Full text of "The books of the Old Testament : a short introduction"

BIBLICAL MANUALS
EDITED BY J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, M.A.

i l .i*

THE BOOKS

OLD TESTAMENT

a Sbort SntroDuctton

J. H. WEATHERALL, M.A.

Professor of Hebrew and Hellenistic Greek in the
Presbyterian College, Carmarthen.

lonfton

THE SUNDAY SCHOOL ASSOCIATION

ESSEX HALL, ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C.
1902

PRINTED BY ELSOM AND CO.
MARKET-PLACE, HULL.

PREFACE.

The following pages are designed for those readers who are
interested in the Old Testament, not only as a storehouse of devo-
tion and doctrine, but also as a collection of ancient writings pre-
senting many literary and historical problems. In the space at
the writer's disposal, it will be obvious that only the more important
of these problems could be discussed.

For convenience of reference, the order of books in the
English Version has been followed. How little this is a guide
to the origin of the books may' be illustrated by the fact that the
account of Creation on the first page of the Old Testament arid the
prophecy of ' Malachi ' on the last were published at practically
the same time. The chronological tables will assist the reader
to fix the succession of the different writings.

The writer may be allowed to suggest here that the critical
analyses of the historical books, on which so much of their
interpretation depends, can be appreciated only if some means
be taken to represent them to the eye. For the Hexateuch,
the works mentioned in the text do this by means of variations
of type, and so far as issued the parts of the Polychrome
Bible by the more expensive but clearer method of colours.
In the following pages, however, sufficiently detailed notes of
analysis have been included to enable the student to construct
a Polychrome Bible for himself, if he takes the trouble to wash-
in the text of the various sources by means of water-colours.

The thanks of the author are due and are hereby offered to the
Rev. J. Estlin Carpenter for many helpful suggestions and
criticisms.

J. H. W.

Carmarthen, December^ 1901.

2094067

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.

OT .
AV .
EV .
RV .
RVM

fg.,ffg. -

Driver, LOT .

W. R. Smith. OTJC

Kautzsch, Outlines .

Hastings, DB .
Cheyne, Ency. Bi

CBS .
ET .
LXX

Old Testament.

Authorised Version.

English Version (Authorised and Revised).

Revised Version.

Revised Version Margin.

compare.

contrast.

and following.

ibidem, in the same place.

scilicet, to wit.

circa, about.

S. R. Driver, ' Introduction to the Literature of the

Old Testament' : 7th edition.
W. Robertson Smith, ' The Old Testament in the

Jewish Church ' : and edition.
E. Kautzsch, ' An Outline of the History of the

Literature of the Old Testament.' English

Translation by Dr. John Taylor.
1 A Dictionary of the Bible,' edited by J. Hastings.

V01S. I, 2, 3.

' Encyclopaedia Biblica,' edited by T. K. Cheyne

and J. Sutherland Black : vols. I and 2.
The Cambridge Bible for Schools.
English Translation.
Septuagint.

Other abbreviations are explained in the text, or are self-explanatory.
Chapters of the biblical books are referred to by arabic numerals on the
line ; verses by similar numerals above the line. Thus : Gen. 2 1 means
the first verse of the second chapter of Genesis.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

PREFACE . . . . . . . . iii

LIST or ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . iv

CONTENTS ........ v

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES ...... viii

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER . . . . . .1

I. What the Old Testament is. 2. The Canon of the Old
Testament. 3. The Canon of the Synagogue. 4. The
Canon of the Alexandrians. 5. The Language of the
Old Testament. 6. The MSS. 7. The Versions. 8. The
Divisions into Chapters and Verses. 9. The Chief
Periods of Old Testament History. IO. The Monarchy
to the Fall of Samaria, 1030-722 B.C. n. The Fall ot
Samaria to the Destruction of Jerusalem, 722-586. 12.
The Exile to the Maccabean War, 586-165. 13. The
Transmission and Editing of the Text.
CHAPTER I. THE HEXATEUCH . . . . . .24

I. The Sixfold Book. 2. Some Literary Features. 3. Two
Specimen Narratives (a) Creation (b) The Deluge.
4. Development of Critical Opinion. 5- Analysis.

6. Dates of the Documents (a) D. (b) J and E. (<r) P.

7. The Combination of the Documents. 8. Characteris-
tics^) J. (b) E. (c) D. (d) P.

CHAPTER II. JUDGES TO ESTHERJ . . . . . 56

(i.) Judges.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Contents. 3. Sources. 4. His-
torical Value.
(ii.) Ruth.

I. Contents. 2. Date and Object,
(iii.) Samuel.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Composition. 3. Sources.
4. Combination of the Sources. 5. Contents and Analy-
sis. 6. Historical Value.
(iv.) Kings.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. The Compilers. 3. Sources.

4. Contents and Analysis. 5. Historical Value,
(v.) Chronicles.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Date. 3. Sources. 4. Objects,
Methods, and Historical Value.

TI CONTENTS

PACK

(vi.) Ezra and Nehemiah.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Contents. 3. Sources. 4.

Author and Date. 5. Historical Value,
(vii.) Esther.

I. Contents. 2. Date and Characteristics.

CHAPTER III. JOB TO THE SONG OF SONGS .... 102
(i.) Job.

I. 'Wisdom Literature.' 2. Subject and Treatment. 3-
Contents. 4. Original Form. 5. Date. 6. Charac-
teristics,
(ii.) Psalms.

I. Characteristics of Hebrew Poetry. 2. Divisions. 3.
Growth of the Psalter. 4. Date of Collections. 5. Author-
ship. 6. ' The Hymn Book of the Second Temple."
(iii.) Proverbs.

I. Title. 2. Contents. 3. Date and Authorship.
(iv.) Ecclesiastes.

I. Title. 2. Contents. 3. Authorship and Date. 4. Origi-
nal Form.
(T.) The Song of Songs.

I. Title. 2. Subject and Character. 3. Date.

CHAPTER IV. ISAIAH . . . . . .134

(A) 1-35. i. Life of Isaiah. 2. Structure of the Book. 3.

The Circumstances of the Time. 4. The Prophecies
chronologically arranged. 5. Analysis. 6. Charac-
teristics.

(B) 36-39. The Historical Appendix.

(a) The Servant Passages, (b) 40-55 apart from a,
(c) 56-66. 4. Characteristics.

CHAPTER V. JEREMIAH AND LAMENTATIONS .... 170
(i.) Jeremiah.

I. Life and Times. 2. Composition. 3. Contents. 4.

Characteristics,
(ii.) Lamentations.

I. Contents. 2. The Qinah Measure. 3. Authorship and
Date.

CONTENTS vii

I'AGK

CHAPTER VI. EZEKIEL . \ . . . .189

I. Life. 2. Contents. 3. Characteristics.

CHAPTER VII. DANIEL . . . . . .197

I. Apocalypse. 2. Daniel. 3. Contents and Interpretation.

4. Date. 5. Characteristics.

CHAPTER VIII. THE TWELVE MINOR PROPHETS . . . 205

(i.) Hosea.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics,
(ii.) Joel.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. The Locusts. 4. Date.

5. Characteristics,
(iii.) Amos.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Later Addi-
tions. 5. Characteristics,
(iv.) Obadiah.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Relation to

Jer. 49. 5. Edom and Judah.
(v.) Jonah.

I.Jonah. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Aim and Characteristics,
(vi.) Micah.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Later Additions. 4. Date.
5. Characteristics.

(vn.) Nahum,

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics,
(viii.) Habakkuk.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Interpretation of I, 2.

4. Date. 5. Chapter 3. 6. Characteristics.
(ix.) Zephaniah.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics,
(x.) Haggai.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics,
(xi.) Zechariah.

(A) 1-8. i. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date and
Characteristics.

(B) 9-11, I3 7 " 9 i. Anonymous. 2. Contents. 3. Date.

I. The name ' Malachi.' 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Charac-

tprisHrs.

teristics.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

I. To the Separation of the Kingdoms (-930 B.C.).

NOTES. LITERATURE.

Fragments in Num. 21

The Exodus

Period of the
Judges

Samuel
Saul
c. 1000 B.C. David

Solomon

Deborah-Song, Jud. 5.
Jotham's Parable, Jud. g 7 ' 16 .

[Book of the Wars of Yah-
weh.]

Selection of David's Elegy over Saul and
Jerusalem for Jonathan. 2 S. I 19 ' 27 ,
the capital. David's Lament over Abner.

