,) N. side St. Lawr., betw. Saguenay and Tadousac, in 1609. 
MONTAUKS, on E. end of Long Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that island. 
MORATOKS, 80 in 1607; 40 in 1669, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia. 
MOSQUITOS, once a numerous race on the E. side of the Isthmus of Darien. 
MULTNOMAHS, (Wappatoo,) 800 in 1820, mouth of Multnomah River, W. R. 
MUNSEYS, (Delawares,) in 1780, N. branch Susquehannah r. ; to the Wabash in 1808. 
MUSKOGEES, 17,000 in 1775, on Alabama and Apalachicola Rivers. See B. iv. 24. 

NABEDACHES, (Caddo,) on branch Sabine, 15 m. above the Inies; 400 in 1805. 
NABIJOS, betw N. Mexico and the Pacific; live in stone houses, and manufacture. 
NANDAKOES, 120 in 1805, on Sabine, 60 m. W. of the Yattassees; (Caddo.) 
NANTIKOKES, 1711, on Nantikoke River; 1755, at Wyoming; same year went west. 
NARCOTAH, the name by which the Sioux know themselves. 

NARRAGANSETS, S. side of the bay which perpetuates their name. ii. 21, 23, 38, 53. 
NASHUA YS, (Nipmuks,) on that river from its mouth, in Massachusetts. 
NATCHEZ, at Natchez; discovered, 1701 ; chiefly destroyed by French, 1720. iv. 43. 
NATCHITOCHES, once at that place; 100 in 1804; now upon Red River. 
NATEOTETAINS, 200 in 1820, W. R., on a river of their name, W. of the Faculties. 
NATIKS, (Nipmuks,) in Massachusetts, in a town now called after them. 
NECHACOKE, (Wappatoo,) 100 in 1820, S. side Columbia, near Quicksand r., W. R. 
NKEKEETOO, 700 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. of the Columbia, beyond the Youicone. 
NEMALQUINNER, (Wappatoo,) 200 in 1820, N. side Wallaurnut River, 3 m. up. 
NIANTIKS, a tribe of the Narragansets, and in alliance with them. ii. 67. 
NICARIAGAS, once about Michilimakinak ; joined Iroquois in 1723, as seventh nation. 
NIPISSINS, (original Algonkins,) 400 in 1764, near the source of Ottoway River. 
NIPMUKS, eastern interior of Mass.; 1,500 in 1775; extinct, ii. 18, 40, 100; iii. 91. 
NORRIDGEWOKS, (Abenakies,) on Penobscot River. See Book iii. 119, 127. 
NOTTOWAYS, on Nottoway River, in Virginia; but 2 of clear blood in 1817. 
NYACKS, (Mohicans,) or MANHATTANS, once about the Narrows, in New York. 

OAKMULGES, (Muskogees,) to the E. of Flint River; about 200 in 1834. 
OCAMECHES, in Virginia in 1607; had before been powerful; then reduced. 
OCHEES. See UCHEES. Perhaps Ochesos; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Ochee Bluff. 
OCONAS, (Creeks.) See Book iv. 29. 



INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 



OJIBWAS, (Chippeways,) 30,000 in 1836, about the great lakes, and N. of them. 

' v r ,e^ i \ ran 1 OOn _ _ V^-V f~2.n\na=, V a, At* Miaeicainni 





OOTLASHOOTS, (Tushepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark's River, W. Rocky Mountains. 
OSAGES, 4,000 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers; many tribes. 

XYKT* i \ n/\f\ _ i <*rOf\ I A. T ~U,, *C *U. rt \K**i>.Am n *-*/- 

OTAGAMIES, 
OTOES, 

OUIATANO'NS, or'WAAS, (Kikapoos,) mouth of Eel r.,Ind., 1791, in a village 3m. long. 
OUMAS, E. bank Mississippi in 17.22, in 2 villages, quarter of a mile from the river. 
OWASSISSAS, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on E. waters of St. Mark's River. 
OZAS, 2,000 in 1750; on Ozaw River in 1780, which flows into the Mississippi. 
OZIMIES, one of the six tribes on E. shore of Maryland and Virginia in 1607. 

PACANAS, on Quelquechose River, La. ; 30 men in 1805; 40 m. S. W. Natchitoches. 
PADOUCAS, 2,000 warriors in 1724, on the Kansas; dispersed before 1805. 
PADOWAGAS, by some the Senecas were so called; uncertain. 
PAILSH, 200 in 1820, on coast of the Pacific, N. Columbia r., beyond the Potoashs. 
PALACHES, a tribe found early in Florida, but long since extinct. 
PAMLICO, but 15 in 1708, about Pamlico Sound, in N. Carolina; extinct. 
PANCAS, once on Red River, of Winnipec 1.; afterwards joined the Omahas. 
PANIS, (Tonicas,) 40 vill. in 1750, S. br. Missouri ; 70 vill. on Red r., 1755. ii. 36. 
PANNEH. See ALLAKAWEAH, 2,300 in 1805, on heads Big Horn River. 
PASCATAWAYS, once a considerable tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River. 
PASCAGOULAS, 25 men in 1805, on Red r., 60 m. below Natchitoches; from Florida. 
PASSAMAQUODDIE, on Schoodak r., Me., in Perry Pleasant Point, a small number. 
PAUNEE, 10,000 in 1820, on the Platte and Kansas ; Republicans, Loupes, and Picts. 
PAWISTUCIENEMCK, 500 in 1820; small, brave tribe, in the prairies of Missouri. 
PAWTUCKETS, (Nipmuks,) on Merrimac River, where Chelmsford now is ; extinct. 
PECANS, (Nipmuks,) 10 in 1793, in Dudley, Mass., on a reservation of 200 acres. 
PELLOATPALLAH, (Chopunnish,) 1,600 in 182'0, on Kooskooskee r., above forks, W. R. 
PENOBSCOTS, (Abenakies,) 330, on an island in Penobscot r., 12 m. above Bangor. 
PENNAKOOKS, (Nipmuks,) on Merrimac r., where is now Concord, N. H. iii. 94, 95. 
PEORIAS, 97 in 1820, on Current River; one of the five tribes of the Illinois. 
PEQCAKETS, (Abenakies,) on sources Saco River; destroyed by English in 1725. 
PEQUOTS, about the mouth of Connecticut River; subdued in 1637. ii. 101 110. 
PHILLIMEES, (Seminoles,) on or near the Suane River, Florida, in 1817. 
PIANKASHAWS, 3,000 once, on the Wabash ; in 1780, but 950; since driven west. 
PIANKATANK, a tribe in Virginia when first settled; unlocated. 
PINESHOW, (Sioux,) 150 in 1820, on the St. Peter's, 15 m. from its mouth. 
PISHO.UITPAH, 2,600 in 1815, N. side Columbia River, at Muscleshell Rapids, W. R. 
POTOASH, 200 in 1820, coast Pacific, N. mouth Columbia, beyond Clamoctomichs. 
POTTOWATTOMIE, 1671, on Noquet i., L. Michigan ; 1681, at Chicago, v. 141, 142. 
POWHATANS, 32 tribes spread over Virginia when first discovered by the English, iv. 4. 
PUANS, the Winnebagoes were so called by the French at one period. 

QUABAOGS, (Nipmuks,) at a place of the same name, now Brookfield, Mass. 
QUAPA w, 700 in 1820, on Arkansas r., opp. Little Rock ; reduced by sm. pox in 1720. 
QUATHLAHPOHTLES, on S. W. side Columbia, above mouth Tahwahnahiook River. 
QCATOGHIE, (Wyandots,) once, S. side L. Michigan ; sold their lands to Eng. in 1707. 
QUESADAS. See COOSADAS. 

QCIEETSOS, on the Pacific; 250 in 1820 ; N. Columbia r., next N. of the Quiniilts. 
QUINIILTS, on coast of the Pacific, N. of Columbia r. ; 250 in 1820 ; next the Pailshs. 
QUINNECHART, coast Pacific, next N. Calasthocles, N. Columbia r. ; 2,000 in 1820. 
QUINNIPISSA are those called Bayagoulas by the Chevalier Tonti. 
QUODDIES. See PASSAMAQUODDIE. 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 181. 

RAPIDS. See PAWISTUCIENEMCKS. 

REDGROUND, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on Chattahoochie r., 12 m. above Florida line. 

EDKNIFE, so called from their copper knives; roam in the region of Slave Lake. 
RED-STICK, (Seminoles,) the Baton Rouge of the French, iv 64 
RED-WING, (Sioux,) on Lake Pepin, under a chief of their name ; 100 in 1820. 
RICAREE (Paunees,) before 1805, 10 large vill. on Missouri r. ; reduced by sm. pox. 
KIVER, (Mohegans,) S. of the Iroquois, down the N. side of Hudson r. iii. 97; v 14. 
ROCND-HEADS, (Hurons,) E. side Lake Superior; 2,500 in 1764. 
RVAWAS, on the Padouca fork of the Missouri ; 900 in 1820. 



INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. XI 

SACHDAGUGHS, (Powhatans,) perhaps the true name of the Powhatans. 
SANKHIKANS, the Delawares knew the Mohawks by that name. 
SANTEES, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701, on a river perpetuating their name. 
SAPONIES, (Wanamies,) Sapona River, Carolina, in 1700; joined Tuscaroras, 1720. 
SATANAS, a name, it is said, given the Shawanees by^the Iroquois. 
SAUKE, or SAC. united with Fox before 1805 ; then on Mississ., above Illinois, v. 142. 
SAUTEURS, or FALL INDIANS of the French, about the falls of St. Mary. 
SAVANNAHS, so called from the river, or the river from them ; perhaps Yamasees. 
SCATTAKOOKS, upper part of Troy, N. Y. ; went from New England about 1672. 
SEMINOLES have been established in Florida a hundred years, iv. ubi supra. 
SENEGAS, one of the Five Nations; "ranged many thousand miles" in 1700. v. 4. 
SEPONES, in Virginia in 1775, but a remnant. See SAPONIES. 

SERRANNA, (Savannahs?) in Georgia; nearly destroyed by the Westoes about 1670. 
SEWEES, a small tribe in N. Carolina, mentioned by Lawson in 1710. 
SHALLALAH, 1,200 in 1816, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r., next the Cookkoo-oosee. 
SHALLATTOOS, on Columbia River, above the Skaddals; 100 in 1820. 
SHANWAPPONE, 400 in 1820, on the heads of Cataract and Taptul Rivers. 
SHAWANE, once over Ohio; 1672, subdued by Iroquois; 1,383 near St. Louis in 1820. 
SHEASTUKLE, 900 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r., next beyond the Youitz. 
SHINIKOOKS, a tribe of Long Island, about what is now South Hampton. 
SHOSHONEE, 30,000 in 1820, on plains N. Missouri ; at war with the Blackfeet. 
SHOTO, (Wappatoo,) 460 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite mouth of Wallaumut. 
SICAUNIES, 1,000 in 1820, among the spurs of the Rocky Mounts., W. of the Rapids. 
Sioux, discovered by French, 1660 ; 33,000 in 1820, St. Peter's, Missis., and Misso. r. 
SISSATONES, upper portions of Red r., of L. Winnipec and St. Peter's, in 1820. 
SITIMACHA. See CHITIMICHA. 

SITKA, on King George III. Islands, on the coast of the Pacific, about lat. 57 N. 
Six NATIONS, (Iroquois,) Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga, Shawane. 
SKADDALS, on Cataract River, 25 m. N. of the Big Narrows ;. 200 in 1820. 
SKEETSOMISH, 2,000 in 1820, on a river of their name flowing into the Lastaw. 
SKILLOOT, on Columbia River, from Sturgeon Island upward ; 2,500 in 1820. 
SKUNNEMOKE, or TUCKAPAS, on Vermilion River, La., 6 leagues W. of N. Iberia. 
SMOKSHOP, on Columbia r., at the mouth of the Labiche ; 800 in 1820, in 24 clans. 
SNAKE. See ALIATANS, or SHOSHONEES. 

SOKOKIE, on Saco River, Maine, until 1725, when they withdrew to Canada. 
SOKULK, on the Columbia, above mouth of Lewis's River; 2,400 in 1820. 
SOURIQUOIS, (Mikmaks,) once so called by the early French. 
SOUTIES, (Ottowas,) a band probably mistaken for a tribe by the French. 
SOYENNOM, (Chopunnish,) on N. side E. fork of Lewis's River; 400 in 1820; W. R. 
SPOKAIN, on sources Lewis's River, over a large tract of country, W. Rocky Mts. 
SQUANNAROO, on Cataract r., below the Skaddals; 120 in 1820; W. Rocky Mts. 
STAETANS, on heads Chien r., with the Kanenavish ; 400 in 1805; resemble Kiawas. 
STOCKBRIDGE, NEW, (Mohegans and Iroquois,) collected in N. Y., 1786 ; 400 in 1820* 
STOCKBRIDGE, Mass., (Mohegans,) settled there in 1734 ; went to Oneida in 1786. 
ST. JOHN'S, (Abenakies,) about 300 still remain on that river. 
SUSQUEHANNOK, on W. shore of Md. in 1607; that river perpetuates their name. 
SUSSEES, near sources of a branch of the Saskashawan, W. Rocky Mountains. 
SYMERONS, a numerous race, on the E. side of the Isthmus of Darien. 

TACULLIES, "people who go upon water;" on head waters of Frazier's River, La.. 
TAHSAGROUDIE, about Detroit in 1723 ; probably Tsonothouans. 
TAHUACANA, on River Brazos; 3 tribes; 180 rn. up; 1,200 in 1820. 
TALLAHASSE, (Seminoles,) 15 in 1820, between Oloklikana and Miiasaukie. 
TALLEWHEANA, (Seminoles,) 210 in 1820, on E. side Flint River, /ear the Chehaws. 
TAMARONAS, a tribe of the Illinois; perhaps Peorias afterwards- 
TAMATLES, (Seminoles,) 7 m. above the Ocheeses, and numbered 220 in 1820. 
TARRATINES, E. of Pascataqua River; the Niprnuks so calted the Abenakies. 
TATTOWHEHALLYS, (Seminoles,) 130 in 1820; since scattered among ether towns. 
TAUKAWAYS, on the sources of Trinity, Brazos, De Dis, and Colorado Rivers. 
TAWAKENOE, "Three Canes," W. side Brazos r., 200m. W. of Nacogdoches, 1804. 
TAWAWS, (Hurons,) on the Mawme in 1780, 18 m. /rom Lake Erie. 
TELMOCRESSE, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoocbae, 15 m. above fork; 100 in 1820. 
TENISAW, once on that river which flows into Mobile Bay; went to Red r. in 1765. 
TETONS, (Sioux,) " vile miscreants," on Mississ., Misso., St. Peter's ; " real pirates." 
TIONONTATIES, or DiNONDADiES, a tribe of Hurons, or their general name. 
TOCKWOGHS, one of the six tribes on the Ohesapeak in 1607. 
TONICAS, 20 warriors in 1784, on Mississippi, opp. Point Coup6; once numerous. 
TONKAHANS, a nation or tribe of Texans, said to be cannibals. 



^j INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 

TOWKAWA, 700 in 1820, erratic, about Bay St. Bernardo. 

TOTEROS, on the mountains N. of the Sapones, in N. Carolina, in 1700. 

TOTUSKEYS. See MORATOKS. 

TOWACANNO, or TOWOASH, one of three tribes on the Brazos. See TAHUACAHA. 

TSONONTHOUANS, Hennep'm so called the Senecas ; by Cox, called Sonnontovans. 

TUKABATCHE, on Tallapoosie River, 30 m. above Fort Alabama, in 1775. 

TUNICA, (Mobilian,) on Red River, 90 m. above its mouth ; but 30 in 1820. 

TUNXIS, (Mohegans,) once in Farmington, Conn. ; monument erected to them, 1840. 

TUSHEPAHAS, and OOTLASHOOTS, 5,600 in 1820, on Clark's and Missouri Rivers. 

TUSCARORA, on Neus r., N. Carolina, till 1712; a few now in Lewiston, Niagara r. 

TCTELOES. See MANGOAKS, or MANGOAGS. 

TUTSEEWA, on a river W. Rocky Mts., supposed to be a branch of the Columbia. 

TWIGHTWEES, (Miamies,) in 1780, on the Great Miami ; so called by the Iroquois. 

UCHEE, once on Chattauchee r., 4 towns ; some went to Florida, some west. iv. 141. 

UFALLAH, (Seminoles,) 670 in 1820, 12 m. above Fort Gaines, on Chattahooch.ee r. 

UGALJACHMUTZI, a tribe about Prince William's Sound, N. W. coast. 

ULSEAH, on coast of the Pacific, S. Columbia, beyond the Neekeetoos; 150 in 1820. 

UNALACHTGO, one of the three tribes once composing the Lenna Lenape. 

UNAMIES, the head tribe of Lenna Lenape. 

UNCHAGOGS, a tribe anciently on Long Island, New York. 

UPSAROKA, (Minetare,) commonly called Crows. 

WAAKICUM, 30 m. up Columbia River, opposite the Cathlamats; 400 in 1836. 

WABINGA, (Iroquois,) between W. branch of Delaware and Hudson r. B. iii. 97, n. 

WACO, (Panis,) 800 in 1820, on Brazos River, 24 m. from its mouth. 

WAHOWPUMS, on N. branch Columbia River, from Lapage r. upward; 700 in 180|6. 

WAHPATONE, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter's River. 

WAHPACOOTA, (Sioux?) in the country S. W. St. Peter's in 1805; never stationary. 

WAMESITS, (Nipmuks,) once on Mernmac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is. 

WAMPANOAG, perhaps the 3d nation in importance in N. E. when settled by the Eng. 

WAPPINGS, at and about Esopus in 1758; also across the Hudson to the Minsi. 

WARANANCONGUINS, supposed to be the same as the Wappings. 

WASHAWS, on Barrataria Island in 1680, considerable ; 1805, at Bay St. Fosh, 5 only. 

WATANONS, or WEAS. See OUIATINONS. 

WATEREES, once on the river of that name in S. Carolina, but long since extinct. 

WATEPANETO, on the Padouca fork of the Platte, near Rocky Mts. ; 900 in 1820. 

WAWENOKS, (Abenakies,) once from Sagadahock to St. George River, in Maine. 

WAXSAW, once in S. Carolina, 45 m. above Camden; name still continues. 

WEAS, or WAAS, (Kikapoos.) See OUIATANONS. 

WEKISA, (Semin.,) 250 in 1820, W. side Chattahoochee, 4 m. above the Cheskitaloas. 

WELCH, said to be on a southern branch of the Missouri. Book i. 36, 37, 38. 

WESTOES, in 1670, on Ashley and Edisto Rivers, in S. Carolina. 

WETEPAHATO, with the Kiawas, in 70 lodges in 1805, Padouca fork of Platte River. 

WHEELPO, on Clark's River, from the mouth of the Lastaw ; 2,500 in 1820 ; W. R. 

WHIRLPOOLS, (Chikamaugas,) so called from the place of their residence. 

WHITE, W. of Mississippi River; mentioned by many travellers. See Book i. 38 

VVIGHCOMOCOS, one of the six tribes in Virginia in 1607, mentioned by Smith. 

VVU.LMVAHS, (Chopunnish,) 500 in 1820, on Willewah r., which falls into Lewis's. 

vviNNEBiGo, on S. side Lake Michigan until 1832 ; Ottagamies, &c. v. 141143. 

WOLF, Locps o f the French; several nations had tribes so called. 

WOKKON, 2 leagues from the Tuscaroras in 1701 ; long since extinct. 

VVOL- vALLA^on Columbia r., from above Muscleshell Rapids, W. Rocky Mts. 

VVYA OTS, (Huions,) a great seat at Sandusky in 1780 ; warlike. 

WYCOMES, on the Susquehannah in 1648, with some Oneidas, 250. 

WYNIAWS, a small tr'-be in N. Carolina in 1701. 



YAASFr, blU r ff f i heir name in 1732 > near Savannah, about 140 men. 

KE S border of S. Carolina ; nearly destroyed in 1715 by English, iv. 138. 
VAN N, i'nS'T che8 ' )3t:ibe8abou tsourcesB/azos,delNorte,&c e ; 1817,30,000. 
YAT^SSK; ? T P?ane l^> ad J &Cent to E side of the Rock y Mountains. 

" - m ' &om Natc Wtoches, on a creek falling into Red r. 



f^^^^^i^^fi^SS 

' Pac.Bc, next N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 700 in IS20. 



BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY 



OF THE 



INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA, 



BOOK I. 



HO 



BOOK I. 



ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, 
&c. OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



O could their ancient Incas rise again, 

How would they take up Israel's taunting strain ! 

Art thou too fallen, Iberia ? Do we see 

The robber and the murderer weak aa we? 

Thou, that hast wasted earth, and dared deHpise 

Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies, 

Thy pomp is in the grave, thy glory laid 

Low in the pits thine avarice has made. 

We come with joy from our eternal rest, 

To see the oppressor in his turn oppressed. 

Art thou the God, the thunder of whose hand 

Rolled over all our desolated land, 

Shook principalities and kingdoms down, 

And made the mountains tremble at his frown? 

The sword shall light upon thy boasted powers, 

And waste them as they wasted ours 

'Tis thus Omnipotence his law fulfils, 

And vengeance executes what justice wills. COWPER 



CHAPTER I 

Origin of ike name Indian. Why applied to the people found in America. Ancient 
authors supposed to have referred to America in their writings Theopompus 
Voyage of HannoDiodorus Siculus Plato Aristotle Seneca. 

THE name Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America* 
by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the East Indies by sailing 
west, caused the discovery of the islands and continent of America. When 
they were at first discovered, Columbus, and many after him, supposed they 
had arrived at the eastern shore of the continent of India, and hence the peo 
ple they found there were called Indians. The error was not discovered until 
the name had so obtained, that it could not well be changed. It is true, that it 
matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known, 
and especially those of America, in as far as the name is seldom used among 
us but in application to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people of 
Europe it was not so unimportant. Situated between the two countries, India 
and America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have 
produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking 
of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a Zealander was 
meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Therefore, in a historical point 
of view, the error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name of the 
continent itself should have been derived from Americus instead of Columbus. 

* So named from Vesputius Americus, a Florentine, who made a discovery of some part 
of the coast of South America in 1499, two years after Cabot had explored the coast of North 
America) but Americus had the fortune to confer his name upon both. 



4 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BOOK I. 

It has been the practice of almost every writer, who has written about the 
primitive inhabitants of a country, to give some wild theories of others, con 
cerning their origin, and to close the account with his own ; which generally 
has been more visionary, if possible, than those of his predecessors. Long, 
laborious, and, we may 'add, useless disquisitions have been daily laid before 
the world, from the discovery of America by Columbus to the present time, to 
endeavor to explain by what means the inhabitants got from the old to the 
new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many of our predecessors, we 
will begin as far back as they have done, and so shall commence with Theo- 
pompus and others, from intimations in whose writings it is alleged the an 
cients had knowledge of America, and therefore peopled it. 

Theopompus, a learned historian and orator, \yho flourished in the time of 
Alexander the Great, in a book entitled Thaumasia, gives a sort of dialogue 
between Midas the Phrygian and Silenus. The book itself is lost, but Strabo 
refers to it, and JElianus has given us the substance of the dialogue which fol 
lows. After much conversation, Silenus said to Midas, that Europe, Asia and 
Africa were but islands surrounded on all sides by the sea ; but that there was 
a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even 
without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of prodi 
gious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and that 
they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their 
usages and laws were different from ours ; that in one city there was more 
than a million of inhabitants ; that gold and silver were there in vast quanti- 
ties.f This is but an abstract from JElianus's extract, but contains all of it that 
can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and AfrictuJ JEKan or JEli 
anus lived about A. D. 200. 

Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity, 
but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, and others 140, 
years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before 
our era. He was an officer of great enterprise, having sailed around and ex 
plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called 
the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 days. Hence it is inferred by 
many, that he must have visked America, or some of its islands. He wrote a 
book, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyages, which was 
translated and published about 1533, in Greek.|| 

Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or con 
tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared 
afterwards. 

* Dtiffon and Raynal either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have been 
America ; for they taught that all animals degenerated here. Many of the first adventurers 
1o the coasts of unknown countries reported them inhabited by giants'. Swift wrote Gulliver's 
Travels to bring such accounts into ridicule. How well he succeeded is evident from a 
comparison of books of voyages and travels before and after his time. Dubartas has this 
passage : 



Our fearless sailors, in far voyages 
(More led by gain's hope than thei 
On th' Indian shore have sometime 



their compasses), 
shore have sometime noted some 
Whose bodies covered two broad acres room : 
And in the South Sea they have also seen 
Some like high-topped and huge-armed treen ; 
And other some, whose monstrous backs did bear 
Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were 
Much like the winged and wide-spreading sails 
Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales. 7 ' 

Divine Weeks, p. 117, ed. 4to, 1613. 



t jElian, Variar. Historiar. lib. iii. chap. viii. 

Ji work t ^n te F X ^ aS h W / riUen '. t . here ^ C me ilU m j hands a c Py of a translation of J3K- 
v Ahr^n wSSK ( f W ? 1! a T rdin to the trutn of *he Greeke texte, as of the Latine), 

!T*^?raJi^2^ 4to - II differs not material * fr the above > ^ 



, 

4to - II differs not material * fr the above > 

8 Encyclopaedia Perthensis. 

fold in'^SrH- ? f ?l W7U> . and . h y a & es - wi 'h which we are acquainted, is to be 
6vols 4tf of Spain, vol. ,. 93, 109, 119, 122, 133, and 150, ed. Paris, 1725, 



CHAP. I.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS 5 

Diodorus Siculus says that some " Phoenicians were cast upon a most fertile 
island opposite to Africa." Of this, he says, they kept the rnost studied secrecy, 
which was doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of the advantage the discov 
ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which they wished to secure 
wholly to themselves. Diodorus Siculus lived about 100 years before Christ. 
Islands lying west of Europe and Africa are certainly mentioned by Homer 
and Horace. They were called Atlantides, and were supposed to be about 
10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the poets' fabled Elysian fields. 
But to be more particular with Diodorus, we will let him speak for himself. 
*' After having passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we 
will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa, 
and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail 
from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated with mountains 
tm<[ valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields 
are well cultivated ; delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees." 
lie finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants 
have spacious dwellings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To say the 
least of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with that given of 
the Mexicans when first known to the Spaniards, but perhaps it will compare 
as well with the Canaries. 

Plato's account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. Re 
lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A part of his account is as 
follows : " In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic 
was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it,, 
who, with joint forces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : Arid so a most, 
.grievous war was carried on ; in which the Athenians, with the common 
consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they became the conquerors. 
But that Atlantic island, by a flood and earthquake, was indeed suddenly 
destroyed, and so that warlike people were swallowed up. w He adds, in an 
other place, " An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits, 
called the Pillars of Hercules, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger- 
than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passage over to other 
islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that 
region." * " Neptune settled in this island, from whose son, Atlas, its name 
was derived, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the 
extremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the language of the country, 
signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of JVeptune reigned 
here, from father to son, for a great number of generations in the order of 
primogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They also possessed several 
other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as far 
as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor, At length the island sunk under 
water; and for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of 
rocks and shelves."! This account, although mixed with fable, cannot, we 
think, be entirely rejected ; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries 
westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any passage 
of history of that period. 

Aristotle, or the author of a book which is generally attributed to him, | 
speaks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; but the passage savors 
something of hearsay, and is as follows: " Some say that, beyond the Pillars 
of Hercules, the Carthaginians, have found a very fertile island, but without 
inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is 
several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthaginians, charmed by 
the fertility of the country, thought to marry and settle there; but some say 
that the government of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of death, 
from the fear that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother- 
country of her possessions there." If Aristotle had uttered this as a prediction, 

* America known to the Ancients, 10, 8vo. Boston, 1773. 

t Encyclopaedia Perthensis, art. ATLANTIS. 

j De mirabil. auscultat. Opera, vol. i. Voltaire says of this, book, " On en fesait honneur 
aux Carthaginois, et on citait un livre d'Aristote qu'il' n'a pas compose." Essai sur les 
Mceurs et resprit des nations, chap. cxlv. p. 703. vol. iv. of his works. Edit. Paris, 1817, 
in 8vo. 

1* 



(j ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [Boon L 

that such a thing would take place in regard to some future nation, no one, 
perhaps would have called him a false prophet, for the American revolution 
would have been its fulfilment. This philosopher lived about 384 years before 
Christ. 

Seneca lived about the commencement of the vulgar era. He wrote trage 
dies, and in one of them occurs this passage : 



" Venient annis 

Ssecula seris, quibus oceanus 
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens 
Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos 
Detegat orbes ; nee sit terris 
Ultima Thule." 

Medea, Act 3. v. 375. 

This is nearer prophecy, and may be rendered in English thus: "The 
time will come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we shall 
behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds: Thule 
shall no longer be considered the last country of the known world." 

Not only these passages from the ancient authors have been cited and re 
cited by modems, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in 
some way or other, America must have been peopled from some of the eastern 
continents. Almost every country has claimed the honor of having been its 
first discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. But since the recent 
discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little about getting 
over inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or Africa, through the difficult way of the 
Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much easier to pass them over the narrow chan 
nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. Grotius, C. Mather, Hubbard, and 
after them Robertson, are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving a 
question which they consider as having puzzled their predecessors so much. 



CHAPTER II. 

Of modern theorists upon the peopling oj America St. Gregory Herrera T. 
Morton Williamson Wood Josselyn Thorowgood Adair R. Williams C. 
Mather Hubbard Robertson Smith Voltaire Mitchill M' CullochLord 
Kaim Swinton Cabrera . 

ST. GREGORY, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. Clement, 
said that beyond the ocean there was another world.* 

Herrera argues, that the new world could riot have been known to the 
ancients ; and that what Seneca has said was not true. For that God had kept 
it hid from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it ; and that, 
in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been pleased 
to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's prediction (if so it may be 
considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world would be dis 
covered in the north, and that it was found in the west.f Herrera wrote 
about 1598, \ before which time little knowledge was obtained of North 
America. This may account for his impeachment of Seneca 1 s prophecy. 

Thomas Morton, who came to New England in 1622, published in 1637 an 
account of its natural history, with much other curious matter. In speaking 
upon the peopling of America, he thinks it altogether out of the question to 

" S. Gregoire sur 1'epistre de S. Clement, dit que passe 1'ocean, il y a vn autre mond." 
(Herrera, I Decade, 2.) This is the whole passage. 

t I oiu, 3* 

i He died 27 March, 1625, at the age of about 66 years. His name was TordesUlas Antonio 
<U Herrera*- one of the best Spanish historians. His history of the voyages to, and settlement 
ef America is very minute, and very valuable. The original in Spanish is very rare. Acos- 
t*', translation (into French) 3 v. 4to., 1660, is also scarce and valuable. It is this we cite. 



CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 7 

suppose that it was peopled by the Tartars from the north, because "a people, 
once settled, must be removed by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in 
hopes of better fortunes, upon commendations of the place unto which they 
should be drawn to remove. And if it may be thought that these people came 
over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then by whom, 
or when ? Or what part of this main continent may be thought to border 
upon the country of the Tartars ? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that a 
people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel over 
a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with. As, 
1st, whether there be any land at the end of their unknown way, no land 
being in view ; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that 
sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night from freezing 
to death ? which will not be had in such a place. But it may perhaps be 
granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered 
Trojans ; for after that Brutus, who was the fourth from Eneas, left Latium 
upon the conflict held with the Latins (where although he gave them a great 
overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and many others of the 
heroes of Latium, yet he held it more safely to depart unto some other place 
and people, than, by staying, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtful 
conquest ; which, as history maketh mention, he performed.) This people 
was dispersed, there is no question, but the people that lived with him, by 
reason of their conversation with the Grecians and Latins, had a mixed lan 
guage, that participated of both."* This is the main ground of Morton, but 
he says much more upon the subject; as that the similarity of the languages 
of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great. From the examples he 
gives, we presume he knew as little about the Indian languages as Dr. Mather, 
Adair, and Boudinot, who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew. 
Though Morton thinks it very improbable that the Tartars came over by the 
north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds 
no difficulty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he allows them 
no compass. That the Indians have a Latin origin he thinks evident, because 
he fancied he heard among their words Pasco-pan, and hence thinks, w hout 
doubt, their ancestors were acquainted with the god Pan.\ 

Dr. Williamson^ says, " It can hardly be questioned that the Indians of South 
America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the southern parts of 
Asia." That they could not have come from the north, because the South 
American Indians are unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with 
the more rational views of Father Venegas.^ He writes as follows: "Of all 
the parts of America hitherto discovered, the Californians lie nearest to Asia. 
We are acquainted with the mode of writing in all the eastern nations. We 
can distinguish between the characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the 
Chinese Tartars, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the 
Bay of Karnschathka ; and learned dissertations on them, by Mr. Boyer, are 
to be found in the acts of the imperial academy of sciences at Petersburg. 
What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others 
like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia! But as to the Cali 
fornians, if ever they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate their me 
moirs, they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among them, 
amounts to no more than some obscure oral traditions, probably more and 
more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as 
retained any knowledge of the particular country from which they emi 
grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the Indians 
of California. 

Mr. William Wood,\\ who left New England in 1633J after a short stay, says, 
" Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not inclining to any 
of the refined tongues : Some have thought they might be of the dispersed 

* New Canaan, book i, pages 17 and 18. t Ibid. 18. 

A In his Hist. N. Carolina, i. 216. 

Hist. California, i. 60. His work was published at Madrid, in 1758. 
The author of a work entitled New England's Prospect, published in London, 1634, in 
4to. It is a very rare, and, in some respects, a curious and valuable work. 
11 Prospect, 51. 






e ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. t BoOK L 

JCWB, because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew : but by the same 
rule they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, be- 
e they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and other 



cause 




land is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north with the River 
of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the south with the River Mon- 
heffan or Hudson's River, so called because he was the first that discovered it. 
Some will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be, 
if there be a north-east passage found out into the South Sea. It contains 
1 152,400,000 acres. The discovery of the north -west passage (which lies with 
in the River of Canada) was undertaken with the help of some Protestant 
Frenchmen, which left Canada, and retired to Boston about the year 1669. 
The north-east people of America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be 
Tartars, called Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and man 
ners." We have given here a larger extract than the immediate subject re 
quired, because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as we 
ours, in seeing how people understood things in that day. Barlow, looking 
but a small, distance beyond those times, with great elegance says, 

" In those blank periods, where no man can trace 
The gleams of thought that first illumed his race, 
His errors, twined with science, took their birth, 
And forged their fetters for this child of earth, 
And when, as oft, he dared expand his view, 
And work with nature on the line she drew, 
Some monster, gendered in his fears, unmanned 
His opening soul, and marred the works he planned. 
Fear, the first passion of his helpless state, 
Redoubles all the woes that round him wait, 
Blocks nature's path, and sends him wandering wide, 
Without a guardian, and without a guide." 

Columbiad, ix. 137, &c. 

Reverend Thomas Thorowgood published a small quarto, in 1652, to prove 
that the Indians were the Jews, who had been "lost in the world for the space 
of near 2000 years." But whoever has read Adair or Boudinot, has, beside a 
good deal that is irrational, read all that in Thorowgood can be termed rational. 

Reverend Roger Williams was, at one time, as appears from Thorowgood's 
work, || of the same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of 
the natives, "he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 20th 
of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in hfRc verbal That they did 
not come into America from the north-east, as some had imagined, he thought 
evident for these reasons: 1. their ancestors affirm they came from the south 
west, and return thence when they die : 2. because they " separate their wo 
men in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons:" and 3. "be 
side their god Kvttand to the S. West, they hold that NanaivitnawiW (a god 
over head) made the heavens and the earth ; arid some tast of affinity with 
the Hebrew I have found." 

Doctor Cotton Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost 
hesitate to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a 
matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we 
would in no wise part ; and if sometimes we appear not serious in our intro 
duction of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so. 
And we are persuaded that we should not be pardoned did we not allow him 
to speak upon the matter before us. 

Ibid. 112. ed. 1764. 

His account of two voyages to New England, printed London, 1673, page 124. 
t New England Rarities, 4, 5, printed London, 1672. 

I Fa esVar!dT nCe8 ' " ^^^ Dei '' New ^""""'es, toftfc sure Arguments to prcve," &c. 
Tl Getannitowit is <rod in Delaware. Heckewelder. 



CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. <J 

He says, " It should not pass without remark, that three most memorable 
things which have borne a very great aspect upon human affairs, did, near the 
same time, namely, at the conclusion of the fifteenth, and the beginning of the 
sixteenth, century, arise unto the world: the first was the Resurrection of 
Literature ; the second was the opening of America ; the third was the 
Reformation of Religion" Thus far we have an instructive view of the sub 
ject, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dark ages, when literature 
was neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have been also, and hence the 
knowledge of America lost for a time. The reader must now summon his 
gravity. "But," this author continues, " as probably the Devil, seducing the 
first inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at the having of them and 
their posterity out of the sound of the silver trumpets of the gospel, then to be 
heard through the Roman empire.* If the Devil had any expectation, that, by 
the peopling of America, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of the two 
benefits, literature and religion, which dawned upon the miserable world, (one 
just before, the other just after,) the first famed navigation hither, 'tis to be 
hoped he will be disappointed of that expectation ."f The learned doctor, 
having forgotten what he had written in his first book, or wishing to inculcate 
his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a passage which he had at first given, 
in a distant part of his work ; |" but, there being considerable addition, we re 
cite it : " The natives of the country now possessed by the Ne wen glanders, 
had been forlorn and wretched heathen ever since their first herding here ; and 
though we know not ivhen or how these Indians first became inhabitants of 
this mighty continent, yet we may guess that probably the Devil decoyed those 
miserable salvages hither, in hopes that the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ 
would never come here to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over them. 
But our Eliot was in such ill terms with the Devil, as to alarm him with 
sounding the silver trumpets of heaven in his territories, and make some noble 
and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There 
were, I think, 20 several nations (if I may call them so) of Indians upon that 
spot of ground which fell under the influence of our Three United Colonies ; 
and our Eliot was willing to rescue as many of them as he could from that 
old usurping landlord of America, who is, by the wrath of God, the prince /f 
this world." In several places he is decided in the opinion that Indians are 
Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion, on meeting with this passage of 
Julius Casar : " Difficilius Invenire quam interficere," which he thus renders, 
" It is harder to find them than to foil them." At least, this is a happy appli 
cation of the passage. Casar was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo 
rian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden attacks of the Indians, and 
their agility in hiding themselves from pursuit. Doctor Mather wrote at the 
close of the seventeenth century, and his famous book, Magnolia Christi 
Americana, was published in 1702. 

Jldair, who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, previ 
ous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon their origin, history, &c. He tor 
tures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every 
word in their language into a Hebrew one of the same meaning. 

Doctor Boudiiwt, in his book called "The Star in the West," has followed 
up the theory of Adair, with such certainty, as he thinks, as that the "long 
lost ten tribes of Israel" are clearly identified in the American Indians. Such 

* This, we apprehend, is not entirely original with our author, but borders upon plagiarism. 
Ward, the celebrated author of the " Simple Cobler of Aggawam," says of the Irish, 
" These Irish (anciently called anthropophagi, man-eaters) have^a tradition among them, that 
when the Devil showed our Saviour all the kingdoms of the earth, and their glory, that he 
would not show him Ireland, but reserved it for himself. It is, probably, true ; for he hath 
kept it ever since for his own peculiar: the old fox foresaw it would eclipse the glory of all 
the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the land for a Boggards for his unclean spirits employed 
in this hemisphere," and the people to do his son and heir (the Pope) that service for which 
Lewis the XI kept his Barbor Oliver, which makes them so bloodthirsty." Simple Cobler, 
86, 87. Why so much gall is poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot satisfactorily account. 
The circumstance of his writing in the time of Cromwell will explain a part, if not the whole, 
of the enigma. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Massachusetts, but was born and died 
111 England. 

f Magnalia Christ. Amer. b. i. J Ibid. b. iii. See Magnalia, b. vii. 



|0 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BOOK I 

theories have gained many supporters. It is of much higher antiquity than 
Adair and was treated as such visionary speculations should be by authors as 
far back as the historian Hubbard, who wrote about 1680, and has this among 
other passages: If any observation be made of their manners and disposi 
tions, it's easier to say from what nations they did not, than from whom they 
did derive their original. Doubtless their conjecture who fancy them to be 
descended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried captive by Salamander 
and Esarhaddon, hath the least show of reason of any other, there being no 
footsteps to be observed of their propinquity to them more than to any other of 
the tribes of the earth, either as to their language or manners."* This author 
was one of the best historians of his times ; and, generally, he writes with as 
much discernment upon other matters as upon this. 

That because the natives of one country and those of another, and each un 
known to the other, have some customs and practices in common, it has been 
urged by some, and not a few, that they must have had a common origin ; but 
this, in our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. Who will pretend that 
different people, when placed under similar circumstances, will riot have simi 
lar wants, and hence similar actions ? that like wants will not prompt like ex 
ertions? and like causes produce not like effects? This mode of reasoning 
we think sufficient to show, that, although the Indians may have some customs 
in common with the Scythians, the Tartars, Chinese, Hindoos, Welsh, and 
indeed every other nation, still, the former, for any reason we can see to the 
contrary, have as good right to claim to themselves priority of origin as either 
or all of the latter. 

Doctor Robertson should have proved that people of color produce others 
of no color, and the contrary, before he said, " We know with infallible 
certainty, that all the human race spring from the same source,"f meaning 
Adam. He founds this broad assertion upon the false notion that, to admit 
any other would be an inroad upon the verity of the holy Scriptures. Now, 
in our view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in assuming a very 
different ground;! namely, that all habitable parts of the world may have been 
peopled at the same time, and by different races of men. That it is so peo 
pled, we know : that it was so peopled as far back as we have any account, 
we see no reason to disbelieve. Hence, when it was not so is as futile to 
inquire, as it would be impossible to conceive of the annihilation of space. 
When a new country was discovered, much inquiry was made to ascertain 
from whence came the inhabitants found upon it not even asking whence 
came the other animals. The answer to us is plain. Man, the other animals, 
trees and plants of every kind, were placed there by the supreme directing 
hand, which carries on every operation of nature by fixed and undeviating 
laws. This, it must be plain to every reader, is, at least, as reconcilable to the 
Bible history as the theory of Robertson, which is that of Grotius, and all those 
who have followed them. 

When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the sub- 
jnct, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold 
up the idea still that all must have sprung from the same source, (Adam,) only 
reminds us of our grandmothers, who to this day laugh at us when we tell 
them that the earth is a globe. Who, we ask, will argue that the negro 
changes his color by living among us, or by changing his latitude? Who 
have ever become negroes by living in their country, or among them ? Has the 
Jndian ever changed his complexion by living in London? Do those change 
which adopt our manners and customs, and are surroun,ded by us ? Until 
these questions can be answered in the affirmative, we discard altogether that 
umtanan system of peopling the world. We would indeed prefer Ovid's 
method : 

" Ponere duritiem coepere, suumque rigorem ; 

Molliriq|ue mora, mollitaque clucere formam. 

Mox ubi creverunt, naturaque mitior illis 

Contigit," &c. &c. 
Metamor. lib i. fah. xi. 

f Hist. America, book iv. 

and say nolhi " g of the certain * of * 



CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 11 

That is, Deucalion and Pyrrha performed the office by travelling over the 
country and picking up stones, which, as they cast them over their heads, 
became young people as they struck the earth. 

We mean not to be understood that the exterior of the skin of people is not 
changed by climate, for this is very evident; but that the children of persons 
would be any lighter or darker, whose residence is in a climate different from 
that in which they were born, is what we deny, as in the former case. As 
astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less true, that 
Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith has put forth an octavo book of more than 400 
pages to prove the unity, as he expresses it, of the human race,' that is, that 
all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenor : 
"The American and European sailor reside equally at the pole, and under the 
equator." Then, in a triumphant air, he demands " Why then should we, 
without necessity, assume the hypothesis that originally there existed different 
species of the human kind ?" * What kind of argument is contained here we 
leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would prove that all the 
human family are of the same tribe, he says that negro slaves at the south, 
who live in white families, are gradually found to conform in features to the 
whites with whom they livelf Astonishing! and we wonder who, if any, 
knew this, beside the author. . Again, and we have done with our extraordi 
nary philosopher. He is positive that deformed or disfigured persons will, in 
process of time, produce offspring marked in the same way. That is, if a 
man practise flattening his nose, his offspring will have a flatter nose than he 
would have had, had his progenitor not flattened his ; and so, if this offspring 
repeat the process, his offspring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on, 
until the nose be driven entirely off the face ! In this, certainly, our author 
has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We 
wish he could tell us how many ages or generations it would take to make 
this formidable conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary, it 
would be a much less tedious business to cut off a member at once, and thus 
accomplish the object in a short period ; for to wait several generations for 
a fashion seems absurd in the extreme. A man must be monstrously blind 
to his prejudices, to maintain a doctrine like this. As well might he argue 
that colts would be tailless because it has long been the practice to shorten 
the tails of horses, of both sexes ; but we have never heard that colts' tails are 
in the least affected by this practice which has been performed on the horse 
so long.J Certainly, if ever, we should think it time to discover something 
of it ! Nor have we ever heard that a female child has ever been born with 
its ears bored, although its ancestors have endured the painful operation for 
many generations and here we shall close our examination of Mr. Smith's 
400 pages. 

People delight in new theories, and often hazard a tolerable reputation for 
the sake of exhibiting their abilities upon a subject on which they have very 
vague, or no clear conceptions. Had Dr. Smith read the writings of Sir 
Thomas Brown, he could hardly have advanced such absurd opinions as we 
have before noticed ; if, indeed, he were possessed of a sane mind. Dr. 
Broion was of the age previous to that in which Bujfon lived. In speaking 
of complexion, he says, "If the fervor of the sun were the so!e cause hereof, 
in Ethiopia, or any land of negroes, it were also reasonable that inhabitants 
of the same latitude, subjected unto the same vicinity of the sun, the same 
diurnal arch and direction of its rays, should also partake of the same hue 
and complexion, which, notwithstanding, they do not. For the inhabitants 
of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion, as are the inhabit 
ants of Cambogia and Java; insomuch that some conceive the negro is 
properly a native of Africa ; and that those places in Asia, inhabited now by 

* Smith on Complexion, N. Brunswick, N. J. 1810, p. 11. f Ibid. 170, 171. 

t The author pleads not guilty to the charge of plagiarism ; for it was not until some months 
after the text was written, that he knew that even this idea had occurred to any one. He has 
since read an extract very similar, in Dr. Lawrence's valuable Lectures on Zoology, &c. 

On reflection, we have thought our remarks rather pointed, as Mr. Smith is not a living 
author 5 but what called them forth must be their apology. 



13 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BOOK I. 

Moors, are but the intrusions of negroes, arriving first from Africa, as we 
^nerallv^conceive of Madagascar, and the adjoining islands, who retain the 
Sme^mpSn unto this day But this defect [of latitude upon complex- 
km] is more remarkable in America, which, although subjected unto both the 
ironies vet are not the inhabitants black between, or near, or under either : 
neither to the southward in Brazil, Chili, or Peru ; nor yet to the northward 
rSSiSiSa, Castilia, del Oro, or Nicaragua. And although in many parts 
Aereofthere be at present, swarms of negroes, serving under the Spaniard, 
yet were they all transported from Africa, since the discovery of Columbus, 
and are not indigenous, or proper natives of America." 

Hence it is evident, that 200 years before Dr. Snath, wrote, the notion that 
situation of place affected materially the color of the human species, was 
very justly set down among the "vulgar and common errors of the times. 

Another theory, almost as wild, and quite as ridiculous, respecting the 
animals of America, as that advanced by Dr. 5. S. Smt^ seems here to pre 
sent itself. We have reference to the well-known assertions of Buffon and 
Raynal f two philosophers, who were an honor to the times of Franklin, 
which are, that man and other animals in America degenerate. J This has 
been met in such a masterly manner by Mr. Jefferson, that to repeat any 
thin^ here would be entirely out of place, since it has been so often copied 
into works on both sides, of the Atlantic. It may even be found in some of 
the best English Encyclopaedias. || 

Smith IT do?s not deal fairly with a passage of Voltaire, relating to the peo 
pling of America ; as he takes only a part of a sentence to comment upon. 
Perhaps he thought it as much as he was capable of managing. ** The com 
plete sentence to which we refer we translate as follows : " There are found 
men and animals all over the habitable earth : who has put them upon it ? 
We have already said, it is he who has made the grass grow in the fields ; 
and we should be no more surprised to find in America men, than we should 
to find flies." ff We can discover no contradiction between this passage and 
another in a distant part of the same work ; and which seems more like the 
passage Mr. Smith has cited : " Some do not wish to believe that the cater 
pillars and the snails of one part, of the world should be originally from an 
other part : wherefore be astonished, then, that there should be in America 
some kinds of animals, and some races of men like our own ? " it 

Voltaire has written upon the subject in a manner that will always be 
attracting, however much or little credence may be allowed to what he has 
written. We will, therefore, extract an entire article wherein he engages 
more professedly upon the question than in other parts of hie works, in which 
he has rather incidentally spoken upon it. The chapter is as follows : 
"Since many fail not to make systems upon the manner in which America 
has been peopled, it is left only for us to say, that he who created flies in 
those regions, created man there also. However pleasant it may be to dis 
pute, it cannot be denied that the Supreme Being, who lives in all nature, |||| 
lias created about the 48 two-legged animals without feathers, the color of 
whose skin is a mixture of white and carnation, with long beards approaching 
to red ; about the line, in Africa and its islands, negroes without beards ; and 

* " Pseudodozia Epidemica : or Inquiries into very many Received Tenents, and common 
ly received Truths; together with the RELIGIO MEDICI. By Thomas Brown, Kt. M. P." 
Page 373, G edition, 4to. London, 1672. 

| After speaking of the effect of the climate of the old world in producing man and other 
animals in perfection, he adds, "Combien, au contraire, la nature paroit avoir neglige 
nonveau mond ! Les hommes y sonl moins forts, moins courageux ; sans barbe et sans poll," 
&c. Histoire Philos. des detix Tndes, viii. 210. Ed. Geneva. 1781. 12 vols. 8vo. 

| Voltaire does not say quite as much, but says this: "La nature enfin avail donne aux 
Americanes beaucoup moins d'industrie qu'aux hommes de 1'ancien monde. Toutes ces causes 
ensemble ont pu nuire beaucoup a la population." [CEuvres, iv. 19.] This is, however, only 
in reference to the Indians. 

& In his Notes on Virginia, Quer. vii. || Perthensis, i. 637. (Art. AMF.R. 38.) 

IT Samwl Smith, who published a history of New Jersey, in 1765, printed at Burlington. 

** See Hist. N. j. 8. ft Essai sur les Moeurs et 1'Esprit des Nations. (CEuvres, iv. 18.) 

tt Ibid. 708. $$ CEuvres, t. vii. 197, 198. 

(HI Will the reader of this call Voltaire an atheist 1 



CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 13 

in the same latitude, other negroes with beards, some of them having wool 
and some hair on their heads ; and among them other animals quite white, 
having neither hair nor wool, but a kind of white silk. It does not very 
clearly appear what should have prevented God from placing on another 
continent animals of the same species, of a copper color, in the same latitude 
in which, in Africa and Asia, they are found black ; or even from making them 
without beards in the very same latitude in which others possess them. To 
what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny 
of prejudice! We see these animals; it is agreed that God has had the 
power to place them where they are ; yet it is not agreed that he has so 
placed them. The same persons who readily admit that the beavers of Canada 
are of Canadian origin, assert that the men must have come there in boats, 
and that Mexico must have been peopled by some of the descendants of 
Magog. As well might it be said, that, if there be men in the moon, they 
must have been taken there by Astolpho on his hippogriff, when he went to 
fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had 
been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe system 
atic enough to have advanced, with the Jesuit Lqfttau* that the Caribbees 
descended from the inhabitants of Caria, and the Hurons from the Jews, he 
would have done well to have brought back the bottle containing the wits of 
these reasoners, which he would doubtless have found in the moon, along 
with those of Angelica's lover. The first thing done when an inhabited island 
is discovered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Sea, is to inquire, Whence 
came these people? but as for the trees and the tortoises, they are, without 
any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous ; as if it were more difficult for 
nature to make men than to make tortoises. One thing, however, which 
seems to countenance this system, is, that there is scarcely an island hi the 
eastern or western ocean, which does not contain jugglers, quacks, knaves, 
and fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to the opinion, that these animals 
are of the same race with ourselves." 

Some account of what the Indians themselves have said npon the subject 
of their origin may be very naturally looked for in this places. Their notions 
in this respect can no more be relied upon than the fabled stories of the gods 
in ancient mythology. Indeed, their accounts of primitive inhabitants do not 
agree beyond their own neighborhood, and often disagree with themselves at 
different times. Some say their ancestors came from the north, others from 
the north-west, others from the east, and others /rom the west; some from 
the regions of the air, and some from under the earth. Hence to raise any 
theory upon any thing coming from them upon the subject, would show 
only that the theorist himself was as ignorant as his informants. We might 
as well ask the forest trees how they cam<3 planted upon the soil in which 
they grow. Not that the Indians are unintelligent in other affairs, any further 
than the necessary consequence growing out of their situation implies ; nor 
are they less so than many who have written upon their history. 

" In one grave maxiir let iw all agree 
Nature ne'er meav' her secrets should be found. 
And man's a riclsle, wAich man can't expound ! '" 

Fame's RULING PASSION. 

The different notions of the Indians will be best gathered from their liyes 
in their proper places in the following work. 

Dr. S. L. Mitektil, of New York, a man who wrote learnedly, if not wisely, 
on almost every subject, has, in his opinion, like hundreds before him, set the 
great question, How was America peopled 1 ? at rest. He has no doubt but the 
Indians, in the firs* place, are of the same color originally as the north-eastern 
nations of Asia, pad hence sprung from them. What time he settles them in 
the country he Joes not tell us, but gets them into Greenland about the year 8 
or 900. Thinks he saw the Scandinavians as far as the shores of the St. 
Lawrence, but what time this was he does not say. He must of course make 

* He wrote a history of the savages of America, and maintained that the Caribbee lan 
guage was radically Hebrew. 



14 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BOOK I. 

these people the builders of the mounds scattered all over the western coun 
try. After all, we apprehend the doctor would have short time for his emi 
grants to do all that nature and art have done touching these matters. In the 
first place, it is evident that many ages passed away from the time these 
tumuli were begun until they were finished : 2d, a multitude of ages must 
have passed since the use for which they were reared has been known ; for 
trees of the age of 200 years grow from the ruins of others which must have 
had as great age : and, 3d, no Indian nation or tribe has the least tradition 
concerning them.* This could not have happened had the ancestors of the 
present Indians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things, f 

The observation of an author in Dr. Rees'sEncy eloped ia,J although saying 
no more than has been already said in our synopsis, is, nevertheless, so happy, 
that we should not feel clea/to omit it: "As to those who pretend that the 
human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the sea 
at Kamschatka, or the Straits of Tschutski, either upon the fields of ice or in 
canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is extremely 
difficult of comprehension, has not the least tendency to diminish the prodi 
gy; for it would be surprising indeed that one half of our planet should have 
remained without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half 
was peopled. What renders this opinion less probable is, that America is 
supposed in it to have had animals, since we cannot bring those species of 
animals from the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the 
glama, and the tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of 
matter for the western hemisphere ; because, independently of the accumu 
lated difficulties in this hypothesis, and which can by no means be solved, 
we shall observe, that the fossil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri 
ca, and at such small depths, prove that ceitain species of animals, so far from 
having been recently organized, have been annihilated a long while ago." 

Before w had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of 
philosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we 
felt a hesitancy In avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment. 
But, after all, as h is only matter of honest opinion, no one should be intoler 
ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and even his friends merry 
at our expense. When, in the days of Chrysostom, some ventured to assert their 
opinions of the rotundity of the earth, that learned father did laugh at them." 
And, when science shalHave progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to set 
tle this question, there is a possibility that the Chrysostoms of these days will 
not have the same excuse fo* their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigies, 
there is some danger of treatiivg lightly even the most seemingly absurd con 
jectures. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con 
siderable hardihood to laugh even^t the theory of the late Mr. Si/mmes. 

When we lately took up a book entitled " Researches, Philosophical and Anti- 
9<Mra* concerning the Aboriginal History O f America, by J. H. M'CULLOH, Jr. 
L>. || we did think, from the imposing appearance of it, that some new 
matters on the subject had been discovered; and more particularly when wo 
read m the preface, that his first object w* to explain the origin of the men 
and animals of America, so far as that question is involved with the apparent 
physical impediments that have so long kept vhe subject in total obscurity." 
Now with what success this has been done, to ^ the author justice, he shall 
speak for himself, and the reader then may judge for himself. 

ore we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of 
America reached this continent, it is necessary to ^certain if possible the 

rcumstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential particular de- 
ttt2iff&!? -IT. P 6 ". 1 investigation. TWe are not able to 



, ' tha, 

nr n f ,h " satls j actor y conclusion, if it be doubtful whether the Crea 
tor of the universe made man and the animals but in on* locality, from 



, ^ .., u .x, lu ^1.111 jnucuicij I. tjz..j. OZD tXil O,C + A 

( Published at Baltimore, 1829, in 8vo. ' ' 



CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 15 

whence they were dispersed over the earth ; or whether he created them in 
each of those various situations where we now find them living. So far as 
this inquiry respects mankind, there can be no reasonable ground to doubt 
the one origin of the species. This fact may be proved both physically and 
morally. [If the reader can discover any thing that amounts to proof in 
what follows, he will have made a discovery that we could not.] That 
man, notwithstanding all the diversities of their appearance, are but of one 
species, is a truth now universally admitted by every physiological naturalist. 
[That is, notwithstanding a negro be black, an Indian brown, a European 
white, still, they are ail men. And then follows a quotation from Doctor 
Lawrence* to corroborate the fact that men are all of one species.J It is true, 
this physiologist does not admit that the human species had their origin but 
from one pair ; for he observes, the same species might have been created at 
the same time in very different parts of the earth. But when we have 
analyzed the moral history of mankind, to which Mr. Lawrence seems to have 
paid little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to 
show us where we can find it,] we find such strongly- marked analogies in 
abstract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each 
other, that we cannot doubt there has been a time, when the whole human 
family have intimately participated in one common system of things, whether 
it ba of truth or of error, of science or of prejudice. [This does not at all 
agree with what he says afterwards, ' We have been unable to discern any 
traces of Asiatic or of European civilization in America prior to the discovery 
of Columbus.' And again : ' In comparing the barbarian nations of America 
with those of the eastern continent, we perceive no points of resemblance 
between them, in their moral institutions or in their habits, that are not appar 
ently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no affinity, 
other than what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, where 
fore this prating about ' strongly -marked analogies? &c. just copied?] As re 
spects the origin of animals, [we have given his best proofs of the origin of man 
and their transportation to America,] the subject is much more refractory. 
We find them living all over the surface of the earth, and suited by their phys 
ical conformity to a great variety of climates and peculiar localities. Every 
one will admit the impossibility of ascertaining the history of their original 
creation from the mere natural history of the animals themselves." Now, 
as " refractory " as this subject is, we did not expect to see it fathered off 
upon a miracle, because this was the easy and convenient manner in which 
the superstitious of every age accounted for every thing which they at once 
could not comprehend. Arid we do not expect, when it is gravely announced, 
that a discovery in any science is to be shown, that the undertaker is going 
to tell us it is accomplished by a miracle, and that, therefore, "he knows not 
why he should be called upon to answer objections," &c. 

As it would be tedious to the reader, as well as incompatible with our plan, 
to quote larger from Mr. M'Culloh''s book, we shall finish with him after a few 
remarks. 

We do not object to the capacity of the ark for all animals, but we do 
object to its introduction in the question undertaken by Mr. M'Culloh ; for 
every child knows that affair to have been miraculous ; and if an} 7 part of the 
question depended upon the truth or falsity of a miracle, why plague the world 
with a book of some 500 pages, merely to promulgate such a belief, when 
a sentence would be all that is required? No one, that admits an overruling 
power, or the existence of God, will doubt of his ability to create a myriad of 
men, animals, and all matter, by a breath ; or that an ark ten feet square could 
contain, comfortably, ten thousand men, as well as one of the dimensions 
given in Scripture to contain what that did. Therefore, if one in these days 
should make a book expressly to explain the cause of the different lengths of 
days, or the changes of the seasons, and find, after he had written a vast deal, 
that he could in no wise unravel the mystery, and, to close his account, de 
clares it was all a miracle, such an author would be precisely in the predica 
ment of Mr. JWCulloh. 

* The celebrated author of Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of 
Man. 



ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BooK I. 

We do not pretend that the subject can he pursued with the certainty of 
thematical calculations; and so long as it is contended that the whole spe- 
f ma^spring from one pair, so long will the subject admit of contro- 
theTeJe it makes but little or no difference whether the inhabitants 



roBKS^^S or the south, the east or the west, as it 
r^ards the main question. For it is very certain that, i there were but one 
f? originally, and these placed upon a certain spot, all other places where 
eople are now found must have been settled by people from the primitive 
spot, who found their way thither, some how or other, and it is very unimpor 
tant 'how as we have just observed. 

Lord Kaimes, a writer of great good sense has not omitted to say -some 



thing upon this subject.* He very judiciously asks those who maintain that 
America was peopled from Kamskatka, whether the inhabitants of that region 
speak the same language with their American neighbors on the opposite 
shores. That they do not, he observes, is fully confirmed by recent accounts 
from thence; and "whence we may conclude, with great certainty, that the 
latter are not a colony of the former."f We have confirmation upon confirma 
tion that these nations speak languages entirely different ; arid for the satisfac 
tion of the curious, we will give a short vocabulary of words in both, with 
the English against them. 

English. Kamskadale. JlUoutean.\ 

God Nionstichtchitch Aghogoch. 

Father Iskh Athan. 

Mother Nas-kh.. An.aan. 

Son Pa-atch L'laan. 

Daughter Souguing Aschkinn. 

Brother Ktchidsch Koyota. 

Sister Kos-Khou Angiin. 

Husband Skoch Ougiinn. 

Woman Skoua-aou Ai-yagar. 

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. 

Young boy Pahatch Auckthok. 

Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik. 

A man Ouskaarns Toyoch. 

The people Kouaskou. 

Pereons Ouskaamsit. 

The head T-Khousa Kamgha. 

The face Koua-agh Soghimaginn. 

The nose Kaankang Aughosinn. 

The nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 

The eye Nanit , . Thack. 

After observing that "there are several cogent arguments to evince that the 
Americans are not descended from any people in the north of Asia, or in the 
north of Europe," Lord Kaimes continues, "I venture still further; which is, 
to conjecture, that America has not been peopled from any part of the old 
world." But although this last conjecture is in unison with those of many 
others, yet his lordship is greatly out in some of the proofs which he adduces 
in its support. As we have no ground on which to controvert this opinion, 
we may be excused from examining its proofs ; but this we will observe, that 
Lord Kaimes is in the same error about the beardlessness of the Americans as 
some other learned Europeans. 

The teamed Doctor Swinton$ in a dissertation upon the peopling of Ameri- 

* See his " Sketches of the History of Man" a work which he published in 1774, at Edin 
burgh, in 2 vols. 4to 

t Vol. ii. 71. 

t The Aleouteans inhabit the chain of islands which stretch from the north-west point of 
America into the neighborhood of Kamskatka. It must be remembered that these names are 
tn the French orthography, being taken from a French translation of Billings' s voyage into 
those regions, from 1735 to 1794. 

$ Donor John Swintm, the eminent author of many parts of the Ancient Universal His 
tory. IK- (!u-d in 1777. aged 74. 



CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 17 

ca,* after stating the different opinions of various authors who have advocated 
in favor of the "dispersed people," the Phoenicians, and other eastern nations, 
observes, "that, therefore, the Americans in general were descended from 
some people who inhabited a country not so far distant from them as Egypt 
and Phoenicia, our readers will, as we apprehend, readily admit. Now, no 
country can be pitched upon so proper and convenient for this purpose as the 
north-eastern part of Asia, particularly Great Tartary, Siberia, and more espe 
cially the peninsula of Kamtschatka. That probably was the tract through 
which many Tartarian colonies passed into America, and peopled the most 
considerable part of the new world." 

This, it is not to be denied, is the most rational way of getting inhabitants 
into America, if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the "old world." 
But it is not quite so easy to account for the existence of equatorial animals 
in America, when all authors agree that they never could have passed that 
way, as they could not have survived the coldness of the climate, at any sea 
son of the year. Moreover, the vocabulary we have given, if it prove any 
thing-, proves that either the inhabitants of North America did not come in 
from the north-west, or that, if they did, some unknown cause must have, for 
ages, suspended all communication between the emigrants and their ancestors 
upon the neighboring shores of Asia. 

In 1822, there appeared in London a work which attracted some attention, 
as most works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, " Description of 
the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palenque, in the kingdom of 
Guatemala, in Spanish America : translated from the original manuscript re 
port of Capt. Don Jlntonio Del Rio : followed by a critical investigation and 
research into the History of the Americans, by Dr. Paul Felix Cabrera, of the 
city of New Guatemala." 

Captain Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish king, in the year 1786, to 
make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accordingly 
did. From the manuscript he left, which afterwards fell into the hands of 
Doctor Cabrera, his work was composed, and is that part of the work which 
concerns us in our view of systems or conjectures concerning the peopling of 
America. We shall be short with this author, as his system differs very little 
from some which we have already sketched. He is very confident that he 
has settled the question how South America received its inhabitants, namely, 
from the Phoenicians, who sailed across the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined 
city described by Captain Del Rio was built by the first adventurers. 

Doctor Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, does not harmonize with 
the Scriptures, an innovation upon the "holy Catholic religion;" and rather 
than resort to any such, he says, "It is better to believe his [God's] works 
miraculous, than endeavor to make an ostentatious display of our talents by 
the cunning invention of new systems, in attributing them to natural causes."f 
The same reasoning will apply in this case as in a former. If we are to at 
tribute every thing to miracles, wherefore the necessity of investigation? 
These authors are fond of investigating matters in their way, but are dis 
pleased if others take the same liberty. And should we follow an author in 
his theories, who cuts the whole business short by declaring all to be a mira 
cle, when he can no longer grope in the labyrinth of his own forming, our 
reader would be just in condemning such waste of time. When every thing 
which we cannot at first sight understand or comprehend must not be in 
quired into, from superstitious doubts, then and there will be fixed the bounds 
of all science ; but, as Lord Byron said upon another occasion, not till then. 

"If it be allowed (says Dr. LAWRENCE) I that all men are of the same 
species, it does not follow that they are all descended from the same family. 
We have no data for determining this point: it could indeed only be settled 
by a knowledge of facts, which have long ago been involved in the impene 
trable darkness of antiquity." That climate has nothing to do with the com 
plexion, he offers the following in proof: 

* Universal History, xx. 162, 163. See Malone's edition of BosweWs Life Dr. Johnson, 
v. 271. ed. in 5 v. 12ino. London, 1821. 
f Page 30. t Lectures on Zoology, <fcc. 442. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828. 



|8 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Boox I. 

"The establishments of the Europeans in Asia and America have now sub 
sisted about three centuries. Vasquez de Gama landed at Calicut in 1498; 
and the Portuguese empire in India was founded in the beginning of the fol 
lowing century. Brazil was discovered and taken possession of by the same 
nation in the very first year of the 16th century. Towards the end of the 
15th, and the beginning of the 16th century, Columbus, Cortez, and Pizarro, 
subjugated for the Spaniards the West Indian islands, with the empires of 
Mexico and Peru. Sir Walter Ralegh planted an English colony in Virginia 
iu 15&4 ; and the French settlement of Canada has rather a later date. The 
colonists have, in no instance, approached to the natives of these countries : 
and their descendants, where the blood has been kept pure, have, at this time, 
the same characters as native Europeans."* 

The eminent antiquary De Witt Clinton] supposed that the ancient works 
found in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Pennant 
in Wales. He adds, " The Danes, as well as the nations which erected our 
fortifications, were in all probability of Scythian origin. According to Pliny, 
the name of Scythian was common to all the nations living in the north of 
Asia and Europe." f 



CHAPTER III. 

.Anecdotes, Narratives, fy-c. illustrative of the Manners and Customs, Antiquities and 
Traditions, of the Indians. 

W{1. AN Ottaway chief, known to the French by the name of Whitejohn, 
was a great drunkard. Count Frontenac asked him what he thought brandy 
to be made of; he replied, that it must be made of hearts and tongues 
"For," said he, "when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart is a thousand 
slrong, and I can talk, too, with astonishing freedom and rapidity." : 

Honor. A chief of the Five Nations, who fought on the side of the English 
in the French ware, chanced to meet in battle his own father, who was fight 
ing on the side of the French. Just as he was about to deal a deadly blow 
upon his head, he discovered who he was, and said to him, "You have once 
given me life, and now I give it to you. Let me meet you no more ; for I 
have paid the debt I owed you." 

Recklessness. In Connecticut River, about " 200 miles from Long Island 
Sound, is a narrow of 5 yards only, formed by two shelving mountains of 
solid rock. Through this chasm are compelled to pass all the waters which 
in the time of the floods bury the northern country." It is a frightful passage 
of about 400 yards in length. No boat, or, as my author expresses it, " no 
living creature, was ever known to pass through this narrow, except an Indian 
woman." This woman had undertaken to cross the river just above, and 
although she had the god Bacchus by her side, yet Neptune prevailed in spite 
of their united efforts, and the canoe was hurried down the frightful gulf. 
While this Indian woman was thus hurrying to certain destruction, as she had 
every reason to expect, she seized upon her bottle of rum, and did not take it 
from her mouth until the last drop was quaffed. She was marvellously pre 
served, and was actually picked up several miles below, floating in the canoe, 
still quite drunk. When it was known what she had done, and being asked 
how she dared to drink so much rum with the prospect of certain death before 
her, she answered that she knew it was too much for one time, but she was 
unwilling that any of it should be lost. || 

* Lectures on Zoology, &c. 464, 465. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828. 

8vo Alba^ " ^ * nti 1 uities f the Western P arts of the State of N. York, pages 9, 10. 
$ Universal Museum for 1763. Ibid. || Peters's Hist. Connecticut. 



CHAP. III.] INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. 19 

Justice. A missionary residing among a certain tribe of Indians, was one 
day, after he had been preaching to them, invited by their chief to visit his 
wigwam. After having been kindly entertained, and being about to depart, 
the chief took him by the hand and said, " I have very bad squaw. She had 
two little children. One she loved well, the other she hated. In a cold night, 
when I was gone hunting in the woods, she shut it out of the wigwam, and 
it froze to death. What must be done with her?" The missionary replied, 
"She must be hanged." "Ah!" said the chief, "go, then, and hang youi 
God, whom you make just like her." 

Magnanimity, A hunter, in his wanderings for game, fell among the back 
settlements of Virginia, arid by reason of the inclemency of the weather, was 
induced to seek refuge at the house of a planter, whom he met at his door. 
Admission was refused him. Being both hungry and thirsty, he asked for a 
morsel of bread and a cup of water, but was answered in every case, " No ! 
you shall have nothing here ! Get you gone, you Indian dog ! " It happened, 
in process of time, that this same planter lost himself in the woods, and, after 
a fatiguing day's travel, he came to an Indian's cabin, into which he was 
welcomed. On inquiring the way, and the distance to the white settlements, 
being told by the Indian that he could not go in the night, and being kindly 
offered lodging and victuals, he gladly refreshed and reposed himself in the 
Indian's cabin. In the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness, 
agreeably to his promise the night before, until they came in sight of the 
habitations of the whites. As he was about to take his leave of the planter, 
he looked him full in the face, and asked him if he did not know him. 
Horror-struck at finding himself thus in the power of a man he had so 
inhumanly treated, and dumb with shame on thinking of the manner it was 
requited, he began at length to make excuses, and beg a thousand pardons, 
when the Indian interrupted him, and said, " When you see poor Indians 
fainting for a cup of cold water, don't say again, ' Get you gone, you Indian 
dog ! ' " He then dismissed him to return to his friends. My author adds, 
" It is not difficult to say, which of these two had the best claim to the name 
of Christian." * 

Deception. The captain of a vessel, having a desire to make a present to a 
lady of some fine oranges which he had just brought from "the sugar islands," 
gave them to an Indian in his employ to carry to her. Lest he should not 
perform the office punctually, he wrote a letter to her, to be taken along with 
the present, that she might detect the bearer, if he should fail to deliver the 
whole of what he was intrusted with. The Indian, during the journey, 
reflected how he should refresh himself with the oranges, and not be found 
out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of communication oy 
writing, he concluded that it was only necessary to keep his design secret 
from the letter itself, supposing that would tell of him if he did not; he there 
fore laid it upon the ground, and rolled a large stone upon it, and retired to 
some distance, where he regaled himself with several of the oranges, and then 
proceeded on his journey. On delivering the remainder and the letter to the 
lady, she asked him where the rest of the oranges were ; he said he had 
delivered all ; she told him that the letter said there were several more sent ; 
to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not believe it. But he 
was soon confronted in his falsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the offence, 
was pardoned, f 

Shreiodness. As Governor Joseph Dudley of Massachusetts was superin 
tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who, 
half-naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. The 
governor took occasion one day to ask him why he did not work and gel some 
clothes, wherewith to cover himself. The Indian answered by asking him why 
he did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, "/ 
work head work, and so^have no need to work with my hands as you should." 
The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him. The 

* Carey's Museum, vi. 40. 

t Uring's Voyage to N. England in 1709, 8vo. London, 1726., 



20 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Boon I. 

governor told him he wanted a calf killed, and that, if he would go and do it, 
he would ffive him a shilling. He accepted the offer, and went immediately 
and killed the calf, and then went sauntering about as before. The governor, 
on observing what he had done, asked him why he did not dress the calf 
before he left it. The Indian answered, .Yo, no, Coponoh; that was not in 
the bargain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. Am he no dead, Copon 
oh?" [governor.] The governor, seeing himself thus outwitted, told him to 
dress it, and he would give him another shilling. 

This done, and in possession of two shillings, the Indian goes directly to a 
grog-shop for rum. After a short stay, he returned to the governor, and told 
him he had given him a bad shilling-piece, and presented a brass one to be 
exchanged, the governor, thinking possibly it might have becrt the case, 
gave him another. It was not long before he returned a second time with 
another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor was now convinced of 
his knavery, but, not caring to make words at the time, gave him another ; 
and thus the fellow got four shillings for one. 

The governor determined to have the rogue corrected for his abuse, arid, 
meeting with him soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston for him 
[and gave him a half a crown for the service.] * The letter was directed to the 
keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes ; but, 
mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of the 
governor on the road, ordered him, in the name of his master, to carry the 
letter immediately, as he was in haste to return. The consequence was, this 
servant got egregiously whipped. When the governor learned what had 
taken place, he felt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the 
Indian. 

He did not see the fellow for some time after this, but at length, falling in 
with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him so 
many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answered, 
pointing with his finger to his head, " Head work, Coponoh, head work ! " The 
governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole offence.f 

Equality. An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were free, 
answered, "Why not, since I myself am free, although their king?"| 

Matrimony. "An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time 
among the white people, both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, one day, 
about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier 
way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more certain way of getting 
a good one. 'For,' said he in broken English, 'white man court court 
may be one whole year ! may be two years before he marry ! Well may 
be then he get very good wife but may be not may be very cross! Well, 
now suppose cross ! scold so soon as get awake in the morning! scold all 
day! scold until sleep! all one he must keep him! White people have 
law forbidding throw away wife he be ever so cross must keep him always ! 
Well, how does Indian do? Indian, when he see industrious squaw, he 
go to him, place his two fore-fingers close aside each other, make two like 
one then look squaw in the face see him smile this is all one he say 
yes ! so he take him home no danger he be cross ! No, no squaw know 
too well what Indian do if he cross! throw him away and take another! 
Squaw love to eat meat no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to 
please husband, he do every thing to please squaw live happy.' " 

Toleration. In the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an American 
to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked 
around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to behold "the 
savages." Being asked their opinion of religion, or of what religion they were, 
one made answer, that they had no priests in their country^ or established 
religion, for they thought, that, upon a subject where there was no possibility 
of people's agreeing in opinion, and as it was altogether matter of mere 

* A sentence added in a version of this anecdote in Carey's Museum, vi. 201. 
t Uring, ut supra. 120. \ Carey's Museum, vi. 482. 

$ Heckewelder's Hist. Ind. Nations. 



CHAP. III.] INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. 21 

opinion, " it was best that every one should paddle his canoe his own way." 
Here is a volume of instruction in a short answer of a savage ! 

Justice. A white trader sold a quantity of powder to an Indian, and im 
posed upon him by making him believe it was a grain which grew like wheat, 
by sowing it upon the ground. He was greatly elated by the prospect, not 
only of raising his own powder, but of being able to supply others, and there 
by becoming immensely rich. Having prepared his ground with great care, 
he sowed his powder with the utmost exactness in the spring. Month after 
month passed away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter came 
before he was satisfied that he had been deceived. He said nothing ; but 
some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian suc 
ceeded in getting credit of him to a large amount. The time set for payment 
having expired, he sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded pay 
ment for his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance ; 
then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, " Me pay you when my powder 
groio." This was enough. The guilty white man quickly retraced his steps, 
satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had re 
ceived. 

Hunting. The Indians had methods to catch game which served them ex 
tremely well. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the 
forefathers, November, 1620, to the shores of Plimouth, several of them 
ranged about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Having 
wandered farther than they were apprized, in their endeavor to return, they 
say, "We were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered, we 
came to a tree, where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some 
acorns strewed underneath. StepJien Hopkins said, it had been to catch some 
deer. So, as we were looking at it, William, Bradford being in the rear, when 
he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, 
and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was (they continue) a very 
pretty device, made with a rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind 
of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in 
England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brought away 
with us."* 

Preaching against Practice. JOHX SIMON was a Sogkonate, who, about the 
year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind, 
generally temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol 
lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simon, 
on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and when dif 
ficulties occurred involving any of his people, he sat with the English justice 
to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simon's squaw, with some 
others, had committed some offence. Justice Almy and Simon, in making up 
their minds, estimated the amount of the offence differently ; Alvny thought 
each should receive eight or ten stripes, but Simon said, "No, four or Jive are 
enough Poor Indians are ignorant, and it is not Christian-like to punish so 
hardly those who are ignorant, as those who have knoicledge." Simon's judg 
ment prevailed. When Mr. Mmy asked John how many his wife should 
receive, he said, "Double, because she had knowledge to have done better;" but 
Colonel Almy, out of regard to /o/m's feelings, wholly remitted his wife's 
punishment. John looked very serious, and made no reply while in presence 
of the court, but, on the first fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely 
against his judgment, and said to him, "To what purpose do we preach a reli 
gion of justice, if we do unrighteousness in judgment?" 

Sam Hide. There are few, we imagine, who have not heard of this per 
sonage ; but, notwithstanding his great notoriety, we might riot be thought 
serious in the rest of our work, were we to enter seriously into his biography; 
for the reason, that from his day to this, his name has been a by-word in all 
New England, and means as much as to say the greatest of liars. It is on 
account of the following anecdote that he is noticed. 

* Mourt's Relation. 



22 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [BooK 1. 

Sam Hide was a notorious cider-drinker as well as liar, and used to travel the 
country to and fro begging it from door to door. At one time he happened 




the house of an acquaintance, who he knew had cider, but he knew, or was 
well satisfied, that, in the ordinary way of begging, he could not get it, he set 
his wits at work to Jay a plan to insure it. This did not occupy him long. 
On arriving at the house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in 
quired for the man of the house, whom, on appearing, Sam requested to go 
aside with him, as he had something of importance to communicate to him. 
When they were by themselves, Sam told him he had that morning shot a fine 
deer, and that, if he would give him a crown, he would tell him where it was. 
The gentleman did not incline to do this, but offered half a crown. Finally, 
Sam said, as he had walked a great distance that morning, and was very dry, 
for a half a crown and a mug of cider he would tell him. This was agreed 
upon, and the price paid. Now Sam was required to point out the spot where 
the deer was to be found, which he did in this manner. He said to his friend, 
You know of such a meadow, describing it Yes You know a big ash tree, with 
a big top by the little brook Yes Well, under that tree lies the deer. This was 
satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessary to mention that the meadow 
was found, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. The duped man could 
hardly contain himself on considering what he had been doing. To look 
after Sam for satisfaction would be worse than looking after the deer , so the 
farmer concluded to go home contented. Some years after, he happened to 
fall in with the Indian ; and he immediately began to rally him for deceiving 
him so, and demanded back his money and pay for his cider and trouble. 
Why, said Sam, would you find fault if Indian told truth half the time ? No 
Well,tiays Sam, you find him meadow? Yes You find him tree** Yes 
What for then you find fault Sam Hide, when he told you two truth to one lie ? 
The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer. 

This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, which, could they 
be collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedharn, 5 January, 1732, 
at the great age of 105 years. He was a great jester, and passed for an un 
common wit. In all the wars against the Indians during his lifetime, he 
served the English faithfully, and had the name of a brave soldier. He had 
himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried hard to make up the 20th, but was 
unable. 

Characters contrasted. " An Indian of the Kennebeck tribe, remarka 
ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed 
himself in a new township where a number of families were settled. Though 
not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians prevented any sym 
pathy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child, when none 
of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of the 
inhabitants and said to them, When white man'* child die, Indian man he sorry 
he help bury him. When my child die, no one speak to me I make his grave 
alone. I can no live here. He gave up his farm, dug up the body of his child, 
and carried it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Canada 
Indians!"* 

A ludicrous Error. There was published in London, in 1762, THE 
AMERICAN GAZETTEER," &c.f in which is the following account of BRISTOL, 
K. 1. " A county and town in N. England. The capital is remarkable for the 
Amg- of Spain's having a palace in it, and being killed there; and also for 
Croum. the poet's begging it of Charles II." The blunder did not rest here, 
but is found in "THE N. AMERICAN and the WEST INDIAN GAZETTEER," J &c. 
1 II us rhtiw of Spam seems to have had the misfortune of being mistaken for 

ulip of the Wampanoags, alias Pometacom of Pokanoket. 



* 'M U ^ r ,' S Le !l 6rS "i t^Eastern States, 294. f 3 vols. 12mo. without name. 

t J*\ edition, 12mo, London, 1788, also anonymous. 



CHAP. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 23 

Origin or Meaning of the Name Canada. It is said, that Canada was discov 
ered by the Spaniards, before the time of Cartier, and that the Bay of Cha- 
leurs was discovered by them, and is the same as the Baye des Espagnoles ; 
and that the Spaniards, not meeting with any appearances of mines of the 
precious metals, said to one another, aca nada, which in their language signi 
fied, nothing here, and forthwith departed from the country. The Indians, 
having heard these words, retained them in their memories, and, when the 
French came among them, made use of them, probably by way of salutation, 
not understanding their import; and they were supposed by the voyagers to 
bo the name of the country. It was only necessary to drop the first letter, 
and use the two words as two syllables, and the word Canada was complete.* 

But as long ago as when Father Charlevoix wrote his admirable HISTORY 
oy Neio Fi'ance, he added a note upon the derivation of the name Canada, 
in which he said some derived it from an Iroquois word meaning an assem 
blage of houses.f Doctor J. R. Forster has a learned note upon it also, in his 
valuable account of Voyages and Discoveries in the North. He objects to the 
,/lca Nada origin, because, in Spanish, the word for here is not aca, but aqui, 
and that to form Canada from Jlquinada would be forced and unnatural. Yet 
he says, " In ancient maps we often find Ca: da Nada" that is, Cape Nothing. 
" But* from a Canadian [Indian] vocabulary, annexed to the original edition 
of the second voyage of Jaques Cartier, Paris, 1545, it appeal's, that an assem 
blage of houses, or habitations, i. e. a town, was by the natives called Canada. 
Cartier says, Ilz appdlent une Ville Canada" Mr. Heckeivelder is of much 
the same opinion as Charlevoix and Forster. He says, that in a prayer-book 
in the Mohawk language, he read "Ne K\Nn\-gongh Konwayatsk Nazareth," 
which was a translation of "in a CITY called Nazareth." 

Origin of the Name Yankee. ANBURY, an author who did not respect the 
Americans, any more than many others who have been led captive by them, has 
the following paragraph upon this word} "The lower class of these Yan 
kees apropos, it may not be amiss here just to observe to you the etymology 
of this term : it is derived from a Cherokee word, eankke, which signifies 
coward and slave. This epithet of yankee was bestowed upon the inhabitants 
of N. England by the Virginians, for not assisting them in a war with the 
Cherokees, and they have always been held in derision by it. But the name 
has been more prevalent since [1775] the commencement of hostilities ; the 
soldiery at Boston used it as a term of reproach ; but after the affair at Bun 
ker's Hill, the Americans gloried in it. Yankee-doodle is now their pecan, a 
favorite of favorites, played in their army, esteemed as warlike as the grena 
dier's march it is the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid suc 
cesses, we held the yankees in great contempt ; but it was not a little morti 
fying to hear them play this tune, when their army inarched down to our sur 
render." 

But Mr. Heckeivelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce 
the name English, could get that sound no nearer than these letters give it, 
yengees. This was perhaps the true origin of Yankee. 

Jl singular Stratagem to escape Torture. "Some years ago the Shawano 
Indians, being obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way took a 
Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, prisoner ; they bas 
tinadoed him severely, and condemned him to the fiery torture. He under- 

* The authors who have adopted this opinion, are Doctor Mather, [Magnalia, B. viii. 71 :] 
Harris, [Voyages, ii.349 ;] Moll, [Geog. li. 194;] J. Long, [Vojages and Travels, 2 ;] Boz- 
man, [Maryland, 35 ;] Moulton, [N. York, i. 131 ;] Martin, [Louisiana, i. 7.] 

Josselyn and Jeffnjs seem to be without company as well as authorities for their derivations. 
The former [N. England Rarities, />] says, Canada was " so called from Monsieur Cane." 
The latter [Hist. America, 1] says, " Canada, in the Indian language, signifies the Mouth of 
the Country, from can, mouth, and ada, the country." 

t Quelques-unes derivent ce nom du mot Iroquois Kannatd, qui se prononce Canada, et sig- 
nifie mi amas de cabannes. Hist. Nouv. France, i. 9. 

\ Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, 1776 ; &c. vol. ii. 46,47. Anbury 
was an officer in General Burgoyne's army, and was among the captives surrendered at 
Saratoga. 

This derivation is almost as ludicrous as that given by Irving in his Knickerbocker. 



24 ANECDOTES, &.c.. ILLUSTRATIVE [Boox 1. 

went a creat deal without showing any concern ; his countenance and beha 
vior were as if he suffered not the least pain. He told his persecutors with a 
bold voice, that he was a warrior ; that he had gained most of his martial 
reputation at the expense of their nation, and was desirous of showing them, 
in the act of dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he headed 
his gallant countrymen : that although he had fallen into their hands, and for 
feited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, when 
carrying the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, yet he had so much 
remaining virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than 
all their despicable, ignorant crowd possibly could; and that he would do so, 
if they save him liberty by untying him, and handing him one of the red-hot 
gun-barrels out of the fire. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared 
so exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then 
suddenly seizing one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side 
to side, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of tha 
river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, 
amidst a shower of bullets ; and though numbers of his enemies were in close 
pursuit of him, he got into a bramble-swamp, through which, though naked 
and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country." 

An unparalleled Case of Suffering. " The Shawano Indians captured a 
warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, according to their 
usual cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told 
them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy ; therefore 
he was willing to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his assertion if 
they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe 
and* some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat 
down, naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that were within his 
circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure : On 
this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a 
warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was 
both spoiled by the fire, arid devoted to it by their laws ; however, though he 
was a veiy dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should 
be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was marked with 
war streaks at the cost of many of the Jive's of their beloved kindred ; and then 
by way of favor, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his 
pains." * 

Ignorance the Offspring of absurd Opinions. The resolution and courage of 
the Indians, says Colonel flogers, "under sickness and pain, is truly surpris 
ing. A young woman will be in labor a whole day without uttering one 
groan or cry; should she betray such a weakness, they would immediately 
say, that she was unworthy to be a mother, and that her offspring could not 
fail of being cowards." f 

A Northern Custom. When Mr. Hearne was on the Coppermine River, in 
1771, some of the Copper Indians in his company killed a number of Esqui 
maux, by which act they considered themselves unclean ; and all concerned 
in the murder were not allowed to cook any provisions, either for themselves 
or others. They were, however, allowed to eat of others' cooking, but not 
until they had painted, with a kind of red earth, all the space between their 
nose arid chin, as well as a greater part of their cheeks, almost to their ears. 
Neither would they use any other dish or pipe, than their own. J 

Another Pocahontas. While Lewis and Clarke were on the shore of the 
Pacific Ocean, in 1805, one of their men went one evening into a village of 
the Killamuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the 
opposite side of a creek from that of the encampment. A strange Indian 
happened to be there also, who expressed great respect and love for the white 
4 , 

* The two preceding relations are from Long's Voyages and Travels, 72 and 73, a book of 
small pretensions, but one of the best on Indian history. Its author lived a mono- ihc Indians 
of the North-West, as an Indian trader, about 19 years. 

t Concise Account of N. America, 212. | Journey to the Northern Ocean, 205. 



CHAP. III.] OF MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 25 

man ; but in reality he. meant to murder him for the articles he had about him. 
This happened to come to the knowledge of a Chimiook woman, and she 
determined at once to save his life : therefore, when the white man was about 
to return to his companions, the Indian was going to accompany him, and kill 
him in the way. As they were about to sat out, the woman caught the white 
man by the clothes, to prevent his going with the Indian. He, not under 
standing her intention, pulled away from her ; but as a last resort, she ran out 
and shrieked, which raised the men in every direction ; and the Indian 
became alarmed for his own safety, and made his escape before the white 
man knew he had been in danger. 

Self-command in Time of Danger. There was in Carolina a noted chief of 
the Yamoisses, who, in the year 1702, with about 600 of his countrymen, 
went with Colonel Daniel and Colonel Moore against the Spaniards in Flori 
da. His name was Arratommakaw. When the English were obliged to 
abandon their undertaking, and as they were retreating to their boats, they 
became alarmed, supposing the Spaniards were upon them. Jlrratommakaio, 
having arrived at the boats, was reposing himself upon his oars, and was fast 
asleep. The soldiers rallied him for being so slow in his retreat, and ordered 
him to make more haste: "But he replied, 'No THOUGH TOUR GOVERNOR 

LEAVES YOU, I WILL NOT STIR TILL I HAVE SEEN ALL MY MEN BEFORE ME.' " 

Indifference. Jlrchihau was a sachem of Maryland, whose residence was 
upon the Potornack, when that country was settled by the English in 1633-4. 
The place of his residence was named, like the river, Potornack. As usual 
with the Indians, he received the English under Governor Calvert with great 
attention. It should be noted, that Jlrchihau was not head sachem of the 
Potomacks, but governed instead of his nephew, who was a child, and who, 
like the head men of Virginia, was called werowance. From this place the 
colonists sailed 20 leagues farther up the river, to a place called Piscattaway. 
Here a werowance went on board the governor's pinnace, to treat with him. 
On being asked whether he was willing the English should settle in his 
country, in case they found a place convenient for them, he made answer, 
" / will not bid you go, neither will I bid you stay, but you may use your own 
discretion" * 

Their Notions of the Learning of the Whites. At the congress at Lancaster, 
in 1744, between the government of Virginia and the Five Nations, the 
Indians were told that, if they would send some of their young men to Vir 
ginia, the English would give them an education at their college. An orator 
replied to this offer as follows: "We know that you highly esteem the kind 
of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of our young 
men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced, 
therefore, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and we thank you 
heartily. But you who are wise must know, that different nations have differ 
ent conceptions of things ; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas 
of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours. We have 
had some experience of it : several of our young people were formerly brought 
up at the colleges of the northern provinces ; they were instructed in all your 
scii'iices; but when they came back to us, they were bad runners; ignorant 
of every means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hunger; 
knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy; spoke our 
language imperfectly; were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or 
counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the 
less obliged by your kind offer, though we decline accepting it: and to show 
our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of 
their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we 
know, and make men of them."f 

Success of a Missionary. Those who have attempted to Christianize the 
Indians complain that they are too silent, and that their taciturnity was the 
greatest difficulty with which they have to contend. Their notions of pro- 

* Old micron, [Hist. Maryland.] f Franklin's Essays. 

3 



2(5 ANECDOTES, &c. ; ILLUSTRATIVE [BOOK I 

priety upon matters of conversation are so nice, that they deem it improper, 
in the highest degree, even to deny or contradict any thing that is said, at the 
time : and hence the difficulty of knowing what effect any thing has upon 
their 'minds at the time of delivery. In this they have a proper advantage; 
for how often does it happen that people would answer very differently upon 
a matter, were they to consider upon it but a short time ! The Indians seldom 
answer a matter of importance the same day, lest, in so doing, they should be 
thought to have treated it as though it was of small consequence. We oftener 
repent of a hasty decision, than that we have lost time in maturing our judg 
ments. Now for the anecdote : and as it is from the Essays of Dr. Franklin, 
it shall be told in his own way. 

"A Swedish minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Snsquehannah 
Indians, made a sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal historical 
facts on which our religion is founded ; such as the fall of our first parents by 
eating an apple ; the coming of Christ to repair the mischief; his miracles 
and sufferings, &c. When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to 
thank him. ' What you have told us? said he, l is all very good. It is indeed 
bad to eat apples. It is better to make them all into cider. We are much obliged 
by your kindness in coming so far to tell us those things, which you have heard 
from your mothers.' 

"When the Indian had told the missionary one of the legends of his nation, 
how they had been supplied with maize or corn, beans, and tobacco,* he 
treated it with contempt, and said, What I delivered to you were sacred 
truths; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood.' The 
Indian felt indignant, and replied, 'My brother, it seems your friends have not 
done you justice in your education ; they have not well instructed you in the rules 
of common civility. You see that we, who understand and practise those rules, 
believe all your stories : why do you refuse to believe ours ? ' * 

Curiosity. "When any of the Indians come into our towns, our people are 
apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they 
desire to be private ; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the 
want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. * We have,' say 
they, * as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our towns, we wish for 
opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind 
bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company.*" 

Rules of Conversation. "The business of the women is to take exact notice 
of what passes, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writing,) and 
communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and 
they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back; 
which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that 
would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has 
finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if 
he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may 
rise again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversa 
tion, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of 
a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some 
confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order; and how different 
from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of Europe, where, 
if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off' in the 
middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never 
suffered to finish it!" Instead of being better since the days of Franklin, we 
apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming often find it 
exceeding difficult to gain a hearing at all. Ladies,,and many who consider 
themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insufferable degree, in 
breaking in upon the conversations of others. Some of these, like" a ship 



The story of the beautiful woman, who descended to the earth, and was fed by the 

Indians , Black-Hawk . .s made to tell, in his life, page 78. It is the same often told', and 

> by Franklin, m the text. To reward the Indians for their kindness, she caused 

where he * iT " ff tOU hed ^ earlh ' bcans where the lefl resletl > and tobacco 



CHAP. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 27 

driven by a north-wester, hearing down the small craft in her course, come 
upon us* by surprise, and if we attempt to proceed by raising our voices a 
little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation on their part. 
It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person whose 
eye this may meet, will riot be guilty of through life. There is great oppor 
tunity for many of mature years to profit by it. 

Lost Confidence. An Indian runner, arriving in a village of his country men 
requested the immediate attendance of its inhabitants in council, as he wanted 
their answer to important information. The people accordingly assembled, 
but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered his message, and 
Availed for an answer, none Avas given, and he soon observed lhal he was like 
ly to be left alone in his place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the 
meaning of this strange proceeding, who gave this answer, "He once told 
us a lie." 

Comic. An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of his 
countrymen was convened to determine by what means he came to such a 
death. Their verdict Avas, "Death from ihe freezing of a great quantity of 
Avater inside of him, which they were of opinion he had drunken for rum." 

A serious Question. About 1794, an officer presented a Avestern chief with 
a medal, on one side of which President Washington was represented as armed 
with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the acl of burying the 
hatchet. The chief at once saAv the wrong done his countrymen, and very 
wisely asked, " Why does not the President bury his sword too ? " * 

Self-esteem. A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The 
red man, with a great expression of meaning in his countenance, inquired 
how they came to be brothers ; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I 
suppose. The Indian added, " Me thank him Great Spirit loe no nearer brothers" 

A Preacher taken at his Word. A certain clergyman had for his text on a 
time, " Vnw and pay unto the Lord thy vows." An Indian happened to be 
present, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had finished, and said to 
him, "Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The priest, having 
no language of evasion at command, said, " You must go then." When he had 
arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed again, saying, " Now 
me vow me have supper." When this was finished he said, "Me vow me stay 
all night." The priest, by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, re 
plied, "It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The Indian, 
judging from the tone of his host, that more voivs would be useless, departed 
in the morning sans ceremonie. 

.A case of signal Barbarity. It is related by BLACK HAAVK, in his life, that 
some time before the war of 1812, one of the Indians had killed a French 
man at Prairie des Chiens. " The British soon after took him prisoner, and 
said they would shoot him next day ! His family Avere encamped a short dis 
tance beloAV the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He begged permission to go and 
see them that night, as he Avas to 'die the next day ! They permitted him to go, 
after promising to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his family, 
Avhich consisted of a Avife and six children. I cannot describe their meeting 
and parting, to be understood by the whites ; as it appears that their feelings 
are acted upon by certain rules laid down by their preachers! Avhilst ours are 
governed only by the rnonilor Avithin us. He parted from his wife arid chil 
dren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, and arrived in time! The sol 
diers were ready, and immediately marched out and shot him down !! " If this 
were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on the part of the Avhites, I have 
no conception of what constitutes that crime. What were the circumstances 
of the murder AVC are not informed ; but whatever they may have been, they 
cannot excuse a still greater barbarity. I. would not by any means be under 
stood to advocate the cause of a murderer; but I will ask, whether crime is 
to be prevented by crime : murder for murder is only a brutal retaliation, ex 
cept where the safety of a community requires the sacrifice. 

* Elliot's Works, 178. 



28 NARRATIVES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [BOOK I. 

Mourning much in a short Time. A young widow, whose husband had 
been dead about eight days, was hastening to finish her grief, in order that 
she might be married to a young warrior : she was determined, therefore, to 
grieve much in a short time ; to this end she tore her hair, drank spirits, and 
beat her breast, to make the tears flow abundantly, by which means, on the 
evening of the eighth day, she was ready again to marry, having grieved suf 
ficiently." * 

How to evade a hard Question. " When Mr. Gist went over the Alleganies, 
in Feb. 1751, on a tour of discovery for the Ohio Company, an Indian, who 
spoke good English, came to him, and said that their great man, the Beaver ,+ and 
Captain Oppamyluah, (two chiefs of the Delawares,) desired to know where 
the Indians' land lay; for the French claimed all the land on one side of the 
Ohio River, and the English on the other.' This question Mr. Gist found it 
hard to answer, and he evaded it by saying, that the Indians and white men 
were all subjects to the same king, and all had an equal privilege of taking 
up and possessing the land in conformity with the conditions prescribed by 
the king." | 

Credulity its own Punishment. The traveller Wansey, according to his own 
account, would not enter into conversation with an eminent chief, because he 
had heard that it had been said of him, that he had, in his time, " shed blood 
enough to swim in." He had a great desire to become acquainted with the 
Indian character, but his credulity debarred him effectually from the gratifi 
cation. The chief was a Creek, named FLAMINGO, who, in company with 
another called Double-head, visited Philadelphia as ambassadors, in the sum 
mer of 1794. Few travellers discover such scrupulousness, especially those 
who come to America. That Flamingo was more bloody than other Indian 
warriors, is in no wise probable ; but a mere report of his being a great shed- 
der of blood kept Mr. Wansey from saying any more about him. 