2 S. s 33 '* 4 .
[Book of Yashar.]

Building ot
the Temple.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES

2. The Divided Monarchy, 930-722.

B.C.

ISRAEL.

JUDAH.

NOTES.

LITERATURE.

c. 93<>

JeroboamI,

, Rehoboam

Foundation

Nadab

Abijah

Narratives of

Baasha

Asa

Judges.

Elah

Jerusalem and

Zimri

Jehoshaphat

David

Omri

Sources in Sam.

Saul Stories in

Samuel.

c. 854

Ahab

Prophetic Activity of

Beginnings of

Elijah

the J series of

Ahaziah

Jehoram

and

narratives in

Jehoram

Ahaziah

Elisha.

Gen.onwards.

841-815

Jehu

841-36

Pr. Source in

Athaliah

Kings.

(Queen)

835-796

Jehoash

814-798

Jehoahaz

E Source in

797-783

Jehoash

795-790

Kings.

Amaziah

782-743

Jeroboam

789-740

745 Tiglath Pileser III.

Amos.

Azariah

King of Assyria.

Secondary Pr.

(-Uzziah)

source inKgs.

Zechariah

740 Arpad captured by

Hosea 1-3.

Shall um

Assyria.

E series in Gen.

742-737

Menahem

739-34

738 Menahem tributary

onwards.

Jotham

to Assyria.

SSsource inSam.

Hosea 4-14.

736

Pekahiah

The Syro-Ephramitish

Is. 2-5, I7 M1 , 6.

War.

Is. 7-9 6 , II 1 ' 9 .

735-o

Pekah

733-721

734 Ahaz buys assist-

Micah 1-5.

729-721

Hoshea

Ahaz.

ance from Assyria.

Isaiah I4 a4 *-

Reduction of Samaria

Isaiah 28 1 - 6 .

722 by Shalmaneser

IV.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES

3. The Fall of Samaria to the Fall of Jerusalem, 722-586.

NOTES.

LITERATURE.

720-693 Hezekiah Rebellion of Hezekiah ; alliance with Isaiah 28-32,

692-639 Manasseh

Egypt. Invasion by Sennacherib
of Assyria. Siege of Jerusalem.
Retreat of Sennacherib, 701.

IO 5-34 i4-32

I7 12 - 14 ,i8,etc.

Micah 6-7.
Nahum.

638

Amon

637-608 Josiah Incursions of Scythians. Zephaniah.

Jeremiah 2-6.

621 Josiah purifies the cultus on the Deuteronomy,
basis of the law-book found in the
Temple.
Josiah slain in battle of Megiddo in Habakkuk.

opposing Egypt.
608 Jehoahaz Fall of Assyria, 608-6.

607-597 Jehoiakim 604 Nebuchadrezzar defeats Egypt Jer. 7-20.
at Carchemish ; Jehoiakim be- 26.
comes his vassal. ,, 25.

597

602 Revolt of Jehoiakim ; siege of
Jerusalem.

Jehoiachin 597 Capture of Jerus ; first deporta-
(3 months) tion of inhabitants ; Zedekiah
vassal of Nebuchadrezzar.

35-

596-86 Zedekiah

Deut. redac-
tion of Jud.-
Kgs. ; Jer.
22 20 '*, 23 ,24,
etc.

He leagues with Egypt. Siege of Jer. 2 1, 27-34,
Jerusalem, and capture. 37-3$ (in the

main).

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES

The Exile to the Maccabean War.

EVENTS.

538
519-16

Ezekiel in captivity in Babylon.

Victories of Cyrus, King of Per-
sia ; fall of Babylon, 538.

Some of the Jews return to

Palestine.
The Second Temple built.

485-465 Xerxes King of Persia.
465-424 Artaxerxes Kg.of Persia.
c. 458-32 Ezra and Nehemiah reorganise
the community. Re-building
of the walls of Jerusalem.
Publication of P.
c. 400 Canonisation of the Law.

332 End of the Persian Period.

Alexander the Great ; the Greek
Period.

300-200 Beginning of LXX. translation.
Canonisation of the ' Prophets.'

I 75" I ^4 Antiochus Epiphanes.

1 68 Profanation of the Temple.
The Maccabean revolt, vic-
tories, and purification of the
Temple.

LITERATURE.
Obadiah.

573 Ezekiel, except 291^-
Revisions of J, E (or JE), and

D ; Formation of JED.

Revisions of Jud., Sam., Kgs.
H in Leviticus.
Lamentations.
Additions to Jeremiah.
Isaiah 40-48.
Isaiah 34-5.

Some Psalms and Proverbs.
Isaiah 49-55.

Haggai and Zechariah 1-8.

' Malachi.'

P (in Babylonia).

Collection of Book I. of Ps.

Ruth.

Isaiah 56-66 (in the main).

Fusion of JED with HP.

Memoirs of Ezra.

Memoirs of Nehemiah.

Joel.

Jonah.

Further Psalms. Collection

of Books II. & III.
Further Proverbs.
Song of Songs, Isaiah 24-27.
Zechariah gfg ?, 12-14.
Chron.-Ezra-Nehemiah.
Completion of Proverbs.
Esther.
Ecclesiastes.
165 Daniel.
Completion of the Psalter.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER,

I. What the Old Testament is. 2. The Canon of the Old Testament.
3. The Canon of the Synagogue. 4. The Canon of the Alexan-
drians. 5. The Language of the Old Testament. 6. The MSS. 7.
The Versions. 8. The Divisions into Chapters and Verses. 9. The
chief Periods of Old Testament History. 10. The Monarchy to the
Fall of Samaria, 1030-722 B.C. II. The Fall of Samaria to the
Destruction of Jerusalem 722-586. 12. The Exile to the Maccabean
War, 586-165. 13. The Transmission and Editing of the Text.

i. What the Old Testament is.

THE Old Testament is a collection of the sacred writings of
the Jewish people. These writings are of different kinds
and various dates. One considerable portion of them deals
with the external fortunes of the nation, its laws and institutions.
Another considerable part consists of discourses of public men
called prophets. There are collections of hymns and proverbs,
treatises dealing with what we should call philosophy; and
there are also secular songs and edifying tales. Of these
diverse writings some portions were not yet two hundred years
old when Jesus was born, while some fragments go back
to at least a thousand years before the beginnings of
Christianity. Some parts had their origin in Palestine, some
in Babylonia. The Jewish nation is, however, the common
theme that unites all these varieties; and on its literary
side we might describe the Old Testament as a collection

of documents which illustrate the history and religion
of Israel.

The name ' Old Testament ' has a theological rather than a
literary significance. Christianity was originally a new Judaism,
and at first the Jewish sacred writings formed the only Bible of
the Christians. When however a literature grew up connected
with the origins of Christianity, and when this literature came to
be regarded as of divine authority, then the names ' Old
Covenant ' ' New Covenant ' were employed as titles of the two
collections. The immediate source of the names was 2 Cor.
3 and Heb. 9 15 ~ 17 , passages which rest upon Jer. 3i 31 . In the
Latin Church the word which finally prevailed as the translation
of the title was ' Testamentum.' From this our word is drawn.

2. The Canon of the Old Testament.

The idea of a collection of sacred writings was already
familiar to the Jews at the beginning of the Christian era.
Such a collection is called a Canon. This is a Greek word
meaning 'rod' or 'rule,' Gal. 6 16 ; applied to books it came
to mean a list or catalogue. In the early Christian Church
' canonical ' and ' inspired ' were convertible terms ; to allow
the ' canonicity ' of a book meant to grant its inspired charac-
ter ; to admit a book into the ' Canon ' meant to accept it into
the list of inspired writings. In the synagogue the phrase for
sacred writings was ' books which defile the hands.' i.e. which
are so especially holy that the hands must be ceremonially
washed after touching them, before engaging in any profane
occupation. 1

The Old Testament as e.g. printed in the Revised Version

is divided into 39 books. Jewish Bibles contain the same

books, but the order is not exactly the same ; and they are

divided there into three large groups, of which the names are

1 Budde, Encyclopaedia Biblica, col. 649.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 3

the Law, the Prophets, and the Writings. As the Jewish classi-
fication and order are important they are here given :

1. THE LAW.

Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. 5

2. THE PROPHETS.

The Former Prophets l :

Josh., Jud., Sam., Kgs. 4

The Latter Prophets :

Is., Jer., Ezkl. ; the Twelve 4 = 8

3. THE WRITINGS.

Psalms, Job, Proverbs; the Five
Rolls, (i.e. Song of Songs, Ruth,
Lam., Eccl., Esther); Daniel,
Ez.-Neh., Chron. n

Our total of 39 may be reached by reckoning the minor
Prophets separately, and Samuel, Kings, Ezra-Neh., Chron. as
two books each. On the other hand, the Old Testament in
the Greek Version known as the Septuagint z contains not only
the books of the Jewish Bible but certain others. These are
roughly represented by the Apocrypha of the Old Testament,
which cover i and 2 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, Maccabees, Additions
to Esther, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch with
the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Song of the Three Holy Children,
the History of Susanna, Bel and the Dragon, the Prayer of
Manasses. 3 The list of books contained in Jewish Bibles is
generally known as the Canon of the Synagogue or the Canon

1 ' Former ' and ' latter ' in place-order.
*Cp. infra 7.