Just Indignation. HATUAY, a powerful chief of Hispaniola, having fled 
from thence to avoid slavery or death when that island was ravaged by the 
Spaniards, was taken in 1511, when they conquered Cuba, and burnt at the 
stake. After being bound to the stake, a Franciscan friar labored to convert 
him to the Catholic faith, by promises of immediate and eternal bliss in the 
world to come if he would believe ; and that, if he would not, eternal tor 
ments were his only portion. The cazique, with seeming composure, asked 
if there were any Spaniards in those regions of bliss. On being answered 
that there were, he replied, " Then I will not go to a place where 1 may meet 
with one of that accursed race." 

Harmless Deception. In a time of Indian troubles, an Indian visited the 
house of Governor Jenks, of Rhode Island, when the governor took occasion 
to request him, that, if any strange Indian should come to his wigwam, to let 
him know it, which the Indian promised to do ; but to secure his fidelity, the 
governor told him that when he should give him such information, he would 
give him a mug of flip. Some time after the Indian came again : " Well, Mr. 
Gubenor, strange Indian come my house last night! " "Ah," says the govern 
or, and what did he say ? " He no speak," replied the Indian. " What, no 
speak at all ?" added the governor. " No, he no speak at all." "That certainly 
looks susmcious," said his excellency, and inquired if he were still there, and 
being told that he was, ordered the promised mug of flip. When this was 
disposed of, and the Mian was about to depart, he mildly said, "Mr. Gube 
nor, my squaw have child last night; "and thus the governor's alarm was 
suddenly changed into disappointment, and the strange Indian into a new 
born pappoose. 

Mammoth Bones. The following very interesting tradition concerning 
these bones, among the Indians, will always be read with interest. The ani 
mal to which they once belonged, they called the Big Buffalo ; and on the 

* Account of the United States by Mr. Iscuic Holmes, 3G. 

t Probably the same we have noticed in Book V. as Kin?- Beaver 

I Sparks's Washington, ii, 15. 



CHAP. III.] EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. 29 

early maps of the country of the Ohio, we see marked, " Elephants' bones said 
to be found here." They were, for some time, by many supposed to have been 
the bones of that animal ; but they are pretty generally now believed to have 
belonged to a species of animal long since extinct. They have been found 
in various parts of the country ; but in the greatest abundance about the salt 
licks or springs in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never been an entire 
skeleton found, although the one in Peale's museum, in Philadelphia, was so 
near perfect, that, by a little ingenuity in supplying its defects with wood 
work, it passes extremely well for such. 

The tradition of the Indians concerning this animal is, that he was carniv 
orous, and existed, as late as 1780, in the northern parts of America. Some 
Delawares, in the time of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of Vir 
ginia on business, which having been finished, some questions were put to 
them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had heard 
respecting the animals whose bones had been found about the salt licks on 
the Ohio River. " The chief speaker," continues our author, Mr. Jefferson, 
" immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and, with a pomp suited 
to what he conceived the elevation of his subject," began and repeated as 
follows : " In ancient times, a herd of these tremendous animals came to the 
Big-bone Licks, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks, buffa 
loes, and other animals, which had been created for the use of the Indians : the 
freat man above, looking down and seeing this, was so enraged, that he seized his 
ghtning, descended to the earth, and seated himself on a neighbonng mountain, 
on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled 
his bolts among them till the ivhole ivere slaughtered, except the big bull, tvho, 
presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them off as they fell ; but missing one 
at length, it wounded him in the side ; whereon, springing round, ht bounded over 
the Ohio, over the Wabasli, the Illinois, and, finally, over the great lakes, where he 
is living at this day" 

Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their 
ancestors, and they could furnish no other information. 

Narrative of the Captivity and bold Exploit of Hannah Duston. The rela 
tion of this affair forms the XXV. article in the Decennium Luctuosum of the 
Magnalia Christ! Americana, by Dr. Cotton Mather, and is one of the best- 
written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi 
cant sentence Dux Fremina Facti. 

On the 15 March, 1697, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly 
upon Haverhill, in Massachusetts ; and, as their numbers were small, they 
made their attack with the swiftness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap 
peared. The war, of which this irruption was a part, had continued nearly 
ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a close. The house which this 
party of Indians had singled out as their object of attack, belonged to one Mr. 
Thomas * Duston or Dunstan, \ in the outskirts of the town. f Mr. Duston was 
at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was 
alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, or other 
cause, we are not informed ; but he seems to have arrived there time enough 
before the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva 
tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had been 
confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her 
agonized husband. No time was to be lost; Mr. Duston had only time to 
direct his children's flight, (seven in number,) the extremes of whose ages were 
tvyo and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, the 
distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the 
children, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house. His first 
intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with it. He had no 
sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue either 
to the exclusion of the rest, was worse than death itself to him. He therefore 
faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired 

* Mr. Myrick's Hist. Haverhill. 86. f Hutchinson. 

t Eight houses were destroyed at this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away captive. 
In Mr. B. L. MyHctc's History of Haverhill, are the names of the slain, &c. 



30 EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. [Boo* I. 

upon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retreating 
party were hurt. The Indians did not pursue long, from fear of raising the 
neighboring English before they could complete their object, and hence this 
part of the family escaped to a place of safety. 

We are now to enter fully into the relation of this very tragedy. There 
was livin^ in the house of Mr. Duston, as nurse, Mrs. Mary Neff* a widow, 
whose heroic conduct in sharing the fate of her mistress, when escape was 
in her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were 
now in the undisturbed possession of the house, and having driven the 
sick woman from her bed, compelled her to sit quietly in the corner of the 
fire-place, while they completed the pillage of the house. This business 
being finished, it was set on fire, and Mrs. Duston, who before considered 
herself unable to walk, was, at the approach of night, obliged to march 
into the wilderness, and take her bed upon the cold ground. Mrs. Neff too 
late attempted to escape with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child 
taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apple-tree, while 
its nurse was compelled to accompany her new and frightful masters also. 
The captives amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to 
travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Although it was near 
night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles 
before encamping; "arid then," says Dr. Mather, "kept up with their new 
masters in a long travel of an hundred and fifty miles, more or less, within a 
few days ensuing." f 

After journeying awhile, according to their custom, the Indians divided their 
prisoners. Mre. Duston, Mrs. Neff, and a boy named Samuel Leonardson, \ who 
had been captivated at Worcester, about 18 months before, fell to the lot of 
an Indian family, consisting of twelve persons, two men, three women, and 
seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were very kind to their 
prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony which tjiey could not avoid, 
and to which they would be subjected when they should arrive at their place 
of destination, which was to run the gantlet. The place where this was to be 
performed, was at an Indian village, 250 miles from Haverhill, according to 
the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering course, they at length 
arrived at an island in the mouth of Contookook River, about six miles above 
Concord, in New Hampshire. Here one of the Indian men resided. It had 
been determined by the captives, before their arrival, that an effort 
should be made to free themselves from their wretched captivity ; and not 
only to gain their liberty, but, as we shall presently see, something by way of 
remuneration from those who held them in bondage. The heroine, Duston, 
had resolved, upon the first opportunity that offered any chance of success, to 
kill her captors and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies as 
would clearly establish her reputation for heroism, as well as insure her a 
ibounty from the public. She therefore communicated her design to Mrs. 
Ntff and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it. 
To the art of killing and scalping she was a stranger ; and, that there should 
be no failure in the business, Mrs. Duston instructed the boy, who, from his 
long residence with them, had become as one of the Indians, to inquire of one 
of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with- 
. out mistrusting the origin of the inquiry. It was now March the 31, and in 
the dead of the night following, this bloody tragedy was acted. When the 
Indians were in the most sound sleep, these three captives arose, and softly 
arming themselves with the tomahawks of their masters, allotted the number 
each should kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that but one escaped 
that they designed to kill. This was a woman, whom they badly wounded, 
and one boy, for some reason they did not wish to harm, and accordingly he 
was allowed to escape unhurt. Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Leonard- 
son killed the man who had so freely told him, but one day before, where to 
deal a deadly .blow, and how to take off a scalp. 



* She was a daughter of George Corliss, and married William Neff, who went after the 
n~ n * ^,i , D :J r,_u ^ Myrickj Hist> H av , 87> ' 

irect. to eluH pursuit. \ Hist. Haverhill, 89 



army, and died at Pemmaquid, Feb. 1688. 'Myrick, Hist. Havl. 87. 
t I heir course was probably very indirc 



CHAP. III.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 31 

All was over before the dawn of day, and all things were got ready for 
leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scuttled, to prevent 
being pursued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian camp afforded, 
they embarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the course of 
the Merrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with 
out accident. 

The whole country was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of 
which was never for a moment doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the 
Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave 
them fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered 
upon them. Colonel Nicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac 
tion, sent them a generous present also. 

Eight other houses were attacked besides Duston's, the owners of which, 
says the historian of that town, Mr. Myrick, in every case, were slain while 
defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sill. 

Narrative of the Destruction of Schemdady* This was an event of great 
distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give 
some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has 
never before been published. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov 
ernor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley, of Plimouth, dated 
about a month after the affair. They are as follow: " Tho' you cannot but 
have heard of the horrid massacre committed by the French and Indians at 
Senectada, a fortified and well compacted town 20 miles above Albany (which 
we had an account of by an express,) yet we think we have not discharged 
our duty till you hear of it from us. 'Twas upon the Eighth of February, 
[1689-90] at midnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by 
the enemy. Their gates were open, no watch kept, and hardly any order 
observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in 
the place ; of whom Lieut. Talmage and four more were of Capt. BulCs com 
pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French 
have given us to understand what we may expect from them as to the fron 
tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted 
what number of convenient Havens you have in your colony, besides those of 
Plimouth and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you 
to take such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at either of 
those or any such like place." f 

We now proceed to give such other facts as can be gathered from the 
numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had 
planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, against various 
important points of the English frontier, as much to gain the warriors of the 
Five Nations to their interest, as to distress the English. Governor De Non- 
ville had sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where, 
as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter 
tain the highest opinions of the glory and greatness of the French nation. 
Among them was Taweraket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears 
that, during their absence in France, the great war between their countrymen 
and the French had ended in the destruction of Montreal, and other places, as 
will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count Frontenac 
arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1689, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to 
join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest 
of New York, he found himself obliged to set about a reconciliation of them. 
He therefore wisely despatched Taweraket, and the two others, upon that 
design. The Five Nations, on being called upon by the.se chiefs, would take 
no step without first notifying the English at Albany that a council was to bo 
called. The blows which had been so lately given the French of Canada, 
had lulled the English into a fatal security, and they let this council pass with 
too little attention to its proceedings. On the other hand, the French wero 

* This was the German name of a pine barren, such as stretches itself between Albany and 
Schenectady, over which is now a rail-road. 

f French ships, with land forces and munitions, had, but a short time before, hovered upon 
the coast. 



32 DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. [BOOK I. 




Oneida chiefl 

Meanwhile, to give employment to the Indians who yet remained their 
friends, the expedition was begun which ended in the destruction of Schenec- 
tady. Chief Justice Smith] wrote his account of that affair from a manuscript 
letter left by Colonel Schuyler, at that time mayor of Albany ; and it is the 
most particular of any account yet published. It is as follows, and bears date 
1 5 February, 1689: 

After two-and-twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, 
February 8. There were about 200 French, and perhaps 50 Cuughnewaga 
Mohawks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany; but their 
inarch had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow 
and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attempting any thing offensive, 
they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English they 
should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a camp of snow, but a few 
miles from the devoted settlement. The Indians, however, saved them from 
the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their party, who entered 
Schenectady without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they had 
staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their 
fellows. 

Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into 
the French, and they carne upon it as above related. The bloody tragedy 
commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night; and, that every 
house might be surprised at nearly the same time, the enemy divided them 
selves into parties of six or seven men each. Although the town was impaled, 
no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the 
severity of the season was a sufficient security ; hence the first news of the 
approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which doors were 
broken as soon as the profound slumbers of those they were intended to guard. 
The same inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated 
upon the wretched inhabitants of Montreal, f " No tongue," said Colonel 
Schuyler, ' " can express the cruelties that were committed." Sixty-three 
houses, and the church, were immediately in a blaze. Encienle women, 
in their expiring agonies, saw their infants cast into the flames, being first 
delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin ! Sixty-three || persons were 
piit to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity. 

A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night- 
clothes; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall 
of snow ; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With 
these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was iti 
dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such occasions, supposed the enemy 
to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About uoon, 
the next day, the enemy set off from Schenectady/taking all the plunder they 
could carry with them, among which were forty of the best horses. The r; st, 
with jill the cattle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtered in the streets. 

One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain 
Alexander Glen. 11 He lived on the opposite side of the river, and was suffered 
to escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners from torture and 
slavery, vyho had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had 
passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken the 
alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. Before 
leaving the village, a French officer summoned him to a council, upon the 
shore of the river, with the tender of personal safety. He at length adventured 
t.own, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends and 
relatives delivered to him ; and the enemy departed, keeping good their 
promise that no injury should be done him. || 

T S ada Z ff l*slitie hi Pownal on the Colonies. I. 398. t Hist. N. York. 

77, m* c atir , ' 



CHAP. III.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 33 

The great Mohawk castle was about 17 miles from Schenectady, and they 
did not hear of the massacre until two days after, owing to the state of 
travelling. On receiving the news, they immediately joined a party of men 
from Albany, and pursued the enemy. After a tedious pursuit, they fell upon 
their rear, killed and took 25 of them, and did them some other damage. Sev 
eral chief sachems soon assembled at Albany, to condole with the people, and 
animate them against leaving the place, which, it seems, they were about to 
do. From a speech of one of the chiefs on this occasion, the following extract 
is preserved : 

** Brethren, we do not think that what the French have done can be called 
a victory ; it is only a further proof of their cruel deceit. The governor of 
Canada sent to Onondago, and talks to us of peace with our whole house ; but 
war was in his heart, as you now see by woful experience. He did the same 
formerly at Cadaracqui, * and in the Senecas' country. This is the third time 
he has acted so deceitfully. He has broken open our house at both ends ; 
formerly in he Senecas' country, and now here. We hope to be revenged 
on them." I 

Accordingly, when messengers came to renew and conclude the treaty 
which had been begun by Taweraket, before mentioned, they 'were seized and 
handed over to the English. They also kept out scouts, and harassed the 
French in every direction. 

We will now proceed to draw from Charlevoix' account of this affair, which 
is very minute, as it respects the operations of the French and Indians. Not 
withstanding its great importance in a correct history of the sacking of Sche 
nectady, none of our historians seem to have given themselves the trouble of 
laying it before their readers. 

Governor Frontenac, having determined upon an expedition, gave notice to 
M. de la Durantaye, who then commanded at Michilimakinak, that he might 
assure the Hurons and Ottawas, that in a short time they would see a great 
change in affairs for the better. He prepared at the same time a large convoy 
to reinforce that post, and he took measures also to raise three war parties, 
who should enter by three different routes the country of the English. The 
first assembled at Montreal, and consisted of about 110 men, French and 
Indians, and was put under the command of MM. d'JlUlebout de Mantel, and 
le Moine de St. Helene, two lieutenants, under whom MM. de Repentigny, 
d'lberville, DE BONREPOS, DE LA BROSSE, and DE MONTIGNI, requested permis 
sion to serve as volunteers. 

This party marched out before they had determined against what part of 
the English frontier they would carry their arms, though some part of New 
York was understood. Count Frontenac had left that to the two commanders. 
After they had marched five or six days, they called a council to determine 
upon what place they would attempt. In this council, it was debated, on the 
part of the French, that Albany would be the smallest place they ought to 
undertake; but the Indians would not agree to it. They contended that, with 
their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme 
hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian 
chief asked them "how long it was since they had so much courage." To 
this severe rebuke it was answered, that, if by some past actions they had 
discovered cowardice, they should see that now they would retrieve their 
character ; they would take Albany or die in the attempt. The Indians, how 
ever, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any 
thing but to proceed on. 

They continued their march until they came to a place where their path 
divided into two ; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady: 
here Mantel gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoni 
ously for the former village. The weather was very severe, and for the nine 
following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. The men were 
often obliged to wade through water up to their knees, breaking its ice at 
every step. 

* See Book V. 



34 DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. [BooK 1 

At 4 o'clock in the morning, the beginning of February, they arrived within 
two leagues of Schenectady. Here they halted, and the Great Agmtr, chief 
of the Iroquois of the Falls of St. Louis, made a speech to them. He exhorted 
every one to forget the hardships they had endured, in the hope of avenging 
the wrongs they had for a long time suffered from the perfidious English, 
who were the authors of them; and in the close added, that they could not 
doubt of the assistance of Heaven against the enemies of God, in a causo 

Hardly had they taken up their line of march, when they met 40 Indian 
women, who gave them all the necessary information for approaching the 
place in safety. A Canadian, named Giguiere, was detached immediately with 
nine Indians upon discovery, who acquitted himself to the entire satisfaction 
of his officers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, and then rejoined 
his comrades. 

It had been determined by the party to put off the attack one day longer ; 
but on the arrival of the scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed 
without delay. 

Schenectady wjas then in form like that of a long square, and entered by 
two gates, one at "each end. One opened towards Albany, the other upon the 
great road leading into the back country, and which was now possessed by 
the French and Indians. Mantel and St. Helene charged at the second 
gate, which the Indian women before mentioned hud assured them was 
always open, and they found it so. D'Iberville and Repentigni passed to the 
left, in order to enter by the other gate, but, after losing some time in vainly 
endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return arid enter with their comrades. 

The gate was not only open but unguarded, and the whole party entered 
without being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they 
waylaid every portal, and then the war-whoop was raised. Mantet formed 
and attacked a garrison, where the only resistance of any account was made. 
The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and 
the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in his 
arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him hors du combat ; but 
St. Helene being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the wounds 
of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had shut themselves up in it. 

Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in every place. At 
the end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted 
bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, arid the rest of the 
night was spent in refreshing themselves. 

Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared, 
whom he had intended for his own prisoner; but he was found among the 
promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killed, and all his papers 
were burned. 

After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicat 
ing liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getting drunk. They 
next set all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow 7 , into which Montigni 
had been carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre : they were in num 
ber about 40, all well built and furnished ; no booty but that which could be 
easily transported was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared ; 
chiefly women, children, and old men, who had escaped the fury of the onset, 
and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the 
Indians were spared that they might carry the news of what had happened to 
their countrymen, whom they were requested to inform, that it was not 
against them that they intended any harm, but to the English only, whom 
they had now despoiled of property to the amount of four hundred thousand 
pounds. 

They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and they 
decamped about noon. The plunder Montigni, whom it was necessary 
to carry the prisoners, who were to the number of 40 and the want of 
provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to provide them 
selvesretarded much their retreat. Many would have even died of famine, 
had they not had 50 horses, of which there remained but six when they 



CHAP. III.] MURDER OF MISS M'CREA. 35 

arrived at Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions 
obliged them to separate, and in an attack which was made upon one party, 
three Indians and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for 
want of proper caution, cost the army more lives than the capture of Sche- 
uectady ; in which they lost but two men, a Frenchman and an Indian. 

Murder of Miss Jane McCrea. This young lady " was the second daughter 
of James McCrea, minister of Larnington, New Jersey, who died before the 
revolution. After his death, she resided with her brother, Colonel John McCrea 
of Albany, who removed in 1773 to the neighborhood of Fort Edward. His 
house was in what is now Northumberland, on the west side of the Hudson, 
three miles north of Fort Miller Falls. In July or August, 1777, being on a visit 
to the family of Mrs. McNeil, near Fort Edward, at the close of the week, she was 
asked to remain until Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came 
to the house, she concealed herself in the cellar; but they dragged her out by 
the hair, and, placing her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy 
Hill. They soon met another party of Indians, returning from Argyle, where 
they had killed the family of Mr. Bains ; these Indians disapproved the pur 
pose of taking the captive to the British camp, and one of them struck her 
with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her 
nephew. The account of Mrs. McNeil is, that her lover, anxious for her 
safety, employed two Indians, with the promise of a barrel of rum, to bring 
her to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of conduct 
ing her, one of them murdered her. Gen. Gates, in his letter to Gen. Bwgoyne 
of 2 September, says, 'she was dressed to receive her promised husband.' 

" Her brother, on hearing of her fate, sent his family the next day to Albany, 
and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant 
Van Vechten, three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an 
amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance. 
It is said, and was believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain 
David Jones, of the British army, a loyalist, who survived her only a few 
years, and died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel 
James McCrea, lived at Saratoga, in 1823." f 

Under the name of Lucinda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain 
that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows: 

"One deed shall tell what fame great Albion draws 
From these auxiliars in her barb'rous cause, 
Lucinda 's fate. The tale, ye nations, hear ; 
Eternal ages, trace it with a tear." 

The poet then makes Lucinda, during a battle, wander from her home to 
watch her lover, whom he calls Hearily. She distinguishes him in the con 
flict, and, when his squadron is routed by the Americans, she proceeds to the 
contested ground, fancying she had seen him fall at a certain point. But 

" He hurries to his tent ; oh, rage ! despair ! 

No glimpse, no tidings, of the frantic fair; 

Save that some carmen, as a-camp they drove, 

Had seen her coursing for the western grove. 

Faint with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst, 

Forth from his friends, with bounding leap, he burst, 

Vaults o'er the palisade, with eyes on flame, 

And fills the welkin with Lucinda's name." 
"The fair one, too, of every aid forlorn, 

Had raved and wandered, till officious morn 

Awaked the Mohawks from their short repose, 

To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose. 

Two Mohawks met the maid historian, hold ! " 

"She starts with eyes upturned and fleeting breath, 

In their raised axes views her instant death. 

Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she passed, 

Rolls, in loose tangles, round her lovely waist j 

Her kerchief torn betrays the globes of snow, 

That heave responsive to her weight of woe. 

* There is no doubt but that they were obliged to subsist chiefly upon their horses, 
t President Allen's American Biographical Dictionary, 574. 



36 HEROISM OF MRS. MERRIL. WHITE INDIANS. [BOOK I. 

With calculating- pause and demon grin 

They seize her nands, and, through Tier face divine, 

Drive the descending axe ! the shriek she sent 

Attained her lover's ear; he thither bent 

With all the speed his wearied limbs could yield, 

Whirled his keen blade, and stretched upon the field 

The yelling fiends, who there disputing stood 

Her gory scalp, their horrid prize of blood! 

He sunk, delirious, on her lifeless clay, 

And passed, in starts of sense, the dreadful day." 

Jn a note to the above passages, Mr. Barlow says this tragical story of Miss 
McCrea is detailed almost literally. 

"Extraordinary instance of female heroism, extracted from a letter written by 
Col James Perry to the Rev. Jordan Dodge, dated Nelson Co., Ky., 20 Jipril, 
1788." "On the first of April inst., a number of Indians surrounded the 
house of one John Merril, which was discovered by the barking of a dog. 
Merril stepped to the door to see what he could discover, and received three 
musket-balls, which caused him to fall back into the house with a broken leg 
and arm. The Indians rushed on to the door ; but it being instantly fastened 
by his wife, who, with a girl of about 15 years of age, stood against it, the 
savages could not immediately enter. They broke one part of the door, and 
one of them crowded partly through. The heroic mother, in the midst of her 
screaming children and groaning husband, seized an axe, and gave a fatal 
blow to the savage ; and he falling headlong into the house, the others, sup 
posing they had gained their end, rushed after him, until four of them fell in 
like mariner before they discovered their mistake. The rest retreated, which 
gave opportunity again to secure the door. The conquerors rejoiced in their 
victory, hoping they had killed the whole company ; but their expectations 
were soon dashed, by finding the door again attacked, which the bold mother 
endeavored once more to secure, with the assistance of the young woman. 
Their fears now carne on them like a flood ; and they soon heard a noise on 
the top of the house, and then found the Indians were coming down the 
chimney. All hopes of deliverance seemed now at an end ; but the wounded 
man ordered his little child to tumble a couch, that was filled with hair and 
feathers, on the fire, which made such a smoke that two stout Indians came 
tumbling down into it. The wounded man, at this critical moment, seized a 
billet of wood, wounded as he was, and with it succeeded in despatching the 
half-smothered Indians. At the same moment, the door was attempted by 
another ; but the heroine's arm had become too enfeebled by her over-exertions 
to deal a deadly blow. She however caused him to retreat wounded. They 
then again set to work to make their house more secure, not knowing but 
another attack would be made ; but they were not further disturbed. This 
affair happened in the evening, and the victors carefully watched with their 
new family until morning. A prisoner, that escaped immediately after, said 
the Indian last mentioned was the only one that escaped. He, on returning to 
his friends, was asked, 'What news?' said, ' Plaguy bad news, for the squaws 
fight worse than the long-knives.' This affair happened at Nevvbardstown, 
about 15 miles from Sandy Creek, and may be depended upon, as I had the 
pleasure to assist in tumbling them into a hole, after they were stripped of 
their head-dresses, and about 20 dollars' worth of silver furniture." 

WELSH OR WHITE INDIANS. 

" Nanative of Capt. Isaac Stuart, of the Provincial Cavalrj) of South Carolina, 

taken from his oivn mouth, by I. C., Esq., March, 1782. 

" I was taken prisoner, about 50 miles to the westward of Fort Pitt, about 
8 years ago, by the Indians, and carried to the Wabash, with other white 
men. They were executed, with circumstances of horrid barbarity ; but it 
was my good fortune to call forth the sympathy of a good woman of the 
village, who was permitted to redeem me from those who held me prisoner, 
by Riving them a horse as a ransom. After remaining two years in bondage, 
a bpamard came to the nation, having been sent from Mexico on discoveries. 



CHAP. IIl.J WHITE INDIANS. 37 

He made application to the chiefs of the Indians for hiring me, and another 
white man who was in the like situation, a native of Wales, and named John 
Davey, which was complied with. We took our departure and travelled to 
the westward, crossing the Mississippi near Red River, up which we travelled 
upwards of 700 miles. Here we came to a nation of Indians remarkably 
white, and whose hair was of a reddish color, at least, mostly so. They lived 
on a small river which emptied itself into Red River, which they called the 
River Post; and in the morning, the day after our arrival, the Welshman 
informed me that he was determined to remain with the nation of Indians, 
giving as a reason that he understood their language, it being very little differ 
ent from the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much by this information, 
and I went with my companion to the chief men of the town, who informed 
him, in a language that I had no knowledge of, and which had no affinity with 
that of any other Indian tongue that I ever heard, that the forefathers of this 
nation came from a foreign country, and landed on the east side of the Missis 
sippi (describing particularly the country now called West Florida) ; and that, 
on the Spaniards taking possession of the country, they fled to their then 
abode ; and, as a proof of what they advanced, they brought out rolls of 
parchment wrote with blue ink, at least it had a bluish cast. The characters 
I did not understand, and the Welshman being unacquainted with letters of 
any language, I was not able to know what the meaning of the writing was. 
They were a bold, hardy, intrepid people, very warlike, and their women 
were beautiful, compared with other Indians." 

Thus we have given so much of Captain Stuart's narrative as relates to tho 
WHITE INDIANS. The remainder of it is taken up in details of several excur 
sions, of many hundred miles, in the interior of the continent, without any 
extraordinary occurrence, except the finding of a gold mine. He returned by 
way of the Mississippi, and was considered a man of veracity by the late 
Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, of South Carolina, who recommended him to the 
gentleman who communicated his narrative. 

I had determined formerly to devote a chapter to the examination of the 
subject of the White Indians ; but, on reference to all the sources of informa 
tion in my possession, I found that the whole rested upon no other authority 
than such as we have given above, and therefore concluded to give the most 
interesting parts of the accounts without comment, and let the reader draw 
his own conclusions. There seem to have been a good many, accounts con 
cerning the White Indians in circulation about the same period, and the next 
we shall notice is found in Mr. Charles Beatty's journal, the substance of which 
is as follows : 

At the foot of the Alleghany Mountains, in Pennsylvania, Mr. Beatty stopped 
at the house of a Mr. John Miller, where he " met with one Benjamin Sutton, 
who had been taken captive by the Indians, and had been in different nations, 
and lived many years among them. When he was with the Choctaws, at the 
Mississippi River, he went to an Indian town, a very considerable distance 
from New Orleans, whose inhabitants were of different complexions, not so 
tawny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh. He saw a book 
among them, which he supposed was a Welsh Bible, which they carefully 
kept wrapped up in a skin, but they could not read it ; and he heard some 
of those Indians afterwards, in the lower Shawanee town, speak Welsh with 
one Leivis, a Welshman, captive there. This Welsh tribe now live on the 
west side of the Mississippi, a great way above New Orleans." 

At Tuscarora valley he met with another man, named Levi Hicks, who had 
been a captive from his youth with the Indians. He said he was once attend 
ing an embassy at an Indian town, on the west side of the Mississippi, where 
the inhabitants spoke Welsh, "as he was told, for he did not understand 
them " himself. An Indian, named Joseph Peepy, Mr. Beatty's interpreter, said 
he once saw some Indians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who 
talked Welsh. He was sure they talked Welsh, for he had been acquainted 
with Welsh people, and knew some words they used. 

To the above Mr. Beatty adds : " I have been informed, that many years 
ago, a clergyman went from Britain to Virginia, and having lived some time 
there, went from thence to S. Carolina ; but after some time, for some reason, 
4 



fjg WHITER INDIANS. [Boox I 

he resolved to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom 
panied wkh some other persons. In travelling through the back parts of the 
country, which was then very thinly inhabited, he fell in with a party of In 
dian warriors, going to attack the inhabitants of Virginia. Upon examining 
the clergyman, and finding he was going to Virginia, they looked upon him 
and his companions as belonging to that province, and took them aU prisoners, 
and told them they must die. The clergyman, in preparation for another 
world, went to prayer, and, being a Welshman, prayed in the Welsh language. 
One or more of the Indians was much surprised to hear him pray in their 
own language. Upon this they spoke to him, and finding he could under 
stand them, got the sentence of death reversed, and his life was saved. They 
took him with them into their country, where he found a tribe whose native 
language was Welsh, though the dialect was a little different from his own, 
which he soon came to understand. They showed him a book, which he 
found to be the Bible, but which they could not read ; and on his reading and 
explaining it, their regard for him was much heightened." After some time, 
the minister proposed to these people to return to his own country, and prom 
ised to return again to them with others of his friends, who would instruct 
them in Christianity ; but not long after his return to England, he died, which 
put an end to his design. 

It is very natural to inquire how these Indians, though descended from the 
Welsh, came by books; for it is well known that the period at which the 
Welsh must have come to America, was long before printing was discovered, 
or that any writings assumed the form of books as we now have them. It 
should be here rioted that Mr. Beatty travelled in the autumn of 1766. 

Major Rogers, in his "Concise Account of North America," published in 
1765, notices the White Indians ; but the geography of their country he leaves 
any where on the west of the Mississippi ; probably never having visited them, 
himself, although he tells us he had travelled very extensively in the interior. 
'* This fruitful country," he says, " is at present inhabited by a nation of In 
dians, called by the others, the White Indians, on account of their complex 
ion ; they being much the fairest Indians on the continent. They have, how 
ever, Indian eyes, and a certain guilty Jewish cast with them. This nation is 
very numerous, being able to raise between 20 and 30,000 fighting men. They 
have no weapons but bows and arrows, tomahawks, and a kind of wooden 
pikes, for which reason they often suffer greatly from the eastern Indians, 
who have the use of fire-arms, and frequently visit the white Indians on the 
banks of the easterly branch, [of Muddy River?] and kill or captivate them 
in great numbers. Such as fall alive into their hands, they generally sell for 
slaves. These Indians live in large towns, and have commodious houses; 
they raise corn, tame the wild cows, and use both their milk and flesh ; they 
keep great numbers of dogs, and are very dextrous in hunting ; they have lit 
tle or no commerce with any nation that we at present are acquainted with." 

In the account of Kentucky, written in 1784, by an excellent writer, Mr. John 
Filson, we find as follows : After noticing the voyage of Madoc, who with 
his ten ships with emigrants sailed west about 1170, and who were, accord 
ing to the Welsh historians, never heard of after, he proceeds : "This account 
has at several times drawn the attention of the world ; but as no vestiges of 
them had then been found, it was concluded, perhaps too rashly, to be a fable, 
or at least that no remains of the colony existed. Of late years, however, the 
western settlers have received frequent accounts of a nation, inhabiting at a 
great distance up the Missouri, in manners and appearance resembling the 
other Indians, but speaking Welsh, arid retaining some ceremonies of the 
Christian worship; and at length this is universally believed there to be a fact. 
C&ut. Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veracity may be 
entirely depended upon, assured the author that in the late war [revolution] 
being with his company in garrison,, at Kaskaskia, some Indians came there, 
and, speaking the Welsh dialect, were perfectly understood and conversed 
With by two Welshmen in his company, and that they informed them of the 
filiation of their nation as mentioned above." 

Henry Ktr, who travelled among 13 tribes of Indians in 1810, &c., names 
one near a great mountain which he calls Mnacedeus. He said Dr. Sibley 



CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN 7 ANTIQUITIES. 39 

had told him, when at Natchitoches, that a number of travellers had assured 
him, that there was a strong similarity between the Indian language and many 
words of the Welsh. Mr. Ker found nothing among any of the Indians to 
indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedeus. Here he 
found many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, and he 
add^ ; " I did not understand the Welsh language, or I should have been en 
abled to have thrown more light upon so. interesting a subject," as they had 
"printed books among them which were preserved with great care, they having 
a tradition that they were brought there by their forefathers," Upon this, in 
another place, he observes, "The books appeared very old, and were evident 
ly printed at a time when there had been very little improvement made in the 
casting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefs, sufficient to 
have thrown light on the subject ; but in my subsequent disputes with the 
Indians, I lost them, and all my endeavors to obtain more, were ineffectual." 

How or at what time these Indians obtained " printed books," Mr. Ker does 
not give us his opinion ; although he says much more about them. 

There are a great number of others who have noticed these Indians ; but 
after an examination of them all, I am unable to add much to the above stock 
of information concerning them. Upon the whole, we think it may be pretty 
safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of the 
Missouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduced 
to establish the existence of the sea-serpent. Should any one, however, 
choose to investigate the subject further, he will find pretty ample references 
to authors in which the subject has been noticed, in a note to the life of Ma- 
dokawando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the 
authorities of Moulton, as pointed out in his History of New York. 



CHAPTER IV. 

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES Few Indian Antiquities Of Mounds and their contents 
Account of those in Cincinnati In the, Miami country Works supposed to hace 
been built for defences or fortifications Some at Piqtta Near Hamilton M'dford 
Deerfield Six miles above Lebanon On Paint Creek It Marietta At Circle- 
mi' e Their age uncertain Works on Licking River Ancient excavations or wells 
near Newark Various other works. 

To describe the antiquities of America would not require a very great 
amount of time or space, if we consider only those which are in reality such. 
And as to Indian antiquities, they consist in nothing like monuments, gays 
Mr. Jefferson; " for," he observes, "I would not honor with that name, arrow- 
points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labor on the 
large scale, I think there is no remain as respectable as would be a common 
ditch for the draining of lands, unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of 
which many are to be found all over in this country. These are of different 
sizes, some of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That 
They were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all ; but on what par 
ticular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have thought they 
covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of 
interment. Some ascribe them to the custom, said to prevail among the In 
dians, of collecting at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever 
deposited at the lime of death. Others again suppose them the general sepul 
chres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds; and this 
opinion was supported by the quality of the lands in which they are found, 
(those constructed of earth being generally in the softest and most fertile 
meadow-grounds on river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be handed down 
from the aboriginal Indians, that when they settled in a town, the first person 
who died was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support 
liim ; and that when another died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the 



40 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Boox I. 




to open and examine it thoroughly. It was situated on the low grounds of the 
Rivanna, about two miles above its principal fork, and opposite to some hills, 
on which had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidal form of about 
40 feet diameter at the base, and had been of about 12 feet altitude, though 
now reduced by the plough to seven and a half; having been under cultiva 
tion about a dozen years. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inches 
diameter, and round the base was an excavation of five feet depth and width, 
from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed." 

In this mound my author found abundance of human bones, which, from 
their position, it was evident had been thrown or piled promiscuously there 
together; bones of the head and feet being in contact; "some vertical, 
some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass." 
These bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to dust. Some of the skulls, 
jaw-bones, and teeth, were taken out nearly in a perfect state, but would fail to 
pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was 
made up from persons of all ages, and at different periods of time. The 
mound was composed of alternate strata of bones, stones, and earth. Hence 
it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were 
formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the bones of their de 
ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner. 
" But," Mr. Jefferson observes, " on whatever occasion they may have been 
made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians : for a party 
passing, about 30 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow 
is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquiry, 
and having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed 
to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left 
about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey." 

In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as 
appear to have been used for superstitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of 
the latter kind, no more formidable weapons have been discovered than 
tomahawks, spears and arrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been 
deposited before the arrival of Europeans in America. What Mr. Jefferson 
found in the barrow he dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does 
not inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, 
which Dr. Daniel DraJie examined, numerous utensils were found. He has 
given a most accurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no 
less a philosopher than antiquary. He divides them into two classes, ancient 
and modern, or ancient and more ancient. " Among the latter," he says, " there 
is not a single edifice, nor any ruins which prove the existence, in former ages, 
of a building composed of imperishable materials. No fragment of a column , 
no bricks ; nor a single hewn stone large enough to have been incorporated 
into a wall, has been discovered." 

There were several of these mounds or tumuli, 20 years ago, within a short 
space in and about Cincinnati ; but it is a remarkable fact, that the plains on 
the opposite side of the River Ohio have no vestiges of the kind. The largest 
of those in Cincinnati was, in 1794, about 35 feet in height; but at this time it 
was cut down to 27 by order of General Wayne, to make it serve as a watch- 
tower for a sentinel. It was about 440 feet in circumference. 

Almost every traveller of late years has said something upon the mounds, 
or fortifications, scattered over the south and west, from Florida to the lakes, 
and from the Hudson to Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. By some they are 
onn k ne( * at several mou sands. jyj 1% Brackmridge supposes there may be 
.3000; but it would not outrage probability, I presume, to set them down at 
twice that number. Indeed no one can form any just estimate in respect to 
the number of mounds and fortifications which have been built, any more than 
of the period of time which has passed since they were originally 'erected, for 
several obvious reasons ; one or two of which may be mentioned : the 

ough, excavations and levellings for towns, roads, and various other works. 
have entirely destroyed hundreds of them, which had never been described' 



CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 41 

arid whose sites cannot now be ascertained. Another great destruction of 
them has been effected by the changing of the course of rivers. 

There are various opinions about the uses for which these ancient remains 
were constructed: while some of them are too much like modern fortifications 
to admit of a doubt of their having been used for defences, others, nearly 
similar in design, from their situation entirely exclude the adoption of such an 
opinion. Hence we find four kinds of remains formed of earth : two kinds 
of mounds or barrows, and two which have been viewed as fortifications. 
The barrows or burial piles are distinguished by such as contain articles 
which were inhumed with the dead, and those which do not contain them. 
From what cause they differ in this respect it is difficult to determine. Some 
have supposed the former to contain bones only of warriors, but in such 
mounds the bones of infants are found, and hence that hypothesis is over 
thrown ; and indeed an hypothesis can scarcely be raised upon any one mat 
ter concerning them without almost a positive assurance that it has been 
created to be destroyed. 

As a specimen of the contents of the mounds generally, the following may 
he taken ; being such as Dr. Drake, found in those he examined : 1. Cylin 
drical stories, such as jasper, rock-crystal, and granite ; with a groove near one 
end. 2. A circular piece of cannel coal, with a large opening in the centre, 
as though made for the reception of an axis ; and a deep groove in the circum 
ference, suitable for a band. 3. A smaller article of the same shape, but 
composed of polished argillaceous earth. 4. A bone, ornamented with several 
carved lines, supposed by some to be hieroglyphics. 5. A sculptural repre 
sentation of the head and beak of some rapacious bird. 6. Lumps of lead ore. 
7. Isinglass (mica membranacea). This article is very common in mounds, 
and seems to have been held in high estimation among the people that con 
structed them ; but we know not that modern Indians have any particular 
attachment to it. A superior article, though much like it, was also in great 
esteem among the ancient Mexicans. 8. Small pieces of sheet-copper, With 
perforations. 9. Larger oblong pieces of the same metal, with longitudinal 
grooves and ridges. 10. Beads, or sections of small hollow cylinders, appar 
ently of bone or shell. 11. Teeth of carnivorous animals. 12. Large marine 
shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus buccinum ; cut in such a manner as 
to serve for domestic utensils. These, and also the teeth of ar/mate, are 
generally found almost entirely decomposed, or in a state resembling chalk. 
13. Earthen ware. This seems to have been made of the same material as that 
employed by the Indians of Louisiana within our recollection, viz. pounded 
muscle and other river shells, and earth. Some perfect articles have been 
found, but they are rare. Pieces, or fragments, are very common. Upon 
most of them, confused lines are traced, which doubtless had some meaning; 
but no specimen has yet been found having glazing upon it like modern pot 
tery. Some entire vases, of most uncouth appearance, have been found. Mr. 
Alwate?- of Ohio, who has pretty fully described the western antiquities, gives 
an account of a vessel, which seems to have been used as a jug. It was found 
in an ancient work on Cany Fork of Cumberland River, about four feet below 
the surface. The hody of the vessel is made by three heads, all joined together 
at their backs. From these places of contact a neck is formed, which rises 
about three inches above the heads. The orifice of this neck is near two 
inches in diameter, and the three necks of the heads form the legs of the vessel 
on which it stands when upright. The heads are all of a size, being about 
four inches from the top to the chin. The faces at the eyes are about three 
inches broad, which increase in breadth all the way to the chin. 

Of the works called fortifications, though already mentioned in general 
terms, their importance demands a further consideration. 

At Piqua, on the western side of the Great Miami, there is a circular wall 
of earth inclosing a space of about 100 feet in diameter, with an opening on 
the side most remote from the river. " The adjacent hill, at the distance of 
half a mile, and at the greater elevation of about 100 feet, is the site of a stone 
wall, nearly circular, and inclosing perhaps 20 acres. The valley of the river 
on one side, and a deep ravine on the other, render the access to three fourths 
of this fortification extremely difficult. The wall was carried generally along 
4* 



42 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BOOK 1. 

the brow of the hill, in one place descending a short distance so as to include 
a sprin^ The silicious limestone of which it was built, must have been trans 
ported from the bed of the river, which, for two miles opposite these works, 
does not at present afford one of 10 pounds weight. They exhibit no marks 
of the hammer, or any other tool. The wall was laid up without mortar, and 
is now in ruins. 

Lower down the same river, near the mouth of Hole's Creek, on the plain, 
there are remains of great extent. The principal wall or bank, which is of 
earth, incloses about 160 acres, and is in some parts nearly 12 feet high. 
Also below Hamilton, there is a fortification upon the top of a high hill, out of 
view from the river, of very difficult approach. This incloses about 50 acres. 
Adjacent to this work is a mound 25 feet in diameter at its base, and about 
seven feet perpendicular altitude. 

"On the elevated point of land above the confluence of the Great Miami 
and Ohio, there are extensive and complicated traces, which, in the opinion 
of military men, eminently qualified to judge, are the remains of very strong- 
defensive works." 

In the vicinity of Milford, on the Little Miami, are fortifications, the largest 
of which are upon the top of the first hill above the confluence of the East Fork 
with the Miami. " On the opposite side of the Miami River, above Round 
Bottom, are similar antiquities of considerable extent. On the East Fork, at 
its head waters, other remains have been discovered, of which the principal 
bears a striking resemblance to those above mentioned ; but within, it differs 
from any which have yet been examined in this quarter, in having nine 
parallel banks or long parapets united at one end, exhibiting very exactly the 
figure of a gridiron." 

" Further up the Little Miami, at Deerfield, are other interesting remains ; 
but those which have attracted more attention than any others in the Miami 
country, are situated six miles from Lebanon, above the mouth of Todd's 
Fork, an eastern branch of the Miami. On the summit of a ridge at least 200 
feet above the valley of the river, there are two irregular trapezoidal figures, 
connected at a point where the ridge is very much narrowed by a ravine. The 
Avail, \vhich is entirely of earth, is generally eight or ten feet high ; but in one 
pla^e, vhere it is conducted over level ground for a short distance, it rises to 
18. Its situation is accurately adjusted to the brow of the hill ; and as there 
is, in additVm to the Miami on the west, deep ravines on the north, the south 
east, and south, it is a position of great strength. The angles in this wall, 
both retreating and salient, are numerous, and generally acute. The openings 
or gateways are n6i less than 80 ! They are rarely at equal distances, and 
are sometimes within two or three rods of one another. They are not 
opposite to, or connected with any existing artificial objects or topographical 
peculiarities, and present, therefore, a paradox of some difficulty." These 
works inclose almost 100 acres, and one of the state roads from Cincinnati to 
Chillicothe passes over "its northern part. 

On Paint Creek, 10 miles from Chillicothe, are also very extensive as well as 
wonderful works. "The wall, which had been conducted along the verge of 
the hill, is by estimation about a mile and a half in length. It was formed 
entirely of undressed freestone, brought chiefly from the streams 250 feet 
below, and laid up without mortar or cement of any sort. It is now, like all 
the walls of a similar kind which have been discovered in the western country, 
in a state of ruins. It exhibits the appearance of having been shaken down 
by an earthquake, not a single stone being found upon another in such a man 
ner as to indicate that to have been if a situation in the wall. In several places 
there are openings, immediately opposite which, inside, lie piles of stone." 

Dr. Harris, in 1803, very accurately described the remains at Marietta, at 
the confluence of the Muskmgum and Ohio Rivers. "The largest SQUARE 
FORT," he observes, " by some called the town, contains 40 acres, encompassed 
by a wall of earth from 6 to 10 feet high, a\id from 25 to 36 in breadth at the 
base. On each side are three openings at equal distances, resembling 12 gate 
ways. The entrances at the middle are the largest, particularly that on the 
side next the Muskingum. From this outlet is a COVERT WAY, formed of two 
parallel walls of earth. 231 feet distant from each other, measuring from cen- 



CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 43 

tre to centre. The walls at the most elevated part on the inside are 21 feet in 
height, and 42 in breadth at the base, but on the outside average only of five 
feet high. This forms a passage of about 360 feet in length, leading by a 
gradual descent to the low grounds, where it, probably, at the time of its con 
struction, reached the margin of the river. Its walls commence at 60 feet 
from the ramparts of the tort, and increase in elevation as the way descends 
towards the river ; and the bottom is crowned in the centre, in the manner of 
a well-formed turnpike road. Within the walls of the fort, at the north-west 
corner, is an oblong, elevated square, 188 feet long, 132 broad, and nine feet 
high ; level on the summit, and nearly perpendicular at the sides. At the 
centre of each of the sides the earth is projected, forming gradual ascents to 
the top, equally regular, and about six feet in width. Near the south wall is 
another elevated square, 350 feet by 120, and eight feet high. At the south 
east corner is the third elevated square, 108 by 54 feet, with ascents at the 
ends. At the south-east corner of the fort is a semicircular parapet, crowned 
with a mound, which guards the opening in the wall. Towards the south-east 
is A SIMILAR FORT, containing 20 acres, with a gateway in the centre of each 
side and at each corner. These openings are defended with circular mounds." 

There are also other works at Marietta, but a mere description of them can 
not interest, as there is so much of sameness about them. And to describe 
all that may be met with would fill a volume of no moderate size : for Dr. 
Harris says, " You cannot ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some 
of the mounds, or vestiges of the ramparts." We shall, therefore, only notice 
the most prominent. 

Of first importance are doubtless the works upon the Scioto. The most 
magnificent is situated 26 miles south from Columbus, and consists of two 
nearly exact figures, a circle and a square, which are contiguous to each other. 
A town, having been built within the former, appropriately received the name 
of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. Mwaier, who has 
surveyed these works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi 
nally 1138<| feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the square 
was 907 feet upon a side ; giving an area to the latter of 3025 square rods, 
and to the circle 3739 nearly : both making almost 44 acres. The rampart 
of the circular fort consists of two parallel walls, and were, at least in the 
opinion of my author, 20 feet in height, measuring from the bottom of the 
ditch between the circumvallations, before the town of Circleville was built. 
"The inner wall was of clay, taken up probably in the northern part of the 
fort, where was a low place, and is still considerably lower than any other 
part of the work. The outside wall was taken from the ditch which is be 
tween these walls, and is alluvial, consisting of pebbles worn smooth in water 
and sand, to a very considerable deplh, moie than 50 feet at least." At the 
time Mr. Atwattr wrote his account, (about 1819,) the outside of the walls was 
but about five or six feet high, and the ditch not more than 15 feet deep. The 
walls of the square fort were, at the vsame time, about 10 feet high. This fort 
had eight gtAeways or openings, about 20 feet broad, each of which was de 
fended by a mound four or five feet high, all within the fort, arranged in the 
most exact manner ; equidistant and parallel. The circular fort had but one 
gateway, which was at its south-east point, and at the place of contact with 
the square. In the centre of the square was a remarkable mound, with a 
semicircular pavement adjacent to its eastern half, and nearly lacing the pas 
sage way into the square fort. Just without the square fort, upon the north 
side, and to the east of the centre gateway rises a largo mound. In the op 
posite point of the compass, without the circular one, is another. These, 
probably, were the places of burial. As the walls of the square fort lie pretty 
nearly in a line with the cardinal points of the horizon, some have supposed 
they were originally projected in strict regard to them ; their variation not 
being more than that of the compass; but a single fact of this kind can 
establish nothing, as mere accident may have given them such direction. 
"What surprised me," says my authority, "on measuring these forts, was the 
exact manner in which they had laid down their circle and square ; so that 
after every effort, by the most careful survey, to detect some error in their 
measurement, we found that it was impossible." 



44 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BOOK 1- 

As it is not my design to waste time in conjectures upon the authors of 
thee antiquities, or the remoteness of the period in which they were con 
structed I will continue my account of them, after an observation upon a 
single circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found growing 
upon the mounds and other ancient works. Their having existed for a thou 
sand rears, or at least some of them, can scarcely be questioned, when we 
knowYrom unerring data that trees have been cut upon them of the age of 
near 500 years ; and from the vegetable mould out of which they spring, 
there is every appearance of several generations of decayed trees of the same 
kind; and no forest trees of the present day appear older than those upon the 
very works under consideration. 

There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of 
Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to be as much 
so as any in the west. Here, as at Circleviile, the same singular fact is ob 
servable, respecting the openings into the forts ; the square ones having sev 
eral, but the round ones only one, with a single exception. 

Not far below Newark, on the south side of the Licking, are found numer 
ous wells or holes in the earth. "There are," says Mr. Atwater, " at least a 
thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deep." Though 
called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. They have 
the appearance of being of the same age as the mounds, and were doubtless 
made by the same people; but for what purpose they could have been made, 
few seern willing to hazard a conjecture. 

Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in the county of Perry, 
and southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing 
about 40 acres. Its shape is that of a heart, though bounded by straight lines. 
In or near its centre is a circular stone mound, which rises, like a sugar-loaf, 
from 12 to 15 feet. Near this large work is another small fort, whose walls 
are of earth, inclosing but about" half an acre. I give these the name of 
forts, although Mr. Mwater says he does not believe they were ever construct 
ed for defence. 

There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite 
the mou;h of the Scioto. Those on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the 
most extensive, and those on the other side, directly opposite Alexandria, are 
the most regular. They are not more remarkable than many already de 
scribed. 

What the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very 
well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu 
tion, even were the space of time given ; but there can be no doubt that most 
of them are much diminished from the action of -tempests which have swept 
over them for ages. That they were the works of a different race from the 
present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is 
entirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some 
European articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works ; 
but few persons of intelligence pronounce them older than others of the 
same kind belonging to the period of the French wars. 

As it respects inscriptions upon stones, about which much has been said 
and written. I am of the opinion, that such are purely Indian, if they were 
not made by some white maniac, as some of them most unquestionably have 
been, or other persons who deserve to be classed among such ; hut I would 
not be understood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants 
evidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among the inscriptions upon stone 
in New England, the "Inscribed Rock," as it is called, at Dighton, Mass., is 
doubtless the most remarkable. It is in Taunton River, about six miles below 
the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If this inscription 
was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt 
whether any of them, except such as happened to know what it was done 
for, knew any thing of its import. The divers faces, figures of half-formed 
animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about 20 square feet. The whim 
sical conjectures of many persons about the origin of the inscription, might 
amuse, but could not instruct; and it would be a waste of time to give an 
account of them. 



CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 45 

A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit 
ed a few years since in the Antiquarian Hall at Worcester, Mass. ; and it was 
with some surprise, that, on examining it, I found nothing but a few lines of 
quartz upon one of its surfaces. The stone was singular in no respect beyond 
what may be found in half the farmers' fields and stone fences in New Eng 
land. 

In a cave on the hank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth 
of the Wabash, called Wilson's or Murderer',s Cave, are figures engraven upon 
stone, which have attracted great attention. It was very early possessed by 
one Wilson, who lived in it with his family. He at length turned robber, and, 
collecting about 40 other wretches like himself about him, took all the boats 
which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the 
crews. He was himself murdered by one of his own gang, to get the reward 
which was offered for his apprehension. Never having had any drawings of 
the hieroglyphics in this cave, we cannot form any very conclusive opinion 
upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among 
these unknown characters are many figures of animals not known now to be 
in existence; but in my opinion, this is in no wise a conclusive argument of 
their antiquity; for the same maybe said of the uncouth figures of the In 
dian manitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of Poichaian. 

At Harmony, on the Mississippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed 
ded in hard limestone. The celebrated Rappe conveyed the stone containing 
them from St. Louis, and kept it upon his premises to show to travellers. 
They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, un- 
accustoined to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity. 
They may, or may not be : there are arguments for and against such conclu 
sion ; but on which side the weight of argument lies is a matter not easily to 
be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it 
was changed into fossil stone, we should not expect to find impressions, but a 
formation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in 
which the impressions were made; for thus do organic remains discover 
themselves, and not by their absence. 

A review of the theories and opinions concerning the race or races anterior 
to the present race of Indians would perhaps be interesting to many, and it 
would be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated, 
my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time in 
commentaries; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leav 
ing the subject more obscure than it would evidently be without them. 

Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon 
a subject that cannot be settled. It is time enough to argue a subject of the 
nature of this we are upon, when all the facts are collected. To write 
volumes about Shem, Ham, and Japhet, in connection with a few isolated facts, 
is a most ludicrous, and worse than useless business. Some had said, it is an 
argument that the first population came from the north, because the works of 
which we have been speaking increase in importance as we proceed south ; 
but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar 
rived within 40 of the equator, (for this seems to be their boundary north,) it 
is not stated. Perhaps this people came in by way of the St. LawVence, and 
did not need any works to defend them before arriving at the 40 of north 
latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, perhaps, For what purpose 
could fortifications have been built by the first people? To defend them 
selves from wild beasts, or from one another? With this matter, however, we 
have nothing to do, but were led to these remarks, preparatory to a compari 
son between the antiquities of the north, with those of the south. 

On the other hand, it is said the original people of North America must have 
come from the south, and that their progress northward is evident from the 
same works ; with this difference, that as the people advanced, they dwindled 
into insignificance ; and hence the remains which they left are proportionate 
to their ability to make them. But there is nothing artificial among the ancient 
ruins of North America that will compare with the artificial mountain of Ana- 
huac, called Cholula, orChlolula, which to this day is about 164 feet in perpen 
dicular height, whose base occupies a square, the side of which measures 1450 



46 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BOOK I. 

feet. Upon this the Mexicans had an immense wooden temple when Cortez 
overrun their empire. A city now bears the name of Choi u la, in Puebla, 
60 miles east of Mexico. Yet it appears from Dr. Beck's Gazetteer of Illinois, 
that there is standing between Belleville and St. Louis, a mound 600 yards in 
circumference at its base, and 90 feet in height. Mount Joliet, so named from 
the Sieur Joliet, a Frenchman, who travelled upon the Mississippi in 1673, is 
a most distinguished mound. It is on a plain about 600 yards west of the 
River des Plaines, and ]50 miles above Fort Clark. Mr. Schoolcraft computed 
its height at 60 feet, its length about 450 yards, and its width 75. Its sides are 
so steep that they are ascended with difficulty. Its top is a beautiful plain, from 
which a most delightful prospect is had of the surrounding country. It seems 
to have been composed of the earth of the plain on which it stands. Lake 
Joliet is situated in front of it ; being a small body of water about a mile in 
length. 

Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of South America differ 
considerably from those of North America, yet I have no doubt but that the 
people are of the same race. The condition even of savages changes. No 
nation remains stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the 
lakes do not make pottery at the present day, but earthen utensils are still in 
use among the remote tribes of the west. This is similar to that dug up in 
Ohio, and both are similar to that found in South America. 

In speaking of "ancient pottery," Mr. Schoolcraft observes, " It is common, 
in digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to find fragments of antique pot 
tery, and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the 
surface. One of these pots, which was, until a very recent period, preserved 
by a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at a depth of 80 feet, and 
was of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons." 

We see announced from time to time, in the various newspapers and other 
periodicals, discoveries of wonderful things in various places ; but on exam 
ination it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are led to ex 
pect from the descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in 
the banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron utensils found at great depths 
below the surface, and in situations indicating that they must have been de 
posited there for three, four, or five hundred years ! Dr. McMurtrie relates, in his 
" Sketches of Louisville," that an iron hatchet was found beneath the roots of 
a tree at Shippingsport, upwards of 200 years old. He said he had no doubt 
that the tree had grown over the hatchet after it was deposited there, because 
"no human power could have placed it in the particular position in which it 
was found." 

Upon some other matters about which we have already spoken, the same 
author says, " That walls, constructed of bricks and hewn stones, have been 
discovered in the western country, is a fact as clear as that the sun shines 
when he is in his meridian splendor ; the dogmatical assertion of writers to 
the contrary notwithstanding." My author, however, had not seen such re 
mains himself, but was well assured of their existence by a gentleman of un 
doubted veracity. Unfortunately for the case he relates, the persons who dis 
covered the ruins, came upon them in digging, at about 18 feet below the sur 
face of the ground, and when about to make investigation, water broke in 
upon them, and they were obliged to make a hasty retreat. 

" A fortified town of considerable extent, near the River St. Francis," upon 
the Mississippi, was said to have been discovered by a Mr. Savage, of Louis 
ville. He found its walls still standing in some places, and "partTof the walls 
of a citadel, built of bricks, cemented by mortar" Upon some of these ruins 
were trees growing whose annual rings numbered 300. Some of the bricks, 
says Dr. McMurtrie, were at Louisville when he wrote his Sketches; and 
they were "composed of clay, mixed with chopped and twisted straw, of 
regular figures, hardened by the action of fire, or the sun." 

Mr. Priest, in his American Antiquities," mentions the ruins of two cities 

'ithin a few miles of each other, nearly opposite St. Louis; but from what he 
eays of them I am unable to determine what those ruins are composed of. 
After pointing out the site of them, he continues, "Here is situated one of 
those pyramids, which is 150 rods in circumference at its base, and 100 feet 



CHAP. IV.] . AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 47 

high." He speaks of " cities," but describes pyramids and mounds. If there 
be any thing like the works of men, at the places he points out, different from 
what is common in the west, it is very singular that they should not have at 
tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who have 
for 50 years passed by them. JVI r. Brackenridge speaks of the antiquities at 
this place, but docs not say any thing about cities. He observes, " The most 
remarkable appearances are two groups of mounds or pyramids, the one 
about 10 miles above Cahokia, the other nearly the same distance below it, 
which, in all, exceed 150, of various sizes. The western side also contains a 
considerable number. 

" A more minute description of those about Cahokia, which I visited in the 
fall of 1811, will give a tolerable idea of them all. I crossed the Mississippi 
at St. Louis, and after passing through the wood which borders the river, 
about half a mile in width, entered an extensive open plain. In 15 minutes, 
I found myself in the rnidst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, 
and at a distance resembling enormous haystacks scattered through a meadow. 
One of the largest which I ascended was about 200 paces in circumference at 
the bottom, the form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone con 
siderable alteration from the washing of the rains. The top was level, with 
an area sufficient to contain several hundred men." 

When Mr. Barlram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be 
tween the years 1773 and 1776, he saw many interesting antiquities. At the 
Cherokee town of Cowe, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about 
100 houses, he noticed that "The council or town-house was a large rotunda, 
capable of accommodating several hundred people: it stands on the top of an 
ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet perpendicular, and the rO' 
tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives the whole fabric an ele 
vation of about 60 feet from the common surface of the ground. But," Mr 
Bartram continues, "it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which 
the rotunda stands, is of a much ancienter date than the building, and perhaps 
was raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as ignorant 
as we are, by what people or for what purpose these artificial hills were 
raised ; they have various stories concerning them, the best of which amount 
to no more than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they 
have a tradition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found 
them in much the same condition as they now appear, when their forefathers 
arrived from the west and possessed themselves of the country, after vanquish 
ing the nations of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves found these 
mounts when they took possession of the country, the former possessors de 
livering the same story concerning them." 

Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in the south are not only the 
same as those in the north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the 
same also. 

At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a 
most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob 
long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only from two to three feet thick 
at its base, and tapered gradually from the ground to its top. What is very 
remarkable about this pillar is that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single 
stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for 
what purpose it was erected; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartram made 
of the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned 
about the mounds ; viz. that their ancestors found it there, and the people that 
those ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular 
when reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is 
given concerning perishable material, the shade, at least, of a suspicion is seen 
lurking in the back ground. As another singular circumstance, it is observed 
that no trees of the kind of which this column was made, (pin. palustris) were 
to be found at that time nearer than 12 or 15 miles. 

In the great council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars and 
wails, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglyphics of his 
torical legends, and political and sacerdotal affairs. " They are," observes 
Mr. Bartram, " extremely picturesque or caricature, as men in a variety of at- 



43 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BOOK 1- 

titudos, some ludicrous enough, others having the head of some kind of ani- 
ma', as those of a duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf, buck, &c. and again those 
kind of creatures are represented having the human head. These designs are 
not ill executed ; the outlines bold, free and well-proportioned. The pillars 
supporrino- the front or piazza of the council-house of the square, are ingeni 
ously formed in the likeness of vast speckled serpents, ascending upwards ; 
the 6ttasses being of the Snake tribe." 

In the fourth book of this work mention has been made of the great high 
ways in Florida. Mr. Bartram mentions them, but not in a very particular 
manner, upon the St. John's River. As his sentiments seem to be those of a 
man of intelligence, 1 will offer here his concluding remarks upon the Indian 
antiquities of the country he visited. " I deem it necessary to observe as my 
opinion, that none of them that I have seen, discover the least signs of the 
arts, sciences, or architecture of the Europeans or other inhabitants of the old 
world : yet evidently betray every sign or mark of the most distant, antiquity." 

The above remark is cited to show how different different people make up 
their minds upon the same subject; it shows how futile it is for us to spend 
time in speculating upon such matters. And, as I have before observed, it is 
time enough to build theories after facts have been collected. It can add 
nothing to~our stock of knowledge respecting our antiquities, to talk or write 
forever about Nebuchadnezzar and the lost tribes of jews ; but if the time 
which has been spent in this manner, had been devoted to some useful pur 
suit, some useful object would have been attained. As the matter now stands, 
one object, nevertheless, is clearly attained, namely, that of misleading or con 
founding the understandings of many uninformed people. I am led to make 
these observations to put the unwary upon their guard. 

In the preceding chapter I have given various accounts of, or accounts from 
various authors, who imagine that a colony of Welsh came to America 7 or 800 
3 r ears ago. It is as truly astonishing as any thing we meet with to observe 
how many persons had found proofs of the existence of tribes of Welsh In 
dians, about the same period. As a case exactly in point with that mentioned 
at the beginning of the last paragraph, I offer what Mr. Brackenridge says 
upon this matter. "That no Welsh nation exists," he observes, "at present, 
on this continent, is beyond a doubt. Dr. Barton has taken great pains to as 
certain the languages spoken by those tribes east of the Mississippi, and the 
Welsh finds no place amongst them ; since the cession of Louisiana, the tribes 
west of the Mississippi have been sufficiently known ; we have had inter 
course with them all, but no Welsh are yet found. In the year 1798, a young 
Welshman of the name of Evans ascended the Missouri, in company with 
Makey, and remained two years in that country ; he spoke both the ancient 
and modern Welsh, and addressed himself to every nation between that river 
and New Spain, but found no Welshmen." This, it would seem, is conclu 
sive enough. 

Mr. Peck, in his " Gazetteer of Illinois," has aimed so happy a stroke at the 
writers on our antiquity, that, had I met with his rod before I had made the 
previous remarks, I should most certainly have made use of it. I shall never 
theless use it. After saying something upon the antiquities of Illinois, he pro 
ceeds: "Of one thing the writer is satisfied, that very imperfect and incorrect 
data have been ^ relied upon, and very erroneous conclusions drawn, upon 
western antiquities. Whoever has time and patience, and is in other respects 
qualified to explore this field of science, and will use his spade and eyes to 
gether, and restrain his imagination from running riot amongst mounds, forti 
fications, horseshoes, medals, and whole cabinets of relics of the "olden time," 
will find very little more than the indications of rude savages, the ancestors 
of the present race of Indians." 



END OF BOOK FIRST. 



BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY 



OF THE 



INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA, 



BOOK II. 



BOOK II. 



BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN 
OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS. 



" 'Tis good to muse on nations passed away 
Forever from the land we call our own." 

YA.MOTDBH. 



CHAPTER I. 

Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians. Some account of the individuals 
Donacona Agona Tasquantum, or Squanto Dekamda Skettwarroes Assacu- 
met Manida Pechmo Monopet Pekenimne Sakaweston Epanow Manawet 
Wanape Coneconam. 

THE first voyagers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth of their 
accounts, and therefore took from their newly-discovered lands whatever 
seemed best suited to that object. The inhabitants of America carried off 
by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away by voyagers 
merely for this object, but that they might, hi time, learn from them the value 
of the country from whence they took them. Besides those forcibly carried 
away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and 
ignorance both of the distance and usage they should meet with in a land of 
strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and hence such as 
were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, were prepared to 
be revenged on any strangers of the same color, that chanced to come among 
them. 

In the first voyage of Columbus to America, he took along with him, on his 
return to Spain, a considerable number of Indians ; how many we do not 
know ; but several died on their passage, and seven were presented to the king. 
Vincenie. Yanez Pinzon, a captain under Columbus, kidnapped four natives, 
whom he intended to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from 
him, and restored them to their friends. In this first voyage to the islands of 
the new world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of 
the Spaniards.* 

There were three natives presented to Hemy VII. by Sebastian Cabot, in 
1502, which he had taken from Newfoundland. What were their names, or 
what became of them, we are not informed ; but from the notice of historians, 
we learn that, when found, " they were clothed with the skins of beasts, and 
lived on raw flesh ; but after two years, [residence in England,] were seen in 
the king's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from 

* My present concern not being with the Indians of South America, I beg leave to refer the 
reader to a little work lately published, entitled THE OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, in which all 
the prominent facts concerning the atrocities of the Spaniards towards them will be found 
stated. 



4 CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [BOOK IL 

Englishmen."* These were the first Indians ever seen in England.f They 
were brought to the English court " in their country habit," and " spoke a 
language never heard before out of their own country." J 

The French discovered the River St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain 
of the ship who made the discoveiy, carried several natives to Paris, which 
were the first ever seen hi France. What were their names, or even how 
many they were hi number, is not set down in the accounts of this voyage. 
The name of this captain was Thomas Jlubert. 

John Ferazzini, in the service of France, in 1524, sailed along the American 
coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to be 
some part of the coast of Connecticut, " 20 of his men landed, and went 
about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled before them, 
but they caught an old woman who had hid herself in the high grass, with a 
young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her 
back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The young woman, too, 
carried three children of her own sex. Seeing themselves discovered, they 
began to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the 
men were fled to the woods. They offered her something to eat, which she 
accepted, but the maiden refused it. This girl, who was tall and well shaped, 
they were desirous of taking along with them, but as she made a violent 
outcry, they contented themselves with taking a boy away with them."j| 
The name of NEW FRANCE was given to North America in this voyage. In 
another voyage here, Ferazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the 
Indians. 

Few of the early voyagers were better than demi savages, for they would 
retaliate upon the Indians as though they had been on equal footing with them, 
in respect to their own ideas of justice. When Capt. Hudson discovered and 
sailed .up the river which now bears his name, the most flagrant injustice was 
committed on the Indians by some of his men. To set that affair in a clear 
light before the reader, we will give the following passages from the journal of 
Robert Juet, one of the voyage. 

1609, Sept. 6. Our master sent John Colman with four men to sound the 
river, four leagues distant, which they did, but in their return to the ship, they 
were set upon by Indians in two canoes, to the number of 26 ; in which affair 
John Colman was killed by an arrow shot into his throat, and two others were 
wounded. The next day Colman was buried on a point of land which to this 
day bears his name. 

What offence, if any, was given to the Indians to provoke this attack from 
them, can never be discovered ; but from the course of proceedings of Hudson's 
men, there can be but little doubt of offence of some kind on their part. 

Sept. 8. The people came on board us, and brought tobacco and Indian 
wheat, to exchange for knives and beads, and offered us no violence. So we, 
fitting up our boat, did mark them, to see if they would make any show of the 
death of our man, but they did not- 

Sept. 9. In the morning two great canoes came on board full of men ; one 
\\ith bows and arrows, and the other in show of buying knives to betray us; 
but we perceived their intention. We took two of them, to have kept them, 
and put red coats on them, and would not suffer the others to come near us, 
and soon after the canoes leave them. Immediately two other natives came 
on board us ; one we took, and let the other go, but he soon escaped by jump 
ing overboard. 

* Rapin's Hist. England, i. 685. ed. fol. 

t This is upon the authority of Berkely. Instead of England, however, he says Europe ; 
but, by saying the sir., which Columbus had before taken from St. Salvador, made their 



second 

_,._ .. ,parceque les autres 

estwi nt marts en chemin. E Jit porter aueqiie. lny aes perroquets verds, et de rouges, et 
d autres chases dignes d' admiration qui n'auoient iamais este vents en Esnagne." Hist, des 
Indes Occident, i. 102. Ed. 1660, 3 tomes, 4to. See also Harris, Voyage?, ii. 15. ed. 1764. 
2 v. fol. j Robertson, America, i. 94. ed. 1778, 4to. 

JBerkely's AW Hist. Brit. 268. ed. 1756, fol. and Harris, Voyages, ii. 191. 
$ Forster, 432. pbid. 434, 435. 



CHAP, i.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 5 

Sept. 11. The ship had now anchored at considerable distance up the 
river. The people of the country came on board, making show of love, and 
gave us tobacco and Indian wheat. 

Sept. 12. This morning there came eight-and-twenty canoes full of men, 
women and children to betray us ; but we saw their intent, and suffered none 
of them to come on board. They have great tobacco pipes of yellow 
copper, and pots of earth to dress their meat in. 

That the Indians came " to betray them," with their women and children, 
was a mistaken notion of our voyagers, but they were not acquainted with 
the manners of these people. It is, and always has been their universal 
custom to send away or leave at home their families when they go o^ut upon 
an expedition. 

Sept. 15. Hudson sails 20 leagues farther up the river, "passing by high 
mountains," probably the high lands of West Point. This morning the two 
captive savages got out of a port of the ship and made their escape. 

Sept. 18. The master's mate went on shore with an old Indian, a sachem 
of the country, who took him to his house and treated him kindly. 

Oct. 1. The ship, having fallen down the river " seven miles below the 
mountains," comes to anchor. One man in a canoe kept hanging under the 
stern of the ship, and would not be driven off. He soon contrived to climb 
up by the rudder, and got into the cabin window, which had been left open, 
from which he stole a pillow, two shirts, arid two bandoleers. The mate shot 
him in the breast and killed him. Many others were in canoes about the ship, 
who immediately fled, and some jumped overboard. A boat manned from 
the ship pursued them, and corning up with one in the water, he laid hold of 
the side of the boat, and endeavored to overset it ; at which one in the boat 
cut off his hands with a sw'ord, and he was drowned. 

Oct. 2. They fall down seven leagues farther, and anchor again. Then, says 
Jmt, came one of the savages that swam away from us at our going up the 
river, with many others, thinking to betray us, but we suffered none of them 
to enter our ship. Whereupon two canoes, full of men with their bows and 
aiTows, shot at us after our stern ; in recompense whereof we discharged six 
muskets, and killed two or three of them. Then above an hundred of them 
came to a point of land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon at them, and 
killed two of them; whereupon the rest fled into the woods. Yet they 
manned off another canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us ; so I 
shot at it also a falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our 
men, with then- muskets, killed three or four more of them. 

Thus are recorded the Indian events of Hudson's voyage in the River 
Manna-hata, (as he learned its name,) in 1609. 

Donacona, a chief upon the River St. Croix, was met with, in 1535, by the 
voyager James Cartier, who was well received and kindly treated by him and 
his people ; to repay which, Cartier, " partly by stratagem and partly by force," 
carried him to France, where he soon after died.* Notwithstanding, Cartier 
was in the country five years after, where he found Jlgona^ the successor of 
Donacona, and exchanged presents with him, probably reconciling him by 
some plausible account of the absence of Donacona. 

Tasquantum, or Tisquantum, was one of the five natives carried from the 
coast of New England, in 1605, by Cape. Gtorge Waymouih, who had been 
sent out to discover a north-west passage. This Indian was known afterwards 
to the settlers of Plimouth, by whom he was generally called 'Squanto or 
'Squantum, by abbreviation. The names of the other four were Manida, 
Skettwarroes, Dehamda and Assacumet. 

Although Gorges does not say Dehamda was one brought over at this time, 
it is evident that he was, because, so far as we can discover, there were no 
other natives, at that time in England, but these five. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorge* says, Waymouth, "falling short of his course, [in 
seeking the N. W. passage,] happened into a river on the coast of America, 
called Pemmaquid, from whence he brought five of the natives." "And it so 
pleased our great God that " Waymouth, on his return to England, " came into 

*Forster ; 44G 442. 
1* 



6 CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [BOOK II. 

the harbor of Plymouth, where I then commanded." Three* of whose 
natives, namely, Manida, Skettivarroes and Tasquantum, "I seized upon. 
They were all of one nation, but of several parts, and several families. This 
accident must be acknowledged the means, under God, of putting on foot 
and giving life to all our plantations." 

Paying great attention to these natives, he soon understood enough by them 
about the country from whence they came to establish a belief that it was of 
great value ; not perhaps making due allowance for its being their home. And 
Sir Ferdinando adds, " After I had those people sometimes in my custody, I 
observed in them an inclination to follow the example of the better sort ; and 
in all their carriages, manifest shows of great civility, far from the rudeness 
of our common people. And the longer I conversed with them, the better 
hope they gave me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our 
uses; especially when I found what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe 
harbors, those parts abounded with, being the special marks I leveled at as the 
only want our nation met with in all their navigations along that coast. And 
having kept them full three years, I made them able to set me down what 
great rivers run up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, 
what power they were of, how allied, what enemies they had," &c. 

Thus having gained a knowledge of the country, Sir Ferdinando got ready 
"a ship furnished with men and all necessaries " for a voyage to America, and 
sent as her captain Mr. Henry Challoung,] with whom he also sent two of his 
Indians. The names of these were Jlssacumd and Manida. Chalons, having 
been taken sick in the beginning of the voyage, altered his course, and lost 
some time in the West Indies. After being able to proceed northward, he 
departed from Porto Rico, and was soon after taken by a Spanish fleet, and 
carried into Spain, " where their ship and goods were confiscate, themselves 
made prisoners, the voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost." One, 
however, Assacumet, was afterwards recovered, if not the other. This voyage 
of Chalons was in 1606. 

It appears that the Lord Chief Justice Pppham { had agreed to send a vessel 
to the aid of Chalons, which was accordingly done before the news of his 
being taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, " It 
pleased the lord chief justice, according to his promise, to despatch Capt. 
[Martin] Prin from Bristol, with hope to have found Capt. Challounge ;" 
"but not hearing by any means what became of him, after he had made a 
perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors," " brings with him the most 
exact discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since, and, indeed, 
he was the best able to perform it of any I met withal to this present, [time,] 
which, with his relation of the country, wrought such an impression in the 
lord chief justice, and us all that were his associates, that (notwithstanding our 
first disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it with effect." 

Dehamda and Sfcettwarroes were with Pnn in this voyage, and were, with 
out doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast. It appears from 
Gorges, that Dehamda was sent by the chief justice, who we suppose had 
considered him his property,]\ and Skettwarroes by himself. They returned 
again to England with Prin. 

* It seems, from this part of his narrative, that he had but three of them, but, from subsequent 
passages, it appears he had them all. See also America painted to the Life. 

t C't allons > bv f me - Gorges has him, sometimes, Chalowns, Clialon, &c. 

I The same who presided at the trial of Sir W. Ralegh and his associates, in 1603. See 
Prince's Worthies of Devon, 672, 673. Fuller, i his Worthies of England, ii. 284, says, 

Travelers owed their safety to this judge's seventy many years after his death, which 
happened Anno Domini 16**," thinking, no doubt, he had much enlightened his reader by 
ichmte y stating that Sir John Popfiam died some time whhin a hundred years. The severity 

iierred to has reference to his importuning King James not to pardon so many robbers and 
thieves, which, he said, tended to render the judges contemptible, and " which made him 
more sparing afterward." 

Gorges, one of the main springs of these transactions, who wrote the account we give. 
makes no mention of any other captain accompanying him ; yet Dr. Holmes' 's authorities, 
Annals, i 125 ,, led him to record Thomas Hanam as the performer of this voyage, 
wnter of 1622 says Hanam or, as he calls him, Hainan, went commander, l( 
master. See 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv 3 This aor^a ,;K w oo,.~.,^ < n. 
younger 

ytfei 



And a 
Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 3. This agrees 'with the accounTof Gorges the 



had probably been given to him by Sir Ferdinando. 



CHAP I.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 7 

The next year, 1607, these two natives piloted the first New England colony 
to the mouth of Sagadahock River, since the Kennebeck. They left England 
30 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August following. " As soon as the 
president had taken notice of the place, and given order for landing the 
provisions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Sfdtwarres his guide, 
for the thorough discovery of the rivers and habitations of the natives, by 
whom he was brought to several of them, where he found civil entertainment, 
and kind respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so as they suddenly 
became familiar friends, especially by the means of Dehamda and Skitwarrers" 
" So as the president was earnestly intreated by Sassenow, Aberemet, and others, 
the principal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the Bashabas, 
who it seems was their king." They were prevented, however, by adverse 
weather, from that journey, and thus the promise to do so was unintentionally 
broken, " much to the grief of those Sagamores that were to attend him. The 
Bashebas, notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit 
him, and to beat a trade with him for furs." 

Several sad and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this first 
colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store-house, contain 
ing most of their supplies, by fire, in the winter following, and another was the 
death of Lord Popham. It consisted of 100 men, and its beginning was 
auspicious ; but these calamities, together with the death of their president, 
broke down their resolutions. So many discouragements, notwithstanding a 
ship with supplies had arrived, determined them to abandon the country, 
which they did in the spring.* What became of Dehamda and Skdtwarroes 
there is no mention, but they probably remained in the country with their 
friends, unless the passage which we shall hereafter extract, be construed to 
mean differently .f 

To return to Tisquantum. There is some disagreement in the narratives of 
the cotemporary writers in respect to this chief, which shows, either that some 
of them are in error, or that there were two of the same name one carried 
away by Waymouth, and the other by Hunt. From a critical examination of 
the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and that he was carried away 
by Waymouth) as Sir Ferdinando Gorges relates, whose account we have given 
above.J It is impossible that Sir Ferdinando should have been mistaken in 
the names of those he received from Waymouth. The names of those carried 
off by Hunt are not given, or but few of them, nor were they kidnapped until 
nine years after Waymouth? s voyage. It is, therefore, possible that Squantum, 
having returned home from the service of Gorges, went again to England 
with some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt. But we are inclined to 
think that there was but one of the name, and his being carried away an error 
of inadvertence. 

Patuxet, afterward called Plimouth, was the place of residence of Squantum, 
who, it is said, was the only person that escaped the great plague of which 
we shall particularly speak in the life of Massasoit ; where, at the same time, 
we shall take up again the life of Squantum, whose history is so ultimately 
connected with it. 

It was in 1611 that Captain Edtoard Harlow was sent " to discover an He 
supposed about Cape Cod," who " falling with Monagigan, they found onely 
Cape Cod no He but the maine ; there [at Monhigon Island] they detained 
three Saluages aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but 
Pechmo leapt ouerboard, and got away ; and not long after, with his consorts, 
cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand 
and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the English lost her."|| 

This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To have got 

* They had " seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at the mouth of this river, [Sagada 
hock,] where they built a fortress to defend themselves from their enemies, which they named 
St. George." America painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. p. 19. 

t See life Massasoit. 

J It is plain, from Prince, Chron. 134, that his authors had confounded the names of these 
Indians one with another. 

$ Sir Ferd. Gorges is probably wron 

II Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. 



8 HUNT'S VOYAGE. [BOOK II. 

under the stern of a ship, in the face of armed men, and at the same time to 
have succeeded in his design of cutting away and carrying off their boat, was 
an act as bold and daring, to say the least, as that performed in the harbor of 
Tripoli by our countryman Decatur. 

From Monhigon Harlow, proceeding southward, fell in with an island 
called then by the Indians Nohono. From this place " they tooke Sakawes- 
ton, that after he had lived many years in England, went a soldier to the wars 
of Bohemia."* Whether he ever returned we are not told. From this 
island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capoge, [Martha's Vineyard.] 
Here "they tooke Coneconam and Epenoiv," and "so, with fiue Saluages, they 
returned for England." 

Epcnow, or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a 
character as Pechmo artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
is evidently erroneous in part of his statement about this native, in as far as it 
relates to his having been brought away by Hunt. For Barlow's voyage was 
in 1611, and Epanow was sent over to Cape Cod with Captain Hobson, in 
1614, some months before Hunt left. 

As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable writers 
as Smith, Gorges, &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not pardon him were 
he to withhold what the intimate acquaintance of the interesting Epanow says 
of him. Hear, then, Sir Ferdinando : 

" While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in my 
languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Harley\ unto me, bringing with him 
a native of the Island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape 
Cod, whose name was Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, strong and well 
proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force,] with some 29$ 
others by a ship of London that endeavored to sell them for slaves in Spaine, 
but being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unapt 
for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this being one of them they 
refused, wherein they exprest more worth than those that brought them to the 
market, who could not but known that our nation was at that time in travel for 
selling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tending 
to our prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as it shall 
further appear. How Capt. Harley came to be possessed of this savage, I 
know not, but I understood by others how he had been shown in London for 
a wonder. It is true ( as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, 
stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English as to bid 
those that wondered at him, WELCOME, WELCOME ; this being the last and best 
use they could make of him, that was now grown out of the people's wonder. 
The captain, falling further into his familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance 
and friendship with those subject to the Bashaba, whom the captain well knew, 
being himself one of the plantation, sent over by the lord chief justice, 
[Popham,] and by that means understood much of his language, found out 
the place of his birth," &c. 

Before proceeding with the history of Epanow, the account of Capt. Thomas 
Hunt's voyage should be related ; because it is said that it was chiefly owing 
to his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to the 
voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we have already said) Hunt did 
not commit his depredations until after Epanow had escaped out of the hands 
of the English. Capt. John Smith was in company with Hunt, and we will 
hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating that they arrived at Mon 
higon in April, 1614, spent a long time in trying to catch whales without 
success ; and as " for gold, it was rather the master's device to get a voyage, 
that projected it;" that for trifles they got "near 13000 beaver skins, 100 

* Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. 

t Perhaps not the Capt. Harlmo before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorges means him. 

\ If in this he refers to those taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets the number higher than 
others. His grandson, F. Gorges, in America Painted, &c., says 24 was the number seized 
by ( Hunt. 

Smith had an Indian named Tantwn with him in this voyage, whom he set on shore at 
Cape Cod. 



CHAP. I.] EPANOW. 9 

martin, and as many otters, the most of them within the distance of 20 leagues," 
and his own departure for Europe, Capt. Smith proceeds : 

" The other ship staid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which was 
sold at Malaga at 4 rials the quintal, each hundred weight two quintals and a 
half. But one Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship, ( when I was gone,) 
thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plantation, thereby to 
keep this abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few 
merchants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this 
country, betrayed four-and-twenty of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and 
most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men, 
carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these 
silly salvages for rials of eight ; but this vile act kept him ever after from any 
more employment to those parts." 

F. Gorges the younger is rather confused in his account of Hunfs voyage, 
as well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of Hunfs 
selling the Indians he took as slaves, the news of which having got into 
England before Epanow was sent out, caused this Indian to make his escape, 
and consequently the overthrow of the voyage ; whereas the latter, Sir Ferdi- 
nando, does not attribute it to that. We will now hear him again upon this 
interesting subject : 

" The reasons of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capawick. 

" At the time this new savage [Epanow] came unto me, I had recovered 
Assacumet, one of the natives I sent with Capt. Chalownes in his unhappy 
employment, with whom I lodged Epenaw, who at the first hardly understood 
one the other's speech, till after a while ; I perceived the difference was no 
more than that as ours is between the northern and southern people, so that 1 
was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give 
account of what he learned by conference between themselves, and he as 
faithfully performed it" 

There seems but little doubt that Epanow and Assacumet had contrived a plan 
of escape before they left England, and also, by finding out what the English 
most valued, and assuring them that it was in abundance to be had at a certain 
place in their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended dis 
covery were the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which we are now 
to speak. Still, as will be seen, Sir Ferdinando does not speak as though he had 
been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the woods. Gold, it 
has been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to pilot the 
English. Gorges proceeds : 

" They [Capt. Ilobson and those who accompanied him] set sail in June, in 
Anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind, 
carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and Wanape,* another native of those 
parts sent me out of the Isle of Wight,f for my better information in the parts 
of the country of his knowledge : when as it pleased God that they were 
arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place, by the natives 
themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor 
where Epenoio was to make good his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine, 
no doubt,] the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard ; some of them 
being his brothers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,] who. after they had 
communed together, and were kindly entertained by the captain, departed in 
their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again, and bring 
some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted 
with his friends, how he might make his escape without performing what he 
had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was to do 
though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it were found that he had dis- 

* Doubtless the same called by others Manawet, who, it would seem from Mr. Hubbard, 
(Hist. N. Eng. 39.) died before Epanow escaped, " soon after the ship's arrival." 

t How he came there, we are at a loss to determine, unless natives were carried off, of 
whom no mention is made. This was unquestionably the case, for when it came to be a 
common thing for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of course, would be made 
of them, especially if they went voluntarily, as, no doubt, many did. 



10 



EPANOW. [Boon II. 



covered the secrets of his country,* he was sure to have his brains knockt out 
as soon as he came ashore ;f for that cause I gave the captain strict charge to 
endeavor by all means to prevent his escaping from them. And for the more 
surety I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever at 
hand with him ; clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if 
occasion should require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come 
at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance with 
then- bows ready, the captain calls to them to come aboard ; but they not 
moving, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him, where he was hi the fore 
castle of the ship, he being then in the waste of the ship, between the two 
gentlemen that had him in guard ; starts suddenly from them, and coming to 
the captain, calls to his friends in English to come aboard, in the interim slips 
himself overboard : And although he were taken hold of by one of the com 
pany, yet, being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no 
sooner in the water, but the natives, [his friends in the boats,] sent such a 
shower of arrows, and came withal desperately so near the ship, that they 
carried him away hi despight of all the musquetteers aboard, who were, for the 
number, as good as our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that 
particular [voyage] made void and frustrate." 

From the whole of this narration it is evident that Epanow was forcibly 
retained, if not forcibly carried off, by the English. And some relate} that he 
attacked Capt. Dermer and his men, supposing they had come to seize and 
carry him back to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant 
to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian custom, 
resolved that the first whites should atone for it, either with their life or liberty. 
Gorges does not tell us what his brave " musquetteers " did when Epanow 
escaped, but from other sources we learn that they fired upon his liberators, 
killing and wounding some, but how many, they could only conjecture. But 
there is no room for conjecture about the damage sustained on the part of the 
ship's crew, for it is distinctly stated that when they received the " shower of 
arrows," Capt. Hobson and many of his men were wounded. And Smith 
says, " So well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported he intended 
to have surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking, 
before them all he leaped ouer boord." 

We next meet with Epanow in 1619. Capt. Thomas Dormer, or Dermer, in 
the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Capoge, the place where, five 
years before, he made his escape from Capt. Hobson. Gorges writes, " This 
savage, speaking some English, laughed at his owne escape, and reported the 
story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of my ser 
vants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to be forced to 
steal away. This savage was so cunning, that, after he had questioned him 
about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he was come on pur 
pose to betray him ; and [so] conspired with some of his fellows to take the 
captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon him. But he being a brave, stout 
gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not without 14 wounds. 
This disaster forced him to make all possible haste to Virginia to be cured of 
his wounds. At the second return [he having just come from there] he had 
the misfortune to fall sick and die, of the infirmity many of our nation are 
subject unto at then- first coming into those parts." 

The ship's crew being at the same time on shore, a fight ensued, hi which 
some of Epanow' s company were slain. " This is the last time," says a writer 
in the Historical Collections, "that the soil of Martha's Vineyard was stained 
with human blood ; for from that day to the present [1807] no Indian has been 
killed by a white man, nor white man by an Indian." 

In relation to the fight which Dermer and his men had with the Indians at 
B Vineyard, Mvrton*k relates that the English went on shore to trade with 
3m, when they were assaulted and all the men slain but one that kept the 

thlJx* SCretS f lh f ^"^ island Ca P e or the neighboring shores of Cape Cod, whatever 
they are now, existed only m faith of such sanguine minds as Sir Ferdinando and his adherents. 
We ne :d no better display of the craR of Epanow, or proof of his cunning in deep plots. 
I Belknap, Amer. B.og. !. 362. \ Smith's hew England. 

1 N. Eng. Memorial, 58, 59. 



CHAP. II.] FIRST SETTLEMENT AT PLIMOUTH. 11 

boat. "But the [captain] himself got on board very sore wounded, and they 
had cut off his head upon the cuddy of the boat, had not his man rescued him 
with a sword, and so they got him away." Squanto was with Capt. Dermer at 
this time, as will be seen in the life of Massasoit. 



CHAPTER II. 

Arrival and first Proceedings of the English who settle at Plimouth Their first 
discovery of Indians Their first battle with them Samoset Squanto MASSASOIT 
lyanou.gk Aspinet Cauneconam CAUNBITANT WITTUWAMET PEKSUOT 
HOBOMOK Tokamahamon Obbatinewat NANEPASHAMET Squaic-Sachem of 
Massachusetts fVebcowet. 

IN 1620 some determined white people, with the most astonishing and 
invincible firmness, undertook to wander 3000 miles from the land of their 
birth, and, in the most hazardous manner, to take up a permanent abode upon 
the borders of a boundless wilderness, a wilderness as great, or far greater, 
for aught they knew, than the expanse of ocean which they were to pass. 
But all dangers and difficulties, there to be encountered, weighed nothing in 
comparison with the liberty of conscience which they might enjoy when 
once beyond the control of their bigoted persecutors. 

These singular people had liberty from their oppressor, James I., to go and 
settle in this wilderness, and to possess themselves of some of the lands of 
the Indians, provided they paid him or some of his friends for them. No one 
seems then to have questioned how this king came by the right and title to 
lands here, any more than how he came by his crown. They were less scru 
pulous, perhaps, in this matter, as the king told them, in a charter* which 
he granted them, though not till after they had sailed for America, " THAT HE 

HAD BEEN GIVEN CERTAINLY TO KNOWE, THAT WITHIN THESE LATE YEARES 
THERE HATH, BY GOD'S VISITATION, RAIGNED A WONDERFULL PLAGUE, TO 
GETHER WITH MANY HORRIBLE SLAUGHTERS AND MURTHERS, COMMITTED 
AMOUNGST THE SAUAGES AND BRUTISH PEOPLE THERE HEERTOFORE INHAB 
ITING, IN A MANNER TO THE UTTER DESTRUCTION, DEVASTACION AND DEPOP- 
DLACION OF THAT WHOLE TERRITORYE, SO THAT THERE IS NOT LEFT, FOR 
MANY LEAGUES TOGETHER IN A MANNER, ANY THAT DOE CLAIME OR CHALLENGE 

ANY KIND OF INTERESTS THEREIN." f This was, doubtless, as well known, if 
not better, to the Pilgrims (as they were aptly called) as to King James. 

After numerous delays and disappointments, the Pilgrims, to the number of 
41, with their wives, \. children, and servants, sailed from Plimouth, in England, 
in one small ship, called the Mayflower, on Wednesday, the 6th of September. 
Their passage was attended with great peril ; but they safely arrived at Cape 
Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the loss of any of their number. They now 
proceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the barren 
coast One of the first things they found necessary to do, to preserve order 
among themselves, was, to form a kind of constitution, or general outline of 
government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after their 
arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The same day, 15 or 16 of their number, covered with 
armor, proceeded to the land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did 
not show themselves to the English until the 15th, and then they would have 
nothing to say to them. About 5 or 6 at first only appeared, who fled into the 
woods as soon as they had discovered themselves. The Englishmen followed 
them many miles, but could not overtake them. 

First Battle with the Indians. This was upon 8 Dec. 1620, and we will 
give the account of it in the language of on<; that was an actor in it. " We 
went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted 

* This charter bears date 3 Nov. 1620. Chalmers, Polit. Annals, 81. 
t Hazard's Hist. Collections, I, 105, where the entire charter may be seen. It was 
afterwards called THE GRAND PLIMOUTH PATENT. Clwlmers, ib. 
} There were, in all, 28 females. 



12 FIRST BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. SAMOSET. [Boon II. 

out of the woods that we might come to our shallop. By that time we had 
done, and our shallop come to us, it was within night [7 Dec.], and we betook 
us to' our rest, after we had set our watch. 

"About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our sentinel called 
Arm! arm! So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a couple of muskets, and 
[the] noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves and foxes, 
for one [of our company] told us he had heard such a noise in Newfoundland. 
About 5 o'clock in the morning [8 Dec.] we began to be stirring. Upon a 
sudden we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same 
voices, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, 
came running in and cried, They are men! Indians! Indians!! and withal 
their arrows came flying amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to 
recover their arms. The cry of our enemies was dreadful, especially when 
our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was after this manner, 
Woach ivoach ha ha hach woach. Our men were no sooner come to their arms, 
but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no 
whit less valiant, who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a tree, 
within half a musket shot of us, and there let his arrows fly at us. He stood 
three shots of a musket. At length one of us, as he said, taking full aim at 
him, he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all." 

It is not certain that any blood was shed in this battle ; but it was pretty 
strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was wounded. The 
Indians having retreated, the conquerors were left in possession of the battle 
ground, and they proceeded to gather together the trophies of this their first 
victory. They picked up 18 arrows, which they sent to their friends in Eng 
land by the return of the Mayflower. Some of these were curiously " headed 
with brass, some with harts' horn, and others with eagles' claws." * 

It appeared afterwards that this attack was made by the Nauset Indians, 
whose chief's name was Aspinet. Whether he was the leader in this fight, is 
not known ; but he probably was. The place where the affair happened was 
called by the Indians Namskeket ; but the English now called it The First 
Encounter. 

The ELEVENTH OF DECEMBER, ever memorable in the history of 
New England, was now come, and this was the day of the LANDING QF 
THE PILGRIMS. A place upon the inhospitable shore had been fixed upon, 
and was this day taken possession of, and never again deserted. The ship 
until then had been their permanent abode, which now they gladly exchanged 
for the sandy shore of the bay of Cape Cod. 

Welcome, Englishmen ! Welcome, Englishmen ! are words so inseparably 
associated with the name of Samoset, that we can never hear the one without 
the pleasing recollection of the other. These were the first accents our pilgrim 
fathers heard, on the American strand, from any native. We mean intelligible 
accents, for when they were attacked at Namskeket, on their first arrival, they 
heard only the frightful war-whoop. 

The first time Indians were seen by the pilgrims, was upon 15th Nov. 1620. 
" They espied 5 or 6 people, with a dog, coming towards them, who were 
savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the woods, and whistled the dog 
after them." f And though the English ran towards them, when the Indians 
perceived it " they ran away might and main," and the English " could not 
come near them." Soon after this, Morton says the Indians "got all the 
powaws in the country, who, for three days together, in a horid and devilish 
maner did curse and execrate them with their conjurations, which assembly 

* Mourt's Relation, in 1 Mass. Hist. Col. VIII, 218, 219. 

t Relation or Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth, in N. E. usually cited Mourt's 
Kelation. It was, no doubt, written by several of the company, or the writer was assisted by 
several. Mourt seems to have been the publisher. I have no scruple but that the suggestion 
of Judge Daws is correct, viz. that Richard Gardner was the principal author. About the 
? ar i &>?> et i cnl of any counlr y> lhere "ever was a more important document. It was printed 
ui 1622, and is now reprinted in the Mass. Hist. CoL, and we hope soon to see it printed in a 
vor A-fi? 'h , a 8tJ ( le W0rthy f . its im P r 'ance- As it stands in the Hist. Collections, it is 
very difficult to consult, a part of it being contained in one volume, and lue remainder in 



CHAP. II.] THE PLAGUE. NEW INTERVIEW. 13 

and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp. Behold how Satan labor 
ed to hinder the gospel from coming into New England ! " 

It was on Friday, 16th March, 1621, that Samoset suddenly appeared at 
Plimouth, and, says Mourt, " He veiy boldly came all alone, and along the 
houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, riot suffering him 
to go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of his boldness." He was naked, "only 
a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long." The weather was 
very cold, and this author adds, "We cast a horseman's coat about him." To 
reward them for their hospitality, Samoset gave them whatever information 
they desired. " He had, say they, learned some broken English amongst the 
Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of 
the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a 
man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of seemly car 
riage. We questioned him of many things : he was the first savage, we could 
meet withal. He said he was not of those parts, but of Moratiggon, and one 
of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 months in these parts, it lying 
hence [to the eastward] a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. 
He discoursed of the whole countiy, and of every province, and of then* sag 
amores, and their number of men, and strength." " He had'a bow and two 
arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, strait man ; 
the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his face at 
all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and 
butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a mallard ; all which he liked 
well." " He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that 
about 4 years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there 
is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none : 
so as there is none to hinder our possession, or lay claim unto it. All the 
afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid 
of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to 
carry him on ship-board, wherewith he was well content, and went into the 
shallop ; but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back. 
We lodged [with him] that night at Stephen Hopkins 1 house, and watched 
him." 

Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence 
happily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning to return to Massasoil. 
who, he said, was a sachem having under him 60 men. The English having 
left some tools exposed in the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly 
judged the Indians had taken them. They complained of this to Samoset in 
rather a threatening air. " We willed him (say they) that they should be 
brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves." When he left them " he 
promised within a night or two to come again," and bring some of Massasoifa 
men to trade with them in beaver skins. As good as his word, Samoset came 
the next Sunday, " and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had 
every man a deer's skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild cat's 
skin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to theii 
groins, close made ; and aboue then* groins, to their waist, another leather 
they were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like oui 
English gipsies ; no hair, or very little, on their faces ; on their heads long hail 
to their shoulders, only cut before; some trussed up before with a feather, 
broadwise like a fan ; another a fox-tail hanging out." The English had 
charged Samoset not to let any who came with him bring their arms ; these, 
therefore, left "their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town! 
We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat 
liberally of our English victuals," and appeared very friendly ; " sang and 
danced after their manner, like anticks." "Some of them had their faces 
painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad : others 
after other fashions, as they liked. They brought three or four skins, but we 
would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and 
we would truck for all ; which they promised within a night or two, and 
would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should ; and 
they brought all our tools again, which were taken hi the woods, in our 
absence. So, because of the day [Sunday], we dismissed them so soon as we 



14 CAPT. HUNT. IYANOUGH OF CUMMAQUID. [BooK II. 

could. But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself 
so and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. 
Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to 
their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and 
a piece of cloth to tie about his waist." 

Samoset returned again, the next day, bringing with him Squanto, mentioned 
in the last chapter. He was "the only native (says MOURT'S RELATION) of 
Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of the 20 [or 24] captives, that 
by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill 
with master John Slaine, a merchant, and could speak a little English, with 
three others." They brought a few articles for trade, but the more important 
news "that their great sagamore, MASSASOYT, was hard by," whose introduc 
tion to them accordingly followed. 

In June, 1621, a boy, John Billington, having been lost in the woods, several 
English, with Squanto and Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to Nauset in 
search for him. Squanto was their interpreter ; " the other, Tokamahamon, a 
special friend." The weather was fair when they set out, " but ere they had 
been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning 
and thunder, insomuch that a [water] spout arose not far from them." How 
ever, they escaped danger, and arrived at night at Cummaquid. Here they 
met with some Indians, who informed them that the boy was at Nauset. 
These Indians treated them with great kindness, inviting them on shore to eat 
with them. 

lyanough was sachem of this place, and these were his men. " They brought 
us to their sachim (says Mourt] or governor, whom they call lyanough" who 
then appeared about 26 years of age, " but very personable, gentle, courteous, 
and fair-conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter 
tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various." 
Thus is portrayed the amiable diameter, lyanough, by those who knew him. 
We can add but little of him except his wretched fate. The severity executed 
upon Wittuwamet and Peksuot caused such consternation and dread of the 
English among many, that they forsook their wonted habitations, fled into 
swamps, and lived in unhealthy places, in a state of starvation, until many died 
with diseases which they had thus contracted. Among such victims were 
lyanough, Aspinet, Coneconam, and many more. Hence the English supposed 
they were in Peksuofs conspiracy, as will be more particularly related here 
after. 

While the English were with lyanough, at Cummaquid, they relate that 
there was an old woman, whom they judged to be no less than 100 years old, 
who came to see them, because she had never seen English ; " yet (say they) 
[she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping 
and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that 
she had three sons, " who, when master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard 
his ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain." Squanto 
being present, who was carried away at the same time, was acquainted with 
the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and 
told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a bad man, but that all the other Eng 
lish were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a 
few trinkets, which considerably appeased her. 

Our voyagers now proceed to Nauset, accompanied by lyanough and two 
of his men. Aspinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent, 
lyanough and his men having gone before. Squanto having informed Aspinet 
that his English friends had come for the boy, he "came (they relate) with a 
great train, and brought the boy with him," one carrying him through the 
water. This being at or near the place where an attack was made on the 
English, on their first arrival in the country, as has been related, caused them 
to be on their guard at this time. 

At this time, Aspinet had in his company " not less than an hundred ;" half 
of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest " stood aloof," with their 
bows and arrows, looking on. Aspinet delivered up the boy in a formal man 
ner, " behung with beads, and made peace with us ; we bestowing a knife on 
him, and likewise on another, that first entertained the boy, and brought him 
thither." 



CHAP. II.] IYANOUGH. ASPINET. DEATH OF SQUANTO. 15 

lyanough did not accompany the expedition in their return from Nauset, but 
went home by land, and was ready to entertain the company on their return. 
From contrary winds and a want of fresh wmter, the voyagers were obliged to 
touch again at Cummaquid. " There (say they) we met again with lyanough, 
and the most of his town." "He, being still willing to gratify us, took a rund- 
let, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none 
good, yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the meantime 
the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop ;* the 
men also showing all the kindness they could, lyanough himself taking a 
bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one of us." 

They were not able to get out of the harbor of Cummaquid from baffling 
winds and tides, which lyanough seeing, the next morning he ran along the 
shore after them, and they took him into their shallop, and returned with him 
to his town, where he entertained them in a manner not inferior to what he had 
done before. They now succeeded in getting water, and shortly after returned 
home in safety. 

While at Nauset, the English heard that Massasoit had been attacked and 
carried off by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of Standish and 
Jllhrton against Caunbitant, as will be found related in his life. 

About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had their fidelity 
tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselves to King 
James, as will be found, also, in that life. But to return again to Jlspinet, and 
other sachems of Cape Cod. 

By the improvidence of a company settled at Wessaguscus, under the direc 
tion of Mr. Thomas fFeston, in 1622, they had been brought to the veiy brink 
of starvation in the winter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth people were but 
very little better off; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of 
consequences might have ensued to both these infant colonies. 

As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement 
to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy corn, and 
whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanto was pilot in this 
expedition ; but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of his 
death stands thus in WINSLOW'S RELATION : 

" But here [at Manamoyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to 
make a second essay [to pass within the shoals of Cape Cod] ; yet God had 
otherwise disposed, who struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he 
there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the 
master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and 
not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." His disorder, 
according to Prince, was a fever, "bleeding much at the nose, which the 
Indians reckon a fatal symptom." He desired the governor would pray for 
him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God, " bequeathing his things to 
sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we 
have a great loss." 

Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tasquantum, in December, 1622. To 
him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme 
folly and shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great 
deal of trouble, as in the life of Massasoit and Hobomok will appear. 

Thus, at the commencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away by 
death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, before 
Squanto died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of Maria- 
moick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner 
that would do honor to any people in any age. It is the more worthy of 
remark, as none of the English had ever been there before, and were utter 
strangers to them. After they had refreshed them " with store of venison and 
other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance," they sold them 
" 8 hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people ivere but few" 

From Manamoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do nothing 

* It was a custom with most Indian nations to dance when strangers came among 1 them. 
Baron Lahontan says it was the manner of the Iroquois to dance " lorsque les elrangers 
passent dans leur pats, ou que leurs ennemis enr.oient des ambassudeurs pour faire des propo 
sitions depaix.'' Mm?ires de L'Amerique, ii. 110. 



16 SQUANTO. [BOOK II. 

there as Mr. Westorfs men had ruined the market by giving as much for a 
quart of corn, as we used to do for a beaver's skin." Therefore they returned 
again to Cape Cod, to Nauset, " \jhere the sachem Aspinet used the governor 
very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn and beans : also 
at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kind entertainment and corn 
also." While here, a violent storm drove on shore and so damaged their pinnace, 
that they could not get then* com on board the ship : so they made a stack of it, 
and secured it from the weather, by covering it with mats and sedge, ^spinet 
was desired to watch and keep wild animals from 7 destroy ing it, until they 
could send for it ; also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with. All this 
he faithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, " receiving great 
kindness from the Indians by the way." At this time there was a great sick 
ness among the Massachusetts Indians, " not unlike the plague, if not the 
same ;" but no particulars of it are recorded. 

Some time after, Standish went to bring the corn left at Nauset, and, as usual, 
gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One of JLspincPs men happening 
to come to one of Standistfs boats, which being left entirely without guard, he 
took out a few trinkets, such as " beads, scissors, and other trifles," which when 
the English captain found out, "he took certain of his company with him, and 
went to the sachem, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same 
again, or the party that stole them," "or else he ivould revenge it on them before 
his departure" and so departed for the night, "refusing whatsoever kindness they 
offered" However, the next morning, Jlspinet, attended by many of his men, 
went to the English, "in a stately manner," and restored all the "trifles:" for 
the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehension 
as the man for taking them. 

Squanto being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet, 
inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it 
in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not 
elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near as 
we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penob- 
scot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its 
duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly 
abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it, saying that they 
died so fast " that the living were not able to bury the dead." When the Eng 
lish arrived in the country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many 
places. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had 
destroyed " multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen 
people of God." 

" Some had expired in fight, the brands 
Still rusted in their bony hands, 

In plague and famine some." CAMPBELL. 

All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by some 
etiange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or 
phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, was considered by 
some the precursor of this pestilence.* 

We will give here, from a curious work, f in the language of the author, an 
interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the 
people of Massasoit, in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of 
a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Mas- 
sasoit, in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus : " But contrary wise, 
[the Indians having said "they were so many that God could not kill them," 
when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for then- "wickedness," telling 
them God would destroy them,] in short time after, the hand of God fell 
heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as 
they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, 
would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground 

*The year 1618 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, " as therein no less than four 
were observed." /. Mather's Discourse concerning Coniets, 108. Boston, 12mo. 1G83. 
1 here may be seen a curious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Rushworth's Hist. 
Col. of that year. 

tNew English Canaan, 23, by Thwws Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, K37. 






CHAP. II.] SQUANTO. MASSASOIT. 17 

without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but 
one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; the living being (as it seems) not 
able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray 
upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the several! places of their habitations, 
made such a spectacle, after my comming into those parts,* that, as I travailed 
in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha." 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast 
of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that he 
sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company under 
one Fines^ to remain and trade in the country. These were his own servants, 
and he ordered " them to leave the ship and ship's company, for to follow their 
business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to 
seek by any means,) by these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over, 
I come to be truly informed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I 
should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to hire men to stay 
there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, for that the 
war{ had consumed the Bashaba, and the most of the great sagamores, with 
such men of action as followed them, and those that remained were sore 
afflicted with the plague ; for that the country was in a manner left void of 
inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Fines, and the rest with him that lay in the 
cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be 
God for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed 
there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most impor 
tant facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particulars 
I mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data as to the time or 
continuance of this plague among the Indians ; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the 
above, " and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private 
profit," &c. 

In Capt. Smith's account of New England, published in 1631, he has a 
passage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from 
Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that 
they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them, 
then- king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his people about 
it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he had done this, 
he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about, 
had so many men, and whether they could kill all those. On his assuring the 
king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the plague carried 
off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed 
by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom 
they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the disease was 
the plague. Capt. Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore 
begs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars. 

We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian 
history. 

MASSASOIT, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket 
or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bris 
tol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than war, and 
was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwithstanding they committed 
repeated usurpations upon his lands and liberties. 

This chief's name has been written with great variation, as Woosamequin, Asuh- 
mequin, Oosamequen, Osamekin, Oivsamequin,Owsamequine,Ussamequen, Wasam- 
egin, &c. ; but the name by which he is generally known in histoiy, is that with 
which we commence his life. Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name, 

* Mr. Morton first came over in 1622. He settled near Weymouth. After great trouble 
and losses from those of a different religion, he was banished out of the country, and had his 
property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Me., 1646. If it be pretended 
that Morton had no religion, we say, " Judge not." He professed to have. 

t Mr. Richard Vines. America painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. Lond. 1659. 

\ A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but 
the particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been between the Tarratines and 
tribes to the west of Pascataqua. 

Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not 
to be heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger Williams did. 



18 MASSASOIT. [BOOK II. 

"the printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. Bradford writes 
him Massasoyt, and Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient people, from their 
fathers in Plimouth colony, pronounced his name Ma-sas-so-it" Still we find 
no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerable, and which has been so 
long established ; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, he 
knows not where to stop, and we pronounce him no antiquary. 

It has often been thought strange, that so mild a sachem as Massasoit should 
have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been increased when 
we consider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and 
great personal courage. We know of none who could boast of such extensive 
dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and 
children. Powhatan, Pontiac, Little-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we 
could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs was a temporary union, in an 
emergency of war. That Massasoit should be able to hold so many tribes 
together, without constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That 
he was not a warrior no one will allow, when the testimony of Annawon is so 
direct to the point. For that great chief gave Capt. Church "an account of 
what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations 
of Indians, when he served Jlsuhmequin, Philip's father." 

The limits of his country towards the Nipmuks, or inland Indians, are not 
precise, but upon the east and west we are sure. It is evident, however, from 
the following extract, that, in 1647, the Nipmuks were rather uncertain about 
their sachem, and probably belonged at one time to Massasoit, and at another 
to the Narragansets, or others, as circumstances impelled. "The Nopnat 
(Nipnet, or Nipmuk) Indians having noe sachem of their own are at liberty ; 
part of them, by their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem, 
and parte to the Mohegens." * And certainly, in 1660, those of Quabaog 
belonged to Massasoit or Wassamegin, as he was then called (if he be the 
same), as will be evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncos. He 
owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island between 
Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending inland between Pawtucket 
and Charles rivers, a distance not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before, 
together with all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or 
nations, andl all looking up to him, to sanction all their expeditions, and settle 
all their difficulties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the 
Nipmuks, that at one time they were his tributaries. And this seems the more 
probable, for in Philip's war there was a constant intercourse between them, 
and when any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the 
country of the Nipmuks. No such intercourse subsisted between the Narra 
gansets and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messenger from the 
Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmuks, with the heads of some 
of the English, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at first fired 
upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were brought, he was 
received with them. 

Massasoit had several places of residence, but the principal was Mount Hope, 
or Pokanoket. The English early gave it the name of Mount Hope, but from 
what circumstance we have not learned. Some suppose the words Mount Hope 
corrupted from the Indian words Mon-top^ but with what reason we are not 
informed. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, be 
fore proceeding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a 
description of it. It appears to the best advantage from the village of Fall 
River, in the town of Troy, Massachusetts, from which it is distant about four 
miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the state- 
He learned from the Indian themselves, " that the Massachusetts were callfd so from the Blue 
HUls." In the vocabulary of Indian words, by Rev. John Cotton, the definition of Massa- 
chusftt is, *' an hill in the form of an arrow's head." 

* Records of the U. Col. in Hazard, ii. 92. 

f Alden's Collection of Epitaphs, iv. 685. President Stiles, in his notes to the second 
edition of CHURCH'S HIST. PHILIP'S WAR, p. 7, spells it Mont-haup ; but it is not so in (he 
text of either edition. Moreover, we have not been able to discover that Mon-top is derived 
from Indian word or words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of the two 
English words commonly used in naming it. 



CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 19 

house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles' 
distance. Its height by admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet.* It is 
very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is very regular. 
To its natural appearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add 
materially, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a 
principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts state-house. 
This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not appear as in 
the days of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, Winslow 
and Hamden. It was sufficiently picturesque without such addition, as an 
immense stone originally formed its summit, and completed its domelike 
appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed upon this, completes 
the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Warren, Bristol, and, 
indeed, the whole surrounding country, is very beautiful. 

This eminence was known among the Narragansets by the name Pokanoket, 
which signified in their language the ivood or land on the other side of the water, 
and to the Wampanoags by the name Sowwams. And it is worthy remark here 
that Kuequenaku was the name of the place where Philadelphia now stands. 
Mr. Heckeivelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There was a 
place in Middleborough, arid another in Raynham, where he spent some part 
of particular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in Raynham was near 
Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others. 

Sir Francis Drake is the first, of whom we have any account, that set foot 
upon the shores of New England. This was in 1586, about seven years after 
he had taken possession, and named the same country New England or New 
Albion, upon the western side of the continent. It is an error of long standing, 
that Prince Charles named the country New England, and it even now so 
stands upon the pages of history. But it is very clear that Sir Francis is justly 
entitled to the credit of it. American historians seem to have looked no fur 
ther than Prince and Robertson, and hence assert that Capt. Smith named the 
country New England. We will now hear Smith f on this matter. " New 
England is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, opposite to Nona Jllbion, in 
the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, hi his 
voyage about the world, in regard whereof, this is stiled New England." 

Capt. Smith, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng 
land, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is 
the same, New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to 
stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt. Smith neither takes to him 
self the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor 
does he give it to King Charles, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying him, 
have done. 

The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike jlmericus, would not permit 
or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of any honor 
due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name 
New England in 1614. 

It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed. 
He was visited by the " king of the country," who submitted his territories to 
him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of mutual 
trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became 
greatly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whether the " king 
of the country " here mentioned were Massasoit, we have not the means of 
knowing, as our accounts do not give any name ; but it was upon his domin 
ions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it proper 
to be thus particular, and which, we venture to predict, will not be unaccepta 
ble to our readers.f 

* Yamoyden, 259. 

t See his " Description of N, England" and the error may henceforth be dispensed with. 

| The first authority which we found for these interesting facts, (interesting to every son of 
New England,) is a work entitled " Naval Biography," &c. of Great Britain, 2 vols. 8vo. 
London, 1805, and is in these words : " The first attempt towards a regular colonization of 
N. England, occurs in the year 1606. It will easily be recollected, that this part of the Amer 
ican continent was first distinguished by the captains Barlow and Amidas ; that Sir Francis 
Drake, when he touched here on his return from the West Indies, in 1586, was the first Eng 
lishman who landed in these parts, and to whom one of the Indian kings submitted his territory j 



_J MASSASOIT. [BOOK 11. 

Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massasoit's dominions, one 
of which places he named Plimoidh, which happened to be the same which 
now bears that name. 

Our accounts make Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold the next visitor to the shores 
of Massasoit, after Sir Francis Drake. His voyage was m 1602, and he was 
the first who came in a direct course from Old to New England. He landed 
in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years before. The route had hith 
erto been b$r the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from 
New England took up nearly a year. 

We can know nothing of the early times of Massasoit. Our next visitor to 
his country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer. This was 
in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon ; thence, in that month, for Virginia, 
in an open pinnace ; consequently was obliged to keep close in shore. He 
found places which had been inhabited, but at that time contained no people ; 
and farther onward nearly all were dead, of a great sickness, which was then 
prevailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plimouth, all were dead. 
From thence he traveled a day's journey into the country westward, to Na- 
masket, now Middleborough. From this place he sent a messenger to visit 
Massasoit. In this expedition, he redeemed two Frenchmen from MassasoiVs 
people, who had been cast away on the coast three years before. 

But to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own 
manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchase, the compiler of the 
Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1619. 

"When I arrived at my savage's [Squanto's] native country, (finding all 
dead,) I travelled alongst a day's journey, to a place called Nummastaquyt, 
where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day's journey farther 
west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea ; whence came to see rne two 
kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being well satisfied with 
that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of novelty,) gave 
me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where I found that former relations 
were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Massta- 

and that Capt. Gosnoll, who made a little stay in the same place, gave such a report of N. 
England as to attract the attention of his adventurous countrymen, some of whom immediately 
procured a charter," &c. Vol. I. p. 337, 338. If we could know from whence the above was 
taken (that is, the authority the writer of that work made use of), it might at once, perhaps, 
settle the question. Oldmiocon, I. 25, has the same fact, though not quite so circumstantially 
related. Mr. Bancroft, in his I. Vol. of the Hist. United States, supposes Oldmixon, through 
carelessness, mistakes Drake's landing in California, in 1579, for that in N. England, in 1586, 
because, as we suppose, he had not seen the fact elsewhere stated. But Drake was 4.0 days 
from Virginia to Plymouth, which would give him time enough to have visited N. England. 
See "The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Sir Francis Drake," &c., small 12mo., London, 
(without date), page 133. See also Slith's Virginia, p. 16. 

What is said in Blame's account of America, p. 210, is not very conclusive. His words 
are, " The year following (1585). Sir Richard Greenvile conveyed an English colony thither 
[this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, in a wretched manner], under the 
government of Mr. Ralph Lane, who continued there [yet he is speaking of N. Eng.] till the 
next year (1586), but, upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francis Drake, 
into England, being accounted by some the first discoverer thereof." Blome's work was 
printed in 1687, and may have been Oldmixon's authority. In the Gent. Mag., Vol. XXV., 
p. 291, it is said. " Sir Francis Drake, who made a discent on the coast, continued there but a 
very short time, so that whatever had been known of this country was so much forgotten in 1602, 
that Gosnold fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design." Forster's 
error about Sir Francis's being on the coast in 1585, is surprising; but it is still more surpris 
ing that any one, pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Forster, 295, and Anspach, 
Newfoundland, 74. In Prince's Worthies of Devon, an account of Sir Bernard Drake's 
expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen ; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen 
Elizabeth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval force, to dispossess any Portuguese, or others, 
that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of 
which he captured, and dispersed the rest, and returned to England with several Portuguese 
prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Elizabeth had instructed Sir Francis to coast up 
into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there 
were any vessels of other nations usurping the rights of her citizens ; and hence inattentive 
writers have confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being both distin 
guished admirals at that lime, and both having the same surname, and originally of the same 
family. The expedition of Sir Bernard was the year before that of Sir Francis, and hence 
arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast before 1600. Capt. 
George Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593 j but whether any of them 
landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown. 



CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 21 

chusit, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the north-east of Cape 
Cod." 

We have mentioned his interview with Massasoit, whom we suppose was 
one of the kings mentioned in the letter, and Quadequina was no doubt the 
other. 

In another letter, Mr. Dermer says the Indians would have killed him at 
Nomasket, had not Squanto entreated hard for him. " Their desire of revenge 
(he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on 
board, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when 
(as they say) they offered no injury on their parts." 

Mr. Thomas Morton,* the author who made himself so merry at the expense 
of the Pilgrims of Plirnouth, has the following passage concerning these 
Frenchmen: "It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to 
inhabit at new Plimmouth in New England, that, upon some distast given in 
the Massachussets Bay, by Frenchmen, then trading there with the natives for 
beaver, they set upon the men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of 
them, burned their shipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called 
Peddock's Island, in memory of Leonard Peddock that landed there, (where 
many wilde anckiesf haunted that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) dis 
tributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories 
adjoyning, they did keep them so long as they lived, only to sport themselves 
at them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is 
the general 1 worke they require of a servant. One of these five men outliving 
the rest, had learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their 
bloudy deede : saying that God would be angry with them for it ; and that he 
would in his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages (it seems, boasting 
of their strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that God could not 
kill them." This seems to be the same story, only differently told from that 
related above from Smith. 

Dec. 1 1, O. S.,1 1620, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed 
themselves of a portion of Massasoifs country. With the nature of their 
proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his 
men to observe their strange motions. Very few of these Indians, however, 
were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who had been 
some time with the English fishing vessels about the country of the Kenne- 
beck, and had learned a little of their language, to observe more strictly what 
was progressing among the strangers at his place of Patuxet, which these 
intruders now called Plimouth. This was in March, 1621. 

* In his " New Canaan," 22, 23. 

t Modem naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with this animal ! 

t The length of a year was fixed by Julius Ccesar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 365 days. 
This of a day being omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then added to 
the 365 in the month of February, which 4th year was called leap year, because it leaped 
forward one day. But by this supputation it was perceived that the year was too long, and 
consequently the seasons were getting out of place. Pope Gregory found, in 1582, that the 
vernal equinox, which at the time of the Nicene council, A. D. 323, fell on 21 March, fell now 
10 days beyond it ; therefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582 ; and to 
prevent the recurrence of the difficulty in future, decreed that 3 days should be abated in every 
400 years, by restoring leap years to common years at the end 01 3 successive centuries, and 
making leap year again at the close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, &c. 
though divisible by 4, are common years, but 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. This 
method of keeping the year is called NEW STYLE, and that before the reformation by 
Gregory, OLD STYLE. Even this correction does not set the year exactly right ; but the error 
is so small that it amounts to scarce a day and a half in 5000 yearSj and we need not 
trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation. 

Because this correction had a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long 
time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the English Parliament enacted, that the 3d of 
Sept. of that year should be called the 14th, thereby striking out 11 days, which their calendar 
at that late period required, to reduce it to the Gregorian. And hence the reason of our 
calling the 11 Dec. O. S., the 22 N. S. The reason also of our adding 11 days instead of 10 
is obvious, because, in adopting the Catholic method 170 years after it had been introduced 
by Gregory, another day was gained, and therefore 10-[-ls=ll. 

My venerated friend, Dr. Thaclier of Plimouth. makes an error in setting it down that 
we should add but 10 days, owing to a wrong view taken of the matter in his Hist, of 
Plimoutk. Among all our school-books, it is pitiful that no one explains this important 
matter. 



22 MASSASOIT. [BooK II. 

We have, in speaking of Samoset and Squanto, observed that it was through 
the agency of the former that a knowledge was gained by the pilgrims of Mas 
sasoit. It was upon 22 March, 1621, that they brought the welcome news to 
Plimoutb, that their chief was near at hand ;* " and they brought with them 
(say the Pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly taken 
and dried, but not salted; and signified unto us, that their great sagamore, 
Massasoit, was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother. They could not well 
express in English what they would; but after an hour the king came to the 
top of an hill [supposed to be that now called Watson's, on the south side of 
Town-brook] over against us, and had in his train 60 men, that we could 
well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor 
to them, and they unwilling to come to us: so Squanto went again unto him, 
who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, 
which was .Edward Winslow, to know his mind, and to signify the mind and 
will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. We 
sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it. To 
Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and 
withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter, 
which were all willingly accepted." 

The Englishman then made a speech to him about his king's love and good 
ness to him and his people, and that he accepted of him as his friend and ally. 
" He liked well of the speech, (say the English,) and heard it attentively, though 
the interpreters did not well express it. After; he had eaten and drunk himself, 
and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword and 
armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it; but, on the 
other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the 
end he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the 
brook, and some 20 men following him. We kept six or seven as hostages for 
our messenger." 

As Massasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers, 
who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all left their 
bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was 
partly finished, and a green rug was spread upon the floor, and several cush 
ions for Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English 
governor, followed by a drummer and trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after 
kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the 
governor drank to Massasoit, who in his turn "drank a great draught, that 
made him sweat all the while after." 

They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipulated, that neither Massa 
soit nor any of his people should do' hurt to the English, and that if they 
did they should be given up to be punished by them ; and that if the English 
did any harm to him or any of his people, they (the English) would do die like 
to them. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid 
him, and he was to do the same in his turn, and by so doing King James would 
esteem him his friend and ally. 

"All which (they say) the king seemed to like well, and it was applauded 
of his followers." And they add, " All the while he sat by the governor, he 
trembled for fear." 

At this time he is described as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able 
body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing 
differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone 
beads about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, 
which he drank, and gave us to drink.f His face was painted with a sad red 

* Mauri's narrative is here continued from the last extract in p. 10, without any omission. 

tl presume lhat by "drinking tobacco," smoking- is meant. The pilgrims were probably 

acquainted with the practice of smoking at all, and hence this sort of misnomer is not 

strange, though it may be thought a little odd. How long smoking went by the name of 

u A "i at P lL moulh J do not learn 5 but in 1646 this entry is found in the Plimouth records : 
- Antlumy TYtuc/ter and George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an order con 
cerning disorderly drinking of Tobacco." 

Roger Williams says, "in his Key, "Generally all the men throughout the country have a 

^ C ^ ff ' a plpe in h > han S'g at their back." 

Dr. livelier says, that an aged man in Plimouth, who was a great smoker, used to term 



CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 3 

like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his 
followers likewise were, in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, 
some red, some yellow, and some white ; some with crosses and other antic 
works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in ap 
pearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. 
He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as 
well as they could. Samoset and Squanto stayed all night with us." Massasoit 
retired into the woods, about half a mile from the English, and there encamped 
at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 22d, 1621. 

During his first visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, and 
during the treaty could not refrain from trembling.* Thus it is easy to see 
how much hand he had in making it, but would that there had never been worst 
ones made. 

It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a 
few days, and live there all summer. " That night we kept good watch, but 
there was no appearance of danger. The next morning divers of their people 
came over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them 
told us the king would have some of us come to see him. Capt. Standish and 
Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their man 
ner. He gave them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. We cannot 
yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for 
they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work 
and fowling, when as they offered them no harm, as they might easily have 
done ; and especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrohigans8ts,f 
that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to 
him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 10 
or 11 of the clock ; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled 
it with peas, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way." Thus 
ended the first visit of Massasoit to the pilgrims. We should here note that he 
ever after treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded 
was undisturbed for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a 
treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly 
behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his heart. 

The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragansets. 
But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small 
skirmishing. 

Meanwhile Squanto and Samoset remained with the English, instructing them 
how to live in their country ; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man 
Friday, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story 
from their history as he did from that of Alexander Selkirk. "Squanto went to 
fish [a day or two after Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with 
as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. They 
were fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with 
his hands, without any other instrument." 

it drinking tobacco. Hist. Film. 34. This we infer was within the recollection of the au 
thor. 

The notion that tobacco is so called from the islrnd Tobago, is erroneously entertained by 
many. When Sir Francis Drake discovered the country to the north of California, in 1579, 
the writer of the account of his voyage says, the Indians presented the admiral with a small 
basket made of rushrs, filled with an herb they called tabah. From another passage it 
appears, that the Indians of that region, like those of New England, had bags in which tobacco 
was carried. Bnmey's Voyages, 1. 3447. 

* And, with this fact beforeVim, the author of " Tales of the Indians" says, the treaty was 
made with deliberation and cheerfulness on the part of Massasoit! 

t Few Indian names have been spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the Indian 
language, it is evident that no r should be used in it. Nahigonsik and Nantigansick. R. 
Williams. Nechegansitt, Gookin. Nantyggansiks, Callender. Nanohigganset, Winston? s 
Good News from N. Eng. Nanhyganset, Judge Johnson's Life of Gen. Greene. These are 
but few of the permutations without the r, and those with it are still more numerous. 

The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal, 22 and 23, 
says, at a place where she happened to put up for a night in that country, she heard some of 
the " town topers " disputing about the origin of the word Nanaganset " One said it was so 
named by Indians, because there grew a brier there of a prodigious height and bigness, who 
quoted an Indian of so barbarous a name for his author that she could not write it. Another 
said it. meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in summer, and " as hot as could be 
imagined in the winter." 



04 MASSASOIT. [BOOK II 

This Squanto became afterwards an important personage in Indian politics, 
and some of his manoeuvres remind us of some managing politicians of our 
own times. In 1622, he forfeited ins life by plotting to destroy that of Massa-- 
soit, as will be found related in the life of Hobomok. On that occasion, Massasoit 
went himself to Plimouth, " being much offended and enraged against Tisquan- 
tum;" but the governor succeeded in allaying his wrath for that time. Soon 
after, he sent a messenger to entreat the governor to consent to his being put to 
death; the governor said he deserved death, but as he knew not how to get 
along without him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare him. 

Determined in his purpose, Massasoit soon sent the same messenger again, 
accompanied by many others, who offered many beaver skins that Tisqunnlum 
might be given up to them. They demanded him in the name of Massasoit, 
as being one of his subjects, whom, (says Window,) by our first articles of 
peace, we could not retain. But out of respect to the English, they would not 
seize him without their consent. Massasoit had sent his own knife to be used 
in cutting off his head and hands, which were to be brought to him, 

Meantime Squanto came and delivered himself up to the governor, charging 
Hobomok with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the mes 
sengers of Massasoit, as he thought fit. It seems from the narrative that, as 
the governor was about to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, ajid went 
off in a rage. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a boat in the 
harbor, which the governor pretended might be that of an enemy, as there had 
been a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the 
English in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and 
employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that 
Massasoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on the English, as they 
complain, is certainly no wonder. 

The next summer, in June or July, Massasoit was visited by several of the 
English, among whom was Mr. Edward Winsloiv, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and 
Squanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi 
dence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance ; to keep good 
the friendly correspondence commenced at Plimouth ; and especially to cause 
him to prevent his men from hanging about them, and living upon them, 
which was then considered very burdensome, as they had begun to grow short 
of provisions. That their visit might be acceptable, they took along, for a 
present, a trooper's red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain ; with 
these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he 
must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they 
might not be imposed upon by strangers. 

When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was absent, but was 
immediately sent for. Being informed that he was coming, the English began 
to prepare to shoot off their guns ; this so frightened the women and children, 
that they ran away, and would not return until the interpreter assured them 
that they need not fear ; and when Massasoit arrived, they saluted him by a 
discharge, at which he was veiy much elated ; and "who, after their manner, 
(says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, 
and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents, 
and having put the coat on his back, and the chain about his neck, he was not 
a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely 
attired." * A new treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly 
assented to all that was desired. He then made a speech to his men, many of 
them being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn its 
meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in regard to 
the English. Among other things, he said, Am I not Massasoit, commander 
of the country about us ? Is not such and such places mine, and the people of 
them ? They shall take their skins to the English." This his people applauded. 
In his speech, "he named at least thirty places," over which he had control. 

This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng 
land and of the king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife." 
He seems to have been embittered against the French, and wished " us not to 
suffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James's country, and he 
* Mourt's Relation, in Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. 



CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 25 

was King James's man." He had no victuals at this time to give to the Eng 
lish, and night coming on, they retired to rest supperless. He had but one 
bed, if so it might be called, " being only planks laid a foot from the ground, 
and a thin mat upon them." * " He laid us on the bed with himself and his 
wife, they at the one end, and we at the other. Two more of his men, for 
want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary of our 
lodging than of our journey." 

" The next day, many of their sachims or petty governors came to see us, 
and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for 
skins and knives." It is amusing to learn that the English tried to get a 
chance in this gambling affair. They say, "There we challenged them to 
shoot with them for skins," but they were too cunning for them, " only they 
desired to see one of us shoot at a mark ; who shooting with hail shot, they 
wondered to see the mark so full of holes." 

The next day, about one o'clock, Massasoit brought two large fishes and 
boiled them ; but the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very 
small, as "there were at least forty looking for a share in them ;" but scanty as 
it was, it carne very timely, as they had fasted two nights and a day. The 
English now left him, at which he was veiy sorrowful. 

" Very importunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them 
longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should 
either be light-headed for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodging, the sav 
ages' barbarous singing, (for they used to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas 
within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our 
being there ; we much fearing, that if we should stay any longer, we should 
not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that, on Friday morn 
ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasoyt being both 
grieved and ashamed, that he could no better entertain us. And retaining 
Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing 
another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faithful before 
and after upon all occasions." 

This faithful servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous "voyage to the 
kingdom of Nauset," and was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition 
against Caunbitant. 

In 1623, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he 
was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, the gov 
ernor despatched Mr. Winslow again, with some medicines and cordials, and 
Hobbomok as interpreter ; " having one Master John Hamden, a gentleman of 
London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for 
my consort." f In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to 
Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on such occasions. 
" When we came thither (says Mr. Winslow] we found the house so full of 
men, as we could scarce get hi, though they used their best diligence to make 
way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making 
such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and, therefore, unlike 
to ease him that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who chafed 
his arms, legs and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end 
of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see 
him. Having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, who 
ivas come. They told him Winsnow, (for they cannot pronounce the letter Z, 

* La Salle says ( Expedition in America, p. 11.) of the Indians' beds in general, that " they 
are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of wool or straw, but, 
for their covering, they use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely wrought." 

t Winslow's Relation. The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is supposed, by some, to be the 
celebrated John Hamden, famous in the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound received 
in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert, near Oxford, while supporting the cause of the 
parliament. See Rapin's England, ii. 477, and Kennet, iii. 137. 



It would be highly gratifying, could the certainty of this matter be known ; but, as yet, we 
edge th"at all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased to meet with 



must acknowk 



the names of such valued martyrs of liberty upon any page, and even though they should 
sometimes seem rather mal apropos to the case in hand. We cannot learn that any of 
ffaniden's biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a presurnptioi: 

" The village Hampden, that, with dauntless breast, 
The little tyrant of his fields withstood." GRAY'S Eusor 

3 



.ig MASSASOIT. [BOOK II. 

but ordinarily n in the place thereof.)* He desired to speak with me. When 
I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I 
took Then he said twice, though very inwardly, Keen Winsnow ? which is to 
say 'Art thou Winslow ? I answered, Jihhe, that is, Yes. Then he doubled 
these words : Malta neen tvonckanet namen, Winsnow ! that is to say, O Wins- 
loiv,Ishall never see thee again!" But contrary to his own expectations, as 
well as all his friends, by the kind exertions of Mr. Winsloiv, he in a short time 
entirely recovered. This being a passage of great interest in the life of the great 
Massasoit, we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had become 
able to speak, he desired Mr. Winslow to provide him a broth from some kind 
of fowl : " so (says he) I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of 
ducks, some sixscore paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered : so we 
returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he 
much desired ; never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure 
in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must 
take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat 
it ; this he acquainted Massassowot therewith, who would not be persuaded to 
it, though I pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weak 
ness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he 
made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in 
health." As Winslow had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with 
such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. This bleeding 
caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceased 
bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he 
awoke, Mr. Winslow washed his face " and supplied his beard and nose with a 
linnen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely eject 
ing it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could 
not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and he gained 
strength rapidly. 

For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed 
that his preservation at this time was owing to the benefit he received from 
Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, Mr. Winslow broke a bottle 
containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recov 
ery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens ; 
in which he gave him an account of his success thus far. The intention was 
no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his men was sent oft', at two 
o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. 
The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, being 
better, would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them with the idea of rais 
ing more. While at Massasoifs residence, and just as they were about to 
depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate 
chiefs for the purpose of cutting off the two English plantations, which he 
charged him to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massasoit stated 
that he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had 
always refused, and used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the 
evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in the history of 
Wiituwamet. 

At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of Massa 
soit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was 
manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winsloiv himself expresses it, 
"He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] requesting me to 
wash their mouths also, [many of his people being sick at that time,] and give 
to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk " 

* Every people, and consequently every language, have their peculiarities. Baron Lahon- 
tan, Mernoires de la Amerique, ii. 236, 237, says, " Je dirai de la lanone des Hurons et des 
Iroquois une chose assez curieuse, qui est qu'il ne s'y troure point de lettres labiales ; c'est a dire, 
de. h, f, m, p. Cependant, celte langue des Hnrons paroit fire fort belle et de nn son tout a 
fiat beau ; quoi qu'ils ne ferment iamais leurs levres en parlint." And " JTai passe quaire jours 
a vouloirfaire prononcer a des Hnrons les lettres labiales, niais je n'ai pn y renssir, et je crois 
qti'en dix ans Us ne pourrout dire ces mots, bon, fils. Monsieur,' Pomchartrain ; car au lieu de 
dire bon, Us diroient ouon, au lieu de fils, its prononceroient rils ; au lieu de monsieur, caoun- 
sieur, au lieu de Pontchartrain, Conchartrain." Hence it seems their languages are anala 
gous. 



CHAP. IT.] MASSASOIT. 27 

An account of his character as given by Hobomok will be found in the life of 
that chief or paniese. 

"Many whilst we were there (says Winslow] came to see him; some, by 
their report, from a place not less than 100 miles from thence." 

In 1632, a short war was carried on between Massasoit and Canonicus, the 
sachem of the Narragansets, but the English interfering with a force under 
the spirited Captain Standish, ended it with very little bloodshed. Massasoit 
expected a serious contest ; and, as usual on such occasions, changed his name, 
and was ever after known by the name of Oivsamequin, or Ousamequin. Our 
historical records furnish no particulars of his war with the Narragansets, fur 
ther than we have stated. 

We may infer from a letter written by Roger Williams, that some of 
Plirnouth instigated Massasoit, or Ousamequin, as we should now call him, to 
lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, because, in 
that case, his lands were considered as belonging to Plimouth, in whose juris 
diction he -was not suffered to reside : and, moreover, he had bought and paid 
for all he possessed, of the Narraganset sachems. It was in 1635 that Mr. 
Williams fled to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England. He 
found that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh were at bitter enmity with Ousame 
quin, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not 
have been secure, in a border of the dominion of either. Ousamequin was 
well acquainted with Mr. Williams, whom he had often seen during his two 
years' residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he 
listened readily to his benevolent instructions ; giving up the land in dispute 
between himself and the Narraganset sachems, which was the island now 
called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with 
Providence. " And (says Mr. Williams) I never denied him, nor Meantinomy, 
whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attachment for him, for 
this is their own mode of living. 

It appears that, before Miantunnomoh 1 s reverses of fortune, he had, by some 
means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousamequin. 
For at the meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in the 
autumn of 1643, they order, "That Plymouth labor by all due means to restore 
Woosamequin to his full liberties, in respect of any encroachments by the 
Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives ; that so the properties of the Indians 
may be preserved to themselves, and that no one sagamore encroach upon the 
rest as of late : and that Woosamequin be reduced to those former terms and 
agreements between Plymouth and him."* 

Under date 1638, Gov. Winthrop says, " Oivsamekin, the sachem of Acoome- 
meck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a 
present of 18 skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mohegan 
beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett." They having heard that the English 
were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this 
present. The governor accepted it, and told Ousamequin, that if they had not 
wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear ; 
and, giving him a letter to the governor of Connecticut, dismissed him well 
satisfied.f 

In 1649, Ousamequin sold to Miles Standish, and the other inhabitants of 
Duxbury, " a tract of land usually called Saughtucket," seven miles square. 
This was Bridgewater. It had been before granted to them, only, however, in 
preemption. They agreed to pay Ousamequin seven coats, of a yard and a 
half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten 
and a half yards of cotton cloth. 

By a deed bearing date 9th March, 1653, Ousemaquin and his son Wamsitto, 
[Wamsutta,] afterwards called Alexander, sold to the English of Plimouth "all 
those SGverall parcells of land lyeing on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke, 
alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called Moskituash westerly, 
and soe runing by a dead swamp eastward, and soe by marked trees as Ousa 
mequin and Wamsitto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow about 

* Records of the U. Colonies. t Journal, i. 264. 



38 MASSASOIT. [BOOK II 

the sides of both, and about the neck called Chachacust, also Papasquash neck, 
also the meadow from the bay to Keecomewett," &c. For this the considera 
tion was " 35 sterling." 

By a writing bearing date " this twenty-one of September, 1657, Ousame- 
quin says, " I Vssamequen do by these presents ratify and allow the sale of a 
certain island called Chesewanocke, or Hogg Island, which my son WamsiUa 
sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth in R. I., with, my consent, which deed 
of sale or bargain made the 7th of February hi the 'year 1653, 1 do ratify, own 
and confirm." 

In 1656, Roger Williams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sachems, 
" was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lordship of Warwick ; " 
and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that anything 
serious took place. 

This is the year in which it has been generally supposed that Ousamequin 
died, but it is an error of Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard's work 
into his own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the 
" History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay," is no wonder ; but it is a 
wonder that the " accurate Hutchinson " should set down that date, from that 
passage of the Indian Wars, which was evidently made without reflection. 
It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence. 

That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records 
between 1657 and 1661, a space of only about three years, as we have shown, 
is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the 
English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given 
up to them. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his 
name to deeds and other instruments. And, besides this consideration, another 
sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who seems 
to have acted as Ousamequin's representative. 

He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as September.* Several 
months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a defence 
less town within the dominions of Ousamequin, killing three persons, and car 
rying away six others captive. He complained to the General Court of 
Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and the matter was soon 
settled, f 

From the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather, it is clear that he lived until 1662. 
His words are, " Alexander being dead, [having died in 1662,] his brother Philip, 
of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled 
sachem, but immediately, in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of 
his bloody treachery against the English." { 

Hence, as we do not hear of Alexander as sachem until 1662, which is also 
the year of his death, it is fair to conclude that he could not have been long in 
office at the time of his death ; nor could he have been styled " chief sachem " 
until after the death of his father. 

Whether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is 
confidently believed that he had. It is probable that his family was large. A 
company of soldiers from Bridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his 
sister, and killed a brother of Ousamequin, whose name was Unkompoen, or 
+4kkompoin. \\ * That he had another brother, called Quadequina, has been 
mentioned. 

Gov. Winthrop gives the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Ed 
ward Winslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left his 
vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stopped with his old friend 
Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him the rest of the way. In the mean 
time, Ousamequin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the 
people with the news of Mr. Winslow's death. By his manner of relating it, 
and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and 
every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But 

* Some records which Mr. Daggett consulted in preparing his History of Attleborough, Jed 
him to conclude that Massasoit died previous to June, 1G60. 

t Original manuscript documents. The particulars of these matters will be given at large, 
when we come to treat of the life of Uncas. 

J Relation, 72. $ /. Mather, 44. || Church, 38, edit. 4to. 



CHAP. II.] EXPEDITION AGAINST CAUNBITANT. 29 

presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coining in company 
with Ousainequin. When it was known among the people that the sachem 
had sent this news to them, they demanded why he should thus deceive them. 
He replied that it was to make him the more welcome when he did return, 
and that this was a custom of his people. 

One of the most renowned captains within the dominions of Massasoit was 
CAUNBITANT,* whose residence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in the 
present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that of the 
famous Metacomet. The English were always viewed by him as intruders 
and enemies of his race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wrest 
the country out of their hands on the first opportunity. 

In August, 1621, Caunbitant was supposed to be in the interest of the Nar- 
ragansets, and plotting with them to overthrow Massasoit ; and, being at 
Namasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, " to draw the hearts of Massasoyfs sub 
jects from him; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace be 
tween Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ; 
also at Tokamahamon, and one Hobomok, (two Indians or Lemes, one of 
which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special 
and trusty man of Massasoyfs,} Tokamahamon went to him, but the other 
two would not ; yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see if 
they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namaschet, were dicovered to 
Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum, (for he 
had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue.) Hobbamok see 
ing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held [holding] a knife at his 
breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New Pli- 
mouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain." 

Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standish, of 14 
men,f " and Hobbamok for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of 
Tisquantum on Coubatant our bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof, another 
sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was 
become of our friend Massasoyt. n 

After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find 
Caunbitant. " Before we came to the town (says the narrator) we sat down 
and eat such as our knapsacks afforded ; that being done, we threw them 
aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the 
house, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, demanded if 
Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We 
charged them not to stir, for if Coubatant were not there, we would not med 
dle with them ; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on 
him for the supposed death of Tisquantum, and other matters: but howso 
ever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, 
some of them pressed out at a private door, and escaped, but with some 
wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant 
was returned [home] with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living, 
and in the town ; [then] offering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they 
had to eat." 

In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired " at random," 
to the great terror of all but Squanto and Tokamahamon, "who, though they 
knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of our honesty, 
[and] that we would not hurt them." The Indian boys, seeing the squaws 
protected, cried out, Neensquaes ! Neensquaes ! that is, / am a squaiv ! I am a 
squaw ! and the women tried to screen themselves in Hobomok's presence, 
reminding him that he was their friend. 

This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and must 
have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the 
sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever heard before. 
The relator proceeds : " But to be short, we kept them we had, and made 
them make a fire that we might see to search the house ; in the meantime, 

* Corbitant, Cotibatant, and Conbitant, were ways of writing his name also, by his con 
temporaries. 

t Ten, says the Relation. 
3* 



30 TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. [BooK II 

Hobbamok gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- 
kamon" They soon came, with some others with them, some armed and 
others' naked. The English took away the bows and arrows from those that 
were armed, but promised to return them as soon as it was day, which they 
probably did. 

They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, when they 
re^ased their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they call it) of the 
Namaskets. Here, it appears, Squanto had a house, to which they went, and 
t jok breakfast, and held a court afterward, from which they issued forth the 
following decree against Caunbitant : 

" Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Couba- 
tanfs faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we manifested 
again our intendment, assuring them, that, although Coubitant had now 
escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he 
continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had 
kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so 
justly deserved it. Moreover, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- 
rohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or 
offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobomok, or any of Massasoyfs subjects, we 
would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those 
[who] were wounded, [how many is not mentioned,] we were sorry for it, 
though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our command : 
yet, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them. At 
this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, 
Tisquantum and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering 
all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that 
by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after 
we set forth." * 

Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunbitant became in appearance 
reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Sept following (1621) went to 
Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of 
Massasoit that he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted 
his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or submission 
was in these words : 

" Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten, 
do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King James, king of 
Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness 
whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or 
marks, as followeth : 

OHQUAMEHUD, NATTAWAHUNT, QUADAQUINA, 
CAWNACOME, CAUNBATANT, HUTTMOIDEN, 

OBBATINNUA, CHIKKATABAK, APANNOW." 

Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and 
of others very little. 

Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawmut, where Boston 
now stands. 

Cawnacome and Jjpannow may be the same before spoken of as Coneconam 
and Epanow, though I am rather of opinion that Apannow means ^spinet of 
Nausetf Nattawahunt we shall again meet with, under the name Nashoonon. 
Coneconam was sachem of Manomet, on Cape Cod. 

When, in the winter of 1623, the English traversed the country to trade 
with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs ; who, they 
say, it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the Indians. 
For whilst the governor was there, within night, in bitter cold weather, came 
two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bowa 

* From Mourt, ut supra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which is supposed to 
stand for Isaac Allerton, who accompanied Standish perhaps. From the use of the pronoun 
in the first person, the writer, whoever he was. must have been present 

t See chapter i. of b. ii. 



CHAP. II.] CAUNBITANT. 31 

and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe 
of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all 
remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked 
toward Canacum; and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a 
present to him, from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many 
beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long 
speech to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of their 
men fell out in a game, " for they use gaming as much as any where, and 
will play away all, even their skin from their backs, yea their wive's skins 
also," and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, " one of 
special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part with; 
yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That, 
therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam was 
first obtained. 

After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these messen 
gers desired HobomoWs judgment upon the matter. With some deference 
he replied, that " he thought it was better that one should die than many, 
since he had deserved it ; " " whereupon he passed the sentence of death 
upon him." 

We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first 
act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its 
projectors. 

When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hamden went to visit Massasoit 
in his sickness, in 1623, they heard by some Indians, when near Caunbitanfs 
residence, that Massasoit was really dead : they, therefore, though with much 
hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might treat with him, he being 
then thought the successor of Massasoit. But he was not at home. The 
squaw sachem> his wife, treated them with great kindness, and learning here 
that Massasoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they 
returned, they staid all night with Caunbitant, at his house, who accompanied 
them there from Massasoifs. 

Mr. Winslow gives the account in these words : " That night, through the 
earnest request of Conbatant, who, till now, remained at Sowaams, or 
Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had much 
conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, 
yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the 
like are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in 
case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massasoit had been, and should send 
word thereof to Patuxet, for maskiest* [that is, physic,] whether their master 
governor would send it; and if he would, whether I would come therewith 
to him. To both which I answered, yea ; whereat he gave me many joyful 
thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad 
venture so far alone into their country, and asked them if they were not 
afraid. Mr. Winsloio said, "where was true love, there was no fear." "But," 
said Caunbitant, "if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh 
it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the 
mouth of your pieces presented towards us ? " Mr. Winslow told him that was a 
mark of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner; 
but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such salu 
tations, f 

When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and 
return thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant. " Hereupon 1 
took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of creation and 
preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten command 
ments." They found no particular fault with the commandments, except 
the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should 
be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned a good while. 

When Mr. Winslow explained the goodness of God in bestowing on them 
all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed hinij 

* In Williams's Key, Maskit is translated, " Give me some physic." 
t Good News from N. England, Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 



32 WITTUWAMET. PEKSUOT. [BOOK II. 

"this all of them concluded to be very well ; and said they believed almost 
all the same things, and that the same power that we call God they called 
Kichtan." " Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter 
tainment amongst any of them." 

What became of this chief is unknown. His name appearing no more in 
our records, leads us to suppose that he either fled his country on the mur 
der of Wittuwamet, Peksuot, and others, or that he died about that time. 

WITTUWAMET was a Massachusetts chief, as was his companion Peksuot, 
but their particular residence has not been assigned. Wittuwamet was a des 
perate and bold fellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in shedding 
the blood of his enemies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper 
ated against the English from the many abuses some of them had practised 
upon his countrymen. This will account, perhaps, for all the severity and 
malignity portrayed by the forefathers in his character. He was one of those, 
they say, who murdered some of the crew of the French ship, cast away 
upon Cape Cod, as we have before mentioned. 

That Wittuwamet, Peksuot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed 
their country of intruders in the year 1623, there can be no doubt, and in re 
lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to effect this object, 
we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to the record. 

We have before, in speaking of Caunecum, or Coneconam, mentioned the 
voyage of the governor of Plimouth to that sachem's country to trade for 
corn ; that was in January, 1623. Not being able to bring away all he ob 
tained, Captain Miles Standishw&s sent the next month to take it to Plimouth, 
also to purchase more at the same place, but he did not meet with very good 
reception, which led him to apprehend there was mischief at hand. And 
immediately after, while at Coneconam's house with two or three of his com 
pany, " in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief of them was 
called Wittuwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued 
his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his 
own valor, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they 
died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain 
took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Weston's 
people, and presented it to the sachem, [Coneconam^ and after made a long 
speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the captain, though 
he be the best linguist anioiig us, could not gather any thing from it. The 
end of it was afterwards discovered to be as folio weth. The Massachu- 
seucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Westorts colony; and thought 
themselves, being about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execute the same : 
yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more 
strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth ; 
concluding that if we remained, though they had no other arguments to use 
against us, yet we would never leave the death of our countrymen unre- 
venged ; and therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of 
both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, as 
also the other, called lanough, and many others, to assist them ; and now 
again came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an opportu 
nity offered by the captain's presence, they thought best to make sure of him 
and his company." 

Coneconam, after this speech, treated Standish with neglect, and was very 
partial to Wittuwamet, which much increased the jealousy of the former. 
These Indians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having employed a "lusty 
Indian of Paomet " to execute the plan. The weather was severely cold, 
and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to have 
been killed. But the extreme coldness of the night kept him from sleeping, 
and thus he avoided assassination. 

We have had occasion, in the life ofMassasoit, to mention that that chief 
had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charging Holomok 
to warn the English of it. The people of the places named at that time by 
Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nauset, Paomet, Succonet, Mattachiest, Mano- 
met, Agowaywam, and the Island of Capawack. "Therefore, (says Mr. 
Winslow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of our countrymen and 



CHAP. II.] WITTUWAMET. WESTON'S COLONY. 33 

our own safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the 
authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we 
would not strike a stroke till they first began, If, said he, [Massasoit to 
Hobomok,] upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when 
their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they not being able to defend 
themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives," and it would 
be with difficulty that they preserved their own ; " and therefore he coun 
selled, without delay, to take away the principals, and then the plot would 
cease." 

Meanwhile Weston's men had fallen into a miserable and wretched condi 
tion ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the Indians, 
" fetching them wood and water, &c., and all for a meal's meat." Those 
who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had abandoned 
themselves to riot and dissipation, but whose conduct had affected the well 
being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these wretches, in their ex 
tremities, had stolen corn from the Indians, on whose complaint they had 
been put in the stocks and whipped. This not giving the Indians satisfac 
tion, one was hanged. This was in February, 1623. 

About this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting the 
fact that any one Avas hanged, others that it was the real offender, &c. But 
in our opinion the facts are incontestable that one was hanged ; but whether 
the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. The fact that one 
was hanged for another appears to have been of common notoriety, both in 
Old and New England, from shortly after the affair until the beginning of 
the next century.* 

Mr. Hubbard f has this passage upon the affair : " Certain it is, they [the 
Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they threat 
ened them, as the Philistines did Samson's father-in-law, after the loss of their 
corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report, pretended, in way of satis 
faction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, de 
crepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, [an old bed-rid 
weaver,|] and burdensome to keep alive,- which was the ground of the story 
with which the merry gentleman, that wrote the poem called HUDIBRAS, did, 
in his poetical fancy, make so much sport." And from the same author it ap 
pears that the circumstance was well known at Plimouth, but they pretended 
that the right person was hanged, or, in our author's own words, "as if the 
person hanged was really guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, 
and if they were driven "by necessity to content the Indians, at that time, to 
do justice, there being some of Mr. Westorfs company living, it is possible it 
might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be 
best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been let alone." 

It will now be expected that we produce the passage of Hudibras. Here 
it is : 

" Though nice and dark the point appear, The mighty Tottipottymoy , 

(Quotli Ralph,) it may hold up, and clear. Sent to our Elders an Envoy, 

That Sinners may supply the place Complaining sorely of the Breach 

Of suffering Saints, is a plain Case. Of League, held forth by Brother Patch, 

Justice gives Sentence, many times, Against the Articles in force, 

On one Man for another's crimes. Between both churches, his and ours, 

Our Brethren of New England use For which he craved the Saints to render 

Choice Malefactors to excuse. Into his Hands, or hang th' Offender : 

And hang the Guiltless in their stead, But they, maturely having weighed, 

Of whom the Churches have less need : They had no more but him o ? th' Trade, 

As lately 't happened : In a town (A Man that served them in a double 

There lived a Cobbler, and but one, Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,) 

That out of Doctrine could cut Use, Resolved to spare him 5 yet to do 

And mend Men's Lives, as well as Shoes. The Indian Hoghan Moghgan, too, 

This precious Brother having slain, Impartial Justice, in his stead, did 

In times of Peace, an Indian, Hang an old Weaver that was Bed-rid. 

(Not out of Malice, but mere Zeal, Then wherefore may not you be skipp'd, 

Because he was an infidel,) And in your Room another Whipp'd \ " 

* See Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148. and b. i. chap. iii. ante. 

T Hist. N. Eng. 77. \ Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148. 



34 W1TTUWAMET. WESTON'S COLONY. [Boon II. 

The following note was early printed to this passage : " The history of 
the cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who were upon the 
place when it was done." Mr. Sutler wrote this part of his Hudibras 
before 1663. 

Thomas Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaps absent at 
the time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insinuates that 
the Plimoutheans caused all the trouble, and that their rashness caused the 
Indians to massacre some of their men, as we shall presently relate from a 
book which Mr. Morton published.* 

" Master Westorfs plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servants, 
many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavor to take the benefit 
of the country, some of them fell sick and died. 

" One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to see 
what ft would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barn, and from thence 
did take a cap full of corn. The salvage owner of it, finding by the foot 
[track] some English had been there, came to the plantation, and made com 
plaint after this manner. The chief commander of the company, on this 
occasion, called a Parliament of all his people, but those that were sick and 
ill at ease.f And wisely now they must consult, upon this huge complaint, 
that a privy [paltry] knife or string of beads would well enough have quali 
fied: And Edward lohnson was a special judge of this business. The fact 
was there in repetition, construction made, that it was fellony, and by the 
laws of England punished with death, and this in execution must be put for 
an example, and likewise to appease the salvage ; when straightways one 
arose, moved as it were with some compassion, and said he could not well 
gainsay the former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass of 
his brain, an embrio, that was of special consequence to be delivered, and 
cherished, he said ; that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage's 
complaint, and save the life of one that might (if need should be) stand them 
in some good stead ; being young and strong, fit for resistance against an 
enemy, which might come unexpectedly, for any thing they knew. 

" The oration made was liked of every one, and he intreated to show the 
means how this may be performed. Says he, you all agree that one must 
die, and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take off, and put 
upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death ; 
such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young 
man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other's 
stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have 
proved their final sentence ; and being there confirmed by act of Parliament 
to after ages for a precedent. But that one, with a ravenous voice, begun to 
croak and bellow for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion ; alleging 
such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com 
plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their zeal 
to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, never 
theless, a scruple was made ; now to countermand this act did represent 
itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to get the man's good 
will : this was indeed a special obstacle : for without that (they all agreed) it 
would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mis 
chief should befall them every man. He was a person that, in his wrath, 
did seem to be a second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw 
bone of an ass: therefore they called the man, and by persuasion got him 
fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who 
with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this 
Parliament to a pittiful non plus, (as it hath been credibly reported,) and 
made the chief judge of them all buckle to him." 

This is an entire chapter of the NEW CANAAN, which, on account of its 
great rarity, we have given in full. In his next chapter Mr. Morton proceeds 
to narrate the circumstances of the " massacre " of Wittuwamet, Peksuot, and 
other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall now 

* Entitled New English Canaan, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637. 

t Against this sentence, in the margin, is " A poor comp'aint." 



CHAP. II.] WASSAPINEWAT. MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. 35 

draw from the Plimouth historian, and afterwards use Morton's chapter as 
we find occasion. 

Mr. Winslow says that Mr. Westorfs men " knew not of this conspiracy of 
the Indians before his [John Sanders, their 'overseer '] going; neither was it 
known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or Fuckanokick : at which 
time also another sachim, called Wassapinewtit, brother to Obtakiest, the 
sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with 
Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same 
thing," [as Massasoit had done.] 

It was now the 23d March, 1623, " a yearly court day " at Plimouth, on 
which war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the Massachusetts 
Indians. " We came to this conclusion, (says Winslow,) that Captain Standish 
should take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party good 
against all the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay ; and as because, as all 
men know that have to do with them in that kind, it is impossible to deal 
with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay 
for others : therefore he should pretend trade as at other times : but first go 
to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint them with 'the plot, and the 
end of their own coming, that, comparing it with their own carriages 
towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly 
take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbare, if it were 
possible, till such time as he could make sure Wittuwamat, that bloody and 
bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, 
that he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition." 

We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this trans 
action. "After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging 
of one,*] some of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live 
with Checatawback and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the 
former quarrel with the Plimouth planters.f They are not like Will Som- 
mers, J to take one for another. There they purposed to stay until Master 
Westorts arrival : but the Plimouth men intending no good to him, (as 
appeared by the consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and 
there pretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them 
pork, and things for the purpose, which they set before the salvages. They 
eat thereof without suspicion of any mischief, [and] who were taken upon 
a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks) 
were, by the Plimouth planters, stabbed and slain. One of which was 
hanged up there, after the slaughter." When this came to the knowledge 
of Chikataubufs people, they murdered the three English who had taken up 
their residence with them, as they lay asleep, in revenge for the murder of 
their countrymen. || 

After Standish was ready to proceed against Wittuwamet, but before he 
set out, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished, IF arid gave the 
people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows ; 
that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians, 
" whose boldness increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they got, 

* As mrntioned in our last extract from this author. 

t Referring, it is supposed, to the quarrel with Caunbitant. 

\ The person who proposed hanging 1 a sick man instead of the reaJ offender. 

New English Canaan, 111. || Ibid. 

IT His name was Phinehas Prat. An Indian followed him to kill him, but, by losing the 
direct path, the Indian missed him. In 1662, the general court of Massachusetts, in answer 
to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charleslown, which was accompanied " with a nar 
rative of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony underwent in their 
endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, whereof he was one, the court judgeth 
it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, not hindering a plantation." 
MS. among thejiles in our state-house. 

I have not been able to discover the narrative of Prat, aAer long search. Mr. Hubbard 
probably used it in compiling his Hist, of New England. 

At the court, 3 May, 1665, land was ordered to be laid out for Prat, "in the wilderness on 
the east of ilie Mcrrirr.ack R'"er, near the upper end of Nacook Brook, on the south-east of it." 
Court Files, ut supra. 

Prat married, in Plimouth, a daughter of Cutlibert Cuthbertson. in 1630. See 2. Col. Hist. 
Soc. vii. 122. 



36 MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. [EooK II. 

they [the Indians] would take it out of their pots, and eat [it] before their 
faces," and that if they tried to prevent them, they would hold a knife at 
their breasts: and to satisfy them, they had hanged one of their company: 
" That they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both 
with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get victuals by 
reason of their nakedness." 

This truly was a wretched picture of this second colony of Massachusetts, 
the knowledge of which (says Winsloiv] " gave us good encouragement to 
proceed in our intendments." Accordingly, the next day, Standish, with 
Hobomok and eight Englishmen, set out upon the expedition. His taking so 
few men shows how a few English guns were yet feared by the Indians. 
Nevertheless, the historians would have us understand that Standish would 
take no more, because he would not have the Indians mistrust that he came 
to fight them; and they would insinuate that it was owing to his great valor. 

When Standish arrived at Wessaguscus, he found the people scattered 
about, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary affairs. 
When he told them of the danger they were in from the Indians, they said 
"they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suffered them to lodge" with 
them", not having sword or gun, or needing the same/' Standish now in 
formed them of the plot, which was the first intimation, it appears, they had 
of it. He ordered them to call in their men, and enjoined secrecy of his 
intended massacre. But it seems from Winsloiv's Relation, that the Indians 
got Avord of it, or mistrusted his design ; probably some of the Wessagus 
cus men warned them of it, who did not believe there was any plot. 

Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and afterwards went away in friend 
ship. Standish, more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treachery in his 
eye, and suspected his end in coming there was discovered. Shortly after, 
Peksuot, "who was a paniese,* being a man of a notable spirit," came to 
Hobomok, and told him, He understood the captain was come to kill him and the 
rest of the Indians there. "Tell him, (said Peksuot,) we know it, but fear him 
not, neither will we shun him ; but let him begin when he dare [s], he will 
not take us unawares." 

The Indians now, as we might expect, began to prepare to meet the 
danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their 
presence, and "would whet and sharpen the point of their knives,", "and 
use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the res:t, Wittu- 
wamat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there 
was pictured a Avoman's face ; but, said he, I have another at home, wherewith 1 
have killed both French and English, and that hath a man's face on it ; and by and 
by these two must mam/." To this he added, HINNAIM NAMEN, HINNAIM MI- 
CHEN, MATTA CUTS : that is, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat, 
but not speak. "Also Pecksuot, (continues Winslow,} being a man of greater 
stature than the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet he was 
but a little man : and, said he, though I be no sachem, yet I am a man of great 
strength and courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with pa 
tience for the present." 

It will be seen, in what we have related, as well as Avhat we are about to 
add, that Thomas Morton's account, in some of the main facts, agrees with 
that of Winslow. From the latter it appears that Standish, after considerable 
maneuvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At length, 
having got Peksuot and Wittuwamat " both together, with another man, and 
a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Witiuwamat, 
and, villain like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker 
sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a room with 
them, gave the word to his men, and, the door being fast shut, began himself 
with Pecksuot, and, snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much 

The Panieses are men of rreat courage and wisedome, and to these also the Dcuill 
appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as wee conceiue, maketh couenant with them to 
preserue them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, fcc." Wimloic's Rela 
tion. In speaking of the origin of calumet, Charleroix says, some Indians told him that it 
was given by the sun to Panis, a nation upon the Missouri. Voyage dans I'Amerique. 



CHAP. II.] OBTAKIEST. HOBOMOK. 37 

struggling, and kitted him thereivith the point whereof he had made as sharp 
as a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wittuwamet and the other 
man the. rest killed, and took the youth, whom the captain caused to be hanged." 

We could now wish this bloody tale were finished, but we have promised 
to keep close to the record. Mr. Winslow continues, " But it is incredible 
how many wounds these two panieses received before they died, not making any 
fearful noise, but catching at their weapons, and striving to the last. 

" Hobbamock stood by all this time,* and meddled not, observing how our 
men demeaned themselves in this action." After the affray was ended, he 
said to Standish, "Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his own strength and 
stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but a little man ; 
but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground." 

Standish was now sent to a company of Weston's men, who ordered them 
to kill the Indians that were among them. They kitted two. Himself with 
some of his men kitted another, at another place. As they were pursuing 
this business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, " through the 
negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and 
crossed their proceedings." 

Joined by some of Mr. Weston's men, Standish discovered a few Indians, 
and pursued them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to 
occupy, and who, after shooting a few arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hobba 
mock cast off his coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now killed, 
chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him." 
One who made a stand to shoot Standish had his arm broken by a shot, 
which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got into a 
swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated. 
After assisting the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English 
returned to Plimouth, taking along the head of Wittuwamet, which they set 
up in their fort. 

Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned 
from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was there 
seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamet, 
said he did, and "looked piteously" upon it. "Then he confessed the 
plot," and said his sachem, Obtakiest, had been drawn into it by the impor 
tunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and begged his 
life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a 
stranger among them. Hobomok " also gave a good report of him, and be 
sought for him ; but was bribed so to do it." They finally concluded to spare 
him, " the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest." 
TJie message they charged him with was this, that they had never intended 
to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and,, 
therefore, they might thank themselves for their own overthrow ; and as he 
had now began, if he persisted in his course, " his country should not hold 
him:" that he should forthwith send to Plimouth "the three Englishmen he 
had, and not kill them."f 

The English heard nothing from Obtakiest for a long time ; at length lie 
sent a woman to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them he 
was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also 
that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it 
The English learned from this woman, that he was in great consternation, 
" having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, ex 
pecting when we would take further vengeance on him." The terror was 
now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through 
fear and want. To this dismal narrative Mr. Winslow adds, " And certainly 

* This, we suppose, is the affair to whih President Alien alludes, in his American Biog 
raphy, (2d ed.) when he says, "he [Hobomok] fought bravely by his [Standish's] side, m 
1623." If standing and looking on be fighting, then did Hobomok fight bravely on this 
occasion. 

t Morton, in his New Canaan, 111, says, these three men went to reside with Chikataubut ; 
hence Morton very reasonably suggests, that if the Plimouth people intended the men of 
Wessaguscus any good, why did they not first see that all of them were out of danger, before 
Deginning war ? 



38 HOBOMOK. SQUANTO'S PERFIDY. [BOOK II. 

it is strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst 
them ; neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease ; because through 
fear thev set little or no corn, which is the staff of life, and without which 
they cannot long preserve health and strength." 

These affairs call for no commentary, that must accompany every mind 
through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as appears to us, 
to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their 
sufferings, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to appease the wrath of 
the English governor by presents. Four set out by water in a boat for 
Plimouth, but by accident were overset, and three of them were drowned ; 
the other returned back. 

When Mr. Robinson,. the father of the Plimouth church, heard how his 
people had conducted in this affair with the Indians, he wrote to them, to 
consider of the disposition of Captain Standish, " who was of a warm tem 
per," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if 
they used him as they ought. "He doubted," he said, "whether there was 
not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image," 
which was so necessary ; and above all, that " it would have been happy if 
they had converted some before they had killed any." 

The reader has now passed through a period of Indian history of much 
interest, wherein he will doubtless have found much to admire, and more 
that he could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will 
here remind him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take 
them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Although 
we have had occasion to introduce Hobomok several times, yet there remain 
transactions of considerable interest in his life yet to be noticed. 

HOBOMOK, or Hobbamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the 
Wampanoags, as we have already had occasion to observe. He came to 
Plimouth about the end of July, 1621, and continued with the English as 
long as he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting friendship of 
Massasoit, which Morton says, he "much furthered; and that he was a 
proper lusty young man, and one that was in account among the Indians in 
those parts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning them 
how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such as corn, 
beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoit, to learn the truth of a 
report that the Narragansets had made war upon him, and his interruption 
and trouble from Caunbitant are already related. 

Being a favorite of Massasoit, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrims 
found that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as Hobomok 
was so completely in their interest, and also in that of the great sachem, 
that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot against them. 
What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance. 
The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English 
into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1622, they began to 
make ready for the voyage, Hobomok "told us, (says Winslow,} that he feared 
the Massachusetts, or Massachuseuks, for they so called the people of that 
place, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganneuks, a people of 
Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut 
off Capt. Standish and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean 
time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assault 
the town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; as also that Tis- 
quantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, would use 
many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses for 
their better advantage." 

Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when they had turned 
the point called the Gwnefs Abse, a false* messenger came running into 
Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding 
from a wound in his face. He told them that Caunbitant, with many of the 
Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were coming to de- 
Btroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the first thought of 
the people was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in 
the boat with Hobomok, A piece of cannon was immediately discharged 



CHAP. II.] HOBOMOK. SQUANTO'S PERFIDY. 39 

which, to their great joy, soon caused the boat to return, not having got out 
of hearing. They had no sooner arrived, than Hobomok told them there was 
no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Squanto, who was then with 
them, and even one of those in the boat ; that he knew Massasoit would not 
undertake such an enterprise without consulting him. Hobomok was confi 
dent, because he was himself a great chief, and one of Massasoifs counsel 
lors. Squanto denied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the affair. 
The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Squanto had laid this shal 
low plot to set them against Massasoit, thinking they would destroy him, by 
which means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and this seems 
the more probable, as Massasoit was for some time irreconcilable because 
they withheld him from him, when he had forfeited his life, as in our nar 
ration has been set forth. But entirely to satisfy the English, Hobomok sent 
his wife to Pokanoket privately to gain exact intelligence, and her return 
only verified what her husband had said. 

" Thus by degrees (continues Winslow) we began to discover Tisquantum^ 
whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, 
by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he 
stood. In general, his course was, to persuade them he could lead us to 
peace or war at his pleasure ; and would oft threaten the Indians, sending 
them word, in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that 
thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace, insomuch as they 
had him in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them 
selves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us ; yea, and 
protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers 
were wont to rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, 
now they began to leave him, and seek after Tisquantum. But when we 
understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and 
innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have 
no cause to fear : and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they 
should punish them as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance ; which 
gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." "For these and the like 
abuses, the governor sharply reproved him, yet was he so necessary aiid 
profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him." 

To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of the 
English, Tisquantum told them the English kept the plague buried in their 
store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to 
destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves 
stirred not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hobomok believe 
this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and being informed that it 
was not, it exploded like his other impostures. 

There is but little doubt that Squanto was in the interest of Caunbitant, 
and lived among the English as a spy, while Hobomok was honestly, as he 
pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impos 
sible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emu 
lous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time 
satisfied ; for, HobomoKs wife having told Massasoit what had happened, and 
that it was one of Squanto's men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that 
sagamore had caused it, and he therefore demanded him of the English, 
that he might put him to death, according to their law, as has been related. 
But the English, regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his 
life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with Massasoit, 
evaded the demand, and thus Squanto was permitted to escape. 

Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became a 
professed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion 
himself. It has been told in the life of the great Massasoit, how valuable 
was the agency of Hobomok, in faithfully revealing the mischievous plot of 
Caunbitant, which terminated in the death of Wittuwamd and Peksuot. He 
was the pilot of the English when they visited Massasoit in his sickness, 
whom before their arrival they considered dead, which caused great mani 
festations of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on 
their way, " Necn womasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus" &c., which is, 



40 A VOYAGE. NANEPASHEMET. OBBATINEWAT. [BOOK II 

"My loving Sachem, my loving Sachem ! many have I known, but never any 
like thee." Then, turning to Mr. Winslow, said, "While you live you will 
never see his like among the Indians ; that he was no liar, nor bloody and 
cruel like other Indians. In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed ; easy 
to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ; that his reason was 
such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed 
his people better with few blows, than others did with many." 

In the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Hobomok 
received a lot as his share, on which he resided after the English manner 
and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear, 
but was previous to 1642. 

It has already been mentioned that the pilgrims made a voyage to Massa 
chusetts in the autumn of 1621, It was in this voyage that they became 
acquainted with the fame of Nanepashemet. The English had heard that 
the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and they went (says 
Mourt) "partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and 
partly to procure their truck." 

Squanto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the 
bay, and landed under a cliff which some * have supposed was what has 
been since called Copp's Hill,f now the north part of Boston. This was on 
20th Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time after they went 
ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which 
they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they were proceeding on an 
excursion, " they met a woman coming for her lobsters." They told her 
what they had done, and paid her for them. She told them where to find 
Indians, and Squanto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the 
English. 

Obbatineivat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the 
same) had made peace with the English at Plimouth only seven days pre 
vious, as we have had occasion to notice. He told them he was sachem of 
the place, and was subject to Massasoit ; and that he dared not remain long 
hi any place, from fear of the Tarratines, who were " wont to come at har 
vest and take away their corn, and many times kill them." Also that Squaw- 
Sachem of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaw-Sachem, { as we be 
lieve, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipnets, or 
Nipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English 
intended to have visited her at this time, but found the distance too great 
to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indians they 
met with, and mentioned that of Obbatineivat in particular. And they say, 
" We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged themselves to be 
King James his men, and if he also would submit himself, \\ we would be his 
safeguard from his enemies, which he did." 

At another place, "having gone three miles, in arms, up in the country, 
we came (say they) to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house 
pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, 
their king, in his life-time had lived.H His house was not like others, but a 
scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] 
ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill. Not 
far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by Nanepashemet. It 

* Dr. Belknap appears to have been the first who suggested this. See his Biog. ii. 224. 

t We had supposed this eminence to have been so called from a copse or clump of trees, 
which for a long time remained upon it, after it became known to the whites ; but Shaw, 
Dcscrip. Boston, G7, says it was named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snow, Hist. 
Boston,^ 105, says William Copp was the proprietor of " a portion of the hill." 

t "Sachems or sagamores, which are but one and the same title, the first more usual 
with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath 
the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60. 

$ Shattuck (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by these voyagers, but I 
am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my pos 
session. 

|| It does not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimouth, as 
Mr. Prince supposes. 

1T Mr. Shattuck in his Hist. Concord, says, this " was in Medford, near Mystic Pond." 



CHAP II.] NANEPASHEMET. HIS DEATH, &c. 41 

was made with "poles some 30 or 40 foot long, stuck in the ground, as thick 
as they could be set one by another, and with these they enclosed a ring 
some 40 or 50 foot over. A trench, breast high, was digged on each side.* 
One way there was to get into it with a bridge. In the midst of this pali- 
sado stood the frame of an house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried. 
About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top 
of an hill. Here Nanepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the 
time of his death." 

According to Mr. Lewis, Nanepashemet was killed about the year 1619, and 
his widow, who was Squaw-Sachem before named, continued the government.! 
He left five children,! four of whose names we gather from the interesting 
History of Lynn ; viz. 1. Montowampate, called by the English Sagamore 
James. He was sachem of Sang us. 2. Abigail, a daughter. 3. Wonohaqua- 
ham, called Sagamore John, sachem of Winnesimet. 4. Winnepurkitt, called 
Sagamore George, or George Rumneymarsh, the successor of Montowampaie at 
Saugus. Of most of these we shall speak in detail hereafter. 

Squaw- Sachem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the spouse 
of Wappacowet^ or Webcowit, in 1635. She and her husband, four years 
after, 1639, deeded to Jotham Gibbones " the reversion of all that parcel of 
land which lies against the ponds of Mystic, together with the said ponds, 
all which we reserved from Charlestown and Cambridge, late called New- 
town, after the death of me, the said Squaw-Sachem" The consideration waa, 
"the many kindnesses and benefits we have received from the hands of 
Captain Edward Gibbones, of Boston." 

The SQUA-SACHEM'S mark "^ 
WEBCOWIT'S mark - 1 u - 

Tfebcoivit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered 
next in importance to Nanepashemet among the subjects of that chief, after 
his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does 
not appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of; especial 
ly by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed, no provision seems 
to have been made for him after her death, if he outlived her. At all 
events, we may conclude, without hazard we think, that if breeches had 
been in fashion among Indians, the wife of Webcowit would have been ac 
countable for the article in this case. 

In 1643, Massachusetts covenanted with " Wassamequin, Nashoonon, Kutck- 
amaquin, Massaconomet, and Squaw- Sachem ,"|| to the end that mutual bene 
fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the 
government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far as they 
should be made to understand them. For this confidence and concession 
of their persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed 
to extend the same protection to them and their people as to their English 
subjects.H 

What had become of Webcoivit at this time does not appear ; perhaps he 
was off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household. 
We hear of him, however, four years after, (1647,) "taking an active part" 
in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his countrymen. " He 
asked the English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and 
never taught them to know God till then. Had you done it sooner, (said 
he,) we might have known much of God by this time, and much sin might 
have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin." 

* Might not. then, the western mounds have been formed by Indians ? 

t Hist. Lynn, 16. 

j Sliatttick, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord ; she, doubtless, had several places of 
residence. 

His name is spelt Webcowits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shattwk's MSS. 
Wibhacowitts, as appears from his History. 

|| In the History of the Narraganset Country, these names are written Wassamegun, 
hashawanon, Cutshainacke , Massanomell, and Squa- Sachem. See 3 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
i. 212. 

IT See Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. 



|2 SOME ACCOUNT OE THE MASSACHUSETTS. [BOOK II. 

The English said they repented of their neglect; but recollecting themselves 
answered, "You were not willing to heare till now," and that God had not 
turned their hearts till then.* 

Of the sachems who made the covenant above named, the first we suppose 
to have been Massasoit, on the part of the Wampanoags, who at this time 
was, perhaps, among the Nipmuks ; Nashoonon, a Nipmuk chief, with whom 
Massasoit now resided. His residence was near what was since Magus Hill, 
in Worcester county. He was probably at Plimouth, 13 Sept., 1621, where 
he signed a treaty with eight others, as we have set down in the life of Caun- 
bitant His name is there spelt Nattawahunt. In Winikrop's Journal, 
it is Nashacoivam, and we suppose he was father of Nassowanno, mentioned 
by Whitney.^ Kutchamaquin was sachem of Dorchester and vicinity, and 
Massaconomet was Mascononomo. 



CHAPTER m. 

Some account of the Massachusetts Geography of their country CHIKATAUBTJT 
WAMPATUCK his war with the Mohawks MASCONONOMO CANONICUS MON- 
TOWAMPATE Small-pox distresses the Indians WONOHAQ.OAHAM WINNEPUR- 
K ix MANATAHQUA SCITTERYGUSSET NATTAHATTAWANTS WAHGUMACUT- 
JACK-STRAW JAMES. 

NOT long before the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had been 
a numerous people, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from the 
great plague, of which we have already spoken, and subsequently from their 
wars with the Tarratines. Of this war none but the scanty records of the 
first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are preserved ; J 
therefore it will not be expected that ever a complete account of the territo 
ries and power of the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they 
were at the time they became known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that 
their sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth people, were shifting for 
their lives not daring to lodge a second night in the same place, from their 
fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ 
ent tribe, their history was long since swept away " in gloomy tempests," 
and obscured in " a night of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition re 
mained. For some time after the country was settled, they would fly for 
protection from the Tarratines to the houses of the English. 

It is said, by Mr. GooHn, that " their chief sachem held dominion over 
many other petty governors ; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punka- 
paog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pokom- 
takuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in 
former times, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare. 
They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts ; but held amity, 
for the most part, with the Pawkunnawkutts." Near the mouth of Charles 
River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the 
south and north side of the country.")) Hutchinson^ says, "That circle 
which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charlestown, round by Mai 
den, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, 
was the capital of a great sachem,** much revered by all the plantations 
round about. The tradition is, that this sachem had his principal seat upon 
a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in the 
township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squantum."ff Hence it will 

* Hist. Concord, 25. f Hist. Worcester Co. 174. 

i This war was caused, says Mr. Hubbard, " upon the account of some treachery " on 
the part of the western tribes, i. e. the tribes west of the Merrimark. Hist. New En*. 30. 
$ 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 148. || Hist. N. Eng. 32. 

From Deal's Hist. N. Eng., probably, which see. 
** It will be a good while before the present possessors of the country can boast of such a 

ft Hist Mass. i. 460. And here it was, I suppose, that the Plimouth people landed in their 



CHAP. Ill] CHIKATAUBUT VISITS BOSTON. 43 

be observed, that among the accounts of the earliest writers, the dominions 
of the different sachems were considered as comprehended within very 
different limits ; a kind of general idea, therefore, can only be had of the 
extent of their possessions. It is evident that the Massachusetts were either 
subject to the Narragansetts, or in alliance with them ; for when the latter 
were at war with the Pequots, Chikataubut and Sagamore John both went 
with many men to aid Canonicus, who had sent for them. This war began 
in 1632, and ended in 1635, to the advantage of the Pequots. 

We shall now proceed to speak of the chiefs agreeably to our plan. 

Chikataubut, or Chikkatabak, in English, a house-a-Jire, was a sachem of 
considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the 
Massachusetts Indians. Tlwmas Morton mentions him in his NEW CANAAN, 
as sachem of Passonagesit, (about Weymouth,) and says his mother was 
buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn the 
reader concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every 
book, early and late, about New England ; but shall relate the following 
from him. 

In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering about 
upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother 
of Chikataubut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and 
two bear-skins, sewed together, spread over it; these the English took 
away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he complained to 
his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were as 
sembled, he thus harangued them : " When last the glorious light of all the 
sky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle, as 
my custom is, to take repose. Before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho't 
I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that 
doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, ' Behold ! my son, whom I have cherished ; 
see the paps that gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee warm, and fed 
thee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that hath 
my monument defaced in a despiteful manner ; disdaining our ancient anti 
quities, and honorable customs. See now the sachem's grave lies like unto 
the common people, of ignoble race defaced. Thy mother doth complain, 
implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither ; if this be 
suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.' "* 

Battle was the unanimous resolve, and" the English were watched, and 
followed from place to place, until at length, as some were going ashore in 
a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. After maintaining 
the fight for some time, and being'driven from tree to tree, the chief captain 
was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight. This action caused 
the natives about Plimouth to look upon the English as invincible, and this 
was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. Of the 
time and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in 
a previous chapter. 

Mourfs Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the above account 
It savs, " We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and cov 
ered the corpse up again," and, " there was variety of opinions amongst us 
about the embalmed person," but no mention of the bear-skins. 

From a comparison of the different accounts, there is but little doubt, that 
the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their depreda 
tions upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians. 

In 1621, Chikataubut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a writ 
ten instrument, which we have already given, themselves the subjects of 
King James. Ten years after this, 23 March, 1631, he visited Governor 
Winthi-op at Boston, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of 
"his sannops and squaws" came with him, but were most of them sent 
away, "after they had all dined," although it thundered and rained, and the 
governor urged their stay; Chikataubut probably feared they would be 

voyage to Massachusetts before spoken of, and from Squanto who was with them it probably 
received its name. 

* If this be fiction, a modern compiler has deceived some of his readers. The article in 
the Analectic Magazine may have been his source of information, but the original may be 
seen ii; lff~r*ttt: N*w Cann/m, infi RP H 107. 



44 CHIKATAUBUT HIS DEATH. [BOOK II. 

burdensome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the govern 
or's table, "where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englishman." 
Not Ion*' after, he called on Governor Winthrop, and desired to buy clothes 
for himself; the governor informed him that " English sagamores did not 
use to truck;* but he called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a 
suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat 
beaver." In a few days his clothes were ready, and the governor "put him 
into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before 
them ; but he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat 
he desired him to do the like, and so departed." 

June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikataubut was ordered to pay a small skin of 
beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a pig, which he com 
plied with. A man by the name of Plastowe, and some others, having stolen 
corn from him, the same year, the court, Sept 27, ordered that Plastowe should 
restore " two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and pay 5. This I sup 
pose they deemed equivalent to four-fold. His accomplices were whipped, 
to the same amount. The next year we find him engaged with other sachems 
in an expedition against the Pequots. The same year two of his men were 
convicted of assaulting some persons of Dorchester in their houses. " They 
were put in the bilboes," and himself required to beat them, which he did.f 

The small-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 1633, in which 
year, some time in November, Chikataubut died. 

The residence of the family of Chikataubut was at Tehticut, now included 
in Middle borough. He was fn, obedience to Massasoit, and, like other chiefs, 
had various places of resort, to suit the different seasons of the year; 
sometimes at Wessaguscusset, sometimes at Neponset, and especially upon 
that part of Namasket \ called Tehticut. This was truly a river of saga 
mores. Its abundant stores of fish, in the spring, drew them from all parts 
of the realm of the chief sachem. 

In deeds, given by the Indians, the place of their residence is generally 
mentioned, and from what we shall recite in the progress of this article, it 
will be seen that the same chief has different residences assigned to him. 

August 5, 1665, Quiucy, then Braintree, was deeded by a son of Chikatau 
but, in these terms : 

"To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come; Wampatuck, 
alias Josiah Sagamore, of Massathusetts, in Newengland, the son of Chikatau 
but deceased, sendeth greeting. Know yoo that the said Wampatuck, being 
of full age and power, according to the order and custom of the natives, 
hath, with the consent of his wise men, viz. Squamog, his brother Daniel, 
and Old Hahatun, and William Mananiomott, Job Nassott, Manuntago William 
Nahanton\\ " "For divers goods and valuable reasons therunto; and in 
special for "21 10s. in hand. It was subscribed and witnessed thus : 

JOSIAH, alias WAMPATUCK, his |Q marke. 
DANIEL SQUAMOG, and a mark. 
OLD NAHATUN, and a mark. 
WILLIAM MANUNION, and a mark. 
JOB NOISTENNS. 

ROBERT, alias MAMUNTAGO, and a mark. 
WILLIAM HAHATUN. 
In presence of 

THOMAS KEYAHGUNSSON, and a mark Q. 
JOSEPH MANUMON, his \ mark. 
THOMAS WF.YMOUS, his O mark. 

* However true this might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should uo 
have used the plural 

t " The most usual custom amongst (hem in exercising punishments, is, for the sachem 
either lo heat, or whip, or put to death with his own hand, to which the common sort most 
quietly submit." Williams. 

J Na 



J Namaiiasuek signified in their language fishes, and some early wrote Namascheuck. 

$ History of Uuincy, by Rev. Mr. Whitney, taken from the original in the possession of the 

on. J. Q. Adams. 

I] Nah*tpm, or Ahaton, and the same sometimes written Nehoiden. See Worthington* 

K. *. tu/Vnn, 21. iij sold iauu> -ipou Cbaries Kjver in 1680. ib. 



CHAP. III.] WAMPATUCK. HIS MOHAWK WAR. 45 

There is a quit-claim deed from " Charles Josias, alias Josias Wampatuck, 
grandson of Chikataubut, dated 19 Mar. 1695, of Boston and the adjacent 
country, and the islands in the harbor, to the " proprietated inhabitants of the 
town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records.* Wampatuck says, 
or some oneybr him, "Forasmuch as I am informed, and well assured from 
several ancient Indians, as well those of my council as others, that, upon 
the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those parts of New 
England, my above-named grandfather, Chikataubut, by and with the advice 
of his council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grant, sell, alien 
ate, and confirm unto the English planters," the lands above named. 

Besides Josias, there signed this deed with him, Jlhawton, sen., William Ha- 
haton, and Robert Momentauge. 

Josias, or Josiah Wampatuck, was sachem of Mattakeesett,f and, from 
the deeds which he gave, must have been the owner of much of the lands 
southward of Boston. In 1653, he sold to Timothy Hatherly, James Cudworth, 
Joseph Tilden, Humphrey Turner, William Hatch, John Hoare, and James Tor- 
rey, a large tract of land in the vicinity of Accord Pond and North Rjver. 

In 1662, he sold Pachage Neck, [now called Ptchade,] "lying between 
Namassakett riuer and a brook falling into Teticutt riuer, viz. the most 
westerly of the three small brookes that do fall into the said riuer;" like 
wise all the meadow upon said three brooks, for 21. Also, another tract 
bounded by Plimouth and Duxbury on one side, and Bridgewater on the 
other, extending to the great pond Mattakeeset ; provided it included not the 
1000 acres given to his son and George Wampey, about those ponds. This 
deed was witnessed by George Wampey and John Wampoiues. 

After the death of his father, Josias was often called Josias Chikataubut. 
In the PLIMOUTH RECORDS we find this notice, but without date : "Memoran 
dum, that Josias Chickabutt and his wife doe owne the whole necke of Pun- 
kateesett to beloing vnto Plymouth men," &c. 

In 1668, " Josias Chickatabutt, sachem of Namassakeesett," sold to Robert 
Studson of Scituate, a tract of land called Nanumackeuitt, for a " valuable 
consideration," as the deed expresses it. This tract \vas bounded on the 
east by Scituate. 

Josias had a son Jeremy ; and " Charles Josiah, son of Jeremy, was the last of 
the race."J Of Josiah, Mr. Gookin gives us important information. 

War between the Massachusett Indians and Mohawks. In the year 1669, "the 
war having now continued between the Maquas and our Indians, about six 
years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united their forces together, and made 
an army of about 6 or 700 men, and marched into the Maquas' country, to 
take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken 
without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English friends. Mr. 
Eliot and myself, in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several 
reasons against it, but they would not hear us." Five of the Christian 
Indians went out with them, and but one only returned alive. "The chief- 
est general in this expedition was the principal sachem of Massachusetts, 
named Josiah, alias Chekatabutt, a wise and stout man, of middle age, but a 
very vicious person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian 
religion ; and sometime, when he wa^ younger, seemed to profess it for a 
time ; for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin, who was the first 
sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached." 

Of those who went out with Wampatuk from other tribes we have no rec 
ord ; but there were many, probably, as usual upon such expeditions. 

This army arrived at the Mohawk fort after a journey of about 200 miles ; 
when, upon besieging it some time, and having some of their men killed in 
sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave up the siege and retreated. Mean 
while the Mohawks pursued them, got in their front, and, from an ambush, 

* Printed at length in Snow's Hist, Boston, 389, et cet. 
f Deane's Hist. Scituate, 144. 

i Ibid. Stfuamaug was a brother of Josiah, and ruled "as sachem during the minority" 
of Jeremy. Dr. Harris, Hist. DorcJiester. 16. 17. 
1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 1G6. 



4(3 MASCONONOMO OF AGAWAM. [BOOK II 

attacked them in a defile, and a great fight ensued. Finally the Mohawk? 
were put to flight by the extraordinary bravery and prowess of Chikataubut 
and his captains. But what was most calamitous in this disastrous expedi 
tion, was, the loss of the great chief Chikataubut, who, after performing prodi 
gies' of valor, was killed in repelling the Mohawks in their last attack, with 
almost all his captains, in number about 50, as was supposed.* This was a 
severe stroke to these Indians, and they suffered much from chagrin on 
their return home. The Mohawks considered themselves their masters, 
and although a peace was brought about between them, by the mediation of 
the English and Dutch on each side, yet^the Massachusetts and others often 
Buffered from their incursions. 

A chief of much the same importance as Chikataubut and his sons, was 
Mascononomo, or Masconomo, sachem of Agawam, since called Ipsivich* 
When the fleet which brought over the colony that settled Boston, in 1630, 
anchored near Cape Ann, he welcomed them to his shores, and spent some 
time on board one of the ships.f 

On the 28th June, 1638, Mascononomet { executed a deed of "all his lands 
in Ipswich," to John Jitnthrop, jr., for the sum of 20. 

At a court in July, 1631, it was ordered, that "the sagamore of Agawam is 
banished from coming into any Englishman's house for a year, under penalty 
often beaver-skins." || This was probably done in retaliation for his having 
committed acts of violence on the Tarratines, who soon after came out 
with great force against Mascononomo ; he having, "as was usually said, 
treacherously killed some of those Tarratine families."}: It would seem 
that he expected an attack, and had therefore called to his aid some of the 
sachems near Boston ; for it so happened that Montowampate and WoncJia- 
quaham were at Agawam when the Tarratines made an attack, but whether 
by concert or accident is not clear. 

To the number of 100 men, in three canoes, the Tarratines came out on 
this enterprise, on the 8 August following. They attacked Mascononomo and 
his guests in his wigwam in the night, killed seven men, wounded Mascono 
nomo himself, and Montowampate, and Wonohaquaham, and several others who 
afterwards died. They took the wife of Montowampate captive, but it so hap 
pened that Abraham Shurd of Pemmaquid ransomed her, and sent her home, 
where she arrived on the 17 September the same autumn.** From Mr. Gob 
bet's account, it appears that they came against the English, who, but for an 
Indian, named Robin, would have been cut off, as the able men at this time, 
belonging to Ipswich, did not exceed 30 ; and most of these were from home 
on the day the attack was to have been made. Robin, having by some means 
found out their intentions, went to John Perkins^ and told him that on such 
a day four Tarratines would come and invite the English to trade, "and draw 
them down the hill to the water side," when 40 canoes full of armed Indians 
would be ready, under "the brow of the hill," to fall upon them. It turned 
out as Robin had reported; 'but the Indians were frightened off by a false 
show of numbers, an old drum, and a few guns, without effecting their 
object^ 

We hear no more of him until 1644, March 8, when, at a court held in 
Boston, " Cutshamekin and Sqtiaiv-Sachem, Masconomo, Nashacowam and Was- 
samagin, two sachems near the great hill to the west, called Wachusett, came 
into the court, and, according to their former tender to the governor, desired 
to be received under our protection and government, upon the same terms 

* 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 167. 

t Hist. N. England. 

t This is doubtless the most correct spelling of his name. It is scarce spelt twice alike in 
the MS. records. 

$ Records of Gen. Court, v. 381. II Prince, 367. 

H Hubbard's N. E. 145. 

** Winthrop's Jour. Lewis's Hist. Lynn, 39, 40. Felt's Hist. Ipswich, 3. 

tt Quarter-master, " living then in a litile hut upon his father's island on this side of Jeof- 
ry's Neck." M8. Narrative. 

tt Gobbet's MS. Narrative. 

$ They desired this from their great fear of the Mohawks, it is said. 



CHAP. III.] MONTOWAMPATE. WONOHAQUAHAM. 47 

that Pumham and Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understand the 
articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely assenting to 
all,* they were solemnly received, and then presented the court with twenty- 
six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yardH 
of cloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men, every one of them, a 
cup of sac at their departure ; so they took leave, and went away very joyful." f 

In the Town Records of Ipswich, under date 18 June 1658, a grant is made to 
the widow of Mascononomo, of "that parcel of land which her hushand had 
fenced in," so long as she should remain a widow. Her husband was the last 
of the sachems of Agawam, and with him, says Mr. Felt, descended "his feble 
and broken scepter to the grave." He died on the 6 March, 1658, and was 
buried on Sagamore Hill, now within the bounds of Hamilton. His gun and 
other valuable implements were interred with him. " Idle curiosity, wanton, 
sacrilegious sport, prompted an individual to dig up the remains of this chief) 
and to carry his scull on a pole through Ipswich streets. Such an act of bar 
barity was severely frowned upon, and speedily visited with retributive civil 
justice." J 

MONTOWAMPATE, sagamore of Lynn and Marblehead, was known more 
generally among the whites as Sagamore James. He was son of Nanepashemet, 
and brother of Wonohaquaham and Winnepurkitt.^ He died in 1633, of the 
small-pox, "with most of his people. It is said that these two promised, if 
ever they recovered, to live with the English, and serve their God."|| 
Montowampate, having been defrauded of 20 beaver-skins, by a man named 
Watts, who had since gone to England, he went to Gov. Winihrop on the 26 
March, 1631, to know how he should obtain recompense. The governor gave 
him a letter to Emanuel Downing, Esq. of London, from which circumstance 
it would seem that the chief determined to go there ; and it is said that he 
actually visited England and received his due.1I The histories of those times 
give a melancholy picture of the distresses caused by the small-pox among the 
" wretched natives." " There are," says Mather, " some old planters surviving 
to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians ; even whole families of 
them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor infant suck 
ing at the breast of the dead mother."** The same author observes that, before 
the disease began, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English about 
the bounds of their lands, " but God ended the controversy by sending the 
small-pox among the Indians at Saugus, who were before that time exceeding 
ly numerous." 