3 MSS. of LXX vary with regard to the number of apocrypha. The Prayer
of Manasses i* in only a few MSS. ; 2 Esdras in none. Maccabees is
reckoned as four Books.

B 2

4 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

of the Palestinian Jews ; while the Septuagint Canon is
described as the Canon of the Alexandrians.

3. The Canon of the Synagogue.

The division of the Jewish Bible into three groups corres-
ponds to three stages in the growth of the collections. A
Jewish tradition ascribes the close of the Canon to Ezra. With
him it was supposed that the period ended in which God
revealed himself directly to men. The sacred writings are the
memorials of direct revelation, and, when revelation has ceased,
the substitutes for it.

The public adoption of the Deuteronomic Law Book in
621 B.C. 1 may be regarded as the first step towards the formation
of a Canon. The second step was the publication of a large
portion of the Pentateuch by Ezra in 444, the people formally
accepting it (Neh. S lf &). Within fifty years of this date the
Canon of the Law, consisting of Gen.-Deut., was practically
closed. The Samaritans, who broke off from Judaism about
400 B.C., carried with them a copy of the Pentateuch, which
must therefore have been divided off by that time from the rest
of the national literature.

The Law was regarded as pre-eminently the revelation of
God; in John ic 24 , i5 25 , i Cor. i4 21 the 'Law' is equivalent to
' the Scriptures,' for the passages quoted are outside of the
first Canon. Yet, as will be shown hereafter, the literary
origins of the Pentateuch were bound up with those of the
succeeding books; and the way was open for the canonising of
the remaining histories, and of those prophetic writings which
gave the impulse to the Deuteronomic revision of the histories.
Between 400 and 200 B.C. the Canon of the Prophets was
formed. About 200 B.C. Jesus son of Sirach wrote a Praise of
Famous Men (Ecclus. 44-50) which enables us to infer that the
1 Cp. on Deut. 40 fg.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 5

second Canon was then complete. There is no trace of any
public formal act establishing it. It grew up apparently in
accordance with the view that prophecy was concerned
solely in enforcing and illustrating the revelation contained
within the Law.

A relic of the time of the double canon lies in the phrase
The Law and the Prophets ' (Matt, s 17 , 7 12 J Luke i6 16 > 29 > 31 ;
Acts 28 23 ).

Gradually other writings came to be placed alongside of the
Law and the Prophets. The prologue to Ecclesiasticus, dating
from 132 B.C., refers to the 'Law and the Prophets and the
other books.' All the books of the third canon are contained
(with others) in the Septuagint, which must have been com-
pleted not much later. When the (Jewish) Synod of Jamnia
was held, between 90 and 100 A.D., the limits of the Palestinian
Canon were practically fixed ; the question to be decided there
was whether Ecclesiastes and Canticles ought to stand among
those books which ' defiled the hands.' There are traces also
of dispute with regard to Ezekiel, Proverbs, and Esther ; but
by this time the canon of the synagogue was really closed. In
this case again there is no record of any official act excluding
what we call the Apocrypha, or other books, from the sacred
collection. The practice of the synagogues consecrated the
decisions of the Rabbis, who appear to have admitted into the
third canon only such books as did originate or were believed
to have originated within the period of revelation. Thus Eccle-
siastes, Daniel, and Esther all found a place because their
claims to such origin were granted ; but the intrinsically more
valuable Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, and i Maccabees were
excluded.

4. The Canon of the Alexandrians.

The Jews of the Dispersion, especially the Alexandrian
Jews, recognised in addition to those of the Palestinian Canon

6 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

the other books of which a list has been already given. In the
MSS. of the Septuagint these additional books stand among the
Hagiographa, or sacred writings, without any indication that
they were different in rank from the rest of the scriptures.
Some portions of the Apocrypha are indeed quoted as scrip-
ture in the early church ; the extant MSS. of the LXX which
contain the Apocrypha were written for the use of Christian
churches, and the additional books were translated into Latin,
and obtained a place in the Vulgate. The influence of the
Canon of the Synagogue, however, reacted on Christianity,
and the ' Apocrypha ' received a subordinate place. Their
inspiration was asserted in 1546 by a decree of the Council
of Trent, but Protestantism adopted the smaller canon. The
Apocrypha is often to be found in Bibles printed up to the
end of the eighteenth century. The British and Foreign
Bible Society, however, decided in 1813 not to include the
Apocrypha in any Bibles circulated by them ; and their
example was followed by other printers and societies. A Re-
vised Version of the Apocrypha was issued in 1895, following
the Revised Versions of the Old and New Testaments.

5. The Language of the Old Testament.

The Old Testament, with the exception of certain parts of
Daniel and Ezra, is written in Hebrew. As languages are con-
stantly changing, we might expect that a literature like the Old
Testament, composed at various periods through a thousand
years, would exhibit variations of form and idiom. This is
precisely the case. In spite of the fact that in the copying of
MSS. the tendency of scribes is to smooth away peculiarities
of diction, variations in the language of the Old Testament
have nevertheless survived which are valuable data for the
decision of problems of date and origin. The most signifi-
cant influences on the language of the Old Testament show

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 7

themselves after the exile. Before that time some words had
flowed into the language from the speech of the neigh-
bouring Aramaeans (RV, mostly, Syrians). But after the
exile this Aramaean influence extended, and by the beginning
of the Christian era Hebrew had disappeared as a spoken
language. Parts of Ezra and Daniel are actually written in
Aramaic ; other portions of the Old Testament Esther, Eccle-
siastes, and some of the Psalms are deeply marked by its
influence ; and Aramaic tendencies are observable in other
books which we have independent reasons for supposing to
be late.

6. The Manuscripts.

Whereas in the case of the New Testament only two or
three centuries lie between the writer's autographs and our
earliest MSS., in the Old Testament many hundreds of years
separate the age of the MSS. from the actual production of the
text. The earliest Hebrew MS. of certain date is a roll of the
' Latter Prophets ' at St. Petersburg, from 916 A.D. ; and the
oldest MS. of the complete Old Testament is at least a century
later. A comparison of the MSS. reveals very few variations
in the text they contain. We have, however, a line of evidence
to show that this uniformity has been brought about by the sup-
pression of all divergences from an accepted traditional text.
This evidence lies in the versions.

7. The Versions.

The dearth of really ancient MSS. is partly atoned for by
the existence of translations made directly or indirectly from
the Hebrew at a comparatively early date. The use of these
Versions is not free from difficulty, for, like the Hebrew MSS.,
they have undergone more or less corruption in transmission.

8 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Under due precautions, however, they are very valuable helps
in the search after what the Old Testament authors actually
wrote.

The most important of the versions are the Greek, the
Latin, and the Syriac. The chief Greek version is known as
the ' Septuagint ' (LXX), and dates from the third to the first
century B.C. Other Greek translations of importance in places
are those of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion ; l and an
edition or recension of the LXX by Lucian often preserves
valuable readings. The earliest Latin version was made from
the Greek, not the Hebrew, and it dates from the second
century A.D. This was revised by Jerome in the fourth century,
in the light of MSS. of the original. Jerome's version came to
be known as the Vulgate ; it was for centuries the Bible of
Western Christendom. The Syriac version known as the
Peshitta was made in the third century A.D., and used in the
East.

The LXX deserves a fuller mention. Many legends as
to its origin are extant, of which the most famous says it
was the work of seventy (or seventy-two) scholars sent down
from Jerusalem to Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy Philadel-
phus (283-247 B.C.), at the request of Demetrius Phalereus, his
librarian. According to the tale, each of these scholars, work-
ing in seclusion, translated the whole of the Old Testament ;
and when compared on completion, the translations were found
to agree word for word. A comparison of the various parts of
the LXX with each other shows, however, that it was not all
translated at once, nor by the same men. The legend, perhaps,
gives the correct date for the beginning of the undertaking.
The Law was completed fiist, and the remainder of the work
was carried out in intervals in the next century and a half.