We have mentioned another of the family of Nanepashemet, also a sachem. 
This was Wonohaquaham, called by the English Sagamore John, of Winisimet. 
His residence was at what was then called Rumneymarsh, part of which is 
now in Chelsea and part in Saugus. As early as 1631, he had cause to com 
plain that some of the English settlers had burnt two of his wigwams. 
" Which wigwams," says Governor Dudley, \\ " were not inhabited, but stood in 
a place convenient for their shelter, when, upon occasion, they should travel 
that way." The court, upon examination, found that a servant of Sir R. Sal- 
tonstall had been the means of the mischief, whose master was ordered to 
make satisfaction, "which he did by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant 
pay him, at the end of his time, fifty shillings sterling. "|J Sagamore John died 
at Winisimet, in 1633, of the small-pox. He desired to become acquainted 
with the Englishmen's God, in his sickness, and requested them to take his 
two sons and instruct them in Christianity, which they did.|||| 

Winnepurkitt,^ who married a daughter of Passaconaway, makes considera 
ble figure also in our Indian annals. He was born about 1616, and succeeded 
Montoivampate at his death, in 1633. The English called him George Rumney- 

* The articles which they subscribed, will be seen at large when the Manuscript Hist, of the 
Praying Indians, by Daniel Gooltin, shall be published. The}' do not read precisely as 
rendered by Winthrop. 

t Winthrop's Journal. t Hist. Ipswich, 5. Lewis's Hist. Lynn, 16, 17. 

j! Hist, of "New England, 195. IT History of Lynn, 38. ** Relation, &c. 23. 

ft Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 25 ; edition 1G9(>. 

jj Prince's Chronology. History of New England, 195, 650. 

|| || Wonder-working Providence. HIT Spelt also Winnaperket. 



48 MANATAHQUA. NATTAHATTAWANTS. [Boon II. 

marsh, and at one time he was proprietor of Deer Island, in Boston harbor. 
"In the latter part of his life, he went to Barbadoes. It is supposed that he 
was carried there with the prisoners who were sold for slaves, at the end of 
Philip's war. He died soon after his return, in 1684, at the house of Mumin- 
quash, aged 68 years." Ahawayetsquaine, daughter of Poquanum, is also men 
tioned as his wife, by whom he had several children.* 

Manatahqua, called also Black-ivilliam, was a sachem, and proprietor of Na- 
hant, when the adjacent countiy was settled by the whites. His father lived 
at Swampscot, and was also a sagamore, but probably was dead before the 
English settled in the country ,f A traveller in this then | wilderness world, 
thus notices William, and his possessing Nahant. " One Black-ivilliam, an 
Indian Duke, out of his generosity gave this place in general to the plantation 
of Saugus, so that no other can appropriate it to himself." He was a great 
friend to the whites, but his friendship was repaid, as was that of many others 
of that and even much later times. There was a man by the name of Walter 
Bagmdl, nicknamed Great Wot, " a wicked fellow," who had much wronged 
the Indians,^ killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some of 
those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, 1631. As some vessels 
were upon the eastern coast in search of pirates, in January, 1633, they put iii 
at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-ivilliam. This was the 
place where Bagnall had been killed about two years before ; but whether he 
had any thing to do with it, does not appear, nor do I find that any one, even 
his murderers, pretended he was any way implicated ; but, out of revenge for 
BagnalTs death, these pirate-hunters hanged Black-william. On the contrary, 
it was particularly mentioned || that Bagnall was killed by Squidrayset and his 
men, some Indians belonging to that part of the country. 

This Squidrayset, or Scitterygusset, for whose act Manatahqua suffered, was 
the first sachem who deeded land in Falmouth, Maine. A creek near the 
mouth of Presumpscot River perpetuates his name to this day. Mr. Willis 
supposes he was sachern of the Aucocisco tribe, who inhabited between the 
Androscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Aucocisco comes Casco.lF 
There can be but little doubt that Bagnall deserved his fate,** if any deserve 
such ; but the other was the act of white men, and we leave the reader to 
draw the parallel between the two : perhaps he will inquire, Were the murderers 
of MANATAHQUA brought to justice? All we can answer is, The records are si 
lent. Perhaps it was considered an offset to the murder of Bagnall. 

Nattahattawants, in the year 1642, sold to Simon Willard, in behalf of "Mr. 
Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Noivell, and Mr. Alden" a large tract of land upon 
both sides Concord River. "Mr. Winthrop, our present governor, 1260 acres, 
Mr. Dudley, 1500 acres, on the S. E. side of the river, Mr. Nowell, 500 acres, 
and Mr. Allen, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in consideration 
hereof the said Simon giueth to the said Nattahattawants six fadom of waom- 
pampege, one wastcoat, and one breeches, and the said Nattahattaivants doth 
covenant and bind himself, that hee nor any other Indians shall set traps with 
in this ground, so as any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what cattle 
shall receive hurt by this meanes, hee shall be lyable to make it good." [In 
the deed, Nattahattaivants is called sachem of that land.] 

Witnessed by The mark of NATAHATTA WANTS. 

three whites. The mark of Q WINNIPIN, an Indian 

that traded for 



The name of this chief, as appears from documents copied by Mr. Shattuck,\\ 
was understood Tahattawan, Tahattawants, Attawan, Attawanee, and Ahataiva- 
nee. He was sachem of Musketaquid, since Concord, and a supporter and 

* Hist. Lynn. fHist. N. Eng. 

1633. William Wood, author of New En*. Prospect. 

Winthrop's Journal, i. 62, 63. II Winthrop, ib. 

Col. Maine Hist. Soc. i. G8. 
**He had, in about three years, by extortion, as we infer from Winthrop, accumulated 
about 400 from among the Indians. See Journal ut supra. 
tt Suffolk Records of Deeds, vol. i. No. 34. \\ Hist. Concord, Mass, passim chap. i. 



CHAP. III.] WAHGUMACUT. JACK-STRAW. 49 

propagator of Christianity among his people, and an honest and upright man. 
The celebrated Wuhan married his eldest daughter. John Tahattawan was his 
son, who lived at Nashoba, where he was chief ruler of the praying Indians 
a deserving Indian. He died about 1670. His widow was daughter of John* 
sagamore of Patucket, upon the Merrimack, who married Oonamog, another 
ruler of the praying Indians, of Marlborough. Her only son by Tahattawan * 
was killed by some white ruffians, who came upon them while in their wig- 
wains, and his mother was badly wounded at the same time. Of this affair 
we shall have occasion elsewhere to be more particular. Naanashquaw, an 
other daughter, married Nacmishcow, called John Thomas, who died at Natick, 
aged 110 years. 

We know very little of a sachem of the name of Wahgumacut,] except that 
he lived upon Connecticut River, and came to Boston in 1631, with a request 
to the governor "to have some English to plant in his country;" and as an 
inducement, said he would " find them corn, and give them, yearly, 80 skins 
of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed him without giving him any 
encouragement ; doubting, it seems, the reality of his friendship. But it is 
more probable that he was sincere, as he was at this time in great fear of the 
Pequots, and judged that if some of the English would reside with him, he 
should be able to maintain his country. 

There accompanied Wahgumacut to Boston an Indian named Jackstraw 
who was his interpreter, and Sagamore John. We have labored to find some 
further particulars of him, but all that we can ascertain with certainty, is, that 
he had lived some time in England with Sir Walter Ralegh. How Sir Walter 

*Mr. Gookin writes this name Tohatooner, that of the father Tahattawarre. MS. Hist. 
Praying Indians, 105. 

t Wahginnacut, according to Mr. Savage's reading of Winthrop. Our text is according 
to Prince, who also used Winthrop in MS. It is truly diverting to see how the author of 
Tales of the Indians has displayed his invention upon the passage in Winthrop' s Journal 

1 u . 1 1 1 .1 ' l_'_P \T7_ _ '11 1 ,1- _ - _ -C IT7-- j?- A\ 4 *!__ ].._ 



sagamore is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoath (a far greater sagamore.") 
Now, every child that has read about the Indians, it seems to us, ought to know that the 
meaning of Pekoath was mistaken by the governor, and no more meant a chief than the 
Massasoits meant what the Plimouth people first supposed it to mean. In the one case, the 
name of a tribe was mistaken for that of a chief, and in the other the chief for the tribe. 
Mistakes of this kind were not uncommon before our fathers became acquainted with the 
country. Winthrop says, too, the Mohawks was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought 
there was a chief of that name ? 

\ Probably so named from the Maidstone minister, who flourished in Wat Tyler's rebellion, 
and whose real name was John Ball, but afterwards nick-named Jack Straw. He became 
chaplain to Wat's army, they having let him out of prison. A text which he made great use 
of in preaching to his liberators was this : 

When Adam dalfe and Eve span, 
Who was then a gentleman ? 

This we apprehend was construed, Down with the. nobility! See Rapin's Eng. i. 457. In 
Kennet, i. 247, John Wraw is called Jack Straw. He was beheaded. 

" The imputation of the first bringing in of tobacco into England lies on this heroic knight." 
Winstanleif s Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing of our 
inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phantastical abuse of the hellish weed, corrupted! the 
natural sweetness of the breath, stupifieth the brain ; and indeed is so prejudicial to the 
general esteem of our country." Ibid. 211. Whether Jack-straw were the servant who 
acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Walter Ralegh's smoking tobacco, on its first 
being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert; but, for the sake of the anecdote, we 
will admit the fact. 5 it is variously related, but is said to be, in substance, as follows. At one 
time, it was so very unpopular to use tobacco in any way in England, that many who had got 
attached to it, used it only privately. Sir Walter was smoking in his study, at a certain time, 
and, being thirsty, called to his servant to bring him a tankard of beer. Jack hastily obeyed 
the summons, and Sir Waller, forgetting to cease smoking, was in the act of spouting a 
volume of smoke from his mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking 
prodigiously at the mouth, thought no other but he was all on fire inside, having never seen 
such a phenomenon in all England before ; dashed the quart of liquor at once in his face, and 
ran out screaming, " Massa's a fire ! Massa's a fire ! " 

Having dismissed the servant, every one might reasonably expect a few words concerning 
his master. Sir Walter Ralegh may truly be said to have lived in an age fruitful in great and 
worthy characters. Captain John Smith comes to our notice through his agency, and the 
5 



50 JAMES-PRINTER, OR JAMES-THE-PRINTER. [Booic H 

came by him, does not satisfactorily appear. Captains Jlmidas and Barlow 
Bailed to America in his employ, and on their return carried over two natives 
from Virginia, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo.* It is barely possible 
that one of these was afterwards JacJc-straiv. 

A Nipmuck Indian, of no small note in his time, it may in the next place be 
proper to notice. 

James Printer, or James-the-printer, was the son of Naoas, brother of Tuka- 
pewillin\ and Jlnawedkin. When a child, he was instructed at the Indian 
charity school, at Cambridge. In 1659, he was put apprentice to Samuel 
Green, to learn the printer's business ; J and he is spoken of as having run 
away from his master in 1675. If, after an apprenticeship of 16 years, one 
could not leave his master without the charge of absconding, at least, both the 
master and apprentice should be pitied. In relation to this matter, Mr. Hub- 
renowned first English circumnavigator was his contemporary. He, like the last named, was 
born in the county of Devonshire, in 1552. in the parish of Budley. Sir Humphrey Gjlbert, 
so well known in our annals, was his half-brother, his father having- married Sir Humphrey's 
mother, a widow*, by whom he had Walter, a fourth son.f The great successes and dis 
coveries of the celebrated admiral Sir Francis Drake gave a new impetus to the English 
nation in maritime affairs, and consequent thereupon was the settlement of North America ; 
as great an era, to say the least, as was ever recorded in history. No one shone more 
conspicuous in those undertakings than Sir Walter Ralegh. AAer persevering a long time, 
he established a colony in Virginia, in 1607. He was a man of great valor and address, and 
a favorite with the great Queen Elizabeth, the promoter of his undertakings, one of whose 
tl maids of honor " he married. In this affair some charge him with having first dishonored 
that lady, and was for a time under the queen's displeasure in consequence, but marrying her 
restored him to favor. The city of Ralegh in Virginia was so named by his direction. He 
was conspicuous with Drake and Howard in the destruction of the Spanish armada in 1588. 
On the death of the queen, he was imprisoned almost 13 years in the tower-of London, upon 
the charge of treason. It was during his imprisonment that he wrote his great and learned 
work, the History of the World. The alleged crime of treason has long since been viewed 
by all the world as without foundation, and the punishment of Ralegh reflects all its blackness 
upon the character of James I. The ground of the charge was, that Ralegh and others were 
in a conspiracy against the king, and were designing to place on the throne Arabella Stewart.^. 
He was never pardoned, although the king set him at liberty, and permitted him to go on an 
expedition to South America in search of a gold mine of which he had gained some intima 
tions in a previous visit to those countries. His attempt to find gold failed, but he took the 
town of St. Thomas, and established in it a garrison. This was a depredation, as Spain 
and England were then at peace, but Ralegh had the king's commission. The Spanish 
ambassador complained loudly against the transaction, and the miserable James, to extricate 
Jiimself, and appease the Spanish king, ordered Ralegh to be seized on his return, who, upon 
the old charge of treason, was sentenced to be beheaded, which was executed upon him 29th 
Oct. 1618. " I shall only hint," says Dr. Polwhele,\\ ''thai the execution of this great man, 
whom James was advised to sacrifice to the advancement of the peace with Spain, halh left an 
indelible stain on the memory of that misguided monarch." It appears from another account IT 
that Sir Walter, on arriving at the mouth of the Oronoko, was taken " desperately sick," and 
sent forward a company under one of his captains in search of the gold mine. That they 
were met by the Spaniards, who attacked them, and that this was the cause of their assault 
ing St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without effecting the object they 
were upon. 

The following circumstance respecting the celebrated History of the World, not being 
generally known, cannot but be acceptable to the reader. The first volume (which is what 
we have of it) was published before he was imprisoned the last time. Just before his execu 
tion, he sent for the publisher of it. When he came, Sir Walter took him by the hand, and, 
" after some discourse, askt him how that work of his sold. Mr. Burre [the name of the 
publisher] returned this answer, that it had sold so slowly that it had undone him. At which 
words of his, Sir Walter Ralegh, stepping to his desk, reaches his other part of his history to 
Mr. Burre, which he had brought down to the times he lived in j clapping his hand on his 
breast, he took the other unprinted part of his works into his hand, with a sigh, saying, ' Ah, 
my friend, hath the first part undone thee, the second volume shall undo no more 5 this 
ungrateful world is unworthy of it.' When, immediately going to the fire-side, threw it in 
and set his foot on it till it was consumed."** 

*See Caylry's Life Sir W. Ralegh, \. 70. ed. Lond. 1816, 2 vols. 8vo. 

t Some author of Indian tales might delight himself for a long time in ringing changes on 
this Indian preacher's name, without inventing any new ones ; for it is not, as I remember, 
spelt twice alike in our authorities. \ Thomas, Hist. Printing. 

*" Of Otho Gilbert, of Compton, Esq." Polwhcle's Hist. Devon, ii. 219. 
t Stith, Hist. Virginia, 7. Second son, says Mr. Polwhde, Devon, ii. 219. 
t Rapni> 8 Eng. ii. 161. Tindal's notes in Rapin, ii. 19S. 

|| Hist. Devonshire, i. 25y. f Winstanley, Worthies. 256. 

** Winstanley, Worthies, 257. 



CHAP. III.J JAMES-THE-PRINTER. KUTCHMAKIN. 51 

lard says,* " He had attained some skill in printing, and might have attained 
more, had he not, like a false villain, ran away from his master before his 
time was out." And the same author observes that the name printer was 
superaddecl to distinguish him from, others named James. 

Dr. I. Mather \ has this record of James-printer. "July 8, [1676.] Whereas 
the council at Boston had lately emitted a declaration, signifying, that such 
Indians as did, within 14 days, come in to the English, might hope for mercy, 
divers of them did this day return from among the Nipmucks. Among 
others, James, an Indian, who could not only read and write, but had learned 
the art of printing, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture himself upon the 
mercy and truth of the English declaration, which he had seen and read, 
promising for the future to venture his life against the common enemy. He 
and the other now come in, affirm that very many of the Indians are dead 
since this war began ; and that more have died by the hand of God, in respect 
of diseases, fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have been 
killed with the sword." 

Mr. Thomas says,J it was owing to the amor patrice, of James-printer that he 
left his master and joined in Philip's war. But how much amor patriot he 
must have had to have kept him an apprentice 16 years is not mentioned. 

It was in 1685 that the second edition of the famous Indian Bible was 
completed. From the following testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen how 
much the success of that undertaking was considered to depend on James- 
the-printer. In 1683, in writing to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, Mr. Eliot 
says, " I desire to see it done before I die, and I am so deep in years, that I 
cannot expect to live long; besides, we have but one man, viz. the Indian 
Printer, that is able to compose the sheets, and correct the press with under 
standing." In another, from the same to the same, dated a year after, he says, 
" Our slow progress needeth an apology. We have been much hindered by 
the sickness the last year. Our workmen have been all sick, and we have but 
few hands, (at printing,) one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c. 

This Indian was undoubtedly James-the-printer. And Mr. Thomas adds, 
" Some of James's descendants were not long since* living in Grafton ; they 
bore the surname of Printer."^ 

There was an Indian named Job Nesutan, who was also concerned in the 
first edition of the Indian Bible. He was a valiant soldier, and went with the 
English of Massachusetts, in the first expedition to Mount Hope, where he 
was slain in battle. " He was a very good linguist in the English tongue, and 
was Mr. Eliot's assistant and interpreter in his translation of the Bible and 
other books in the Indian language."]) 

In a letter of the commissioners of the U. C. of New England, to the 
corporation in England, we find this postscript. " Two of the Indian' youths 
formerly brought up to read and write, are put apprentice; the one to a 
carpenter, the other to Mr. Green the printer, who take their trades and 
follow their business very well." James-the-printer was probably one of these. 
Nesutan, we presume, was only an interpreter. The alTove-mentioned letter 
was dated 10th Sept. 1660. 

* In 1698, James was teacher to five Indian families at Hassinammisco.il 
In 1709, he seems to have got through with his apprenticeship, and to have 
had some interest in carrying on the printing business. For, in the title 
pages of the Indian and English Psalter, printed in that year, is this imprint : 
" BOSTON, N. E. Upprinthomunne au B. GREEN, & J. PRINTER, wuiche 
gulitiantamwe Chapanukke ut Neiv England, &c. 1709." 

We shall now pass to notice a Massachusetts sachem, who, like too many 
others, does not appear to the best advantage ; nevertheless, we doubt not but 
as much so as he deserves, as by the sequel will be seen. We mean 

Kutchmakin, known also by several other names, or variations of the same 
name ; as, Kutshamaquin, Cutshamoquen, Cutchamokin, and many more, as, in 

* Narrative, 96. t Brief Hist. 89. J Hist. Printing, i. 290. 

Hist. Printing, i. 292, 293. || Gookin, Hist. Praying Indians. 

IT Information from Mr. E. Tuckerman, Jr. Hassinammisco, Hassanamesit, &c. signified 
a place of stones. Thomas, ut supra. 



52 KUTCHMAKIN. WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [BOOK II. 

different parts of our work, extracts will necessarily show. He was one of 
those sachems who, in 1643 4, signed a submission to the English, as has 
been mentioned in a preceding chapter. 

In 1636, Kutshamakin sold to the people of Dorchester, Uncataquisset, 
being the part of that town since called Milton. This, it appeal's, was at some 
period his residence. Though he was a sachem under Woosamequin, yet, like 
Caunbitant, he was opposed to the settlement of the English in his country. 
He soon, however, became reconciled to it, and became a Christian. When 
Mr. Eliot desired to know why he was opposed to his people's becoming 
Christians, he said, then they would pay him no tribute. 

When the English of Massachusetts sent to Canonicus, to inquire into the 
cause of the murder of John Oldham, Kutshamakin accompanied them as 
interpreter, fighter, or whatever was required of him. 

As no satisfaction could be had of the Pequots, for the murder of Mr. Old- 
ham, it was resolved, in 1636, to send an army into their country "to fight with 
them," if what, in the opinion of the English, as a recompense, were not to be 
obtained without. The armament consisted of about 90 men. These first 
went to Block Island, where they saw a few Indians before they landed, who, 
after shooting a few arrows, which wounded two of the English, fled. The 
Indians had here "two plantations, three miles in sunder, and about 60 
wigwams, some very large and fair, and above 200 acres of corn." This the 
English destroyed, "staved seven canoes," and after two days spent in this 
business, and hunting for Indians without success, sailed to the main land, 
where Kutshamakin performed his part in hastening on the Pequot calamity. 
Having waylaid one of that nation, he shot and scalped him. The scalp he 
sent to Canonicus, who sent it about among all his sachem friends; thus 
expressing his approbation of the murder, and willingness to engage his 
friends to fight for the English. As a further proof of his approval of the act, 
he not only thanked the English, but gave Kutshamakin four fathom of 
wampum. 

Cant. Lion Gardener gives us some particulars of this affair, which are very 
valuable for the light they throw on this part of our early transactions with the 
Pequots. The affair we have just mentioned happened immediately after 
Endicott, Turner, and Underbill arrived at Saybrook, from Block Island. Capt. 
Gardener then commanded the fort, who spoke to them as follows of their 
undertaking: "You come hither to raise these wasps about my ears, and then 
you will take wing and flee away." It so came to pass ; and although he was 
much opposed to their going, yet they went, agreeably to their instructions. 
Gardener instructed them how to proceed, to avoid being surprised ; but the 
Indians played them a Yankee trick, as in the sequel will appear. 

On coming to the Pequot town, they inquired for the sachem,* wishing to 
parley with him : his people said " he was from home, but within three hours 
he would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, there came 
none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in great numbers, and spoke to them, 
through the interpreter, Kutshamakin, for some time. This delay was a strata 
gem which succeeded well ; for they rightly guessed that the English had 
come to injure them in their persons, or property, or both. Therefore, while 
some were entertaining the English with words, others carried off their effects 
and hid them. When they had done this, a signal was given, and all the 
Indians ran away. The English then fell to burning and destroying every 
thing they could meet with. Gardener had sent some of his men with the 
others, who were unaccountably left on shore when the others reembarked, 
and were pursued, and two of them wounded by the Indians. 

"The Bay-men killed not a man, save that one, Kichomiquim, an Indian 
sachem of the Bay, killed a Pequit ; and thus began the war between the 
Indians and us, in these parts." f The Pequots henceforth used every means 
to kill the English, and many were taken by them, and some tortured in their 
manner. "Thus far," adds Gardener, "I had written in a book, that all men 

* Sassacus, says Winthrop (i. 194.) ; but being told he was gone to Long Island, the gene 
ral demanded to see " the other sachem, &c." which was doubtless Mononotlo, 
t 3 Coll. Hist. Soc. iii. 141, &c. 



CHAP. IV.] OF THE NARRAGANSETS. TASHTASSUCK. 53 

and posterity might know how and why so many honest men had their blood 
shed, yea, and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive, 
only because Kichamokin, a Bay Indian, killed one Pequot." 

To say the least of our author, he had the best possible means to be correctly 
informed of these matters, and we know not that he had any motive to mis 
represent them. 

Governor fPinthrop mentions, under date 1646, that Mr. Eliot lectured 
constantly "one week at the wigwam of one Wdbon, a new sachem near 
Watertown mill, and the other the next week in the wigwam of Cutshamekin, 
near Dorchester mill." We shall have occasion in another chapter to speak 
of Kutsliamakin. 

In 1648, Cutchamekin, as he was then called, and Jojeuny appear as witnesses 
to a deed made by another Indian called Cato, alias Goodman. Lane and 
Griffin were the grantees " in behalf of the rest of the people of Sudbury." 
The tract of land sold adjoined Sudbury, and was five miles square ; for 
which Colo received five pounds. Jojeuny was brother to Cato.* 



CHAPTER IV. 

Of the great nation of the Narragansets Geography of their country CANONICUS 

MIANTUNNOMOH His relations Aids the English in destroying the Pequots 
Sells Rhode Island His difficulties with the English Visits Boston His mag 
nanimity and independence Charged with a conspiracy against the whites Ably 
repc's it WAIANDANCE becomes his secret enemy His speech to IVaiandance and 
his people His war with Uncas His capture and death Circumstances of his 
execution Participation of the whites therein Impartial view of that affair 
Traditions NINIGRET MEXAM, alias MEXANO Affair of Cuttaquin and Uncas 

Character of Ascassassotick -JVinigret visits the Dutch Accused by the English 
of plotting with them Mly defends himself Notices of various other Indians 
War beticeen JVinigrct and Jlscassassotich Present condition of his descendants 
Further account of Pessacus Killed by the Mohawks. 

THE bounds of Narraganset were, as described in the times of the sachems, f 
" Pautuckit River, Quenebage [Quabaog] and Nipmuck," northerly ; " westerly 
by a brook called Wequapaug, not far f from Paquatuck River; southerly by 
the sea, or main ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein lieth 
many islands, by deeds bought of the Nanhiganset sachems." Coweesett and 
Niantick, though sometimes applied to this country, were names only of places 
within it. According to Mr. Gookin, " the territory of their sachem extended 
about 30 or 40 miles from Sekunk River and Narragansitt Bay, including 
Rhode Island and other islands in that bay." Pawcatuck River separated 
them from the Pequots. This nation, under Canonicus, had, in 1642, arrived 
at the zenith of its greatness, and was supposed to have contained a population 
of thirty thousand. This estimate was by Richard Smith, jr., who, with his 
father, lived in their country. 

In 1766, or about that year, Mr. Samuel Drake made a catalogue of the 
Narraganset Indians. This catalogue contained the names of about 315 per 
sons. Mr. Drake spent 14 years among them, chiefly in the capacity of a 
schoolmaster. He wrote an account of them, but whether it was ever pub 
lished I cannot learn. 

A census of those calling themselves a remnant of the Narragansets, taken 
Feb. 1832, was 315; only seven of whom were unmixed. The Indians 
themselves make their number 364. || 

Of the early times of this nation, some of the first English inhabitants 
learned from the old Indians, that they had, previous to their arrival, a sachem 
named Tashtassuck, and their encomiums upon his wisdom and valor were 

* Suffolk Reg. Deeds. There is no name signed to the deed, but in the place thereof, is the 
picture of some four-legged animal drawn on his back. 

t See 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 210. t Four or five miles, says Goofcin. 

$ See Beatty's Journal, 106. |j MS. letter of Rev. Mr. Ely. 



54 CANONICUS. [BOOK II 

much the same as the Delawares reported of their great chief Tamany ; that 
Bince there had not been his equal, &c. Tashtassuck had but two children, a 
eon and daughter; these he joined in marriage, because he could find none 
worthy of them out of his family. The product of this marriage was four 
sons of whom Canonicus was the oldest.* 

CANONICUS,! the great sachem of the Narragansets, was contemporary with 
Mantunnomoh, who was his nephew. We know not the time of his birth, but 
a son of his was at Boston in 1631, the next year after it was settled. But the 
time of his death is minutely recorded by Governor Wmtfovp, in his "Journal," 
thus: "June 4, 1647. Canonicus, the great sachem of Narraganset, died, a 
very old man." He is generally supposed to have been about 85 years of age 
when he died. 

The Wampanoags were in great fear of the Narragansets about the time the 
English came to Plimouth, and at one time war actually existed, and Massasoit 
fled before Canonicus, and applied to the English for protection. 

Edivard Winslow relates, in his GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND, that, in 
Feb. 1622, Canonicus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bundle of 
arrows, bound with a rattlesnake's skin, and there left them, and retired. The 
Narragansets, who were reported at this time " many thousand strong," hearing 
of the weakness of the English, " began, (says the above-named author,) to 
breath forth many threats against us," although they had the last summer 
" desired and obtained peace with us." " Insomuch as the common talk of 
our neighbor Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come 
against "us." They were now imboldened from the circumstance that the 
English had just added to their numbers, but not to their arms nor provisions. 
The ship Fortune had, not long before, landed 35 persons at Plimouth, and 
the Narragansets seem to have been well 'informed of all the circumstances. 
This, (says Mr. Winslow,} " occasioned them to slight and brave us with so 
many threats as they did. At length came one of them to us, who was sent 
by Conaucus, their chief sachem or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, 
a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, 
who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry ; and leaving for 
him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to depart 
with all expedition." 

When Squanto was made acquainted with the circumstance, he told the 
English that it was a challenge for war. Governor Bradford took the rattle 
snake's skin, and filled it with powder and shot, and returned it to Canonicus ; 
at the same time instructing the messenger to bid him defiance, and invite him 
to a trial of strength. The messenger, and his insulting carriage, had the 
desired effect upon Canonicus, for he would not receive the skin, and it was 
cast out of every community of the Indians, until it at last was returned to 
Plimouth, and all its contents. This was a demonstration that he was awed 
into silence and respect of the English, by the decided stand and hostile 
attitude they assumed. 

In 1621, soon after the war with Caunbitant was over, among those who 
sought the friendship of the English, was Canonicus himself, notwithstanding 
he was now courting war again so soon. He had doubtless nearly got rid of 
the fear that the news of SiandisWs conduct first inspired, and had taken up 
again his old resolution of fighting the strangers at Plimouth. 

He is mentioned with great respect by Rev. Roger Williams, \ in the year 
1654. After observing that many hundreds of the English were witnesses to 
the friendly disposition of the Narragansets, he says, "Their late famous long- 
lived Caunonicus so lived and died, and in the same most honorable manner 
and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker, 
Mr. Winthrop, did they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; yea, 

* Hutchinson, i. 458, who met with this account in MS. ; but we do not give implicit credit 
.to it, as, at best, it is tradition. 

t This spelling does not convey the true pronunciation of the name ; other spellings will be 
noticed in the course of his biography. Its sound approached so near the Latin word canoni- 
cus, that it became confounded with it. Qunnoune was early written. 

J Manuscript letter to the governor of Massachusetts. 



CHAP. IV.] CANONICUS. MASCUS. 55 

through all their towns and countries how frequently do many, and oft times, 
our Englishmen travel alone with safety and loving kindness ? " 

The following statement of Roger Williams is in a deposition, dated Narra- 
ganset, 18 June, 1682, and, although varying a little from the above, contains 
facts very pertinent to our purpose. He says, " I testify that it was the general 
and constant declaration, that Canonicus his father had three sons, whereof 
Canonicus was the heir, and his youngest brother's son Mcantinomy (because 
of his youth) was his marshal and executioner, and did nothing without his 
uncle Canonicus' consent. And therefore I declare to posterity, that were it 
not for the favor that God gave me with Canonicus, none of these parts, no, 
not Rhode Island, had been purchased or obtained ; for I never got any thing 
of Canonicus but by gift." 

When Mr. John Oldham was killed near Block Island, and an investigation 
set on foot by the English to ascertain the murderers, they were fully satisfied 
that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh had no hand in the affair, but that " the six 
other Narraganset sachems had." No wonder he took great offence at the 
conduct of the English concerning the death of Miantunnomoh. The Warwick 
settlers considered it a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samuel Gorton wrote a 
letter for Canonicus to the government of Massachusetts, notifying them that 
he had resolved to be revenged upon the Mohegans. Upon this the English 
despatched messengers to Narraganset to inquire of Canonicus whether he 
authorized the letter. He treated them with great coldness, and would not 
admit them into his wigwam for the space of two hours after their arrival, 
although it was exceedingly rainy. When they were admitted, he frowned 
upon them, and gave them answers foreign to the purpose, and referred them 
to Pessacus. This was a very cold reception, compared with that which the 
messengers received when sent to him for information respecting the death 
of Mr. Oldham. " They returned with acceptance and good success of their 
business ; observing in the sachem much state, great command of his men, 
and marvellous wisdom in his answers; and in the carriage of the whole 
treaty, clearing himself and his neighbors of the murder, and offering revenge 
of it, yet upon very safe and wary conditions." 

This sachem is said to have governed in great harmony with his nephew. 
"The chiefest government in the country is divided between a younger sachem, 
Miantunnomu, and an elder sachem, Caunaunacus, of about fourscore years old,* 
this young man's uncle ; and their agreement in the government is remarkable. 
The old sachem will not be offended at what the young sachem doth ; and the 
young sachern will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle."f With 
this passage before him, Mr. Durfee versifies as follows, in his poem called 
Whatchetr: 

11 Two mighty chiefs, one cautious, wise, and old, 
One young, and strong 1 , and terrible in fight, 
All Narraganset and Coweset hold ; 
One lodge they build one counsel fire they light." 

" At a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies at Boston, vij 
Sept., 1643," it was agreed that Massachusetts, in behalf of the other colonies, 
"give Conoonacus and the Nanohiggunsets to understand, that from time to 
time " they have taken notice of their violation of the covenant between them, 
notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love to them by the English ; 
that they had concurred with Miantunnomoh in his late mischievous plots, by 
which he had intended "to root out the body of the English" from the coun 
try* by gifts arid allurements to other Indians ; and that he had invaded Uncas, 
contrary to the "tripartie covenant" between himself, Uncas, and Connecticut. 
Therefore, knowing " how peaceable Conanacus and Mascus, the late father of 
Myantenomo, governed that great people," they ascribed the late "tumults and 
outbreakings " to the malicious, rash and ambitious spirit of Miantunnomoh, 
more than to " any affected way of their own." 

Notwithstanding, Miantunnomoh being now put to death, the English and 
their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " Vncus, sagamore of the Mohegins, 

* This was written about 1643. t Col. R. I. Hist. Soc. vol. i. 



56 CANONICUS. HIS WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [BOOK II 

and his people, Woosamequine and bis people, Sacanocoe and his people, Pum* 
ham and his people, were disposed, they said, still to have peace with the 
Narragansets ; but should expect a more faithful observance of their agree 
ment than they had shown hitherto." This determination was to be imme 
diately laid before them, and a prompt answer demanded. 

In a grave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Canonicus thus addressed 
Roger Williams: "I have never suffered any wrong to be offered to the 
English since they landed, nor never will;" and often repeated the word 
Wunnaunewayean. "If the Englishman speak true, if he mean truly, then 
shall I go to my grave in peace, and hope that the English and my posterity 
shall live in love and peace together." 

When Mr. Williams said he hoped he had no cause to question the English 
men's wunnaumwauonck, that is, faithfulness, having long been acquainted with 
it, Canonicus took a stick, and, breaking it into ten pieces, related ten instances 
wherein they had proved false ; laying down a piece at each instance. Mr. 
Williams satisfied him that he was mistaken in some of them, and as to others 
he agreed to intercede with the governor, who, he doubted not, would make 
satisfaction for them. 

In 1635, Rev. Roger Williams found Canonicus and Miantunnomoh carrying 
on a bloody war against the Wampanoags. By his intercession an end was 
put to it, and he grew much in favor with all the sachems ; especially Canonicus, 
whose "heart (he says) was stirred up to love me as his son to his last gasp." 
He sold the Island of Rhode Island to William Coddington, Roger Williams, 
and others. A son of Canonicus, named Mriksah, is named by Williams as 
inheriting his father's spirit. This son is also called Meika, who, after his 
father's death, was chief sachem of the Narragansets, and was said to have 
been his eldest son. Many particulars of him will be found in our progress 
onward. 

At the time of the Pequot war, much pains was taken to secure the friend 
ship of Canonicus more firmly. Mr. Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop 
concerning him as follows: "Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find 
Canounicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and 
indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full." In another 
letter which Mr. Williams sent to the same by Miantunnomoh himself, he says, 
" I am bold to request a word of advice of you concerning a proposition made 
by Caunounicus and Miantunnomu to me some half year since. Caunounicus 
gave an island in this bay to Mr. Oldham, by name Chibachuivese, upon 
condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell there near unto them." The 
death of Mr. Oldham, it appears, prevented his accepting it, and they offered 
it to Mr. Williams upon the same conditions; but he first desired to know 
whether, in so doing, it would be perfectly agreeable to Massachusetts, and 
that he had no idea of accepting, without paying the chiefs for it ; said he told 
them "once and again, that for the present he mind not to remove ; but if he 
had it, would give them satisfaction for it, and build a little house and put in 
some swine, as understanding the place to have store of fish and good feeding 
for swine." When Miantunnomoh heard that some of the Massachusetts men 
thought of occupying some of the islands, Canonicus, he says, desired he 
would accept of half of it, " it being spectacle- wise, and between a mile or 
two in circuit;" but Mr. Williams wrote to inform them that, if he had any, 
he desired the whole. This was not long before the Pequot war, which 
probably put a stop to further negotiation upon the subject. 

There was another chief of the same name in Philip's war, which Mr. 
Hubbard denominates "the great sachem of the Narragansets," and who, 
"distrusting the proffers of the English, was slain in the woods by the 
Mohawks, his squaw surrendering herself: by this means her life was 
spared." He was probably a younger son of Canonicus, or an immediate 
descendant. 

In 1C32, a war broke out between the Narragansets and the Pequots, on 
account of disputed right to the lands between Paucatuck River and Wecapaug 
Brook.* It was a tract of considerable consequence, being about ten miles 

"The natives art; very exact and punctual in the bounds of their lauds, belonging to this 



CHAP. IV.] . CANONICUS. SOKOSO. 57 

wide, and fifteen or twenty long. Canonicus drew along with him, besides his 
own men, several of the Massachusetts sagamores. This was maintained with 
ferocity and various success, until 1635, when the Pequots were driven from it, 
but who, it would seem, considered themselves but little worsted ; for Canonicus, 
doubting his ability to hold possession long, and ashamed to have it retaken from 
him, made a present of it to one of his captains, who had fought heroically in 
conquering it ; but he never held possession : however, alter the Pequots were 
subdued by the English, these lands were possessed by the Narragansets again. 

The name of this Pequot captain was SOKOSO, sometimes called Soso, Sosoa, 
&c. He had killed one of his countrymen and fled to the Narragansets, who 
protected him. This tract of country was afterwards in dispute between the 
English. Sokoso having deeded it to some of them, (9 June, 1660,) an English 
man afterwards testified, that Sokoso had acknowledged, that, although he had 
received money for it, he never owned it. But, according to the testimony of 
Wawaloam, the wife of Miantunnomoh, there was doubtless some false swearing 
about it. It was reckoned to contain 20,000 acres, and the following is attested 
concerning it : " I, Wawaloam, do affirm it to be Socho's or his assigns', and 
further, whereas my uncle Nenegrad sayeth that it is his land, I do utterly deny 
it before all men ; for it was conquered by my husband Miantonomy, and my 
uncle Canonicus, long before the English had any wars with the Pequots ; and 
my uncle Ninegrad had no hand in the war. This land was given and past 
over to the valiant Captain Socho, for service done for us before the English 
had any wars with the Pequots." * 

It is said that, in the war between Uncos and Miantunnomoh, two of the 
sons of Canonicus fought on the side of Miantunnomoh, and were wounded 
when he was taken prisoner at Sachem's Plain. 

Canonicus has been the subject of a poem which was published at Boston, 
in 1803. f Among the tolerable passages are the following : 

" A mighty prince, of venerable age, 

A peerless warrior, but of peace the friend 5 
His breast a treasury of maxims sage 
His arm, a host to punish or defend." 

Canonicus, at the age of 84 years, is made to announce his approaching 
dissolution to his people thus: 

" I die. My friends, you have no cause to grieve : 
To abler hands my regal power I leave. 
Our god commands to fertile realms I haste, 
Compared with which your gardens are a waste. 
There in full bloom eternal spring abides, 
And swarming fishes glide through azure tides ; 
Continual sunshine gilds the cloudless skies, 
No mists conceal Keesuckquand from our eyes." 

About 1642, a son of Canonicus died, at which his grief was veiy great; 
insomuch that, " having buried his son, he burned his own palace, and all his 
goods in it, to a great value, in solemn remembrance of his son." 

Like other men ignorant of science, Canonicus was superstitious, and was 
greatly in fear of the English, chiefly, perhaps, from a belief in their ability to 
hurt him by enchantment, which belief, very probably, was occasioned by the 
story that Squanto circulated, of which, in a previous chapter, we have spoken. 
When Roger Williams fled into his country, he at first viewed him with dis 
trust, and would only frown upon him ; at length he accused him, as well as 
the other English, of sending the plague among the Indians ; but, as we have 
said before, he soon became reconciled to him, gave him lands, and even 
protected him. They became mutual helps to each other, and, but for ani 
mosities among the English themselves, it may be fair to conclude, friendship 
would have continued with the Narragansets through several generations. 

or that prince or people, even to a river, brook, &c. And I have known them make bargain 
and sale amongst themselves, for a small piece, or quantity of ground ; notwithstanding a 
sinful opinion amongst manv. that Christians have right to heathen's lands." R. Williams. 

* Sec Potter's History of Narraganset, in Col. R. I. Hist. Soc. iii. 248. 

t By John Lathrop, A. M. in 8vo. 



58 MIANTUNNOMOH. THE PEQUOT WAR. _ [BOOK II. 

MIANTUNNOMOH * was the son of a chief called Mascus, nephew of Canoni- 
cus, brother or brother-in-law to JVmigretfi and brother of Otash. And, from 
a manuscript J among the papers of the late Dr. Trumbull, it appears that 
Mossup, or Mosipe^ and Canjanaquond,\\ were also his brothers. 

Tliis Miantonimo" says Mr. Hubbard, " was a very good personage, [that 
is, well made,] of tall stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well 
as haughty in his designs.''^ 

As early as 3 Aug. 1632, this chief came with his wife to Boston, where he 
staid two nights. He was then known by the name of Mecumeh. While here 
he went to church with the English, and in the mean while, some of his men, 
twelve of whom had accompanied him, it seems, broke into a house, and 
committed a theft, on 5 March. Complaint was made to the English gov 
ernor, who "told the sachem of it, and with some difficulty caused him to 
make one of his sannaps ** beat them." The authors of the mischief were 
immediately sent out of town, but Miantunnomoh and the others, the governor 
took to his house, " and made much of thern."ft 

The EnglisJi seem always to have been more favorably inclined towards 
other tribes than to the Narragansets, as appears from the stand they took in 
the ware between them and their enemies. And so long as other tribes suc 
ceeded against them, the English were idle spectators; but whenever the 
scale turned in their favor, they were not slow to intercede. 

In the Life of Canonicus, the part Miantunnomoh exercised in the govern 
ment of the great nation of the Narragansets is related. 

In 1634, Captains Stone and Norton were killed by the Pequots, and in 1636, 
Mr. John Oldham, by the Indians " near Block Island." Miantunnomoh did all 
in his power to assist in apprehending the murderers, and was at much pains 
and trouble in furnishing the English with facts relative thereto, from time to 
time. And when it was told at Boston that there was a cessation of hostilities 
between the Narragansets and Pequots, Miantunnomoh was immediately or 
dered to appear there, which ho did without delay, and agreed to assist them 
in a war against the Pequots ; without whose aid and concurrence, the English 
would hardly have dared to engage in a war against them at that time. 

Early in 1637, (March 21,) to show the governor of Massachusetts that he 
kept his promise of warring against the Pequots, Miantunnomoh sent him, by 
26 of his men, a Pequot's hand and 40 fathom of wampom. The war with 
them now commenced, and though of short duration, destroyed them to such 
a degree, that they appeared no more as a nation. One hundred of the Nar 
ragansets joined themselves with the English in. its accomplishment, and re 
ceived a part of the prisoners as slaves for their services.}! When the war 
was over, Miantunnomoh still adhered to the English, and seized upon such 
of the Pequots as had made their escape from bondage, and returned them to 
their English masters ; gave up to them his claim of Block Island, and other 
places where the English had found Pequots, and which they considered as 
belonging to them by right of conquest. 

About the same time, or in the course of the year 1638, troubles had grown 
to an alarming height between the Narragansets and Mohegans, and, as usual, 

* This spelling is according- to Winthrop: we prefer Williams' s melhod, as more correct, 
which is Miantunnomu ; but, having employed the former in our first edition, it is retained in 
this. It is, however, oftener written Myantonimo now, which only shows another pronuncia 
tion. The accent is usually upon the penultimate syllable. See Cailender's Cent. Dis 
course, page 1 . 

t MSS. of R. Williams. \ Now published in the Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 

Called also Cussitsquench, or Sucquaneh, and Paticus ; that is, Pessacus. He " was 
killed by the Mogul, [Mohawks.] in the wilderness, about 20 miles above Pisataqua, in his 
travel eastward, in the time of the Indian wars, and other Indians with him, and were buried 
by order of Major Waldron." 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 

|| " Receaued this First of luly, 1659, of Maj r . Humfrey Aderton, [Atherton,] and the rest 
of his friends, the sume of 75 pounds in Wampam peag w th seueral other things as gratuity 
for cerlaine lands giuen y e said Maj r . Aderton and his friends, as may appeare by two seuerall 
deeds of gift. I say receaued by me. 

CoGINAQUAN _^~ his mark." 

[MS. Documents. 

IF Hist. New Eng. 446. ** A name the sachems gave their attendants. 

ft Winthrop's Journal. ft Miantunnomoh received eighty. Mather's Relation, 39. 



CHAP. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH. INTRIGUES OF UNCAS. 59 

Roger Williams exercised all his skill to restore tranquillity. Many of the 
Pequots who had escaped the sword of the war of 1637, were among the 
Mohegans, and seem to have taken part with them against Miantunnomoh. 
They did this, no doubt, that the Mohegans might screen them from the 
English, who were still seizing on all of that nation against whom they could 
find any cause of suspicion of having been engaged in murdering the English, 
or in arms against them. 

Miantunnomoh, it is probable, had been ordered before the magistrates of 
Connecticut, to give some account of the Pequot refugees in the hands of the 
Mohegans, as well as of those in his nation ; which may have been a main 
cause of the war they had now waged against him. For, when he set out for 
Hartford, he had a guard of " upwards of 150 men, and many sachems, and 
his wife and children." Mr. Williams was with him, and strongly urged him 
not to venture upon the journey, even with this force, because of the hostility 
of the Mohegans ; but the sachem would not be dissuaded, although he had 
no doubt that the Mohegans and their Pequots were in great force not far off. 
And while they were on their march, "about 660 "of them fell upon the 
Wunnashowatuckoogs, a tribe under Canonicus, where they committed exten 
sive robberies, and destroyed " about 23 fields of corn." 

Notwithstanding this great Mohegan army had prepared an ambush to 
intercept and cut off Miantunnomoh, and gave out a threat that they would boil 
him in a kettle, yet he went to, and returned safe from, Connecticut.* 

On this occasion he discovers great braveiy, if it border not too closely 
upon temerity ; for, when Williams urged him to retreat, they had performed 
half their journey, or about 50 miles; and Miantunnomoh^ s answer was, after 
holding a council with his chiefs, "that no man should turn back, resolving 
rather all to die." 

The Mohegan sachem, Uncas, was at the same time ordered to appear at 
Hartford, to give an account of the Pequot warriors, or murderers, as the 
English called them, in his keeping, as well as to effect a reconciliation of 
differences between him and Miantunnomoh; but, instead of appearing, he 
sent a messenger, with word that he was lame and could not come. The 
governor of Connecticut, Mr. Haynes, at once saw through the artifice, and 
observed that it was a lame excuse, and immediately sent for him to come 
without delay. 

Whether cured of his lameness or not before coming, we are not informed ; 
but, in a few days after, the subtle sachem appeared, not daring to forfeit the 
friendship of the English, which, it seems, he preferred to hiding longer his 
guilty face from the presence of the magnanimous Miantunnomoh. 

Now before the English, Uncas was charged with the depredations, some 
of which were too well attested to admit of a denial, and others were dis 
owned in part. The inquiry seems to have ended after the parties were tired 
of it, without, any advantage to the injured Narragansets, and we hear of no 
measures taken for their relief. 

The next thing in order was a call upon Uncas for an account of the 
Pequots which he was sheltering, which resulted only in a new series of 
falsehoods from him. When he was requested to give their names, he said he 
knew none of them, and that there were but 20 in his dominions. Whereupon 
witnesses were called, whose testimonies proved, in his presence, that his 
statement was false. " Then he acknowledged that he had 30." At length 
Mr. Haynes dismissed him, with orders to bring in their names in 10 days, or 
he would take those Indians by force out of his country. Bat, when Mian 
tunnomoh was called upon for the names of those with him, nothing was 
withheld. 

At this time, at the request of the English, Miantunnomoh consented to lay 
aside all animosities, and take Uncas by the hand. When he had done this, 
he urged Uncas to dine with him ; but the guilty sachem would not, though 
pressed by the English for some time to do so ; and thus all efforts to bring 
about a peace vanished, f 

* Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc. iii. 145. f Ibid. iii. 146, 147. 



60 MIANTUNNOMOH SELLS AQUIDNICK. [BooK II 

Rev. Samuel Gorton and his associates purchased Shaomet, afterwards 
called Warwick, from the Earl of Warwick, of Miantunnomoh ; but, as 
Gorton could do nothing right in the eyes of the Puritans of Massachusetts, 
Pumham was instigated to claim said tract of country ; and, although a 
sachem under Miantunnomoh* did not hesitate, when supported by the Eng 
lish, to assert his claim as chief sachem. And the government of Massachu 
setts, to give to their interference the appearance of disinterestedness, which it 
would seem, from their own vindication, they thought there was a chance tc 
doubt, -' Send for the foresaid sachems, [who had complained of Mr. Gorton 
and others, through the instigation of the English,] and upon examination 
find, both by English and Indian testimony, that Miantonomo was only a 
usurper, and had no title to the foresaid lands." f This is against the testi 
mony of every record, and could no more have been believed then, than that 
Philip was not sachem of Pokanoket. In all cases of purchase, in those 
times, the chief sachem's grant was valid, and maintained, in almost every 
instance, by the purchaser or grantee. It was customary, generally, to make 
the inferior sachems, and sometimes all their men, presents, but it was by no 
means a law. The chief sachems often permitted those under them to 
dispose of lands also, without being called to account. This was precisely 
the situation of things in the Warwick controversy, of which we shall have 
occasion again to speak, when we come to the life of Pumham. 

In March, 1638, Miantunnomoh, with four other sachems, sold to William 
Coddington and others, the island now called Rhode Island, also most of the 
others in Narraganset bay, "for the full payment of 40 fathom of white peag, 
to be equally divided " between them. Hence Miantunnomoh received eight 
fathom. He was to " have ten coats and twenty hoes to give to the present in 
habitants, that they shall remove themselves from the island before next winter." 
The deed of this purchase, a copy of which is in my possession, is dated 
24th March, and runs thus : " We, Canonicas and Meantinomie, the two chief 
sachems of Naragansets, by virtue of our general command of this Bay, as 
also the particular subjecting of the dead sachems of Aquednick, Kitacka- 
mucknut, themselves and lands unto us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and 
his friends * * the great Island of Aquidnick, lying from hence [Providence] 
eastward * * also the marshes, grass upon Qunnonigat and the rest of the 
islands in the bay, excepting Chabatewece, formerly sold unto Mr. Winthrop, 
the now Gov. of Mass, and Mr. Williams of Providence, also the grass 
upon the rivers and coves about Kitackamuckqur, and from <hence to Pau- 
pasquat." 

" The, mark of ^> CONONICUS. 

The mark of YOTNESH, [OTASH, 
brother of MIANTUNNOMOH.] 

The mark of & MEANTINOMIE. 

The mark of , > ASOTAMNET. 

The mark of *~~ MEIHAMMOH, 

CANONIC us his son. 

" This witnesseth that I, Wanamaianamet, the present sachem of the island, 
have received five fathom of wampum and consent to the contents. 

The mark of &> WANAMATANAMET. 

"Memorandum. I, Osemequon, freely consent" that they may "make use 
of any grass or trees on the main land on Pocasicke side," having receiued 
five fathom of wampum also. 

The mark of A OSAMEQUEN- 

As late as 21 Sept. 1638, the hand of J\Hantunnomoh is set to an instrument, 
with that of Uncos. Said instrument was a treaty of peace, a bond for the 
settling of difficulties between these two sachems and their men, and an 

"The law of the Indians in all America is, that the inferior sachems and subjects shall 
plant and remove at the pleasure of the highest and supreme sachems." Roger Williams. 
This is authority, and we need no other commentary on the arbitrary proceedings of the court 
of Massachusetts. 

t In manuscript on file, at the state-house, Boston. 



CHAP. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH. TREATY WITH UNCAS. 61 

obligation from both to appeal to the English when any difficulty should arise 
between them. This treaty was done at Hartford, the substance of which 
follows : 

1st. Peace and friendship is established between Miantunnomoh ou the part 
of the Narragansets, and Poquim, as Uncos was then sometimes called, on the 
part of the Mohegans. And all former injuries and wrongs to be forgiven, 
and never to be renewed. 

2d. Each of the sachems agree, "that if there fall out injuries" from either 
side, they will not revenge them, but that they will appeal to the English, 
whose decision shall stand ; and if either party refuse to submit, " it shall be 
lawful for the English to compel him." 

3d. The sachems further covenant with the English, that they nor none of 
their people shall harbor any Indians who shall be enemies to them, or shall 
have murdered any white people. They further agree that they will, "as 
soon as they can, either bring the chief sachem of our late enemies the 
Peaquots, that had the chief hand in killing the English, to the sd English, or 
take of" his head. As to the "murders that are now agreed upon amongst 
us that are living, they shall, as soon as they can possibly, take off their 
heads." 

4th. And whereas it is agreed that there are now among the Narragansets 
and Mohegans, 200 Pequot men, besides squaws and papooses ; this article is 
to provide, that the Narragansets have enough of them to make up 80, with 
the 11 they have already, "and Poquime his number, and that after they, the 
Peaquots, shall be divided as above, shall no more be called Peaquots, but 
Narragansets and Mohegans." They agree to pay for every sanop one fathom 
of wampom, and for every youth half as much "and for every sanop 
papoose one hand to be paid at killing-time of corn at Connecticut yearly, 
and shall not suffer them for to live in the country that was formerly theirs, 
but is now the English's. Neither shall the Narragansets or Mohegans 
possess any part of the Pequot country without leaue of them." 

JOHN HAINES, MIANTINOMMY, ) 

ROG'R LUDLOW, POQUIAM, alias UNKAS. -p 1 

EDW'RD HOPKINS. 



The wife of Miantunnomoh, named WAWALOAM, was alive as late as 1661, 
as appeal's by an information which she gave, dated 25 June, concerning the 
right of Sokoso to sell the lands adjacent to Wecapaug. 

On a time previous to 1643, Roger Williams delivered a discourse to some 
Indians at their residence, as he was passing through their country. 1 Mian 
tunnomoh was present, and seemed inclined to believe in Christianity. Mr. 
Williams, being much fatigued, retired to rest, while Miantunnomoh and others 
remained to converse upon what they had heard. One said to the chief, 
" Our fathers have told us that our souls go to the south-west ; " Miantunno 
moh rejoined, "How do you know your souls go to the south-west? did you 
ever see a soul go that way ? " (Still he was rather inclined to believe, as Mr. 
Williams had just said, that they went up to heaven or down to hell.) The 
other added, " When did he (meaning Williams] ever see a soul go up to 
heaven or down to hell ? " 

We have given the above anecdote, which is thought a good illustration 
of the mind of man under the influence of a superstitious or prejudiced 
education. 

When it was reported, in 1640, that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off 
the English, as will be found mentioned in the account of Ninigret, and 
several English were sent to him in July, to know the truth of the matter, he 
would not talk with them through a Pequot interpreter^ because he was then 
at war with that nation. In other respects he complied with their wishes, 
and treated them respectfully, agreeing to come to Boston, for the gratification 
of the government, if they would allow Mr. Williams to accompany him. 
This they would not consent to, and yet he came, agreeably to their desires. 
We shall presently see who acted best the part of civilized men hi this affair 
6 



62 MIANTUNNOMOH ACCUSED OF A CONSPIRACY. [Boole II 

He had refused to use a Pequot interpreter for good reasons, but when he was 
at Boston, and surrounded by armed men, he was obliged to submit. " The 
governor being as resolute as he, refused to use any other interpreter, thinking 
it a dishonor to us to give so much way to them ! " The great wisdom of the 
government now displayed itself in the person of Governor Thomas Dudley. 
It is not to be expected but that Miantunnomoh should resent their proceedings ; 
for to the above insult they added others ; " would show him no countenance, 
nor admit him to dine at our table, as formerly he had done, till he had 
acknowledged his failing, &c., which he readily did." * By their own folly, 
the English had made themselves jealous of a powerful chief, and they appear 
ever ready afterwards to credit evil reports of him. 

That an independent chief should be obliged to conform to transitory 
notions upon such an occasion, is absolutely ridiculous ; and the justness of 
the following remark from him was enough to have shamed good men into 
their senses. He said, " When your people come to me, they are permitted to use 
their own fashions, and I expect the same liberty when I come to you" 

In 1642, Connecticut became very suspicious of Miantunnomoh, and urged 
Massachusetts to join them in a war against him. Their fears no doubt grew 
out of the consideration of the probable issue of a war with Uncos in his 
favor, which was now on the point of breaking out. Even Massachusetts did 
not think their suspicions well founded ; yet, according to their request, they 
sent to Miantunnomoh, who, as usual, gave them satisfactory answers, and, 
agreeably to their request, came again to Boston. Two days were employed 
by the court of Massachusetts in deliberating with him, and we are aston 
ished at the wisdom of the great chief, even as reported by his enemies. 

That a simple man of nature, who never knew courts or law, should cause 
such acknowledgments as follow, from the civilized and wise, will always be 
contemplated with intense admiration. "When he came," says Winthrop^ 
" the court was assembled, and before his admission, we considered how to 
treat with hitn, for we knew him to be a very subtle man." When he was 
admitted, " he was set down at the lower end of the table, over against the 
governor," but would not at any time speak upon business, unless some of his 
counsellors were present ; saying, " he would have them present, that they 
might bear witness with him, at his return home, of all his sayings." The 
same author further says, "In all his answers he was very deliberate, and 
showed good understanding in the principles of justice and equity, and 
ingenuity withal." 

He now asked for his accusers, urging, that if they could not establish their 
allegations, they ought to suffer what he expected to, if they did; but the 
court said they knew of none ; that is, they knew not whom they were, and 
therefore gave no credit to the reports until they had advised him according 
to a former agreement. He then said, " If you did not give credit to it, why 
then did you disarm the Indians?" Massachusetts having just then disarmed 
some of the Merrimacks under some pretence. " He gave divers reasons," 
says Governor Winthrop,\ "why we should hold him free of any such con 
spiracy, and why we should conceive it was a report raised by Uncas, &c. 
and therefore offered to meet Uncas, and would prove to his face his treachery 
against the English, &c., and told us he would come to us at any time," al 
though he said some had tried to dissuade him, saying that the English would 
put him to death, yet he feared nothing, as he was innocent of the charges 
against him. I 

The punishment due to those who had raised the accusations, bore heavily 
upon his breast, and "he put it to our consideration what damage it had been 
to him, in that he was forced to keep his men at home, and not suffer them to 
go forth on hunting, &c., till he had given the English satisfaction." After 
two days spent in talk, the council issued to the satisfaction of the English. 

During the council, a table was set by itself for the Indians, which Mian- 

* Winlhrop's Journal. \ See book iii. chap. vii. 

t Here, the reader may with propriety exclaim, was another Michael Servetus : " Pour- 
qnoy, Messeis;neurs, je de.ma.nde. que mon faulx accusateur soil pimi pcena talionis " '&e. 
Roscoe's Leo X. iv. 457. 



CHAP. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH. HIS WAR WITH UNCAS. 63 

tunnomoh appear not to have liked, and " would not eat, until some food had 
been sent him from that of the governor's." 

That wisdom seems to have dictated to Massachusetts, in her answer to 
Connecticut, must be acknowledged; but, as justice to Miantunnomoh abun 
dantly demanded such decision, credit in this case is due only to them, as to 
him who does a good act because it was his interest so to do. They urged 
Connecticut not to commence war alone, "alleging how dishonorable it would 
be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with the Indians, they should 
make war upon them ; for they would account their act as our own, seeing 
we had formerly professed to the Indians, that we were all as one ; and in our 
last message to Miantunnomoh, had remembered him again of the same, and 
he had answered that he did so account us. Upon receipt of this our answer, 
they forbare to enter into a war, but (it seemed) unwillingly, and as not well 
pleased with us." The main consideration which caused Massachusetts to 
decide ngainst war was, " That all those informations [furnished by Connecti 
cut] might arise from a false ground, and out of the enmity which was 
between the Narraganset and Mohigan" sachems. This was no doubt one 
of the real causes; and, had Miantunnomoh overcome Uncas, the English 
would, from policy, as gladly have leagued with him as with the latter; for it 
was constantly pleaded in those days, that their safety must depend on a 
union with some of the most powerful tribes. 

There can be no doubt, on fairly examining the case, that Uncos used many 
arts, to influence the English in his favor, and against his enemy. In the 
progress of the war between the two great chiefs, the English acted precisely 
as the Indians have been always said to do stood aloof, and watched the 
scale of victory, determined to join the conquerors : and we will here digress 
for a moment, to introduce a character, more fully to illustrate the cause of the 
operations of the English against the chief of the Narragansets. 

Miantunnomoh had a wretched enemy in Waiandance, a Long Island 
sachem, who had assisted in the destruction of the Pequots, at their last 
retreat. He revealed the plots and plans of Miantunnomoh; and, says Lion 
Gardener, "he told me many years ago," as all the plots of the Narragansets 
had been discovered, they now concluded to let the English alone until they 
had destroyed Uncas and himself, then, with the assistance of the Mohawks, 
"and Indians beyond the Dutch, and all the northern and eastern Indians, 
would easily destroy us, man and mother's son." 

Mr. Gardener next relates that he met with Miantunnomoh at Meanticut, 
Waiandance's country, on the east end of Long Island. That Miantunnomoh 
was there, as Waiandance said, to break up the intercourse with those Indians. 
There were others with Miantunnomoh, and what they said to Waiandance \vas 
as follows: 

" I r ou must give no more wampum to the English, for they are no sachems,^ nor 
none of their children shall be in their place if they die. They have no tribute 
given them. There is but one king in England, who is over them all, and if you 
should send him 100,000 fathom of wampum, he would not give you a knife for it, 
nor thank you." Then said Waiandance, " They will come and kill us all, as 
they did the Pequits;" but replied the Narragansets, "No, the Pequots gave 
them wampum and heaver, which they loved so well, but they sent it them again, 
and killed them because they had killed an Englishman ; but you have killed none, 
therefore give them nothing" 

Some time after, Miantunnomoh went again, "with a troop of men, to the 
same place, and, instead of receiving presents as formerly, he gave presents 
to Waiandance and his people, and made the following speech : 

" Brothers, we must be one as the English are, or we shall soon all' be 
destroyed. You know our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, and our 
plains were full of deer and of turkeys, and our coves and rivers were full of 
fish. But, brothers, since these English have seized upon our country, they 
cut down the grass with scythes, and the trees with axes. Their cows and 
horses eat up the grass, and their hogs spoil our beds of clams ; and finally 
we shall starve to death ! Therefore, stand not in your own light, I beseech 
you, but resolve with us to act like men. All the sachems both to the east 
and west have joined with us, and we are all resolved to fall upon them, at a 



64 MIANTUNNOMOH DEFEATED AND TAKEN PRISONER. [BOOK II. 

day appointed, and therefore I have come secretly to you, because you can 
persuade the Indians to do what you will. Brothers, I will send over 50 
Indians to Manisses, and 30 to you from thence, and take an 100 of 
Southampton Indians, with an 100 of your own here. And, when you 
see the three fires that will be made at the end of 40 days hence, in a 
clear night, then act as we act, and the next day fall on and kill men, women 
and children, but no cows ; they must be killed as we need them for pro 
visions, till the deer come again." 

To this speech all the old men said, " Wumegen" i. e. "!T is WELL." But 
this great plot, if the account given by Waiandance be true, was by him 
brought to the knowledge of the English, and so failed. " And the plotter," 
says Gardener, "next spring after, did as Jlhab did at Ramoth-Gilead. So he 
to Mohegrfn,* and there had his fall."f 

Capture and death of Miantunnomoh. The war brought on between Uncas 
and Miantunnomoh was not within the jurisdiction of the English, nor is it to 
be expected that they could with certainty determine the justness of its cause. 
The broil had long existed, but the open rupture was brought on by Uncas 9 
making war upon Sequasson, one of the sachems under Miantunnomoh. The 
English accounts say, (and we have no other,) that about 1000 warriors were 
raised by Miantunnomoh, who came upon Uncas unprepared, having only 
about 400 men ; yet, after an obstinate battle, in which many were killed on 
both sides, the Narragansets were put to flight, and Miantunnomoh taken 
prisoner ; that he endeavored to save himself by flight, but, having on a coat 
of mail, was known from the rest, and seized by two \ of his own men, who 
hoped by their treachery to save their own lives. Whereupon they imme 
diately delivered him up to the conqueror. Uncas slew them both instantly ; 
probably with his own hand. This specimen of his bravery must have had a 
salutary effect on all such as afterwards chanced to think of acting the part 
of traitors in their wars, at least among the Narragansets. 

The English of Rhode Island rather favored the cause of the Narragansets, 
nor could a different course be expected of them, satisfied as they were, that 
that nation were greatly wronged ; while, on the other hand, Connecticut and 
Massachusetts rather favored the Mohegans. That Miantunnomoh should not 
suffer in his person, in battles which, it was now seen, were inevitable, Samuel 
Gorton furnished him with a heavy old English armor, or coat of mail ; and 
this, instead of being beneficial, as it was intended, proved the destruction of 
his friend. For, when a retreat became necessaiy, not being used to this kind 
of caparison, it both obstructed his efforts at resistance and his means of flight. 
About 30 of his men were killed, and many more were wounded. 

Being brought before Uncas, he remained without speaking a word, until 
Uncas spoke to him, and said, " If you had taken me, I would have besought you 
for my life. 11 He then took his prisoner to Hartford, and at his request left 
him a prisoner with the English, until the mind of the United Colonies should 
be known as to what disposition should be made of him. 

The sorrowful part of the tale is yet to be told. The commissioners of the 
United Colonies, having convened at Boston, " taking into serious considera 
tion, they say, what was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it 
would not be safe to set him at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us 
to put him to death." The awful design of putting to death their friend they 
had not yet fixed upon ; but, calling to their aid in council "jive of the most 
judicious elders," " they all agreed that he ought to be put to death." This was 
the^ final decision ; and, to complete the deed of darkness, secrecy was enjoin 
ed "upon all. And their determination was to be made known to Uncas 

* This goes to show that Miantunnoirtoh was not killed above Hartford, as Winthrop states ; 
for the country at some distance from the mouth of Pequot River was called Mohegan. It 
probably included Windsor. 

1 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 155. 

tin the records, (Hazard, ii. 48,) but one person is mentioned as having taken Miantunno 
molt, whose name was Tantoqueson ; and there he is called a Mohegan captain. That there 
fore the Narragansets tried to kill him ; came upon him once in the night, and dangerously 
wounded him, as he lay in his wigwam asleep. See note in the Life of Ninigret. 

$ Winthrop, ii. 131. 



CHAP. IV.] MIANTUNNOMOH. CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISH. 65 

privately, with direction that he should execute him within his own jurisdic 
tion, and without torture. 

From their own account of this affair, the English (of the United Colonies) 
stand condemned in the trial of time at the bar of history. It is allowed that 
Uncas had made war upon Sequasson, in July, 1643, and done him much 
injury ; * and that, according to a previous agreement with the English, Mian- 
tunnomoh had complained to the governor of Massachusetts of the conduct 
of Uncas, and had received answer from him, " that, if Uncas had done him 
or his friends wrong, and would not give satisfaction, he was left to take his 
own course." No account is given that Sequasson had injured Uncas, but that 
Uncas " set upon Sequasson, and killed 7 or 8 of his men, wounded 13, burnt 
his wigwams, and carried away the booty.",* 

We will now go to the record, which will enable U* to judge of the justness 
of this matter. When the English had determined that Uncas should execute 
Miantunnomoh,, Uncas was ordered to be sent for to Hartford, " with some 
considerable number of his best and trustiest men," to take him to a place for 
execution, "carrying him into the next part of his own government, and there 
put him to death: provided that some discreet and faithful persons of the 
English accompany them, and see the execution, for our more full satisfac 
tion ; and that the English meddle not with the head or body at all." f 

The commissioners at the same time ordered, " that Hartford furnish Uncas 
with a competent strength of English to defend him against any present fury 
or assault, of the Nanohiggunsetts or any other." And " that in case Uncas 
shall refuse to execute justice upon Myantenomo, that then Myantenomo be sent 
by sea to the Massachusetts, there to be kept in safe durance till the com 
missioners may consider further how to dispose of him." f 

Here, then, we see fully developed the real state of the case. The Mohe- 
garts had, by accident, captured Miantunnomoh, after which event, they were 
more in fear of his nation than before ; which proves, beyond doubt, that they 
would never have dared to put him to death, had they not been .promised the 
protection of the English. 

No one can read this account without being reminded of the fate of Napo 
leon. We do not say that the English of New England dreaded the power 
of Miantunnomoh as much as those of Old England did that of Napoleon 
afterwards ; but that both were sacrificed in consequence of the fears of those 
into whose power the fortune of wars cast them, will not, we presume, be 
denied. 

When the determination of the commissioners and elders was made known 
to Uncas, he "readily undertook the execution, and taking Miantunnomoh 
along with him, in the way between Hartford arid Windsor, (where Uncas 
hath some men dwell,) Uncas 1 brother, following after Miantunnomoh, clave 
his head with an hatchet." J Mather says, they "very fairly cut off his 
head." 

Dr. Trumbull || records an account of cannibalism, at this time, which we 
ought to caution the reader against receiving as true history, as it no doubt 
rests on the authority of tradition, which is wont to transfer even the transac 
tions of one continent to another, which is this : " Uncas cut out a large piece 
of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph ;" saying, " 'it was the sweetest 
meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong.' " 11 

* Habbard, N. E. 450. t Records of the U. Colonies. 

\ Wintfirop's Journal, iL 134. As to the place of Miantunnomoh' s execution, Winthrop 
seems to have been in a mistake. It is not very likely that he was taken in the opposite 
direction, from Uncas's own country, as Windsor was from Hartford. It is also unlikely that 
Uncas had men dwell so far from his country upon the Thames. 

A gentleman who lately visited his sepulchre, says the wandering Indians have made a 
heap of stones upon his grave. It is a well-known custom of the race, to add to a monu 
mental pile of the dead whenever they pass by it. See 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 135. and 
Jefferson's Notes. [TJf Some wretchedly ignorant neighbors to this sacred pile (whites, of 
course) have, not long since, taken stones from it to make wall ! but enough remain to mark 
the spot. It is in the east part of Norwich. Colls. Ibid. 

(i Magnalia. || History of Connecticut, 5. 135. 

IT That this is tradition, may be inferred from the circumstance of an eminently obscure 
writer's publishing nearly the same story, which he says, in his book, took place upon me 



56 DEATH OF MIANTUNNOMOH. TRADITIONS. [Boox II. 

We are now certain that what Dr. Trumbull has given us as unquestionable 
history, from a "manuscript of Mr. Hyde," is only tradition. Having been put 
in possession of a copy of that manuscript,* we deem it highly important that 
it should be laid before the world, that its true weight may be considered by 
all who would be correctly informed in this important transaction. 

JJv way of preliminary to his communication, Mr. Hyde says, " The follow 
ing facts'being communicated to me from some of the ancient fathers of this 
town, who were contemporary with Uncas, 11 &c. " That before the settlement 
of Norwich, the sachem of the Narraganset tribe [Miantunnomoh] had a per 
sonal quarrel with Uncas, and proclaimed war with the Moheg[an]s: and 
marched with an army of 900 fighting men, equipped with bows and arrows 
and hatchets. Uncas be [ing] informed by spies of their march towards his 
seat, Uncas called his warriors together, about 600, stout, hard men, light of 
foot, and skilled in the use of the bow ; and, upon a conference, Uncas told 
his men that it would not do to let y e Narragansets come to their town, but 
they must go and meet them. Accordingly, they marched, and about three 
miles, on a large plain, the armies met, and 'both halted within bow-shot. A 
parley was sounded, and gallant Uncas proposed a conference with the Narra 
ganset sachem, who agreed. And being met, Uncas saith to his enemy word[s] 
to this effect : ' You have got a number of Krave men with you, and so have I. 
Jrd it n, pity that such brave men should be killed for a quarrel between you and 
/? Only come like a man, as you pretend to be, and we will fight it out. If you 
kill me, my men shall be yours ; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine. 1 Upon 
which the Narraganset sachem replied: 'My men came to fight, and they shall 

fight: 

" Uncas having before told his men, that if his enemy should refuse to fight 
him, he would fall down, and then they were to discharge their artillery 
[arrows] on them, and fall right on them as fast as they could;" this was 
done, and the Mohegans rushed upon Miantunnomoh 1 s army "like lions," put 
them to flight, and killed " a number on the spot." They " pursued the rest, 
driving some down ledges of rocks." The foremost of Uncas's men got 
ahead of Miantunnomoh, and impeded his flight, drawing him back as they 
passed him, "to give Uncas opportunity to take him himself." 

"In the pursuit, at a place now called Sachem's Plain, Uncas took him by 
the shoulder. He then set down, knowing Uncas. Uncas then gave a whoop, 
and his men returned to him ; and in a council then held, 'twas concluded by 
them, that Uncas, with a guard, should carry said sachem to Hartford, to the 
governor and magistrates, (it being before the charter,) to advise what they 
should do with him." " Uncas was told by them, as there was no war with 
the English and Narragansets, it was not proper for them to intermeddle, in 
the affair, and advised him to take his own way. Accordingly, they brought 
said Narraganset sachem back to the same spot of ground where he was took : 
where Uncas killed him, and cut out a large piece of his shoulder, roasted, 
and eat it ; and said, ' It ivas the sweetest meel f he ever eat ; it made him have 
strong hart. 1 There they bury him, and made a pillar, which I have seen but 
a few years since." 

This communication was in the form of a letter, and dated at Norwich, 9 
Oct. 1769, and signed Richard Hide. The just remark of Mr. Ely upon it I 
cannot withhold, in justice to my subject. 

" The above ' Manuscript of Mr. Hyde, 1 as a tradition, is a valuable paper, 
and worthy of preservation; yet, being written 125 years after the event 
which it describes, it is surprising that Dr. Trumbull should have inserted it, 
in his History of Connecticut, in its principal particulars, as matter of fact"{ 

In the proceedings of the commissioners of the United Colonies, the main 

death of Philip. Ontko, he says, cut out a pound of Philip's bleeding body and ate it. 
The book is by one Henry Trumbull, and purports to be a history of the discovery of Amer 
ica, the Indian wars, &c. The reader will find it about stalls by the street-side, but rarely in 
a respectable book-store. It has been forced through many editions, but there is scarce a 
word of true history in it. 

* By Rev. Wm. Ely, of Connecticut. 

f Trumbull says meat, but the MS. is plain, and means m.al. 

\ Manuscript letter, 1 Mar. 1833. 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. TROUBLE WITH MIANTUNNOMOH. 67 

facts in reference to the death of Miantunnomoh, contained in the above 
account, are corroborated. The records of the commissioners say, that Uncos, 
before the battle, told Miantunnomoh, that he had many ways sought his life, 
and now, if he dared, he would fight him in single combat ; but that Mian 
tunnomoh, " presuming upon his numbers of men, would have nothing but a 
battle."* 

It does not appear from jthese records, that Uncos had any idea of putting 
Miantunnomoh to death, but. to extort a great price from his countrymen, for 
his ransom. That a large amount in wampum was collected for this purpose, 
appears certain ; but, before it was paid, Uncos received the decision of the 
English, and then pretended that he had made no such agreement, or that the 
quantity or quality was not as agreed upon, as will more at length be seen in 
the life of Uncos. 

NINIGRET was often called Ninicraft, and sometimes Nenekunat,} Nini- 
glud, JVenegelett ; and his name was written almost as many other ways as 
times mentioned, by some early writers. Janemo\ was the first name by 
which he was known to the English. He was generally styled sachem of the 
Nianticks, a tribe of the Narragansets, whose principal residence was at We- 
kapaug, now Westerly, in Rhode Island. He was cousin to Miantunnomoh, 
and is commonly mentioned in history as the chief sachem of the Nianticks, 
which always made a part of the great nation of the Narragansets. Ninigret 
married a sister of Cashaivashett, otherwise called Harmon Garret, who was 
his uncle. 

The relation in which the Nianticks stood to the Narragansets is plain, from 
the representation given by Miantunnomoh to the government of Massachu 
setts in 1642. In treating with him, at that time, Governor Winthrop says, 
" Some difficulty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had just 
cause of war with them. They were," he said, " as his own flesh, being allied 
by continual intermarriages, &c. But at last he condescended, that if they 
should do us wrong, as he could not draw them to give us satisfaction for, nor 
himself could satisfy, as if it were for blood, &c. then he would leave them 
to us." 

On the 12 July, 1637, Jlyanemo, as his name was written by Governor 
Winthrop at this time, came to Boston with 17 men. The objects of his visit 
being stated to the governor, he promised him an answer the next day ; but 
the governor, understanding meanwhile, that he had received many of the 
Pequots, who had taken refuge in his country after their defeat at Mystic, first 
demanded their delivery to the English. Ninigret was very loath to comply 
with the demand ; but, finding he could get no answer to his propositions 
without, he consented to give up the Pequots, after a day's consideration. 
The governor shortly after dismissed him, with instructions to treat with the 
English captains then in the Pequot country. 

On the 9 Mar. 1638, " Miantunnomoh came to Boston. The governor, 
deputy and treasurer treated with him, and they parted upon fair terms." 
" We gave him leave to right himself for the wrongs which Janemoh and 
Wequash Cook had done him ; and, for the wrong they had done us, we 
would right ourselves, in our own time." || Hence, it appears that, at this 
period, they were not so closely allied as they were afterwards. 

The next year, Janem.o was complained of by the Long Island Indians, who 
paid tribute to the English, that he had committed some robberies upon them. 
Captain Mason was sent from Connecticut with seven men to require satisfac 
tion. Janemo Vent immediately to the English, and the matter was amicably 
settled. 1[ 

When it was rumored that Miantunnomoh was plotting to cut off the 

* See Hazard's Historical Collections, ii. 7, 10. 

t So written bv Roger Williams. 

i Mr. Prince,'in his edition of Hubbard's Narrative, probably mistook Winthrop's MS., 
and wrote Aganemo instead of Ayanemo. See the edition 1775, of Nar. p. 40, and Winthrop, 
Jour. i. 232. 

Prince says he was uncle to Miantunnomoh, (Chronology, ii. 59.) but that could not 
have been. 

|1 Winthrop's Journal, i. 243. IT Ibid. i. 267. 



63 NINIGRET. DUTCH AND INDIAN WAR. [Boon: II. 

English and using his endeavors to unite other tribes in the enterprise, the 
English' sent deputies to him, to learn the truth of the report, as will be found 
elsewhere fully stated. The deputies were well satisfied with the carriage of 
Miantunnomoh ; but, they say, "Janemoh, the Niantick sachern, earned himself 
proudly, and refused to come to us, or to yield to any thing ; only, he said, he 
would not harm us, except we invaded him." * Thus we cannot but form an 
exalted opinion of Ninigret, in the person of Jan$mo. 

A Dutch and Indian war raged at this time, and was conducted with 
unrelenting barbarity by the former party. It grew Out of a single murder, 
an Indian having killed a Dutchman in a drunken frolic. The murderer was 
immediately demanded, but could not be obtained; and the governor was 
urged to retaliate, and often called upon to take revenge. He waived the 
subject, foreseeing, no doubt, that retaliation was a bad course to pursue for 
satisfaction, especially with Indians. However, it soon happened that the 
Mohawks fell upon those Indians, killed about 30 of them, and the rest fled 
their country ; many of whom sought protection from the Dutch themselves. 
Some evil-minded persons now thought to revenge themselves on these 
Indians, without the danger of suffering from resistance. It is reported that 
an inhuman monster, named Marine, a Dutch captain, obtained the consent of 
the governor to kill as many of them as he pleased ; and, acting under that 
authority, surprised and murdered 70 or 80 of them, men, women, and 
children. No sooner was this blow of assassination struck, than the Indians 
flew to their arms, and began hostilities of the same kind ; and, with such 
fury was their onset made, that they cut off 20 persons or more, before the 
alarm could spread ; and they were soon masters of their settlements, and the 
Dutch were confined to their fort. By employing Captain UnderhUl, however, 
an experienced English officer in the Indian wars, and some others of the 
English, the Dutch were enabled to maintain their ground ; and, fortunately, 
soon after, Roger Williams accidentally arrived there, through whose mediation 
a peace was effected, and an end was put to a bloody war. This Marine, who 
was the principal cause of it, o/iarrelled with the governor, on account of his 
employing Underhill instead of him, and even attempted his life on the 
account of it. He presented a pistol at his breast, which, being turned aside 
by a bystander, the governor's life was preserved. A servant of Marine's 
then discharged a gun at the governor, but missing him, one of the governor's 
guard shot the servant dead, and Marine was made prisoner, and forthwith- 
sent into Holland. Williams, having been denied a passage through N. Eng 
land by the law of banishment, was forced to take passage for England at N. 
York in a Dutch ship, by way of Holland ; and this was the reason of his 
being there in the time of this war. 

Before this war was brought to a close, Captain Underhill, with his company 
of Dutch and English, killed about 300 Indians on the main, and 120 more on 
Long Island. The Dutch governor's employing the English was charged 
upon him as a "plot" to engage the English in his quarrel with the Indians ; 
" which," says Winthrop,\ " we had wholly declined, as doubting of the justice 
of the cause." 

It was about the beginning of this war, Sept. 1643, that " the Indians killed 
and drove away all the English" on the coast, from Manhattan to Stamford, 
the extent of the Dutch claim to the eastward. They then passed over " to 
Long Island, and there assaulted the Lady Moodey in her house divers times ;" 
but she, having about 40 men at her place at that time, was able to defend 
herself! " These Indians at the same time," continues Winthrop, \ " set upon 
the Dutch with an implacable fury, and killed all they could come by, and 
burnt their houses, and killed their cattle without any resistance, so as the 
governor and such as escaped, betook themselves to their fort at Monhaton, 
and there lived and eat up their cattle." 

Among the English people who were murdered when this war began, was 
a Mrs. Jinn Hutchinson, from whom was descended the historian of Massa 
chusetts. She, having given offence to the Puritans of the Bay state, (as 
Massachusetts was then called,) by her peculiar religious notions, to avoid 

* Winthrop's Journal, ii. 8. f Ibid. ii. 157. \ Ibid. ii. 136. 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. MOHEGAN WAR. 69 

persesution, fled first to Rhode Island, and afterwards to the Dutch posses 
sions, not far beyond Stamford. This was in 1642. When the Indians 
broke up the settlements there, in Sept. 1643, they fell upon the family of 
this woman, killed her, a Mr. Collins, her son-in-law, and all her family ex 
cept one daughter eight years old, whom they carried into captivity, and such 
of two other families, Throckmorton and CornhiWs, as were at home ; in 
all 16 persons. They then collected their cattle into the houses and set 
them on fire and burned them alive ! A greater slaughter would have been 
made at this time and place, but for the arrival of a boat while the tragedy 
was acting, into which several women and children escaped. But two of 
the boat's crew were killed in their humane exertions to save these distressed 
people. The daughter of Mrs. Hutchinson remained a prisoner four years, 
when she was delivered to the Dutch governor at New York, who restored 
her to her friends. She had forgotten her native language, and was unwilling 
to be taken from the Indians. This governor, with a kindness not to be for 
gotten, sent a vessel into Connecticut River, where its captain contrived 
to get several Pequots on board, whom he secured as prisoners. He then 
informed their friends, that they would not be set at liberty until the captive 
girl was delivered to him. This had the desired effect, and she was 
accordingly rescued. 

Notwithstanding a peace was brought about in the manner before stated, 
yet it was of short duration, and the sparks of war which had for a short time 
laid hid in its own embers, was by sordid spirits fanned again into a flame. 
The series of murderous acts which followed, are nowhere recorded within 
my researches, but an end was not put to it until 1646. It ended in a san 
guinary battle at Strickland's Plain, near what is since Horse Neck in New 
York, about 37 miles from the city. The numbers engaged on each side are 
not known, nor the numbers slain, but their graves are still pointed out to 
the curious traveller. 

To return to our more immediate subject. 

We hear little of Ninigret until after the death of Miantunnomoh. In 1644, 
the Narragansets and Nianticks united against the Mohegans, and for some 
time obliged Uncas to confine himself and men to his fort. 

This affair probably took place early in the spring, and we have elsewhere 
given all the particulars of it, both authentic and traditionary. It appears, 
by a letter from Tho. Peters, addressed to Governor Winthrop, written about 
the time, that there had been some hard fighting ; and that the Mohegans 
had been severely beaten by the Narragansets. Mr. Peters writes: 

" I, with your son, [John Winthrop of Con.,] were at Uncas 1 fort, where I 
dressed seventeen men, arid left plasters to dress seventeen more, who were 
wounded in Uncas 1 brother's wigwam before we came. Two captains and 
one common soldier were buried, and since we came thence two captains 
and one common man more, are dead also, most of which are wounded with 
bullets. Uncas and his brother told me, the Narragansets had 30 guns which 
won them the day, else would not care a rush for them. They drew Uncos' 
forces out by a wile, of 40 appearing only, but a thousand [lay hid] in am 
bush, who pursued Uncas 1 men into their own land, where the battle was 
fought vario marte, till God put fresh spirit into the Moheagues, and so drave 
the Narragansets back again." So it seems that Uncas had been taken in his 
own play. The letter goes on : " 'Tvvould pity your hearts to see them 
[Uncas 1 men] lie, like so many new circumcised Sechemites, in their blood. 
Sir, whatever information you have, I dare boldly say, the Narragansets first 
brake the contract they made with the English last year, for I helped to cure 
one Tantiquieson, a Moheague captain, who first fingered [laid hands on] 
Miantinomio. Some cunning squaws of Narraganset led two of them to 
Tantiquiesori's wigwam, where, in the night, they struck him on the breast 
through the coat with an hatchet, and had he not fenced it with his arm, no 
hope could be had of his life," &c. * 

" The English thought it their concern," says Dr. /. Mather, f " not to suffer 
him to be swallowed up by those adversaries, since he had, (though for his 

* Wintlirop'* Jour. ii. 380, 381. f Relation, 58. 



70 NINIGRET. NARRAGANSET WAR. [Boon II. 

own ends,) approved himself faithful to the English from time to time." An 
army was accordingly raised for the relief of Uncos. " But as they were 
just marching out of* Boston, many of the principal Narraganset Indians, viz. 
Pessecus, Mexano, * and Witawash, sagamores, and Aivasequin, deputy for the 
Nianticks ; these, with a large train, came to Boston, suing for peace, being 
willing to submit to what terms the English should see cause to impose 
upon them. It was demanded of them, that they should defray the charges 
they had put the English to,f and that the sachems should send their sons 
to be kept as hostages in the hands of the English, until such time as the 
money should be paid." After remarking that from this time the Narragan 
sets harbored venom in their hearts against the English, Mr. Mather pro 
ceeds : " In the first place, they endeavored to play legerdemain in their 
sending hostages; for, instead of sachems' children, they thought to send 
some other, and to make the English believe that those base papooses were 
of a royal progeny ; but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to be 
so eluded. After the expected hostages were in the hands of the English, 
the Narragansets, notwithstanding that, were slow in the performance of 
what they stood engaged for. And when, upon an impartial discharge of 
the debt, their hostages were restored to them, they became more backward 
than formerly, until they were, by hostile preparations, again and again 
terrified into better obedience. At last, Capt. Atherton, of Dorchester, was 
sent with a small party { of 20 English soldiers to demand what was due. 
He at first entered into the wigwam, where old Ninigret resided, with only 
two or three soldiers, appointing the rest by degrees to follow him, two or 
three dropping in at once ; when his small company were come about him, the 
Indians in the mean time supposing that there had been many more behind, 
he caught the sachem by the hair of his head, and setting a pistol to his 
breast, protesting whoever escaped he should surely die, if he did not forth 
with comply with what was required. Hereupon a great trembling and 
consternation surprised the Indians ; albeit, multitudes of them were then 
present, with spiked arrows at their bow-strings ready to let fly. The event 
was, the Indians submitted, and not one drop of blood was shed." This, it 
must be confessed, was a high-handed proceeding. 

"Some space after that, Ninigret was raising new trouble against us, 
amongst his Nianticks and other Indians ; but upon the speedy sending up 
of Capt. Davis, with a party of horse to reduce him to the former peace, 
who, upon the news of the captain's approach, was put into such a panic 
fear, that he durst not come out of his wigwam to treat with the captain, till 
secured of his life by him, which he was, if he quietly yielded to his message, 
about which he was sent from the Bay. To which he freely consenting, that 
storm was graciously blown over." |j 

Thus having, through these extracts, summarily glanced at some prominent 
passages in the life of Ninigret, we will now go more into particulars. 

The case of the Narragansets, at the period of the treaty before spoken of, 
had become rather desperate ; two years having passed since they agreed to 
pay 2000 fathom of "good white wampum," as a remuneration for the 
trouble and damage they had caused the English and Mohegans, and they 
were now pressed to fulfil then- engagements. Ninigret, then called Janemo, 
was not at Boston at that time, but Aumsaaquen was his deputy, and signed 
the treaty then made, with Pessacus and others. At their meeting, in July, 
1647, Pessacus and others, chiefs of the Narragansets and Niauticks, were 

* The editor of Johnson's Wonder-working" Providence, in Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. makes a 
great mistake in noting' this chief as Miantiinnomoh. Mriksah, Mixanno, Meifca, &c., are 
names of the same person, who was the eldest son of Canonicus. After the deatli of his father, 
he was chief sachem of the Narragansets. He married a sister of Ninigret, who was " a 
woman of great power," and no other than the famous Quaiapen, at one time called Malan- 
tuck, from which, probably, was derived Magnus. By some writers mistaking him for Mian- 
tunnomoh, an error has spread, that has occasioned much confusion in accounts of their gene 
alogy. 

t A yearly tribute in wampum was agreed upon. Manuscript Narrative of the Rev. T 
Cobbet, which places the affair in 1645. 

J MS. document among our state papers. 

$ Relation of the Troubles, &c., 4to, 1677. || Gobbet's MS. Narrative. 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. MOHEGAN CONTROVERSY. 71 

sent to by the English commissioners, as will be found in the life of Pessacus. 
Being warned to come to Boston, Pessacus, not being willing to get any fur 
ther into trouble by being obliged to sign whatever articles the English might 
draAV up, feigned himself sick, and told the messengers he had agreed to 
leave all the business to Ninigret. This seems to have been well understood, 
and we shall next see with what grace Ninigret acted his part with the com 
missioners, at Boston. Their record runs thus : 

"August 3d, [1647,] Ninegratt, with some of theNyantick Indians and two 
of Pessac tfs men, came to Boston, and desiring Mr. John Winthrop, that came 
from Pequatt plantation, might be present, they were admitted. The com 
missioners asked Ninegratt for whom he came, whither as a publick person 
on the behalf of Pessack's and the rest of the Narragansets' confederates, or 
only for himself as a particular sagamore ? He at first answered that he had 
spoke with Pessack, but had no such commission from him ; " and said there 
had not been so good an understanding between them as he desired; but, 
from Mr. Winthrop's testimony, and the answer Thos. Stanton and Benedict 
Jlrnold brought from Pessacus, and also the testimony of Pessacus 1 two men, 
"it appeared to the commissioners that whatever formality might be wanting 
in Pessack's expressions to Ninegratl, yet Pessack had fully engaged himself 
to stand to whatsoever Ninegratt should conclude." Therefore they pro 
ceeded to demand of him why the wampum had not been paid, and why the 
covenant had not been observed in other particulars. Ninigret pretended he 
did not know what covenants had been made. He was then reminded that 
his deputy executed the covenant, and that a copy was carried into his coun 
try, and his ignorance of it was no excuse for him, for Mr. Williams was at 
all times ready to explain it, if he had taken the pains to request it of him. 
" There could, therefore, be no truth in his auswere." 

Ninigret next demanded, " For what are the Narragansets to pay so much 
ivampum? I know not that they are indebted to the English!" The commis 
sioners then repeated the old charges the breach of covenant, ill treating 
messengers, and what he had said himself to the English messengers, namely, 
that he knew the English would try to bring about a peace at their meeting at 
Hartford, but he was resolved on war, nor would he inquire who began it 
that if the English did not withdraw their men from assisting Uncos, he would 
kill them and their cattle, &c. According to the records of the commissioners, 
Ninigret did not deny these charges with a very good face. He said, however, 
their messengers provoked him to say what he did. 

In order to waive the criminating discourse, Ninigret called for documents; 
or wished the English to make a statement of their account against him, 'that 
he might know "how the reckoninge stood." The English answered, that 
they had received of Pessacus, 170 fathom of wampum at one time: After 
wards some kettles and about 15 fathom wore, "which beinge a contemptible 
some, was refused." As to the kettles, they said, " The Narraganset messen 
gers had sould them to Mr. Shrimpton* a brasier in Boston," for a shilling a 
pound. Their weight was 285 Ibs., (not altogether so contemptible as one 
might be led to, imagine,) which came to 14. 5s., and the wampum to 4. 4s. 
6d. f Of the amount in Mr. Shrimpton's hands, the messengers took up 1. 
probably to defray their necessary expenses while at Boston. The remainder 
an Englishman attached to satisfy "for goods stollen from him by a Narragan 
set Indian." 

Ninigret said the attachment was not valid, "for that neither the kettles nor 
wampum did belonge to Pessacks himself, nor to the Indian that had stollen 
the goods," and therefore must be deducted from the amount now due. " The 
commissioners thought it not fit to press the attachment," but reckoned the. 
kettles and wampum at 70 fathom, and acknowledged the receipt of 240 
fathom, [in all,] besides a parcel sent by Ninigret himself to the governor ; 
and though this was sent as a present, yet, as it was not accepted by the 
governor, they left it to Ninigret to say whether it should be now so con- 

_ * Samuel Shrimpton, probably, who bought a house and lands of Ephraim Turner, brasier, 
situated in Boston, in 1671. 

t Hence 4. 4s. 6rf. -^- 15 = 5s. 7%d. = value of a fathom of wampum in 1647. 



72 NINIGRET. MOHEGAN CONTROVERSY. [Boox II. 

sidered, or whether it should be taken in payment of the debt. Ninigret said 
the governor should do as he pleased about it. It was then inquired how 
much he had sent ; (it being deposited in Cutshamokin'' s hands, as we have 
elsewhere stated ;) he said he had sent 30 fathom of black, and 45 of white, in 
value together 105 fathom. Cutshamokin was sent for to state what he had 
received in trust. He had produced two girdles, "with a string of wampum, 
all which himself rated at 45 fathom, affirming he had received no more, 
except 8*. which he had used, and would repay." He was brought before 
JVinigret and questioned, as there appeared a great difference in their ac 
counts. " He at first persisted," says our record, " and added to his lyes, but 
was at last convinced [confronted] by JVinigret, and his messengers who then 
brought the present, and besides Cutshamokin had sent him at the same time 
10 fathom as a present also." It still remained to be settled, whether this 
wampum should be received as a part of the debt, or as a present; and 
Ninigret was urged to say how it should be. With great magnanimity he 
answered : 

" My tongue shall not belie my heart. Whether the debt be paid or not, I in 
tended it as a present to the governor." 

It is unpleasant to contrast the characters of the two chiefs, Cutshamokin 
and Ninigret, because the former had long had the advantage of a civilized 
neighborhood, and the latter was from the depths of the forest, where he saw 
an Englishman but seldom. We could say much upon it; but, as it is 
thought by many that such disquisitions are unprofitable, we decline going 
into them here. 

What we have related seems to have finished the business of the day, and 
doubtless the shades of night were very welcome to Cutshamokin. The next 
day, JVinigret came into court, with the deputies of Pessacus, arid spoke to the 
following effect : 

"Before I came here I expected the burden had been thrown upon me, 
Pessacus not having done what he agreed to do. However, I have considered 
upon the treaty of 1645, and am resolved to give the English satisfaction in 
all things. I will send some of my men immediately to Narraganset and 
Niantick, to raise the wampum now due to them, and hope to hear what they 
will do in three days. In ten days I think the wampum will arrive, and I 
will stay here until it comes. I will tell this to the Narraganset confederates. 
But if there should not enough at this time be raised, I desire some forbear 
ance as to time, as I assure you that the remainder shall be shortly paid, and 
you shall see me true to the English, henceforth." 

This speech gave the commissioners great satisfaction, and they proceeded 
to other business. 

The messengers sent out by JVinigret did not return so soon as was ex 
pected ; but, on the 16 August, notice was given of their arrival ; sadly, 
however, to the disappointment of the commissioners, for they brought only 
200 fathom of wampum. The feelings of the court were somewhat changed, 
pnd they rather sternly demanded "what the reason was, that, so much being 
due, so little was brought, and from whom this 200 fathom came." JVinigret 
answered that he was disappointed that more had not been brought, but said, 
if he had been at home, more would have been obtained : that 100 fathom 
was sent by Pessacus, and the other 100 by his people. 

The commissioners say, that, "not thinking it meet to begin a present war, 
if satisfaction, (though with a little forbearance, may be had otherwise,)" told 
JVinigret, that, since he had said the wampum would have been gathered and 
paid if he had been at home himself, they would now give him 90 days to go 
.and get it in ; and, if he could not procure enough by 500 fathom, still they 
would not molest him until "next spring planting time." That, as so much 
was still due, they would reckon the present before mentioned ; but. if" they 
did not bring 1000 fathom in twenty days, the commissioners would send no 
more messengers into his country, "but take course to right themselves." 
That, if they were "forced to seek satisfaction by arms, he and his confede 
rates must not expect to make their peace, as lately they had done, by a little 
wampum. In the mean time, though for breach Ox' covenants they might put 
their hostages to death, yet the commissioners would forthwith deliver the 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. THE ENGLISH PREPARE FOR WAR. 73 

children to Ninigret* expecting from him the more care to see engage 
ments fully satisfied. And, if they find him real in his performance, they will 
charge all former neglects upon Pessacus" and "in such case they expect 
from Ninigret his best assistance, when he shall be required to recover the 
whole remainder from him. All which Ninigret cheerfully accepted, and 
promised to perform accordingly." 

Notwithstanding all their promises, the Narragansets had not discharged 
their debt at the end of two years more, though in that time they had paid 
about 1100 fathom of wampum. At their meeting this year, 1649, at Boston, 
"the commissioners were minded of the continued complaint of Uncos" 
against the Narragansets, that they were "still vndermining his peace and 
seeking his ruiue," and had lately endeavored " to bring in the Mowhaukes 
vppon him," which failing, they next tried to take away his life by witchcraft. 
A Narraganset Indian, named Citttaquin, " in an English vessel, in Motiegan 
River, ran a sword into his breast, wherby hee receeved, to all appearance, a 
mortal wound, which murtherus acte the assalant then confessed hee was, foi 
a considerable sum of wampum, by the Narragansett and Nianticke sachems, 
hired to attempt." 