The LXX accordingly gives us evidence about the contents
and text of the Old Testament many centuries before our
1 Of these, however, only fragments survive.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER g

earliest Hebrew MS. The merits of the translation are a very
subordinate point ; in fact the deficiencies of the LXX as a
translation are often serviceable in revealing exactly the Hebrew
words before the translators, where an idiomatic rendering
might have hidden them. Not infrequently also it simply
transcribes in Greek letters words of which the meanings were
unknown to the translators. For some instances where the
Greek version gives a better sense than any surviving Hebrew
MS., see the marginal notes in the RV on Jud. io 12 , i Sam.
I4 18 , 2 Sam. 4 2 , i Kings n 15 , etc. Some other illustrations of
the importance of the LXX will be found below. ( 13 on the
Transmission of the Text.)

8. The Divisions into Chapters and Verses.

Our familiar method of referring to chapters and verses
is quite a modern convenience. Chapters were invented in
the thirteenth century A.D. When St. Paul (Rom. n 3 RVM)
wants to quote i Kings ig 18 , he does so by naming the portion
of the book of Kings 'In Elijah,' i.e. the portion of the book
dealing with the history of Elijah; and to indicate the exact
point he names two passages from the context. And when
Jesus, according to Mark i2 26 , would quote Ex. 3 6 he does so
by indicating the section of the Pentateuch in which the words
are found, that, namely, known as ' the Bush.' Hebrew Bibles
mark out the Law into various sections or Parashas l for con-
venience of reading in public worship ; larger sections, corre-
sponding to chapters, and smaller, corresponding to paragraphs.
For the same purpose also, 'passages were marked in the
prophets ; these were known as Haphtaras? but seem not to
have had the authority or the fixity of the corresponding divi-
sions of the Law.

1 Lit. sections.
2 Lit. dismissals : because the Haphtara closed the service.

10 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

The invention of chapters is ascribed both to Hugo de
St. Cher f 1263, and to Stephen Langton f 1227. Divisions of
the text into verses are ancient, as we know by the poems
written in alphabetical verse-order ; in the books of the Law
and the Prophets they were not inserted till later times. The
practice of using verse-numbers for reference is quite modern,
and began with the printed Hebrew Bible of Joseph Athias
in 1661.

9. The Chief Periods of the Old Testament History.

The literature of the Old Testament requires to be studied
with constant reference to the history of the Hebrew people.
Notes of the circumstances out of which the several books
arose are given in the chapters which follow ; and the chrono-
logical tables furnished at the beginning will serve to fix the
succession of the literature. Here, however, a brief outline of
the chief periods in the national development may be useful. A
convenient division of the Old Testament field is :

1. From the establishment of the monarchy to the fall of
Samaria, c. 1030-722.

2. The fall of Samaria to the destruction of Jerusalem,
722-586.

3. The destruction of Jerusalem to the Maccabean War,
586-165.

10. The Establishment of the Monarchy to the Fall of Samaria.
c. 1030-722 B.C.

With the establishment of the monarchy (c. 1030 B.C.),
Israel may be said to have attained for the first time the dignity
of a nation. The military successes of Saul and David gave
them not only a feeling of security in the land they had
adopted, but also a pride in it, and a self-consciousness
which made history inevitable. Already there were extant

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER n

poetical fragments from an earlier time. These include the
Song of the Well, now preserved in Num. 2i 17 ~ 18 ; a Triumph
over Moab in the same chapter, 27 ~ 30 ; and an obscure piece
quoted from a lost Book of the Wars of Yahweh,^ Num. 2i 14 ~ 15 .
To these should be added, possibly, Jud. 9 7 ~ 15 , Jotham's
Parable of the Bramble-king, and, certainly, the Deborah-Song
of Jud. 5. David himself produced the Eulogy of Saul and
Jonathan, 2 Sam. i 19 " 27 , and the shorter Lament over Abner
ib. 333-34^ b o th o f w hich pieces exhibit him in a favourable light
as a magnanimous warrior.

The split in the newly-formed kingdom might have been
disastrous to the feeling of nationality, but there were compen-
sations on each side. The northern had the majority of the
tribes and retained the name Israel ; Judah had Jerusalem, the
Temple, and the Davidic tradition. Both kingdoms retained
their allegiance to Yahweh as the national god, and Jeroboam
had the sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel as offsets against Jeru-
salem. In neither kingdom was the worship of Yahweh free
from mixture with Canaanite Baal-worship.

By the middle of the ninth century we may suppose that
some of the recent history of the nation was being written
down. Certain of the narratives of Judges, and memorials of
Saul and David, must have been composed in and about that
time. Perhaps as part of the same interest in the past,
anecdotes connected with the tribe-fathers and the sacred
places were being collected to form the important strata
of the Pentateuch distinguished as J and E ; 2 of which the
former probably originated in the Southern Kingdom in the
middle to the end of the ninth century, and E in the Northern
Kingdom a little later.

1 i.e. ' Jehovah ' of the English Bible. But Yahweh is a more correct
form, and is employed throughout this book as the proper name of the
God of the Hebrew people.

2 On the meaning of J and E, see 36.

12 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

The most significant internal influence on Israel and its
literature in this period and the next was that of the prophets.
It was they who showed their nation how vastly Yahweh differed
from the gods of the neighbouring peoples, and who insisted
that Israel should reach the moral standard which the holiness
and righteousness of Yahweh demanded. The first notable
appearance of a prophet in the affairs of the country was in
the reign of Ahab, when Elijah l protested against that king's
toleration of Jezebel's worship of the Tyrian Baal. Elijah and
his successor Elisha changed the dynasty of Israel. Elijah's
condemnation of the murder of Naboth is characteristic of
the attitude of the prophets of Israel : their zeal is always as
strong against any kind of unrighteous conduct as against
any erroneous theology.

Elijah wrote nothing; but both he and his successor became
the centres of a group of narratives now contained in Kings.
Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah on the contrary all committed
(directly, or through disciples) the subject of their discourses
to writing.

The geographical position of Ephraim brought it frequently
into collision with the neighbouring tribes, especially with the
Syrians of Damascus. The Syrians lay between Ephraim and
Assyria, and in the middle of the eighth century Damascus,
Hamath, and Tyre had all become tributary to the Assyrians.
The Northern Kingdom could not long escape ; but the final
disaster was precipitated by an alliance formed between
Damascus and Israel, into which they sought to force Judah.
Ahaz leagued himself with Assyria, and Israel was overthrown
by the foreign troops, while numbers of the population were
deported. Ten years later a further punishment of Israel was
necessary ; Hoshea had entered into treasonable negotiations
with Egypt. Samaria the capital was besieged and captured

1 Unless we except Ahijah the Shilonite. The tradition which makes
Samuel a prophet is secondary.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 13

in 722, when the Northern Kingdom finally disappeared from
the stage of history.

These incidents are fully illustrated in Amos, Hosea, and
the earlier portions of Isaiah and Micah. These prophets re-
garded the victories of Assyria as signs of Yahweh's anger
with his people for their idolatry and unrighteousness. Only
through suffering could Ephraim be taught to practise the
righteousness which Yahweh requires from him.

The chief literary products of this period are, then, the
oldest parts of the Hexateuch, and the earlier forms of por-
tions of Jud., Sam., and Kings, with public discourses of
Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah.

n. The Fall of Samaria to the Destruction of Jerusalem.
722-586 B.C.

When Samaria fell in 722 it seemed as if the end of Judah
could not be far off. The statesmen at Jerusalem were all for
alliance with Egypt. Isaiah stood aloof ; protested against
alliances with anyone but Yahweh, and declared that, whatever
else happened, Jerusalem should remain inviolate. The event
justified him ; Sennacherib was compelled to abandon the siege
of Jerusalem in 701, and with his retreat the Assyrian peril
passed away. The Assyrian empire came to an end in 608 ;
when next Judah was in danger from a foreign foe, it is the
Chaldeans who are the dominant military power.