Meanwhile Ninigret, understanding what was to be urged against him, 
appeared suddenly at Boston before the commissioners. The old catalogue 
of delinquencies was read over to him, with several new ones appended. As 
it respected Cuttaquin's attempt upon the life of Uncos, Ninigret said that 
neither he nor Pessacus had any hand in it, but that "he [Citttaquin] was 
drawn thereunto by torture from the Mohegans ; " " but he was told, that the 
assailant, before he came into the hands of the Mohegans, presently after the 
fact was committed, layed the charge upon him, with the rest, which he 
confirmed, the day following, to Capt. Mason, in the presence of the English 
that were in the bark with him, and often reiterated it at Hartford, though 
since he hath denied it : that he was presented to Uncos under the notion of 
one appertaining to Vssamequin, whereby he was acknowledged as his friend, 
and no provocation given him." Cuttaquin had affirmed, it was said, that his 
desperate condition caused him to attempt the life of Uncos, "through his 
great engagement to the said sachems, having received a considerable quan 
tity of wampum, which he had spent, who otherwise would have taken away 
his life." 

The judgment of the court was, that the sachems were guilty, and we next 
find them engaged in settling the old account of wampum. Ninigret had 
got the commissioners debited more than they at first were willing to allow. 
They say that it appeared by the auditor's account, that no more than 1529 
fathom hath been credited, " nor could Ninigret by any evidence make any 
more to appear, only he alleged that about 600 fathom was paid by measure 
which he accounted by tale, wherein there was considerable difference. The 
commissioners, not willing to adhere to any strict terms in that particular, 
(and though by agreement it was to be paid by measure and not by tale,) 
were willing to allow 62 fathom and half in that respect, so that there remains 
due 408 fathom. But Ninigret persisting in his former affirmation, and not 
endeavoring to give any reasonable satisfaction to the commissioners in the 
premises, a small inconsiderable parcel of beaver being all riiat was tendered 
to them, though they understood he was better provided" They therefore 
gave him to understand that they were altogether dissatisfied, and that he 
might go his own way, as they were determined to protect Uncos according 
to their treaty with him. 

The commissioners now expressed the opinion among themselves, that 
affairs looked rather turbulent, and advised that each colony should hold itself 
in readiness to act as circumstances might require, " which they the rather 
present to consideration, from an information they received since their sitting, 
of a marriage shortly intended betwixt Ninigrefs daughter, and a brother or 
brother's son of Sassaquas, the malignant, furious Pequot, whereby probably 

* Glad, no doubt, to rid themselves of the expense of keeping them ; for it must be remem 
bered, that the English took them upon the condition that they should support them at their 
own expense. 



74 WAIANDANCE SEIZES MIANTUNNOMOH'S MESSENGER. [BOOK II. 

their aims are to gather together, and reunite the scattered conquered Pe- 
quates into one body, and set them up again as a distinct nation, which hath 
always been witnessed against by the English, and may hazard the peace 
of the colonies." 

The four years next succeeding are full of events, but as they happened 
chiefly among the Indians themselves, it is very difficult to learn the particu 
lars. Ninigret claimed dominion of the Indians of a part of Long Island, as 
did his predecessors ; but those Indians, seeing the English domineering 
over the Narragansets, became altogether independent of them, and even 
waged wars upon them. 

Ascassasotick was at this period the chief of those Indians, a warlike and 
courageous chief, but as treacherous and barbarous as he was brave. These 
islanders had, from the time of the Pequot troubles, been protected by the 
English, which much increased their insolence. Not only had Ninigret, and 
the rest of the Narragansets, suffered from his insults, but the Mohegans had 
also, as we shall more fully make appear hereafter. 

When the English commissioners had met at Hartford in 1650, Uncas 
came with a complaint to them, " that the Mohansick sachem, in Long 
Island, had killed som of his men ; bewitched diners others and himself 
also," which was doubtless as true as were most of his charges against the 
Narragansets, "and desired the commissioners that hee might be righted 
therin. But because the said sachem of Long Island was not there to an 
swer for himself" several Englishmen were appointed to examine into it, 
and if they found him guilty to let him know that they " will bring trouble 
upon themselves." 

At the same meeting an order was passed, " that 20 men well armed be 
sent out of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts to Pessicus, to demand the 
said wampum, [then in arrears,] which is 308 fathom ; " but in case they 
could not get the wampum, they were ordered " to take the same, or the 
vallew therof, in the best and most suitable goods they can find." Or, if 
they could not find enough to satisfy all demands, they were ordered to seize 
and " bring away either Pessacus or his children, or such other considerable 
sachem or persons, as they prize, and may more probably bow them to 
reason." 

From Pessacus, they were ordered to go to Ninigret, and inform him that 
the commissioners had heard " that he had given his daughter in marriage to 
Sasecos his brother, who gathers Pequots under him, as if either he would become 
their sachem, or again possess tine Pequot country," which was contrary to 
" engagements," and what they would not allow, and he must inform them 
whether it were so. To inform him also that Wequash Cook " complains of 
sundry wrongs." And that, as to his hunting in the Pequot country, to inform 
him he had no right to do so, as that country belonged to the English. The 
termination of this expedition, in which Ninigret was taken " by the hair," 
has been previously mentioned in our extract from Dr. Mather. 

We have in the life of Miantunnomoh given some account of the acts of a 
chief called Waiandance, especially relating to the disorganization of the 
plans of that gr^at chief. We come, in this place, to a parallel act in relation 
to J\imgret. About a year after the death of Miantunnomoh, Ninigret under 
took to organize a plan for expatriating the English; and sent a messenger 
to Waiandance, the Long Island sachem, to engage him in it. Instead of 
listening to his message, Waiandance seized upon Ninigrefs messenger, 
bound him, and sent him to Captain Gardener at Saybrook fort. From thence 
he was sent, under a guard of 10 men, for Hartford. But they were wind- 
bound in their passage, and were obliged to put in to Shelter Island, where 
an old sachem lived, who was Waiandance's elder brother. Here they let 
Ninigrefs ambassador escape, and thus he had knowledge that his plan was 
discovered and overthrown. 

Since we have here introduced the sachem Waiandance, we will add the 
account of his last acts and death. One William Hammond being killed "by 
agiant-like Indian" near New York, about 1637, Captain Gardener told 
Wawndance that he must kill that Indian ; but this being against the advice 
ol the great sachem, his brother, he declined it, and told the captain that that 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET ACCUSED OF A PLOT WITH THE DUTCH. 75 

Indian was a mighty great man, and no man dared meddle with him, and 
that he had many friends. Some time after, he killed another, one Thomas 
Farrington, and in the mean time, Waiandanct's brother having died, he 
undertook his execution, which he accomplished. This was his last act in 
the service of the English ; "for in the time of a great mortality among them, 
he died, but it was by poison ; also two-thirds of the Indians upon Long 
Island died, else the Narragansets had not made such havoc here as they 
have." 

Ninigret passed the winter of 1652 3 among the Dutch of New York. 
This caused the English great suspicion, especially as they were enemies to 
the Dutch at that time ; and several sagamores who resided near the Dutch 
had reported that the Dutch governor was trying to hire them to cut off the 
English ; consequently, there was a special meeting of the English commis 
sioners at Boston, in April, 1653, occasioned by a rumor that the Narragansets 
had leagued with the Dutch to break up the English settlements. Where 
upon a tetter was sent by them to their agent at Narraganset, Thomas Stanton, 
containing " divers queries," by him to be interpreted " to Ninegrett, Pessicus 
and Meeksam, three of the chiefest Narraganset sachems," and their answers 
to bs immediately obtained and reported to the commissioners. 

The questions to be put to the sachems were, in substance, as follows : 

1. Whether the Dutch had engaged them* to fight against the English. 

2. Whether the Dutch governor did not endeavor such a conspiracy.- 

3. Whether they had not received arms and munitions of war from the 
Dutch. 4. What other Indians are engaged in the plot. 5. Whether, con 
trary to their engagement, they were resolved to fight against the English. 
6. If they are so resolved, what they think the English will do. 7. Whether 
they had not better be true to the English. 8. Similar to the first. 9. What 
were their grounds of war against the English. 10. Whether they had not 
better come or send messengers to treat with the English. 11. Whether they 
had hired the Mohawks to help them. 

" The answare of the sachems, viz. Ninigrett, Pessecus and Mixam, vnto the 
queries and letters sent by the messengers, Sarjeant Waite and Sarjeant John 
Barrell, the 18th of the second month, 1653." 

Mexam seems to have been the first that answered ; and of the first query 
he said: 

" I speak unfeignedly, from my heart, and say, without dissimulation, that I 
know of no such plot against the English, my friends; implicating either the 
Dutch governor or any other person. Though I be poor, it is not goods, 
guns, powder nor shot, that shall draw me to such a plot as this against the 
English, my friends, f If the Dutch governor had made known any such 
intention to me, I would have told it, without delay, to the English, my 
friends. With respect to your second question, I answer, JVb. What do the 
English sachems, my friends, think of us? do they think we should prefer 
goods, guns, powder and shot, before our lives? our means of living? both 
of us and ours ? As to the 4th query, I speak from my heart, and say, 1 know 
of no such plot by the Dutch governor. There may come false news and 
reports against us ; let them say what they will, they are false. It is un 
necessary to say more. But in answer to the 10th query 1 will say, It is just 
messengers should be sent to treat with the English sachems, but as for 
myself, I am old, and cannot travel two days together, but a man shall be sent 
to speak with the sachems. I have sent to Mr. Smith, and Voll\ his man, 
to speak to Mr. Brown, and to say to him, that I love the English sachems, 
and all Englishmen in the Bay : And desire Mr. Brown to tell the sachems 

* The third person singular, he, is used throughout, in the original, as it was supposed by 
the propounders that each chief would be questioned separately. 

t Every one must be forcibly reminded of the answer given by one of our revolutionary 
worthies, Joseph Reed, Esq., to' a British agent, on reading this answer of the chief Mexam, 
though not under circumstances exactly similar. Mr. Reed was promised a fortune if he 
would exert himself on the side of the king. Viewing it in the light of a bribe, he replied . 
"lam not worth purchasing, but, such as I am, the king of Great Britain is not rich enough 
to do it." Dr. Gordon's America, iii. 172. ed. London, 4 vols. 8vo. 1788. 

J Valieniine Whitman, an interpreter, elsewhere named. 



76 MESSAGE TO NLNIGRET. HIS ANSWER. } BOOK II. 

of the Bay, that the child that is now bom, or that is to be born in time to 
come, shall see no war made by us against the English." 

Pessacus spoke to this purpose : 

"I am very thankful to these two men that came from the Massachusetts, 
and to you Thomas, and to you Poll,* and to you Mr. Smith, you that are 
come so far as from the Bay to bring us this message, and to inform us of 
these things we knew not of before. As for the governor of the Dutch, we 
are loath to invent any falsehood of him, though we be far from him, to please 
the English, or any others that bring these reports. For what I speak with 
my mouth I speak from my heart. The Dutch governor did never propound 
any such thing unto us. Do you think we are mad? and that we have 
forgotten our writing that we had in the Bay, which doth bind us to the 
English, our friends, in a way of friendship? Shall we throw away that 
writing and ourselves too ? Have we not reason in us ? How can the Dutch 
shelter us, being so remote, against the power of the English, our friends 
we living close by the doors of the English, our friends ? We do profess, we 
abhor such things." 

Lastly, we come to the chief actor in this affair, JVinigret. He takes up 
each query in order, and answers it ; which, for brevity's sake, we will give in 
a little more condensed form, omitting nothing, however, that can in any 
degree add to our acquaintance with the great chief. He thus commences : 

" I utterly deny that there has been any agreement made between the Dutch 
governor and rnyselfj to fight against the English. I did never hear the 
Dutchmen say they would go and fight against the English ; neither did I 
hear the Indians say they would join with them. But, while I was there at 
the Indian wigwams, there came some Indians that told me there was a ship 
come in from Holland, which did report the English and Dutch were fighting 
together in their own country, and there were several other ships coming with 
ammunition to fight against the English here, and that there would be a great 
blow given to the English when they came. But this I had from the Indians, 
and how true it is I cannot tell. I know not of any wrong the English have 
done me, therefore WHY should I fight against them? Why do the English 
sachems ask me the same questions over and over again ? Do they think we 
are mad and would, for a few guns and swords, sell our lives, and the lives 
of our wives and children ? As to their tenth question, it being indifferently 
spoken, whether I may go or send, though I know nothing myself, wherein I 
have wronged the English, to prevent MY going ; yet, as I said before, it being 
left to my choice, that is, it being indifferent to the commissioners, whether 1 
will send some one to speak with them, I will send."f 

To the letters which the English messengers carried to the sachems, Mexam 
and Pessacus said, " We desire there may be no mistake, but that we may be 
understood, and that there may be a true understanding on both sides. We desire 
to know where you had this news, that there was such a league made betwixt the 
Dutch and us, and also to know our accusers" 

Ninigret, though of the most importance in this affair, is last mentioned in 
the records, and his answer to the letter brought him by the messengers is as 
follows : 

"You are kindly welcome to us, and I kindly thank the sachems of Massa 
chusetts that they should think of me as one of the sachems worthy to be 
inquired of concerning this matter. Had any of the other sachems been at 
the Dutch, I should have feared their folly might have done some hurt, one 
way or other, but THEY have not been there, /am the man. I have been 
there myself. I alone am answerable for what I have done. And, as I have 
already declared, I do utterly deny and protest that I know of no such plot as 
has been apprehended. What is the story of these great rumors that I hear at 
Pocatocke that I should be cut off, and that the English had a quarrel against 

* So printed in Hazard, but probably means the same as Voll ; V, in the latter case, having 
been taken for P. We have known such instances. 

The preceding sentence of our text, the author of Tales of the Indians thinks, " would 
puzzle the most mystifying politician of modern times." Indeed! What! a Philadelphia 
lawyer? Really, we cannot conceive that it ought in the least to puzzle even a Boston 
lawyer. If a puzzle exist any where, we apprehend it is in some mystifying w ord. 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. AWASHAW. 77 

me ? I know of no such cause at all for my part. Is it because 1 went 
thither to take physic for my health ? or what is the cause ? I found no such 
entertainment from the Dutch governor, when I was there, as to give me any 
encouragement to stir me up to such a league against the English, my friends. 
It was winter time, and I stood, a great part of a winter day, knocking at 
the governor's door, and he would neither open it, nor suffer others to open 
it, to let me in. I was not wont to find such carriage from the English, my 
friends." 

Not long after the return of the English messengers, who brought the above 
relation of their mission, Awashaw arrived at Boston, as "Inessenger" of 
JVinigret, Pessacus, and Mexam, with " three or four " others. An inquisition 
was immediately held over him, and, from his cross-examination, we gather 
the following answers: 

" Ninigret told me that he went to the Dutch to be cured of his disease, 
hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him; and Mr. John 
Winthrop knew of his going. He carried 30 fathom of wampum, gave the 
doctor 10, and the Dutch governor 15, who, in lieu thereof, gave him coats 
with sleeves, but not one gun, though the Indians there gave him two guns. 
That, while Ninigret was there, he crossed Hudson's River, and there an 
Indian told him about the arrival of the Dutch ships. As to the corn sent to 
the Dutch by Ninigret, it was only to pay his passage, the Dutch having 
brought him home in a vessel. Five men went with Ninigret. Four came 
home with him in the vessel, and one came by land before. One of his 
company was a Mohegan, and one a Conecticott Indian, who lived on the 
other side of Hudson's River. A canoe was furnished with 60 fathom of 
wampum, after NinigreCs return from Monhatoes, to be sent there to pay for 
the two guns, but six fathom of it was to have been paid to the doctor, which 
was then due to him. There were in it, also, two raccoon coats, and two 
beaver skins, and seven Indians to go with it. They and the canoe were 
captured by Uncos" 

An Indian named " Neiocom-Matuxes, sometimes of Rhode Island," was 
one that accompanied Awashaw. " One John Lightfoot, of Boston," said 
Matuxes told him, in Dutch, (he had lived among them at Southhold, and 
learned their language,) that the Dutchmen would " cut off" the English of 
Long Island. "Neivcom also confesseth [to him] that Ninigret said that he 
heard that some ships were to come from Holland to the Monhattoes to cut off 
the English." " That an Indian told him that the Dutch would come against 
the English, and cut them off, but they would save the women and children 
and guns, for themselves. But Capt. Simkins and the said Lightfoot do both 
affirm that the said Newcom told them that the Dutchmen told him, as before 
[stated,] though he now puts it off, and saith an Indian told him so." Simkins 
affirmed also that Newcom told him that if he would go and serve the Dutch, 
they would give him 100 a year. 

On examining Newcom, the commissioners gave it as their opinion that he 
was guilty of perfidy, and that they should not have let him escape without 
punishment, but for his being considered as an ambassador. They, there 
fore, desired Awashaw to inform JVinigret of it, that he might send him to 
them again, " the better to clear himself." This we apprehend was not done. 
Awashaw next notified the court that he had not done with them, " where 
upon he was sent for to speak what he had further to propound." He de 
manded how they came by their information " of all these things touching 
Ninigret" They said from several Indians, particularly " the Monheage In 
dian and the Narraganset Indian, which were both taken by Uncos his men, 
who had confessed the plot before Mr. Haines at Hartford." Awashaw also 
demanded restitution of the wampum taken by Uncos. The commissioners 
told him that they had not as yet understood of the truth of that action, but 
when they had thoroughly examined it, he should have an answer. 

So, all this legislating was about Ninigrefs going to the Dutch ; for as to a 
plot there appears no evidence of any ; but when Uncos had committed a 
great depredation upon Ninigret, why " that altered the case " they must 
inquire into it, which doubtless was all right so far; but if a like complaint 



78 NINIGRET. UNCAS'S PERFIDY. [Boox II. 

had been preferred against Ninigret by Uncos* we have reason to think it 
would have been forthwith " inquired into," at least, without an if. 

A^story, it cannot be called evidence, told by Uncos, relating to Ninigrefs 
visitto the Dutch, is recorded by the commissioners, and which, if it amount 
to any thing, goes to prove himself guilty, and is indeed an acknowledgment 
of his own perfidy in taking Ninigrd's boat and goods, as charged by Jlwa- 
shaw. It is as follows : 

" Uncos, the Mohegan sachem, came lately to Mr. Hains' house at Hartford, 
and informed him that Ninnigrett, sachem of the Niantick Narragansetts, 
went this winter to the Monhatoes " and made a league with the Dutch gov 
ernor, and for a large present of wampum received 20 guns and a great box 
of powder and bullets. Ninigret told him of the great injuries he had 
sustained from Uncos and the English. That on the other side of Hudson's 
River, Ninigret had a conference with a great many Indian sagamores, and 
desired their aid to cut off the Mohegans and English. Also, that, about two 
years since, Ninigret " sent to the Monheage sachem, and gave him a present 
of wampum, pressing him to procure a man skilful in magic workings, and 
an artist in poisoning, and send unto him ; and he should receive more one 
hundredth fathom of wampum, which was to have been conveyed to the 
Monheage sachem, and the powaugh at the return of him that was to bring 
the poison. Uncos having intelligence of these things, caused a narrow 
watch to be set, by sea and land, for the apprehending of those persons ; and 
accordingly took them returning in a canoe to the number of seven : whereof 
four of them were Narragansets, two strangers and one Pequatt. This was 
done in his absence, while he was with Mr. Haines, at Conecticott, and carried 
by those of his men that took them to Mohegan. Being there examined, two 
of them, the [Wampeage*] sachem's brother, and one Narraganset freely con 
fessed the whole plot formerly expressed, and that one of their company was 
that powaugh and prisoner, pointing out the man. Upon this, his men in a 
rage slew him, fearing, as he said, least he should make an escape, or other 
wise do either mischief to Uncos or the English, in case they should carry 
him with the rest before them, to Conecticott to be further examined. And 
being brought to Conecticott before Mr. Koines, and examined, did assert 
these particulars." 

An Indian squaw also informed " an inhabitant of Wethersfield, that the 
Dutch and Indians generally were" confederating to cut off the English, and 
that election day, [1654,] was the time set, " because then it is apprehended 
the plantations will be left naked and unable to defend themselves, the strength 
of the English colonies being gathered from the several towns. And the 
aforesaid squaw advised the said inhabitants to acquaint the rest of the Eng 
lish with it, desiring they would remember how dear their slighting of her 
former information of the Pequots coming upon the English cost them."f 

It would seem, from a careful examination of the records, that something 
.had been suggested either by the Dutch or Indians, about " cutting off <he 
English," which justice to Ninigret requires us to state, might have been the 
case without his knowledge or participation. For, the testimony of the mes 
sengers of " nine Indian sagamores who live about the Monhatoes " no how 
implicates him, and, therefore, cannot be taken into account, any more than 

* See declaration onward in the records, (Haz. ii. 222.) 

t Referring to an affair of 1637, which Dr. I. Mother relates as follows : " In the interim, 
[while Capt. Mason was protecting Saybrook fort,] many of the Pequods went to a place 
now called Wethersfield on Connecticut River, and having confederated with the Indians of 
that place, (as it was generally thought,) they laid in ambush for the English people of that 
place, and divers of them going to their labor in a large field adjoining to the town, were set 
upon by the Indians. Nine of the English were slain upon the place, and some horses, and 
two young women were taken captive." Relation of the Troubles, &c. 26. Dr. Trumbull 
says this happened in April. Hist. Con. \. 77. 

The cause of this act of the Pequots, according to Winthrop, i. 260, was this. An Indian 
called Sequin had given the English lands at Wethersfield, that he might live by them and be 
protected from other Indians. But when he came there, and had set down his wigwam, the 
English drove him away by force. And hence it was supposed that he had plotted their 
destruction, as above related, with the Pequots. 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. ADDAM. 79 

what an Indian named Ronnessoke told Nicholas Tanner, as interpreted by 
another Indian called Jlddam ; the latter, though relating to Ninigrefs visit, 
was only a hearsay affair. Ronnessoke was a sagamore of Long Island. 

Jlddam also interpreted the story of another Indian, called Powanege, " who 
saith he came from the Indians who dwell over the river, over against the 
Monhatoes, where the plot is a working, that was this : that the Dutchmen 
asked the Indians whether they would leave them at the last cast, or stand up 
with them. And told the Indians they should fear nothing, and not be dis 
couraged because the plot was discovered," &c. 

Jlddam the interpreter had also a story to tell. He said, " this spring [1653, 
O. S.] the Dutch governor went to Fort Aurania, [since Albany,] and first 
went to a place called Jlckicksack, [Hackinsack,] a great place of Indians, from 
thence to Monnesick, [Minisink,] thence to Opingona, thence to Warranoke, 
thence to Fort Aurania: And so far he went in his own person. From 
thence he sent to Pocorntock, [Deerfield, on the Connecticut,] and he carried 
with him many note of sewan, that is, bags of wampum, and delivered them 
to the sagamores of the places, and they were to distribute them amongst their 
men ; and withal he carried powder, shot, cloth, lead and guns ; and told them 
he would get all the great Indians under him, and the English should have the 
scum of the Indians, and he would have those sagamores with their men to 
cut off the English, and to be at his command whenever he had use of them, 
and he was to find them powder and shot till he had need of them. Further, 
he sent one Govert, a Dutchman, to Marsey, on Long Island, to Nittanahom, 
the sagamore, to assist him and to do for him what he would have [him] do : 
But the sagamore told him he would have nothing to [do] with it: whereupon 
Govert gave the sagamore a great kettle to be silent. Ndtanaham told him he 
had but 20 men, and the English had never done him wrong, [and] he had no 
cause to fight against them. Further, he saith that Ninnegrett, the fiscal,* and 
the Dutch governor were up two days in a close room, with other sagamores ; 
and there was no speaking with any of them except when they came for a coal 
of fire, f or the like. And much sewan was seen at that time in Ninnegrefs 
hand, and he carried none away with him ; " and that Ronnesseoke told him that 
the governor bid him fly for his life, for the plot was now discovered. 

Nevertheless, as for any positive testimony that Ninigret was plotting against 
the English, there is none. That he was in a room to avoid company, while 
his physician was attending him, is very probable. 

In a long letter, dated 26th May, 1653, which the governor of New Amster 
dam, Peter Stuyvesant, wrote to the English, is the following passage : " It is 
in part true, as your worships conclude, that, about January, there came a 
strange Indian from the north, called Ninnigrett, commander of the Narragan- 
sets. But he came hither with a pass from Mr. John Winikrop. Upon which 
pass, as we remember, the occasion of his coming was expressed, namely, to 
be cured and healed ; and if, upon the other side of the river, there hath been 
any assembly or meeting of the Indians, or of their sagamores, we know not 
[of it.] We heard that he hath been upon Long Island, about Nayacke, where 
he hath been for the most part of the winter, and hath had several Indians 
with him, but what he hath negotiated with them remains to us unknown : 
only this we know, that what your worships lay unto our charge are false 
reports, and feigned informations." 

The war with Jlscassasotic, of which we shall give all the particulars in our 
possession, was the next affair of any considerable moment in the life of 
Ninigret. 

In 1654, the government of Rhode Island communicated to Massachusetts, 
that the last summer, Ninigret, without any cause, " that he doth so much as 
allege, fell upon the Long Island Indians, our friends and tributaries," and 
killed many of them, and took others prisoners, and would not restore them. 
"This summer he bath made two assaults upon them; in one whereof he 
killed a man and woman, that lived upon the land of the English, and within 

* A Dutch officer, whose duty is similar to that of treasurer among the English. 
t To light their pipes, doubtless the Dutch agreeing well, in the particular of smoking, 
with the Indians. 



QO NINIGRET. ASCASSASOTICK'S WAR. [Boon II. 

one of their townships ; and another Indian, that kept the cows of the Eng 
lish." He had drawn many of the foreign Indians down from Connecticut 
and Hudson Rivers, who rendezvoused upon Winthrop's Island, where they 
killed some of his cattle.* This war began in 1653, and continued " several 

The commissioners of the United Colonies seemed blind to all complaints 
against Uncos; but the Narragansets were watched and harassed without 
ceasing. Wherever we meet with an unpublished document of those times, 
the fact is very apparent. The chief of the writers of the history of that 
period copy from the records of the United Colonies, which accounts for 
their making out a good case for the English and Mohegans. The spirit 
which actuated the grave commissioners is easily discovered, and I need only 
refer my readers to the case of Miantunnomoh. Desperate errors require 
others, oftentimes still more desperate, until the first appear small compared 
with the magnitude of the last! It is all along discoverable, that those 
venerable records are made up from one kind of evidence, and that when a 
Narraganset appeared in his own defence, so many of his enemies stood 
ready to give him the lie. that his indignant spirit could not stoop to contra 
dict or parley with them ; and thus his assumed guilt passed on for history. 
The long-silenced and borne-down friend of the Indians of Moosehausic,| no 
longer sleeps. Amidst his toils and perils, he found time to raise his pen in 
their defence ; and though his letters for a season slept with him, they are now 
awaking at the voice of day. 

When the English had resolved, in 1654, to send a force against the Nar 
ragansets, because they had had difficulties and wars with Jlscassasotic, as we 
have related, Mr. Williams expressed his views of the matter in a letter to the 
governor of Massachusetts as follows : "The cause arid root of all the present 
mischiefs is the pride of two barbarians, Jlscassasotick, the Long Island sachem, 
and Nenckunat of the Narigenset. The former is proud and foolish, the latter 
is proud and fierce. 1 have not seen him these many years, yet, from their 
sober men, I hear he pleads, 1st. that Jlscassasotick, a very inferior sachem, 
(bearing himself upon the English,) hath slain three or four of his people, 
and since that sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself. 
2d. He, Nenekunat, consulted by solemn messengers, with the chief of the Eng 
lish governors, Maj. Endicot, then governor of the Massachusetts, who sent him 
an implicit consent to right himself: upon which they all plead that the English 
have just occasion of displeasure. 3d. After he had taken revenge upon the 
Long Islanders, and brought away about 14 captives, (divers of them chief 
women,) yet he restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the 
English. 4th. After this peace [was] made, the Long Islanders pretending 
to visit Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narragansets near 30 
persons, at midnight ; two of them of great note, especially Wepiteammock's 
son, to whom Nenekunat was uncle. 5th. In the prosecution of this war, 
although he had drawn down the inlanders to his assistance, yet, upon pro 
testation of the English against his proceedings, he retreated and dissolved his 
army. 

The great Indian apostle looked not so much into these particulars, being 
entirely engaged in the cause of the praying Indians ; but yet we occasionally 
meet with him, and will here introduce him, as an evidence against the 
proceedings of Uncos, and his friends the commissioners : 

" The case of the Nipmuk Indians, so far as by the best and most credible in 
telligence, I have understood, presented to the honored general court, [of Mas 
sachusetts, J 1. Uncos his men, at unawares, set upon an unarmed poor people, 
and slew eight persons, and carried captive twenty-four women and children. 
2. Some of these were subjects to Massachusetts government, by being the 
subjects of Josias. \\ 3. They sued for relief to the worshipful governor and 
magistrates. 4. They were pleased to send, (by some Indians,) a commission 
to Capt. Denison, [of Stonington,] to demand these captives. 5. Uncas his 

* Manuscript documents. f Wood's Hist. Long Island. \ Providence. 

j& From the original letter, in manuscript, arflong the files in our state-house, 
fl Son of Ckikataubut. 



CHAP. IV.] NINIGRET. 81 

answer was, (as I heard,) insolent. 6. They did not only abuse the women 
by filthiness, but have, since this demand, sold away (as I hear) some or all 
of those captives. 7. The poor bereaved Indians wait to see what you please to 
do. 8. You were pleased to tell them, you would present it to the free court, 
and they should expect their answer from them, which they now wait for. 
9. Nenccroft, yea, all the Indians of the country, wait to see the issue of this 
matter." * 

This memorial is dated 12th May, 1659, and signed by John Eliot ; from 
which it is evident there had been great delay in relieving those distressed 
by the haughty Uncas. And yet, if he were caused to make remuneration in 
any way, we do not find any account of it. 

In 1660, " the general court of Connecticut did, by their letters directed to 
the commissioners of the other colonies, this last summer, represent an 
intolerable affront done by the Narraganset Indians, and the same was now 
complained of by the English living at a new plantation at Mohegan, viz : 
that some Indians did, in the dead time of the night, shoot eight bullets into 
an English house, and fired the same ; wherein five Englishmen were asleep. 
Of which insolency the Narraganset sachems have so far taken notice, as to 
send a slight excuse by Maj. JLtherton, that they did neither consent to nor 
allow of such practices, but make no tender of satisfaction." f But they 
asked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next session, at which 
time they gave them to understand that satisfaction should be made. This 
could not have been other than a reasonable request, but it was not granted ; 
and messengers were forthwith ordered to " repair to Ntnigret, Pessicus, 
Woquacanoose, and the rest of the Narraganset sachems," to demand " at least 
four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And in case 
they should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wampum. 
They were directed, in particular, to " charge Ninigret with breach of cove 
nant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by Maj. Willard, six years 
since, not to invade the Long Island Indians ; and [that they] do account the 
surprising the Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them, 
to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman act." 
These are only a few of the most prominent charges, and five hundred and 
ninety-five } fathoms of wampum was the price demanded for them ; and " the 
general court of Connecticut is desired and empowered to send a convenient 
company of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the 
same above said, and the charges of recovering the same ; and in case the 
persons be delivered, they shall be sent to Barbadoes," and sold for slaves. 

It appears that the force sent by Connecticut could not collect the wampum, 
nor secure the offenders ; but for the payment, condescended to take a mortgage 
of all the Narraganset country, with the provision that it should be void, if it 
were paid in four months. Quissoqiius, |j Neneglud, and Scultup, IF signed the 
deed. 

Ninigret did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip's war. 
Dr. Mather ** calls him an " old crafty sachem, who had with some of his men 
withdrawn himself from the rest." He must at this time have been "an old 
sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as 1632. 

Although Ninigret was not personally engaged in Philip's war, still he 
must have suffered considerably from it ; often being obliged to send his 
people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at other times 
to appear himself. On 10 Sept. 1675, eight of his men came as ambassadors 
to Boston, " having a certificate from Capt. Smith" ff who owned a large 

* Manuscript state paper, t Record of the United Colonies, in Hazard. 

t The additional ninety-five was for another offence, viz. '* for the insolencies committed at 
Mr. Brewster's, in killing an Indian servant at Mrs. Brewster's feet, to her great affrightment, 
and stealing corn, &c., and other affronts." Hazard, ii. 433. 

Records of the United Colonies, in Hazard, 

|| The same called Quequegunent, the son of Magnus. Newcom and Awa.slia.rs were 
witnesses. The deed itself may be seen on tile among our State Papers. 

U Grandson of Canonicus, son of Magnus, and brother of Qutquegune t'. 

** Brief History, 20. 

ft Captain Richard Smith, probably, who settled quite early in that country. We find 
him there 15 years before this. 



82 NINIGRET. DIVISION OF THE PEQUOTS. [Boox II. 

estate in Narraganset. After having finished their business, they received 
a pass from the authorities to return to their own country. This certificate 
or pass was fastened to a staff and carried by one in front of the rest. As 
they were going out of Boston " a back way," two men met them, and seized 
upon him that carried the pass. These men were brothers, who had had a 
brother killed by Philip's men some time before. This Indian they accused 
of killing him, and in court swore to his identity, and he was in a few days 
hanged.* 

Notwithstanding these affairs, another embassy was soon after sent to 
Boston. On the 15 September " the authority of Boston sent a party " to order 
Ninigret to appear there in person, to give an account of his sheltering 
Quaiapen, the squaw-sachem of Narraganset. He sent word that he would 
come " provided he might be safely returned back." Mr. Smith, " living near 
him, offered himself, wife and children, arid estate, as hostages " for his safe 
return, and tbe embassy forthwith departed for Boston. A son, f however, of 
Ninigret, was deputed prime minister, " he himself being very aged." 

Captain Smith accompanied them, and when they came to Roxbury they 
were met by a company of English soldiers, whose martial appearance so 
frightened them, that, had it not been for the presence of Mr. Smith, they 
would have escaped as from an enemy. 

They remained at Boston several days, until " by degrees they came to this 
agreement: That they were to deliver the squaw-sachem within so many 
days at Boston ; and the league of peace was then by them confirmed, which 
was much to the general satisfaction ; but many had hard thoughts of them, 
fearing they will at last prove treacherous." J 

Ninigret was opposed to Christianity ; not perhaps so much from a disbelief 
of it, as from a dislike of the practices of those who professed it. When Mr. 
May hew desired Ninigret to allow him to preach to his people, the sagacious 
chief " bid him go and make the English good first, and chid Mr. Mayhew for 
hindering him from his business and labor." 

There were other Niantick sachems of this name, who succeeded Ninigrct. 
According to the author of the " Memoir of the Mohegans," || one would 
suppose he was alive in 1716, as that writer himself supposed ; but if the 
anecdote there given be true, it related doubtless to Charles Ninigret, who, I 
suppose, was his son. He is mentioned by Mason, in his history of the Pequot 
war, as having received a part of the goods taken from Captain Stone, at the 
time he was killed by the Pequots, in 1634. The time of his death has not- 
been ascertained. 

The burying-places of the family of Ninigret are in Charlestown, R. I. It 
is said that the old chief was buried at a place called Burying Hill, "a mile 
from the street." A stone in one of the places of interment has this inscrip 
tion : 

" Here leth the Body of George, the son of Charles Ninigret, King of the 
Natives, and of Hannah his Wife. Died Decent': y 22, 1732 : aged 6 mo." 

" George, the last king, was brother of Mary Sachem, who is now, [1832,] 
sole heir to the crown. Mary does not know her age ; but from data given by 
her husband, John Hairy, she must be about 66. Her mother's father was 
George Ninigret. Thomas his son was the next king. Esther, sister of Thomas. 
George, the brother of Mary above named, and the last king crowned, died 
aged about 20 years. George was son of Esther. Mary has daughters, but no 
sons." 11 

On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, Ninigret was to have twenty, 
" when he should satisfy for a mare of Eltweed ** Pomroye's killed by his men." 
This remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two years. "This debt 
certainly was outlawed ! Poquin, or Poquoiam, was the name of the man who 
killed the mare.ff He was a Pequot, and brother-in-law to Miantunnomoh, 
and was among those captives assigned to him at their final dispersion, when 

* Old Indian Chronicle, 30. t Probably Catapazat. 

\. Old Indian Chronicle, 32. $ Douglas's Summary, ii. 118. 

|| In 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 83. IF MS. communication of Rev. Win. Ely. 

'* Familiarly called Elty, probably from EHioood. ft Hazard, ii. 188, 189. 



CHAP. IV.] PESSACUS. COMPLAINTS BROUGHT AGAINST HIM. 83 

the Pequot war was ended ; at which time Pomeroy states " all sorts of horses 
were at an high price." Miantunnomoh had agreed to pay the demand, hut 
his death prevented him. Ninigret was called upon, as he inherited a 
considerable part of Miantunnomoh? s estate, especially his part of the Pequots, 
of whom Poquoiam was one. He was afterwards called a Niantick and 
brother to Ninigret.* 

PESSACUS, often mentioned in the preceding pages, though under a variety 
of names, was born about 1623, and, consequently, was about 20 years of age 
when his brother, Miantunnomoh, was killed, f The same arbitrary course, as 
we have seen already in the present chapter, was pursued towards him by the 
English, as had been before towards Miantunnomoh, and still continued 
towards Ninigret, and other Narraganset chiefs. Mr. Cobbet\ makes this 
record of him: "In the year 1645, proud Pessacus with his Narragansets, with 
whom Ninigret and his Niantigs join; so as to provoke the English to a just 
war against them. And, accordingly, forces were sent from all the towns to 
meet at Boston, and did so, and had a party of fifty horse to go with them 
under Mr. Leveret, as the captain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was 
commander in chief) and Mr. Thompson, pastor of the church in Braintree, 
" was to sound the silver trumpet along with his army." But they were 
met by deputies from Pessacus and the other chiefs, and an accommodation 
took place, as mentioned in the account of Ninigret. 

The commissioners, having met at New Haven in September 1646, expected, 
according to the treaty made at Boston with the Narragansets, as particu 
larized in the life of Uncos, that they would now meet them here to settle the 
remaining difficulties with that chief. But the time having nearly expired, 
and none appearing, " the commissioners did seriously consider what course 
should be taken with them. They called to minde their breach of couenant 
in all the articles, that when aboue 1300 fadome of wampan was due they 
sent, as if they would put a scorne vpon the [English,] 20 fathome, and a few 
old kettles." The Narragansets said it was owing to the backwardness of 
the Nianticks that the wampum had not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it 
to the Narragansets. One hundred fathom had been sent to the governor 
of Massachusetts as a present by the Nianticks, they promising " to send 
what was due to the colonies uery speedily," but he would not accept of it. 
He told them they might leave it with Cuchamakin, and when they had 
performed the rest of their agreement, " he would consider of it." The 
^commissioners had understood, that, in the mean time, the Narraganset 
sachems had raised wampurn among their men, "and by good euidence it 
appeared, that by presents of wampum, they are practisinge with the Mohawkes, 
and with the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in some designe against 
the English and Fncus" Therefore, " the commissioners haue a cleare way 
open to right themselues, accorclinge to Justice by war; yet to shew how highly 
they prize peace with all men, and particularly to manifest their forbearance and 
long sufferinge to these barbarians, it was agreede, that first the forernentioued 
present should be returned," and then a declaration of war to follow. 

At the same court, complaint was brought against the people of Pessacus by 
" Mr. Pelham on behalf of Richard Woody and Mr. Pincham," [Pinchon,] thai 
they had committed sundry thefts. Mr. Brown, on behalf of Wm. Smith of 
Rehoboth, preferred a similar charge ; but the Indians having no knowledge of 
the procedure, it was suspended. 

Thus the Narragansets were suffered to remain unmolested until the next 
year, and we do not hear that the story about their hiring the Mohawks and 
others to assist them against Uncas and the English, turned out to be any 
thing else but a sort of bugbear, probably invented by the Mohegans. " One 
principall cause of the comissioners meetinge together at this time, [26 July, 
1647,] being," say the records, " to consider what course should be held with 
the Narraganset Indyans ; " the charges being at this time much the same as 
at the previous meeting. It was therefore ordered that T/tomas Stanton, 

* See Hazard, ii. 152. 

t MS. letter, subscribed with the mark of the sachem Pumham. on the file at our capital, 
(Mass.) 
t MS. Narrative. $ Mather's Relation, and Hazard. 



84 PESSACUS KILLED BY THE MOHAWKS. [BOOK II. 

Benedict Arnold, and Sergeant Waite should be sent to Pessacks, Nenegratc 
and Webetamuk, to know why they had not paid the wampum as they agreed, 
and why they did not come to New Haven ; and that now they might meet 
Uncos at Boston ; and therefore were advised to attend there without delay ; 
but "yf they refuse or delay, they intend to send no more," and they must 
abide the consequences. When the English messengers had delivered their 
message to Pessacus, he spoke to them as follows : 

" The reason I did not meet the English sachems at New Haven last year, 
is, they did not notify me. It is true I have broken my covenant these two 
years, and that now is, and constantly has been, the grief of my spirit. And 
the reason I do not meet them now at Boston is because I am sick. If I were 
but pretty well I would go. I have sent my mind in full to Ninigret, and 
what he does I will abide by. I have sent Powpynamett and Pomwnsfo to go 
and hear, and testify that I have betrusted my full mind with Nenegratt. You 
know well, however, that when I made that covenant two years ago, I did it 
in fear of the army that I did see ; an.d though the English kept their cove 
nant with me, yet they were ready to go to Narraganset and kill me, and 
the commissioners said they would do it, if I did not sign what they had 
written." 

Moyanno, another chief, said he had confided the business with Ninigret last 
spring, and would now abide by whatever he should do. 

When the English messengers returned and made known what had been 
done, the commissioners said that Pessacus 1 speech contained " seuerall pas 
sages of vntruth and guile, and [they] were vnsatisfyed." 

What measures the Whites took "to right themselues," or whether any, 
immediately, is not very distinctly stated ; but, the next year, 1648, there were 
some military movements of the English, and a company of soldiers was sent 
into Narraganset, occasioned by the non-payment of the tribute, and some 
other less important matters. Pessacus, having knowledge of their approach, 
fled to Rhode Island. " Ninicraft entertained them courteously, (there they 
staid the Lord's day,) and came back with them to Mr. Williams', and then 
Pessacus and Canonicus' son, being delivered of their fear, came to them ; and 
being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncos, they solemnly 
denied it ; only they confessed, that the Mohawks, being a great sachem, and 
their ancient friend, and being come so near them, they sent some 20 fathom 
of wampum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians is." * The 
matter seems to have rested here ; Pessacus, as usual, having promised what 
was desired. 

This chief was killed by the Mohawks, as we have stated in the life of Ca- 
nonicus. His life was a scene of almost perpetual troubles. As late as Sep 
tember, 1668, his name stands first among others of his nation, in a complaint 
sent to them by Massachusetts. The messengers sent with it were, Rich d . 
Wayl, Captain W. Wright, and Captain Sam 1 . Mosely ; and it was in terms 
thus : 

" Whereas Capt. Wm. Hudson and John Viall of Boston, in the name of 
themselves and others, proprietors of lands and farms in the Narraganset 
country, have complained unto us, [the court of Mass.,] of the great insolen- 
cies and injuries offered unto them and their people by several, as burning 
their hay, killing sundry horses, and in special manner, about one month since, 
forced some of their people from their labors in mowing grass upon their own 
land, and assaulted others in the high way, as they rode about their occasions ; 
by throwing many stones at them and their horses, and beating their horses as 
they rode upon them," &c. The remonstrance then goes on warning them to 
desist, or otherwise they might expect severity. Had Mosely been as well 
known then among the Indians, as he was afterwards, his presence would 
doubtless have been enough to have caused quietness, as perhaps it did even 
at this time. 

* Winthrop's Journal. 



CHAP. V.] UNCAS. HIS CHARACTER AND CONNECTIONS. 35 



CHAPTER V. 

UNCAS His character Connections Geography of the Mohegan country General 
account of that nation Uncas joins the English against the Pequots Captures a 
chief at Sachem" s Head Visits Boston His speech to Governor Winthrop Speci 
men of the Mohegan language Sequasson The icar beticcen Uncas and Miantunno- 
moh Examination of its cause Tlie Narragansets determine to avenge their 
sachem's death Forces raised to protect Uncas Pessacus Great distress of Uncas 
Timely relief from Connecticut Treaty of 1645 Frequent complaints against 
Uncas Wequash Obcchickicod No VVEQU A Woosamequin. 

UNCAS, called also Poquin, Poquoiam, Poquim, sachem of the Mohegans, of 
whom we have already had occasion to say considerable, has left no very 
favorable character upon record. His life is a series of changes, without any 
of those brilliant acts of magnanimity, which throw a veil over numerous 
errors. Mr. Gookin gives us this character of him in the year 1674 : (Mr. 
James Fitch having been sent about this time to preach among the Mohegans :) 
"I am apt to fear," says he, " that a great obstruction unto his labors is hi the 
sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkas ; an old and wicked, wilful 
man, a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been an 
opposer and undenniner of praying to God." * Nevertheless, the charitable 
Mr. Hulbard, when he wrote his Narrative, seems to have had some hopes 
that he was a Christian, with about the same grounds, nay better, perhaps^ 
than those on which Bishop Warburton declared Pope to be such. 

Uncas lived to a great age. He was a sachem before the Pequot wars, and 
was alive in 1680. At this time, Mr. Hubbard makes this remark upon him : 
"He is alive and well, and may probably live to see all his enemies buried 
before hirn."f 

From an epitaph on one of his sons, copied in the Historical Collections, 
we do not infer, as the writer there seems to have done, "that the race of 
Uncas " was " obnoxious in collonial history ; " but rather attribute it to some 
waggish Englishman, who had no other design than that of making sport for 
himself and others of like humor. It is upon his tomb-stone, and is as 
follows : 

" Here lies the body of Sunseeto 
Own son to Uncas grandson to Oneko\ 
Who were the famous sachems of MOHEGAN 
But now they are all dead I think it is werheegen." 

The connections of Uncas were somewhat numerous, and the names of 
several of them will be found as we proceed with his life, and elsewhere. 
Oneko, a son, was the most noted of them. 

In the beginning of August, 1675, Uncas was ordered to appear at Boston, 
and to surrender his arms to the English, and give such other security for his 
neutrality or cooperation in the war now begun between the English and 
Wampanoags, as might be required of him. The messenger who was sent te 
make this requisition, soon returned to Boston, accompanied by three sons of 
Uncas and about 60 of his men, and a quantity of arms. The two younger 
sons were taken into custody as hostages, and sent to Cambridge, where they 
were remaining as late as the 10 November following. They are said to have 
been at this time not far from 30 years of age, but then* names are not men- 

* 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 208. Moheek, since Montville, Connecticut, about 10 miles 
north of New London, is the place " where Unkas, and his sons, and VVanuho, are sachems." 
Ibid. 

t Hist. New Eng. 464." Although he be a friend to the English, yet he and all his men 
continue pagans still," 1676. Dr. L Mather, Brief Hist. 45. 

\ The writer or sculptor no doubt meant the contrary of this, if, indeed, he may be said to 
have meant any thing. 

$ A genuine Indian word, and, as it is used here, means, simply, well. " Then they bid 
me stir my instep, to see if that were frozen : I did so. When they saw that, they said that 
was wurregen." StockwelVs Nar. of his Captivity among the Indians in 1677. 
8 



86 UNCAS ASSISTS IN DESTROYING THE PEQUOTS. [BOOK II. 

tioned.* OneJeo was employed with his 60 men, and proceeded on an expe 
dition,' as will be found stated elsewhere. 

Uncas was originally a Pequot, and one of the 26 war captains of that 
famous but ill-fated nation. Upon some intestine commotions, he revolted 
against 'his sachem, and set up for himself. This took place about the time 
that nation became known to the English, perhaps in 1634 or 5; or, as it 
would seem from some circumstances, in the beginning of the Pequot war. 
Peters, f an author of not much authority, says, that the " colonists declared 
him King of Mohegan, to reward him for deserting Sassacus." We are told, 
by the same author, that, after the death of Uncas, ONEKO would not deed any 
lands to the colony; upon which he was deposed, arid his natural brother, 
Jlbimileck, was, by the English, advanced to the office of chief sachem. 
Oneko, not acknowledging the validity of this procedure, sold, in process of 
time, all his lands to two individuals, named Mason and Harrison. But, 
meantime, Abimtteck sold the same lands to the colony. A lawsuit followed, 
and was, at first, decided in favor of the colony ; but, on a second trial, Mason 
and Harrison got the case but not the property ; for, as Peters tells us, " the 
colony kept possession under Abimileck, their created King of Mohegan," and 
" found means to confound the claim of those competitors without establishing 
their own." 

By the revolt of Uncas, the Pequot territories became divided, and that part 
called Moheag, or Mohegan, fell generally under his dominion, and extended 
from near the Connecticut River on the south, to a space of disputed country 
on the north, next the Narragansets. By a recurrence to our account of the 
dominions of the Pequots and Narragansets, a pretty clear idea may be had 
of all three. 

This sachem seems early to have courted the favor of the English, which, 
it is reasonable to suppose, was occasioned by the fear he was in from his 
potent and warlike neighbors, both on the north and on the south. In May, 
1637, he was prevailed upon to join the English in their war upon the 
Pequots. Knowing the relation in which he stood to them, the English at 
first were nearly as afraid of Uncas and his men, as they were of the Pequots. 
But when, on the 15 of the same month, they had arrived at Saybrook fort, a 
circumstance happened that tended much to remove their suspicions, and is 
related by Dr. Mather as follows: "Some of Uncas his men being then at 
Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espied seven 
Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one prison 
er, and brought him to the English fort, which was great satisfaction and en 
couragement to the English ; who, before that exploit, had many fears touch 
ing the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took prisoner was a 
perfidious villain, one that could speak English well, having in times past 
lived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, had been at the slaughter 
ing of all the English that were slaughtered thereabouts. He was a contin 
ual spy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he could learn. When 
this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one 
another, and burned to ashes. Some of the Indian executioners barbarously 
taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did eat it, withal singing 
about the fire." J 

Notwithstanding, both Uncas and Miantunnomoh were accused of harboring 
fugitive Pequots, after the Mystic fight, as our accounts will abundantly prove. 
It is true they had agreed not to harbor them, but perhaps the philanthropist 
will not judge them harder for erring on the score of mercy, than their Eng 
lish friends for their strictly religious perseverance in revenge. 

A traditionary story of Uncas pursuing, overtaking, and executing a Pequot 
sachem, as given in the Historical Collections, may not be unqualifiedly true. 
It was after Mystic fight, and is as follows : Most of the English forces pur 
sued the fugitives by water, westward, while some followed by land with 
Uncas and his Indians. At a point of land in Guilford, they came upon a 
great Pequot sachem, and a few of his men. Knowing they were pursued, 

* Old Indian Chronicle, 15. t In his Hist, of Connecticut, 

f Relation of the Troubles, &c. 46. 



CHAP. V.] UNCAS. MOHEG AN LANGUAGE. 8? 

they had gone into an adjacent peninsula, "hoping their pursuers would 
have passed by them. But Uncas knew Indian's craft, and ordered some of 
his men to search that point. The Pequots perceiving that they were pur 
sued, swam over the mouth of the harbor, which is narrow. But they were 
waylaid, and taken as they landed. The sachem was sentenced to be shot to 
death. Uncas shot him with an arrow, cut off his head, and stuck it up in 
the crotch of a large oak-tree near the harbor, where the skull remained for 
a great many years." * This was the origin of SACHEM'S HEAD, by which 
name the harbor of Guilford is well-known to coasters. 

Dr. Mather records the expedition of the English, but makes no mention of 
Uncas. He says, they set out from Saybrook fort, and " sailed westward in 
pursuit of the Pequots, who were fled that way. Sailing along to the westward 
of Mononowuttuck, the wind not answering their desires, they cast anchor.'" 
" Some scattering Pequots were then taken and slain, as also the Pequot 
sachem, before expressed,f had his head cut off) whence that place did bear 
the name of SACHEM'S HEAD."! 

Uncas's fear of the Pequots was doubtless the cause of his hostility to 
them ; and when he saw them vanquished, he probably began to relent his 
unprovoked severity towards his countrymen, many of whom were his near 
relations ; and this may account for his endeavors to screen some of them 
from their more vindictive enemies. The next spring after the war, 5 March, 
1638, " Unkus, alias Okoco, the Monahegan sachem^in the twist of Pequod 
River, came to Boston with 37 men. He came from Connecticut with Mr. 
Haynes, and tendered the governor a present of 20 fathom of wampum. 
This was at court, and it was thought tit by the council to refuse it, till he 
had given satisfaction about the Pequots he kept, &c. Upon this he was 
much dejected, and made account we would have killed him ; but, two days 
after, having received good satisfaction of his innocency, &c. and he promis 
ing to submit to the order of the English, touching the Pequots he had, and 
the differences between the Narragansetts and him, we accepted his present. 
And about half an hour after, he came to the governor," and made the follow 
ing speech. Laying his hand upon his breast, he said, 

" This heart is not mine, but yours. I have no men : they are all yours. Com 
mand me any difficult thing, I will do it. I -will not believe any Indians 1 words 
against the English. If any man shall kill an Englishman, I ivill put him to 
death, were he never so dear to me." 

" So the governor gave him a fair red coat, and defrayed his and his men's 
diet, and gave them corn to relieve them homeward, and a letter of protection 
to all men, &c. and he departed very joyful." 

For the gratification of the curious, we give, from Dr. Edwards's " Observa 
tions on the Muhkekaneew [Mohegan] Language," the Lord's prayer in that 
dialect. " Nogh-nuJi, ne spummuck oi-e-on, iaugh mau-weh wneh wtu-ko-se-auk 
ne-an-ne an-nu-woi-e-on. Tough ne aun-chu-wut-am-mun iva-iveh-tu-seek ma- 
tveh noh pwn-inek. Ne ae-noi-hit-teeh mau-weh aw-au-neek noh hkey oie-cheek, 
ne aun-chu-wut-am-mun, ne au-noi-hit-teet netk spum-muk oie-cheek. Men-e- 
nau-nuh noo-nooh wuh-ham-auk tquogh nuh uh-huy-u-tam-auk ngum-mau-iveh. 
Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-tve-nau-nuh au-neh mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh he anneh ohq-u-ut-a- 
mou-woi-e-auk num-peh neek mu-ma-cheh an-neh-o-quau-keet. Cheen hqu-uk- 
quau-chth-si-u-keh an-neh-e-henau-nuh. Pan-nee-weh htou-we-nau-nuh neen 
maum-teh-keh. Ke-ah ng-weh-cheh kivi-ou-wau-weh mau-weh noh pum-meh; kt- 
an-woi ; es-tah aw-aun tv-tin-noi-yu-wun ne au-noi-e-yon ; han-wee-weh ne kt- 
in-noi-een." 

Such was the language of the Mohegans, the Pequots, the Narragansets and 
Nipmucks; or so near did they approach one another, that each could under 
stand the other through the united extent of their territories. 

Uncas was said to have been engaged in all the wars against- his country 
men, on the part of the English, during his life-time.jj He shielded some of 
the infant settlements of Connecticut in times of troubles, especially Norwich. 

* Hist. Guilford, in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 100. 

t His name is not mentioned. J Relation, 49. 

$ Winthrop, Jour. i. 265-6. \ MS. communication of Rev. Mr. Ely. 



88 UNC AS. TREATMENT OF MIANTUiNNOMOH. [BOOK II. 

To the inhabitants of this town the Mohegans seemed more particularly 
attached, probably from the circumstance of some of its settlers having 
relieved them when besieged by Ninigret, as will be found related in the 
ensuing history. The remnant of the Mohegans, in 1768, was settled in the 
north-east corner of New London, about five miles south of Norwich ; at 
which place they had a reservation. 

The Mohegans had a burying-place called the Royal burying-ground, and 
this was set apart for the family of Uncas. It is close by the falls of the stream 
called Yantic River, in Norwich city ; " a beautiful and romantic spot." The 
ground containing the grave of Uncas is at present owned by C. Goddard, Esq. 
of Norwich. This gentleman has, very laudably, caused an inclosure to lie 
set about it.* 

When the commissioners of the United Colonies had met in 1643, com 
plaint was made to them by Uncas, that Miantunnomoh had employed a Pequot 
to kill him, and that this Pequot was one of his own subjects. He shot Uncas 
with an arrow, and, not doubting but that he had accomplished his purpose, 
u fled to the Nanohiggansets, or their confederates," and proclaimed that he 
had killed him. "But when it was known Vncas was not dead, though 
wounded, the traitor was taught to say that Uncus had cut through his own 
arm with a flint, and hired the Pequot to say he had shot and killed him. 
Myantinomo being sent for by the governor of the Massachusetts upon another 
occasion, brought the Pequct with him : but when this disguise would not 
serve, and that the English out of his [the Pequot's] own mouth found him 
guilty, and would have sent him to Uncus his sagamore to be proceeded 
against, Myantinomo desired he might not be taken out of his hands, promising 
[that] he would send [him] himself to Vncus to be examined and punished ; 
but, contrary to his promise, and fearing, as it appears, his own treachery 
might be discouered, he within a day or two cut off the Peacott's head, that 
he might tell no tales. After this some attempts were made to poison Vncus, 
and, as is reported, to take away his life by sorcery. That being discovered, 
some of Sequasson's company, an Indian sagamore allied to, and an intimate 
confederate with Myantinomo, shot at Uncus as he was going down Conectacatt 
River with a arrow or two. Vncus, according to the foresaid agreement," 
which was, in case of difficulty between them, that the English should be 
applied to as umpires, complained to them. They endeavored to bring about 
a peace between Uncas and Sequasson ; but Sequasson would hear to no over 
tures of the kind, and intimated that he should be borne out in his resolution 
by Miantunnomoh. The result was the war of which we have given an 
account in the life of Miantunnomoh. We have also spoken there of the 
agency of the English in the affair of Miantunnomoh' s death ; but that no light 
may be withheld which can in any way reflect upon that important as well as 
melancholy event, we will give all that the commissioners have recorded in 
their records concerning it. But firstly, we should notice, that, after Miantun 
nomoh was taken prisoner, the Indians affirmed, (the adherents of Uncas 
doubtless,) that Miardunnomoh had engaged the Mohawks to join him in his 
ware, and that they were then encamped only a day's journey from the fron 
tiers, waiting for him to attain his liberty. The record then proceeds : 

" These things being duly weighed and considered, the commissioners 
apparently see that Vncus cannot be safe while Myantenomo lives ; but that, 
either by secret treachery or open force, his life will be still in danger. 
W r herefore they think he may justly put such a false and blood-thirsty enemy 
to death; but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English plantations. And 
advising that, in the manner of his death, all mercy and moderation be showed, 
contrary to the practice of the Indians who exercise tortures and cruelty. 
And Vncus having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in this 
craving their advice ; [therefore,] if the' Nanohiggausitts Indians or others 
shall unjustly assault Vncus for this execution, upon notice and request the 
English promise to assist and protect him, as far as they may, against such 
violence." 

We presume not to commentate upon this affair, but we would ask whether 

* 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 135. 



CHAP. V.] UNCAS. 89 

it does not appear as probable, that Uncas had concerted the plan with his 
Pequot subject for the destruction of Miantunnomoh, as that the latter had 
plotted for the destruction of the former. Else, why did Miantunnomoh put 
the Pequot to death ? The commissioners do not say that the Pequot had by 
his confession any how implicated Miantunnomoh. Now, if this Pequot had 
been employed by him, it does not seem at all likely that he would have put 
him to death, especially as he had not accused him. And, on the other hand, 
if he had acknowledged himself guilty of attempting the life of his own 
sachem, that it might be charged upon others, it is to us a plain reason why 
Miantunnomoh should put him to death, being fully satisfied of his guilt upon 
his own confession. It may be concluded, therefore, that the plot against 
Uncas was of his own or his Pequot subject's planning. The Pequot's going 
over to Miantunnomoh for protection is no evidence of that chief's participation 
in his plot. And it is highly probable that, after they had left the English 
court, his crime was aggravated, in Miantunnomoh'' s view, by some new con 
fession or discovery, which caused him to be forthwith executed. 

As though well assured that the justness of their interference would be 
called in question, the commissioners shortly after added another clause to 
their records, as much in exoneration of their conduct as they could find 
words in which to express themselves. They argue that, " whereas Uncas 
was advised [by them] to take away the life of Miantunnomoh whose lawful 
captive he was, they [the Narragansets] may well understand that this is with 
out violation of any covenant between them and us ; for Uncas being in con 
federation with us, and one that hath diligently observed his covenants before 
mentioned, for aught we know, and requiring advice from us, upon serious 
consideration of the premises, viz. his treacherous and murderous disposition 
against Uncas, &c. and how great a disturber he hath been of the common 
peace of the whole country, we could not in respect of the justice of the case, 
safety of the country, and faithfulness of our friend, do otherwise than approve 
of the lawfulness of his death ; which agreeing so well with the Indians' own 
manners, and concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we 
are acquainted ; we persuaded ourselves, however his death may be grievous 
at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not only matter of safety to 
the Indians, but profit to all that inhabit this continent." 

It is believed that the reader is now put in possession of every thing that 
the English could say for themselves, upon the execution of Miantunnomoh. 
He will therefore be able to decide, whether, as we have stated, their judg 
ment was made up of one kind of evidence ; and whether the Narragansets 
had any lawyers to advocate their cause before the commissioners. 

After Miantunnomoh was executed, the Narragansets demanded satisfaction 
of Uncas for the money they had raised and paid for the redemption of their 
chief. This demand was through the English commissioners ; who, when 
they were met, in Sept. 1644, deputed Thomas Stanton to notify both parties 
to appear before them, that they might decide upon the case according to 
the evidence which should be produced. 

It appears that Kienemo,* the Niantick sachem, immediately deputed 
Weetowisse, a sachem, Pawpiamet and Pummumshe, captains, from the Narra 
gansets, with two of their men, to maintain their action before the commis 
sioners, and to complain of some insolences of Uncas besides.f On a full 
hearing, the commissioners say, that nothing was substantiated by them. 
"Though," they say, "several discourses had passed ftom Uncas and his 
men, that for such quantities of wampum and such parcels of other goods to 
a great value, there might have been some probability of sparing his life." 
Hence it appears that Uncas had actually entered upon a negotiation with 
the Narragansets, as in the life of Miantunnomoh has been stated; and it does 
not, it is thought, require but a slight acquaintance with the general drift of 
these affairs, to discern, that Uncas had encouraged the Narragansets to send 

* The same afterwards called Ninigret. Janemo was doubtless the pronunciation, ./being 
at that time pronounced ji ; therefore Jianemo might have been sometimes understood Kiane- 
mo. Wintkrop writes the name Ayanemo in one instance. 

t The author of Tales of the Indians seems dismally confused in attempting- to narrate 
these affairs, but see Hazard, ii. 25 and 26. 



)0 UNCAS. PESSACUS. [Boox II. 

wampum, that is, their money, giving them to understand that he would not 
be hard with them ; in so far, that they had trusted to his generosity, and sent 
him a considerable amount. The very face of it shows clearly, that it was a 
trick of Uncos to leave the amount indefinitely stated, which gave him the 
chance, (that a knave will always seize upon,) to act according to the caprice 
of his own mind on any pretence afterwards. 

The commissioners say, that " no such parcels were brought," though, in 
a few lines after, in their records, we read : " And for that wampums and 
goods sent, [to Uncos,] as they were but small parcels, and scarce considerable 
for such a purpose," namely, the redemption of their chief: and still, they 
add ; " But Uncas denieth, and the Narraganset deputies did not alledge, 
much less prove that any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any treaty 
begun to redeem their imprisoned sachem." Therefore it appears quite 
clear that Uncas had all the English in his favor, who, to preserve his friend 
ship, caressed and called him their friend ; while, on the other hand, the 
agents from the Narragansets were frowned upon, and no doubt labored under 
the disadvantage of not being personally known to the English. 

As to the goods which Uncas had received, the commissioners say, " A 
part of them [were] disposed [of] by Miantunnomoh himself, to Uncas' coun 
sellors and captains, for some favor, either past or hoped for, and part were 
given and sent to Uncos, and to his squaw for preserving his life so long, and 
using him courteously during his imprisonment." 

Here ended this matter ; but before the Narraganset deputies left the court, 
the English made them sign an agreement, that they would not make war 
upon Uncas, " vntill after the next planting of corn." And even then, that 
they should give 30 days' notice to the English before commencing hostili 
ties. Also that if " any of the Nayantick Pecotts should make any assault 
upon Uncas or any of his, they would deliver them up to the English to be 
punished according to their demerits. And that they would not use any 
means to procure the Mawhakes to come against Uncas during this truce." 
At the same time the English took due care to notify the Narraganset com 
missioners, by way of awing them into terms, that if they did molest the 
Mohegans, all the English would be upon them. 

The date of this agreement, if so we may call it, is, " Hartford, the xviijth 
of September, 1644," and was signed by four Indians ; one besides those 
named above, called Chimough. 

That no passage might be left open for excuse, in case of war, it was also 
mentioned, that " proof of the ransom charged " must be made satisfactory 
to the English before war was begun. 

The power of Pessaciis and Ninigret at this time was much feared by the 
English, and they were ready to believe any reports of the hostile doings of 
the Narragansets, who, since the subjection of the Pequots, had made them 
selves masters of all their neighbors, except the English, as the- Pequots had 
done before them. The Mohegans were also in great fear of them, as well 
after as before the death of Miantunnomoh ; but for whose misfortune in 
being made a prisoner by a stratagem of Uncas, or his captains, the English 
might have seen far greater troubles from them than they did, judging from 
the known abilities of that great chief. 

There was "a meeting extraordinary" of the commissioners of the United 
Colonies, in July, 1645, at Boston, " concerning the French business, and the 
ware between Pissicus and Vncus being begun." Their first business was to 
despatch away messengers to request the appearance of the head men of the 
belligerents to appear themselves at Boston, or to send some of their chief 
men, that the difficulties between them might be settled. 

These messengers, Sergeant John Dames, [Davis ?] Benedict Arnold, and 
Francis Smi/th, on their first arrival at Narraganset, were welcomed by the 
sachems, who offered them guides to conduct them to Uncas ; but, either 
having understood their intentions, or judging from their appearance that 
the English messengers meant them no good, changed their deportment 
altogether, and hi the mean time secretly despatched messengers to the 
Nianticks before them, giving them to understand what was going forward. 
After this, say the messengers, " there was nothing but proud and insolent 



CHAP. V.] UNCAS. DEFENDED BY THE ENGLISH. 91 

passages [from Ninigrd.] The Indian guides which they had brought with 
them from Pumhamand Sokakanoco were, by frowns and threatening speeches, 
discouraged, and returned ; no other guides could be obtained." The 
sachems said they knew, by what was done at Hartford last year, that the 
English would urge peace, "but they were resolved, they said, to have no peace 
ivithout Uncas his head" As to who began the war, they cared not, but they 
were resolved to continue it ; that if the English did not withdraw their 
soldiers from Uncas, they should consider it a breach of former covenants, 
and would procure as many Mohawks as the English had soldiers to bring 
against them. They reviled Uncas for having wounded himself, and then 
charging it upon them, and said he was no friend of the English, but would 
now, if he durst, kill the English messengers, and lay that to them. There 
fore, not being able to proceed, the English messengers returned to the Nar- 
ragansets, and acquainted Pessacus of what had passed, desiring he would 
furnish them with guides ; " he, (in scorn, as they apprehended it,) offered 
them an old Peacott squaw." 

The messengers now thought themselves in danger of being mas 
sacred ; " three Indians with hatchets standing behind the interpreter in a 
suspicious manner, while he was speaking with Pessacus, and the rest, frowning 
and expressing much distemper in their countenance and carriage." So, 
without much loss of time, they began to retrace their steps. On leaving 
Pessacus, they told him they should lodge at an English trading house not far 
off that night, and if he wanted to send any word to the English, he might send 
to them. In the morning, he invited them to return, and said he would furnish 
them with guides to visit tineas, but he would not suspend hostilities. Not daring 
to risk the journey, the messengers returned home. Arnold, the interpreter, 
testified that this was a true relation of what had passed, which is necessary to 
be borne in mind, as something may appear, as we proceed, impeaching the 
veracity of Arnold. 

Meanwhile the commissioners set forth an armament to defend Uncas, at all 
hazards. To justify this movement, they declare, that, " considering the great 
provocations offered, and the necessity we should be put unto of making war 
upon the Narrohiggin, &c. and being also careful in a matter of so great 
weight and general concernment to see the way cleared and to give satisfaction 
to all the colonists, did think fit to advise with such of the magistrates and 
elders of the Massachusetts as were then at hand, and also with some of the 
chief military commanders there, who being assembled, it was then agreed : 
First, that our engagement bound us to aid and defend the Mohegan sachem. 
Secondly, that this aid could not be intended only to defend him and his, in 
his fort or habitation, but, (according to the common acceptation of such 
covenants or engagements considered with the ground or occ;:sion thereof,) so 
to aid him as hee might be preserved in his liberty and estate. Thirdly, that 
this aid must be speedy, least he might be swallowed up in the mean time, 
and so corne too late." 

" According to the counsel and determination aforesaid, the commissioners, 
considering the present danger of Uncas the Mohegan sachem, (his fort having 
been divers times assaulted by a great army of the Narrohiggansets, &c.) 
agreed to have 40 soldiers sent with all expedition for his defense." Lieu 
tenant JHherton and Sergeant John Davis led this company, conducted by two of 
" Cutchamakiri's" Indians as guides. Jltherton was ordered not to make an 
"attempt upon the town otherwise than in Uncas* defence." Captain Mason 
of Connecticut was to join him, and take the chief command. Forty men 
were ordered also from Connecticut, and 30 from New Haven under Lieu 
tenant Sealy, In their instructions to Mason, the commissioners say, " We so 
now aim at the protection of the Mohegans, that we would have no opportunity 
neglected to weaken the Narragansets and their confederates, in their number 
of men, their cane canoes, wigwams, wampum and goods. We look upon 
the Nianticks as the chief incendiaries and causes of the war, and should be 
glad they might first feel the smart of it." The Nianticks, therefore, were 
particularly to be had in view by Mason, and he was informed at the sumo 
time that Massachusetts and Plimouth were forthwith to send " another army 
to invade the Narragansets." 



92 UNCAS. BESE1GED IN HIS FORT. [Boo K II. 

The commissioners now proceeded to make choice of a commander in 
chief of the two armies. Major Edward Gibbons was unanimously elected. 
In his instructions is this passage : " Whereas the scope and cause of this 
expedition is not only to aid the Mohegans, but to offend the Narragansets, 
Nianticks, and other their confederates." He was directed also to conclude a 
peace with them, if they desired it, provided it were made with special 
reference to damages, &c. And they say, "But withal, according to our 
engagements, you are to provide for Uncos future safety, that his plantations 
be not invaded, that his men and squaws may attend their planting and fishing 
and other occasions without fear or injury, and Vssamequine, Pom/tarn, 
Sokakonoco, Cutchamakin, and other Indians, friends or subjects to the English, 
be not molested," &c. 

Soon after the death of Miantunnomoh, which was in September, 1643, his 
brother Pessacus, "the new sachem of Narraganset," then "a young man 
about 20," sent to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, as a present, an otter 
cocrf, a girdle of wampum, and some of that article besides, in value about 
15. The messenger^ named Washose,* also a sachem, told the governor that 
his chief desired to continue in peace with the English; but that he was 
about to make war upon Uncas, to avenge the death of his brother, and hoped 
they would not interfere, nor aid Uncos. The governor said they wished to 
be at peace with all Indians, and that all Indians would be at peace among 
themselves, and that they must agree to this, or they could not accept their 
present. Washose, said he was instructed no further than to make known his 
mission and leave the present, which he did, and returned to his own country. 
This was in February, 1644, N. S. Within the same month, the same messenger 
appeared again at Boston ; and " his errand was, (says Governor Winlhrop,} that, 
seeing they, at our request, had set still this year, that now this next year we 
would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with Onkus, with many 
arguments." But he was answered, that the English would not allow such a 
proceeding, and if they persisted all the English would fall upon them. 

Planting time, and 30 days besides, had passed before the English sent an 
army lo invade the Narragansets. Pessacus and the other chiefs had done all 
they could do to cause the English to remain neutral, but now determined to 
wait no longer, and hostile acts were committed on both sides. 

The traditionary account of Uncas's being besieged in his fort by the 
Narragansets will very properly be looked for in this connection, as it has 
not only adorned some tales of the Indians, but has been seriously urged as 
truth in more imposing forms. What we are about to give is contained in 
a letter, dated at New Haven, 19 September, 1796, by Wm. Leffingivell, and di 
rected Dr. Trumbidl. 

"At the time the Mohegan tribe of Indians were besieged by the Narragan 
set tribe, in a fort near the River Thames, between Norwich and New 
London, the provisions of the besieged being nearly exhausted, Uncos, their 
sachem, found means to inform the settlers at Saybrookof their distress, and the 
danger they would be in from the Narragansets, if the Mohegan tribe were cut 
off. Ensign Thomas Lcffingwell, one of the first settlers there, loaded a canoe 
with beef, corn and peas, and in the night time paddled from Saybrook into the 
Thames, and had the address to get the whole into the fort of the besieged ; 
received a deed from Uncas of the town of Norwich, and made his escape 
that very night. In consequence of which, the besiegers, finding Uncas had 
procured relief, raised the siege, and the Mohegan tribe were saved, and have 
ever proved strict friends to the N. England settlers." f 

The above agrees very well with Mr. Hyde's account. " When Uncas and 
tribe were attacked by a potent enemy, and blocked up in their fort on a hill, 
by the side of the great river, and almost starved to death, Lieut. Thos. 
Lejfingwell, Capt. Benj. Brewster, of said Norwich, and others, secretly carried 

* Perhaps the same as A washers. 

t Copied from the original, for the author, by Rev. Wm. Ely, who thus remarks upon it : 
"This tradition, from a highly respectable source, Trumbull states as history; yet, in some 
minor points, at least, it would seem obvious that the tradition could uot have been strictly 
preserved for 150 years." MS. letter. ., , . v 



CHAP. V.] INTERFERENCE OF THE ENGLISH. 93 

their provision, in the night seasons, upon which the enemy raised the siege."* 
In consideration of which, " Uncos gave sundry donations of land," &c.f 

At the congress of the commissioners at Boston, in 1645, above mentioned, 
it was ascertained that the present from Pessacus still remained among them, 
and therefore he might think it was probable that the English had complied 
with their desires, as they had not returned it. Lest this should be so under 
stood, Captain Harding, Mr. Wdborne, and Benedict Arnold, were ordered and 
commissioned to repair to the Narraganset country, and to see, if possible, 
" Piscus, Canownacus, Janemo" and other sachems, and to return the present 
before mentioned, and to inform them that the English were well aware of 
their beginning and prosecuting a war upon Uncas, and their " having 
wounded and slain divers of his men, seized many of his canoes, taken some 
prisoners, spoiled much of his corn," refused to treat with him, and threaten 
ed the English. Nevertheless, if they would come themselves forthwith to 
Boston, they should be heard and protected in their journey, but that none 
except themselves would be treated with, and if they refused to come, the 
English were prepared for war, and would proceed immediately against 
them. 

Harding and Wdborne proceeded to Providence, where Arnold was to join 
them. But he was not there, and they were informed that he dared not 
venture among the Narragansets. Whether he had been acting the traitor 
with them, or something quite as much to merit condemnation, we will leave 
the reader to judge from the relation. The two former, therefore, made use of 
Reverend Mr. Williams as interpreter in their business, but v/ere reprimanded 
by the commissioners for it on their return. On going to the Narraganset 
sachems, and opening their business, it appeared that all they were ordered 
to charge them with was not true; or, at least, denied by them. These 
charges, it appears, had been preferred by Arnold, and sworn to upon oath. 
The chiefs said "that lanemo, the Nyantick sachem, had been ill divers days, 
but had now sent six men to present his respects to the English, and to declare 
his assent and submission to what the Narrohiggenset sachems and the Eng 
lish should agree upon." 

It was in the end agreed, that the chiefs, Pessacus, Mexam, and divers 
others, should proceed to Boston, agreeably to the desire of the English, 
which they did, in company with Harding and Welborne, who brought back 
the old present, and for which they also received the censure of the congress. 
They arrived at Boston just as the second levy of troops were marching out 
for their country, and thus the expedition was stayed until the result of a 
treaty should be made known. 

It appeared, on a conference with the commissioners, that the sachems did 
not fully understand the nature of all the charges against them before leaving 
their country, and in justice to them it should be observed, that, so far as the 
record goes, their case appears to us the easiest to be defended of the three 
parties concerned. They told the commissioners of sundry charges they had 
against Uncos, but they said they could not hear them, for Uncas was not 

* Some very beautiful verses appeared several years since in the Connecticut Mirror, to 
which it seems the above had given rise. They were prefaced with the following among 
other observations : " In the neighborhood of Mohegan is a rude recess, environed by rocks, 
which still retains the name of the 'chair of Uncas;' and that the people of Uncas were 
perishing with hunger when Leffmgwell brought him relief. We give the following stanzas 
from it: 

" The monarch sat on his rocky throne, 

Before him the waters lay ; 
His guards were shapeless columns of stone, 
Their lofty helmets with moss o'ergrown, 
And their spears of the bracken gray. 

" His lamps were the fickle stars, that beamed 

Through the veil of their midnight shroud, 
And the reddening flashes that fitfully gleamed 
When the distant fires of the war-dance streamed 
Where his foes in frantic revel screamed 
'Neath their canopy of cloud," &c. 
t MS letter to Dr. Tnimbull, before cited, and life of Miantunnomoh. 



94 UNCAS. TREATY MADE AT BOSTON. [Boox II. 

there to speak for himself; and that they had hindered his being notified of 
their coining'. As to a breach of covenant, they maintained, for some time, 
they had committed none, and that their treatment of the English had been 
misrepresented. "But, (says our record,) after a long debate and some 
priuate conferrence, they had with Serjeant Cullicutt, they acknowledged 
they had brooken promise or couenant in the afore menconed warns, 
and offerred to make another truce with Vncas, either till next planting 
tyme, as they had done last yeare at Hartford, or for a yeare, or a yeare and 
a quarter." 

They had been induced to make this admission, no doubt, by the persua 
sion of Cullicut, who, probably, was instructed to inform them that the safety 
of their country depended upon their compliance with the wishes of the Eng 
lish at this time. An army of soldiers was at that moment parading the 
streets, in all the pomposity of a modern training, which must have reminded 
them of the horrible destruction of their kindred at Mystic eight years 
before. 

The proposition of a truce being objected to by the English, "one of the 
sachems offered a stick or a wand to the commissioners, expressing himself, 
that therewith they put the power and disposition of the war into their hands, 
and desired to know what the English would require of them" They were 
answered that the expenses and trouble they had caused the English were 
very great, " besides the damage Vncas had sustained ; yet to show their 
moderacon, they would require of them but twoo thousand fathome of white 
wampon for their owne satisfaccon," but that they should restore to Uncas all 
the captives and canoes taken from him, and make restitution for all the corn 
they had spoiled. As for the last-mentioned offence, the sachems asserted 
there had been none such ; for it was not the manner of the Indians to de 
stroy corn. 

This most excellent and indirect reproof must have had no small effect on 
those who heard it, as no doubt some of the actors as well as the advisers of 
the destruction of the Indians' corn, previous to and during the Pequot war, 
were now present : Block Island, and the fertile fields upon the shores of the 
Connecticut, must have magnified before their imaginations. 

Considering, therefore, that this charge was merely imaginary, and that 
Uncas had taken and killed some of their people, the English consented that 
Uncas "might" restore such captives and canoes as he had taken from them. 
Finally, they agreed to pay the wampum, " crauing onely some ease in the 
manner and tymes of payment," and on the evening of u the xxvijth of the 6 
month, (August,) 1645," articles to the following effect were signed by the 
principal Indians present : 

1. That the Narragansets and Nianticks had made war upon the Mohegans 
contrary to former treaties; that the English had sent messengers to them 
without success, which had made them prepare for war. 

2. That chiefs duly authorized were now at Boston, and having acknowl 
edged their breach of treaties, having " thereby not only endamaged Vncas, 
but had brought much charge and trouble vpon all the English colonies, 
which they confest were just they should satisfy." 

3. That the sachems agree for their nations to pay to the English 2000 
fathom "of good white wampum, or a third part of good black wampem- 
peage, in four payments, namely," 500 fathom in 20 days, 500 in four months, 
500 at or before next planting time, and 500 in two years, which the English 
agree to accept as full " satisfaccon." 

4. That each party of the Indians was to restore to the other all things 
taken, and where canoes were destroyed, others " in the roome of them, full 
as good," were to be given in return. The English obligated themselves for 
Uncas. 

5. That as many matters cannot be treated of on account of the absence of 
Uncas, they are to be deferred until the next meeting of the commissioners 
at Hartford, in Sept 1646, where both parties should be heard. 

6. The Narraganset and Niantic sachems bind themselves to keep peace 
with the English and their successors, and with Vncas the Mohegan sachem 



CHAP. V.] UNCAS. MEXAM. 95 

and his men, with Fssamequin,* Pomham, Sokaknooco, Cutchamakin, SlioananJ 
Passaconaway, and all others. And that, in case difficulties occur, they are 
to apply to the English. 

7. They promise to deliver up to the English all fugitives who shall at any 
time be found among them ; to pay a yearly tribute, " a month before Indian 
harvest, every year after this, at Boston," "for all such Pecotts as live amongst 
them," according to the treaty of 1638 ;| "namely, one fathom of white 
wampum for each Pequot man, and half a fathom for each Pcacott youth, 
and one hand length of wampum for each Peacott man-child; and if Wtek- 
wash Cake refuse to pay this tribute for any Peacotts with him, the Narro- 
higganset sagamores promise to assist the English against him ;" and to yield 
up to the English the whole Pequot country. 

8. The sachems promise to deliver four of their children into the hands of 
the English, "viz*. Pissacus his eldest sonn, the sonn of Tassaquanmvitt, 
brother to Pissacus, Jlwashanoe his sonn, and Eivangeso's sonn, a Nyantick, to 
be kept as pledges or hostages," until the wampum should be all paid, and they 
had met Uncos at Hartford, and Janemo and Wypdock II had signed these arti 
cles. As the children were to be sent for, Witowash, Pomamse, Jaivassoe, and 
Waughwamino offered their persons as security for their delivery, who were 
accepted. 

9. Both the securities and hostages were to be supported at the charge of 
the English. 

10. That if any hostilities were committed while this treaty was making, 
and before its provisions were known, such acts not to be considered a viola 
tion thereof, 

11. They agree not to sell any of their lands without the consent of the 
commissioners. 

12. If any Pequots should be found among them who had murdered Eng 
lish, they were to be delivered to the English. Here follow the names, with 
a mark to each. 

PESSECUS, 
AUMSAAQUEN, 1F deputy 

for the, Nianticks, 
ABDAS, 
POMMUSH, 
CUTCHAMAKINS, 
WEEKESANNO, 

' WlTTOWASH. 

We do not see Mexam's or Mixanno's name among the signers, although 
he is mentioned as being present, unless another name was then applied to 
him. There were four interpreters employed upon the occasion, namely, 
Sergeant Cullicut and his Indian man, Cutchamakin and Josias.** 

From this time to the next meeting of the commissioners, the country 
seems not to have been much disturbed. In the mean time, however, Uncos, 
without any regard to the promise and obligations the English had laid them 
selves under for him, undertook to chastise a Narraganset sachem for some 
alleged offence. On opening their congress, at New Haven, letters from Mr. 
Morton and Mr. Peters, at Pequot, were read by the commissioners, giving 
accounts of Uncas's perfidy. The complainants were sent to, and informed 
that Uncos was shortly to be there, and that they should bring their proof in 
order to a trial. 

Meanwhile Uncos came, who, after waiting a few days, and his accusers 
not appearing, was examined and dismissed. It appears that the English at 
Nameoke, since Saybrook, were the suffering party, as their neighborhood 
was the scene of Uncos' s depredations. Of some of the charges he acknowl 
edged himself guilty, especially of fighting Neckwash [Wequash] Cooke so 
near to the plantation at Pequot ; although he alleged that some of the Eng 
lish there had encouraged Wequash to hunt upon his lands. He was informed 

* Ousamequin. t Perhaps Shoshanim, or Sholan. 

t See page 61, ante Wequash Cook. \\Wepiteamoek. 

IF Awasequin. ** Son of Chikataubut, probably. 



96 UNCAS. NUMEROUS CHARGES AGAINST HIM. [BOOK II 

that his brother had also been guilty of some offence, but neither the accuser 
nor the accused were present, and, therefore, it could not be acted upon. So, 
after a kind of reprimand, Uncas was dismissed, as we have just mentioned. 
But before he had left the town, Mr. Wm. Morton arrived at court, with three 
Indians, to maintain the action against him ; he was, therefore, called in, and a 
hearing was had, "but the commissioners founde noe cause to alter the former 
writinge giuen him." This was as regarded the affair with Wequash. Mr. 
Morton then produced a Pequot powwow, named Wampushet, who, he said, 
had charged tineas with having hired him to do violence to another Indian, or 
to procure it to be done, which accordingly was effected, the Indian being 
wounded with a hatchet. This crime was at first laid to the charge of We 
quash, as Uncas had intended. "But after [wards,] the Pequat's powwow, 
troubled in conscience, could have no rest till he had discoured Vncus to bo 
the author." He first related his guilt to Robin* an Indian servant of Mr. 
Winthrop ; but, to the surprise of the whole court, Wampushtt, the only wit 
ness, on being questioned through Mr. Stanton, the interpreter, told a story 
diametrically the reverse of what he had before stated. " He cleared Vnciis, 
and cast the plot and guilt vpon Neckwash Cooke and Robin;" "and though 
the other two Pequats, whereof the one was Robin's brother, seemed much 
offended," and said Uncas had hired him to alter his charge, " yet he persisted, 
and said Neckwash Cooke and Robin had giuen him a payre of breeches, and 
promised him 25 fadome of wampum, to cast the plot upon Vncus, and that the 
English plantacon and Pequats knew it. The commissioners abhorring this 
diuilish falshoode, and advisinge Vncus, if he expected any favoure and respect 
from the English, to haue no hand in any such designes or vniust wayes." 

Hence it appears that the court did not doubt much of the villany of Uncas, 
but, for reasons not required here to be named, he was treated as a fond 
parent often treats a disobedient child ; reminded of the end to which such 
crimes lead ; and seem to threaten chastisement in their words, while their 
deportment holds out quite different language. 

At the congress of the United Colonies, at Boston, in July, 1647, Mr. John 
Winthrop of Connecticut presented a petition, "in the name of many Pequatts," 
in the preamble of which Casmamon and Obechiquod are named, requesting 
that they might have liberty to dwell somewhere under the protection of the 
English, which they might appoint. They acknowledged that their sachems 
and people had done very ill against the English formerly, for which they had 
justly suffered and been rightfully conquered by the English ; but that they had 
had no hand, by consent or otherwise, in shedding the blood of the English, 
and that it was by the advice of Necquash f that they fled from their country, 
being promised by him that the English would not hurt them, if they did not 
join against them. The names of 62 craving pardon and protection were at 
the same time communicated. 

In answer the commissioners say, that while Wequash lived he had made no 
mention of " such innocent Pequats, or from any other person since ;" and on 
" enquiry from Thomas Stanton, from Foxon, one of Uncus his men, and at last 
by confession of the Pequats present, found that some of the petitioners were 
in Mistick fort in fight against the English, and fled away in the smoke," arid 
that others were at other times in arms against the English and Mohegans, 
and, therefore, the ground of their petition was false and deceitful. 

It appears that they had taken refuge under Uncas, who had promised them 
good usage, which was probably on condition that they should pay him a 
tribute. They resided at this time at Namyok. 

At the same court, Obechiquod complained that Uncas had forcibly taken 
away his wife, and criminally obliged her to live with him. " Foxon being 
present, as Uncases deputy, was questioned about this base and unsufferable 
outrage ; he denied that Uncas either took or kept away Obechiquod's wife by 
force, and affirmed that [on] Obechiquod's withdrawing, with other Pequots, 

* His Indian name was Casmamon, perhaps the same as Cassassinnamon, or Cascamctnoit, 
&c. 

t Wequash, the traitor. He became a noted praying Indian, after the Pequot war, and 
was supposed to have died by poi:on. Frequent mention will be found of him elsewhere in 
our work. 



CHAP. V.] UNCAS ACCUSED OF PERFIDY. 97 

from Uncas, his wife refused to go with him ; and that, among the Indians, it is 
usual when a wife so deserts her husband, another may take her. Obechiquod 
affirmed that Uncas had dealt criminally before, and still kept her against 
her will." 

Though not satisfied in point of proof, the commissioners said, "Yet ab- 
horing that lustful adulterous carriage of Uncas, as it is acknowledged and 
mittigated by Foxon," and ordered that he should restore the wife, and that 
Obechiquod have liberty to settle under the protection of the English, where 
they should direct.* 

Complaints at this time were as thick upon the head of Uncas as can well 
be conceived of, and still wfc do not imagine that half the crimes he was guilty 
of, are on record. Another Indian named Sanaps, at the same time, complain 
ed that he had dealt in like manner with the wife of another chief, since dead ; 
that he had taken away his corn and beans, and attempted his life also. The 
court say they found no proof, " first or last, of these charges," still, as to the 
corn and beans, " Foxon conceives Uncas seized it because Sannop, with a 
Pequot, in a disorderly manner withdrew himself from Uncas" Hence it 
seems not much evidence was required, as Uncas's deputy uniformly pleaded 
guilty ; and the court could do no less than order that, on investigation, he 
should make restitution. As to Sannop, who was " no Pequot," but a " Con 
necticut Indian," he had liberty to live under the protection of the English 
also. 

To the charges of the Pequots against Uncas, of "his vnjustice and tyranny, 
drawinge wampam from them vpon new pretences," " they say they haue 
giuen him wampam 40 times since they came vnder him, and that they haue 
sent wampam by him to the English 25 times," and had no account that he 
ever delivered it ; it was answered by Foxon, that Uncas had received wam 
pum divers times as tribute, but denied that, in particular, any had been given 
him for the English, and that "he thinks the nomber of 25 times to be 
altogether false." 

There were a long train of charges against Uncas for his oppression of the 
Pequots, which when the commissioners had heard through, they " ordered 
that Vncus be duly reproved, and seriously enformed that the English cannot 
owne or protect him in any vnlawful, much lesse trecherous and outrageous 
courses." And notwithstanding the commissioners seem not to doubt of the 
rascality of their ally, yet nothing seems to have been done to relieve the 
distressed Pequots, because that "after the [Pequot] warre they spared the 
lines of such as had noe hand in the bloude of the English." To say the least 
of which, it is a most extraordinary consideration, that because some innocent 
people had not been destroyed in war, they might be harassed according as 
the caprice of abandoned minds might dictate. 

Mr. John Winthrop next prefers a complaint against Uncas from another 
quarter : the Nipmuks had been attacked, in 1646, by 130 Mohegans, under 
Nowequa, a brother of Uncas. It does not appear that he killed any of them, 
but robbed them of effects to a great amount ; among which are enumerated 
35 fathom of wampum, 10 copper kettles, 10 " great hempen baskets," many 
bear skins, deer skins, &c. Of this charge Foxon said Uncas was not guilty, 
for that he knew nothing of Nowequa' s proceedings in it ; that at the time of 
it [September] f T ncas, with his chief counsellors, was at New Haven with the 
commissioners of the United Colonies ; and that Noivequa had at the same 
time robbed some of Uncas' s own people. 

It was also urged by Winthrop, that not long before the meeting of the com 
missioners in September, 1647, this same Nowequa had been with 40 or 50 men 
to Fisher's Island, where he had broken up a canoe belonging to him, and greatly 
alarmed his man and an Indian who were there at that time. That Nowequa * 
next "hovered against the English plantation, in a suspicious manner, with 40 
or 50 of his men, many of them armed with gunns, to the affrightment not 
onely of the Indians on the shore (soe that some of them began to bring their 
goods to the English houses) but divers of the English themselues." 

* This chief is the same, we believe, called in a later part of the records (Hazard, ii. 413) 
Abbachickwood. He was fined, with seven others, ten fathom of wampum for going to fighl 
the Pocomptuck Indians with Uncas, in the summer of 1659. 

9 



98 UNCAS. WAR WITH THE NIPMUKS. [Boon II. 

These charges being admitted by Foxon, the commissioners "ordered that 
Vncus from them be fully informed, that he must either regulate and continue 
his brother in a righteous and peaceable frame for the future vnderstandinge, 
and providing that vpon due proof due restitution to be made to such as haue 
been wronged by him, or else wholy disert and leaue him, that the Narragen- 
sett and others may requere and recouer satisfaction as they can." 

We pass now to the year 1651, omitting to notice some few events more or 
less connected with our subject, which, in another chapter, may properly pass 
under review. 

Last year, Thomas Stanton had been ordered "to get an account of the num 
ber and names of the several Pequots living among the Narragansets, Nianticks, 
or Mohegan Indians, &c. ; who, by an agreement made after the Pequot war, are 
justly tributaries to the English colonies, and to receive the tribute due for this 
last year." Stanton now appeared as interpreter, and with him came also 
Uncos and several of his men, Wequash Cook and some of " NinnacrajTs " men, 
" Robert, a Pequot, sometimes a servant to Mr. Winthrop, and some witli him, 
and some Pequots living on Long Island." They at this time delivered 312 
fathom of wampum. Of this Uncos brought 79, Ninigrefs men 91, &c. 

"This wampum being laid down, Uncas and others of the Pequots 
demanded why this tribute was required, how long it was to continue, and 
whether the children to be born hereafter were to pay it." They were 
answered that the tribute had been due yearly from the Pequots since ]638, 
on account of their murders, wars, &c. upon the English. "Wherefore the 
commissioners might have required both account and payment, as of a just 
debt, for time past, but are contented, if it be thankfully accepted, to remit 
what is past, accounting only from 1650, when Thomas Stanton' s employment 
and salary began." Also that the tribute should end in ten years more, and 
that children hereafter born should be exempt. Hitherto all male children 
were taxed. 

The next matter with which we shall proceed, has, in the life of Ousame- 
quin, been merely glanced at, and reserved for this place, to which it more 
Droperly belongs. 

We have now arrived to the year 1661, and it was in the spring of this year 
that a war broke out between Uncas and the old sachem before named. It 
seems very clear that the Wampanoags had been friendly to the Narragansets, 
for a long time previous-, being Separated from them, were not often 
involved in their troubles. They saw how Uncas was favored by the English, 
and were, therefore, careful to have nothing to do with the Mohegans, from 
whom they were still farther removed. Of the rise, progress and termination 
of their war upon the Quabaogs, a tribe of Nipmuks belonging to Wasamagin, 
the reader may gather the most important facts from some documents,* which 
we shall in the next place lay before him. 

"MERCURIUS DE QUABACONK, or a declaration of the dealings of Uncas 
and the Mohegin Indians, to certain Indians the inhabitants of Quabacenk. 
21, 3d mo. 1661. 

" About ten weeks since Uncas' son, accompanied with 70 Indians, set upon 
the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away six pris 
oners; among which were one squaw and her two children, whom when he 
had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the squaw, on conditions that she 
would go home and bring him 25 in peag, two guns and two blankets, fcr 
the release of herself and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being 
retained by the sagamore of Weshakeim, in hopes that their league with the 
English will free them. 

" At the same time he carried away also, in stuff and money, to the value 
of 37, and at such time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the 
English in the Massachusetts by the worshipful Mr. Winihrop, he insolently 
laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had 
begun, and assay who dares to controll him. Moreover, four days since 
there came home a prisoner that escaped ; two yet remaining, whom Uncas 

* In manuscript, and never before published. 



CHAP. V.] REFLECTIONS. MESSAGE TO UNCAS. . 99 

threatens, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave, and 
still threatens to continue his war against them, notwithstanding any prohibi 
tion whatsoever ; whose very threats are so terrible, that our Indians dare not 
wander far from the towns about the Indians for fear of surprise. 

From the relation of 

PAMBASSUA, 
and testimony of 

WASAMAGIN, 
Q.UAQUEQUUNSET, 

and others." 

From this narrative it is very plain that Uncas cared very little for the dis 
pleasure of the English : it is plain, also, that he knew as well as they what 
kept them from dealing as severely with him as with the Narragansets, his 
neighbors. They must succumb to him, to keep him in a temper to aid in 
fighting their battles when called upon. Hence, when he had committed the 
grossest insults on other Indians, the wheels of justice often moved so slow, 
that they arrived not at their object until it had become quite another matter. 
It must, however, be considered, that the English were very peculiarly sit 
uated upon the very margin of an unknown wilderness, inclosed but on one 
side by Indians, whose chief business was war. They had destroyed the 
Pequots, but this only added to their fears, for they knew that revenge lurked 
still in the breasts of many, who only were waiting for an opportunity to 
gratify it ; therefore, so long as one of the most numerous tribes could possi 
bly be kept on their side, the English considered themselves in safety. They 
had made many missteps in their proceedings with the Indians, owing some 
times to one cause and sometimes to another, for which now there was no 
remedy ; and it is doubtful whether, even at this day, if any set of men were 
to go into an unknown region and settle among wild men, that they would 
get along with them so much better than our fathers did with the Indians 
here, as some may have imagined. These are considerations which must be 
taken into account in estimating the " wrongs of the Indians." They seem 
the more necessary in this place ; for, in the biography of Uncas, there is as 
much, perhaps, to censure regarding the acts of the English, as in any other 
article of Indian history. 

The narrative just recited, being sent in to the court of Massachusetts, was 
referred to a select committee, who, on the 1 June, reported, 

That letters should be sent to Uncas, signifying how sensible the court was 
of the injuries he had done them, by his outrage upon the Indians of Quaba- 
eonk, who lived under their sagamore, Wassamagin, as set forth in the 
narrative. That, therefore, they now desired him to give up the captives and 
make restitution for all the goods taken from them, and to forbear for time to 
come all such unlawful acts. That, if Wassamagin or his subjects had or 
should do him or his subjects any wrong, the English would, upon due 
proof; cause recompense to be made. Also that Uncas be given to under 
stand and assured, that if he refuse to comply with the request, they were 
then resolved to right the injuries irpon him and his, and for all costs they 
might be put to in the service. "Thitt for the encouragement and safety of 
the sayd Wassamagin and his subjects, there be by order of Major Willard 
three or four armed men, well accomodate in all respects, with a proporcon 
of powder, bulletts and match sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk vnto the 
sayd Wassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoote of their mus- 
quets so often, and in such wise, as the major shall direct, to terrific the 
enemies of Wassamagin, and so to return home again." To inform Wassama 
gin and his subjects,"that the authorities of Massachusetts would esteem it an 
acknowledgment of their regard, if they would permit them to have the 
captives to be recovered from Uncas, to bring them up in a proper manner, 
that they might be serviceable to their friends, &c. Also, "aduice and re 
quire Wassamagin and his men to be verie carefull of iniuring or any ways 
prouoking of Vncas, or any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure 



100 UNCAS WAR WITH ALEXANDER. [BooK II. 

therein, and iiicurr due punishment for the same." That if Uncos committed 
any other hostile acts, he must complain to them, &c.* Thus Wassamegin 
was as much threatened as Uncos. 