This is the period of the prophetic ideas in action. Heze-
kiah appears to have made some attempt to purify the cultus ;
but his successor Manasseh was utterly opposed to Yahwism,
and persecuted its supporters. In the darkness of this reign
appeared Mic. 6-7 6 , containing that characteristic expression of
the prophetic spirit, ' What doth Yahweh require of thee but to
do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?'
In these years the ideas were maturing which, in the hands of

I 4 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Hilkiah the priest and others, led to the production of the
code of laws contained in Deuteronomy. This code was
promulgated in 621 B.C., in the eighteenth year of Josiah. Its
policy was to render illegal the popular worship at sanctuaries
throughout the country ; Jerusalem was to be the one sanctuary
of the nation. This idea of the centralisation of the cultus is
developed in connection with a reinforcement, from the side of
sacred custom and practice, of the prophetic demand for purity
of conduct.

Josiah was favourable to the law book, and it was solemnly
accepted by the people. It succeeded in centralising the wor-
ship of the nation at Jerusalem ; and it produced a school of
writers who retold the histories lying at their hand, not so
much with regard to objective accuracy as to the illustration
of the Deuteronomic principle. The book of Judges is a
favourable example of the method ; the incidents contained in
the narratives are set forth as proving that faithfulness to
Yahweh produces national prosperity, while idolatry brings
disaster.

The effect of the acceptance of D on the national life seems
not to have been lasting ; for Jeremiah, whose activity covers
the years 626-586, makes as severe an indictment against the
nation as any of the pre-Deuteronomic prophets. He sees no
hope of escape from the threatening power of the Chaldeans ;
Jerusalem must fall before the people will ' return to Yahweh
with their whole heart.'

Jeremiah's calculation was correct; Jerusalem could not
withstand the Chaldeans. It fell in 597, when the aristocracy
of the city was deported to Babylonia, including Ezekiel. A
nominee king was set up by Nebuchadrezzar ; in a few years
he rebelled, and in 586 Jerusalem saw the last of its last king.

In this period, then, the chief literary products are portions
of the Book of Isaiah, and of Jeremiah, and the Book of
Deuteronomy. Nahum, Zephaniah, and Habakkuk also lie

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 15

within these years. The Deuteronomic school of historians
redacted portions of the Hexateuch and the books Judges-
Kings.

12. The Destruction of Jerusalem to the Maccabean War.
586-165 B.C.

Many of the exiles settled down comfortably in the places
allotted to them. The majority of the people, in fact, never
understood the teaching of the prophets, and were not oppressed
by any feeling of guilt. The popular explanation of the exile
was that it was the sins of the fathers being visited on the
children : 'The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's
teeth are set on edge.' On the other hand, there was a patriotic
minority among the nation which believed that the chastisement
was deserved, and would be effective. Of such was Ezekiel,
who would not accept the doctrine of vicarious suffering. His
heart was set on Jerusalem, and he comforted his exile by com-
posing a Utopia. He drew out a sketch of the way in which
law and ritual might preserve holiness in the nation, when it
should be restored to its own land. In him prophecy became
directly literary ; his book is no collection of occasional dis-
courses, but a carefully designed and executed composition.

The victories of Cyrus over the Median and Lydian empires
were crowned by his capture of Babylon in 538. Its fall was
hailed with exultation by some of the exiles. The anonymous
writer of Is. 40-55 foresaw it, and interpreted its meaning to his
hearers ; it was another proof of the power of Yahweh ; Cyrus
was his Messiah, and the fall of Babylon would be the signal
for a triumphant return of the exiles to Jerusalem, where a
blissful future awaited them.

The brilliant anticipations of the patriotic exiles were not ful-
filled. Few of them returned, and the reality was very dreary. In
520, so vital a necessity of the community as the re-building of
the temple had not yet been met. Haggai and Zechariah have

1 6 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

to plead with the people to restore it, and to console them when
they are disappointed at its mean appearance. When Nehemiah
visits Jerusalem, towards the end of the fifth century, the city
lies almost in ruins; and Ezra finds the community con-
taminated by intermarriage with the local half-breed population.

Under the joint efforts of Ezra and Nehemiah, however, a
new start was made ; the walls were rebuilt, the foreign wives
were divorced, and a new priestly law-book was issued by Ezra
and accepted by the people. This was the portion of the
Hexateuch known as P. It was brought from Babylonia, where it
had been constructed largely on the basis of Ezekiel's Utopia.
Within the next few years this document was united with JED.
The portion dealing with Joshua was removed and the re-
mainder formed, with the name of The Law, the first Bible of
the Jewish people.

For the restored Temple worship, psalms were selected
from a number which had been gathered together, perhaps
partly before, but also in, the exile ; these formed the first book
of the Psalter. By way of protest against Ezra's drastic rejec-
tion of the alien wives, the story of Ruth was written, perhaps
based on a tradition that David was partly of Moabite descent.

From about this time also springs the book of Jonah ; and
from a date when already the ritual of the temple had grown
familiar, the discourse of Joel. The temple also is the
dominating influence in the mind of the writer who compiled
Chron.-Ez.-Neh. Between this work and Daniel, the final book
of the Old Testament in the order of production, lies the dreary
pessimism of Ecclesiastes, the final edition of the book of
Proverbs, and the additions to the Psalter which brought up
the number of Psalms to 1 50.

13. The Transmission and Editing of the Text.

It has been already said that the extant MSS. of the Old
Testament differ from each other very little in regard to the

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 17

text they contain. This uniformity does not, however, imply
that the Old Testament literature has been transmitted un-
changed from the hands of the original authors. The MSS.
simply represent the type of text which alone was accepted and
circulated in the Jewish schools.

This type of text is known as the Massoretic, from a late
Hebrew word massorah or massoreth meaning tradition ; in this
connection, tradition respecting the text of the Old Testament.
The scribes who copied the Massoretic text regarded it with
extreme veneration ; in their copies they even imitated casual
features such as the size and position of letters. Even errors
were consciously reproduced ; and if any alteration at all was
made, it was by means of marginal notes. In addition to copy-
ing the text, the Massoretes spent also much labour in counting
the number of letters in the several books, indicating the
central verses, and tabulating unusual forms of words and
expression. They also invented vowel and other signs to fix
the traditional pronunciation, interpretation, and recitation of
the text. These labours of the Massoretes extended over
several centuries.

In a few cases only eighteen altogether did the Mas-
soretes permit themselves to make some alterations in the
text. The object was to remove expressions that were con-
sidered derogatory to the divine dignity. For example, the
phrase in Job y 20 , which says that Job has become a burden to
God, is altered to read, ' so that I am become a burden to
myself.' In the same book, 32 3 , the words 'condemned God'
have been made to read ' condemned Job.' In Hab. i 12
the expression applied to God ' Thou diest not ' has been
changed into ' we die not.'

The work of the Massoretes began probably in the second
Christian century. The destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A.D.
led to a concentration of the national life upon the teaching
of the schools. The close of the canon must have been

l8 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

soon followed by the selection of a definite text of the sacred
literature. The teaching of R. Akiba in the first third of the
second century (A.D.) contributed to the formation of a school
of scribes which believed that there was a divine significance
even in the very characters in which the scriptures were written.
Under the influence of this school the Greek version of Aquila
was made about the middle of the second century. His version
shows that the Massoretic text was then substantially in existence.
The Massoretic text was not, so far as we know, formed
from any comparison of MSS. Apparently some one MS. was
selected, and all variants were thenceforth suppressed. This
one MS., the archetype of the Massoretic text, already con-
tained a great number of corrupt readings. Some specimens
of these are here given for the light they throw on the trans-
mission of the text.

Psalm 1 8 occurs also in 2 Sam. 22. The variations be-
tween the two texts affect on the average every fourth word.
The following is a selection of cases where the variations can
be shown in the English :

2 Samuel 22. Psalm 18.

11 ' He was seen upon the 10 ' He flew swiftly on the

wings of the wind.' wings of the wind.'

12 ' gathering of waters.' n ' darkness of waters.'

28 ' But thine eyes are upon 27 ' But the haughty eyes thou

the haughty that thou wilt bring down.'
mayst bring them down.'

38 ' God is my strong fortress, * ' The God that girdeth me

and he guideth the per- with strength, and maketh

feet in his way' (see also my way perfect.'
RVM).

48 ' Then did I beat them small 42 'Then did I beat them small

as the dust of the earth, as the dust before the

wind,

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 19

And did stamp them as the And did cast (margin ' empty ')
mire of the streets, them out as the mire of

And did spread them abroad.' the streets.'