Matters seem to have remained thus until the meeting of the commission 
ers in September following ; when, in due course, the business was called up, 
and acted upon as follows : 

" Vpon complaint made to the comissionars of the Massachusetts against 
Vrikas, this following message was sent to him : 

" Vhcas, wee haue receiued information and complaint from the generall 
court of the Massachusetts of youer hostile invading of Wosamequin and the 
Indians of Qiiabakutt, whoe are and longe haue bine subjects to the English, 
killing some and carrying away others ; spoyling theire goods to the vallue of 
331b. as they allege." That he had done this contrary to his covenants, and 
had taken no notice of the demands of the Massachusetts, though some time 
since they had ordered him to deliver up the captives, make remuneration, 
&c. And to all he had returned no answer ; " which," continues the letter, 
"seemes to bee an insolent and proud carriage of youers. We cannot but 
wonder att it, and must beare witness against it." He was, as before, required 
to return the captives, &c. and give reasons for his operations; and if he 
neglected to do so, the Massachusetts were at liberty to right themselves. 

In the mean time, as we appreh-end, a letter from Uncos was received, writ 
ten by Captain Mason, which was as follows : 

"Whereas there was a warrant sent from the court of Boston, dated in my 
last to Vncas, sachem of Mohegen, wherin it was declared vpon the com 
plaint of Wesamequen, f a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said 
Vncas had offered great violence to theire subjects at Quabauk, killing some and 
taking others captiue ; which warrant came not to Uncas, not aboue 20 daies 
before these presents, who, being summoned by Major John Mason, in full 
scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return 
the captiues, and 33 damage, then the Massachusetts would recouer it by 
force of armes, which to him was uery grieuous : professing he was altogether 
ignorant that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts ; and further 
said that they were none of Wesamequerfs men, but belonging to Onopequin, his 
deadly enemie, whoe was there borne ; one of the men then taken was his 
own cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person ; and yett 
sett him att libertie ; and further saith that all the captiues were sent home. 
Alsoe that Wesamequin^s] son \ and diuers of his men had fought against him 
diuers times. This he desired might bee returned as his answare to the 
comissioners. 

"Jttlexander allis Wamsutta, sachem of Sowainsett, being now att Plymouth, 
hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him ; and further said that hee 
did warr against Vncas this summer on that account. 

Signed by 

JOHN MASON." 



* Here end our MSS. relating- to this affair. 

t By this it would seem that Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. 
He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons. 

\ There can scarce be a doubt that this refers to Alexander, and that the next paragraph 
confirms it ; hence Massasoit was alive in May, 1661, as we have before stated. And the 
above letter of Mason was probably written in September, or while the commissioners were 
in session. 

It seems always to have been uncertain to whom the Nipmucks belonged. Roger 
Williams says, in 1668, " That all the Neepmucks were unquestionably subject to the Nan- 
higonset sachems, and, in a special manner, to Mejksah, the son of Caunounicus, and late 
husband to this old Squaw- Sachem, now only surviving. I have abundant and daily proof of 
it," &c. MS. letter. See life Massasoit, b. ii. ch. ii. 

At one time, Kutshamakin claimed some of the Nipmucks, or consented to be made a tool 
of by some of them, for some private end. But Mr. Pynchon said they would not own him as 
a sachem any longer "than the sun shined upon him." Had they belonged to him, Massa 
chusetts must have owned them, which would have involved them in much difficulty in 1648, 
by reason of several murders among them. 



CHAP. VI.] UNCAS. SASSACUS. 101 

The particulars of the issue of these troubles were not recorded, and the 
presumption is, that Uncos complied with the reasonable requests of the Eng 
lish, and the old, peaceable Ousamequin, being unwilling to get into difficulty, 
put up with the result without avenging his wrongs. His son, Wamsutta, as 
will be seen, about this time found himself involved in difficulties nearer 
home, which probably prevented him from continuing the war against Uncos, 
had he been otherwise disposed. 



CHAPTER VL 



Of the Pequot nation Geography of their country SASSACUS, their first chief, 
to the English Tassaquanott War The cause of it WEQUASH Canonic 



f,knoion 
-Canonicus and 

Miantunnomoh accused of harboring fugitive Pequots Sassamon MONONOTTO 
Otash CASSASSINNAMON. 



" But since I've mentioned Sassacus* great name, 
That day so much a terror where it came ; 
Let me, in prosecution of my story, 
Say something of his pride and kingdom's glory." WOLCOTT. 

IT is said by Mr. Hubbard,* that the Pequots, f " being a more fierce, cruel, 
and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more 
inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest 
places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors." The time of 
their emigration is unknown. They made all the other tribes " stand in awe, 
though fewer in number than the Narragansets, that bordered next upon 
them." f 

Their country, according to Mr. GooHn, "the English of Connecticut 
jurisdiction, doth now, [1674,] for the most part, possess." Their dominion, 
or that of their chief sachem, was, according to the same author, "over divers 
petty sagamores ; as over part of Long Island, over the Mohegans, and over 
the sagamores of Quinapeake, [now New Haven,] yea, over all the people that 
dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabit 
ants of the Nipmuck country, about Quinabaag." The principal seat of the 
sagamores was near the mouth of Pequot River, now called the Thames, 
where New London stands. "These Pequots, as old Indians relate, could, in 
former times, raise 4000 men fit for war." || The first great chief of this 
nation, known to the English, was 

SASSACUS, whose name was a terror to all the neighboring tribes of Indians. 
From the fruitful letters of the Reverend Roger Wilh(*, we learn that he had 
a brother by the name of Puppompoges, whose resi(fcnce was at Monahiganick, 
probably Mohegan. Although Sassacus's prinrpal residence was upon the 
Thames, yet, in his highest prosperity, he h*d under him no less than 26 
sachems, and his dominions were from Na^aganset Bay to Hudson's River, 
in the direction of the sea-coast. Long Kand was also under him, and his 
authority was undisputed far into the country. 

A brother of Sassvciis, named Tass*quanott, survived the Pequot war, and 
was one of those complained of by Vncas in 1647, for giving his countrymen 
"crooked counsell" about a present of wampum, which he had advised to be 
given to the English instead of fcim. It appears that on the death of a child 
of Uncas, the Pequots had presented him with 100 fathom of wampum,1f 
which, when Tassaqvanott Anew, he disapproved of it, politicly urging, that 
if the English were conciliated by any means towards -them, it mattered not 
much about Uncos. 

* Narrative, i. 116. 

t We believe this name meant Gray foxes, hence Gray-fox Indians, or Pequots. 

j: Hist. New England, 33. 

tSee his Collections in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 147. || Ibid. 

Hazard, Hist. Col. ii. 90. 

9* 



-02 SASSACUS. PEQUOT WARS. [Boon II. 

We are informed,* that Connecticut was claimed by right of conquest at 
ane time by the first white settlers, who found much of it cultivated and set 
tled by its Indian inhabitants, although they endeavored that it should be 
understood otherwise. The numbers of the natives in that region were 
" thousands, who had three kings, viz. Connecticote, Quinnipiog, and SASSA- 
cus." Connecticote was " emperor," or chief of chiefs, an elevation in which 
he and his ancestors had stood for about 400 years, according to their tra 
ditions. 

About the time the English had determined on the subjugation of the Pe- 
quots, Roger Williams wrote to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, giving 
him important directions how they should proceed to advantage, and what 
was very important then, gave the following rude draft of their country : 

River Qunnihticut.t 

O a fort of the NiantaquitJ men, confederate with the Pequts. 
Mohiganic River. 

Ohom- I . I . wauke,$ tho 
O Weinshauks, where swamp | | | | 3 or 4 miles from 

Sasacous, the chief sachim, is. 
Mis- tick) where is J\famoho,\\ another chief sachim. 



River. 

Nayan- Q taquit,J where is Wepvteammok ana our friends 



River. 

In the same letter, Mr. Williams urges the necessity of employing faithful 
guides for the English forces ; " as shall be best liked of [to] be taken along 
to direct, especially two Pequts ; viz. Wequash, [whose name signified a swan,] 
and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have lived 
these three or four years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass and 
passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses." 

In 1634, as has been before incidentally mentioned, one Captain Stone was 
killed by the Pequots, while upon a trading expedition in Connecticut River. 
Without knowing the reason of their killing Stone, the English demanded the 
murderers soon after, and as Sassacus was involved in troubles with the Nar- 
ragansets and all his neighbors, he thought it not best entirely to slight the 
demand of the English ; he therefore sent messengers to Boston, where they 
arrived 6 November, with offers of peace, which, after considerable delibera 
tion on the part of the English, were accepted, and a treaty was entered into 
on the 9th following 

A messenger had \ ee n sent, in October, upon the same errand, but was 
dismissed with orders to inform Sassacus, that he must send persons of greater 
quality, and then the English would treat with him. "He brought," says 
Winthrop, two bundles of *i c ks, whereby he signified how many beaver and 
otter skins he would give us Sr> r that end, and great store of wampompeage, 
(about two bushels, by his desertion.)" He had a small present with him, 
which was accepted by the English, who gave him in return, a moose coat 
of as good value. 

The treaty entered into on the 9 Nov> mbe r, 1634, between the Pequots and 
English, stipulated that the murderers of Captain Stone should be given up to 
-the English, of whom there were at that * me left but two, as attested by the 
ambassadors of Sassacus, who further observed in explanation, that the sachem 
in whose time the act was committed, was de^, having been slain in a war 
with the Dutch, and that all the men concerned i n it, except two, had also 
died of the small-pox. This, together with the facts gi ven j n concerning the 
death of Stone, inclined the English to believe the account altogether ; and, 
but for what happened afterwards, it is probable that the historians o'f that 

* But with what truth I know not, for it rests upon the authority of Peters. 

t Connecticut. $ Niantick. $ A name signifying an OwCs nest. Same letter 

(I Probably Mononotto. 



CHAP. VI.] SASSACUS.TREATY. 103 

period would have relied more upon the Pequots' own account than the gen 
eral rumor. Such are the events of time a circumstance may change the 
fate, nay, the character of a nation, for a period, in the eyes of many genera 
tions ! But 

" O Time ! the beaulifier of the dead ! 

Adorner of the ruin ! comforter, 

And only healer, when the heart hath bled! 

Time, the eorrecter where our judgments err." 

In the progress of the treaty, the Pequot ambassadors said, that if the two 
men then living who had been concerned in Stone's death, " were worthy of 
death, they would move their sachem to deliver them " to the English, but that 
as to themselves, they had no power to do so, and at once urged the justness 
of their act without qualification. Stone, they said, came into their river and 
seized upon two of their men, and bound them hand and foot, and, in that 
situation, obliged them to pilot him up the river. When he had gone up as 
far as he desired, himself and two other white men, and the two manacled 
Indians, went on shore. Meanwhile they had been watched by nine Indians, 
who, when they found the Englishmen asleep on the following night, fell upon 
them and massacred them. 

Considering the state of the Indians, no blame could be attached to them for 
this act ; two of their countrymen were in the hands of an unknown people, 
who, from every appearance, were about to put them to death, and it was by 
an act of pure benevolence and heroism that they delivered them out of the 
hands of an invading foe. 

Therefore, being satisfied with the account, the English agreed to have 
peace with them, provided they would give up the two men when they should 
send for them; "to yeld up Connecticut;" to give 400 fathom of wampom, 
and 40 beaver and 30 otter skins ; and that the English should immediately 
send a vessel with a cargo of cloth to trade with them. 

The names of these ambassadors are not recorded ; but one signed the treaty 
with the mark of a bow and arrow, and the other with that of a hand. 

The same day about 2 or 300 Narragansets were discovered at Neponset, 
who had inarched out for the purpose of killing these ambassadors. This 
discovery being made before the treaty was concluded, the English met them 
at Roxbury, and there negotiated a treaty between the Pequots and them. For 
the furtherance of which, the Pequots instructed the English to present them 
with a portion of the wampom which they were to give to them ; but not as 
coining from them, because they disdained to purchase peace of that nation. 
The Narragansets readily conceding to the wishes of the English, all parties 
retired satisfied. 

Distrust soon grew again into antipathy ; it having been reported that Stone 
and those with him were treacherously surprised by the Pequots who had 
gone on board his vessel in a friendly manner to trade ; and seeing Captain 
Stone asleep in his cabin, they killed him, and the other men one after the other, 
except Captain JVorfon, who, it seems, was with him ; he being a resolute man, 
defended himself for some time in the cook-room, but at length, some powder, 
which for the more ready use he had placed in an open vessel, took fire and 
exploded, by which he was so seriously injured, especially in his eyes, that he 
could hold out no longer, and he was forthwith despatched by them. 

This matter at length having become fixed in the minds of the English 
according to the latter relation, they were the more ready to charge other 
circumstances of a like nature upon the Pequots. On the 20 July, 1636, as 
Mr. John Oldham was on his passage passing near Manisses, that is, Block 
Island, in a small pinnace, 14 Narraganset Indians attacked and killed him, and 
made his crew prisoners, which consisted only of two boys and two Narraganset 
Indians. The same day, as John Gallop was on his passage from Connecticut, 
in a bark of 20 tons, an adverse wind drove him near the same island. On 
seeing a vessel in possession of Indians, he bore down upon her, and im 
mediately knew her to be Captain Oldham's. He hailed those on board, but 
received no answer, and soon saw a boat pass from the vessel to the shore 
full of men and goods. As Gallop neared the suspicious vessel, she slipped 
her fastening, and the wind being off the land drifted her towards Narragan- 
.*; . .'<'/ w>j*i!jw*M f> ,,<i'-'<v:^ 



104 SEA-FIGHT. JOHN GALLOP. [BOOK II. 

set. Notwithstanding some of the Indians were armed with guns and swords, 
Gallop, bring in a stouter vessel, resolved on running them down ; he there 
fore made all sail, and immediately stemmed the pirate vessel on the quarter 
with such force as nearly to overset her, and in their fright six Indians jumped 
overboard and were drowned. The rest standing upon the defensive, and 
being yet far superior in numbers to Gallop's crew, which consisted of two little 
boys and one man, to board them was thought too hazardous ; Gallop therefore 
stood off to repeat his broadside method of attack. Meanwhile he contrived 
to lash his anchor to his bows in such a manner, that when he carne down 
upon the Indians a second time, the force was sufficient to drive the fluke of 
the anchor through their quarter ; which, holding there, both vessels floated 
along together. The Indians had now become so terrified, that they stood not 
to the fight, but kept in the hold of the pinnace. Gallop fired in upon them 
sundry times, but without much execution, and meantime the vessels got loose 
from one another, arid Gallop stood off again for a third attack. As soon as he 
was clear of them, four more of the Indians jumped overboard, and were also 
drowned. Gallop now ventured to board his prize. One of the remaining 
Indians came up and surrendered, and was bound ; another came up and 
submitted, whom they also bound, but fearing to have both on board, this last 
was cast into the sea. Two out of the 14 now remained, who had got posses 
sion of the hold of the pinnace, and there successfully defended themselves 
with their swords against their enemy. Captain Oldham was found dead in 
the vessel, concealed under an old seine, and as his body was not entirely cold, 
it was evident that he had been killed about the time his pinnace was discov 
ered by Gallop. 

From the condition in which Oldham's body was found, it was quite uncer 
tain whether he had fallen in an affray, or been murdered deliberately ; but it 
is very probable that the former was the fact, because it was uncommon for 
the Indians to disfigure the slain, unless killed as enemies, and Oldham's body 
was shockingly mangled. But Captain Oldham had been killed by the Indians, 
and the cry of vengeance was up, and cool investigation must not be looked 
for. The murder had been committed by the Indians of Manisses, but Ma- 
nisses was under the Narragansets ; therefore it was believed that the Narra- 
gansets had contrived his death because he was carrying into effect the articles 
of the late treaty between the Pequots and English. 

The two boys who were with Mr. Oldham were not injured, and were 
immediately given up and sent to Boston, where they arrived the 30th of the 
same month. As soon as Miantunnomoh heard of the affair of Captain Oldliam, 
he ordered JVinigret to send for the boys and goods to Block Island. The 
boys he caused to be delivered to Mr. Williams, and the goods he held subject 
to the order of the English of Massachusetts. 

Meanwhile, 26 July, the two Indians who were in Mr. Oldham's pinnace 
when she was taken, were sent by Canonicus to Governor Vane. They 
brought a letter from Roger Williams, which gave an account of the whole 
affair, and some circumstances led the English to believe these messengers 
were accessoiy to the death of Oldham ; but we know not if any thing further 
were ever done about it. The same letter informed the governor that Mian 
tunnomoh had gone, with 200 men in 17 canoes, "to take revenge, &c." 

These events and transactions soon caused the convening of the governor 
and council of Massachusetts, who forthwith declared war against the Indians 
of Manisses. Accordingly 90 men were raised and put under the command 
of Captain John Endecott, who was general of the expedition. John Underhill 
and Nathaniel Turner were captains, and Jenyson and Davenport ensigns. 
Endecotfs instructions were to put to death the men of Block Island, but to 
make captives of the women and children. This armament set forth in three 
pinnaces, with two Indians as guides, 25 September, 1636. 

On arriving at Manisses they saw many Indians, but could not get near 
them. At Pequot harbor, a part of the armament seized a quantity of corn 
belonging to the Pequots, and were attacked and obliged to fly. However, the 
Narragansets reported that there were 13 Pequots killed during the expedition. 
The English were satisfied that they had harbored the murderers of Oldham, 
which occasioned their sailing to Pequot harbor. It being now late ill the 
season, the expedition was given up, to be resumed early in the spring. 



CHAP. VI.] PEQUOT DEPREDATIONS. 105 

The Pequots, being now left to themselves, commenced depredations wher 
ever they dared appear. About the beginning of October, as five men from 
Saybrook were collecting hay at a meadow four miles above that place, they 
were attacked, and one of them, named Butterfield, was taken and killed ; from 
which circumstance the meadow still bears his name. About 14 days after, 
two men were taken in a cornfield two miles from Saybrook fort. There were 
six of the whites, and they were surrounded by 2 or 300 Indians, yet all escaped 
but two. Thus imboldened by success, they carried their depredations within 
bowshot of Saybrook fort, killing one cow and shooting arrows into sundry 
others. 

On the 21 October, Miantunnomoh, fearing for the safety of his English friends, 
came to Boston, accompanied by two of Canonicus's sons, another sachem, and 
about 20 men. Kutshamakin had given notice of his corning, and a company 
of soldiers met him at Roxbury and escorted him into the town. Here he entered 
into a treaty with the English, by which it was mutually agreed that neither 
should make peace with the Pequots without the consent of the other ; and to 
put to death or deliver up murderers. 

About the same time, John Tilky was taken and killed, and tortured in a 
most barbarous manner. As he was sailing down Connecticut River in his 
bark, he landed about three miles above Saybrook fort, and having shot at some 
fowl, the report of his gun directed the Indians to the spot. They took him 
prisoner at first, and then cut off his hands and feet. He lived three days after 
his hands were cut off, and bore this torture without complaint, which gained 
him the reputation of being " a stout man " among his tormentors. These 
facts were reported by the Indians themselves. Another man who was with 
Tilley was at the same time killed. 

On the 22 February, Lieutenant Gardner and nine men went out of Saybrook 
fort, and were drawn into an ambush, where four of them were killed, and the rest 
escaped with great difficulty. 

On April 12, six men and three women were killed at Weathersfield. They at 
the same time killed 20 cows and a horse, and carried away two young women. 

Alarm was now general throughout the English plantations. Miantunnomoh 
having sent a messenger to Boston to notify the English that the Pequots had 
sent away their women and children to an island, 40 men were immediately 
sent to Narraganset to join others raised by Miantunnomoh, with the intention 
of falling upon them by surprise. 

In the mean time, Captain Mason, with a company of 90 men, had been 
raised by Connecticut and sent into the Pequot country. He was accom 
panied by Uncos and a large body of his warriors, who, in their march to 
Saybrook, 15 May, fell upon about 30 Pequots and killed 7 of them. One 
being taken alive, to their everlasting disgrace it will be remembered, that the 
English caused him to be tortured ; and the heads of all the slain were cut off, 
and set up on the walls of the fort.* 

Immediately after Captains Mason and Underhill set out to attack one of the 
forts of Sassacus. This fort was situated upon an eminence in the present 
town of Groton, Connecticut. The English arrived in its vicinity on the 25th 
of May ; and on the 26th, before day, with about 500 Indians, encompassed it, 
and began a furious attack. The Mohegans and Nafragansets discovered great 
fear on approaching the fort, arid could not believe that the English would 
dare to attack it. When they came to the foot of the hill on which it was 
situated, Captain Mason was apprehensive of being abandoned by them, and, 
making a halt, sent for Uncas, who led the Mohegans, and Wequash, their pilot, 
who was a fugitive Pequot chief,f and urged them not to desert him, but to 
follow him at any distance they pleased. These Indians had all along told the 
English they dared not fight the Pequots, but boasted how they themselves 
would fight. Mason told them now they should see whether Englishmen 

* Winlhrop's Journal, and Mason's Hist. Pequot War. Dr. Mather's account of this affair 
has been given in the life of Uncas. 

t The same, it is believed, elsewhere called Waquash Cook ; " which Wequash (says Dr. 
/. Mather) was by birth a sachem of that place [where Sassacus lived], but upon some disgust 
received, he went from the Pequots to the Narragansets, and became a chief captain under 
Miantunnomoh." Relation, 74. 



106 DESTRUCTION OF THE PEQUOTS. [BOOK II. 

would fight or not. Notwithstanding their boastings, they could not overcome 
the terror which the name of Sassacus had inspired in them, and they kept at 
a safe distance until the fight was over ; but assisted considerably in repelling 
the attacks of the Pequots, in the retreat from the fort ; for their warriors, on 
recovering from their consternation, collected in a considerable body, and 
fought the confederates for many miles. 

The English had but 77 men, which were divided into two companies, one 
led by Mason, and the other by Underhill. The Indians were all within their 
fort, asleep in their wigwams, and the barking of a dog was the first notice 
they had of the approach of the enemy, yet. very few knew the cause of the 
alarm, until met by the naked swords of the foe. The fort had two entrances 
at opposite points, into which each party of English were led, sword in hand. 
" Wanux ! Wanux ! " * was the cry of Sassacus's men ; and such was their 
surprise, that they made very feeble resistance. Having only their own 
missile weapons, they could do nothing at hand to hand with the English 
rapiers. They were pursued from wigwam to wigwam, arid slaughtered in 
every secret place. Women and children were cut to pieces, while endeavor 
ing to hide themselves in and under their beds. At length fire was set in the 
mats that covered the wigwams, which furiously spread over the whole fort, 
and the dead and dying were together consumed. A part of the English had 
formed a circumference upon the outside, and shot such as attempted to fly. 
Many ascended the pickets to escape the flames, but were shot down by those 
stationed for that purpose. About 600 persons were supposed to have perish 
ed in this fight; or, perhaps I should say, massacre. f There were but two 
English killed, and but one of those by the enemy, and about 20 wounded. 
Sassacus himself was in another fort ; and, being informed of the ravages of 
the English, destroyed his habitations, and, with about 80 others, fled to the 
Mohawks, who treacherously beheaded him, and sent his scalp to the English. 

The author of the following lines in " Yamoyden," alludes to this melan 
choly event happily, though not truly : 

" And Sassacdus, now no more, On Mystic's banks, in one red night : 

Lord of a thousand bowmen, fled 5 The once far-dreaded king- in vain 

And all the chiefs, his boast before, Sought safety in inglorious flight ; 

Were mingled with the unhonored dead. And reft of all his regal pride, 

Sannap and Sagamore were slain, By the fierce Maqua's hand he died." 

One of the most unfeeling passages flows from the pen of Hubbard, in his 
account of this war ; which, together with the fact he records, forms a most 
distressing picture of depravity. We would gladly turn from it, but justice 
to the Indians demands it, and we give it in his own words: 

The Narragansets had surrounded "some hundreds " of the Pequots, and 
kept them until some of Captain Stoughtori's soldiers "made an easy con 
quest of them." "The men among them to the number of 30, were presently 
turned into Charon's, ferry-boat, under the command of Skipper Gallop, who 
dispatched them a little without the harbor ! " 

Thus were 30 Indians taken into a vessel, earned out to sea, murdered, and, 
in the agonies of death, thrown overboard, to be buried under the silent 
waves ! Whereabouts they were captured, or " without " what " harbor " they 
perished, we are not informed ; but, from the nature of the circumstances, it 
would seem that they were taken on the borders of the Narraganset country, 
and murdered at the mouth of some of the adjacent harbors. 

That these poor wretches were thus revengefully sacrificed, should have 
been enough to allay the hatred in the human breast of all who knew it, 
especially the historian ! But he must imagine that, in their passage to their 
grave, they did not go in a vessel of human contrivance, but in a boat belong 
ing to a river of hell ! thereby forestalling his reader's mind that they had 
been sent to that abode. 

* Allen's History of the Pequot War. It signified, Englishmen! Englishmen! In Mason's 
history, it is written Owanux Allen merely copied from Mason, with a few such variations. 

t " It was supposed," says Mather, " that no less than 500 or 600 Pequot souls were brought 
down to hell that day." Relation, 47. We in charity suppose, that by hell the doctor only 
meant death. 



CHAP. VI.] LETTER OF CAPTAIN STOUGHTON. 107 

Notwithstanding the great slaughter at Mistick, there were great numbers 
of Pequots in the country, who were hunted from swamp to swarnp, and their 
numbers thinned continually, until a remnant promised to appear no more as 
a nation. 

The English, under Captain Stoughton, came into Pequot River about a 
fortnight after the Mistick fight, and assisted in the work of their extermina 
tion. After his arrival in the enemy's country, he wrote to the governor of 
Massachusetts, as follows: "By this pinnace, you shall receive 48 or 50 
women and children, unless there stay any here to be helpful, &c. Concern 
ing which, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the fairest and largest 
that I saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coate to cloathe her. It is 
my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand with your good liking, else 
not. There is a little squaw that steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath 
given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one, that 
hath three strokes upon her stomach, thus : [ 1 1 -}-% He desireth her, if it 
will stand with your good liking. Sosomon, the Indian, desireth a young little 
squaw, which I know not. 

" At present, Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlo, Captain Mason, and 30 men are with 
us in Pequot River, and we shall the next week joine in seeing what we can 
do against Sassacus, and another great sagamore, Monoivattuck, [Mononotto.] 
Here is yet good work to be done, and how dear it will cost is unknown. 
Sassacus is resolved to sell his life, and so the other with their company, as 
dear as they can." * 

Perhaps it will be judged that Stoughton was looking more after the profit 
arising from the sale of captives, than for warriors to fight with. Indeed, 
Mason's account does not give him much credit. 

Speaking of the English employed in this expedition, Wolcott thus im 
mortalizes them : 

" These were the men, this was the little band, 
That durst the force of the new world withstand. 
These were the men that by their swords made way 
For peace and safety in America." 

VACANT HOURS, 44. 

There was a manifest disposition on the part of Uncos, Canonicus, 
Mlantunnomoh and Ninigret, and perhaps other chiefs, to screen the poor, 
denounced, and flying Pequots, who had escaped the flames and swords 
of the English in their war with them. Part of a correspondence about 
these sachems' harboring them, between JR. Williams and the governor of 
Massachusetts, is preserved in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society ; from which it appears, that Massachusetts had requested Mr. 
Williams to explain to the chiefs the consequences to be depended upon, if 
they did not strictly observe their agreement in regard to the fugitive Pequots. 
Otash] carried to Mr. Williams a letter from the Massachusetts governor upon 
this subject. After he had obeyed its contents, as far as he was able, he 
answered, that he went with Otash " to the Nanhiggonticks, and having got 
Canounicus and Miantunnomu, with their council, together, I acquainted them 
faithfully with the contents of your letter, both grievances and threatenings ; 
and to demonstrate, I produced the copy of the league, (which Mr. [Sir 
Henry] Vane sent me,) and, with breaking of a straw in two or three places, I 
showed them what they had done." 

These chiefs gave Mr. Williams to understand, that, when Mr. Governor 
understood what they had to say, he would be satisfied with their conduct; 
that they did not wish to make trouble, but they "could relate, many particulars 
wherein the English had broken their promises 1 ' since the war. 

In regard to some squaws that had escaped from the English, Canonicus 
said he had not seen any, but heard of some, and immediately ordered them to 
be carried back again, and had not since heard of them, but would now have 
the countiy searched for them, to satisfy the governor. 

Miantunnomoh said he had never heard of but six, nor saw but four of them ; 

* Mai"%cnpt letter of Captain Stoughton, on file among our state papers. 

* ^ otaash, Mr. Williams writes his name. 



108 OF THE PEQUOT NATION. [BOOK II. 

which beinff brought to him, he was angry, and asked those who brought them 
why they did not carry them to Mr. Williams, that he might convey them to 
the English. They told him the squaws were lame, and could not go ; upon 
which Miantunnomoh sent to Mr. Williams to come and take them. Mr. Wil 
liams could not attend to it, and in his turn ordered Miantunnomoh to do it, 
who said he was busy and could not ; " as indeed he was (says Williams) in a 
strange kind of solemnity, wherein the sachims eat nothing but at night, and 
all the natives round about the country were feasted." In the mean time the 
squaws escaped. 

Miantunnomoh said he was sorry that the governor should think he wanted 
these squaws, for he did not. Mr. Williams told him he knew of his sending 
for one. Of this charge he fairly cleared himself, saying, the one sent for was 
not for himself, but for Sassamun* who was lying lame at his house ; that 
Sassamun fell in there in his way to Pequt, whither he had been sent by the 
governor. The squaw he wanted was a sachem's daughter, who had been a 
particular friend of Miantunnomoh during his lifetime ; therefore, in kindness 
to his dead friend, he wished to ransom her. 

Moreover, Miantunnomoh said, he and his people were true "to the English 
in life or death," and but for which, he said, Okase [Unkus] and his Mohiga- 
neucks had long since proved false, as he still feared they would. For, he 
said, they had never found a Pequot, and added, " Chenock cjuse ivdompati- 
muckst" that is, "Did ever friends deal so with friends?" Mr. Williams 
requiring more particular explanation, Miantunnomoh proceeded : 

"My brother, Yotaash, had seized upon Puttaquppuunck, Qimme, and 20 
Pequots, and 60 squaws ; they killed three and bound the rest, whom they 
watched all night. Then they sent for the English, and delivered them in 
the morning to them. I came by land, according to promise, with 200 men, 
killing 10 Pequots by the way. I desired to see the great sachem Puttaquppu 
unck, whom my brother had taken, who was now in the English houses, but 
the English thrust at me with a pike many times, that I durst not come near 
the door." 

Mr. Williams told him they did not know him, else they would not ; but 
Miantunnomoh answered, " All my company were disheartened, and they all, 
and Cutshamoquene, desired to be gone." Besides, he said, " two of my men, 
Wagonckivhut f and Maunamoh [Meihamoh] were their guides to Sesquankit, 
from the river's mouth." Upon which, Mr. Williams adds to the governor: 
" Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them too much disregarded by many." 

Mr. Williams told the sachems "they received Pequts and wampom without 
Mr. Governor's consent. Cannounicus replied, that although he and Miantun- 
nomu had paid many hundred fathom of wampum to their soldiers, as Mr. 
Governor did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a Pequt. Nor, 
saith Miantunnomu, did I, but one small present from four women of Long 
Island, which were no Pequts, but of that isle, being afraid, desired to put 
themselves under my protection." 

The Pequot war has generally been looked upon with regret, by all good 
men, since. To exterminate a people before they had any opportunity to 
become enlightened, that is, to be made acquainted with the reason of other 
usages towards their fellow beings than those in which they had been brought 
up, is a great cause of lamentation ; and if it proves any thing, it proves that 
great ignorance and barbarism lurked in the hearts of their exterminators. 
We do not mean to exclude by this remark the great body of the present 
inhabitants of the earth from the charge of such barbarism. 

In the records of the United Colonies for the year 1647, it is mentioned that 
" Mr. John Winthrop making claim to a great quantity of land at Niantic by 
purchase from the Indians, gave in to the commissioners a petition in those 
words : Whereas I had the land of Niantick by a deed of gift and purchase 
from the sachem [Sassacus] before the [Pequot] wars, I desire the commis 
sioners will be pleased to confirm it unto me, and clear it from any claim of 

* Probably the same mentioned afterwards. He might have been the famous John Sassa- 
mon, or his brother Rmcland. 

t Perhaps Wahgumacut, or Wahginnacut. 



CHAP. VI.l MONONOTTO. 109 

English and Indians, according to the equity of the case.' " Wintlirop had no 
writing from Sassacus, and full ten years had elapsed since the transaction, but 
Fromatush, Wamberquaske, and Jlntuppo testified some time after, that " upon 
their knowledge before the wars were against the Pequots, Sassacus their 
sachem of Niantic did call them and all his men together, and told that he was 
resolved to give his country to the governor's son of the Massachusetts, who 
lived then at Pattaquassat alias Connecticut River's mouth, and all his men 
declared themselves willing therewith. Thereupon he went to him to Patta- 
quassets, and when he came back he told them he had granted all his country 
to him the said governor's son, and said he was his good friend, and he hoped 
he would send some English thither some time hereafter. Moreover, he told 
him he had received coats from him for it, which they saw him bring home." 
This was not said by those Indians themselves, but several English said they 
heard them say so. The commissioners, however, set aside his claim with 
considerable appearance of independence. 

Dr. Divight thus closes his poem upon the destruction of the Pequots: 

" Undaunted, on their foes the)' fiercely flew ; 
As fierce the dusky warriors crowd the fight ; 
Despair inspires ; to combat's face they glue j 
With groans and shouts, they rage, unknowing flight, 
And close their sullen eyes, in shades of endless night. 

Indulge, my native land, indulge the tear 

That steals, impassioned, o'er a nation's doom. 
To me, each twig from Adam's stock is near, 

And sorrows fall upon an Indian's tomb." 

And, O ye chiefs ! in yonder starry home, 

Accept the humble tribute of this rhyme. 

Your gallant deeds, in Greece, or haughty Rome, 

By Maro sung, or Homer's harp sublime, 

Had charmed the world's wide round, and triumphed over time." 

Another, already mentioned, and the next in consequence to Sassacus, was 
MONONOTTO. Hubbard calls him a "noted Indian," whose wife and children 
fell into the hands of the English, and as " it was known to be by her media 
tion that two English maids (that were taken away from Weathersfield, upon 
Connecticut River) were saved from death, in requittal of whose pity and 
humanity, the life of herself and children was not only granted her, but she 
was in special recommended to the care of Gov. Winthrop, of Massachusetts." 
Mononotto fled with Sassacus to the Mohawks, for protection, with several 
more chiefs. He was not killed by them, as Sassacus was, but escaped from 
them wounded, and probably died by the hands of his English enemies. He 
is thus mentioned by Governor HTolcott, in his poem upon Winthrop's agen 
cy, &c. 

" Prince Mononotto sees his squadrons fly, 

And on our general having fixed his eye, 

Rage and revenge his spirits quickening, 

He set a mortal arrow in the string." 

On the 5 August, 1637, Governor Winfhrop makes the following entry in his 
journal : "Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Pincheon, and about 12 more, came by land from 
Connecticut, and brought with them a part of the skin and lock of hair of 
Sasacus and his brother and 5 other Pequod sachems, who being fled to the 
Mohawks for shelter, with their wampom (being to the value of 500) were 
by them surprised and slain, with 20 of their best.men. Mononottoh was also 
taken, but escaped wounded. They brought news also of divers other Pequods 
which had been slain by other Indians, and their heads brought to the English ; 
so that now there had been slain and taken between 8 and 900." 

The first troubles with the Pequots have already been noticed. It was 
among the people of Mononotto, tjiat the English caused the blood of a Pequot 
to flow. Some English had been killed, but there is no more to excuse the 
murder of a Pequot than an Englishman. The English had injured the 
Indians of Block Island all in their power, which, it seems, did not satisfy 
them, and they next undertook to make spoil upon them in their own country 



HO MONONOTTO. CASSASSINNAMON. [Boon II 

upon Connecticut River. "As they were sailing up the river, says Dr. /. 
Mather, many of the Pequots on both sides of the river called to them, desirous 
to know what was their end in coming thither." * They answered, that they 
desired to speak with Saasacus ; being told that Sassacus had gone to Long 
Island, they then demanded that Mononotto should appear, and they pretended 
he was from home also. However, they went on shore and demanded the 
murderers of Captain Stone, and were told that if they would wait they would 
send for them, and that Mononotto would come immediately. But very wisely, 
the Pequots, in the mean time, "transported their goods, women and children 
to another place." f One of them then told the English that Mononotto would 
not come. Then the English began to do what mischief they could to them, 
and a skirmish followed, wherein one Indian was killed, and an Englishman 
was wounded." J 

The name of Mononotto's wife appears to have been WINCUMBONE. She 
should not be overlooked in speaking of Mononotto, as she was instrumental in 
saving the life of an Englishman, as disinterestedly as Pocahontas saved that 
of Captain Smith. Some English had gone to trade with the Pequots, and to 
recover some horses which they had stolen, or picked up on their lands. Two 
of the English went on shore, and one went into the sachem's wigwam and 
demanded the horses. The Indians within slyly absented themselves, and 
Wincumbone, knowing their intention, told him to fly, for the Indians were 
making preparations to kill him. He barely escaped to the boat, being follow 
ed by a crowd to the shore. 

CASSASSINNAMON was a noted Pequot chief, of whom we have some account 
as early as 1659. In that year a difficulty arose about the limits of Southerton, 
since called Stouington, in Connecticut, and several English were sent to settle 
die difficulty, which was concerning the location of Wekapauge. "For to 
help us (they say) to understand where Wekapauge is, we desired some Po- 
quatucke Indians to go with us." Cassassinnamon was one who assisted. 
They told the English that " Cashmvasset (the governor of Wekapauge) did 
charge them that they should not go any further than the east side of a little 
swamp, near the east end of the first great pond, where they did pitch down a 
stake, and told us [the English] that Cashawasset said that that very place was 
Wekapauge ; said that he said it and not them ; and if they should say that 
Wekapauge did go any further, Cashawasset would be angry." Cashawasset 
after this had confirmed to him and those under him, 8000 acres of land in the 
Pequot country, with the provision that they continued subjects of Massachu 
setts, and should "not sell or alienate the said lands, or any part thereof, to any 
English man or men, without the court's approbation." 

The neck of land called Quinicuntauge was claimed by both parties ; but 
Cassassinnamon said that when a whale was some time before cast ashore 
there, no one disputed CashawasseVs claim to it, which, it is believed, settled 
the question : Cashawasset was known generally by the name of Harmon 
Garrett. 

We next meet >vith Cassassinnamon in Philip's war, in which he command 
ed a company of Pequots, and accompanied Captain Denison in his successful 
career, and was present at the capture of Canonchet. \\ 

In November, 1651, Cassassinnamon and eight others executed a sort of an 
agreement "with the townsmen of Pequot," afterward called JVeiv London. 
What kind of agreement it was we are not told. His name was subscribed 
Casesymamon. Among the other names we see Obbachickivood, Neesouweegun 
alias Daniel, Cutchamaquin and Mahmaivambam. Cassassinnamon, it is said, 
signed "in his own behalf and the behalf of the rest of Namceag Indians." H 

* Relation, 44. t Ibid. 

t Ibid. Captain Lion Gardener, who had some men in this affair, gives q jite a different 
account. See life of Kutshamoqmn, alias Kutshamakin. 
& Several manuscript documents. II Hubbard. 

ft 1 Coll. Mass.. Hist. Soc. x. 101. 



CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. Ill 



CHAPTER VII. 

Of the Praying or Christian Indians in New England Difficult to Christianize 
them Labors of John Eliot WAUBAN the first Christian sagamore Indian laics 
Uncas protests against the attempt to convert his people Ninigret refuses to 
receive missionaries The Indian Bible PIAMBOUHOU SPEEN PENNAHANNIT 

TUKAPEWILLIN OoNAMOG AHATAWANCE WATTASSACOMPONUM HlACOOMES 

MIOHQ.SOO OCCUM TITUBA. 

IT must be exceedingly difficult, as all experience has shown, to cause any 
people to abandon a belief or faith in a matter, unless it be one on which the 
reasoning powers of the rninid can be brought to act. The most ignorant 
people must be convinced, that many effects which they witness are produced 
by obvious causes ; but there are so many others for which they cannot dis 
cover a cause, that they hesitate not to deny any natural cause for them at 
once. And notwithstanding that, from day to day, causes are developing 
themselves, and showing them, that many results which they had viewed as 
proceeding from a super natural cause hitherto, was nothing but a natural 
one, and which, when discovered, appeared perfectly simple, too, yet, for the 
want of the means of investigation, they would be looked upon as miraculous. 
These facts have been more than enough, among the scientific world, to 
cause them to look upon the most latent causes, with a hope that, in due 
time, they would unfold themselves also ; and, finally, leave nothing for any 
agent to perform but nature itself. When the Indian, therefore, is driven by 
reason, or the light of science, from his strong-hold of ignorance, or, in 
other words, superstition, he is extremely liable to fall into the opposite 
extreme, to which allusion has just been made, because he will unhesitatingly 
say, what once appeared past all discovery has been shown to be most plain, 
and therefore it is not only possible, but even probable, that others will be 
disclosed of a like character. 

It so happens, that in attempting to substitute one faith for another, in the 
minds of Indians, that the one proposed admits of no better demonstration 
than the one already possessed by them ; for their manner of transmitting 
things to be remembered, is the most impressive and sacred, as will be else 
where observed in our work. That any thing false should be handed down 
from their aged matrons and sires, could not be for a moment believed ; and 
hence, that the stories of a strange people should be credited, instead of what 
they had heard from day to day from their youth up, from those who could 
have no possible motive to deceive them, could not be expected ; and there 
fore no one will wonder for a moment that the gospel has met with so few 
believers among the Indians. All this, aside from their dealers in mysteries, 
the powwows, conjurers or priests, as they are variously denominated, whose 
office is healing the sick, appeasing the wrath of the invisible spirits by 
charms and unintelligible mummery. These characters took upon them 
selves, also, the important affair of determining the happiness each was to 
enjoy after death ; assuring the brave and the virtuous that they should go to 
a place of perpetual spring, where game in the greatest plenty abounded, and 
every thing that the most perfect happiness required. Now, as a belief in 
any other religion promised no more, is it strange that a new one should be 
slow in gaining credence ? 

Considerations of this nature inevitably press in upon us, and cause us not 
to wonder, as many have done, that, for the first 'thirty years after the settle 
ment of New England, so little was effected by the gospel among the Indians. 
The great difficulty of communicating with them by interpreters must have 
been slow in the extreme ; and it must be considered, also, that a great length 
of time must have been consumed before any of these could perform their 
office with any degree of accuracy ; the Indian language being unlike every 
other, and bearing no analogy to any known tongue whatever ; and then, the 
peculiar custom of the Indians must be considered ; their long delays before 
they would answer to any proposition ; but more than all, we have to con- 



112 PRAYING INDIANS. NESUTAN. JT>OUK II. 

sider the natural distrust that must necessarily arise in the minds of every 
people, at the sudden influx of strangers among them. When any new 
theory 'was presented to their minds, the first questions that would present 
themselves, would most unquestionably be, What are the real motives of this 
new people ? Do they really love us, as they pretend ? Do they really love 
one another? or do they not live, many of them, upon one another? Is not 
this new state of things, which they desire, to enable them to subsist by us, 
and in time to enslave us, or deprive us of our possessions ? Does it not 
appear that these strangers are full of selfishness, and, therefore, have every 
motive which that passion gives rise to for deceiving us ? Hence, we repeat, 
that it can hardly be thought strange that Christianity has made so slow 
progress among the Indians. 

Notwithstanding one of the ostensible objects of nearly all the royal char 
ters and patents issued for British North America was the Christianizing of 
the Indians, few could be found equal to the task on arriving here ; where 
wants of every kind required nearly all their labors, few could be found 
willing to forego every comfort to engage in a work which presented so 
many difficulties. Adventurers were those, generally, who emigrated with a 
view to bettering their own condition, instead of that of others. 

At length Mr. John Eliot, seeing that little or nothing could be effected 
through the medium of his own language, resolved to make himself master 
of the Indian, and then to devote himself to their service. Accordingly he 
hired * an oldf Indian, named Job Nesutan, \ to live in his family, and to teach 
him his language. When he had accomplished this arduous task, which he 
did in "a few rnonths," he set out upon his first attempt; having given 
notice to some Indians at Nonantum,\\ since Newton,1F of his intention. With 
three others he met the Indians for the first time, 28 October, 1646. Waau- 
bon,** whose name signified ivind,]\ "a wise and grave man, though no 
Sachem, with five or six Indians met them at some distance from their wig 
wams, and bidding them welcome, conducted them into a large apartment, 
where a great number of the natives were gathered together, to hear this new 
doctrine." \\ After prayers, and an explanation of the ten commandments, Mr. 
Eliot informed them " of the dreadful curse of God that would fall upon all 
those that brake them : He then told them who Jesus Christ was, where he 
was now gone, and how he would one day come again to judge the world in 
flaming fire." 

After about an hour spent in this manner, the Indians had liberty to ask 
any questions in relation to what had been said. Whereupon one stood up 
and asked, How he could know Jesus Christ ? Another, Whether Englishmen 
were ever so ignorant of him as the Indians ? A third, Whether Jesus Christ 
could understand prayers in Indian ? Another, How there could be an image of 
God, since it was forbidden in the second commandment ? Another, Whether, 
according to the second commandment, the child must suffer, though he be good, 
Jbr the sins of its parents ? And lastly, How all the world became full of people, 
if they were all once drowned in the flood? 

The second meeting was upon 11 November, following. Mr. Eliot met the 
Indians again, and after catechising the children, and preaching an hour to 
the congregation, heard and answered, among others, the following ques 
tions. How the English came to differ so much from the Indians in their knowl 
edge of God and Jesus Christ, since they had all at Jirst but one. Father ? An 
other desired to know, How it came to pass that sea-ivater was salt and river 
water fresh ? And another, That if the water ivas higher than the earth, how it 
happened that it did not over/low it ? 

The third meeting took place soon after, namely, on 26 of the same month, 

* Neal, Hist. N. Em*, i. 222. f N. Eng. Biojr. Dictionary, art. ELIOT. 

t See p. 51 of this book, ante. Neal, Hist. N. Eng. i. 123. 

II " Near Watertown mill, upon the south side of Charles River, about four or five miles 
from his own house, [in Roxbury,] where lived at that time Waban, one of their principal 
men, and some Indians with him." Gookin, (Hist. Col.) 168. 

T Nonantum, or Noonatomen, signified a place of rejoicing, or rejoicino: Neal, \. 216. 

** Wauban, Magnolia, Hi. 196. ft IWd. 

U Day-breaking of the Gospel in N. Eng., in Neal, i. 223. 



CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. THEIR LAWS. 113 

but was not so well attended. The powwows and sachems had dissuaded 
some, and by threats deterred others from meeting upon such occasions. 
Still there were considerable numbers that got attached to Mr. Eliot, and in a 
few days after, Wampas, "a wise and sage Indian," and two others, with some 
of his children, came to the English. He desired that these might be edu 
cated in the Christian faith. At the next meeting all the Indians present 
" offered their children to be catechised and instructed by the English, who 
upon this motion resolved to set up a school among them." 

Mr. Eliot, notwithstanding his zeal, seems well to have understood, that 
something beside preaching was necessary to reform the lives of the Indians; 
and that was, their civilization by education. It is said that one of his noted 
sayings was, The. Indians must be civilized as well as, if not in order to their 
being, Christianize J.* Therefore, the request of the Indians at Nonantum 
was not carried into effect until a place could be fixed upon where a regular 
settlement should bs made, and the catechumens had shown their zeal for 
the cause by assembling themselves there, and conforming to the English 
mode of living. In the end this was agreed upon, and Natick was fixed as 
the place for a town, and the following short code of laws was set up and 
agreed to : I. If any man bs idle a week, or at most a fortnight, he shall pay 
five shillings. II. If any unmarried man shall lie with a young woman 
unmarried, he shall pay twenty shillings. HI. If any man shall beat his wife, 
his hands shall be tied behind him, and he shall be carried to the place of 
justice to be saverely punished. IV. Every young man, if not another's 
servant, and if unmarried, shall bs compelled to set up a wigwam, and plant 
for himself, and not shift up and down in other wigwams. V. If any woman 
shall not have her hair tied up, but hang loose, or be cut as men's hair, she 
shall pay five shillings. VI. If any woman shall go with naked breasts, she 
shall pay two shillings. VII. All men that wear long locks shall pay five 
shillings. VIII. If any shall kill their lice between their teeth, they shall pay 
five shillings. 

In January following another company of praying Indians was established 
at Concord ; and there were soon several other places where meetings were 
held throughout the country, from Cape Cod to Narraganset.f Of these, Mr. 
Eliot visited as many and as often as he was able. From the following pas 
sage in a letter which he wrote to Mr. Winslow of Plimouth, some idea may 
be formed of the hardships he underwent in his pious labors. He says, " I 
have not been dry night nor day, from the third day of the week unto the 
sixth, but so travelled, and at night pull off my boots, wring my stockings, 
and on with them again, and so continue. But God steps in and helps." \ 

The chiefs and powwows would not have suffered even so much ground 
to have been gained by the gospel, but for the awe they were in of the Eng 
lish power. " Nor is this to be wondered at," says the very good historian, 
Mr. JVeal, " for if it be very difficult to civilize barbarous nations, 'tis much 
more so to make them Christians : All men have naturally a veneration for 
the religion of their ancestors, and the prejudices of education are insupera 
ble without the extraordinary grace of God." 

" The Monhegin Indians were so jealous of the general court's obliging 
them to pray to God, that Uncas, their sachem, went to the court at Hartford 
to protest against it Cutshamoquin, another sachern, came to the Indian 
lecture, and openly protested against their building a town, telling the Eng 
lish, that all the sachems in the country were against it. He was so honest 
as to tell Mr. Eliot the reason of it; for (says he) the Indians that pray to God 
do not pay me tribute, as formerly they did ; which was in part true, for 
whereas before the sachem was absolute master of his subjects ; their lives 
and fortunes being at his disposal ; they gave him now no more than they 
thought reasonable ; but to \vipe off the reproach that Cutshamoquin had laid 
upon them, those few praying Indians present, told Mr. Eliot what they had 

* Hutchimcn, Hist. Mass. i. 163. i Neal, i. 226230. \ Magnalia, iii. 196. 

This word, when applied to the education of the Indians among 1 themselves, is to be un 
derstood in an opposite sense from its common acceptation : thus, to instruct in superstitions 
and idolatry, is what is not meant by education among us. 

10* 



114 PRAYING INDIANS. INDIAN BIBLE. [Boon II. 

done for their sachem the two last years, leaving him to judge whether their 
prince had any reason to complain." They said they had given him 26 
bushels of corn at one time, and six at another ; that, in hunting for him two 
days, they had killed him 15 deers ; broke up for him two acres of land ; 
made him a great wigwam ; " made him 20 rods of fence with a ditch and 
two rails about it ;" paid a debt for him of 3, 10s. " One of them gave him 
a skin of beaver of two pounds, besides many days works in planting com 
altogether ; yea, they said they would willingly do more if he would govern 
them justly by the word of God. But the sachem swelling with indignation, 
at this unmannerly discourse of his vassals, turned his back upon the com 
pany and went away in the greatest rage imaginable ; though upon better 
consideration, himself turned Christian not long after." 

Mr. Experience Mayhew met with similar occurrences many years after. 
Upon a visit to the Narragansets, he sent for Ninigret, the sachem, and 
desired of him leave to preach to his people ; but the sachem told him to go 
and make the English good first ; and observed, further, that some of the 
English kept Saturday, others Sunday, and others no day at all for worship ; 
so that if his people should have a mind to turn Christians, they could not 
tell what religion to be of. Ninigret further added, that Mr. Mayhew might 
try his skill first with the Pequots and Mohegans, and if they submitted to the 
Christian religion, possibly he and his people might, but they would not be 
the first* 

In the meanwhile, Mr. Eliot had translated the whole BIBLE into Indian, f 
also BAXTER'S CALL, Mr. Shepherd's SINCERE CONVERT, and his SOUND BE 
LIEVER, J besides some other performances, as a Grammar, Psalter, Primers, 
Catechisms, the PRACTICE OF PIETY, &c. 

It is amusing to hear what our old valued friend, Dr. C. Mather, says of 
Eliot's Bible. " This Bible," he says, " was printed here at our Cambridge ; 
and it is the only Bible that ever was printed in all America, from the very 
foundation of the world." || The same author observes, that " the whole 
translation was writ with but one pen, which pen had it not been lost, would 
have certainly deserved a richer case than was bestowed upon that pen, with 
which Holland^ writ his translation of PMarch" 

It was long since inquired, " What benefit has all this toil and suffering 
produced ? Is there a vestige of it remaining ? Were the Indians in reality 
bettered by the great efforts of their friends ? " " Mr, Eliot" says Dr. Doug 
lass, " with immense labor translated and printed our Bible into Indian. It 
was done with a good, pious design, but it must be reconed among the Otio- 
sorum hominwn negotia : It was done in the Natick [Niprnuk] language. Of 
the Natieks, at present, there are not 20 families subsisting, and scarce any 
of these can read. Cui boni ! " ** 

By the accounts left us, it will be perceived, that for many years after the 
exertions of Eliot, Gookin, Mayhew and others, had been put in operation, 
there was no inconsiderable progress made in the great undertaking of 
Christianizing the Indians. Natick, the oldest praying town, contained, in 
1674, 29 families, in which perhaps were about 145 persons. The name 
Natick signified a _place of hills. Waban was the chief man here, " who," 
says Mr. Gookin, " is now about 70 years of age. He is a person of great 
prudence and piety : I do not know any Indian that excels him." 

Pakemitt, or Punkapaog, (" which takes its name from a spring, that riseth 
out of red earth,") is the next town in order, and contained 12 families, or 



* Neat's N. England, i. 257. f See book ii. chap. iii. p. 57, ante. 

t Moore's Life Eliot, 144. Magnalia, b. iii. 197. || Ibid. 

IT Philemon Holland was called the translator-general ol his age ; he wrote several of his 
translations with one pen, upon which he made the following verses: 
With one sole pen I writ this book. 

Made, of a grey goose quill; 
A pen it was, when I it took, 
And a pen I leave it still. 

Fuller's Worthies of England. 

** Douglass, Hist. America, i. 172. note. See also Halket, Hist. Notes, 248, &c. Doug 
lass wrote about 1745. 



CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. WAUBAN. 115 

about 60 persons. It was 14 miles south of Boston, and is now included in 
Stoughton. The Indians here removed from the Neponset. Hassanamesit 
is the third town, and is now included in Grafton, and contained, like the 
second, 60 souls. Okommakamesit, now in Marlborough, contained about 
50 people, and was the fourth town. Wamesit, since included in Tewks- 
bury, the fifth town, was upon a neck of land in Merrimack River, and 
contained about 75 souls, of five to a family. Nashobah, now Littleton, was 
the sixth, and contained but about 50 inhabitants. Magunkaquog, now Hop- 
kinton, signified a place of great trees. Here were about 55 persons, and 
this was the seventh town. 

There were, besides these, seven other towns, which were called the new 
praying towns. These were among the Nipmuks. The first was Manchage, 
since Oxford, and contained about 60 inhabitants. The second was about 
six miles from the first, and its name was Chabanakongkomun, since Dudley, 
and contained about 45 persons. The third was Maanexit, in the north-east 
part of Woodstock, and contained about 100 souls. The fourth was Q,uan- 
tisset, also in Woodstock, and containing 100 persons likewise. Wabquissit, 
the fifth town, also in Woodstock, (but now included in Connecticut,) con 
tained 150 souls. Pakachoog, a sixth town, partly in Worcester and partly 
in Ward, also contained 100 people. Weshakim, or Nashaway, a seventh, 
contained about 75 persons. Waeuntug was also a praying town, included 
now by Uxbridge ; but the number of people there is not set down by Mr. 
Gookin, our chief authority. 

Hence it seems there were now supposed to be about 1150 praying Indians 
in the places enumerated above. There is, however, not the least probability, 
that even one fourth of these were ever sincere believers in Christianity. 
This calculation, or rather supposition, was made the year before Philip's 
war began; and how many do we find who adhered to their profession 
through that war ? That event not only shook the faith of the common sort, 
but many that had been at the head of the praying towns, the Indian minis 
ters themselves, were found in arms against their white Christian neighbors. 

At the close of Philip's war, in 1677, Mr. Gookin enumerates "seven 
places where they met to worship God and keep the sabbath, viz. at 
Nonatum, at Pakemit, or Punkapog ; at Cowate, alias the Fall of Charles 
River, at Natik and Medfield, at Concord, at Namekeake, near Chelmsford." 
There were, at each of these places, he says, "\i teacher, and schools for the 
youth." But, notwithstanding they had occupied seven towns in the spring 
of 1676, on their return from imprisonment upon the bleak islands in Boston 
harbor, they were too feeble long to maintain so many. The appearance of 
some straggling Mohawks greatly alarmed these Indians, and they were glad 
to come within the protection of the English ; and so the remote towns soon 
became abandoned. 

We have seen that 1150 praying Indians were claimed before the war, in 
the end of the year 1674, but not half this number could be found when it 
was proclaimed that all such must come out of their towns, and go by 
themselves to a place of safety. Mr. Gookin says, at one time there were 
about 500 upon the islands ; but when some had 'been employed in the army, 
and other ways, (generally such as were indifferent to religion,) there were 
but about 300 remaining. Six years after that disastrous war, Mr. Eliot 
could claim but four towns! Viz. "Natick, Punkapaog, Wamesit, and 
C hachau b u nkkako wok." 

Before we pass to notice other towns in Plimouth colony, we will give an 
account of some of the most noted of the praying Indians. 

Wauhan we have several times introduced, and will now close our account 
of him. He is supposed to have been originally of Concord ; but, at the 
time Mr. Eliot began his labors, he resided at Nonantum, since Newton. 
At Natik, or Natick, he was one of the most efficient officers until his 
death. 

When a kind of civil community was established at Natik, Waviban was 
in :ule a ruler of fifty, and subsequently a justice of the peace. The follow 
ing is said to be a copy of a warrant which he issued against some of the 



116 PRAYING INDIANS. PIAMBO.TUK APE WILLIN. [BOOK II. 

transgressors. " You, you big constable, quick you catch um Jeremiah Offscow 
strong you hold um. safe you bring um. afore me. Waban, justice peace." * 

. ~ J . .' Y i nr 7 1.1 111 Ar__ T T 



A young justice asked Wauhan what he would do when Indians got drunk 
and quarrelled ; he replied, " Tie um all up, and tvhip um plaintiff, and whip 
umfendant, and whip um witness" 

We have not learned the precise time of Wauban's death, f but he was 
certainly alive in the end of the year 1676, and, we think, in 1677. For he 
was among those sent to Deer Island, 30 October, 1675, and was among the 
sick that returned in May, 1676 ; and it is particularly mentioned that he was 
one that recovered. 

Piambouhou\ was the next man to Wauban, and the next after him that 
received the gospel. At the second meeting at Nonantum, he brought a 
great many of his people. At Natik he was made ruler of ten. When 
the church at Hassanamesit was gathered, he was called to be a ruler in it. 
When that town was broken up in Philip's war, he returned again to Natik, 
where he died. He was one of those also confined to Deer Island ; hence, 
he lived until after the war. The ruling elder of Hassanamesit, called by 
some Piamboiv, was the same person. 

John Speen was another teacher, contemporary with Piambo, and, like him, 
was a " grave and pious man." In 1661, Timothy Dtvight, of Dedharn, sued 
John Speen and his brother, Thomas, for the recovery of a debt of sixty 
pounds, and Mr. Eliot bailed them. This he probably did with safety, as 
John Speen and "his kindred" owned nearly all the Natik lands, when the 
Christian commonwealth was established there. This valuable possession 
he gave up freely, to be used in common, in 1650. Notwithstanding "he 
was among the first that prayed to God " at Nonantum, and " was a diligent 
reader," yet he died a drunkard ; having been some time before discarded 
from the church at Natik. 

Pennahannit* called Captain Josiah, was " Marshal General " over all the 
praying towns. He used to attend the courts at Natik; but his residence 
was at Nashobah. 

Tukapeivillin was teacher at Hassanamesit, and his brother, Jlnaweakin, 
ruler. He was, according to Major Gookin, " a pious and able man, and apt 
to teach." He suffered exceedingly in Philip's war; himself and his 
congregation, together with those of the two praying towns, " Magunkog 
and Chobonekouhonom," hafing been enticed away by Philip's followers. 
His father, Naoas, was deacon of his church, and among the number. 
They, however, tried to make their escape to the English soon after, agree 
ably to a plan concerted with Job Kattenanit, when he was among Philip's 
people as a spy ; but, as it happened, in the attempt, they fell in with an 
English scout, under Captain Gibbs, who treated them as prisoners, and with 
not a little barbarity; robbing them of every thing they had, even the minis 
ter of a pewter cup which he used at sacraments. At Marlborough, though 
under the protection of officers, they were so insulted and abused, " espe 
cially by women," that Tukapeivillin's wife, from fear of being murdered, 
escaped into the woods, leaving a sucking child to be taken care of by its 
father. With her went also her son, 12 years old, and two others. The 
others, Naoas and Tukapeivillin, with six or oven children, were, soon 
after, sent to Deer Island. Naoas was, at this time, about 80 years old. 

Oonamog was ruler at Marlborough, and a sachem, who died in the 
summer of 1674. His death "was a great blow to the place. He was a 
pious and discreet man, and the very soul, as it were, of the place." The 
troubles of the war fell very heavily upon his family. A barn containing 
corn and hay was burnt at Chelmsford, by some of the war party, as it 
proved afterwards ; but some of the violent English of that place determined 
to make the Wamesits suffer for it. Accordingly, about 14 men armed 

* Allen's Biog. Diet. art. WABAN. 

t Dr. Homer, Hist. Newton, says he died in 1674, but gives no authority. We have cited 
several authorities, showing that he was alive a year later, (see b. iii. pp. 10 and 79.) 
t Piam Boohan, Gookirfs Hist. Coll. 184. Piambmo, his Hist. Praying Indians. 



CHAP. VIL] PRAYING INDIANS. WANNALANCET. 117 

themselves, and, under a pretence of scouting, went to the wigwams of the 
Wamesits, and ordered them to corne out. They obeyed without hesitation, 
being chiefly helpless women and children, and not conceiving any harm 
could be intended them ; but they were no sooner out than fired upon, when 
five were wounded and one killed. Whether the courage of the brave Eng 
lish now failed them, or whether they were satisfied with what blood was 
already shed, is not clear ; but they did no more at this time. The one slain 
was a little son of Tahatooner ; and Oonamog's widow was severely wounded, 
whose name was Sarah., " a woman of good report for religion." She was 
daughter of Sagamore-John, who lived and died at the same place, before the 
war, " a great friend to the English." Sarah had had two husbands : the first 
was Oonamog, the second Tahatooner, who was son of Tahattawan, sachem of 
Musketaquid. This affair took place on the 15 November, 1675. 

Numphow was ruler of the praying Indians at Wamesit, and Samuel, his son, 
was teacher, " a young man of good parts," says Mr. Gookin, " and can speak, 
read and write English and Indian competently;" being one of those taught at 
the expense of the corporation. Numphow experienced wretched trials in the 
time of the war ; he with his people having fled away from their homes 
immediately after the horrid barbarity of which we have just spoken, fearing 
to be murdered if they should continue there. However, after wandering a 
while up and down in the woods, in the dismal month of December, they 
returned to Wamesit, in a forlorn condition, and hoped the carriage of their 
neighbors would be such that they might continue there. It did not turn out 
so, for in February they again quitted their habitations, and went off towards 
Canada. Six or seven old persons remained behind, who were hindered from 
going by infirmity. These poor blind and lame Indians were all burnt to 
death in their wigwams. This act, had it occurred by accident, would have 
called forth the deepest pity from the breast of every human creature to whose 
knowledge it should come. But horror, anguish and indignation take the 
place of pity, at being told that the flames which consumed them were lighted 
by the savage hands of white men ! ! It was so and whites are only left to 
remember in sorrow this act of those of their own color ! But to return 

During the wanderings of Numphow and his friends, famine and sickness 
destroyed many of them. Himself and Mistic George, or George Mistic, a 
teacher, were numbered with the dead. The others, having joined Wannalan- 
cet to avoid falling in with war parties on both sides, at the close of the war, 
surrendered themselves to the English, at Dover, in August, 1676. New 
troubles now carne upon them. Some English captives testified that some of 
them had been in arms against them, and such were either sold into slavery, 
or executed at Boston. Several shared the latter fate. Numphow's son Samuel 
barely escaped, and another son, named Jonathan George, was pardoned ; also 
Symon Betokam. 

Numphow was in some public business ( as early as 1656. On 8 June that 
year, he, John Line and George Mistic, were, upon the part of the "Indian 
court," employed to run the line from Chelmsford to Wamesit.* And 23 
years after he accompanied Captain Jonathan Danforth of Billerica in renew 
ing the bounds of Brenton's Farm, now Litchfield, N. H.f 

Wannalancd, whose history will be found spoken upon at large in our next 
book, countenanced religion, and it was at his wigwam that Mr. Eliot and Mr. 
Gookin held a meeting on the 5 May, 1674. His house was near Pawtucket 
Falls, on the Merrimack. " He is," said Major Gookin, " a sober and grave 
person, and of years, between 50 and 60." 

John Jlhatawance was ruler of Nashobah, a pious man, who died previous to 
1674. After his decease, Pennahannit was chief. John Thomas was their 
teacher. " His father was murdered by the Maquas in a secret manner, as he 
was fishing for eels at his wear, some years since, during the war" with them. 

Wattasacompanum, called also Captain Tom, is thus spoken of by Mr. Gookin, 
who was with him at Pakachoog, 17 September, 1674. " My chief assistant 
was Wattasacompanum, ruler of the Nipmuk Indians, a grave and pious man, 
of the chief sachem's blood of the Nipmuk country. He resides at Hassana- 

* Allen's Hist. Chelmsford. t MS. letter of John Farmer, Esq. 



US PRAYING INDIANS. HIACOOMES. [BOOK II. 

niesit ; but by former appointment, calleth here, together with some others." 
Captain Tom was among Tukapewilliri's company, that went off with the 
enemy, as in speaking of him we have made mention. In that company there 
were about 200, men, women and children. The enemy, being about 300 
strong, obliged the praying Indians to go off with, or be killed by them. There 
were, however, many who doubtless preferred their company to that of their 
friends on Deer Island. This was about the beginning of December, 1675. 
Captain Tom afterwards fell into the hands of the English, and, being tried 
and condemned as a rebel, was, on 26 June, 1676, executed at Boston ; much 
to the grief of such excellent men as Gookin and Eliot. 

Although something had been done towards Christianizing the Indians in 
Plimouth colony, about a year before Mr. Eliot's first visit to Nonantum, yet 
for some years after, Massachusetts was considerably in advance in this respect. 
Some of the principal congregations or praying towns follow : 

At Meeshawn, since Provincetown or Truro, and Punonakanit, since Bil 
lingsgate, were 72 persons ; at Potanumaquut, or Nauset, in Eastham, 44 ; at 
Mouamoyik, since Chatham, 71 ; at Sawkattukett, in Harwich ; Nobsqassit, in 
Yarmouth ; at Matakees, in Barnstable and Yarmouth ; and Weequakut, in 
Barnstable, 122 ; at Satuit, Pawpoesit, Coatuit, in Barnstable, Mashpee, Wako- 
quet, near Mashpee, 95 ; at Codtanmut, in Mashpee, Ashimuit, on the west 
line of Mashpee, Weesquobs, in Sandwich, 22; Pispogutt, Wawayoutat, in 
Wareham, Sokones, in Falmouth, 36. In all these places were 462 souls ; 142 
of whom could read, and 72 write Indian, and 9 could read English. This 
account was furnished Major Gookin in 1674, by the Rev. Richard Bourne of 
Sandwich. Philip's war broke up many of these communities, but the work 
continued long after it dwindled to almost nothing in Massachusetts. In 1685 
there were 1439 considered as Christian Indians in Plimouth colony. 

Mr. Thomas Mayhew Jr. settled in Martha's Vineyard, called by the Indians 
JVbpe, in 1642. lie was accompanied by a few English families, who made 
him their minister ; but not being satisfied with so limited usefulness, he learn 
ed the Indian language, and began to preach to them. His first convert was 

Hiacoomes, in 1643, a man of small repute among his own people, whose 
residence was at Great Harbor, near where the English first settled. He was 
regularly ordained 22 August, 1670, but he began to preach in 1646. John 
Tokinosh was at the same time ordained teacher. His residence was at Num- 
pang, on the east end of the island. He died 22 January, 1684, and Hiacoomes 
preached his funeral sermon. For some years before his death Hiacoomes was 
liable to preach. He was supposed to have been about 80 years old at the 
time of his death, which happened about 1690. 

Pahkehpunnassoo, sachem of Chappequiddik, was a great opposer of the 
gospel, and at one time beat Hiacoomes for professing a belief of it. Not long 
after, as himself and another were at work upon a chimney of their cabin, they 
were both knocked down by lightning, and the latter killed. Pahkehpunnassoo 
fell partly in the fire, and but for his friends would have perished. Whether 
this escape awakened him, is not mentioned ; but he soon after became a 
Christian, and Mr. Mayhew aptly observes that " at last he was a brand plucked 
out of the Jire." 

Miohqsoo, or Myoxeo, was another noted Indian of Nope. He was a convert 
of Hiacoomes, whom he had sent for to inquire of him about his God. He 
asked Hiacoomes how many gods he had, arid on being told but ONE, imme 
diately reckoned up 37 of his, and desired to know whether he should throw 
them all away for one. On being told by Hiacoomes that he had thrown away all 
those and many more, and was better off by so doing, Miohqsoo said, he would 
forthwith throw away his, which he did, and became one of the most eminent 
of the Indian converts. One of his children, a son, sailed for England in 
1657, with Mr. Thomas Mayhew Jr., in a ship commanded by Captain James 
Garreit, and was never heard of after. The time of the death of Miohqsoo is 
unknown^ but he lived to a great age. 

Among the Mohegans and Narragansets nothing of any account was effect 
ed, in the way of Christianizing them, for a long time. The chief sachems of 
those nations were determined and fixed against it, and though it was from 
time to time urged upon them, yet very little was ever done. 



CHAP. VII.] PRAYING INDIANS. OCCUM. 119 

SAMPSON OCCUM, or, as his name is spelt in a sermon * of his, Occom, was a 
Mohegan, of the family of Benoni Occwm, who resided near New London, in 
Connecticut. He was the first of that tribe who was conspicuous in religion, 
if not the only one. He was born in 1723, and becoming attached to the Rev. 
Eleazar Wheelock, the minister of Lebanon in Connecticut, in 1741 he became 
a Christian.f Possessing talents and great piety, Mr. WJieelock entertained 
sanguine hopes that he would be able to effect much among his countrymen 
as a preacher of the gospel. He went to England in 1765 to procure aid for 
the keeping up of a school for the instruction of Indian children, which was 
begun by Mr. Whedock, arid furthered by a Mr. Moore, by a donation of a 
school house and land, about 1763. While in England he was introduced to 
Lord Dartmouth, and other eminent persons. He preached there to crowds 
of people, and returned to America in September, 1768, having landed at 
Boston on his return. J It is said he was the first Indian that preached 
in England. He was ordained, in 1759, a preacher to the Montauks on L. 
Island. About this time he visited the Cherokees. He finally settled among 
the Oneida Indians, with many of his Mohegan brethren, about 1768 ; they 
having been invited by the Oneidas. He died in July, 1792, at N. Stock- 
bridge, N. York, aged 69. 

Tituba is noticed in the annals of New England, from her participation in 
the witch tragedies acted here in 1691. In a valuable work giving a history of 
that horrible delusion, mention is thus made of her. " It was the latter end of 
February, 1691, when divers young persons belonging to [Rev.] Mr. Partis* || 
family, and one more of the neighborhood, began to act after a strange and 
unusual manner, viz., as by getting into holes, and creeping under chairs and 
stools, and to use other sundry odd postures, and antic gestures, uttering fool 
ish, ridiculous speeches, which neither they themselves nor any others could 
make sense of." " March the llth, Mr. Parris invited several neighboring 
ministers to join with him in keeping a solemn day of prayer at his own 
house ; the time of the exercise those persons were, for the most part, silent, 
6ut after any one prayer was ended, they would act and speak strangely, and 
ridiculously, yet were such as had been well educated and of good behavior, 
the one a girl of 11 or 12 years old, would sometimes seem to be in a convul 
sion fit, her limbs being twisted several ways, and very stiff, but presently her 
fit would be over. A few days before this solemn day of prayer, Mr. Parris' 
Indian man and woman, made a cake of rye meal, with the children's water, 
and baked it in the ashes, and, as it is said, gave to the dog ; this was done as 
a means to discover witchcraft. Soon after which those ill-affected or afflicted 
persons named several that mey said they saw, wnen in their fits, afflicting of 
them. The first complained of, was the said Indian woman, named Tituba. 
She confessed that the devil urged her to sign a book, which he presented to 
her, and also to work mischief to the children, &c. She was afterwards com 
mitted to prison, and lay there till sold for her fees. The account she since 
gives of it is, that her master did beat her, and otherwise abuse her, to make 
her confess and accuse (such as he called) her sister witches ; and that what 
soever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of 
such usage ; her master refused to pay her fees, unless she would stand to 
what she had said." 

We are able to add to our information of Tituba from another old and 
curious worker as follows : That when she was examined she " confessed 
the making a cake, as is above mentioned, and said her mistress in her own 
country was a witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the 
discovery of a witch and for the prevention of be,ing bewitched, &c., but said 
"that she herself was not a witch." The children who accused her said "that 
she did pinch, prick, and grievously torment them ; and that they saw her here 

* At the execution of Moses Paul, for murder, at New Haven, 2 September, 1772. To his 
letter to Mr. Keen, his name is Occam,. 

t Life Dr. Wheelock. 16. \ His Letter to Mr. Keen, in Life Whedock, 175. 

ft Wonders of the Invisible World, by R. Calef, 90, 91, 4to. London, 1700. 

I) " Samuel Paris, pastor of the church in Salem-village." Modest Enquiry into the Nature 
of Witchcraft, by John Hale, pastor of the churck in Beverly, p. 23, 16mo. Boston, 1702. 

IT Modest Enquiry, &c. 25. 

- \ 



120 TITUB A. WITCHCRAFT. [Boo K 31. 

and there, where nobody else could. Yea, they could tell where she was, and 
what she did, when out of their human sight." Whether the author was a 
witness to this he does not say ; but probably he was not. Go through the 
whole of our early writers, and you will scarce find one who witnessed such 
matters : (Dr. Cotton Mather is nearest to an exception.) But they generally 
preface such marvellous accounts by observing, " I am slow to believe rumors 
of this nature, nevertheless, some things I have had certain information of." * 

The Rev. Mr. Felt f gives the following extract from the " Quarterly Court 
Papers." " March 1st. Sarah Osborn, Sarah and Dorothy Good, Tituba, servant 
of Mr. Parris, Martha Cory, Rebecca Nurse, Sarah Cloyce, John Proctor and his 
wife Elizabeth, all of Salem village, are committed to Boston jail on charge of 
witchcraft." 

The other servant of Mr. Parris was the husband of Tituba, whose name 
was John. It was a charge against them that they had tried means to discover 
witches. But there is little probability that these ignorant and simple Indians 
would ever have thought of "trying a project" for the detection of witches, 
had they not learned it from some more miserably superstitious white persons. 
We have the very record to justify this stricture. | Take the words. "Mary 
Sibly having confessed, that she innocently counselled John, the Indian, to 
attempt a discovery of witches, is permitted to commune with Mr. Parris 1 
church. She had been previously disciplined for such counsel and appeared 
well." We are not told who disciplined her for the examination. Was it Mr. 
Parris? 

This is the only instance I have met with of Indians being implicated in 
white witchcraft. 

* /. Mather's Brief Hist. Philip's War, 34. 

t In his valuable Annals of Salem, 303. 

j Danvers Records, published by the author last cited. 



END OF BOOK SECOND. 



BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY 



OF THE 



INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA. 



BOOK III. 



BOOK III. 

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW ENG 
LAND INDIANS CONTINUED. 



CHAPTER I. 

Life of ALEXANDER alias WAMSUTTA Events which led to the war with Philip 
WEETAMOO his wife Early events in her life PETANANUET, her second husband 
Weetamoo's latter career and death Ninigret Death of Alexander JOHN SAS- 
SAMON His country and connections Becomes a Christian Schoolmaster Min 
ister Settles at Assawomset FELIX marries his daughter Sassamon discovers 
the plots of Philip Is murdered Proceedings against the murderers They are 
condemned and executed. 

ALEXANDER was the English name of the elder son of Massasoit. His real 
name appears at first to have been Mooanam, aad afterwards Wamsutta, and 
lastly Alexander. The name of Mooanam he bore as early as 1639 ; in 1641 
we find him noticed under the name Wamsutta. About the year 1656, he and 
his younger brother, Metacomet, or rather Pometacom, were brought to the 
court of Plimouth, and being solicitous to receive English names, the gov 
ernor called the elder Alexander, and the younger Philip, probably from the 
two Macedonian heroes, which, on being explained to them, might have flat 
tered their vanities ; and which was probably the intention of the governor. 

Alexander appears pretty early to have set up for himself, as will be seen in 
the course of this chapter ; occasioned, perhaps, by bis marrying a female 
sachem of very considerable authority, and in great esteem among her 
neighbors. 

NAMUMPUM, afterwards called Weelamoo, squaw-sachem of Pocasset, was 
the wife of Alexander ; and who, as says an anonymous writer,* was more 
willing to join Philip when he began war upon the English, being persuaded 
by him that they had poisoned her husband. This author calls her " as potent 
a prince as any round about her, and hath as much com, land, and men, at 
her command." 

Alexander having, in 1653, sold a tract of the territory acquired by his wife, 
as has been related in the life of Massasoit, about six years after, Weetamoo 
came to Plimouth, and the following account of her business is contained in 
the records. 

" I, Namumpum, of Pokeesett, hauing, hi open court, June last, fifty-nine, 
[1659,1 before the governour and majestrates, surrendered up all that right and 
title of such lands as Woosamtquin and Wamselta sould to the purchasers ; as 
appeeres by deeds giuen vnder theire hands, as alsoe the said Namumpum 
promise to remoue the Indians of from those lands ; and alsoe att the same 
court the said Wamsutta promised Namumpum the third part of the pay, as is 

* Old Indian Chronicle, p. 6. 



4 ALEXANDER. WEETAMO. [BOOK III- 

expressed in the deed of which payment Namumpum haue receiued of John 
Cooke this 6 of Oct. 1659 : these particulars as followeth : item ; 20 yards blew 
trading cloth, 2 yards red cotton, 2paire ofshooes, 2 paire stockings, 6 broade 
hoes and I axe ; And doe acknowledge receiued by me, NAMUMPUM." 
Witnessed by Squabsen, Wahatunchquatt, and two English. 

Thus this land affair seems to have been amicably settled ; but the same 
year of Alexander's death, whether before or after we are not assured, Namum 
pum appeared at Plimouth, and complained that ff'amsutta had sold some of 
her land without her consent. "The court agreed to doe what they could 
in conuenient time for her relief." 

We apprehend there was some little difficulty between Alexander and his 
wife about this time, especially if her complaint were before his death, and 
we are rather of the opinion that it was, for it was June when her complaint 
was made, and we should assign a little later date for the death of her husband ; 
and therefore all difficulty was settled in his death. 

On the 8 April, 1661, Wamsutta deeded the tract of country since called 
Rehoboth to Thomas Willd " for a valuable consideration."* What that was 
the deed does not inform us ; but we may venture to question the fact, for if 
the consideration had in truth been valuable, it would have appeared in the 
deed, and not have been kept out of sight. 

What time Namumpum deeded land to John Sanford and John Archer, we 
are not informed, but it was probably about the beginning of 1662. It was a 
deed of gift, and appears to have been only deeded to them to prevent her 
husband's selling it ; but these men, it seems, attempted to hold the land in 
violation of then* promise ; however, being a woman of perseverance, she so 
managed the matter, that, in the year 1668, she found witnesses who deposed 
to the true meaning of the deed, and thus was, we presume, restored to her 
rightful possessions. 

Since we have been thus particular in acquainting the reader with the wife 
of Wamsutta, we will, before proceeding with our account of the husband, 
say all that we have to say of the interesting fVedamoo. 

Soon after the death of Alexander, we find Namumpum, or Weetamoo, asso 
ciated with another husbard, named Petonowowet. He was well known to 
the English, and went by the familiar name of Ben. Now, unless Peto-now- 
oivet, or Pe-tan-a-nuet has been corrupted into PETER NUNNUIT, we must 
allow her to have had a third husband in 1675. We, however, are well satis 
fied that these two names are, as they appear to be, one and the same name. 

This husband of Weetumoo does not appear to have been of so much impor 
tance as her first, Wansutta ; and as he only appears occasionally in the 
crowd, we are of opinion that she took good care in taking a second husband, 
and fixed upon one that she was better able to manage than she was the de 
termined Wamsutta. 

On the 8 May, 1673, Tatamomock, Petonowowett, and William alias Ijasocke, 
sold to Nathaniel Paine of Rehoboth, and Hugh Cole of Swansey, a lot of 
land in Swansey, near Mattapoiset, and Showamet neck, for 35 5s. Weetamoo, 
Philip alias Wagusoke, and Steven alias Nucano, were the Indian witnesses. 

About the same time, one Piowant was intruded upon by some others 
claiming his lands, or otherwise molesting him, and the business seems to 
have undergone a legal scrutiny ; in this affair both Weetamoo and her hus 
band appear upon our records. They testify that the tract of land bounded 
by a small river or brook called Mastucksett, which compasseth said tract to 
Assonett River, and so to Taunton River, [by trees, &c.] hath for many years 
been in the possession of Piowant. The place of the bounds on Taunton River 
was called Chippascuitt, which was a little south of Mastucksett. Pantauset, 
Quemotom, Nescanoo, and Panowwin, testified the same. 

It does not appear that Peta-nan-u-et was at all concerned in Philip's war 
against the English, but, on the contrary, forsook his wife and joined them 
against her. Under such a leader as Church, he must have been employed 
against his countrymen with great advantage. At the time he came over to 

* See the Hist, of Attleborough, by John Daggett, Esq., p. 6 ; where the deed is preserved. 



CHAP. I.] ALEXANDER. WEETAMO. 5 

the English, he no doubt expected his wife would do the same, as she gave 
Church to understand as much. After the war he was honored with a com 
mand over the prisoners, who were permitted to reside in the country be 
tween Sepecan and Dartmouth. Numpus, or Nompash, and Isaac were also 
in the same office. 

After Mr. Church left Awashonks 1 council, a few days before the war broke 
out, he met with both Weetamoo and her husband at Pocasset. He first met 
with the husband, Petananuet, who had just arrived in a canoe from Philip's 
head quarters at Mount Hope. He told Church there would certainly be war, 
for that Philip had held a war dance of several weeks, and had entertained 
the young men from all parts of the country. He said, also, that Philip ex 
pected to be sent for to Plimouth, about Sassamori*s death, knowing himself 
guilty of contriving that murder. Petananuet further said, that he saw Mr. 
James Brown of Swansey, and Mr. Samuel Gorton, who was an interpreter, 
and two other men that brought a letter from the governor of Plimouth to 
Philip. Philip's young warriors, he said, would have killed Mr. Brown, but 
Philip told them they must not, for his father had charged-him to show kind 
ness to him ; but to satisfy them, told them, that on the next Sunday, when 
the English had gone to meeting, they might plunder their houses, and after 
wards kill their cattle. 

Meanwhile Weetamoo was at her camp just back from Pocasset shore, on 
the high hill a little to the north of what is now Rowland's ferry, and Petana 
nuet requested Mr. Church to go up and see her. He did so, and found her in 
rather a melancholy mood, all her men having left her and gone to Philip's 
war dance, much, she said, against her will. 

Church, elated with his success at Awashonks* camp, and thinking both 
41 queens " secured to the English interest, hastened to Plimouth to give the 
governor an account of his discoveries. This was a day big to Philip ; he 
immediately took measures to reclaim Weetamoo, and had nearly drawn off 
Awashanks with the vivid hopes of conquest and booty. 

Weetamoo could no longer remain neutral ; the idea still harrowed upon her 
mind, that the authorities of Plimouth had poisoned her former husband,* and 
was now sure that they had seduced her present one ; therefore, from the 
power of such arguments, when urged by the artful Philip, there was no 
escape or resistance. Hence his fortune became her own, and she moved 
with him from place to place about her dominions, in the country of Pocasset, 
until the 30 July, when all the Wampanoags escaped out of a swamp, and 
retired into the country of the Nipmuks. From this time Weetamoo's opera 
tions become so blended with those of her allies, that the life of Philip takes 
up the narration. 

When, by intestine divisions, the power of Philip was destroyed among the 
Nipmucks, Weetamoo seems to have been deserted by almost all her followers, 
and, like Philip, she sought refuge again in her own country. It was upon the 
6 August, 1676, when she arrived upon the western bank of Tehticut River in 
Mettapoiset, where, as was then supposed, she was drowned by accident, in 
attempting to cross the river to Pocasset, at the same point she had crossed 
the year before in her flight with Philip. 

Her company consisted now of no more than 26 men, whereas, in the be 
ginning of the war, they amounted to 300 ; and she was considered by the 
English " next unto Philip in respect of the mischief that hath been done."f 
The English at Taunton were notified by a deserter of her situation, who 
offered to lead any that would go, in a way that they might easily surprise her 
and her company. Accordingly, 20 men volunteered upon this enterprise, 
and succeeded in capturing all but Weetamoo, "who," according to Mr. Hub- 
bard\. " intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a 
river or arm of the sea near by, upon a raft, or some pieces of broken wood ; 
but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger, 
she was found stark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which 
made some think she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life." 
" Her head being cut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was known by some 

* OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, p. 8. \1. Mather. \ Narrative, 103 and 109. 



6 ALEXANDER. [BOOK III. 

Indians then prisoners [there,] which set them into a horrible lamentation." 
Mr. Mather improves upon this passage, giving it in a style more to suit the 
taste of the times : " They made a most horid and diabolical lamentation, 
ciying out that it was then* queen's head." 

The authors of YAMOYDEN thus represent Philip escaping from the cold 
grasp of the ghostly form of Weetamoo : 

" As from the water's depth she came, Her hollow scream he heard behind 

With dripping locks and bloated frame, Come mingling with the howling wind : 

Wild her discolored arms she threw ' Wiry fly from Wetamoe ? she died 

To grasp him ; and, as swift he flew, Bearing the war-axe on thy side.' " 

Although Weetamoo doubtless escaped from Pocasset with Philip, yet it 
appears that instead of flying to the Nipmuks she soon went down into the 
Niantic country, and the English immediately had news of it, which occa 
sioned their sending for Mnigret to answer for harboring their enemy, as in 
his life has been related. 

In this connection it should be noted, that the time had expired, in which 
JVinigret by his deputies agreed to deliver up Weetamoo, some time previous to 
the great fight in Narraganset, and hence this was seized upon, as one pretext 
for invading the Narragansets. And moreover, it was said, that if she were 
taken by that formidable army of a 1000 men, " her lands would more than 
pay all the charge " the English had been at in the whole war.* 

Weetamoo, it is presumed, left Ninigret and joined the hostile Narragansets 
and the Wampanoags in their strong fort, some time previous to the English 
expedition against it, in December. And it was about this time that she 
connected herself with the Narraganset chief Quinnapin, as will be found 
related in his life. She is mentioned by some writers as Philip's kinswoman, 
which seems to have been the case in a two-fold manner; first from her 
being sister to his wife, and secondly from her marrying Alexander, his brother. 
To return to Wamsutta. 

A lasting and permanent interest will always be felt, and peculiar feelings 
associated with the name of this chief. Not on account of a career of battles, 
devastations or murders, for there were few of these,f but there is left for us 
to relate the melancholy account of his death. Mr. Hubbard's account of this 
event is in the hands of almost every reader, and cited by every writer upon 
our early history, and hence is too extensively known to be repeated here. 
Dr. /. Mather agrees very nearly in his account with Mr. Hubbard, but being 
more minute, and rarely to be met with, we give it entire : 

" In A. D. 1662, Plimouth colony was in some danger of being involved in 
trouble by the Wampanoag Indians. After Massasoit was dead, his two SODS, 
called Wamsutta and Metacomet, came to the court at Plimouth, pretending 
high respect for the English, and, therefore, desired English names might be 
imposed on them, whereupon the court there named Wamsutta, the elder 
brother, Alexander, and Metacomet, the younger brother, Philip. This Alexan 
der, Philip's immediate predecessor, was not so faithful and friendly to the 
English as his father had been. For some of Boston, having been occasionally 
at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince, who was then governor of Plimouth, that 
Alexander was contriving mischief against the English, and that he had solicit 
ed the Narragansets to engage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, 
Capt. Willet, who lived near to Mount Hope, the place where Alexander did 
reside, was appointed to speak with him, and to desire him to attend the next 
court in Plimouth, for their satisfaction, and his own vindication. He 
seemed to take the message in good part, professing that the Narragansets, 
whom, he said, were his enemies, had put an abuse upon him, and he readily 
promised to attend at the next court. But when the day for his appearance 
was come, instead of that, he at that veiy time went over to the Narragansets, 
his pretended enemies, which, compared with other circumstances, caused 
the gentlemen at Plimouth to suspect there was more of truth in the infor- 

* Old Indian Chronicle, p. 31, 32. 

t In 1661, he was forced into a war with Uncos, the account of which, properly belonging 
to the life of that chief, will be found there related. 



CHAP I.] ALEXANDER. 7 

mation given, than at first they were aware of. Wherefore the governor and 
magistrates there ordered Major Winsloiv, (who is since, and at this day [1677] 
governor of that colony,) to take a party of men, and fetch down Alexander. 
The major considering that semper nocuit deferre paratis, he took but 10 armed 
men with him from Marshfield, intending to have taken more at the towns 
that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence so ordered, as that when 
they were about the midway between Plimouth and Bridgewater,* observing 
an hunting house, they rode up to it, and there did they find Alexander and 
many of his menf well armed, but their guns standing together without the 
house. The major, with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indians' 
arms, and beset the house ; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting the 
sachem with the reason of his coming in such a way ; desiring Alexander 
with his interpreter to walk out with him, who did so a little distance from the 
house, and then understood what commission the major had received con 
cerning him. The proud sachem fell into a raging passion at this surprise, 
saying the governor had no reason to credit rumors, or to send for him in 
such a way, nor would he go to Plimouth, but when he saw cause. It was 
replied to him, that his breach of word touching appearance at Plimouth 
court, and, instead thereof, going at the same time to his pretended enemies, 
augmented jealousies concerning him. In fine, the major told him, that his 
order was to bring him to Plimouth, and that, by the help of God, he would 
do it, or else he would die on the place ; also declaring to him that if he would 
submit, he might expect respective usage, but if he once more denied to go, 
he should never stir from the ground whereon he stood ; and with a pistol at 
the sachem's breast, required that his next words should be a positive and 
clear answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his interpreter, a discreet 
Indian, brother to John Sausaman,\ being sensible of Alexander's passionate 
disposition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the sachem before 
he gave his answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian prevailed so far as 
that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a sachem, 
with his men attending him, which, although there was some hazard in it, 
they being many, and the English but a few, was granted to him. The 
weather being hot, the major offered him an horse to ride on, but his squaw 
and divers Indian women being in company, he refused, saying he could go on 
foot as well as they, entreating only that there might be a complying with 
their pace, which was done. And resting several times by the way, Alexan 
der and his Indians were refreshed by the English. No other discourse hap 
pening while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. 
The major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the magistrates of 
that colony as could would meet at Duxbury. Wherefore having there had 
some treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they en 
treated Major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the governor, who 
then lived at Eastham, could come up. Accordingly, he and his train were 
courteously entertained by the major. And albeit, not so much as an angry 
word passed between them whilst at Marshfield ; yet proud Alexander, vexing 
and fretting in his spirit, that such a check was given him, he suddenly fell 
sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller, the 
physician, coming providentially thither at that time, the sachem and his men 
earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to 
do, but by their importunity was prevailed with to do the best he could to 
help him, and therefore gave him a portion of working physic, which the 
Indians thought did him good. But his distemper afterwards prevailing, they 
cntreated to dismiss him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement 



* Within six miles of the English towns. Hubbard, 10, (Edition, 1677.) Massasoit, and 
likewise Philip, used to have temporary residences in eligible places for fishing, at various 
sites between the two bays, Narraganset and Massachusetts, as at Raynham, Namasket, Titi- 
cut, [in Middleborough,] and Munponset Pond in Halifax. At which of these places he was, 
we cannot, with certainty, decide : that at Halifax would, perhaps, agree best with Mr. Hub~ 
bard's account. 

t Eighty, says Hubbard, 6. 

t He had a brother by the name of Roland. 

" Entreating those that held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home. 



g ALEXANDER. [BOOK III. 

of appearance at the next court was granted to him. Soon after his being 
returned home he died." * 

Thus ends Dr. Mather's " relation " of the short reign of Alexander. And 
although a document latety published by Judge Davis of Boston sets the con 
duct of the English in a very favorable light, yet it is very difficult to con 
ceive how Mather and Hubbard could have been altogether deceived in their 
information. We mean in respect to the treatment Alexander received at the 
hands of his captors. They both wrote at the same time, and at different 
places, and neither knew what the other had written. Of this we are confi 
dent, if, as we are assured, there was, at this time, rather a misunderstanding 
between these two reverend authors. 

This affair caused much excitement, and, judging from the writers of that 
time, particularly Hubbard, some recrimination upon the conduct of the gov 
ernment of Plimouth, by some of the English, who were more in the habit of 
using or recommending mild measures towards Indians than the Plimouth 
people appear to have been, seems to have been indulged in. After thus 
premising, we will offer the document, which is a letter written by the Rev. 
John Cotton, of Plimouth, to Dr. L Mather, and now printed by Judge Davis, 
in his edition of Morton's Memorial. There is no date to it, at least the editor 
gives none ; but if it were written in answer to one from Mr. Mather to 
him, desiring information on that head, dated 21st April, 1677,f we may 
conclude it was about this time ; but Mr. Mather's " Relation " would not lead 
us to suppose that he was in possession of such information, and, there 
fore, he either was not in possession of it when he published his account, or 
that he had other testimony which invalidated it. 

The letter begins, "Major Bradford, [who was with Mr. Winslow when 
Alexander was surprised,] confidently assures me, that in the narrative de 
Alexandra J there are many mistakes, and, fearing lest you should, through 
misinformation, print some mistakes on that subject, from his mouth I this 
write. Reports being here that Alexander was plotting or privy -to plots, 
against the English, authority sent to him to come down. He came not. 
Whereupon Major Winslow was sent to fetch him. Major Bradford, with 
some others, went with him. At Munponset River, a place not many miles 
hence, they found Alexander with about eight men and sundry squaws. He 
was there about getting canoes. He and his men were at breakfast under 
their shelter, their guns being without. They saw the English coming, but 
continued eating ; and Mr. Winslow telling their business, Alexander, freely 
and readily, without the least hesitancy, consented to go, giving his reason 
why he came not to the court before, viz., because he waited for Captain 
WilleVs return from the Dutch, being desirous to speak with him first. They 
brought him to Mr. Collier's that day, and Governor Prince living remote at 
Eastharn, those few magistrates who were at hand issued the matter peace 
ably, and immediately dismissed Alexander to return home, which he did 
part of the way ; but, in two or three days after, he returned and went to 
Major Winslow's house, intending thence to travel into the bay and so home ; 
but, at the major's house, he was taken very sick, and was, by water, con 
veyed to Major Bradford's, and thence carried upon the shoulders of his men 
to Tethquet River, and thence in canoes home, and, about two or three days 
after, died." 

Thus it is evident that there is error somewhere, and it would be very sat 
isfactory if we could erase it from our history ; but, at present, we are able 
only to agitate it, and wait for the further discovery of documents before 
Alexander's true history can be given ; and to suspend judgment, although 

promising to return again if he recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so do. 
On that consideration, he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got half way home." 
JIubbard. 

* It is a pity that such an able historian as Grahame should not have been in possession of 
other authorities upon this matter than those who have copied from the above. See his Hist. 
N. America, i. 401. 

t See his Memorial 288. 

f A paper drawn up by the authorities of Plimouth, and now, I believe, among the MSS. 
in the library of the Hist. Soc. of Mass. This was, probably, Mr. Hubbard's authority. 



CHAP. I.] SASSAMON 9 

some may readily decide that the evidence is in favor of the old printed 
accounts. It is the business of a historian, where a point is in dispute, to 
exhibit existing evidence, and let the reader make up his own judgment. 

We are able, from the first extract given upon this head, to limit the time 
of his sachemship to a portion of the year 1662. 

It will have appeared already, that enough had transpired to inflame the 
minds of the Indians, and especially that of the sachem Philip, if, indeed, 
the evidence adduced be considered valid, regarding the blamableness of the 
English. Nevertheless, our next step onward will more fully develop the 
causes of Philip's deep-rooted animosities. 

We come now to speak of JOHN SASSAMON, who deserves a particular 
notice ; more especially as, from several manuscripts, we are able not only to 
correct some important errors in former histories, but to give a more minute 
account of a character which must always be noticed in entering upon the 
study of this part of our history. Not that he would otherwise demand 
more notice than many of his brethren almost silently passed over, but for his 
agency in bringing about a war, the interest of which increases in proportion 
as time carries us from its period. 

John Sassamon was a subject of Philip, an unstable-minded fellow ; and, 
living in the neighborhood* of the English, became a convert to Christianity, 
learned their language, and was able to read and write, and had translated 
some of the Bible into Indian. Being rather insinuating and artful, he was 
employed to teach his countrymen at Natick, in the capacity of a schoolr 
master. How long before the war this was, is not mentioned, but must have 
been about 1660, as he was Philip's secretary, or interpreter, in 1662, and this 
was after he had become a Christian. He left the English, from some dislike, 
and went to reside with Alexander, and afterwards with Phttiv, who, it ap 
pears, employed him on account of his learning. Always restless, Sassamon 
did not remain long with Philip before he returned again to the English ; " and 
he manifested such evident signs of repentance, as that he was, after his re 
turn from pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptized, and 
received, as a member, into one of the Indian churches ; yea, and employed 
as an instructor amongst them every Lord's day."f 

Previous to the war, we presume in the winter of 1672, Sassamon was sent 
to preach to the Narnaskets^ and other Indians of Middleborough, who, at 
this time, were very numerous. The famous Watuspaquin was then the 
chief of this region and who appears to have been disposed to encourage 
the new religion taught by Sassamon. For, hi 1674, he gave him a tract of 
land near his own residence, to induce him to remain among his people. The 
deed of gift of this land was, no doubt, drawn by Sassamon, and is in these 
words : 

" Know all men by these presents, that I, Old Watuspaquin, doe graunt 
vnto John Sassamon, allies Wassasoman, 27 acrees of land for a home lott at 
Assowamsett necke. This is my gift, giuen to him the said John Sassamon, 
by me the said Watuspaquin, in Anno 1673, [or 1674, if between 1 Jan. and 
25 March.] 