46 RVM. ' And gird them- 45 ' And come trembling.'
selves.'

There are also other parallel passages in the Hebrew
Bible where comparison of the texts is equally instructive, e.g.
2 Kings i8 13 -2O and Is. 36-38; Ps. 14 and Ps. 70 ; Is. 2 2 ~ 5 and
Mic. 4 1 "" 4 ; and others. If we pass outside the Massoretic text
and compare it with the LXX a greater number of variations
appears. In some cases the superiority no doubt lies with the
Massoretic text, but in many the LXX bears evidence to what
is obviously a better reading. The following two instances
are taken from W. Robertson Smith, The Old Testament in
the Jewish Church, 82-83. The first is a passage from
2 Samuel 4 5 ~ 7 :

Hebrew. Septuagint.

(The assassins) came to the They came to the house of

house of Ishbosheth in the Ishbosheth in the hottest part

hottest part of the day, when of the day, while he was taking

he was taking his mid-day his mid-day siesta. And lo,

siesta. 6 And hither they the woman who kept the door

came into the midst of the of the house was cleaning

house fetching wheat, and wheat, and she slumbered and

smote him in the flank, and slept, and the brothers Rechab

Rechab and Baanah his brother and Baanah passed in unob-

escaped. 7 And they came served and came into the house

into the house as he lay on his as Ishbosheth lay on his bed,

bed. . . and smote"him and slew etc.
him, etc.

The second instance is from the iyih chapter of the same
book 3 :

20 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Hebrew. Septuagint.

I will bring back all the I will make all the people

people to thee. Like the turn to thee as a bride turneth

return of the whole is the to her husband. Thou seek-

man whom thou seekest. All est the life of but one man,

the people shall have peace. and all the people shall have

peace.

The variations which we have so far noted are all due to
the accidents of transcription. We turn now to another class
of variations which are instructive because they show intentional
alteration and revision. It is highly important to realise that
between the writing of the autographs and the stereotyping of
the Massoretic text there was a period when there was no
doctrine of the sacred fixity of the text of the scripture,
and when in fact that text was handled with considerable
freedom.

One proof of this may be drawn from a number of changes
made in the Massoretic text. In old Israel, the word
Baal (literally ' Lord ') was used of Yahweh without offence,
and names compounded with Baal occur in the families of
loyal servants of the God of Israel. In later times, from
its association with the Phoenician deity, the word Baal
became repugnant to the Jews, and the word Bosheth
(meaning Shame) was substituted in those proper names. The
substitution was not carried out everywhere, and so we have
Ishbaalin i Chron. 8 33 for the Ishbosheth of 2 Sam. 2 8 ; Merib-
baal in i Chron. 8 34 for the Mephibosheth of 2 Sam. 4*. The
Jerubbesheth of Jud. n 21 appears in its original form as Jerub-
baal in Jud. 6 32 .

Another proof may be found in the variations of order in
LXX as compared with the Hebrew. There are some curious
differences in the arrangement of the section Ex. 35-40 ; see the
table in Driver, LOT 40-41. In the latter part of the book,

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 21

of Proverbs there are some transpositions in either the LXX or
the Hebrew, bearing witness to a stage when the form of the
book had not been finally settled by its editors. The LXX
order is, after 24^, 3O 1 " 4 2 4 23 - 24 3O 15 -3i 9 25-29 3i 1 -i.
The most striking differences are, however, in the case of
the book of Jeremiah. The text of that book in the LXX
differs from the Hebrew, not simply as to order, but also
as to contents ; ' the number of words in the Hebrew text not
represented in the LXX has been calculated at 2,700, or one-
eighth of the entire book.' l An instructive specimen of addi-
tions made by scribes to the Hebrew text of Jer. 27 is supplied
in the work of Robertson Smith already cited, 104 ; it is too
long for quotation here. An instance of a similar kind which
will serve our purpose may be found in the additions made to
the text of i Kings 8. We will place the passage as it appears
in the English (representing the Massoretic text) and in the
LXX side by side, so that the extent of the insertions may be
clearly seen :

Hebrew. Septuagint.

1 Then Solomon assembled And King Solomon as-
all the elders of Israel and all the sembled all the elders of
heads of the tribes, the princes Israel in Sion to bring up
of the fathers' houses of the the ark of the covenant of
children of Israel, unto King the Lord out of the city of
Solomon in Jerusalem, to bring David, which is Sion,
up the ark of the covenant of
the Lord out of the city of
David, which is Zion. 2 And
all the men of Israel assem-
bled themselves unto King

1 Driver, LOT 269.

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Solomon at the feast in the
month Ethanim, which is the
seventh month. 8 And all the
elders of Israel came, and the
priests took up the ark. 4 And
they brought up the ark of the
Lord and the tent of meeting
and all the holy vessels that
were in the tent, even these
did the priests and the Levites
bring up. 5 And King Solo-
mon and all the congregation
of Israel that were assembled
unto him were with him before
the ark, sacrificing sheep and
oxen that could not be told
nor numbered for multitude.

in the month Ethanim,

and the priests took up the ark,

and the tent of meeting and all
the holy vessels that were in
the tent of meeting,

and the king and all Israel
were before the ark,

sacrificing sheep and oxen
without number.

On the treatment of the narratives of Samuel and Kings by
the compilers of Chronicles see the introduction to the latter
book.

These instances will suffice to show that the materials of
the Old Testament have been very freely handled. If from the
documentary evidence of the Massoretic text and the LXX so
many specimens can be drawn and those enumerated in this
section are but a very small selection it is evident that the
total number of changes introduced into the autographs of the
Old Testament is considerable. As Robertson Smith re-
marks : ' After all, the Hebrew text only represents one manu-
script and the Septuagint another. . . But two copies are
not enough to give us a full knowledge of all the variations
that were still found in MSS. at the time when the LXX
version was made; much less are they enough to enable us
to determine all the vicissitudes through which each book

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 23

has passed in earlier ages.' l These vicissitudes can only be
inferred from the internal evidence supplied by each part of
the literature. That internal evidence continually suggests
what the external history of the text shows, namely that the
text of the Old Testament writings has reached us only after
a lengthy process of editorial revision and of transcriptional
corruption.

1 OTJC 126.

CHAPTER I.
THE HEXATEUCH.

I. The Sixfold Book. 2. Some Literary features : (a) Disproportions in
the Narratives ; (b) Duplicates ; (c) Passages of Late Origin.
3. Two Specimen Narratives : (a) Creation ; (b) Deluge. 4. De-
velopment of Critical Opinion. 5- Analysis. 6. Date of the
Documents : (a) D ; (b) J and E ; (c) P. 7. The Combination ot
the Documents. 8. Characteristics : (a) J ; (b) E ; (c) D ; (d) P.

i. The Sixfold Book.

OF the three divisions of the Jewish Canon, the ' Law '
occupied the chief place in the affection of the Jewish
people. It contained the record of the dealings of God with
their fathers ; it was the depository of the promises made to
their people ; it was at once the code of public and private duty
and the charter of their national aspirations. At the beginning
of the Christian era the tradition that Moses had written it had
been held for some generations.

Christianity accepted both the Jewish sacred books and the
Jewish traditions about their authorship. It was a Christian
scholar who at the beginning of the third century invented
the name ' Pentateuch,' i.e. ' fivefold,' (sc. book) for the ' Law.'
Before the invention of the name the Law had been already
divided into five books : Josephus (A.D. 37 c. 103) knows such
a division, and it probably formed the basis of the separation of
the Psalter into five sections.

THE HEXATEUCH 25

It appears, however, that so far from the books of the
' Law' being in themselves a unity, entitled to rank in a separate
class, they once formed a part of a larger work dealing with the
origins of the Hebrew people. This work extended to at least
the occupation of Canaan. The book of Joshua presents
similar problems with the preceding books, and it is demon-
strable that the same writers are represented there as in the
Pentateuch. For this reason the word ' Pentateuch ' has given
place to ' Hexateuch,' i.e. ' sixfold ' : and it is usual in books
of introduction to treat Joshua along with the books of the
' Law.'

2. Some Literary Features.

(a) Disproportions in the Narratives.

The events in the story of Israel are told in a chrono-
logical order. In this chronology there are, however, some con-
siderable gaps. The genealogies in Gen. 5 are the only clue
to the events of the period of two thousand years between
the creation and the deluge. In Ex. i 6 " 8 , at least 280 years
of the sojourn in Egypt are silently passed over; and while the
wanderings after the exodus are represented as continuing for
forty years, the dates provided in the course of the Hex.
leave thirty-eight of these years entirely blank, and crowd all
the occurrences and legislation (nearly the whole of Ex. Deut.)
into the other two.