OLD WATDSPAQUIN @ his marke. 
WILLIAM TUSPAQUIN DV his marke. 
Witness, alsoe, NANEHEUNT -{- his marke." 

As a further inducement for Sassamon to settle here, Old Tuspaquin and, 
his son deeded to Felix, an Indian who married Sassamon's daughter,. 58 and 
an half acres of land ; as " a home lott," also. This deed was dated 11 
March, 1673, O. S., which doubtless was done at the same time with the other. 



* " This Sassamon was by birth a Massachusett, his father and mother living in Dorchester, 
and they both died Christians." I. Mather. 

t Mather's Relation, 74. 

J The inhabitants of the place call it Nemasket. In the records, it is almost always written 
Namassakett. 

$ Spelt also Memeheutt. 



10 SASSAMON. [BOOK TIL 

This daughter of Sassamon was called by the English name Betty* but her orig 
inal name was Asso WETOUGH. To his son-in-law, Sassamon gave his land, by a 
kind of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death ; probably 
about the time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppose was also 
about the time that he discovered the design of Philip and his captains to 
bring about their war of extermination. 

Old Tuspaquin, as he called himself, and his son, not only confirmed Sassa- 
mon's will, but about the same time made a bequest themselves to his daugh 
ter, which, they say, was " with the consent of all the chieffe men of Asso- 
wamsett." This deed of gift from them was dated 23 Dec. 1673. It was of 
a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahteawamet. The names of some 
of the places which bounded this tract were Mashquomoh, a swamp, Sason- 
kususett, a pond, and another large pond called Chupipoggut. Tobias, Old 
Thomas, Pohonoho, and Kankunuki, were upon this deed as witnesses. 

FELIX served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1679, in which 
year Governor Winslow ordered, "that all such lands as were formerly John 
Sassamon's in our colonie, shall be settled on Felix his son-in-law," and to re 
main his and his heirs " foreuer." Felix's wife survived him, and willed her 
land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 1696, and Isacke Wanno wit 
nessed said will. There was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutf 
named Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the former.}: But to return to the 
more immediate subject of our discourse. 

There was a Sassaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Sosomon, known to the 
English as early as 1637 ; but as we have no .means of knowing how old John 
Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decided with probability, 
whether or not it were he. This Sosomon, as will be seen in the life of Sassa- 
cus, went with the English to fight the Pequots 

Sassamon acted as interpreter, witness or scribe, as the case required, on 
many occasions. When Philip and Wootonekanuske his wife, sold, in 1664, 
Mattapoisett to William Brenton, Sassamon was a witness and interpreter. 
The same year he was Philip's agent " in settling the bounds of Acushenok, 
Coaksett, and places adjacent." Again, in 1665, he witnessed the receipt of 
10 paid to Philip on account of settling the bounds the year before. 

There was a Rowland Sassamon, who I suppose was the brother of John. 
His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have met with, and 
then only as a witness, with his brother, to Philip's deed of Mattapoisett, 
above mentioned. 

The name Sassamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but the 
way it here appears is nearest as it was understood in his last years, judging 
from the records. But it was not so originally. Woosansaman was among 
the first modes of writing it. 

This detail may appear dry to the general reader, but we must occasion 
ally gratify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative. 

While living among the Namaskets, Sassamon learned what was going 
forward among his countrymen, and, when he was convinced that their 
design was war, went immediately to Plimouth, and communicated his dis 
covery to the governor. "Nevertheless, his information," says Dr. /. Mat her, 
" (because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly believe them when 
they do speak the truth,) was not at first much regarded." 

It may be noticed here, that at this time if any Indian appeared friendly, 
all Indians were so declaimed against, that scarcely any one among the Eng 
lish could be found that would allow that an Indian could be faithful or 
honest in any affair. And although some others besides Sassamon had inti 
mated, and that rather strongly, that a "rising of the Indians" was at hand, 
still, as Dr. Mather observes, because Indians said so, little or no attention 

* The English sometimes added her surname, and hence, in the account of Mr. Bennel, (1 
Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 1.) Betty Sasemore. The noted place now called Betty's Neck, 
in Middleborough, was named from her. In 1793, there were eight families of Indians there. 

t Cotuhticut, Kctchiquut, Tehticnt, Keketticut, Keticut, Teiglitaquid, Tetehquet, are spell- 

T of this name in the various books and records I have consulted. 
Backus^ Middlehorough, in 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 150. 
$ Rf.la.tiwi of the Troubles, &c., 74. 



. I.] SASSAMON. CAUSES OF THE WAR WITH PHILIP. 11 

was paid to their advice. Notwithstanding, Mr. Gookin, in his MS. history,* 
says, that, previous to the war, none of the Christian Indians had " been 
justly charged, either with unfaithfulness or treachery towards the English." 
But, on the contrary, some of them had discovered the treachery, particu 
larly Walcut the ruler, of Philip before he began any act of hostility." In 
another place the same author says, that, in April, 1675, Wauban " came to 
one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to 
fear that sachem Philip, and other Indians his confederates, intended some 
mischief shortly." Again in May, about six weeks before the war, he came 
and said the same, adding that Philip's men were only waiting for the trees 
to get leaved out, that they might prosecute their design with more effect. 
To return to Sassamon : 

In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further grounds 
of suspicion, that war was meditated, and it was intended that messengers 
should be sent to Philip, to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But 
before' this was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had passed away, and 
the Rev. Sassamon still resided with the Namaskets, and others of his 
countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined 
the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at Plimouth, of what he had 
revealed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge, he should be 
immediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chief's 
knowledge, and Sassamon was considered a traitor and an outlaw ; and, by 
the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to suffer 
death. The manner of effecting it was of no consequence with them, so 
long as it was brought about, and it is probable that Philip had ordered any 
of his subjects who might meet with him, to kill him. 

Early in the spring of 1675, Sassamon was missing, and, on search being 
made, his body was found in Assawomset Pond, in Middleborough.f Those 
that killed him not caring to be known to the English, left his hat and gun 
upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned himself; but 
from several marks upon his body, and the fact that his neck was broken, 
it was evident he had been murdered. \ Several persons were suspected, 
and, upon the information of one called Patuckson, Tobias one of Philip's 
counsellors, his son, and Mattashinnamy, were apprehended, tried by n jury, 
consisting of half Indian s,|| and in June, 1675, were all executed at Plimouth; 
"one of them before his execution confessing the murder," but the other 
two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of 
their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the 
bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any influence 
upon the jury. And we are fearful it was the case, for, if the most learned were 
misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose that the 
more ignorant were free from them. Dr. Increase Mather wrote within two 
years of the affair, and he has this passage : " When Tobias (the suspected 
murderer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had 
been newly slain ; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before that."^ 

Nothing of this part of the story is upon record among the manuscripts, 
as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Mather, 
who, we believe, is the first that printed an account of it. Nor do the 
records of Plimouth notice Sassamon until some time after his death. The 
first record is in these words : " The court seeing cause to require the per- 

* Not yet published, but is now, (April, 1836,) printing vvilh notes by the author of this 
work, under the direction of the American Antiquarian Society. It will form a lasting monu 
ment of one of the best men of those days. The author was" as Mr. Eliot expresses himself, 
" a pillar in our Indian work." He died in 1687, aged 75. 

\ Some would like to know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. Grahame (Hist. N. Arner. i. 
<M)2.) states that Sassamon's body was found in a field. 

\ Gookin's MS. Hist, of Christian Indians. This author says, " Sassamand was the first 
Christian martyr," and that." it is evident he suffered death upon the account of his Christian 
profession, and fidelity to the English." 

JHis Indian name was Poggapanossoo. 
Mather's Relation, 74. Judge Dams retains the same account, (Morton's Memorial, 
,) which we shall presently show to be erroneous. 
S Mather's Relation, 75. 



12 SASSAMON. [Boon III. 

sonal appearance of an Indian called Tobias before the court, to make fur 
ther answer to such interrogatories as shall be required of him, in reference 
to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called John Sassamon, late 
deceased." This was in March, 1674, O. S. 

It appears that Tobias was present, although it is not so stated, from the 
fact that Tuspaquin and his son William entered into bonds of 100 for the 
appearance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage 
of land was taken as security for the 100. 

June having arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the murderers 
of Sassamon. There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being guilty 
at the previous court. Now, Wampapaquan, the son of Tobias, and Maita- 
shunannamo * are arraigned with him, and the bill of indictment runs as fol 
lows : " For that being accused that they did with joynt consent vpon the 
29 of January ann 1674, [or 1675, N. S.] att a place called Jlssowamsett Pond, 
wilfUlly and of sett purpose, and of mallice fore thought, and by force and 
armes, murder John Sassamon, an other Indian, by laying violent hands on 
him, and striking him, or twisting his neoke vntill hee was dead ; and to hyde 
and conceale this theire said murder, att the tyme and place aforesaid, did 
cast his dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond." 

To this they pleaded " not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say the 
records. The jury, however, were not long in finding them guilty, which 
they express in these words : "Wee of the jury one and all, both English 
and Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict." 

Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison, " and from thence 
[taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head f vntill 
theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Mattashunannamo were 
executed on the 8 June, 1675. " But the said Wampapaquan, on some con 
siderations was reprieued until a month be expired." He was, however, shot 
within the month. 

It is an error that the jury that found them guilty was composed of half 
Indians ; there were bftt four, while there were twelve Englishmen. We 
will again hear the record : 

" Itt was judged very expedient by the court, that, together with this 
English jury aboue named, some of the most indifferentest, grauest and 
sage Indians should be admitted to be with the said jury, and to healp to 
consult and aduice with, of, and concerning the premises: there names 
are as followeth, viz. one called by an English name Hope, and Maskippague, 
Wannoo, George Wampye and" Acanootus ; these fully concurred with the 
jury in theire verdict." " 

The names of the jurymen were William Sabine, William Crocker, Edward 
Sturgis, William Brookes, Nath 1 . Winslow, John Wadsworth, Andrew Ringe, 
Robert Vixon, John Done, Jon a . Bangs, Jon a . Shaw and Benj a . Higgins. 

That nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed 
over, we will here add, from a hitherto exceeding scarce tract, the following 
particulars, although some parts of them are evidently erroneous : " About 
five or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the college 
at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Sosomon; who, after some time he 
had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncos, a sagamore Christian in his ter 
ritories, was, by the authority of New Plimouth, sent to preach in like man 
ner to King Philip, and his Indians. But King Philip, (heathen-like,) 
instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately have killed this Sosomon, 
but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the 
hands of three men to prison ; who, as he was going to prison, exhorted 
and taught them in the Christian religion. They, not liking his discourse, 
immediately murthered him after a most barbarous manner. They, return 
ing to King Philip, acquainted him with what they had done. About two 
or three months after this rnurther, being discovered to the authority of 

* The same called Mattashinnamy. His name in the records is spelt four ways. 

t This old phraseology reminds us of the French mode of expression, couper le cou, that is, 
to cut off the neck instead of the head ; but the French say, il sera pendu par son cou, and so 
do modern hangmen, alias jurists, of our times. 



CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP 13 

New Plimouth, Josiah Winslow being then governor of that colony, care was 
taken to find out the murtherers, who, upon search, were found and appre 
hended, and, after a fair trial, were all hanged. This so exasperated King 
Philip, that, from that day after, he studied to be revenged on the English 
judging that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an Indian for 
killing another." * 



CHAPTER II. 

Life of KING PHILIP His real name The name of his wife Makes frequent 
sales of his lands Account of them His first treaty at Plimouth Expedition to 
Nantucket Events of 1671 Begins the WAR of 1675 First acts of hostility 
Swamp Fight at Pocasset Narrowly escapes out of his own country is pursued 
by Oneko Fight at Rehoboth Plain Cuts off a company of English under Captain 
Beers Incidents Fight at Sugar-loaf Hill, and destruction of Captain Lathrop's 
company Fights the English under Mosely English raise 1500 men Philip 
retires to Narraganset Strongly fortifies himself in a great swamp Description 
of his fortress English march to attack him The great Fight at Narraganset 
Again flies his country Visits the Mohawks III -devised stratagem Events of 1676 

Returns again to his country Reduced, to a wretched condition Is hunted by Church 

His chief counsellor jJlkkompoin, killed, and his sister captured His wife and son 
fall into the hands of Church Flies to Pokanoket Is surprised and slain. Speci 
men of the Wampanoag Language Other curious matter. 

IN regard to the native or Indian name of PHILIP, it seems a mistake has al 
ways prevailed, in printed accounts. POMETACOM gives as near its Indian sound 
as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable was dropped in familiar 
discourse, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had always 
been so ; in nearly every original deed executed by him, which we have seen, 
and they are many, his name so appears. It is true that, in those of different 
years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very 
nearly the same sound. The variations are Pumatacom, Pamatacom, Pometa- 
come, and Pometacom; the last of which prevails in the records. 

We have another important discovery to communicate : f it is no other than 
the name of the wife of Pometacom the innocent WOOTONEKANUSKE ! This 
was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain 
Church. No wonder that Philip was "now ready to die," as some of his trai 
torous men told Church, and that " his heart was now ready to break ! '' All 
that was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex ! But they still' 
lived, and this most harrowed his soul lived for what ? to serve as slaves in 
an unknown land ! could it be otherwise than that madness should seize upon 
him, and despair torment him in every place ? that in his sleep he should hear 
the anguishing cries and lamentations of Wootonekanuske and his son ? But 
we must change the scene. 

It seems as though, for many years before the war of 1675, Pometacom, and 
nearly all of his people sold off their lands as fast as purchasers presented them 
selves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such phi 
losophers as are easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsa 
king their manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly 
poison, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed ; these 
were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may 
form some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Plimouth 
colony were disposed of, we add the following items : 

* Present State of New England, by a merchant of Boston, in respect to the present 
Bloody Indian Wars, page 3, folio, London, 1676. This, with four other tracts upon 
PHILIP'S WAR, (covering the whole period of it, with notes by myself, accompanied by a 
CHRONOLOGY of all Indian events in America from its discovery to the present time, (March 
7th, 1836,) has just been published under the title of the OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE. 

f The author feels a peculiar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be the first to publish 
the real name of the great sachem of the Wampanoags, and also that of the sharer of hi* 
perils, Wootonekanuske. 

2 



14 PHILIP. SALES OF HIS LANDS. [BOOK III. 

In a deed dated 23 June, 1664, " William Brenton, of Newport, R. I. mer 
chant," " for a valuable consideration " paid by him, buys Matapoisett of Philip. 
This deed begins, " I, Pumatacom alias Philip, chief sachem of Mount Hope, 
Cowsumpsit and of all territories thereunto belonging." Philip and his wife 
both signed this deed, and Tockomock, Wecopauhim,* Nesetaquaxon, Pompa- 
quase, Jlperniniate, Taquanksicke, Paquonack, Watapatahue, Jlquetaquish, John 
Sassamon the interpreter, Rowland Sassamon, and two Englishmen, signed as 
witnesses. 

In 1665, he sold the country about Acushena, [now New Bedford,] and 
Coaxet, [now in Compton.] Philip's father having previously sold some of 
the same, 10 was now given him to prevent any claim from him, and to pay 
for his marking out the same. John Woosansman [one of the names of Sassa 
mon] witnessed this deed. 

The same year the court of Plimouth presented Philip with a horse, but on 
what account we are not informed. 

In 1662, Wrentham was purchased of Philip by the English of Dedham. 
It was then called Wollomonopoag, and, by the amount assessed, appears to have 
cost 24 ]0s., and was six miles square. For this tract of land the English had 
been endeavoring to negotiate five years.f " In Nov. 1669, upon notice of Philip, 
Sagamore of Mount Hope, now at Wollomonopoag, offering a treaty of his lands 
thereabouts, not yet purchased," the selectmen appoint five persons to negotiate 
with him " for his remaining right, provided he can show that he has any." J 
Whether his right were questionable or not, it seems a purchase was made, at 
that time, of the tract called Woollommonuppogue, " within the town bounds [of 
Dedham] not yet purchased." What the full consideration was, our documents 
do not state, but from a manuscript order which he drew on Dedham afterwards, 
and the accompanying receipt, some estimate may be formed. The order re 
quests them " to pay to this bearer, for the use O/*KING PHILIP, 5, 5s. in money, 
and 5 in trucking cloth at money price" In a receipt signed by an agent of 
Philip, named Peter, the following amount is named : " In reference to the payment 
O/*KING PHILIP of Mount Hope, the full and just sum of 5, 5s. in money, and 
12 yards of trucking cloth, 3 Ibs. of powder, and as much lead as will make it up ; 
which is in full satisfaction with 10 that he is to receive of Nathaniel Paine." 

We next meet with a singular record of Philip, the authorship of which we 
attribute to John Sassamon, and which, besides extending our knowledge of 
Philip into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted with Sassamon's ac 
quirements in the language of the pilgrims. 

" Know all men by these presents, that Philip haue giuen power vnto Wa- 
tuchpoo || and Sampson and theire brethren to hold and make sale of to whom 
they will by my consent, and they shall not haue itt without they be willing to 
lett it goe it shal be sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they cannot 
safely to : but with my consent there is none that can lay clairne to that land 
which they haue marked out, it is theires foreuer, soe therefore none can safely 
purchase any otherwise but by Watachpoo and Sampson and their bretheren. 

PHILIP 1666." 

Whether the following letter were written earlier or later than this we have 
no means of knowing ; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it was written 
at a time when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the peo 
ple of Plimouth were endeavoring to get him to their court, where they had. 
reason to believe they could succeed better in getting them than by a negotia 
tion in his own country. The letter follows: 

" To the much honored Governer, Mr. Thomas Prince, dwelling at Plimouth. 
" King PHILIP desire to let you understand that he could not come to the 
court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain hi his back, that he could not travil 

* Perhaps Uncompoin. 

t Woi tkington's Hist. Dedham, 20 from which work it would seem that ihe negotiation had 
been carried on with Philip, but Philip was not sachem until this year. 

\ Ibid. 

4 General Court Files. 

jj Sometimes Tukpoo by abbreviation. A further account of him will be found iu the life of 
Tatoson. 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP. SALES OF HIS LANDS. 15 

so far, and Philip sister is very sick. Philip would intreat that favor of you, 
and any of the majestrats, if aney English or Engians speak about aney land, he 
pray you to giue them no ansewer at all. This last summer he maid that 
promis with you that he would not sell no land in 7 years time, for that he 
would have no English trouble him before that time, he has not forgot that 
you promis him. He will come a sune as posseble he can to speak with you, 
and so I rest, 

your very loveing friend 

PHILIP p 
dwelling at mount hope nek." * 

In 1667, Philip sells to Constant Southtvorth, and others, all the meadow 
lands from Dartmouth to Matapoisett, for which he had 15. Particular 
bounds to all tracts are mentioned in the deeds, but as they were generally or 
often stakes, trees, and heaps of stones, no one at this time can trace many of 
them. 

The same year, for " 10 sterling," he sells to Thos. Wllht and others, " all 
that tract of land lying between the Riuer Wanascottaquett and Cawatoquissett, 
being two miles long and one broad." Paivsaquens, one of Philip's counsel 
lors, and Tom alias Sawsudt, an interpreter, were witnesses to the sale. 

In 1668, " Philip Pometacom, and Tatamumaque f alias Cashewashed, sachems," 
for a " valuable consideration," sell to sundry English a tract of some square 
miles. A part of it was adjacent to Pokanoket. In describing it, Memenuck- 
quage and Towansett neck are mentioned, which we conclude to be in Swan- 
sey. Besides two Englishmen, Sompointeen, alias Tom, and JVananuntneiv, son 
of Thomas Plants, were witnesses to this sale. 

The next year, the same sachems sell 500 acres in Swansey for 20. PFanueo, 
a counsellor, and Tom the interpreter, were witnesses. 

In 1668, Philip and Uncompaiven laid claim to apart of New-meadows neck, 
alleging that it was not intended to be conveyed in a former deed, by Ossame- 
quin and Wamsutta, to certain English, " although it appears, says the record, 
pretty clearly so expressed in said deed," " yet that peace and friendship may 
be continued," " Capt. Willet, Mr. Brown and John Allen, in the behalf of them 
selves and the rest," agree to give Philip and Uncompawen the sum of 11 in 
goods. 

PHILIP NANUSKOOKE \ his ft mark, 
VNCOMPAWEN his X mark. 

TOM SANSUWEST, interpreter, 

Jlnd NIMROD. 

The same year, we find the following record, which is doubly interesting, 
from the plan with which we are able to accompany it, drawn by Philip him 
self. He contracts or agrees, by the following writing under his hand, in these 
words : " this may inform the honoured court [of Plimouth,] that I Philip ame 
willing to sell the land within this draught ; but the Indians that are vpon it 
may lie vpon it still ; but the land that is [waste] may be sould, and Wattach- 
oo is of the same minde. I have sed downe all the principall names of the 
and wee are willing should bee sould." 

" From Pacanaukett PHILLIP his marke" 

the 24 of the 12 mo. 1668." 



poo 
lan 



* 1 Coil. Mass. Hist. Soc. ii. 40. The original was owned by a Mr. White of Plimouth, 
about 30 years ago. It is probably another production of John Sassamon. 

t Written in another deed, Atunkamomalce. This deed was in the next year. It was of 
500 acres of land, "more or lesse," in Swansey, and 20 the consideration. Hugh Cole, 
Josias Winslow, John Coggeshall, and Constant Southworth were the purchasers, and Wanueo, 
a counsellor, one of the witnesses. 

\ This double name, we suppose, was meant to stand for the signature of himself and wife 

$ So in the records. 






16 

Wanascohochett. 



PHILIP. SALES OF HIS LANDS. 

Wewenset. 



[B30K III. 



This line is a path. 




Ascopompamocke. 




Panhanet. 

Patantatonet. 
Ascoochames. 
Machapquake. 

Aponecett. 
This is a path. 

Anequeassett. 

Cottoyowsekecsctt. 



" Osamequen" having, "for valuable considerations," in the year 1641, sold 
to John Brown and Edward Winslow a tract of land eight miles square, situ 
ated on both sides of Palmer's River, Philip, on the 30 Mar. 1668, was re 
quired to sign a quit-claim of the same. This he did in presence of Umpta- 
kisoke, Phillip, and Peebe,* counsellors, Sonconewhew, Phillip's brother, and 
Tom the interpreter.! This tract includes the present town of Rehoboth. 

Also in 1669, for 10 " and another valuable and sufficient gratuity," he sells 
to John Cook of Akusenag in Dartmouth,! " one whole island nere the to wne," 
called Nokatay. 

The same year, Philip and Tuspaquin sell a considerable tract of land in 
Middleborough, for 13. Thomas the interpreter, William, the son of Tus 
paquin, and Benjamin Church, were witnesses. 

In 1671, Philip and " Monjokam of Mattapoisett," for 5, sell to Hugh Cole, of 
Swansey, shipwright, land lying near a place called Jlcashewah, in Dartmouth. 

In 1672, Philip sold to William Brenton and others, of Taunton, a tract to 
the southward of that town, containing twelve square miles, for 143; and, 
a few days after, adjoining it, four square miles more, to Constant Southworth. 
Others were concerned in the sale of the larger tract, as is judged by the 
deeds being signed by JVunkampahoonett, Umnathum, alias Nimrod, Chee- 
maughton, and Captain Annawam, besides one Philip. Thomas, alias Sank- 
suit, was among the witnesses. The sale of the last tract was witnessed by 
Munashum, alias Nimrod, Woackompawhan,^ and Captain Annowan. 

These are but a part of the sales of land by Pometacom: many other chiefs 
sold very largely, particularly Watuspaquin and Josias WampatucJi. 

At the court of Plimouth, 1673, " Mr. Peter Talmon of Rhode Hand com 
plained against Philip allies Wewasowanuett, sachem of Mount Hope, brother 
or predecessor of Pakanawketl as heire adminnostrator or successor vnto his 
brother or predecessor Wamsitta, Sopaquitt,\\ or Alexander deceased, in an 
action on the case, to the damage of 800 forfeiture of a bond of such a value, 
bearing date, June the 28th, 1661, giuen to the said Peter Talman, obliging 

* Called, in Mr. Hubbard 1 s history, Thebe ; he was afterwards killed at Swansey, in the 
beginning of the war. There is a pond in Narraganset of the same name. 

t Mr. Bliss, in his HISTORY OF REHOBOTH, 64, 65, has printed this deed from the 
original. 

t The place where Cook lived is now included in New Bedford. 



4 Probably " Philip's old uncle Ahkompoin." 

I) That is, nicknamed Alexander, according to the French mode of expression ; ou par 
quet Alexander, as I imagine. Mr. Hubbard says of Philip, (Narrative, 10, that, " 1 
ambitious and haughty spirit, [he was] nicknamed King Philip." 



sobri- 
for his 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP MAKES A TREATY AT PLIMOUTH. 17 

him the said Wamsitta allies Alexander to make good to him, his heires and a 
deed of gift of a considerable track of land att Sapowett and places adjacent, 
as in the said deed is more particularly expressed ; for want wherof the 
complainant is greatly damnifyed." 

Whether the conduct of the people of Plimouth towards Wamsutta, 
Pometacom's elder brother, and other neighboring Indians, made them always 
suspicious of the chief sachem, as it had their neighbors before in the case 
of Miantunnomoh, or whether Philip were in reality " contriving mischief," 
the same year of his coming in chief sachem, remains a question, to this day, 
with those best acquainted with the history of those times. 

The old benevolent sachem Massasoit, alias Woosamequin, having died in 
the winter of 1661-2, as we believe, but few months after died also Alexander, 
Philip's elder brother and predecessor, when Philip himself, by the order of 
succession, came to be chief of the Wampanoags. 

Philip having by letter complained to the court of Plimouth of some in 
juries, at their October term, 1668, they say, " In answer unto a letter from 
Philip, the sachem of Pokanokett, &c., by way of petition requesting the 
court for justice against Francis Wast, \_West,~\ for wrong done by him to one 
of his men about a gun taken from him by the said Wast-, as also for wrong 
done unto some swine of the said Indian's. The court have ordered the 
case to be heard and determined by the selectmen of Taunton ; and in case 
it be not by them ended, that it be referred unto the next March court at 
Plimouth to be ended." How the case turned we have not found. But for 
an Indian to gain his point at an English court, unless his case were an ex 
ceeding strong one, was, we apprehend, a rare occurrence. 

"He was no sooner styled sachem," says Dr. /. Mather* "but immediately, 
in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery 
against the English." This author wrote at the close of Philip's war, when 
very few could speak of Indians, without discovering great bitterness. Mr. 
Morton f is the first who mentions Metacomet in a printed work, which, being 
before any difficulty with him, is in a more becoming manner. " This year," 
(1662,) he observes, "upon occasion of some suspicion of some plot intended 
by the Indians against the English, Philip, the sachem of Pokanoket, other 
wise called Metacom, made his appearance at the court held at Plimouth, 
August 6, did earnestly desire the continuance of that amity and friendship 
that hath formerly been between the governor of Plimouth and his deceased 
father and brother." 

The court expressing their willingness to remain his friends, he signed the 
articles prepared by them, acknowledging himself a subject of the king of 
England, thus : 

" The mark of "3 PHILLIP, sachem 

of Pocanakett, 

The mark of <] VNCUMPOWETT, 
vnkell to the aboue said sachem." 

The following persons were present, and witnessed this act of Philip, and 
his great captain Uncompoin : 

"JOHN SASSAMON, 

The, mark 171. of FRANC is, sachem ofNauset, 
The mark DI O/*NIMROD alias PUMPASA, 
The, mark y O/*PUNCKQUANECK, 
The mark 5 O/*AQUETEQUESH."J 

Of the uneasiness and concern of the English at this period, from the 
hostile movements of Philip, Mr. Hubbard, we presume, was not informed ; 
or so important an event would not have been omitted in his minute and 
valuable history. Mr. Morton, as we before stated, and Mr. Mather mention 
it, but neither of these, or any writer since, to this day, has made the matter 
appear in its true light, from their neglect to produce the names of those 
that appeared with the sachem. 

* Relation, 72. f In his N. England's Memorial. J From the records in manuscript. 



ig PHILIP. PURSUIT OF GIBBS. [BOOK III. 

For about nine years succeeding 1662, very little is recorded concerning 
Philip. During this time, he became more intimately acquainted with his 
English neighbors, learned their weakness and his own strength, which 
rather increased than diminished, until his fatal war of 1675. For, during 
this period, not only their additional numbers gained them power, but their 
arms were greatly strengthened by the English instruments of war put into 
their hands. Roger Williams had early brought the Narragansets into friend 
ship with Massasoit, which alliance gained additional strength on the acces 
sion of the young Metacomet. And here we may look for a main cause of that 
war, although the death of Alexander is generally looked upon by the early 
historians, as almost the only one. The continual broils between the Eng 
lish and Narragansets, (we name the English first, as they were generally 
the aggressors,) could not be unknown to Philip ; and if his countrymen 
were wronged he knew it. And what friend will see another abused, with 
out feeling a glow of resentment hi his breast ? And who will wonder, if, 
when these abuses had followed each other, repetition upon repetition, for 
a series of years, that they should at last break out into open war? The 
Narraganset chiefs were not conspicuous at the period of which we speak : 
there were several of them, but no one appears to have had a general com 
mand or ascendency over the rest ; and there can be little doubt but that 
they unanimously reposed their cause in the hands of Philip. Ninigret was 
at this time grown old, and though, for many years after the murder of 
Miantunnomoh, he seems to have had the chief authority, yet pusillanimity 
was always rather a predominant trait in his character. His age had prob 
ably caused his withdrawal from the others, on their resolution to second 
Philip. Canonchet was at this period the most conspicuous ; Pumham next ; 
Potok, Magnus, the squaw-sachem, whose husband, Mriksah, had been dead 
several years ; and lastly Mattatoag. 

Before proceeding with later events, the following short narrative, illus 
trative of a peculiar custom, may not be improperly introduced. Philip, as 
tradition reports, made an expedition to Nantucket in 1665, to punish an 
Indian who had profaned the name of Massasoit, his father ; and, as it was 
an observance or law among them, that whoever should speak evil of the 
dead should be put to death, Philip went there with an armed force to exe 
cute this law.upon Gibbs. He was, however, defeated in his design, for one 
of Gibbs's friends, understanding Philip's intention, ran to him and gave him 
notice of it, just in time for him to escape ; not, however, without great ex 
ertions, for Philip came once in sight of him, after pursuing him some time 
among the English from house to house ; but Gibbs, by leaping a bank, got 
out of sight, and so escaped. Philip would not leave the island until the 
English had ransomed John at the exorbitant price of nearly all the money 
upon the island.* Gibbs was a Christian Indian, and his Indian name was 
Assasamoogh. He was a preacher to his countrymen in 1674, at which time 
there were belonging to his church 30 members. 

What grounds the English had, in the spring of the year 1671, for suspect 
ing that a plot was going forward for their destruction, cannot satisfactorily 
be ascertained ; but it is evident there were some warlike preparations made 
by the great chief, which very much alarmed the English, as in the life of 
Jlivashonks we shall have occasion again to notice. Their suspicions were 
further confirmed when they sent for him to come to Taunton and make 
known the causes for his operations ; as he discovered " shyness," and a re 
luctance to comply. At length, on the 10th of April, this year, he came to a 
place about four miles from Taunton, accompanied with a band of his war 
riors, attired, armed and painted as for a warlike expedition. From this 
place he sent messengers to Taunton, to invite the English to come and 
treat with him. The governor either was afraid to meet the chief, or thought 
it beneath his dignity to comply with his request, and therefore sent several 

* For some of what we have given above, see 1 Cell. Mass, Hist. Soc. iii. 159, furnished 
for that work by Mr. Zaccheus Macij, whose ancestor, it is said, assisted in secreting 
Assasamoogh. 

In a late work, Hist. Nantuckett by Obed Macy, an account of the affair is given, but with 
some variation from the above. 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP. TREATY AT TAUNTON. 19 

persons, among whom was Roger Williams, to inform him of their determi 
nation, and their good disposition towards him, and to urge his attendance at 
Taunton. He agreed to go, and hostages were left in the hands of his 
warriors to warrant his safe return. On coming near the village with a few 
of his warriors, he made a stop, which appears to have been occasioned by 
the warlike parade of the English, many of whom were for immediately at 
tacking him. These were the Plimouth people that recommended this rash 
ness, but they were prevented by the commissioners from Massachusetts, who 
met here with the governor of Plimouth to confer with Philip. 

In the end it was agreed that a council should be held in the meeting 
house, one side of which should be occupied by the Indians, and the other by 
the English. Philip had alleged that the English injured the planted lands 
of his people, but this, the English say, was in no wise sustained. He said 
his warlike preparations were not against the English, but the Narragansets, 
which the English also say was proved to his face to be false ; and that this 
so confounded him, that he confessed the whole plot, and "that it was the 
naughtiness of his own heart that put him upon that rebellion, and nothing 
of any provocation from the English." * Therefore, with four of his counsel 
lors, whose names were Tavoser, Captain ffispoke, Woonkaponehunt, [Unkom- 
poin,~\ and Nimrod, he signed a submission, and an engagement of friendship, 
which also stipulated that he should give up all the arms among his people, 
into the hands of the governor of Plimouth, to be kept as long as the govern 
ment should " see reason." f 

The English of Massachusetts, having acted as umpires in this affair, were 
looked to, by both parties, on the next cause of complaint Philip having 
delivered the arms which himself and men had with them at Taunton, J 
promised to deliver the rest at Plimouth by a certain time. But they not 
being delivered according to agreement, and some other differences occurring, 
a messenger was sent to Boston from Plimouth, to make complaint ; but 
Philip, perhaps, understanding what was intended, was quite as early at Bos 
ton in person ; and, by his address, did not fail to be well received, and a 
favorable report of him was returned to Plimouth ; and, at the same time, 
proposals that commissioners from all the United Colonies should meet 
Philip at Plimouth, where all difficulties might be settled. This meeting took 
place the same year, September, 1671, and the issue of the meeting was very 
nearly the same as that at Taunton. "The conclusion was," says Mr. 
Mather,\\ "Philip acknowledged his offence, and was appointed to give a sum 
of money to defray the charges which his insolent clamors had put the colo 
ny unto." 

As usual, several articles were drawn up by the English, of what Philip 
was to submit to, to which we find the names of three only of his captains or 
counsellors, Uncompaen, who was his uncle,H Wotokom, and Samkama. 

Great stress in those days was laid on the Indians submitting themselves 
as " subjects to his majesty the king of England." This they did only to get 
rid of the importunity of the English, as then- course immediately afterwards 
invariably showed. 

The articles which the government of Plimouth drew up at this time, for 
Philip to sign, were not so illiberal as might be imagined, were we not to 
produce some of them. Article second reads, 

" I [Philip] am willing, and do promise to pay unto the government of Plim 
outh 100, in such things as I have ; but I would entreat the favor that I 
might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present." 
And in article third, he promises " to send unto the governor, or whom he shall 
appoint, five wolves' heads, if he can get them; or as many as he can procure, 

* Hubbard, Indian Wars, 11, 1st edition. 

t The articles of this treaty may be seen in Hubbard, Matter, and Hutchinson's histories I 
they amount to little, and we theiefore omit them. 

t Mather's Relation, 73. 

Perhaps this was the time Mr. Josselyn saw him there richly caparisoned, as will here 
after be mentioned. I Mather 1 s Relation, 73. 

H Called by Church, Akkompoin. Hist. King Philip's War, 110 of my edition. 



SO PHILIP. PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [BOOK III. 

until they come to five wolves' heads yearly." These articles were dated * 
29 Sept 1671, and were signed by 

The mark P of PHILLIP; 
The mark T O/*WOHKOWPAHENITT; 
The mark V O/*WUTTAKOOSEEIM; 
The mark T O/*SONKANUHOO ; 
The mark 2 O/"WOONASHUM, 

alias NIMROD ; 
The mark Y O/*WOOSPASUCK, 

alias CAPTAIN. 

On the 3 Nov. following, Philip accompanied Takanumma to Plimouth, to 
make his submission, which he did, and acknowledged, by a writing, that lie 
would adhere to the articles signed by Philip and the others, the 29 Sept. 
before. Tokamona was brother to Jlwashonks, and, at this time, was sachem 
of Seconet, or Saconett. He was afterwards killed by the Narragansets.f 

A general disarming of the neighboring Indians was undertaken during the 
spring and summer of 1671, and nothing but trouble could have been expect 
ed to follow. 

That nothing may be omitted which can throw light upon this important 
era in the biography of Philip, we will lay before the reader all the unpub 
lished information furnished by the records.! Having met in June, 1671, 
"The court [of Plimouth] determins all the guns in our hands, that did be 
long to Philip, are justly forfeit; and do at the present order the dividing of 
them, to be kept at the "several towns, according to their equal proportions, 
until October court next, and then to be at the court's dispose, as reason may 
appear to them, and then to belong unto the towns, if not otherwise disposed 
of by the court. 

"That which the court grounds their judgment upon is, For that at the 
treaty at Taunton, Philip and his council did acknowledge that they had been 
in a preparation for war against us ; and that not grounded upon any injury 
sustained from us, nor provocation given by us, but from their naughty hearts, 
and because he had formerly violated and broken solemn covenants made 
and renewed to us ; he then freely tendered, (not being in a capacity to be 
kept faithful by any other bonds,)*to resign up all his English arms, for our 
future security in that respect. He failed greatly in the performance thereof 
by secret[ly] conveying away, and carrying home several guns, that might and 
should have been then delivered, and not giving them up since, according to 
his engagement ; nor so far as is in his power ; as appears in that many guns 
are known still to be amongst the Indians that live by him, and [he] not so 
much as giving order to some of his men, that are under his immediate com 
mand, about the bringing in of their arms. 

" In his endeavoring, since the treaty [at Taunton,] to render us odious to 
our neighbor colony by false reports, complaints and suggestions ; and his 
refusing or avoiding a treaty with us concerning those and other matters that 
are justly offensive to us, notwithstanding his late engagement, as well as for 
mer, to submit to the king's authority, and the authority of this colony. 

" It was also ordered by the court that the arm 3 of the Indians of Namas- 
sakett and Assowamsett, that were fetched in by Major Winsloiv, and those that 
were with him, are confiscated, and forfeit, from the said Indians, for the 
grounds above expressed ; they being in a compliance with Phillipe in his 
late plot : And yet would neither by our governor's order, nor by Phillipe's 
desire, bring in their arms, as was engaged by the treaty; and the'said guns 
are ordered by the court to the major and his company for their satisfaction, 
in that expedition. 

" This court have agreed and voted " to send "some " forces to " Saconett to 
fetch in " the arms among the Indians there. 

* There is no date, but the year, set to any printed copy of this treaty. Mr. Hubbard by 
mistake omitted it, and those who have since written, have not given themselves the pleasure 
of recurring to the records. 

f See Church, 39. J Plimouth Colony Records, in manuscript. 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP. PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. 21 

If then, therefore, these Indians had not already become hostile, no one would 
marvel had it now become the case. Bows and arrows were almost entirely 
out of use. Guns had so far superseded them, that undoubtedly many scarce 
could use them with effect, in procuring themselves game : Nor could it be 
expected otherwise, for the English had, by nearly 40 years' intercourse, ren 
dered their arms far more necessary to the existence of the Indians than to their 
own : hence their unwillingness to part with them. Philip, it is said, directed 
the Middleborough Indians to give up their guns. His object in this was to 
pacify the English, judging that if war should begin, these Indians would join 
the English, or at least many of them ; and, therefore, it affected his cause but 
little which party possessed them ; but not so with his immediate followers, as 
we have just seen in the record. 

A council of war having convened at Plimouth, 23 August, 1671, the follow 
ing, besides the matters already expressed, they took into consideration : Philip's 
" entertaining of many strange Indians, which might portend danger towards 
us. In special by his entertaining of divers Saconett Indians, professed ene 
mies to this colony, and this against good counsel given him by his friends. 
The premises considered [the council] do unanimously agree and conclude, 
that the said Phillip hath violated [the] covenant plighted with this colony at 
Taunton in April last. 

" 2. It is unanimously agreed and concluded by the said council, that we are 
necessarily called to cause the said sachem to make his personal appearance to 
make his purgation, in reference to the premises ; which, in case of his refusal, 
the council, according to what at present appears, do determin it necessary to 
endeavor his reducement by force ; inasmuch as the controversy which hath 
seemed to lie more immediately between him and us, doth concern all the Eng 
lish plantations. It is, therefore, determined to state the case to our neighbor 
colonies of the Massachusetts and Rhode Island ; and if, by their weighty ad 
vice to the contrary, we are not diverted from our present determinations, to 
signify unto them, that if they look upon themselves concerned to engage in the 
case with us against a common enemy, it shall be well accepted as a neigh 
borly kindness, which we shall hold ourselves obliged to repay, when Provi 
dence may so dispose that we have opportunity. 

" Accordingly, letters were despatched and sent from the council, one unto 
the said Phillip the said sachem, to require his personal appearance at Plymouth, 
on the 13th day of September next, in reference to the particulars above men 
tioned against him. This letter was sent by Mr. James Walker, one of the 
council, and he was ordered to request the company of Mr. Roger Williams 
and Mr. James Brown, to go with him at the delivery of the said letter. And 
another letter was sent to the governor and council of the Massachusetts by the 
hands of Mr. John Freeman, one of our magistrates, and a third was directed to 
the governor and council of Rhode Island, and sent by Mr. Thomas Hinckley 
and Mr. Constant Southworth, two other of our magistrates, who are ordered by 
our council with the letter, to unfold our present state of matters relating to the 
premises, and to certify them, also, more certainly of the time of the meeting 
together, in reference to engagement with the Indians, if there be a going forth, 
which will be on the 20 of September next. 

" It was further ordered by the council, that those formerly pressed shall 
remain under the same impressment, until the next meeting of the said coun 
cil, on the 13 day of Sept. next, and so also until the intended expedition is 
issued, unless they shall see cause to alter them, or add or detract from them, 
as occasion may require : And that all other matters remain as they were, 
in way of preparation to the said expedition, until we shall see the mind of 
God further by the particulars forenamed, improved for that purpose. 

" It was further ordered by the council, that all the towns within this jurisdic 
tion shall, in the interim, be solicitously careful to provide for their safety, by 
convenient watches and wordings, and carrying their arms to the meetings on 
the Lord's days, in such manner, as will best stand with their particulars, and 
the common safety. 

"And in particular they order, that a guard shall be provided for the safety 
of the governor's person, during the time of the above-named troubles and ex 
peditions. 



22 PHILIP. PLIMOUTH ACCUSATIONS OF 1671. [Booic III. 

" And the council were summoned by the president, [the governor of Plim- 
outh,] to make their personal appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th day of 
Sept next, to attend such further business as shall be then presented by Provi 
dence, in reference to the premises. [Without any intermediate entry, the 
recoz-ds proceed :] 

" On the 13 Sept. 1671, the council of war appeared, according to their sum 
mons, but Phillip the sachem appeared not ; but instead thereof repaired to the 
Massachusetts, and made complaint against us to divers of the gentlemen iii 
place there ; who wrote to our governor, by way of persuasion, to advise the 
council to a compliance with the said sachem, and tendered their help in the 
achieving thereof; declaring, in sum, that they resented not his offence so 
deeply as we did, and that they doubted whether the covenants and engage 
ments that Phillip arid his predecessors had plighted with us, would plainly 
import that he had subjected himself, and people, and country to us any further 
than as in a neighborly and friendly correspondency." 

Thus, whether Philip had been able by misrepresentation to lead the court 
of Massachusetts into a conviction that his designs had not been fairly set forth 
by Plimouth, or whether it be more reasonable to conclude that that body were 
thoroughly acquainted with the whole grounds of complaint, and, therefore, 
considered Plimouth nearly as much in error as Philip, by assuming authority 
not belonging to them, is a case, we apprehend, not difficult to be settled by the 
reader. The record continues : 

" The council having deliberated upon the premises, despatched away letters, 
declaring their thankful acceptance of their kind proffer, and invited the com 
missioners of the Massachusetts and Connecticut, they [the latter] then being 
there in the Bay, [Boston,] and some other gentlemen to come to Plymouth and 
afford us their help: And, accordingly, on the 24 of Sept. 1671, Mr. John Win- 
throp, Gov. of Connecticut, Maj. Gen. Levtrett, Mr. Thos. Danforlh, Capt. Win. 
Davis, with divers others, came to Plimouth, and had a fair and deliberate 
hearing of the controversy between our colony and the said sachem Phillip, he 
being personally present ; there being also competent interpreters, both English 
and Indians. At which meeting it was proved by sufficient testimony to the 
conviction of the said Phillip, and satisfaction of all that audience, both [to] the 
said gentlemen and others, that he had broken his covenant made with our 
colony at Taunton in April last, in divers particulars : as also carried very un 
kindly unto us divers ways. 

" 1. In that he " had neglected to bring in his arms, although " competent 
time, yea his time enlarged " to do it in, as before stated. " 2. That he had 
earned insolently and proudly towards us on several occasions, in refusing to 
come down to our court (when sent for) to have speech with him, to procure 
a right understanding of matters in difference betwixt us." 

This, to say the least, was a wretchedly sorry complaint. That an independ 
ent chief should refuse to obey his neighbors whenever they had a mind to 
command him, of the justness of whose mandates he was not to inquire, surely 
calls for no comment of ours. Besides, did Philip not do as he agreed at 
Taunton ? which was, that in case of future troubles, both parties should lay 
their complaints before Massachusetts, and abide by their decision ? 

The 3d charge is only a repetition of what was stated by the council of war, 
namely, harboring and abetting divers Indians not his own men, but " vaga 
bonds, our professed enemies, who leaving their own sachem were harbored 
by him." 

The 4th has likewise been stated, which contains the complaint of his going 
to Massachusetts, "with several of his council, endeavoring to insinuate him 
self into the magistrates, and to misrepresent matters unto them," which amounts 
to little else but an accusation against Massachusetts, as, from what has been 
before stated, it seems that the " gentlemen in place there " had, at least in part, 
been convinced that Philip was not so much in fault as their friends of Plim 
outh had pretended. 

" 5. That he had shewed great incivility to divers of ours at several times ; in 
special unto Mr. James Broivn, who was sent by the court on special occasion, 
as a messenger unto him ; and unto Hugh Cole at another time, &c. 

" The gentlemen forenamed taking notice of the premises, having fully heard 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP. 23 

what the said Phillip could say for himself, having free liberty so to do without 
interruption, adjudged that he had done us a great deal of wrong and injury, 
(respecting the premises,) and also abused them by carrying lies and false 
stories to them, and so misrepresenting matters unto them ; and they persuaded 
him to make an acknowledgment of his fault, and to seek for reconciliation, 
expressing themselves, that there is a great difference between what he asserted 
to the government in the Bay, and what he could now make out concerning 
his pretended wrongs ; and such had been the wrong and damage that he had 
done arid procured unto the colony, as ought not to be borne without compe 
tent reparation and satisfaction ; yea, that he, by his insolencies, had (in proba 
bility) occasioned more mischief from the Indians amongst them, than had 
fallen out in many years before ; they persuaded him, therefore, to humble him 
self unto the magistrates, and to amend his ways, if he expected peace ; and 
that, if he went on in his refractory way, he must expect to smart for it." 

The commissioners finally drew up the treaty of which we have before spo 
ken, and Philip and his counsellors subscribed it ; and thus ended the chief 
events of 1671. 

A very short time before the war of 1675 commenced, the governor of 
Massachusetts sent an ambassador to Philip, to demand of him why he would 
make war upon the English, and requested him, at the same time, to enter into 
a treaty. The sachem made him this answer: 

" Your governor is but a subject of King Charles * of England. I shall not 
treat ivith a subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother. When 
he comes, I am ready." f 

This is literal, although we have changed the order of the words a little, and 
is worthy of a place upon the same page with the speech of the famous Poms, 
when taken captive by Alexander. I 

We meet with nothing of importance until the death of Sassamon, in 1674, 
the occasion of which was charged upon Philip, and was the cause of bringing 
about the war with him a year sooner than he had expected. This event pre 
maturely discovered his intentions, which occasioned the partial recantation of 
the Narragansets, who, it is reported, were to furnish 4000 men, to be ready to 
fall upon the English in 1676. Concert, therefore, was wanting ; and although 
nearly all the Narragansets ultimately joined against the English, yet the pow 
erful effect of a general simultaneous movement was lost to the Indians. 
Philip's own people, many of whom were so disconcerted at the unexpected 
beginning of the war, continued some time to waver, doubting which side to 
show themselves in favor of; and it was only from their being without the 
vicinity of the English, or unprotected by them, that determined their course, 
which was, in almost all cases, in favor of Philip. Even the praying Indians, 
had they been left to themselves, would, no doubt, many of them, have declared 
in his favor also, as a great many really did. 

Until the execution of the three Indians, supposed to be the murderers of 
Sassamun, no hostility was committed by Philip or his warriors. About the 
time of their trial, he was said to be marching his men " up and down the 
country in arms," but when it was known that they were executed, he could 
no longer restrain many of his young men, who, having sent their wives and 
children to Narraganset, upon the 24th of June, provoked the people of Swan- 
sey, by killing their cattle, and other injuries,^ until they fired upon them and 

eign w 

f Old Indian Chronicle, 68. 

t The conqueror asked him how he would be treated, who-, in two words, replied, " Like a 
king." Being asked if he had no other request to make, he said, " No. Every thing is 
comprehended in that." (Plutarch's Life of Alexander.) We could wish, that the English 
conquerors had acted with as much magnanimity towards the Indians, as Alexander did 
towards those he overcame. Porus was treated as he had desired. 

" In the mean time King Philip mustered up about 500 of his men, and arms therp com- 
pleat 5 and had gotten about 8 or 900 of his neighboring Indians, and likewise arms them com- 
pleat ; (i. e. guns, powder and bullets 5) but how many he hath engaged to be of his party, 
is unknown to any among us. The last spring, several Indians were seen in small parties, 
about Rehoboth and Swansey, whieh not a little affrighted the inhabitants. Who demanding; 
the reason of them, wherefore it was so ? Answer was made, That they were only on their 
own defence, for they understood that the English intended to cut them off. About the 20th 



24 PHILIP BEGINS THE WAR OF 1675. [BOOK III. 

killed one, which was a signal to commence the war, and what they had de 
sired ; for the superstitious notion prevailed among the Indians, that the party 
who fired the first gun would be conquered.* They had probably been made 
to believe this by the English themselves. 

It was upon a fast day that this great drama was opened. As the people 
were returning from meeting, they were fired upon by the Indians, when one 
was killed and two wounded. Two others, going for a surgeon, were killed 
on their way. In another part of the town, six others were killed the same 
day. Swansey was in the midst of Philip's country, and his men were as well 
acquainted with all the walks of the English as they were themselves. 

It is not supposed that Philip directed this attack, but, on the other hand, it 
has been said that it was against his wishes. But there can be no doubt of his 
hostility and great desire to rid his country of the white intruders ; for had he 
not reason to say, 

" Exarsere ignes animo ; subit ira, cadentem 
Ulcisci patriam, et sceleratas sumere pcenas ? " 

The die was cast. No other alternative appeared, but to ravage, bum and 
destroy as fast as was in his power. There had been no considerable war for 
a long time, either among themselves or with the English, and, therefore, nu 
merous young warriors from the neighboring tribes, entered into his cause 
with great ardor ; eager to perform exploits, such as had been recounted to 
them by their sires, and such as they had long waited an opportunity to achieve. 
The time, they conceived, had now arrived, and their souls expanded in pro 
portion to the greatness of the undertaking. To conquer the English ! to lead 
captive their haughty lords ! must have been to them thoughts of vast magni 
tude, and exhilarating in the highest degree. 

Town after town fell before them, and when the English forces marched in 
one direction, they were burning and laying waste in another. A part of 
Taunton, Middleborough, and Dartmouth, in the vicinity of Pocasset, upon 
Narraganset Bay, soon followed the destruction of Swansey, which was burnt 
immediately after the 24th of June, on being abandoned by the inhabitants. 

Though now in great consternation, the people of Swansey and its vicinity 
did not forget to make known their distressed situation by sending runners with 
the utmost despatch to Boston and Plimouth for assistance. "But," says our 
chronicler of that day, " before any came to them, they of both towns, Reho- 
both and Swansey, were gathered together into three houses, men, women, and 
children, and there had all provisions in common, so that they who had nothing 
wanted nothing. Immediately after notice hereof came to Boston, drums beat 
up for volunteers, and in 3 hours time were mustered up about 110 men, Capt. 
Samuel Mosely being their commander. This Capt. Mosdy hath been an 
old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit, one 
whose memory will be honorable in New England for his many eminent ser 
vices he hath done the public. 

" There were also among these men, about 10 or 12 privateers, that had been 
there some time before. They carried with them several dogs, that proved 
serviceable to them, in finding out the enemy in their swamps ; one whereof 
would, for several days together, go out and bring to them 6, 8 or 10 young 
pigs of King Philip's herds. There went put also amongst these men, one 
Cornelius, a Dutchman, who had lately been condemned to die for piracy, but 
afterwards received a pardon ; he, willing to show his gratitude therefor, went 
out and did several good services abroad against the enemy." 

All who have sought after truth in matters of this kind, are well aware of the 

of June last, seven or eight of King Philip's men came to Swansey on the Lord's day, and 
would grind a hatchet at an inhabitant's house there; the master told them, it was the sab 
bath day, and their God would be very angry if he should let them do it. Tiiey returned 
this answer : They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it, for all him, or his 
God either. From thence they went to another house, and took away some victuals, but hurt 




CHAI.H.] PHILIP HIS WAR OF 1675. 25 

extreme difficulty of investigation. Twenty persons may write an account of 
an affair, to the passage of which all may have been witnesses, and no two of 
them agree in many of its particulars. The author of the tracts which we cite 
under the name of The OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, wrote his accounts in Boston, 
and we have no doubt of his intention to record every event with the strictest 
regard to truth ; if he had erred, it is doubtless from his recording the first news 
of an event, which often varies in point of fact afterwards. Hubbard and Ma 
ther, two contemporary historians, had the advantage of a comparison of re 
ports, and of revising their works in their passage through the press ; whereas 
the author of the tracts wrote them as letters to a friend in London, where they 
were immediately printed. With allowances for these circumstances, as full 
credit should be given to his relation, as to either of the others. His accounts 
of the first events at Swansey are detailed in his own words in a previous note, 
and we here proceed with another portion of his narrative. 

" By this time the Indians have killed several of our men, but the first that 
was killed was June 23, a man at Swansey ; that he and his family had left his 
house amongst the rest of the inhabitants, and adventuring with his wife and 
son (about twenty years old) to go to his house to fetch them corn, and such 
like things: (he having just before sent his wife and son away) as he was going 
out of the house, was set on and shot by Indians. His wife being not far off, 
heard the guns go off, went back," and fell into their hands. Dishonored, and 
afterwards scalped by them, she immediately died, and her son was at the same 
time scalped. "They also the next day [24 June] killed six or seven men at 
Swansey, and two more at one of the garrisons ; and as two men went out of 
one of the garrisons to draw a bucket of water, they were shot and carried 
away, and afterwards were found with their fingers and feet cut ofi^ and the 
skin of their heads flayed off," that is, scalped. 

" About 1 4 days after that they sent for more help ; whereupon the authority 
of Boston made Capt. Thomas Savage the major general in that expedition, 
who, with 60 horse, and as many foot, went out of Boston ; having pressed horses 
for the footmen, and six carts to carry provisions with them." " They traveled 
day and night till they came to their garrisons, and within three days after 
marched, horse and foot, leaving guards in the garrisons, towards Mount Hope, 
where King Philip and his wife was. They came on him at unawares, so that 
he was forced to rise from dinner, and he and all with him fled out of that land 
called Mount Hope, up further into the country. They pursued them as far as 
they could go for swamps, and killed 15 or 16 in that expedition, then returned 
and took what he had that was worth taking, and spoiled the rest ; taking all his 
cattle and hogs that they could find, and also took possession of Mount Hope, 
which had then a thousand acres under corn, which is since cut down by the 
English, and disposed of according to their discretion. Cornelius [before men 
tioned] was in this exploit, and pursued Philip so hard, that he got his cap off 
his head, and now wears it." 

It was June 26, that the English marched out of Boston for Swansey ; and 
they arrived there two days after, namely, June 28, a little before night.* 
Twelve men immediately marched out to invade Philip's territories, who were* 
attacked by about the same number of Philip's men. The invaders were re 
pulsed, having one killed, and one wounded, and his horse killed under him, 
Of the Indians two were killed. 

The next day, June 29, the Indians appeared boldly in view of the English,, 
and by their shouts, it would seem, dared them to come out andfigrM. Mosely 
sallied out at the head of a company of volunteers, and rushed furiously upon 
them. They fled to their coverts, but even here made a stand only for a mo 
ment ; for after one fire they all fled. One of the English, Ensign Savage, was 
wounded, the ball lodging in his thigh, and another passed through the brim 
of his hat.f Mosely pursued the Indians above a mile, and killed five or six of 
them, as they were making their retreat into a swamp. It was in this pursuit 
that the exploit of Cornelius took place, just related, and Philip was not seen at 

* Hubbard, Narrative, 18. 

t Church, who was in this action, says Savage ^as wounded by his own party : having 
divided themselves into two wings, in their confusion one fired upon the other. 
3 



26 PHILIP BATTLE OF PUNKATEESET. [BOOK III. 

Mount Hope again until the next year. The next day the English forces trav 
ersed Mount Hope Neck, found Philip's wigwam, but himself and all his peo 
ple had made good their retreat. They found the heads of eight of the English 
that had been killed, set upon poles, at Keekamuit, which they took down am 1 
interred. 

On the morning of July 1, as Lieutenant Oakes was returning to head-quar 
ters at Swansey, having encamped at Rehoboth the preceding night, he dis 
covered a company of Indians, and attacked them. How many were killed is 
not stated, but two of Philip's chief captains were among the number, one of 
whom was named THEBE, "a sachem of Mount Hope." Of the English one 
was killed. The scalps of three Indians that were killed were taken off by the 
English and sent to Boston, which were the first taken by them in this war.* 

At the solicitation of BENJAMIN CHURCH, a company of 36 men were put 
under him and Captain Fuller, who, on the 8 July, marched down into Pocas- 
set Neck. Church, who was well acquainted with the Indians, had urged the 
officers of the army to pursue Philip on the Pocasset side, being fully persua 
ded that there were no Indians in Mount Hope Neck, the part of the country 
they were taking so much pains to guard and fortify ; but they would not hear 
to his advice, and the consequence was, Philip burned and destroyed the towns 
towards Plimouth. But to return to the force under Church and Fuller. This, 
though but small at first, was divided into two. Church had 19 men, and Fuller 
the remaining 17. The party under Church proceeded into a point of land 
called Punkateeset, now the southerly extremity of Tiverton, where they 
were attacked by a great body of Indians, 300, as Church learned afterwards, 
who nearly encompassed them ; but after a few minutes fight, the English re 
treated to the sea shore, and thus saved themselves from immediate destruc 
tion. Church gave orders for a retreat the very moment he discovered that 
the object of the Indians was to surround them. This proved their safety, 
although, as they were now situated, they could expect but little else than 
to sell their lives at the price of a greater number of their enemies. These 
Indians were well armed, " their bright guns glittering in the sun," which gave 
them a formidable appearance. Thus hemmed in, Church had a double duty 
to perform ; that of preserving the spirits of his famished followers, many of 
whom were ready to give up all for lost, and erecting defences of stones to 
defend them. Many were the hair-breadth escapes of individuals in this little 
band on this trying occasion. In the language of Church, " they were beset 
with multitudes of Indians, who possessed themselves of every rock, and 
stump, tree or fence, that was in sight," from which they fired without ceasing. 

Boats had been appointed to attend upon the English in this expedition, 
but they had grounded on the Rhode Island shore, and could not come to their 
assistance ; at length, however, one got oif, and came towards them, which gave 
thorn hopes of escape, but these were of short duration : the Indians fired into 
it, and prevented their landing. Church ordered those in it to ride off beyond 
musket shot, and to send a canoe ashore ; but they dared not even to do this. 
When Church saw that, in a moment of vexation, he ordered the boat to be 
gone in an instant or he would fire upon it ; she immediately left, and the 
peril of the English was greatly increased ; for now the Indians were en 
couraged, and they fired " thicker and faster than before." 

Night was now'almost enshrouding them, their ammunition nearly spent, 
and the Indians had possessed themselves of a stone house that overlooked 
them, but a& though preserved by a miracle, not one of the English in all this 
time was wounded. But fortune's sport was now nearly ended : a sloop was 
discovered bearing down towards them, and soon after, Church announced 
that relief was coming, for that the vessel was commanded by " Capt. GOLD- 
ING, whom he knew to be a man for business." True, it was Golding. He 
sent his canoe ashore, but it was so small that it would take but two at a time 
to the vessel. The embarkation immediately commenced, and meantime 
the Indians plied their shot with such effect that the colors, sails, and stern 
the sloop were full of bullet-holes. Church was the last man to embark, 

*I deduce the facts in this sentence from a comparison of Hubbard, 20. with tho 

CHRONICLE, lo. 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP. POCASSET SWAMP FIGHT. 27 

who, as he was retreating backward to the boat, a ball grazed the hair of 
his head, two others struck the canoe as he entered it, and a fourth lodged 
in a stake, which accidentally stood just before "the middle of his breast ! " 
Thus this little band, after a fight of about six hours, escaped. The party 
under Captain Fuller met with similar fortune ; they were attacked by great 
numbers, but escaped by getting possession of an old house close upon the 
water's edge and were early taken off by boats. But two of the party were 
wounded. Some of the Indians were killed and wounded this day, but how 
many is not known. 

The same day this fight took place, a boat's crew went from Rhode Island 
to Pocasset to look after some cattle, and were fired upon by the Indians, and 
one of their number, a servant of Captain Church, was severely wounded. 
Some of the acts of the English, in retrospect, do not discover that judg 
ment the circumstances seem to have elicited, especially that in relation to 
the Narragansets. They had now driven Philip out of Mount Hope Neck, 
and, not knowing exactly where to find him, the forces in that quarter re 
mained doubting what next to do. At this juncture Captain Hutchinson 
arrived from Boston with orders from the government there, " for them to 
pass into Narraganset, to treat with the sachems, and if it might be, to pre 
vent their joining with Philip" Accordingly they marched into that country, 
but all the chief men and warriors fled on their approach. The historical 
conclusion is, therefore, that this act was viewed by them as a declaration of 
war, and it is rational that they should have so considered it ; because the 
army assumed a most hostile attitude, " resolving they would go to make 
peace with a sword in their hands." Having arrived in the Narraganset 
country, three or four days were spent in finding Indians with whom to 
treat ; (for they could find none to fight ;) at length, four men were found, whom 
the English styled sachems, and a treaty was drawn up at great length and 
signed by the parties. To ensure its observance the following hostages were 
taken into custody by the army: JOHN WOBEQUOB, WEOWTHIM,* PEWKES, 
and WEENEW, " four of the sachems near kinsmen and choice friends." 
Among the stipulations of the treaty we find these : 

The said sachems shall carefully seize all and every of Philip's subjects, 
and deliver them up to the English, alive or dead; that they shall use all 
acts of hostility against Philip and his subjects, to kill them wherever they 
can be found; that if they seize Philip, and deliver him alive to the English, 
they shall receive 40 trucking cloth coats ; and for his head alone, 20 of 
said coats ; and for every subject of said sachem 2 coats, if alive, and one if 
dead. This treaty is dated Petaquanscot, 15 July, 1675 ; 

In presence of and signed by the marks of 

Daniel Henchman, TAWAGESON, 

Thomas Prentice, TAYTSON, 

Nicholas Paige, AGAMAUG, 

Joseph Stanton, Interpreter. WAMPSH, alias 

Henry Haivlaws, i [Indians, GORMAN. 

Pecoe Bucow, $ probably.] 
Job Mffi 

Philip commanded in person upon Pocasset, where, upon the 18th of July, 
he was discovered in a " dismal swamp." He had retired to this place, 
which is adjacent to Taunton River, with most of his Wampanoags, and 
such others as had joined him, to avoid falling in with the English army, 
which was now pursuing him. From their numbers, the English were 
nearly able to encompass the swamp, and the fate of Philip they now thought 
sealed. On arriving at its edge, a few of Philip's warriors showed them 
selves, and the English rushed in upon them with ardor, and by this feint 
were drawn far into an ambush, and " about 15 were slain." The leaves 
upon the trees were so thick, and the hour of the day so late, that a friend 
could not be distinguished from a foe, " whereby 'tis verily feared," says Dr. 
Mather, u that [the English themselves] did sometimes unhappily shoot Eng- 

* Probably the same called in another place NOWEQUA. 



28 PHILIP. FIGHT AT REHOBOTH PLAIN. [BOOK III. 

lishmeu instead of Indians." A retreat was now ordered, and, considering 
Philip's escape impossible, the most of the forces left the place, a few only 
remaining, " to starve out the enemy." That Philip's force was great at this 
time is certain, from the fact that a hundred wigwams were found near the 
edge of the swamp, newly constructed of green bark. In one of those the 
English found an old man, who informed them that Philip was there. He 
lost but few men in the encounter, though, it is said, he had a brother 
killed.* 

The idle notion of building a fort here to starve out Philip, was suffi 
ciently censured by the historians of that day. For, as Captain Church ex 
presses it, to build a fort for nothing to cover the people from nobody^ was rather 
a ridiculous idea. This observation he made upon a fort's being built upon 
Mount Hope Neck, some time after every Indian had left that side of the 
country, and who, in fact, were laying waste the towns before mentioned. 

The swamp where Philip was now confined, was upon a piece of country 
which projected into Taunton River, and was nearly seven miles in extent. 
After being guarded here 13 days, which, in the end, was greatly to his advan 
tage, and afforded him sufficient time to provide canoes in which to make his 
escape, he passed the river with most of his men, and made good his retreat 
into the country upon Connecticut River. In effecting this retreat, an acci 
dent happened which deprived him of some of his choicest and bravest cap 
tains, as we shall proceed to relate. 

About the 26 July, 1675, Oneko, with two of his brothers, and about 50 men, 
came to Boston, by direction of tineas, his father, and declared their desire to 
assist the English against the Wamparioags. A few English and three Naticks 
were added to their company, and immediately despatched, by way of Pli- 
rnouth, to the enemy's country. This circuitous route was taken, perhaps, 
that they might have their instructions immediately from the governor of 
that colony ; Massachusetts, at that time, probably, supposing the war might 
be ended without their direct interference. This measure, as it proved, 
was very detrimental to the end in view ; for if they had proceeded directly 
to Seekonk, they would have been there in season to have met Philip in his 
retreat from Pocasset ; and this force, being joined with the other English 
forces, then in the vicinity, they in all probability might have finished the 
war by a single fight with him. At least, his chance of escape would have 
been small, as he had to cross a large extent of clear and open country, 
where many of his men must have been cut down in flight, or fought man 
to man with their pursuers. Whereas Oneko was encamped at some dis 
tance, having arrived late the night before, and some time was lost in rally- 
ingj after Philip was discovered. They overtook him, however, about 10 
o'clock in the morning of the 1st of August, and a smart fight ensued. 
Philip having brought his best men into the rear, many of them were slain ; 
among these was Nimrod, alias Woonashum, a great captain and counsellor, 
who had signed the treaty at Taunton, four years before. 

From what cause the fight was suspended is unknown, though it would 
seem from some relations, that it was owing to Oneko's men, who, seeing 
themselves in possession of considerable plunder, fell to loading themselves 
with it, and thus gave Philip time to escape. From this view of the case, 
it would appear that the Mohegans were the chief actors in the offensive. 
It is said that the Naticks urged immediate and further pursuit, which did 
not take place, in consequence of the extreme heat of the weather ; and 
thus the main body were permitted to escape. 

Mr. Neivman, of Rehoboth, gave an account of the affair in a letter, in 
which he said that "14 of .the enemy's principal men were slain." He also 
mentioned, in terms of great praise, the Naticks and Mohegans under Oneko. 

Philip having now taken a position to annoy the back settlements of 





\ This is upon the authority of the anonymous author of the " Present State," &c., of 
which we shall elsewhere have occasion to take notice. That author seems to have con 
founded the fight between Thebe and Lieut. Odkes with that of Rehoboth Plain. 

t Hist. Philip's War, p. 6. ed. 4to. 

j Goofrn't MS. Hist. Praying Indians. 



CHAP. II.] AMBUSH AT WIKABAUG. 29 

Massachusetts, his warriors fell vigorously to the work. On 14 July, five 
people are killed at Mendon, in Mass., which is the first blood shed in the 
colony in this war. Those that were killed were about their work in the 
field, and knew riot their murderers ; and whether they were killed by 
Philip's men is unknown. 

Soon after the war began, Massachusetts, fearing the Nipmuks might join 
with Philip, sent messengers to treat with them. The young Indians were 
found "surly," but the old men were for a renewal of friendship ; but the 
person or persons sent upon this business did not acquit themselves in a 
manner that gave satisfaction ; and Philip, being now in the country of the 
Nipmuks, it was concluded by the authorities of Massachusetts to make a 
further test of their intentions. Accordingly, on the 28 July, Captains 
Hidchinson and Wheeler, with a company of 20 mounted men, and 3 Christian 
Indians as pilots and interpreters, viz. Memecho, Joseph, and Sampson, went 
with some of the inhabitants of Brookfield, agreeably to appointment, to 
meet the Nipmuk sachems. It had been agreed by these sachems to 
meet the English in a treaty at a certain tree at Quabaog on the 2 August, 
on a plain 3 miles from Brookfield village. Having arrived here according 
to agreement, the English found no Indians to treat with. It was now a 
question with all but the Brookfield men, whether or not they should pro 
ceed to a certain place where they believed the Indians to be ; at length the 
confidence of the Brookfield people in the pacific disposition of the Indians, 
prevailed, and they marched on. The way was so bad that they could march 
only in single fils, as they approached the place where they expected to find 
the Indians, and when they came near Wikabaug Pond, between a swamp 
on the left and a very abrupt and high hill on the right,* suddenly 2 or 300 
Indians rose up, encompassed, and fired upon them. Eight were killed out 
right, and three fell mortally wounded. Of the latter number was Captain 
Hutchinson, who, though carried off by the survivors, died on the 19 August 
following. Captain Wheeler had his horse shot under him, and himself was 
shot through the body ; but his life was saved through the bravery and presence 
of mind of a son then with him. This son, though his own arm was broken 
by a bullet, seeing the peril of his father, dismounted from his horse, and suc 
ceeded in mounting his father upon it. A retreat now began, and, by cutting 
their way through the Indians, the small remnant of English got back to 
Brookfield. \ 

The three Christian Indians of whom we have spoken, rendered most 
eminent service on this day ; for had they not been there, there had been no 
possibility of one Englishman's escaping. One of them, Gtorge Memecho, 
fell into the hands of the Indians : the other two, by skill and bravery, led 
the English, by an unknown route, in safety to Brookfield. Yet these In 
dians were afterwards so badly treated by the English, that they were Ibrced 
to fly to Philip for protection. Sampson was afterwards killed in a fight by 
the English Indians, and Joseph was taken in Plimouth colony, and sold for 
a slave, and sent to Jamaica. He afterwards was suffered to return, at the 
intsrcession of Mr. Eliot. Memecho escaped from his captors, and brought 
beneficial intelligence to the English of the state of Philip's affairs. J 

The English having now arrived at Brookfield, as just related, the In 
dians pursued them, and arrived almost as soon ; fortunately, however, there 
was barely time to alarm the inhabitants, who, to the number of about 80, 
flocked into a garrison house, where, through persevering efforts, they were 
enabled to maintain themselves until a force under Major Willard came 
to their relief August 4. He was in the vicinity of Lancaster, with 48 dra 
goons and four friendly Indians, when he received the intelligence of the 
perilous condition of Brookfield, and had just taken up his line of march to 
surprise a lodge of Indians not far from that place. He now quickly 

* According to all tradition this place is at the north end of Wickaboa^ pond, and the hill 
was a cemetery for the Indians; for when cultivated afterwards by the whites, numerous bones 
were exhumed. FooCs Hist. Brookfield, 30. 

t Narrative of the affair by Captain Wheeler himself, p. 1 to 5. 

| GOOKIN'S MS. History of the Praying Indians. Joseph and Sampson were brothers, 
sons of "old ROBIN PETUHANIT, deceased, a good man." Ib. 



30 BURNING OF BROOKFtELD [BOOK III 

-hanged his course for Brookfield, distant about 30 miles, which, by a forced 
inarch, he reached in safety the night following. That he was not attacked 
as he approached the distressed garrison, is most extraordinary, for the 
hostile Indians are said to have guarded every passage to it ; and there are 
different reasons stated for that neglect: one is, that the guard through 
which the English passed, suffered them to proceed, expecting another 
guard stationed still nearer the garrison would attack them in front while 
they should fall on them in the rear ; another is, that they were deceived 
as to the numbers of the English, thinking them many more than they 
really were, and dared not attack them. It would seem, however, more 
probable, that the Indians had no guard at all at the point in which they 
approached at the time they arrived ; for a drove of cattle, which had been 
frightened from Brookfield into the woods, followed the rear of Willard's 
company to the garrison, and were not attacked, which would not have been 
the case, in all probability, had the Indians been aware of their approach. 

No sooner was it known to the besiegers that relief was come, but they 
fell with more fury, if possible, upon the devoted garrison than before; 
shooting continually from all quarters upon it, which shows that they had 
accidentally let the reinforcement get into the garrison. Thus to a most 
fortunate circumstance did this assemblage of English owe their safety. 

At the very time Willard arrived at Brookfield the Indians were con 
triving some machinery to set the garrison on fire ; and this may account 
for their remissness in suffering him to come in unmolested. They first 
endeavored by fire arrows, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to long poles 
spliced together, to fire the garrison, but not succeeding, those within firing 
upon them often with such deadly effect, they next, in the language of Mr. 
Hubbard, " used this devilish stratagem, to fill a cart with hemp, flax, and 
other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles together 
spliced a great length, after they had kindled it ; but as soon as it had begun 
to take fire, a storm of rain, unexpectedly falling, put it out." * 

During this siege several of the whites were wounded, though but one 
was killed. Of the Indians 80 were supposed to have been killed,! but this 
was doubtless setting the number much too high, although they exposed 
themselves beyond what was common on similar occasions. On the 5 
August they quitted the place, satisfied they could not take it, and joined 
Philip, who was now about 6 miles from the place where Hutchinson was 
ambushed. 

After George Memecho's return to the English, he gave the following in 
formation : " Upon Friday, August 5, Philip and his company came to us at 
a swamp, 6 mites from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip 
brought with him afcout 48 men, but women and children many more. 
Philip's men were, about 30 of them, armed with guns, the rest had bows 
and arrows. He observed there were about 10 of Philip's men wounded. 
Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them [was] 
CALEB of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first 
coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog ; then he presented 
and gave to three Sagamores, viz. JOHN, alias APEQUINA.SH, QUANAINSIT, and 
MAWTAMPS, to each of them about a peck of unstrung wompom, which 
they accepted. Philip, as I understood, told Quabaog and Nipmuck Indians, 
that when he first came towards the Nipmuck country, and left his own, he 
had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, including 
the Squaw-Sachem [Weetamoo] and her company; but now they had left 
him, and some of them were killed and he was reduced to 40 men. I 
heard also that Philip said if the English had charged upon him and his 
people at the swamp in his own country [18 July] one or two days more, 
they had been all taken, for their powder was almost spent. He also said, 



* Captain Wheeler does not mention the rain, but says they succeeded in selling the house 
n fire, which was extinguished at great peril by those within, who had two of their men 
wounded. 

f HmjVs Indian Wars, 101. 



CHAP. II.] FIGHT AT SUGARLOAF HILL. 31 

that if the English had pursued him closely," as he retreated to the Nip- 
muck country, "he must needs have been taken."* ,* 

A considerable number of partly christianized Indians belonged to the 
neighborhood of Hadley, near which they had a wooden fort to protect them 
from any hostile Indians. On the breaking out of the calamities in that 
region, these, with all other Indians, were watched, and suspected of con 
niving with Philip, and an intention of joining with him. To test their pre 
tensions, Captains Lothrop and Beers, who, with a force of 180 men, were 
now at Hadley, ordered them to surrender their arms to them. They hes 
itated to do so then, but intimated that they would immediately ; yet on the 
following night, 25 August, they left their fort and fled up the river to 
wards Pecomptuk, since Deerfield, to join Philip. The next day Lothrop 
and Beers pursued and overtook them near a swamp a short distance to the 
south of Sugarloaf Hill, opposite to the present town of Sunderland. The 
Indians bravely stood their ground, and a sharp and bloody contest ensued. 
They were finally routed, having 26 of their number slain, while the whites 
are reported to have lost but 10 in killed, and their number wounded is not 
mentioned, f 

A garrison being established at Northfield, Captain Richard Beers, of Water- 
town, t with 36 men, was attacked while on their way to reinforce it, Sept. 
3, and 20 of the 36 were killed. Robert Pepper, of Roxbury, was taken cap 
tive, and the others effected their escape. Philip's men had the advantage 
of attacking them in a place of their own choosing, and their first fire was 
very destructive. Beers retreated with his men to a small eminence, and 
maintained the unequal fight until their ammunition was spent, at which 
time a cart containing ammunition fell into the hands of the Indians, and, 
the captain being killed, all who were able took to flight. The hill to which 
the English fled, at the beginning of the fight, was known afterwards by the 
name of Beers 1 s Mountain. " Here," says Mr. Hubbard, " the barbarous vil 
lains showed their insolent rage and cruelty, more than ever before ; cutting 
off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon poles near the 
highway, and not only so, but one, if not more, was found with a chain 
hooked into his under-jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, ('tis feared 
he was hung up alive,) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage 
any that might come to their relief." 

The place where this fight occurred was within about two miles of the gar 
rison at Squakkeag, (Northfield,) and the plain on which it began is called 
Beers's Plain. Meanwhile the garrison was reduced to the brink of ruin, and, 
like that at Brookfield, was saved by the arrival of a company of soldiers. 
Two days after Captain Beers was cut off, Major Treat arrived there with 100 
men, and conveyed the garrison safe to Hadley. 

Philip probably conducted both affairs ; this of Captain Beers, and that of 
Captain Thomas Lothrop, about to be related, although it is not positively 
known to be the fact. 

Some time in the month of August, "King Philip's men had taken a young 
lad alive, about 14 years old, and bound him to a tree two nights and two 
days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would roast 
him alive to make sport with him ; but God, over night, touched the heart of 
one Indian, so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run gi'ande, (i. e. run 
apace,) and by that means he escaped." 

About this time, some English found a single Indian, an old man, near 
Quabaog, whom they captured. As he would not give them any information 
respecting his countrymen, or, perhaps, such as they desired, they pro 
nounced him worthy of death ; so " they laid him down, Cornelius, the Dutch 
man, lifting up his sword to cut off his head, the Indian lifted up his hand be 
tween, so that his hand was first cut off, and partly his head, and the second 
blow finished the execution." || 

* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. I, 2934. n. 

t Hubbard, Nar.36, 37. Chronicle, '28. Hoyt, 102, 103. 

\. Manuscript documents. 

$ Chronicle, 25. || Manuscript in library of Mass. Hist. Soc. 



2 PHILIP. LOTHROP CUT OFF. [BOOK III. 

It was about this time, as the author of the " PRESENT STATE " relates, that 
" King Philip, now beginning to want money, having a coat made all of 
wampampeag, (i. e. Indian money,) cuts his coat to pieces and distributes it 
plentifully among the Nipmoog sachems and others, as well as to the east 
ward as southward, and all round about" * 

On the 18 Sept. Captain Lothrop, of Beverly, was sent from Hadley with 
about 88 men, to bring away the corn, grain, and other valuable articles, 
from Deerfield. Having loaded their teams and commenced their march 
homeward, they were attacked at a place called Sugarloqf Hill, where almost 
every man was slain. This company consisted of " choice young men, the 
very flower of Essex county, ' none of whom were ashamed to' speak with the 
enemy in the gate.'"f Eighteen of the men belonged to Deerfield.J Cap 
tain Mostly, being not far off, upon a scout, was drawn to the scene of action 
by the report of the guns, and, having with him 70 men, charged the Indians 
with great resolution, although he computed their numbers at 1GCO. He 
had two of his men killed and eleven wounded. The Indians dared him to 
begin the fight, and exultingly said to him, " Come, Mosely, come, you seek In 
dians, you want Indians ; here is Indians enough for you" On this occasion 
the conduct ofMosely's lieutenants, Savage and Pickering, are mentioned in 
high terms of praise, "as deserving no little part of the honor of that day's 
service." After continuing a fight with them, from eleven o' clock until 
almost night, he was obliged to retreat. || The Indians cut open the bags of 
wheat and the feather-beds, and scattered their contents to the winds. 
After Mosely had commenced a retreat, Major Treat, with 100 English and 
60 Mohegans, came to his assistance. Their united forces obliged the Indians 
to retreat in their turn.H The Indians were said to have lost, in the various 
encounters, 96 men. It was a great oversight, that Captain Lothrop should 
have suffered his men to stroll about, while passing a dangerous defile. 
" Many of the soldiers having been so foolish and secure, as to put their arms 
in the carts, and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly 
grapes to them." ** The same author observes, " This was a black and fatal 
day, wherein there were eight persons made widows, and six-and-twenty 
children made fatherless, all in one little plantation and in one day ; and 
above sixty persons buried in one dreadful grave ! " 

The place of this fight and ambush is in the southerly part of Deerfield, on 
which is now the village called BLOODY BROOK, so named from this memora 
ble tragedy. A brook which passes -through the village is crossed by the 
road not far from the centre of it, and it was at the point of crossing that it 
happened, ff 

Until this period the Indians near Springfield remained friendly, and re 
fused the solicitations of Philip, to undertake in his cause. But, now that 
Northfield and Deerfield had fallen into his hands, they were watched closer 
by the whites, whose cause these great successes of Philip had occasioned 
them to look upon as rather precarious. They therefore, about 40 in number, 
on the night of the 4 Oct., admitted about 300 of Philip's men into their fort, 
which was situated at a place called Longhill, about a mile below the village 
of Springfield, and a plan was concerted for the destruction of that place. 
But, as in many cases afterwards, one of their number betrayed them. ToTO,J{ 

* Old Ind. ChronicJe. If this were the case, Philip must have had an immense big coat 
yea, even bigger than Dr. Johnson's great coat, as represented by Boswell ; the side pockets 
of which, he said, were large enough each to contain one of the huge volumes of his foiio 
dictionary ! 

t Hubbard's Narrative, 38. J These were the teamsters. 

Manuscript letter, written at the time. 

|| " Whereupon, after liaving killed several of the Indians, he was forced to retreat, and con 
tinued fighting for all the time that he and his men were retreating nine miles. Capt. Mosely 
lost out of his company 9, and 13 wounded." Old. Ind. Chron. 29. This author has 
blended the two accounts of Beers and Lothrop together, and relates them as one. 

H /. Mather's History of the War, 12. ** Ibid. 

tt Last year, (1835), a splendid celebration was held at BLOODY BROOK, HI commemoration 
of the event, and an oration was pronounced by our Prince of Orators, the present governor 
of this commonwealth, His Excellency EDWARD EVERETT, LL. D. 

# Hubbard.Top, Hutchinson. ' 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP. SURPRISE OF HATFIELD. 33 

an Indian at Windsor, revealed the plot, and the people of Springfield had 
time only to escape into their garrisons. The whole force of the Indians 
came like a torrent upon the place the next day, and burnt the deserted 
houses and barns, in all 57 buildings. In this business, however, some of 
their number were killed * by the people in the garrisons ; but it is not known 
how many. They would have succeeded against the lives of the English as 
well as against their property, had not a force arrived about the same time 
for their relief. 

Animated by his successes, Philip aimed his next blow at the head-quar 
ters of the whites in this region. With 7 or 800 of his men he fell upon 
Hatfield on the 19 Oct., which, had it not been well provided with men, would 
have shared the fate of Springfield ; but Captain Mosely and Captain Poole, 
with their companies, were in the place, and Captain Samuel JJppleton was at 
Hadley on the opposite side of the river; and against such commanders they 
could hardly have expected success. However, they made a bold attempt 
on all sides at once ; but their greatest force fell on the point where Captain 
Apphton commanded. His sergeant was mortally wounded by his side, and 
a bullet passed through the hair of his own head; "by that whisper telling 
him," says Hubbard. " that death was very near, but did him no other harm. 
Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained ; 
divers were seen to fall, some run through a small river, [now called Mill 
River.] others cast their guns into the water, (it being their manner to ven 
ture as much to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them 
when alive.)" And thus they were driven from the place, after killing but 
three, and wounding 10 of the whites, and burning a small number of 
buildings. They had, before their attack on the town, killed three belonging 
to some scouts, and seven others of Captain Mosely's men. This was among 
their last important efforts on the Connecticut River before retiring to the 
country of the Narragansets. 

The Niprnuck sachems had well contrived their attack on Hatfield ; having 
made fires in the woods about seven miles from it, to draw out the soldiers, 
for whom they had prepared ambushes ; but only ten of Mosdtfs men were 
sent out to learn the cause of the fires. These were all cut off except one, 
according to the CHRONICLE, but according to Hiibbard, seven only were 
killed. The Indians probably supposed the main body was cut off, and 
therefore proceeded directly to the assault of the town, where a new force 
had just arrived ; and hence they met with a brave resistance and final defeat.f 

The Narragansets had not yet heartily engaged in the war, though there is 
no doubt but they stood pledged so to do. Therefore, having done all that 
could be expected upon the western frontier of Massachusetts, and conclu 
ding that his presence among his allies, the Narragansets, was necessary to 
keep them from abandoning his cause, Philip was next known to be in their 
country. 

An army of 1500 English was raised by the three colonies, Massachusetts, 
Plimouth, and Connecticut, for the purpose of breaking down the power of 
Philip among the Narragansets. They determined upon this course, as they 
had been assured that, the next spring, that nation would comeiwith all their 
force upon them. It was not known that Philip was among them when this 
resolution was taken, and it was but a rumor that they had taken part with 
him. It was true, that they had promised to deliver up all the Wampanoags, 
who should flee to them, either alive or dead ; but it is also true, that those 
who made this promise, had it not in their power to do it ; being persons, 
chiefly in subordinate stations, who had no light or authority to bind any but 
themselves. And, therefore, as doubtless was foreseen by many, none of 
Philip's people were delivered up, although many were known to have been 
among them. Thus, in few words, have we exhibited the main grounds of 
the mighty expedition against the Narragansets in the winter of 1675. 

* A pewter platter is still exhibited in Springfield with a hole through the middle of it, made 
l>y a hall from the garrison at this time. An Indian had taken it from one of the deserted 
houses, and wore it before his breast as a shield. Thus shielded, he ventured towards the 



garrison, and was shot. Hoyt, 110. 
t OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE, 36, 37. 



34 PHILIP. NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. [BOOK IIJ 

Upon a small island, in an immense swamp, in South Kingston, Rhode 
Island, Philip had fortified himself, in a manner superior to what was com 
mon among his countrymen. Here he intended to pass the winter, with the 
chief of his friends. They had erected about 500 wigwams of a superior 
construction, in which was deposited a great store of provisions. Baskets 
and tubs of corn* were piled one upon another, about the inside of them, 
which rendered them bullet proof! It was supposed that about 3000 persons 
had here taken up their residence. 

But, to be more particular upon the situation of " the scene of the destruc 
tion of the Narragan sets," we will add as follows from the notes of a gen 
tleman lately upon the spot, for the express purpose of gaining information. 
"What was called The Island is now an upland meadow, a few feet higher 
than the low meadow with which it is surrounded. The island, by my esti 
mate, contains from three to four acres. One fourth of a mile west, is the 
Usquepaug ; a small stream also at a short distance on the east." The cele 
brated island on which the fort was built is now in the farm of /. G. Clark, 
Esq. a descendant of John Clark, of R. I. and about 30 rods west of the line 
of the " Pettyswamscot Purchase." Water still surrounds it in wet seasons. 
It was cleared by the father of the present possessor about 1780, and, although 
improved from that time to the present, charred corn and Indian implements 
are yet ploughed up.f 

President Stiles, in his edition of CHURCH'S HISTORY or PHILIP'S WAR, 
states that the Narraganset fort is seven miles nearly due west from the 
South Ferry. This agrees with data furnished by Mr. Ely, in stating the 
returning march of the English army. Pine and cedar were said to have 
been the former growth.J An oak 300 years old, standing upon the island, 
was cut down in 1782, two feet in diameter, 11 feet from the ground. From 
another, a bullet was cut out, surrounded by about 100 annidi, at the same 
time. The bullet was lodged there, no doubt, at the time of the fight. We 
will now return to our narrative of the expedition to this place in Decem 
ber, 1675. 

After nearly a month from their setting out, the English army arrived in 
the Narraganset country, and made their head-quarters about 18 miles from 
Philip's fort They had been so long upon their march, that the Indians 
were well enough apprized of their approach, and had made the best ar 
rangements in their power to withstand them. The army had already suf 
fered much from the severity of the season, being obliged to encamp in the 
open field, and without tents to cover them ! 

The 19th of December, 1675, is a memorable day in the annals of New 
England. Cold, in the extreme, the air filled with snow, the English 
were obliged, from the low state of their provisions, to march to attack 
Philip in his fort Treachery hastened his ruin. One of his men, by hope 
of reward, betrayed his country into their hands. This man had, probably, 
lived among the 'English, as he had an English name. He was called Peter, 
and it was by accident that himself, with thirty-five others, had just before 
fallen into the hands of the fortunate Captain Mosdy. No Englishman was 
acquainted with the situation of Philip's fort; and, but for their pilot, Peter, 
there is very little probability that they could have even found, much less 
effected any thing against it For it was one o'clock on that short day of 
the year, before they arrived within the vicinity of the swamp. There was 
but one point where it could be assailed with the least probability of suc 
cess ; and this was fortified by a kind of block-house, directly in front of 
the entrance, and had also flankers to cover a cross fire. Besides high pal 
isades, an immense .hedge of fallen trees, of nearly a rod in thickness, 

* 500 bushels, says Dr. I. Mather. Hollow trees, cut off about the length of a barrel, were 
used by the Indians for tubs. In such they secured their corn and other grains. 

f MS. communication of Reverend Mr. Ely, accompanied by a drawing of the island. Its 
shape is very similar to the shell of an oyster. Average rectangular lines through it measure, 
one 35 rods, another 20. 

J Holmes's Annals, i. 376. 

$ The name of Peter among the Indians was so common, that it is perhaps past determina 
tion who this one was. Mr. Hubbard calls him a fugitive from the NarraganseU. 



CHAP. II.] PHILIP. NARRAGANSET SWAMP FIGHT. 35 

surrounded it, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between the 
fort and the main land was a body of water, over which a great tree had 
been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming 
to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree, 
which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept 
off in a moment by the fire of Philip's men. Still, the English soldiers, led 
by their captains, supplied the places of the slain. But again and again 
were they swept from the fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men 
had fallen, and a partial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place. 

Meanwhile, a handful, under the fortunate Mosdy, had, as miraculous as 
it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to hand 
with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of " They run ! they 
run ! " brought to their assistance a considerable body of their fellow-soldiers. 
They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main breastwork, 
and their slaughter became immense. Flying from wigwam to wigwam 
men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down, and lay in 
heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommenda 
tion of Mr. Church, who led the second party that entered the fort, General 
Winslow was about to quarter the army in it for the present, which offered 
comfortable habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply 
of provisions. But one of the captains * and a surgeon opposed the meas 
ure ; probably from the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians, 
who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their 
turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened 
from the fact that many English were killed after they had possessed 
themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it. 
Notwithstanding, had Church's advice been followed, perhaps many of the 
lives of the wounded would have been saved ; for he was seldom out in his 
judgment, as his continued successes proved afterwards. 

After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, 
before the wounded could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous 
night. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 wounded, many of 
whom died afterwards. The shattered army left the ground in considerable 
haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort. 

Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of 
safety, until the enemy had retired ; when they returned again to the fort. 
The English, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but Philip, not knowing 
their distressed situation, arid, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few 
dead which they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their 
retreat. Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. 
Into these, hundreds of innocent women and children had crowded them 
selves, and perished in the general conflagration ! And, as a writer of that 
day expresses himself, " no man knoweth how many." The English learned 
afterwards, from some that fell into their hands, that in all about 700 
perished.f 

The sufferings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a par 
allel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered. 
The myriads of modern Europe, assembled there, bear but small propor- 

* Probably Mosely, who seems always to have had a large share in the direction of all af 
fairs when present. 

t There is printed in Hutchinsori' 's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which gives the particulars of 
the Narraganset fight. I have compared it with the original, and find it correct in the main 
particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major Bradford, for it is signed by James Oliver, 
one of the Plimouth captains. Hntckinson copied from a copy, which was without signature. 
He omits a passage concerning Tift, or Tiffe., who, Oliver says, confirmed his narrative. 
That man had " married an Indian, a Wompanoag and, says Oliver, he shot 20 times at us 
in the swamp was taken at Providence, [by Captain Fenner,] Jan. 14th brought to us the 
IGtli executed the 18th ; a sad wretch. He never heard a sermon but once this 14 years ; he 
never heard of the name of Jesus Christ. His father going to recall him, lost his head, and 
lies imburied." Hubbard says, {Narrative, 59,) that " ne was condemned to die the death of 
a traitor," and traitors of those days were quartered. ' As to his religion, he was found as 
ignorant as an heathen, which, no doubt, caused the fewer tears to be shed, at his funeral." 
A sorrowful record ! 



36 PHTLTP. [BOOK I1L 

tlon to the number of their countrymen, compared with that of the army 
of New England and theirs, at the fight in Narraganset. 

Colonel Church, then only a volunteer, was in this fight, and we will hear 
a few of his observations. " By this time, the English people in the fort had 
begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, which Mr. Church labored 
hard to prevent ; they told him they had orders from the general to burn 
them; he begged them to forbear until he had discoursed the general." 
Then, hastening to him, he urged, that " the wigwams were musket-proof, 
being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain, and other provisions, suffi 
cient to supply the whole army until the spring of the year ; arid every 
Avounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in ; which, other 
wise, would necessarily perish with the storms and cold. And, moreover, 
that the army had no other provision to trust unto or depend upon ; that he 
knew that Plymouth forces had riot so much as one biscuit left." The gen 
eral was for acceding to Church's proposition, but a captain and a doctor 
pi-evented it, as we have before observed ; the former threatening to shoot 
the general's horse under him, if he attempted to march in, and the latter 
said, Church should bleed to death like a dog, (he having been badly wounded 
on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave such 
advice. Church then proceeds : " And, burning up all the houses and pro 
visions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold. 
And, I suppose, every one that is acquainted with the circumstances of that 
night's march, deeply laments the miseries that attended them ; especially 
the wounded and dying men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt. 
Andrew Belcher arrived at Mr. Smith's, [in Narraganset,] that very night from 
Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions for the army, who must other 
wise have perished for want." * 

After the English army had gone into quarters at Wickford, the Connecticut 
troops returned home, which was considered very detrimental to the service 
by the other colonies ; and soon after a reinforcement of 1000 men was as 
sembled at Boston and ordered to the assistance of their countrymen. In 
their march to Narraganset in the beginning of Jan. 1676, they suffered intol 
erably from the cold ; no less than 11 men were frozen to death, and many 
others were taken sick by reason of their exposure in that severe season. 

Meanwhile the Indians had sent deputies to the commander-in -chief to treat 
of peace ; but it was judged that they were insincere in their overtures, and no 
terms were settled. While matters were thus progressing, Philip removed his 
provisions, women and children to a strong place protected by rocks, in a 
swamp, about 20 miles from the late battle-ground in Narraganset, into 
the country of the Nipmuks. At length, the weather having become mild, and 
the Connecticut forces returned, together with a body of Mohegans under 
Uncos, it was resolved to su prise Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordingly 
the army, consisting now of 1600 men, marched out on this enterprise. On 
its approach, the Indians abandoned their position and fled farther northward. 
They were pursued a small distance, and about 60 or 70 of them killed and 
taken, (probably women and children.) The army soon after returned home, 
and was chiefly disbanded. 

On 27 Jan., while the army was pursuing the main body of the Indians, 
a party of about 300 attacked Mr. William Carpenter's plantation, and attempted 
to burn his house, which they set on fire, but those within succeeded in put 
ting it out. In the skirmish, one of their number was killed, and two of the 
whites were wounded. The assaulting party collected and drove off from 
this place 180 sheep, 50 large cattle, and 15 horses, and from a Mr. Harris 
another drove of cattle, and killed his negro servant.f 

Soon after this, Philip, with many of his followers, left that part of the 

f " Our wounded men, (in number about 150,) being 1 dressed, were sent into Rhode Island, 
as the best place for their accommodation ; where, accordingly, they were kindly received 
by the governor and others, only some churlish Quakers were not free to entertain them, until 
compelled by the governor. Of so inhumane, peevish and untoward a disposition are these 
Nabals, as not to vouchsafe civility to those thai had ventured their lives, and received dangerous 
wounds in their defence." Old Ind. Chronicle, 74. 

t Old Indian Chronicle, 58, 59.Hubbard, 59. 



CHAP. II. PHILIP. MEDFIELD ATTACKED. 37 

country, and resided in different places upon Connecticut River. Some report 
that he took up his residence near Alban}', and that he solicited the Mohawks 
to aid him against the English, but without success. 

The story of the foul stratagem said to have been resorted to by Philip 
for this object, is, if true, the deepest stain upon his character. According? 
to one of the historians * of the war, it was reported at Boston, in the end of 
June, or beginning of July, 1676, that " those Indians who are known by the 
name of Muuquawogs, (or Mohawks, i. e. man-eaters,) had lately fallen upon 
Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the variance between Philip and 
the Mauquawogs carne to pass, as is commonly reported and apprehended, 
there was a marvellous finger of God in it. For we hear that Philip, being 
this winter entertained in the Mohawks' country, made it his design to breed 
a quarrel between the English and them ; to effect which, divers of our 
returned captives do report, that he resolved to kill some scattering Mohawks, 
and then to say that the English had done it ; but one of these, whom lie 
thought to have killed, was only wounded, and got away to fyis countrymen, 
giving them to understand that not the English, but Philip, had killed the 
men that were murdered ; so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon 
the English, he brought them upon himself." 

The author of the anonymous " LETTERS TO LONDON" has this passage f 
concerning Philip's visit to the Mohawks. " King Philip, and some of these 
northern Indians, being wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks marched 
out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon them, putting them to flight, and 
pursuing them as far as Hassicke River, which is about two days' march 
from the east side of Hudson's River to the north-east, killing divers, and 
bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, which ill suc 
cess on that side, where they did not expect any enemy, having lately en 
deavored to make up the ancient animosities, did very much daunt and dis 
courage the said northern Indians, so that some hundreds came in and sub 
mitted themselves to the English at Plimouth colony, and Philip himself is 
run skulking away into some swamp, with not above ten men attending him." 

Although Philip was supposed to be beyond the frontier by some, and by 
others to be " snugly stowed away in some swamp," yet his warriors, whether 
directed by him in person or not, is immaterial, as every thing was done 
against the English that could well be under such broken circumstances as 
he now labored. On the 10 Feb. 1676, they surprised Lancaster with com 
plete success, the particulars of which we shall fully narrate in our next 
chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.) about 300 Indians attacked Medfield^ 
and in spite of 200 soldiers stationed there to guard it, burnt about 50 houses, 
killed 18 of its inhabitants, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were 
Lieutenant Mams and his wife : the latter was killed accidentally by Cap 
tain Jacob. She was in bed in a chamber, under which was a room occupied 
by the soldiers ; as Captain Jacob was about to leave the house, his gun went 
off, the ball from which passed through the chamber floor and killed her. 

The Indians managed this attack with their usual skill ; having placed some 
of thoir number prepared with fire implements in various parts of the town, 
they set the houses on fire, " as it were," says Major Gookin, " in one instant 
of time." And as the people issued out of them, parties lay ready and shot 
them down. As soon as the whites were mustered to oppose them, they 
retired over the bridge towards Sherburne, and set it on fire, so that the sol 
diers could not pursue them. In the pride of their success, they now wrote 
a letter to the whites, and stuck it up on a post of the bridge. It reads, 

" Know by this paper, that the Indians that thou hast provoked to wrath and 
anger ivill war this 21 years if you will. There are many Indians yet. We come 
300 at this time. You must consider the Indians lose nothing but their life. You 
must lose your fair houses and cattle"\. 

On the 13 March, the entire town of Groton, consisting of 4 ) houses, 
was burnt, except one garrison, by shots from which several Indians were 
said to have been killed. 

* Dr. /. Mather, Brief Hist. 38. t Chronicle, 99. 

t Gookiri's MS. Hist. Praying Indians. The above letter was doubtless written by some of 
the Christian Indians who had joined Philip. 

$ In our Chronicle, 80, it is said that Groton was burnt on the 14th ; that Major WillardPs 
4 



33 PHILIP. SUDBURY FIGHT. [BOOK HI. 

Philip had for some time directed matters with such address that his 
enemies could not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he actually 
were in the vicinity of the frontiers or not. But there can be little doubt of 
his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18 
March, Northampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good success as 
was anticipated by the besiegers ; for they lost eleven men, while the whites 
had but three killed and six wounded. 

On the 27 March, a large body of 300 Indians, as was supposed, were 
discovered encamped not far from Marlborough, which they had burnt the 
day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached themselves 
to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jacobs, who, falling upon them 
in the night while they were asleep in their wigwams, killed and wounded 
about 40 of them, without any loss to themselves. 

The Indians seem to have resolved that this midnight assassination should 
not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we are about to 
relate will fully exemplify. On the morning- of the 20 April, the largest 
body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and 
before resistance could be made, set fire to several buildings, which were 
consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brave stand, and were soon 
joined by some soldiers from Watertown, under Captain Hugh Mason ; and 
the Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing any 
further mischief during the day, against Sudbury. 

Some of the people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied 
forth for its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered 
a few Indians, and pursued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and 
they soon found themselves ambushed on every side. They fought with 
desperation, but were all, except one, cut off, being eleven in number. This 
affair took place immediately after Captain Wadsworth had marched from 
Sudbury with 70 men to strengthen the garrison at Marlborough ; and the 
news of the situation of the place he had just left reached his destination as 
soon as he did ; and although he had marched all the day and night before, and 
his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain Brocklebank and 
about ten men from the garrison at Marlborough, he marched directly back 
for Sudbury. On the morning of the 21st, they arrived within about a mile 
and a half of the town, near where a body of about 500 Indians had pre 
pared an ambush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or three 
of their party, who crossed the march of the English, and, being discovered 
by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them into a pursuit. This 
stratagem succeeded, and with great boldness the Indians began the attack. 
For some time the English maintained good order, and, having retreated to 
an adjacent hill, lost but five men for near four hours. Meantime the Indians 
had lost a great number, which so increased their rage that they resolved to 
put in practice another stratagem, which it seems they had not before thought 
of. They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English, 
which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and 
the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise 
succeeded, even better than the first ; that, although it served to bring on the 
attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with 
complete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their 
advantageous position, which gave the Indians an opportunity to fall upon 
them with their tomahawks! Many were now able to fall upon one, and 
resistance fast diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the 
hands of the conquerors ; among the former were the two captains ; some 
of those that escaped took shelter in a mill not far off, and were saved by 
the arrival of a few men under Captain Prentice, and a company under 
Captain Croivell. Both of these officers and their men very narrowly es 
caped the fate of Wadsworth* As the former was about to fall into a fatal 

house was burnt first, and that " afterwards they destroyed 65 more there, leaving but six 
houses standing in the whole town." 

" So insolent were the Indians grown upon their first success against Captain Wadsworth, 
that they sent us word, to provide store of good cheer; for they intended to dine with us [at 
Boston] on the election day." Chronicle. 95. 



CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 39 

snare, he was rescued by a company from a garrison ; and as the latter ap 
proached Sudbury, he saved himself by pursuing an unexpected route ; and, 
though attacked, he succeeded in fighting his way through the Indians with 
a loss only of six or seven of his men. Captain CrowelPs arrival at this time 
was accidental, though fortunate ; being on his return from Quabaog, whither 
he had been sent to reinforce that garrison.* With this great achievement 
ended the chief operations in Massachusetts ; and we have now to return 
towards Plimouth. 

When success no longer attended Philip in Massachusetts, those of his 
allies whom he had seduced into the war, upbraided and accused him of 
bringing all their misfortunes upon them ; that they had no cause of war 
against the English, and had not engaged in it but for his solicitations ; a.nd 
many of the tribes scattered themselves in different directions. With all 
that would follow him, as a last retreat, Philip returned to Pokanoket. The 
Pecornptuck or Deerfield Indians were among the first who abandoned his 
cause, and many of the other Niprnucks and Narragansets soon followed 
their example. 

On the llth of July, he attempted to surprise Taunton, but was repulsedf. 
His camp was now at Matapoiset. The English came upon him here, under 
Captain Church, who captured many of his people, but he escaped over 
Taunton River, as he had done a year before, but in the opposite direction, 
arid screened himself once more in the woods of Pocasset. He used many 
stratagems to cut off Captain Church, and seems to have watched and fol 
lowed him from place to place, until the end of this month : but he was 
continually losing one company of his men after another. Some scouts 
ascertained that he, and many of his men, were at a certain place upon 
Taunton River, and, from appearances, were about to repass it. His camp 
was now at this place, and the chief of his warriors with him. Some sol 
diers from Bridgewater fell upon them here, on Sunday, July 30, and killed 
ten warriors ; but Philip, having disguised himself) escaped.:}: His uncle, 
dk-kompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister taken prisoner. 

The late attempt by Philip upon Taunton had caused the people of Bridge- 
water to be more watchful, and some were continually on the scout. Some 
time in the day, Saturday, 29 July, four men, as they were ranging the woods, 
discovered one Indian, and, rightly judging there were more at hand, made 
all haste to inform the other inhabitants of Bridgewater of their discovery. 
Comfort Willis and Joseph Edson were " pressed " to go " post " to the govern 
or of Plimouth, at Marshfield, who "went to Plimouth with them, the 
next day, [30 July,] to send Captain Church with his company. And Captain 
Church came with them to Monponset on the sabbath, and came no further 
that day, he told them he would meet them the next day." Here Willis and 
Edson left him, and arrived at home in the evening. Upon hearing of the 
arrival of Church in their neighborhood, 21 men " went out on Monday, sup 
posing to meet with Captain Church ; but they came upon the enemy and 
fought with them, and took 17 of them alive, and also much plunder. And 
they all returned, and not one of them fell by the enemy ; and received no 
help from Church." This account is given from an old manuscript, but who 
its author was is not certain. Church's account differs considerably from it. 
He says, that on the evening of the same day he and his company marched 
from Plimouth, " they heard a smart filing at a distance from them, but it 

* Old Indian Chronicle 79, 92 ; 93.Hubbard, SQ.Gookin's MS. Hist. A son of Captain 
Wadsworth caused a monument to be erected upon the place of this fight, with an inscription 
upon it, which time has discovered to be erroneous in some of its historical particulars. It 
was recently standing to the west of Sudbury causeway, about a quarter of a mile from the 
great road that leads from Boston to Worcester. Hoyt, 122. Holmes, i. 380. 

t A captive negro made his escape from Philip's men, and gave notice of their intention ; 
' : whereupon the inhabitants stood upon their guard, and souldiers were timously sent in to 
them for their relief and defence." Prevalency of Prayer, 8. 

t " 'Tis said that he had newly cut off his hair, that he might not be known." Hubbard 
Nar. 101. 

It is published by Mr. Mitchell, in his valuable account of Bridgewater, and supposed to have 
been written by Comfort Willis, named above. See 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vii. 157. 



Q LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [BOOK III. 

[<eing near night, and the firing of short continuance, they missed the place, 
and went into Bridge water town." 

On the 1 August, the intrepid Church came upon Philip's head-quarters, 
killed and took about 130 of his people, Philip himself very narrowly escap 
ing. Such was his precipitation, that he left all his wampum behind, and his 
wife and son fell into the hands of Church. 

No sooner had the story of the destruction of the Indians begun to attract 
Attention, (which, however, was not until a long time after they had been 
destroyed,) much inquiry was made concerning the fate of this son of the 
ihrnous Metacomet ; and it was not until considerable time had elapsed, that 
it was discovered that he was sold into slavery ! It is gratifying to learn 
what did become of him, although the knowledge of the fact must cause pain 
ia every humane breast ; not more for the lot of young Metacomet, than for 
the wretched depravity of the minds of those who advised and executed the 
decree of slavery upon him. 

Great numbers of Philip's people were sold for slaves in foreign countries. 
In the beginning of the war Captain Mosdy captured 80, who were confined 
at Plimouth. In September following, 178 were put on board a vessel com 
manded by Captain Sprague, who sailed from Plimouth with them for Spain. 

Church* relates the attack of Aug. 1 upon the flying chief as follows: 
"Next morning, [after the skirmish in which JlTikompoin was killed,] Capt. 
Church moved very early with his company, which was increased by many of 
Bridgewater that listed under him for that expedition, and, by their piloting, 
he soon came, very still, to the top of the great tree which the enemy had 
fallen across the river; and the captain spied an Indian sitting upon the 
stump of it, on the other side of the river, and he clapped his gun up, and had 
doubtless despatched him, but that one of his own Indians called hastily to 
him not to fire, for he believed it was one of his own men ; upon which the 
Indian upon the stump looked about, and Capt. Church's Indian, seeing his 
face, perceived his mistake, for he knew him to be Philip ; clapped up his 
gun and fired, but it was too late ; for Philip immediately threw himself off 
the stump, leaped down a bank on the side of the river, and made his escape. 
Capt. Churchj as soon as possible, got over the river, and scattered in quest of 
Philip and his company, but the enemy scattered and fled every way ; but he 
picked up a considerable many of their women and children, among which 
were Philip's wife and son of about nine years old." The remainder of the 
clay was spent in pursuing the flying Philip, who, with his Narragarisets, was 
still formidable. They picked up many prisoners, from whom they learned 
the force of those of whom they were in pursuit. At night, Church was under 
obligation to return to his men he had left, but commissioned Lightfoot, cap 
tain, to lead a party on discovery. Lightfoot returned in the morning with 
good success, having made an important discovery, and taken 13 prisoners. 
Church immediately set out to follow up their advantage. He soon came 
".vhere they had made fires, and shortly after overtook their women and chil 
dren, who "were faint and tired," and who informed them "that Philip, with 
n great number of the enemy, were a little before." It was almost sunset 
when they came near enough to observe them, and "Philip soon came to a 
rtop, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to make fires ; and a great 
i loise they made." Church, concentrating his followers, formed them into a 
circle, and set down " without any noise or fire." Their prisoners showed 
{/reat signs of fear, but were easily put in confidence by the conciliatory con 
duct of Church. Thus stood matters in Church's camp' through the night of 
the 2 August, 1676. At dawn of dav, he told his prisoners they must remain 
fctill where they were, until the fight was over, (for he now had every reason 
to expect a severe one shortly to follow,) " or, as soon as the firing ceased, 
they must follow the tracks of his company, and come to them. (An Indian 
ij next to a bloodhound to follow a track.) *'f 

It being now light enough to make the onset, Church sent forward two 
soldiers to learn Philip's position. Philip, no less wary, had, at the same 
time, sent out two spies, to see if any were in pursuit of him. The re- 

* Hist. Philip's War, 38, ed. 4to. f Ibid. 39. : 



CIIAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 41 

spective spies of the two famous chiefs gave the alarm to both camps at the 
same time ; but, unhappily for Philip, his antagonist was prepared for the 
event, while he was not. " All fled at the first tidings, [of the spies,] left 
their kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their wooden spits, and run 
into a swamp with no other breakfast, than what Capt. Church afterwards 
treated them with." Churdi sent his lieutenant, Mr. Isaac Howland, on one 
side of the swamp, while himself ran upon the other, each with a small 
party, hoping, as the swamp was small, to prevent the escape of any. Ex 
pecting that when Philip should discover the English at the farther extremi 
ty of the swamp, he would turn back in his own track, and so escape at the 
same place he entered, Church had, therefore, stationed an ambush to entrap 
him in such an event. But the wariness of Philip disappointed him. He, 
thinking that the English would pursue him into the swamp, had formed an 
ambush for them also, but was, in like mariner, disappointed. He had, at 
the same time, sent forward a band of his warriors, who fell into the hands of 
Church and Howland. They, at first, attempted to fly, and then offered re 
sistance ; but Church ordered Matthias* to tell them the impracticability of 
such a step. He accordingly called to them, and said, " If they Jired one gun 
they were all dead men." This threat, with the presence of the English and 
Indians, so amazed them, that they suffered " the English to come and take 
the guns out of their hands, when they were both charged and cocked." 
Having secured these with a guard, armed with the guns just taken from 
them, Church presses through the swamp in search of Philip, towards the 
end at which that chief had entered. Having waited until he had no hopes 
of ensnaring Captain Church, Philip now moved on after the company he 
had sent forward, and thus the two parties met. The English had the ad 
vantage of the first discovery, and, covered by trees, made the first fire. 
Philip stood his ground for a time, and maintained a desperate fight; but, a 
main body of his warriors having been captured, which, by this time, he 
began to apprehend, as they did not come to his aid, he, therefore, fled back 
to the point where he entered the swamp, and thus fell into a second am 
bush. Here the English were worsted, having one of their number slain, 
viz. Thomas Lucas,] of Plimouth: thus escaped, for a few days, Philip and 
some of his best captains : such were Tuspaquin and Tatoson. This was 
August the 3d, and Philip's numbers had decreased, since the 1st, 173, by 
the exertions of Church. \ 

Philip, having now but few followers left, was driven from place to place, 
and lastly to his ancient seat near Pokanoket. The English, for a long time, 
had endeavored to kill him, but could not find him off his guard ; for he 
was al ways the first who was apprized of their approach. He having put to 
death one of his own men for advising him to make peace, this man's 
brother, whose name was Jllderman, fearing the same fate, deserted him, 
and gave Captain Church an account of his situation, and offered to lead him 
to his camp. Early on Saturday morning, 12 Aug., Church came to the 
swamp where Philip was encamped, and, before he was discovered, had 
placed a guard about it, so as to encompass it, except a small place, lie 
then ordered Captain Golding to rush into the swamp, and fall upon Philip 
in his camp ; which he immediately did but was discovered as he ap 
proached, and, as usual, Philip Avas the first to fly. Having but just awaked 
from sleep, and having on but a part of his clothes, he fled with all his 
might. Coming directly upon an Englishman and an Indian, who composed 
a part of the ambush at the edge of the swamp, the Englishman's gun missed 
fire, but Alderman, the Indian, whose gun was loaded with two balls, " sent 

* One of Church's Indian soldiers, but of whom he makes no mention. 

t An improvident fellow, given to intoxication, and, from Church's expression about his 
being killed, " not being so careful as he might have been," it leaves room to doubt whether 
he were not, at this time, under the effects of liquor. He had been often fined, and once 
whipped, for getting drunk, beating his wife and, children, defaming the character of deceased 
magistrates, and other misdemeanors. 

J Church, 41. In the account of Tatoson, Church's narrative is continued. 

$ Captain Roger Goulden, of R. I. Plimouth granted him 100 acres of land on Pocasset, 
in 1676, for his eminent services. Plim. Records. 
4* 



42 MFE OF KING PHILIP. [BooK 1H. 

one through his heart, and another not above two inches from it. He fell 
upon his face in the mud and water, with his gun under him." 

" Cold, with the beast he slew, he sleeps 5 
O'er him no filial spirit weeps j 



Even that he lived, is for his conqueror's tongue 3 
By foes alone his death-song must be sung j 

No chronicles but theirs shall tell 

His mournful doom to future times ; 

May these upon his virtues dwell, 

And in his fate forget his crimes." SPRAGUE. 

The name of the man stationed with Alderman was Caleb Cook,* who had 
shared in many of Church's hazardous expeditions before the present. See 
ing that he could not have the honor of killing Philip, he was desirous, if 
possible, of having a memento of the mighty exploit. He therefore prevailed 
upon Alderman to exchange guns with him. This gun was kept in the family 
until the present century, when the late Isaac Lothrop, Esq. of Plimouth ob 
tained the lock of it from Mr. Sylvanus Cook, late of Kingston. Sylvanus 
was great-grandson of Caleb.\ The stock and barrel of the gun are still re 
tained by the descendants of the name of Cook.\. There is a gun-lock shown 
in the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc. said to be the same which Alderman 
used in shooting Philip. This Alderman was a subject of Wedamoo, who, in 
the commencement of this war, went to the governor of Plimouth, and de 
sired to remain in peace with the English, and immediately took up his resi 
dence upon an island, remote from the tribes engaged in it. But, after Philip 
had returned to his own country, Alderman, upon some occasion, visited 
him. It was at this time that he learned the fate of his brother before 
spoken of; or he may have been killed in his presence. This caused his 
flight to the English, which he thought, probably, the last resort for ven 
geance. He " came down from thence, says Church ; (where Philip's camp 
now was,) on to Sand Point over against Trips, and hollow'd, and made 
signs to be fetched over" to the island. He was immediately brought over, 
and gave the information desired. Captain Church had but just arrived upon 
Rhode Island, and was about eight miles from the upper end, where Alder 
man landed. He had been at home but a few minutes, when " they spy'd 
two horsemen coming a great pace," and, as he prophesied, " they carne with 
tydings." Major Sanford and Capt. Golding were the horsemen, '-who 
immediately ask'd Capt. Church what he would give to hear some news of Philip. 
He reply'd, That ivas what he wanted" The expedition was at once entered 
upon, and Alderman went as their pilot. But to return to the fall of Philip : 

"By this time," continues Church, "the enemy perceived they were way 
laid on the east side of the swamp, tacked short about," and were led out of 
their dangerous situation by the great Captain Annaivon. "The man that 
had shot down Philip ran with all speed to Capt. Church, and informed him 
of his exploit, who commanded him to be silent about it, and let no man 
more know it until they had drove the swamp clean ; but when they had 
drove the swamp through, and found the enemy had escaped, or at least the 
most of them, and the sun now up, and the dew so gone that they could not 
easily track them, the whole company met together at the place where the 
enemy's night shelter was, and then Capt. Church gave them the news of 
Philip's death. Upon which the whole army gave three loud huzzas. 
Capt. Church ordered his body to be pulled out of the mire on to the upland. 
So some of Capt. Church's Indians took hold of him by his stockings, and 

* Baylies, in his N Plymouth, ii. 168, says his name was Francis; but as he gives no author 
ity, we. adhere to older authority, 

t This Caleb Cook was son of Jacob, of Plimouth, and was born there 29 Mar. 1651. He 
had two or more brothers; Jacob, born 14 May, 1653, and Francis, 5 Jan. 1663 4. Hence 
it is not probable that Francis was a soldier at this time, as he was only in his 13th year. 

t Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iv. 63. 

$ Eighteen English and twenty-two Indians constituted his army a week before ; but we 
know not how many were at the taking of Philip, though we may suppose about the 
number. Hence this expedition cost the colony 9. 



CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 43 

some by his small breeches, being otherwise naked, and drew him through 
the mud into the upland ; and a doleful, great, naked dirty beast, he looked 
like." Captain Church then said, " Forasmuch as he has caused many an Eng 
lishman's body to lie unburied and rot above ground, not one of his bones shall be 
buried!" 

With the great chief, fell five of his most trusty followers, one of whom 
was his'chief captain's son,* and the very Indian who fired the first gun at 
the commencement of the war. 

"Philip having one very remarkable hand, being much scarred, occasioned 
by the splitting of a pistol in it formerly, Capt. Church gave the head and 
that hand to Alderman, the Indian who shot him, to show to such gentlemen 
as would bestow gratuities upon him ; and accordingly he got many a 
penny by it." f 

The barbarous usage of beheading and quartering traitors was now exe 
cuted upon the fallen Philip. Church, "calling his old Indian executioner, 
bid him behead and quarter him. Accordingly, he carne with his hatchet, 
and stood over him, but before he struck, he made a small speech, directing 
it to Philip" saying, " You have been a very great man, and have made many a 
man afraid of you ; but so big as you be I iviU now chop your ass for you." He 
then proceeded to the execution of his orders. 

His head was sent to Plimouth, where it was exposed upon a gibbet for 
20 years, and one of his hands to Boston, where it was exhibited in savage 
triumph, and his mangled body was denied the right of sepulture. It having 
been quartered, was hung upon four trees, and there left as a monument of 
shocking barbarity. 

Church and his company returned to the island the same day, and arrived 
with the prisoners at Plimouth two days after, namely, Tuesday, August 15, 
" ranging through all the woods in their way." 'They now "received their 
premium, which was 30 shillings per head," for all enemies killed or taken, 
" instead of all wages, and Philip's head went at the same price." This 
amounted to only four and sixpence a-piece, " which was all the reward they 
had, except the honor of killing Philip" 

Having in the year 1824 visited the memorable retreat of the Wampanoag 
sachems, we can give the reader some iflea of its situation. There is a 
natural angular excavation, in an almost perpendicular rock, about 6 or 7 feet 
from its base, where it is said Philip and some of his chief men were sur 
prised on the morning of the 12 August. We have in the Life of Massasoit 
described Mount Hope, and it is at the north part of it that the high rock is 
situated ; variously estimated from 30 to 50 feet in height, and is nearly 2 
miles from the village of Bristol. From the seat, or throne of KING PHILIP, 
as some have called it, a fine view of Mount Hope Bay opens upon us. Near 
the foot of the rock is a fine spring of water, known to this day by the 
name of Philip's Spring. 

Mr. Jllden, the curious collector of epitaphs, says " the late Lieut. Gov. 
Bradford, [who died at Bristol in 1808,] in early life, knew an aged squaw, 
who was one of Philip's tribe, was well acquainted with this sagamore in 
her youthful days, and had often been in his wigwam. The information, 
through her, is, therefore, very direct, as to the identical spot, where he fixed 
his abode. It was a few steps south of Capt. James De Wolfe's summer 
house, near the brow of a hill, but no vestige of the wigwam remains. 
The eastern side of this hill is very steep, vastly more so than that at Horse 
Neck, down which the intrepid Putnam trotted his sure-footed steed, in a 
manner worthy of a knight of the tenth century." "When Church's men 
were about to rush upon Philip, he is said to have evaded them by spring 
ing from his wigwam as they were entering it, and rolling, like a hogshead, 
down the precipice, which looks towards the bay. Having reached the 
lower part of this frightful ledge of rocks, without breaking his bones, hs 
got upon his feet, and ran along the shore in a north-eastern direction, about 
100 rods, and endeavored to screen himself in a swamp, then a quagmire, 
but now terra firrna." 

* Very probably a son of Uncompoin, or Woonashum. \ Philip's War. 



44 LIFE OF KING PHILIP. [BOOK III. 

How much of the above is apocryphal is uncertain, but that a part of it 
is I have no doubt. That Philip's camp was near the top of Mount Hope at 
the time he was surprised, is contrary to rational conclusion, but seems 
rather to have been fixed there by the imagination of some one, for the 
pleasure it might afford them in contemplating the manner of the chief's 
escape by rolling down a rugged precipice. 

During the bloody contest, the pious fathers wrestled long and often with 
their God, in prayer, that he would prosper their arms and deliver their 
enemies into their hands ; and when, upon stated days of prayer, the Indians 
gained advantage, it was looked upon as a rebuke of Providence, and ani 
mated them to greater sincerity and fervor ; and on the contrary, when their 
arms prevailed upon such days, it was viewed as an immediate interposition 
in their favor. The philosophic mind will be shocked at the expressions of 
some, very eminent in that day for piety and excellence of moral life. Dr. 
Increase, Mather,* in speaking of the efficacy of prayer, in bringing about the 
destruction of the Indians, says, "Nor could they [the English] cease crying 
to the Lord against Philip, until they had prayed the bullet into his heart." 
And in speaking of the slaughter of Philip's people, at Narraganset, he says, 
tt We have heard of two-and-twenty Indian captains, slain all of them, and 
brought down to hell in one day." Again, in speaking of a chief who had 
sneered at the English religion, and who had, " withal, added a most hideous 
blasphemy, immediately upon which a bullet took him in the head, and 
dashed out his brains, sending his cursed soul in a moment amongst the 
devils, and blasphemers, in hell forever." f 

The low and vulgar epithets | sneeringly cast upon the Indians by their 
English contemporaries are not to be attributed to a single individual, but to 
the English in general . It is too obvious that the early historians viewed 
the Indians as inferior beings, and some went so far as hardly to allow them 
to be human. 

Like Massasoit, Philip always opposed the introduction of Christianity 
among his people. When Mr. Eliot urged upon him its great importance, 
he said he cared no more for the gospel than he did for a button upon his 
coat. || This does not very well agree with the account of Mr. Guokin, 
respecting Philip's feelings upon religious matters; at least, it shows that 
there was a time when he was willing to listen to such men as the excellent 
and benevolent Gookin. In speaking of the Wampanoags, he says, " There 
are some that have hopes of their greatest and chiefest sachem, named Philip, 
living at Pawkunnawkutt. Some of his chief men, as I hear, stand well 
inclined to hear the gospel : and himself is a person of good understanding 
and knowledge in the best things. I have heard him speak very good words, 
arguing that his conscience is convicted: but yet, though his will is bowed to 
embrace Jesus Christ, his sensual and carnal lusts are strong bands to hold 
him fast under Satan's dominions/' H And Dr. Mather adds, " It was not long, 
before the hand which now writes, [1700,] upon a certain occasion took off 
the jaw from the exposed skull of that blasphemous leviathan; and the re 
nowned Samuel Lee hath since been a pastor to an English congregation, 
sounding and showing the praises of heaven, upon that very spot of ground, 
where Philip and his Indians were lately worshipping of the devil." ** 

The error that Philip was grandson to Massasoit, is so well known to be 
such, that it would hardly seem to have required notice, but to inform the 

* In his " Pr-valency of Prayer," page 10. t Ibid. 

J Such as dogs, wolves, blood-hounds, demons, devils-incarnate, caitiffs, hell-hounds, 
monsters, beasts, &c. Occasional quotations will show what authors have used thes 

The author of " Indian Tales" has fathered all he could think of upon Mr. Hubbard. He 
may be called upon to point out the passage in that valuable author',* works where he has 
called one or any of the Indians " hell-hounds." Such loose, gratuitous expressions will not 
do at the bar of history. 

|| Magualia. 

If 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 200. 

f * Mr. Lee was taken by the French in a voyage to England, and carried into their country, 
where he died, in 1691. This event, it was thought, hastened his end. Perhaps the sur 
viving natives did not attribute the disaster to his usurping their territory, and teaching a 
religion they could not believe 3 but might they ot with equal propriety ? 



CHAP. II.] LIFE OF KING PHILIP. 45 

reader of its origin. The following passage from John Jossetyrfs work * 
will, besides proving him to be the author of the error, at least the first writer 
that so denominates him, furnish some valuable information. Speaking of 
the Indians in general, he says, " Their beads are their money ; of these, 
there are two sorts, blue beads and white beads ; the first is their gold, the 
last their silver. These they work out of certain shells, so cunningly, that 
neither Jew nor Devil can counterfeit, f They drill them and string them, 
and make many curious works with them, to adorn the persons of their sag 
amores and principal men, and young women, as belts, girdles, tablets, borders 
for their women's hair, bracelets, necklaces, arid links to hang in their ears. 
Prince Philip, a little before I came for England, [1671,] coming to Boston, 
had a coat on and buskins set thick with these beads, in pleasant wild works, 
and a broad belt of the same ; his accoutrements were valued at 20. The 
English merchant giveth them 10s. a fathom for their white, and as much 
more, or near upon, for their blue beads." " The roytelet now of the Pocan- 
akets is prince Philip, alias Metacon, the grandson of Massasoit." \ 

While Mrs. Roivlandson was a captive in the wilderness with the allies of 
Philip, she mentions meeting with him ; and although she speaks often with 
bitterness of the Indians in general, yet of him nothing of that nature appears 
in her journal. The party she was with visited Philip on the west side of 
the Connecticut, about five miles above Northfield, then called Squakeag. 
Having arrived at the point of crossing, Mrs. Roivlandson says, " We must go 
over the river to Philip's crew. When I was in the canoe, I could not but be 
amazed at the numerous crew of pagans that were on the bank on the other 
side." She was much afraid they meant to kill her here, but, being assured 
to the contrary, become more resigned to her fate. "Then came one of 
them, (she says,) and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me,) and 
another gave me half a pint of peas, which was worth more than many 
bushels at another time. Then I went to see King Philip ; he bade me come 
in and sit down ; and asked me whether I would smoke it; (a usual compli 
ment now a days, among the saints and sinners ;) but this no ways suited 
me." 

"During my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for 
his boy, which I did ; for which he gave me a shilling." " Afterward he 
asked me to make a cap for his boy, for which he invited me to dinner ; I 
went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made 
of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bears' grease ; but I thought I never 
tasted pleasanter meat in my life." |j 

It is extremely gratifying to hear any testimony in favor of the humanity 
of a chief who in his time was so much execrated. To say the least of 
Philip 's humanity, it was as great towards captives, so far as we have any 
knowledge, as was that of any of the English to the captive Indians. 

As the Indians were returning from their recesses upon the Connecticut, 
(in what is now New Hampshire and Vermont,) towards Wachuset, "having 
indeed my life, (says Mrs. Rowandson,} but little spirit, Philip, who was in the 
company, came up, and took me by the hand, and said, ' Two weeks more and 
you sluill be mistress again.' I asked him if he spoke true : he said, * Yes, and 
quickly you shall come to your master H again," 1 who had been gone from us 
three weeks." ** 

In bringing our account of this truly great man towards a close, we must 
not forget to present the reader with a specimen of the language in which he 
spoke. The following is the Lord's prayer in Wampanoag : 

Noo-shun kes-uk-qut, qut-tian-at-am-unch koo-we-su-onk, kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- 
oonk pey-au-moo-utch, kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk ne nai, ne-ya-ne ke-suk-qut 

* Account of two Voyages to New England, 142, 143. 

t Of this he was misinformed. There was much spurious wampum, which became a sub 
ject of legislation. See Hazard's Hist. Col. vol. ii. 



| Account of two Voyages to New England, 146. He is also called grandson of Massa 
it, in the work entitled Present State of New England, in respect to the Indian War, fo 
London, 1G76 ; the author of that work doubtless copied from Josselyn. 



Narrative oflier Captivity, 38, 39. || Ibid. 40. 

Quinnapin. See his .Life ** Narrative of Mrs. Rmolandson, 63. 



46 LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. NANUNTENOO. [BOOK HI. 

kah oh-ke-it. jUs-sa-ma-i-in-ne-an ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-e nut-as-e-suk-ok-ke pe- 
tuk-qun-neg, Kah ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an num-match-e-se-cns:-an-on-ash, 
ne-wutch-e ne-na-wun ivonk nut-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-un-non-og nish-noh pasuk 
noo-na-mon-tuk-quoh-ivho-nan, kah ahque sag-kom-pa-gin-ne-an en qutch-e-het- 
tu-ong-a-nit, qut poh-qua-tvus-sin-ne-an ivutch match-i-tut.* 

Since we are upon curiosities, the following may very properly be added. 
There is to be seen in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society a large skimmer, 
which some have mistaken for a bowl, cut out of the roo't of ash, that will 
iiold about two quarts. Oti this article is this historical inscription, in gilt 
letters : " Jl trophy from the wigivam of KING PHILIP ; when he was slain in 
1676, by Richard ; presented by Ebenezer Richard, his grandson" I 



CHAPTER m. 
LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAPTAINS. 

NANUNTENOO Reasons for his aiding Philip His former name Meets the English 
and Indians under Captain Peirse Fights and destroys his whole company at Paw- 
tucket Incidents relating to that fight Notice of Captain Peirse Nanuntenoo sur 
prised and taken His magnanimity Speech to his captors Is executed and his 
body burnt Cassassinnamon Catapazet Monopoide ANN A WON His escape 
from the sicamp when Philip was killed Captain Church sent out to capture him 
Discovers his retreat Takes him prisoner His magnanimous behavior His 
speech to Church Presents him with Philip's ornaments Description of them 
Church takes Annawon to Pit-mouth, where he is put to death QUINNAPIN His 
connections and marriage At the capture of Lancaster Account of his wives 
Weetamoo He is taken and shot TUSPAQUIN His sales of lands His opera 
tions in Philip's War Surrenders himself, and is put to death Reflections upon 
his executioners TATOSON Early notices of Captures a garrison in Piim- 
outh Trial and execution of Keweenam Totoson dies of a broken heart BAR 
ROW cruelly murdered TYASKS. 

NANUNTENOO, son of Miantunnomoh, " was chief sachem of all the 
Narragansets, and heir of all his father's pride and insolency, as well as of 
his malice against the English."]: Notwithstanding this branding character, 
drawn by a contemporary, we need only look into the life of Miantunnomoh, 
to find excuse for " malice and insoleucy " tenfold more than was contained 
in the breast of Nanuntenoo. 

The English had cut to pieces the women and children of his tribe, burned 
them to death in their wigwams, and left their mangled bodies bleaching in 
the wintry blast ! The swamp fight of the 19 Dec. 1675, could not be for 
gotten ! Nanuntenoo escaped from this scene, but we cannot doubt that he 
acquitted himself agreeably to the character we have of him. 

The first name by which he was known to the English was Canonchet, 
though, like others, his name was written with many variations. In 1674, he 
was styled " chief surviving sachem of Narraganset," and in a deed in which 
he was so styled his name is written " Nawnawnoantonneiv alias Qiionanchit, 
eldest son now living of Miantomomio" He had been in Boston the Octo 
ber before the war, upon a treaty, at which tune he received, among other 
presents, a silver-laced coat. Dr. Mather says, speaking of the Narragansets, 
"their great sachem called Quanonchet, was a principal ringleader in the 
Narraganset war, and had as great an interest and influence, as can be said of 

* Eliot's Indian Bible, Luke xi. 2 4. 

t No mention is made to whom, or when it was presented. It does not appear to us to he 
of such antiquity as its inscription pretends ; and the truth of which may very reasonably be 
questioned, in this particular, when the more glaring error of the name of the person said to 
have killed Philip, is staring us in the face. 

J Hubbard, 67. Mr. Oldmixon calls him " the mighty sachem of Narraganset." Brit . 
Empire. 

$ Potter's Hist. Narraganset, Coll. R. Plist. Soc. iii. 172. 



CHAP. III.] NANUNTENOO. PAWTUCKET FIGHT. 47 

any among the Indians ;" * and that, " when he was taken and slain, it. was an 
amazing stroke to the enemy." f 

The name of Canonchet stands first to the treaty, to which we have just 
alluded, which was entered into at Boston, 18 Oct. 1675. By that treaty, the 
Narragansets agreed to deliver to the English in 10 days, " all an'd euery one 
of the said Indians, whether belonging vnto Philip, the Pocasset Sqva, or the 
Saconett Indians, Quabaug, Hadley, or any other sachems or people that 
haue bin or are in hostillitie with the English, or any of their allies or abet 
tors." \ The names to the treaty are as ibllows : 

" QUANANCHETT'S \/ mark, 

Witnesses. sachem in behalf of himself and Conanacus and the Old 

RICHARD SMITH, Queen and Pomham and Quaunapeen, (seal) 

JAMES BROWNE, MANATANNOO counceller his -\- 

SAMUEL GORTON, Jr. mark, and Cannonacus in his behalf, (seal) 

Interpreters. AHANMANPOWETT'S -}- mark, 

JOHN NOWHENETT'S X mark, counceller and his (seal) 

Indian interpreter. CORNMAN, chcijfe counceller to 

Ninnegrett, in his behalfe, and a seal (S.)" 

The Indians having carried their whirlwind of war to the very doors of 
Plimouth, caused the sending out of Captain Peirce, (or as his name is uni 
formly in the records, Peirse,) to divert them from these ravages, and destroy 
as many of them as he was able. He had a large company, consisting of 70 
men, 20 of whom were friendly Indians. With these, no doubt, Peirsc 
thought himself safe against any power of the Indians in that region. 

Meanwhile this most valiant chief captain of the Narragansets, Nanunte- 
noo, learning, we presume, by his spies, the direction the English were tak 
ing assembled his warriors at a crossing place on Pawtucket River, at a 
point adjacent to a place since called Attleborough- Gore, and not far distant 
from Pawtucket falls. It is judged that Nanuntenoo was upon an expedition 
to attack Plimouth, or some of the adjacent towns, for his force was estimated 
at upwards of 300 men. 

On arriving at this fatal place, some of Nanuntenoo's men showed them 
selves retiring, on the opposite side of the river. This stratagem succeed 
ed, Peirsc followed. || No sooner was he upon the western side, than the 
warriors of Nanuntenoo, like an avalanche from a mountain, rushed down 
upon him ; nor striving for coverts from which to fight, more than their foes, 
fought them face to face with the most determined bravery. 

A part of Nanuntenoo's force remained on the east side of the river, to pre 
vent the retreat of the English, which they most effectually did, as in the 
event will appear. When Captain Peirse saw himself hemmed in by num 
bers on every side, he drew up his men upon the margin of the riverain two 
ranks, back to back,1[ and in this manner fought until nearly all of them were 
slain. Peirse had timely sent a messenger to Providence for assistance, and 
although the distance could not have been more than six or eight miles, from 
some inexplicable cause, no succor arrived ; and Mr. Hubbard** adds, "As 
Solomon saith, a faithful messenger is as snow in harvest." 

This dreadful fight was on Sunday, 26 March, 1676, when, as Dr. Mather 
says, "Capt. Peirse was slain and forty and nine English with him, and eight, 
(or more,) Indians, who did assist the English." The Rev. Mr. Ncivman of 
Rehoboth wrote a letter to Plimouth, dated the day after the slaughter, in 



* Brief Hist. 26. t Prevalency of Prayer, 11. 

J It may be seen at large in Hazard's Collections, \. 536, 537. 

That Nanuntenoo commanded in person in the fight wilh the force under Capt. Peirse. has 
been a cjuestion ; indeed, our only authority is not very explicit upon the matter, (Huhbard, 
Postscript 7.) who observes that* when Dem'son surprised him, he " was, at that moment, 
diverlizing himself with the recital of Capt. Peirse's slaughter, surprized by his men a few 
days before." 

IJ Dr. Mather (Brief Hist. 24.) says, " a small number of the enemy who in desperate 
subtlety ran away from them, and they went limping to make the English believe they were 
lame," and thus effected their object. 

IF Deane's Hist. Scituate, 121. ** Narrative, 64. 



48 - NANUNTENOO. PAWTUCKET FIGHT. [BOOK III. 

which he says, "52 of our English, and 11 Indians," were slain.* The com 
pany was, no doubt, increased by some who volunteered as they inarched 
through the country, or by such as were taken for pilots. 

Nanuntenoo's victory was complete, but, as usual on such occasions, the 
English consoled themselves by making the loss of the Indians appear as 
large as possible. Dr. Mather says, that some Indians that were afterwards 
taken confessed they lost 140, which, no doubt, is not far from the truth. 4- 

An Englishman, and perhaps the only one who escaped from this disas 
trous fight, was saved by one of the friendly Indians in this manner : The 
friendly Indian being taken for a Narraganset, as he was pursuing with an 
uplifted tomahawk the English soldier, no one interfered, seeing him pursue 
an unarmed Englishman at such great advantage. In this manner, covering 
themselves in the woods, they escaped. 

A friendly Indian, being pursued by one of Nanuntenorfs men, got behind 
the roots of a fallen tree. Thus screened by the earth raised upon them, the 
Indian that pursued waited for him to run Irom his natural fort, knowing he 
would not dare to maintain it long. The other soon thought of an expe 
dient, which was to make a port-hole in his breast- work, which he easily did 
by digging through the dirt. When he had done this, he put his' gun 
through, and shot his pursuer, then fled in perfect safety. 

Another escaped in a manner very similar. In his flight he got behind a 
large rock. This afforded him a good shelter, but in the end he saw nothing 
but certain death, and the longer he held out the more misery he must suffer. 
In this deplorable situation, he bethought himself to try the following device. 
Putting his cap upon his gun, he raised it very gradually above the rock, as 
though to discover the position of his enemy : it had the desired effect he 
fired upon it. The one behind the rock now rushed upon him, before he 
could reload his gun, and despatched him. Thus, as Mr. Hubbard says, " it is 
worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage some of the Christian Indians 
showed in this fight." That this most excellent author did not approve of the 
severity exercised towards those who appeared friendly, is abundantly proved 
by his writings. In another place he says, "Possibly if some cf the English 
had not been too shy in making use of such of them as were well affected to 
their interest, they never need have suffered so much from their enemies." 

A notice may be reasonably expected of the unfortunate Captain Michael 
Peirse, of Scituate. He was one of those adventurous spirits " who never 
knew fear," and who sought rather than shrunk from dangers. He was, like 
his great antagonist, in the Narraganset fight ; and in 1673, when the govern 
ment of Plirnouth raised a force to go against the Dutch, who had encroached 
upon them in Connecticut, he was appointed ensign in one of the companies. 
He resided in several places before going to Plimouth. Mr. Deane, in his 
History of Scituate, gives a genealogical account of his family, from which we 
learn that he had a second wife, and several sons and daughters. Of what 
family he was, there is no rnention.J He possessed considerable estate, and 
made his will on engaging in the war with the Indians. 

The "sore defeat" of Captain Peirse, and the tide of the Indians' successes 
about this time, caused the United Colonies to send out almost their whole 
strength. 

Nanuntenoo came down from the country upon Connecticut River, early in 
March, for the purpose of collecting seed corn to plant such ground as the 
English had been driven from, and to effect any other object he might meet 
with. Whether he had effected the first-named object before falling in with 
Peirse, we are not able to state ; but certain it is, that he was but few days after 
encamped very near the ground where the fight had been, and was there fallen 



* See the letter giving the names of the company in Deane's Scituate, 122, 123. 

t Mr. Hubhard's account is the same. 

t TII the Records of Plimouth, under date March, Ifi69, there is this entry: " Miche~ 
Peirse of Scittiiate" was presented at the court for vnseemly carriages towards Sarah Nichols 
of Scittuate," and " forasmuch as there appeared but one testimony to the p'sentment, and 
that the testimony was written and wot read vnto the deponant, the court saw cause to remit 
the said p'senlmeiU." 



CHAP. -III.] NANUNTENOO. HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. 49 

upon at unawares, when but a few of his men were present, and there taken 
prisoner. 

Nanuntenoo was nearly as much dreaded as Philip himself, and consequently 
his capture caused great rejoicing among his enemies, and requires to be par 
ticularly related. 

Four volunteer companies from Connecticut began their march into the 
enemy's country the next day after Pawtucket fight. Among the captains 
of these companies, George Denison of Southerton was the most conspicuous. 
The others were commanded by James Avery, John Staunton, and Major Palms, 
who also had the chief command. With these were three companies of 
Indians; one led by Oneko, composed of Mohegans ; one of Pequots, by Cas- 
sasinnamon ; and the other of Nianticks, by Catapazet; in all about 80. 

When this formidable army carne near to Nanuntenoo's camp, on the first 
week in April, 1676, "they met with a stout Indian of the enemie's, whom they 
presently slew, and two old squaws," who informed them of the situation of 
Nanuntenoo. At the same time, their own scouts brought the same intelligence. 
The news of the enemy's approach reached the chief in his tent when but 
seven of his men were about him ; the rest were probably in the neighborhood 
attending to their ordinary aifairs. And although he had stationed two senti 
nels upon an adjacent hill, to give him timely notice if any appeared, their 
surprise was so great, at the sudden approach of the English, that, in their 
fright, they ran by their sachem's wigwam, " as if they wanted time to tell 
what they saw." Seeing this, the sachern sent a third, to learn the cause of 
the flight of the two first, but he fled in the same manner ; and lastly he sent 
two more, one of which, " either endued with more courage, or a better sense 
of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon 
him : whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to attempt an escape, 
and no means to defend himself, he began " * to fly with all speed. Running 
with great swiftness around the hill, to get out of sight upon the opposite side, 
he was distinguished by his wary pursuers, and they immediately followed 
him with that eagerness their important object was calculated to inspire. 

The pursuers of the flying chief were Catapazet and his Nianticks, " and a 
few of the English lightest of foot." Seeing these were gaining upon him, he 
first cast off his blanket, then his silver-laced coat, and lastly his belt of peag. 
On seeing these, a doubt no longer remained of its being Nanuntenoo, which 
urged them, if possible, faster in the chase. There was in the company of 
Catapazet, one Monopoide, a Pequot, who outran all his companions, and who, 
gaining upon Nanuntenoo, as he fled upon the side of the river, obliged him to 
attempt to cross it sooner than he intended. Nevertheless, but for an accident 
in his passage, he would doubtless have effected his escape. As he was wa 
ding through the river, his foot slipped upon a stone, which brought his gun 
under water. Thus losing some time in recovering himself, and also the use 
of his gun, it probably made him despair of escaping; for Monopoide came 
up and seized upon him, " within 30 rods of the river side." 

Nanuntenoo', having made up his mind to surrender, made no resistance, 
although he was a man of great physical strength, of superior stature, and 
acknowledged bravery ; and the one who seized upon him very ordinary in 
that respect. One of the first Englishmen that came up was Robert Staunton, 
a young man, who presumed to ask the captured chief some questions. He 
appeared at first to regard the young man with silent indignity, but at length,. 
casting a disdainful look upon his youthful face, " this manly sachem," said, in 
broken English, "YOU MUCH CHILD! NO UNDERSTAND MATTERS 
OF WAR! LET YOUR BROTHER OR CHIEF COME, HIM 1 WILL 
ANSWER." And, adds Mr. Hubbard, he " was as good as his word : acting 
herein, as if, by a Pythagorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had 
possessed the body of this western pagan. And, like Jlttilius RegulusJ[ he 

* This elegant passage of Mr. Hubbard brings to our mind that inimitable one of 
Cl.-iriffero, in his account of the woful days of the Mexicans : " They had neither arms to 
repel the multitude and fury of their enemies, strength to defend themselves, nor space to 
fight upon ; the ground of the city was covered with dead bodies, and the water of every 
dilch and canal purpled with blood. Hist, Mexico, iii. 73. 

t irarczts Altilius Regiilus, a Roman consul and general, taken prisoner by the Cartha- 
o 



50 NANUNTENOU. [BOOK III. 

would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him." This tender of 
life to Nanuntenoo was, no doubr, upon the condition of his obtaining the sub 
mission of his nation. He met the idea with indignation ; and when the 
English told him that he should be put to death if he did not comply, in the 
most composed mariner he replied, that killing him would not end the war. 
Some of his captors endeavored to reflect upon him, by telling him/that he 
had said he would burn the English in their houses, and that he had boasted, 
in defiance of his promise last made to the English, which was to deliver the 
Wampanoags to them, that he would not deliver up a Wampanoag or the paring 
of a Wampanoasfs nail. To this he only replied, " OTHERS WERE AS 
FORWARD FOR THE WAR AS MYSELF, AND I DESIRE TO HEAR 
NO MORE ABOUT IT." 

Had the English not burned his people in their houses ? Did they ever 
deliver up any that had committed depredations upon the Narragansets ? No ! 
Who, then, will ask for an excuse for the magnanimous Nanuntenoo ? So 
indignant was he at their conduct, that he would hear nothing about peace; 
"refusing to send an old counsellor of his to make any motion that way," on 
a promise of life if he would do so. 

Under the eye of Denison, Nanuntenoo was taken to Stonington, where, 
bv the "advice of the English commanders, he was shot." His head was 
cut off and carried to Hartford, and his body consumed by fire. The English 
prevailed upon some of each tribe of their allies, viz. Pequots, Mohegans and 
Nianticks, to be his executioners, " thereby the more firmly to engage the 
said Indians against the treacherous Narragansets."* "Herein," says 
another writer f of that day, "the English dealt wisely, for by this means tiie 
three Indian nations are become abominable to the other Indians." And a 
respectable writer J of our own times says, " It may be pleasing to the reader 
to be informed " of the fate of Nanuntenoo ! 

When it was announced iWthe noble chief that he must be put to death, 
he was not in the least daunted, and all he is reported to have said is this : 

I LIKE IT WELL ; I SHALL DIE BEFORE MY HEART IS SOFT, 
OR HAVE SAID ANY THING UNWORTHY OF MYSELF." With 
Nanuntenoo, fell into the hands of the English 43 others. 

The author of the anonymous "Letters to London " || says the Indians were 
"commanded by that famous but very bloudy and cruel sachem, Quononshot, 
otherwise called Myantonomy," whose "carriage was strangely proud and 
lofty after he was taken ; being examined why he did foment that war, which 
would certainly be the destruction bf him and all the heathen Indians in 
the country, &c., he would make no other reply to any interrogatories, but 
this : that he was born a prince, and if princes came to speak with him he 
would answer, but none present being such, he thought himself obliged, in 
honor, to hold his tongue ; " and that he said he would rather die than 
remain a prisoner, and requested that Oneko might put him to death, as be 
was of equal rank. " Yet withall threatened, he had 2000 men,, [who] would 
revenge his death severely. Wherefore our forces, fearing an escape, put the 
stoutest men to the sword, but preserved Myantonomy till they returned to 
Stoneington ; where our Indian friends, and most of the English soldiers, 
declaring to the commanders their fear that the English should, upon con 
ditions, release him, and that then he would, (though the English might 

ginians, 251 years B. C. They sent him to Rome to use his endeavors to effect a peace, hy 
his solemn promise to return within a given period. The most excruciating tortures awaited 
him, should he not execute his mission according to his instructions. When arrived ai Rome, 
he exhorted his countrymen to hold oul, and maintain the war against the Carthaginians, 
stating their situation, and the great advantages that would accrue. He knew what would 
be his fate on returning to Carthage, and many a noble Roman besought him not to return, 
and thus sacrifice his life ; but he would not break his promise, even with his barbarous ene 
mies. This is what is meant by not accepting his own life when tendered him. He returned, 
and, if history be true, no Indian nation ever tortured a prisoner, beyond what the Cartha 
ginians inflicted upon Marcus Attilius Rtgulus. See Echard's Roman Hist. i. 188 9. 
* Hubhard. \ J. Matlter. } Deane, Hist. Scituate, 121 

Manuscript letter in Hist. Library. Both Hubbard and Mather say 44 ; perhaps they in 
cluded Nanuntenoo. 

|| Elsewhere cited as The O'd Indian Chronicle. 



CHAP. 1II.1 ANNA WON. 51 

have peace with him,) be very pernicious to those Indians that now assisted 
us, the said Indians, (on these considerations, and the mischiefs and mur- 
thers he had done during this war,) permitted to put him to death.* And that 
all might share in the glory of destroying so great a prince, and come under 
the obligation of fidelity, each to other, the Pequods shot him, the Moheginj* 
cut off his head and quartered his body, and the Ninnicrofts men made tht 
fire arid burned his quarters, and, as a token of their love and fidelity to the 
English, presented his head to the council at Hartford! " 

ANNA WON was a Wampanoag, and one of Philip's most famous coun 
sellors and captains. He was his fast friend, and resisted as long as there 
was a beam of hope ; and when at last every chance of success had failed, 
he gave himself up in the most heroic manner, as will appear in the follow 
ing account 

At the swamp, when Philip was killed, he escaped with most of his men, 
as has been related, by his thoroughly understanding the situation of his 
enemies. " Perceiving (says Church) they were waylaid on the east side of 
the swamp, tacked short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be a 
great surly old fellow, hallooed with a loud voice, and often called out, I-oo- 
tash, I-oo-tash. Captain Church called to his Indian Peter, f and asked him 
who that was that called so. He answered that it was old Annawon, Philip's 
great captain, calling on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly." 

"Captain Church had been but little while at Plimouth, [after the death 
of Philip,] before a post from Rehoboth came to inform the governor that 
old Annawon, Philip's chief captain, was with his company ranging about 
their woods, and was very offensive and pernicious to Rehoboth and 
Swansey. Captain Church was immediately sent for again, and treated with 
to engage in one expedition more. He told them their encouragement was 
so poor, he feared his soldiers would be dull about going again. But being 
a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to Mr. Jabez Howland, his 
old lieutenant, and some of his soldiers that used to go out with him, told 
them how the case was circumstanced, and that he had intelligence of old 
Annawon's walk and haunt, and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not 
want much entreating, but told him they would go with him as long as 
there was an Indian left in the woods. He moved and ranged through the 
woods to Pocasset" 

In the early part of this expedition, some of Captain Church's Indian 
scouts captured a number of Annawon's company, but from whom they 
could learn nothing of the old chief, only that he did not lodge " twice in a 
place." 

" Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church had gained over to 
be on his side, prayed that he might have liberty to go and fetch in his 
father, who, he said,\vas about four miles from that place, in a swamp, with 
no other than a young squaw. Captain Church inclined to go with him, 
thinking it might be in his way to gain some intelligence of Annawon; and 
so taking one Englishman and a few Indians with him, leaving the rest 
there, he went with llis new soldier to look his father. When he came to 
tho swamp, he bid the Indian go and see if he could find his father. He 
was no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a track coming down 
out of the woods, upon which he and his little company lay close, some on 
one side of the track, and some on the other. They heard the Indian 
soldier making a howling for his father, and at length somebody answered 
him ; but wiiile they were listening, they thought they heard somebody com 
ing towards them. Presently they saw an old man coming up, with a gun 
on his shoulder, and a young woman following in the track which they lay 
by. They let them come between them, and then started up and laid hold 
of them both. Captain Church immediately examined them apart, telling 
them what they must trust to if they told false stories. He asked the young 
woman what company they came from last. She said from Captain Anna- 
tvon's. He asked her how many were in company with him when she left 

* This seems to us (he most probable account of the affair of all we have seen, 
f The son of Awashonks, it is supposed. 



52 ANNAWON. [BOOK III. 

him. She said ' fifty or sixty.' He asked her how many miles it was to the 
place where she leftliim. She said she did not understand miles, hut he was 
up in Sqtiannaconk swamp. The old man, who had been one of Philip's 
council, upon examination, gave exactly the same account." On being 
asked whether they could get there that night, answered, " If we go pres 
ently, and travel stoutly, we may get there by sunset." The old man said 
he was of Jlnnaworfs company, and that Jlnnawon had sent him down to 
find some Indians that were gone down into Mount Hope neck to kill pro 
visions. Captain Church let him know that that company were all his 
prisoners. 

The Indian who had been permitted to go after his father, now returned 
with him and another man. Captain Church was now at great loss what he 
should do. He was unwilling to miss of so good an opportunity of giving 
a finishing blow to the Indian power. He had, as himself says, but " half a 
dozen men beside himself," and yet was under the necessity of sending 
some one back to give Lieutenant Howiand, whom he left at the old fort in 
Pocasset, notice, if he should proceed. But, without wasting time in pon 
dering upon what course to pursue, he put the question to his men, 
" whether they would willingly go with him and give Jlnnawon a visit." 
All answered in the affirmative, but reminded him "that they knew this 
Captain Jlnnawon was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant captain 
under JLsuhmequin, \Woosamequin^\ Philip's father; and that he had been 
Philip's chieftain all this war." And they further told Captain Church, (and 
these men knew him well,) that he was " a very subtle man, of great resolu 
tion, and had often said that he would never be taken alive by the English." 

They also reminded him that those with Jlnnawon were " resolute fellows, 
some of Philip's chief soldiers," and very much feared that to make the 
attempt with such a handful of soldiers, would be hazardous in the extreme. 
But nothing could shake the resolution of Captain Church, who remarked 
to them, " that he had a long time sought for Jlnnawon, but in vain," and 
doubted not in the least but Providence would protect them. All with one 
consent now desired to proceed. 

A man by the name of Coo#,* belonging to Plimouth, was the only 
Englishman in the company, except the captain. Captain Church asked 
Mr. Cook what his opinion of the undertaking was. He made no other reply 
than this: "I am never afraid of going any where when you are with me." 
The Indian who brought in his father informed Captain Church, that it was 
impossible for him to take his horse with him, which he had brought thus 
far. He therefore sent him and his father, with the horse, back to Lieuten 
ant Howland, and ordered them to tell him to take his prisoners immediately 
to Taunton, and then to come out the next morning in the Rehoboth road, 
where, if alive, he hoped to meet him. 

Things being thus settled, all were ready for the journey. Captain Church 
tinned to the old man, whom he took with the young woman, and asked 
him whether he would be their pilot. He said, " You having given me my 
life, I am under obligations to serve you." They now marched for Squan- 
naconk. In leading the way, this old man would travel so much faster than 
the rest, as sometimes to be nearly out of sight, and consequently might 
have escaped without fear of being recaptured, but he was true to his word, 
and would stop until his wearied followers came up. 

Having travelled through swamps and thickets until the sun was setting, 
the pilot ordered a stop. The captain asked him if he had made any dis 
covery. He said, " About that hour of the day, Jlnnawon usually sent out 
his scouts to see if the coast was clear, and as soon as it began to grow 
dark the scouts returned, and then we may move securely." When it was 
sufficiently dark, and they were about to proceed, Captain Church asked the 



old man if he would take a gun and fight for him. He bowed very low, 
and said, "I pray you not to impose such a thing upon me as to fight against 
Captain Jlnnawon, my old friend, but I will go along with you, and be helpful 
to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall offer to hurt you." They 



* Caleb, doubtless, who was present at the time Philip was killed. 



CHAP. III.] ANNA WON. KIS CAPTURE AND DEATH. 53 

had proceeded but a short space, when .they heard a noise, which they 
concluded to be the pounding of a mortar. This warned them that they 
were in the vicinity of Annawon's retreat. And here it will be very proper 
to give a description of it. It is situated in the south-easterly corner of 
Rehoboth, about eight miles from Taunton Green, a few rods from the road 
which leads to Providence, and on the south-easterly side of it. If a straight 
line were drawn from Taunton to Providence, it would pass very nearly 
over this place. Within the limits of an immense swamp of nearly 3000 
acres, there is a small piece of upland, separated from the main only by a 
brook, which in some seasons is dry. This island, as we may call it, is 
nearly covered with an enormous rock, which to this day is called Annawon's 
Rock. Its south-east side presents an almost perpendicular precipice, and 
rises to the height of 25 or 30 feet. The north-west side is very sloping, 
and easy of ascent, being at an angle of not more than 35 or 40. A more 
gloomy and hidden recess, even now, although the forest tree no longer 
waves over it r could hardly be found by any inhabitant of the wilderness. 

When they arrived near the foot of the rock, Captain Church, with two 
of his Indian soldiers, crept to the top of it, from whence they could see 
distinctly the situation of the whole company, by the light of their fires. 
They were divided into three bodies, and lodged a short distance from one 
another. Annawon's camp was formed by felling a tree against the rock, 
with bushes set up on each side. 

" He passed, in the heart of that ancient wood 

Nor paused, till the rock where a vaulted bed 
Had been hewn of old for the kingly dead 

Aro'se on his midnight way " HEMANS. 

With him lodged his son, and others of his principal men. Their guns 
were discovered standing and leaning against a stick resting on two crotches, 
safely covered from the weather by a mat. Over their fires were pots and 
kettles boiling, and meat roasting upon their spits. Captain Church was 
now at some loss how to proceed, seeing no possibility of getting down the 
rock without discovery, which would have been fatal. He therefore creeps 
silently back again to the foot of the rock, and asked the old man, their 
pilot, if there was no other way of coming at them. He answered, "No ;" 
and said that himself and all others belonging to the company were ordered 
to come that way, and none could come any other without danger of be 
ing shot. 

The fruitful mind of Church was no longer at loss, and the following strata 
gem was put in successful practice. He ordered the old man and the young 
woman to go forward, and lead the way, with their baskets upon their backs, 
and when Annawon should discover them, he would take no alarm, knowing 
them to be those he had lately sent forth upon discovery. " Captain Church 
and his handful of soldiers crept down also, under the shadow of those two 
and their baskets. The captain himself crept close behind the old man, with 
his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over the young man's head to the arms. 
The young Annawon discovering him, whipped his blanket over his head, and 
shrunk up in a heap. The old Captain Annawon started up on his breech, 
and cried out ' Howoh ! ' which signified, ' Welcom.' " * All hope of escape 
was now fled forever, and he made no effort, but laid himself down again in 
perfect silence, while his captors secured the rest of the company. For he 
supposed the English were far more numerous than they were, and before he 
was undeceived, his company were all secured. 



* It is a curious fact, that among the tribes of the west, the same word is used to signify 
approbation : thus, when a speech had been made to some in that region, which pleased 
them, at the end of each paragraph they would exclaim, " HoaJi .' Hoah! " Weld's Travels 
in America. 

The fact becomes still more curious when we find the same word used yet farther west 
even on the North-west Coast, and with very nearly the same signification. See Dixons 
Voyage, 189, 4to. London, 1789. In this work it is spelt Whoah. See, also, Burney's 
Voyages, i. 346, and Colden's Five Nations, ii. 95. 
5 * 



4 ANNAWON. I BOOK HI. 

One circumstance much facilitated this daring project It has been before 
mentioned, that they heard the pounding of a mortar, on their approach. 
This continued during their descent down the rock. A squaw was pounding 
green dried corn for their supper, and when she ceased pounding, to turn 
the corn, they ceased to proceed, and when she pounded again, they moved. 
This was the reason they were not heard as they lowered themselves down, 
from crag to crag, supported by small bushes that grew from the seams 
of the rock. The pounded com served afterwards for a supper to the 
captors. 

Jlnnawon would not have been taken at this time but for the treachery 
of those of his own company. And well may their Lucan exclaim, as did 
the Roman, 

" A race renowned, the world's victorious lords, 
Turned on themselves with their own hostile swords." Rawt's Trans. 

The two companies situated at a short distance from the rock knew not the 
fate of their captain, until those sent by Church announced it to them. And, 
to prevent their making resistance, they were told, that Captain Church had 
encompassed them with his army, and that to make resistance would be 
immediate death ; but if they all submitted peaceably, they should have good 
quarter. " Now they being old acquaintance, and many of them relations," 
readily consented : delivering up their guns and hatchets, they were all con 
ducted to head-quarters. 

"Things being thus far settled, Captain Church asked Jlnnawon what 
he had for supper, ' for,' said he, I am come to sup with you.' " Annawon 
replied, " Taubut" with a " big voice," and, looking around upon his women, 
ordered them to hasten and provide Captain Church and his company some 
supper. He asked Captain Church "whether he would eat cow beef or 
horse beef." Church said he would prefer cow beef. It was soon ready, 
and, by the aid of some salt he had in his pocket, he made a good meal. 
And here it should be told, that a small bag of salt (which he carried in 
his pocket) was the only provision he took with him upon this expedition. 

When supper was over, Captain Church set his men to watch, telling them 
if they would let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all the rest of the 
night, he not having slept any for 36 hours before ; but after laying a half 
hour, and feeling no disposition to sleep, from the momentous cares upon his 
mind, for, as Dr. Young says in the Revenge, 

" The dead alone, in such a night, can rest, " 

he looked to see if his watch were at their posts, but they were all fast asleep. 
Jlnnawon felt no more like sleeping than Church, and they lay for some time 
looking one upon the other. Church spoke not to Jlnnawon, because he 
could not speak Indian, and thought Jlnnaivon could not speak English, but it 
now appeared that he could, from a conversation they held together. Church 
had laid down with Jlnnawon to prevent his escape, of which, however, he 
did not seem much afraid, for after they had laid a considerable time, Annaivon 
got up and walked away out of sight, which Church considered was on a 
common occasion ; but being gone some time, " he began to suspect some 
ill design." He therefore gathered all the guns close to himself, and lay as 
close as he possibly could under young Jlnnawon's side, that if a shot should 
be made at him, it must endanger the life of young Jlnnawon also. After 
laying a while in great suspense, he saw, by the light of the moon, Jlnnawon 
coming with something in his hands. When he had got to Captain Church, 
he knelt down before him, and, after presenting him what he had brought, 
spoke in English as follows : " Great captain, you have killed Philip, and con 
quered his country. For I believe that I and my company are the last that war 
against the English, so suppose the war is ended by your means, and therefore 
these things belong unto you." He then took out of his pack a beautifully 
wrought belt, which belonged to Philip. It was nine inches in breadth, and 
of such length, as when put about the shoulders of Captain Church, it 
reached to his ankles. This was considered, at that time, of great value, 



CHAP. III.] QUINNAPIN. 55 

being embroidered all over with money, that is, wampumpeag,* of various 
colors, curiously wrought into figures of birds, beasts and flowers. A second 
belt, of no less exquisite workmanship, was next presented, which belonged 
also to Philip. This, that chief used to ornament his head with ; from the 
back part of which flowed two flags, which decorated his back. A third was 
a smaller one, with a star upon the end of it, which he wore upon his breast. 
All three were edged with red hair, which, Annawon said, was got in the 
country of the Mohawks. These belts, or some of them, it is believed, re 
main, at this day, the property of a family in Swansey. He next took from 
his pack two horns of glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. These, it 
appears, were all that remained of the effects of the great chief. He told 
Captain Church that those were Philip's royalties, which he was wont to adoio 
himself with, when he sat in state, and he thought himself happy in having 
an opportunity to present them to him. 

The remainder of the night they spent in discourse, in which Annawon 
" gave an account of what mighty success he had had formerly in wars 
against many nations of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin, Philip's 
father." 

Morning being come, they took up their march for Taunton. In the way 
they met Lieutenant Rowland, according to appointment, at his no small sur 
prise. They lodged at Taunton that night. The next day " Capt. Church 
took old Annawon, and half a dozen Indian soldiers, and his own men, and 
went to Rhode Island ; the rest were sent to Plimouth, under Lieutenant 
Hoivland. 

Annawon, it is said, had confessed "that he had put to death several of the 
English, that had been taken alive ; ten in one day, and could not deny but 
that some of them had been tortured ;"f and therefore no mercy was to be 
expected from those into whose hands he had now fallen. His captor, Captain 
Church, did not mean that he should have been put to death, and had en 
treated hard for him ; but in his absence from Plimouth, not long after, he 
was remorselessly executed. We shall again have occasion to advert to the 
execution of Annawon, and shall now pass to consider the events in the life 
of a sachem of nearly equal interest. 

QUINJVAPIN was by birth a noble Narraganset, being the son of Cogina- 
quan, otherwise Conjanaquond, who was nephew to Canonicus. Therefore 
Miantunnomoh was uncle to Quinnapin, and Canonicus was his great uncle. 

We find his name spelled in almost every possible way, and for the 
amusement of the reader will offer a few of them Quanopin, Quono/nn, 
Qunnapin, Quannopin, Quenoquin, Panoquin, Sowa&onish, and Quanepin. 
His name has also been confounded with that of Quaiapen, the " old queen " 
of Narraganset 

In 1672, Quinnapin confirmed, by a writing, the sale of a tract of land pre 
viously granted by Coginaquan, his father. 

This sachem took part with the Wampanoags in Philip's war, and from 
the punishment which the English executed upon him, on his falling into 
their hands, we may suppose he acted well his part in that war, although but 
little is recorded of him by the historians of that period. From Mrs. Row- 
landsorfs account of him, we must conclude he was not wanting in attentions 
to the fair sex, as he had certainly three wives, one of whom was a sister of 
Wootonekanuske. ; consequently he was, according to the English method of 
calculating relationships, brother-in-law to the famous Metacomet himself. 

Quinnapin was one of the chiefs who directed the attack on Lancaster, 
the 10 Feb. 1675, O. S., and he purchased Mrs. Rowlandson from a Naragari- 
set Indian who had seized her when she came out of the garrison, among 
the captives of that place. And it was this circumstance which caused her 
to notice him in her Narrative. \ Wettimore, whom she mentions in the follow 
ing extract, as his wife, we have said, was ff'edamoo, the " queen of Pocasset." 

In the winter of 1676, when the Narragansets were at such " great straits," 
from the loss of their provisions, in the great swamp fight, (" corn being two 

* An Troquois word signifying a muscle. Gordon's Hist. Pennsylvania, page 598. 

f Hubbard, Nar. 103. J Mr. Willard's edition of it, (p. 25.) Lancaster, 1828. 



56 QUINNAPIN. [BOOK III. 

shillings a pint with them,") the English tried to bring about a peace with 
them ; & but their terms were too hard, or some other cause prevented. " Ca- 
nonchet and Panoquin said they would fight it out, to the last man, rather 
than they would become servants to the English." * A truly noble resolution, 
and well worthy of the character we have of Canonchet. 

"My master (says Mrs. Rowlandsori) had three squaws, living sometimes 
with one and sometimes with another. Onux, this old squaw at whose wig 
wam I was, and with whom my master [Quinnapin] had been these three 
weeks. Another was Wettimore, with whom I had lived and served all this 
while. A severe arid proud dame she was ; bestowing every day in dressing 
herself near as much time as any of the gentry of the land powdering her 
Lair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears, 
and bracelets upon her hands. When she had dressed herself, her work 
was to make girdles of wampum and beads. The third squaw [or wife] was 
a young one, by whom he had two papooses." f 

While the Narragansets and Nipmucks were encamped at a place on Con 
necticut River at considerable distance above Northampton, perhaps near as 
far as Bellows Falls, Mrs. Rowlandson says, "My master's maid came home: 
she had been gone three weeKs into the Narraganset country to fetch corn, 
where they had stored up some in the ground. She brought home about a 
peck and a half of corn " / 

We shall relate, in the Life of JVepanet, the mission of Mr. Hoar to Philip's 
quarters for the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson. This was not long alter 
Sudbury fight, and the Indians were preparing to commemorate it by a great 
dance, "which was carried on by eight of them, (as Mrs. R. relates,) four men 
and four squaws; my master and mistress [Quinnapin and Wedamoo] being 
two. He was dressed in his Holland shirt, with great stockings, his garters 
hung round with shillings, and had girdles of ivampom upon his head and 
shoulders. She had a kearsey coat, covered with girdles of wampom from 
the loins upward. Her arms, from her elbows to her hands, were covered 
with bracelets ; there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and sev 
eral sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, 
her hair powdered, and her face painted red, that was always before black. 
And all the dancers were after the same manner. There were two others 
singing and knocking on a kettle for their music. They kept hopping up 
and down one after another, with a kettle of water in the midst, standing 
warm upon some embers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on 
till almost night, throwing out their wampom to the standers-by. At night 
I asked them again, if I should go home : they all as one said, No, except my 
husband would come for me. When we were lain down, my master went 
out of the wigwam, and by and by sent in an Indian called James-tJie-printer, 
who told Mr. Hoar, that my master would let me go home to-morrow, if he 
would let him have one pint of liquor. Then Mr. Hoar called his own 
Indians, Tom and Peter, and bid them all go and see if he would promise it 
before them three ; and if he would he should have it, which he did, and had 
it. Philip smelling the business, called me to him, and asked me what I 
would give him, to tell me some good news, and to speak a good word for 
me, that I might go home to-morrow? I told Mm I could not tell what to 
give him, I would any thing I had, and asked him what lie would have. He 
said two coats and 20 shillings in monej 7 , half a bushel of seed corn, and 
some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, but I knew that good news as well 
as that crafty fox. My master, after he had his drink, quickly came ranting 
into the wigwarn again, and called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him and saying 
he was a good man ; and then again he would say, Hang him a rogue. Being 
almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet 'presently say he should be 
hanged. Then he called for me ; I trembled to hear him, and yet I was fain 
to go to him, and he drank to me, shewing no incivility. He w r as the first 
Indian I saw drunk, all the time I was among them. At last his squaw ran 
out, and he after her, round the wigwam, with his money jingling at his 



Hubbard. t Narrative, 63, 64. 



CHAP. III.] DEATH OF QU1NNAPIN.TUSPAQUIN. 57 

knees, but she escaped him; but having an old squaw, he ran to her,"* and 
troubled the others no more that night. 

A day or two alter, the sagamores had a council, or general cowt, as they 
called it, in which the giving up of Mrs. R. was debated. All seemed to 
consent for her to go, except Philip, who would not come to the council. 
However, she was soon dismissed, and some who were at first opposed to her 
going, seemed now to rejoice at it. They shook her by the hand, and asked 
her to send them some tobacco, and some one thing and some another. 

When the extensive system of war carried on by Philip was broken in the 
west by intestine bickerings, Quinnapin returned with Philip to his country 
of the Wampanoags. About the end of July, 1676, Captain Church learned by 
a captive squaw that Quinnapin and Philip were in a "great cedar swamp" 
near Aponaganset with "abundance of Indians." This news, together with 
a discovery the captain soon after made, induced him to leave that country 
without disturbing so formidable an enemy. Soon after, Quinnapin escaped 
from a company of Bridgewater men, who killed Jlkkompoin, as he and 
Philip's company were crossing Taunton River. The next day, Church pur 
sued him, but he effected his escape. 

Not long after this, he was taken, and, immediately after the war, 25 
August, was shot at Newport in R. Island. It appears that Quinnapin had 
had some difficulty with the R. Island people, who, some time before the 
war, had cast him into prison ; but that by some means he had escaped, 
and become active in the war. He was reported "a young lusty sachem, 
and a very rogue." f A court-martial was held at Newport, R. L, on the 
24 August, 1676, by the governor and assistants of that colony, for the trial 
of Quinnapin, or Soivagonish, as he was sometimes called, and several others. 
He was charged with adhering to Philip in the war, which he confessed, 
and owned he was in the Narraganset Swamp fight of December, 1675, and 
next in command to Canonchet ; whereupon he was sentenced to be shot the 
next day. A brother of his, who had but one eye, named Sunkeejunasuc, had 
the same sentence passed upon him. JJshamattan, another brother, was 
tried, but at that tinie received no sentence.! 

TUSPJlQUIN,w\iose biography we shall next pursue, was one of Philip's 
most faithful captains, and sachem of Assawomset, as we have before had 
occasion to notice, in speaking of John Sassamon. His name in printed 
accounts differs but little, and is abbreviated from Waiuspaquin. Also in our 
life of Tatoson it was necessary to speak of this chief. From a survey of 
the deeds which he executed of various large tracts of land, it is evident 
his sachemdom was very extensive. It will be necessary to glance at some 
of the conveyances of Waiuspaquin for several reasons, the principal of which 
is, that the part he acted in the great drama of 1675 and 1676 may not be 
underrated. His conveyances to the Reverend John Sassamon and his family 
are already related. 

On 9 August, 1667, " Tuspequin, otherwise called the Black-sachem," for 
4, sells to Htnry Wood of rliinouth his right and title to the land on the 
east side of " Namassakett " River, bounded "on one end "by the pond 
called Black- sachem? s Pond, or, in Indian, Wanpawcult ; on the other end, by 
a little pond called Asnemscutt. How much was included in the given 
bounds, is not mentioned, nor could we now by the description possibly 
tell how far said tract extended back from the river. With Tuspaquin, 
bis wife, Amey, signed this deed, and it was witnessed only by two English 
men. 

On 17 July, 1669, Tuspaquin and his son William sell for 10 a tract or 
parcel of land near " Assowarnpsett," half a mile wide, and " in length from 
said ponds to Dartmouth path." Besides two English, Samuel Henry, Daniel 
and Old Harry were witnesses. Experience Mitchell, Henry Sampson, of Dux- 
borough, Thomas Little, of Marshfield, arid Thomas Paine, of Eastham, were 
the purchasers. 

* Narrative, 73 75. 

t Captain More's account of " The Warr in N. E. visibly ended," &c. in our INDIAN 
CHRONICLE. $ Potter's Narraganset, 98. 

He, however, reserved the right " to gett ceder barke ia the swamps." 



58 TUSPAQUIN. BURNS BRIDGEWATER. [BOOK III. 

June 10, 1670, Tuspaquin and his son William sold for 6, to Edward Gray, 
"in the behalf of the court of Plimouth," "all that our meddow that lyeth 
in or neare the town of Middleberry," on the west side of a tract belonging 
to John Alden and Constant Southworth, " and is between Assowamsett Pond 
and Taunton path, being in three parsells vpon three brookes ; " also another 
parcel on the other side of Taunton path. Witnessed by " Amie," the wife 
of Tuspaquin, and two English. 

30 June, 1672, Tuspaquin, " sachem of Namassakett, and Mantoivapuct 
alias William his son," sell to Edward Gray and Josias Winslow, lands on 
the easterly side of Assowamsett, to begin where Namasket River falleth 
out of the pond, and so south by the pond ; thence by perishable bounds 
to Tuspaquirfs Pond, arid so home to the lands formerly sold to Henry 
Wood. 

3 July, 1673, Tuspaquin and his son William sell to Benjamin Church of 
Duxborough, house carpenter, and John Tompson of Barnstable, lands about 
Middleborough, lor which they paid him 15. It is described as " lying att 
and neare the township of Middleberry," bounded westerly by a river called 
Monhiggen, which runs into a pond called Quisquasett, and so by a cedar 
swamp to Tuspaquin's Pond ; thence by Henry Wood's land to a place 
called Pochaboqnett. Nahudset River is named as a northern boundary ; and 
the two "places" called Tuscomanest and Massapanoh are also named, like 
wise a pond called Sniptuett, and a " river's mouth called Tuppatuett which 
runneth into a pond called Quittuwashett" Two English, Sam Harry, and 
Joseph of Namasket, were witnesses. 

1 November 1673, William Watuspaquin, Jlssaweta, Tobias and Bewat, for 
10 sell to three English of Barnstable a tract of land bounded by Que- 
taquash Pond northerly, by Quetaquash River easterly, Snepetuitt Pond, &c. 

14 May, 1675, the two Tuspaquins, father and son, " make over to John 
Tompson, Constant Southworth" and others, of Middleborough, " all that tract 
of land which we now have in possession, called commonly Jlssowamset 
neck or necks, and places adjacent," as a security against the claims of others, 
&c. of other lands deeded at the same time ; if, therefore, they are not dis 
turbed in the possession of the former lands deeded, then they "are not to 
be outed of Assawamsett neck." Pottawo, alias Daniel, Poyman, Pagatt* alias 
Joseph, were witnesses. 

For the land deeded they received 33, " sterling." It consisted of uplands 
and meadows about the pond called Ninipoket, Qiu'fr'cus,f &c., and, judging 
from the price paid, was, no doubt, a very large tract. 

Thus are a few of the acts of Watuspaquin sketched previous to the war. 
We are now to trace his operations in quite another sphere. In our opinion, 
Mr. Hubbard was right in styling him * the next noted captain to Philip," but 
erroneously calls Old Tuspaquin " the Black-sachem's son." He does not 
appear to have known of the son William. Indeed, we hear nothing of him 
in the war, but it is probable he shared the fate of his father. 

In the spring of 1676, Tuspaquin was marching from place to place Avith 
about 300 men, and was doubtless in high expectation of humbling the 
pride of his enemies, and, but for Philip's western disasters, occasioned by 
the disaffection of his Pocomptucks and others, his expectations might have 
been realized. It was doubtless under his direction that 19 buildings in 
Scituate were burnt on 20 April ; and on the 8 May, had not a shower pre 
vented, most, if not all, the houses in Bridgewater would have shared the 
same fate. Tuspaquin was known to have led his men in this attack.! 
The inhabitants exerted themselves to repel the Indians, but, conscious of 
their strength, they maintained their ground until the next day, when they 
retreated. Notwithstanding the rain, they succeeded in burning" 17 buildings 
before they decamped. 

On 11 May, 1676, there were eleven houses and five barns burnt in Plim 
outh, and a few weeks after, seven houses more and two barns. These 

Two names, probably ; but in the MS. there is no comma between, as is often the case. 
t Titicut, probably now. 

j Mr. Hubbard says, (Nar. 71.) the Indians were led by one Tusguogen, but we are satis- 
fled Tuspaquin is meant. 



CHAP. III.] TUSPAQUIN. HIS COMPANY SURPRISED. 59 

were probably such as were at a considerable distance from the village, and 
had chiefly been deserted. This " mischief" was attributed to Tuspaquin 
and his men. 

About this time, Benjamin Church was commissioned by the government 
of Plimouth to lead parties in different directions over the colony ; and from 
the time he commenced operations, the Indians found but few opportunities 
to do mischief in Plimouth colony. 

Tuspaquin still kept his ground in the Assawpmset country, and for a long 
time baffled all the skill Captain Church was master of in his endeavors to take 
him prisoner. Church received his commission 24 July, 1676, and the same 
night set out on an expedition against Tuspaquin. His Indian scouts brought 
him before day upon a company of his people in Middleborough, every one 
of whom fell into his hands. How many there were, Church does not say. 
He took them directly to Plimouth, " and disposed of them all," except " one 
Jeffery, who, proving very ingenious and faithful to him in informing where 
other parcels of the Indians harbored, Capt. Church promised him, that if 
he continued to be faithful to him, he should not be sold out of the country, 
but should be his waiting man, to take care of his horse, &c^ and accord 
ingly he served him faithfully as long as he lived." * 

Thus strengthened by Tuspaquin's own men, Church pursued his successes 
with manifold advantage. There was a small tribe residing near Munponset 
Pond, which was next captured without loss on either side, and there was 
henceforth scarcely a week passed wherein he did not capture some of these 
people. 

Not long after this, it was found that Tuspaquin had encamped about 
Assawornset, and Church set out on an expedition there ; but finding Old 
Tuspaquin was ready for him at the neck between the two great ponds, f he 
was glad to make the best of his way on towards Acushnet and Dartmouth. 
As he was crossing Assawomset neck, a scout from Tuspaquin's camp fired 
upon him, but did him no injury. 

Meanwhile the great Jlnnawon having been surprised by the indefatigable 
Church, Tuspaquin saw no chance of holding out long; he therefore appears 
afterwards only intent upon keeping out of the way of the English. This 
could not be long reasonably expected, as their scouts were ranging in every 
direction. 

On 4 Sept. 1676, according to Church's account, Tuspaquin's company 
were encamped near Sippican, doing " great damage to the English in kill 
ing their cattle, horses and swine." The next day, Church and his rangers 
were in their neighborhood, and, after observing their situation, which was 
" sitting round their fires in a thick place of bruch,"| in seeming safety, the 
captain " ordered every man to creep as he did ; and surrounded them by 
creeping as near as they could, till they should be discovered, and then to 
run on upon them, and take them alive, if possible, (for their prisoners were 
their pay.) They did so, taking every one that was at the fires, not one 
escaping. Upon 'examination, they agreed in their story, that they belonged 
to Tispaquin, who was gone with John Bump and one more to Agawom and 
Sipicau to kill horses, and were not expected back in two or three days." 
Church proceeds : " This same Tispaquin had been a great captain, and the 
Indians reported that he was such a great pouwau, [priest or conjurer,] that 
no bullet could enter him. Capt. Church said he would not have him killed, 
for there was a war broke out in the eastern part of the country, and he 
would have him saved to go with them to fight the eastern Indians. Agree 
ably, he left two old squaws of the prisoners, and bid them tarry there until 
their Captain Tispaquin returned, and to tell him, that Church had been 
there, and had taken his wife, children and company, and carried them 
down to Plymouth ; and would spare all their lives, and his too, if he would 

* Church, Narrative. 31. 

t Just below where Sampson's tavern now stands. 

i 1 suspect Mr. Hubbard mistakes the situation of this place, in saying it was " in Laken- 
ham, upon Pocasset neck.'' Church is so unrewarding of all geography, that it is quite un 
certain where it was. If it were near Sippican, it was a long way from any part of Pocasset. 

By this it seems the place might have been as far off as Pocasset. 



GO TUSPAQUIN MURDERED AT PLIMOUTH. TATOSON. [BOOK III. 

come down to them and bring the other two that were with him, and they 
should he his soldiers, &c. Capt. Church then returned to Plymouth, leav 
ing the old squaws well provided for, and bisket for Tispaquin when he 
returned." 

This Church called laying a trap for Tuspaquin, and it turned out as he 
expected. We shall now see with what faith the English acted on this 
occasion. Church had assured him that, if he gave himself up, he should 
not bs killed, but he was riot at Plimouth when Tuspaquin came in, having 
gone to Boston on business for a few days ; " but when he returned he 
found, to his grief, the heads of Annaivon, Tispaquin, &c. cut offj which 
were the last of Philip's friends " ! 

It is true that those who were known to have been personally engaged in 
killing the English were, in the time of the greatest danger, cut oft' from 
pardon by a law; that time had now passed away, and, like many other 
laws of exigency, it should then have been considered a dead letter ; leaving 
out of the case the faith and promise of their best servant, Church. View 
it, therefore, in any light, and nothing can be found to justify this flagrant 
inroad upon that promise. To give to the conduct of the Plimouth govern 
ment a pretext for this murder, (a milder expression I cannot use,) Mr. 
Hubbard says, Tuspaquin having pretended that a bullet could not penetrate 
him, trial of his invulnerableness was resolved upon. So he was placed as 
a mark to shoot at, and "he fell down at the first shot"! 

This was doubtless the end of numerous others, as we infer from the 
following passage in Dr. Mather's PREVALENCY OF PRAYER. He asks, 
"Where are the six Narraganset sachems, with all their captains and coun 
sellors ? Where are the Nipmuck sachems, with their captains and coun 
sellors ? Where is Philip and Squaw-sachem of Pocasset, with all their 
captains and counsellors? God do so to all the implacable enemies of 
Christ, and of his people in N. England"! ! The next of Philip's captains, 
in our arrangement, is 

TATOSON, also a great captain in the war of 1675. It seems rather un 
certain whether he were a Narraganset or Wampanoag. He (or one 
bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Narragansets in 
the beginning of the war. It is quite certain that his residence afterwards 
was in Sandwich, since Rochester ; * and when he signed the treaty just 
named, it is probable he was only among the Narragansets upen a mission 
or visit. He was a son of the "noted Sam Barrow," but of his own 
family, or whether he had any, we are not informed. 

We first meet with Taloson,} or, as his name is commonly printed, Toto- 
son, in 1666, in the respectable company of Mr. Secretary Morton of Plim 
outh, and Jlcanootus, Wannoo, two " graue and sage Indians," and a number 
more, of whose characters we are not so well prepared to speak. Among 
this assemblage he is only conspicuous, however, as a witness to a deed of 
the lands upon Weequancett neck. Mr. Morton's name follows Tatoson's, on 
this instrument. 

There was a general disarming of the Indians in 1671, as will elsewhere 
b3 mentioned. Among a great number ordered to appear at Plimouth the 
same year, to bind themselves more strongly in allegiance to the English, 
we find the name of Tatoson, or, as his name was then written, Tautoztn. 
Also Toby, alias Nauhnocomivit, \ and Will, alias Washawanna. 

On the 12th of June, 1676, several Indians, who had been sent in by 
Bradford and Church, were "convented before the councell " at Plimonth ; 
being " such of them as were accused of working vnsufferable mischeifle 
vpon some of ours." Among them was one named WATUKPOO, or, as he 



* On the right of the main road, as you pnss from Matapoiset to Roc hester village, and 
about two miles from the former, at a small distance from the road, is a kind of island in a 
miiy swamp. Upon this, it is said, was Tatoson's camp. This island is connected by an 
isthmus lo the main land. 

t So almost always in the MSS. 

} Sometimes called Toby Cole. The same, we conclude, who joined Philip afterwards, 
and fell into the hands of Captain Church, as did his mother, and many more at the same tune. 



CHAP. III.] TATOSON.-- TAKES A GARRISON AT PLIMOUTH. 61 

was often called, Tiikpoo.* Against him, several charges were brought, such 
as his going off to the enemy, and trying to deceive the governor about the 
prospect of war ; telling him that Philip's men had deserted him, and that 
he had only a few old men and boys remaining. At this time were present 
three other Indians, whose names were Woodcock, Quanapaivhan and John- 
num. The two first were accused by a squaw of destroying Clark's garrison 
at Esl River in Plimouth, arid murdering the inhabitants. This had been 
done on the 12 March previous, and with such secrecy and effect, that the 
English knew not whom to accuse of it. Many supposed that Wataspaquin 
conducted the affair, arid Mr. Hubbard charges it upon him without hesita 
tion, but it is now quite certain that he had nothing to do with it, as in the 
sequel we shall show. 

The two just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow 
prisoner, John-num. It appears that JVum not only owned himself guilty of 
this charge, but acknowledged, also, that he was concerned in the murder of 
" Jacob Milchel and his wife, and John Pope, \ and soe centance of death was 
pronounced against them, which accordingly emediately was executed." 

Before these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was 
KEWEENAM. Although Tatoson commanded the company that put to death 
the people at Clark's garrison, yet Keweenam set the expedition on foot. He 
lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of Tatoson's men. However, on 
Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. William Clark's, and observed how 
every part of the garrison was conditioned. He then went to his chief, 
Tatoson, and told him that it could be easily taken, as it was but slightly 
fortified; and that the next day, being Sunday, would be the proper time to 
execute their plan, as .the residents would mostly be gone to meeting; "and 
in case they left a man at home, or so, they might soon dispatch him." 

This intelligence was pleasing to Tatoson, and he found himself at the 
head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows : Woo- 
nashenah, Musquash, Wapanpowett, Tom, "the sou of Tatoson's brother," 
Uttsooweest, and Tom Plant ; which, with the three before named, made up 
the whole company. Commencing their march before night, they arrived 
in the borders of Plimouth, where they lay concealed until the people had 
gone to public worship. About 10 o'clock in the morning, they came upon 
the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After killing all they met 
with, they took what plunder they could carry, and burned the buildings ; 
then again dispersed into the woods. 

There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women 
and children. Three only were of Mr, Clark's family, but there were eight 
others belonging to the other two. Mrs. Elizabeth Clark, 1 one of the heads 
of the family, was among the slain. 

* This Indian, whom we shall have occasion several times to mention, was not one of those 
sent in by Bradford, as appears from Mather, (Brief Hist. 40 ) but they "informed that a 
bloudy Indian called Tuckpoo, (who the last summer murdered a man of Boston, at Namas- 
ket,) with about 20 Indians more, was at a place within 16 miles of Plimouth." Eif,!&t 
English and fourteen Indians succeeded in taking 1 them all, and Tuckpoo was immediately 
executed. 

t The murder of these people is supposed (o be referred to by Mr. Hubbard in his 
" Table." The passage follows : " In June, 167t>, [1675 ?] a man and a woman were slain by 
the Indians ; another woman was wounded and taken ; but because she had kept an Indian 
child before, so much kindness was showed her, as that she was sent back, after they had 
dressed her wound ; the Indians guarded her till she came within sight of the English." Mr. 
Mitcliel informs us that the name of the wounded woman was Dorothy Haywood, See 1 Coll. 
Mass. Hist. Soc. vii. 159. 

t " Who was the daughter of a godly father and mother, that came to N. England on the 
account of religion." ' They also killed her sucking child, and knocked another child (who 
was about eight years old) in the head, supposing they had killed him, but afterwards he 
came to himself." /. Mather, Briof Hist. 24. 

We relate all that is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Present State, 
&c. furnishes the following valuable facts : " About this time, [his last date mentioned being 
14 MarchJ one Mr. Clarke's wife, children, and all his family, at his farm-house, two miles 
from Plimouth, were surprised and killed, except one boy, who was knockt down, and left for 
dead, but afterwards taken up and revived. The house they plundered of provision and 
goods to a great value; eight complete arms, SQL [lb.] of powder, with an answerable quaa 

6 



(J2 TATOSON. SWAMP FIGHT. [BooK III. 

Kcioeenam was beheaded, but how the other three were disposed of, we 
are not informed ; it is very probable that the whole number suffered in clue 
time. At the trial of Keweenam and the other three, some of them pleaded 
that the governor's proclamation was now their protection ; from which it 
would seem that they had surrendered themselves. But there was none to 
plead their case, except their accusers, and they explained things in their 
own- way. The court said, "Forasmuch as the council had before this 
engaged to several Indians desirous to come in and tender themselves to 
mercy, that they should find favor in so doing : it was fully made known to 
such Indians as were then present, that the said engagement ivas to be under 
stood with exception against such as by murder as above said had so acted, 
and not against such as killed his enemie in the field in a souldierlike way." 
This kind of argument would answer among duelists, but when did the 
Indians agree to fight the English according to tlueir rules of war ? The 
former might with equal propriety demand that the English should conform 
to their manner, and not depend on their numbers, forts, and superior 
weapons. 

Although the murder at Clark's garrison was one of those horrible acts 
in Indian warfare, which would justify the most rigid retaliation, still, as the 
English began the war, they had no right to expect but that it would be 
prosecuted by the Indians in all the ways at their command. On this ground 
the philanthropist will ever condemn the severity of the English. 

When Captain Church came upon Phitip and a great number of his people, 
the 3d of August, 1676, " Tispaquin, Totoson, &c." prevented the entire 
destruction of some of them, by combating the English while their chief 
and others extricated themselves from a small swamp into which they had 
fled. "In this swamp skirmish Capt. Church with his two men which 
always ran by his side as his guard, met with three of the enemy, two of 
which surrendered themselves, and the captain's guard seized them ; but 
the other, being a great stout surly fellow, with his two locks ty'd up with 
red, and a great rattlesnake's skin hanging to the back part of his head, 
(whom Capt. Church concluded to be Totoson,) ran from them into the 
swamp. Capt. Church in person pursued him close, till, coming pretty near 
up with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, but it missing fire, 
the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented at Capt. Church, and missing 
fire also, (their guns taking wet with the fog and dew of the morning,) but 
the Indian turning short for another run, his foot trip'd in a small grape 
vine, and he fell flat on his face. Capt. Church was by this time up with 
him and struck the muzzle of his gun an inch and an half into the back 
part of his head, which dispatched him without another blow. But Capt. 
Church looking behind him saw Totoson, the Indian whom he tho't he had 
killed, come flying at him like a dragon ; but this happened to be fair in 
sight of the guard that \vere set to keep the prisoners, who spying Totoson 
and others that were following him, in the very seasonable juncture made 
a shot upon them, and rescued their captain, though he was in no small 
danger from his friends' bullets, for some came so near him that he thought 
he felt the wind of them." * The celebrated Church, in the skirmishes he 
had in these two days, August 1 and 2, took and killed 173 Indians. 

Little more than a month after the fall of Philip, Church surprised Tato- 
sons whole company, about 50 persons. He was the last that was left of the 
family of Barrow ; and, says Church, "the wretch reflecting upon the miser 
able condition he had brought himself into, his heart became a stone within 
him, and he died. The old squaw [that Chunh had employed to persuade 
him to submit] flung a few leaves and brush over him came into Sandwich, 
and gave this account of his death ; and offered to show them where she left 
his body, but never had an opportunity, for she immediately fell sick and 
died also." 

The fate of the father of Tatoson does not so much excite sympathy, as 

tity of lead for bullets, and 150/. in ready money ; the said Mr. Clark himself narrowly 
escaping; their cruelty, by being at that instant at a meeting." 
* Hist. Philip's War, 4,1. ' 



CHAP. III.] MURDER OF BARROW. -TIASHQ. 63 

does that of the son, but is one of those cases more calculated to arouse the 
fiercer passions. The old chief fell into the hands of Captain Church, in one 
of his successful expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church says, in 
his history, that he was " as noted a rogue as any among the enemy." Cap 
tain Church told him that the government would not permit him to grant 
him quarter, " because of his inhuman murders and barbarities," and there 
(ore ordered him to prepare for execution. "Barrow replied, that the sen 
tence of death against him was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live 
any longer, and desired no more favor, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco 
before his execution. When he had taken a few whiffs, he said, ' I am 
ready ; ' upon which one of Captain Church's Indians sunk his hatchet into 
his brains." 

TMSHQ* or TfMK$\ "was the next man to P7w7t>,"<says Church; there 
were others also said to be " next to him," and it may be all reconciled by 
supposing these chiefs as having the chief command over particular tribes. 
Mr. Hubbwd\ says only this of the famous Tiashq: "In June last, [1676,] one 
Tiashq, a great captain of Philipjs, his wife and child, or children, being 
taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrendered 
himself!" Dr. /. Mather, writing under date of 22 July, 1676, says it was "this 
week " that Captain Church and his Indian soldiers fell upon Tiashq and his 
company. It appears therefore that Mr. Hubbard is in error, as the account 
given by Church corroborates that of Mather, who speaks thus of his opera 
tions : " It having been his manner when he taketh any Indians by a promise 
of favor to them, in case they acquit themselves well, to set them an hunting 
after more of these wolves, whereby the worst of them sometimes do sin 
gular good service in finding out the rest of their bloody fellows. In one of 
these skirmishes, Tiashq, Philip's chief captain, ran away leaving his gun be 
hind him, and his squaw, who was taken." These Indian soldiers, who 
performed this exploit, were forced upon it by Church, They had been 
seeking Indians about Aponaganset River, and discovered that a large com 
pany of them had just been gathering the apples at a deserted settlement on 
the east side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their 
track.|| "Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country road, 
where the track parted: one parcel steered towards the west end of the 
great cedar swamp, and the other to the east end. The captain halted and 
told his Indian soulcliers that they had heard as well as he what some men 
had said at Plymouth about them,H &c., that now was a good opportunity for 
each party to prove themselves. The track, being divided, they should fol 
low one, and the English the other, being equal in number. The Indians 
declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where without him : 
said they should not think themselves safe without him. But the captain insisting 
upon it, they submitted. He gave the Indians their choice to follow which 
Track they pleased. They replied, They were light and able to travel, therefore 
if he pleased they would take the west tracL And appointing the ruins of John 
Cook's house at Cushnet ** for the place to meet at, each company set out 
briskly to try their fortunes." f f When the parties met, " they very remark 
ably found that the number that each company had taken arid slain was 
equal. The Indians had killed three of the enemy, and taken 63 prisoners, 
as the English had done before them."JJ Both parties were much 
rejoiced at their successes, but the Indians, told Captain Church " that they had 
missed a brave opportunity by parting. They came upon a great town of 
the enemy, viz: Captain Tyasks' company. (Tyasks was the next man to 

* Hubbard, Mather. \ Church. \ Narrative, 106. 

Brief Hist. 42. || Church, 33. 

ft The detestation in which the Indians were held by " some men/ 7 in many other places as 
well as in Plimouth, will often appear in this work. Such people could know nothing 1 of 
human nature, and many would not have believ