On the other hand, some of the narratives are very minute
and full. Of such a kind are : Gen. 24, the journey of Eliezer
to find a wife for Isaak ; the histories of Jacob and Joseph, occu-
pying nearly one-third of Gen. ; the negotiations between Moses
and Pharaoh, Ex. 5 12 ; the directions for the building and
service of the Sanctuary, Ex. 25 30, 35 40; and the Balak
and Balaam episode, Num. 22 24.

26 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

(b) Repetitions and Duplicate Narratives.
Along with this disproportion in the separate parts of the
narratives, a number of duplicates are found. The following
is a brief selection of instances :

Accounts of Creation : Gen. I-2 4 * 1 and 2 4b ~ 25 .

Abraham passes off his wife as his sister : Gen. i2 10 ~ 20 , and

20 (cp. also 26 6 ~ n , of Isaac.)
Origin of names: Beersheba, Gen. 2i 33 ~ 23 , and 26 26 ~ 33 ;

Bethel, 28 19 , and 35 15 (the name has been already

used in i2 8 ); Isaac, iy 17 , i8 12 , and 2O 16 ~ 17 ; Israel,

22 28 , and 35 10 .

Expulsion of Hagar, Gen. ib 4 " 14 , and 2i 9 ~ 21 .
Revelation of the name ' Yahweh,' Ex. 3 13 ~ 15 , and 6 2 ~ 9 .
Miracle of manna and quails : Ex. i6 13 , and Num. 1 i 4 " 34 .
Miracle of water from the rock : Ex. 16, and Num. 2O 1 " 13 .
Death of Aaron : Num. 2O 22 , 33 38 (Mount Hor), and

Deut. io 6 (Mosera).
Territory of the E. Jordan tribes : Josh. I2 1 " 6 , and i3 8 ~ 12 ,

15-31_

Caleb: Num. 13 (a Judahite), and Josh. i 4 6 ~ 15 (a Keniz-

zite).

The Lot of Joseph's sons : Josh. I6 1 " 3 , and 4 ~ 9 .
Laws :

Sabbath: Ex. 23 14 " 19 , 3i 12 , 3 4 21 , 35 1 - 3 , Lev. i9 3 > 30 ,

23 3 , 26 2 .

Feasts: Ex. 23 14 ~ 19 , 3 4 18 ~ 26 , Lev. 23.
Slavery: Ex. 2i 2 ~6, Lev. 25 39 - 43 .
First-born: Ex. 22 29 - 30 , is 11 " 13 , 34 19 - 20 .
First-fruits : Ex. 23 19 , 3 4 26 , Num. i8 12 - 13 .
Injury: Ex. 2i 23 - 26 , Lev. 2 4 19 - 20 .
Strangers: Ex. 22 21 , 23 9 , Lev. i 4 33 - 34 , Ex. i 2 48 - 49 ,
Num. 9 14 .

1 a, b, or c affixed to the number of a verse indicates first, second or
third clause.

THE HEXATEUCH 27

(f) Passages of late origin.

The Hexateuch contains a great number of statements
which are incompatible with the theory that it is contemporary
with the events it describes. The most important of these will
be dealt with at a later stage of our inquiry ; T in this place we
propose to call the reader's attention to some passages which
obviously betray an origin in Palestine, and are long subse-
quent to the age of Moses.

(i.) According to Ex. 6 26 > 27 , Moses and Aaron are figures
of the dim past : (' these are that Aaron and Moses to whom
the Lord said,' etc.). Similarly the references to Moses in
Ex. ii 3 ('the man Moses was very great in the land of
Egypt,' etc.); Num. i2 3 ('Now the man Moses was very
meek, above all the men who were on the face of the earth ') ;
Num. 1 5 22 > 23 (' All that the Lord hath commanded you by the
hand of Moses, from the day that the Lord gave commandment
and onwards throughout your generations. . . .'); Deut. 33 1
(' Moses the man of God,' or, the 'divine man ') these all reveal
an age later than that of Moses himself.

(ii.) The phrase 'unto this day' occurs in connections which
point to a long interval after the event recorded, and which
imply that the narrator is already in the land of Canaan. Cp.
Gen. i9 38 (the father of the Moabites unto this day), 26 33 (Beer-
sheeba), 32 82 ('they eat not the sinew of the hip unto this day '),
35 20 ('the pillar of Rachel's grave'), Deut. ii 22 (the Edomites
in the place of the Horites), 3 (Havvoth-Jair), io 8 (Separation
of the tribe of Levi).

(iii.) 'The Canaanite was then in the land,' Gen. I2 6 (cp.
also i3 7 ) implies an age when the Canaanites had been
destroyed or absorbed into the Israelite nation. Similarly
Deut. ii 12 and Num. 2i 3 are later than the Conquest. In
Gen. 4O 15 , the phrase ' land of the Hebrews ' could not have

1 cf. on date of D and P infra. 6.

28 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

been used before Canaan had come into the possession of the
Israelites.

(iv.) The expression ' beyond Jordan ' is used of places on
the East of the river, whereas a writer not yet in Canaan would
have used it in the opposite sense. Cp. Gen. 5O 10 , Num. 2O 1 ,
Deut. i 1 .

(v.) The existence of the monarchy is assumed in Gen.
36 81 (' These are the kings that reigned in the land of Edom
before any king reigned over the children of Israel ').

(vi.) Num. 2 1 14 quotes 'the book of the Wars of Yahweh '
as an authority. This book is not now extant, but its existence
in the fifteenth century B.C. would be remarkable. On the
other hand, another lost book, the ' Book of Yashar', contained
the Elegy of David over Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. i 18 ), and
is, therefore, later than the monarchy. 1 But in Josh. io 12 , it is
quoted for Joshua's praise song over the defeat of the Amorites.
Cp. also Num. 2i 37 , where ' the speakers in proverbs' are
quoted.

(vii.) Abraham is called a 'prophet' in Gen. 2O 7 . We
learn from i Sam. 9 9 , that in the time of Samuel the word
'prophet ' had not yet come into use.

(viii.) Gen. i4 14 employs the name 'Dan' as though the
city bore that name in the days of Abraham. Josh, ig 47 and
Jud. i8 29 show that it did not obtain this name till a period
long after the time of both Abraham and Moses. Similarly,
Josh. i4 14 ~ 15 state that Kirjath-Arba received the name of
Hebron when it fell to the lot of Caleb. The name Hebron is,
however, freely used in the narrative of the Hexateuch (Gen.

1 3 18, 232,19, 3527, 37 H Num . , 3 22).

1 Unless, indeed, we suppose that the Elegy was inserted in a collec-
tion already existing.

THE HEXATEUCH
3. Two Specimen Narratives.

We have noted above the existence within the Hexateuch
of some duplications of narrative. As these have an important
bearing on the problem of the origin of the work, we offer
here a more detailed examination of two characteristic
examples :

(a) The Creation Narratives.

Two accounts of the Creation are given at the beginning of
Genesis, one extending from i 1 to 2 4a , which we shall here
distinguish by the letter P ; the other extending from 2 4b to 25 ,
which we shall denote by the letter J.

In P the successive acts of
creation are : (i) Light, (2)
Firmament, (3) Earth, Seas,
Vegetation, (4) Sun, Moon,
Stars, (5) Birds, Fishes, (6)
Animals, Human Beings.

In the conception of P the
world exists before the first
creative act as a fluid mass
involved in darkness. The
vital energy of God broods
over it and starts a cosmos
into life.

In P the creation of male
and female is the final act.
Not till the scene is prepared
for them are the human beings
made.

J-

In J a man is first created ;
for him Yahweh plants a
garden and provides living
creatures, bringing them to
him to be named; finally a
woman is created.

In J the existence of the
world is assumed, watered by
a primeval mist.

In J a man is first made ;
then the other things to pro-
vide for his needs.

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

In J Yahweh is regarded
not so much as an omni-
potent Creator as a benevolent
friend to the man.

J's account is vigorous and
skilful, but simple and direct
in style.

In P God is portrayed as
the omnipotent Creator, bring-
ing into existence an ordered
world by the might of his
spoken word.

P's account is arranged
with conscious artistic skill.
Observe the rhythmical effect
of such recurring phrases as
'And God said, Let there be .
. . . and it was so ; and God
called . . . and God saw that
it was good .... and there
was morning and there was
evening, a ... day.

P consistently uses 'Elohim'
in referring to God.

(b) The Deluge Narrative.

Although on the surface we seem to have in Gen. 6 8 -9 17 a
single narrative, a closer inspection will show that there are
two accounts which have been fused together. They are here
separated and summarized :

J. P.

66-a 71-5, 7-10. Yahweh
sees the wickedness of men,
and resolves to destroy them ;

J uses ' Yahweh-Elohim.'

but Noah finds favour in his
eyes. Noah is commanded to
enter into the ark, and to take
with him seven pairs of all
clean animals, and one pair of
all unclean, because after seven
days there will be a forty days'
rain. Noah obeys.

69-22 t The ancestry of Noah.
Elohim resolves to destroy
all flesh; but Noah is to be
saved by the ark, for the build-
ing of which minute direc-
tions are given. Noah is com-
manded to take with him 'into
the ark pairs of every sort of
animal and bird.

THE HEXATEUCH

~16 ><>. 13, 17, 22, 23^ 8 2b ' 3a .

Yahweh shuts Noah in : the
rain falls for forty days and
nights; the waters rise and
float the ark ; all living things
outside die. The rain is re-
strained, and the waters sink.

76, 11, 13-16 (except end), 18-21

The flood comes on the seven-
teenth day of the second
month of Noah's six hundredth
year. Noah enters the ark
with his family and the pairs
of living creatures. The waters
prevail fifteen cubits in height,
covering the mountains, and
all flesh dies.

724 gl, 2a, 3b-5, 13a^ The

waters prevail one hundred
and fifty days, when they are
assuaged ; on the seventeenth
of the seventh month, the ark
rests on Mount Ararat; the
waters decrease till on the first
day of the tenth month the
mountain tops are visible; and
on the first day of the first
month of Noah's six hundred
and first year the waters are
dried up, and on the twenty-
seventh day of the second
month Noah and his company
leave the ark.

86-12, is end. A raven and

a dove are sent forth to test
whether the earth is dry. Noah
takes off the covering of the
ark, and finds the ground is
dried.

32 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

8 20 ~ 22 . Noah builds an altar g l ~ 1 ^ Elohim blesses Noah,
and offers sacrifice, receiving lays down ordinances for him,
from Yahweh the promise that and establishes with him a
the earth will not again be covenant that there shall not
cursed for man's sake. again be a flood to destroy the

earth.

The difficulties and confusions of the narrative vanish at a
stroke, when the two strands are thus disentangled. The course
of the story is similar in each case ; probably J's account of the
building of the ark has been omitted in favour of P's. J alone
gives the incidents of the dove and the raven. The chief
material differences between the two accounts are as to (i) the
duration of the Flood forty days in J, one hundred and fifty
in P. In J seven plus forty plus seven plus seven days elapse
from the beginning to the end of the narrative ; in P a full
year passes. (2) In J pairs of unclean but sevens of clean
beasts enter the ark ; in P there is no reference to clean and
unclean, and pairs of all living things are preserved with Noah.

4. The Development of Critical Opinion.

The phenomena that we have noticed point to the conclu-
sion that in the Hexateuch a variety of hands is represented.
It is now the common opinion of Biblical critics that the
Hexateuch is the result of the fusion of four chief documents,
each of * which can be marked out from the others with
approximate certainty. A brief outline of the growth of
critical opinion will, perhaps, serve as the best introduction
to the modern theory.

Modern criticism of the Hexateuch really begins with Jean
Astruc in 1753. There were, indeed, before this date some
notable criticisms of the traditional theory of Mosaic author-
ship, of which those of Andrew du Maes, Hobbes, Isaac de la
Peyrere, Spinoza, Simon, and le Clerc deserve honourable

THE HEXATEUCH 33

mention. Du Maes (1570) made the suggestion that Genesis-
Kings represents the revision and re-writing of a series of
ancient records carried out subsequently to the Exile. Hobbes
(1651) pointed out how little evidence there is to connect the
name of Moses with the Pentateuch as a whole, and marked
some passages which are obviously of a later date. De la
Peyrere (1654) explained a number of inconsistencies of state-
ments and conceptions by the conjecture that various docu-
ments had been employed in its composition.

The observation of anachronisms and conflicting statements
might have remained unfruitful had not Astruc made a dis-
covery which at once placed the literary criticism of these books
on a scientific foundation. He observed that certain portions
of Genesis are marked by a consistent use of the name
' Yahweh ' for the divine being, while other portions as con-
sistently employ ' Elohim.' From this fact he argued that
Moses made use of two chief sources in the composition of
Genesis (with which book Astruc's inquiry was concerned).
He traced these two sources throughout Genesis, and assigned
passages which seemed to belong to neither of them to ten
other fragmentary documents.

The clue thus furnished by Astruc was followed out by
other scholars and extended to the whole of the Hexateuch.
Many mistakes were inevitably made in an investigation so
complicated ; but it may be said that even the mistakes served
a useful purpose, for they compelled an ever minuter examina-
tion into the conditions of the problem, and helped to collect
those individualities of language, style and conception for
which an adequate theory must account.

The course of subsequent criticism falls into four stages, in
each of which a particular theory of the method of composi-
tion was dominant. At first, following Astruc, the method
employed was to discriminate a number of documents regarded
as originally independent of each other. This stage may be

34 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

conveniently distinguished as THE HYPOTHESIS OF OLDER
DOCUMENTS. In this period the most important names are
those of J. G. Eichhorn and K. D. Ilgen. Eichhorn's results
(1780 and 1787) were much the same as Astruc's : he recog-
nised in Genesis the Yahwistic and Elohistic sources, and
fragments springing from neither, and made an attempt to carry
the same kind of investigation into the rest of the Pentateuch.
Ilgen (1798) made an important discovery, which, however,
for the time fell dead. He found that the Elohist document
is itself composite ; or rather, that there are two documents
each of which employs the name Elohim.

The next stage was the period of THE HYPOTHESIS OF
FRAGMENTS. It was introduced by A. Geddes (1792).
Its characteristic view is that the Pentateuch is the
result of the collection and editorial re-arrangement of
various fragmentary narratives and laws. Geddes inclined to
believe that the reign of Solomon was the date of the com-
pletion of this process. The employment of the names
Yahweh and Elohim he regarded as characteristic of two
schools among which the fragments incorporated in the
Pentateuch originated. The work of Geddes was continued
by J. S. Vater (1802 and 1805), who went further in separating
the narratives into fragments supposed to have been originally
detached; while he suggested a date nearer to the Exile for
the completion of the process of fusion. The name of De
Wette is also to be mentioned in this connection ; for though
his work was rather with the historical problems presented by
the Hexateuch (in which work he anticipated many of the
conclusions of a later time l ) than with the literary criticism, he
followed the lead of Vater in accepting the theory of fragments
(1806). Subsequently De Wette acquiesced in the theory to
be next mentioned (1849).

The theory of independent fragments fell to the ground
1 He assigned Deuteronomy to the 7th century B.C.

THE HEXATEUCH 35

before the increasing conviction that there was a unity per-
vading the Pentateuch in spite of occasional interchanges
of style. To its abandonment the investigations of H. Ewald
into the composition of Genesis contributed (1823), and paved
the way for the THEORY OF SUPPLEMENTS, or ENLARGEMENTS.
In this hypothesis the Elohistic document is postulated as the
groundwork of the Pentateuch : into this it is supposed that a
number of detached pieces have been worked supplementing
or enlarging its narrative. Associated with this theory the most
noteworthy names are those of von Bohlen (1835), F. Bleek
(1836), and F. Tuch (1838).

Subsequent investigation proved, however, that this theory
also failed to do justice to the whole of the phenomena, and a
return was made to the line originally marked out by Astruc
and Eichhorn. It is their theory in a developed form which
has succeeded, in the hands of recent critics, in solving the
literary problems of the Hexateuch, and accordingly the
modern contributions to the inquiry may be grouped to-
gether as the NEWER DOCUMENTARY HYPOTHESIS. The
pioneers of the return were C. P. W. Gramberg (1828) and J. J.
Stahelin (1830), who distributed the contents of Genesis among
the Elohist, the Yahwist, and an editor. Following these came
the important contributions of H. Ewald (1843, 1851, 1864).
In its final form his arrangement of the sources is as
follows : (i) Mosaic fragments and a Book of Covenants ; (2)
The Book of Origins ; (3) Third (Prophetic) Narrator, Fourth
(Prophetic) Narrator, Fifth (Prophetic) Narrator; (4) The
Deuteronomist. Of these sources the Book of Origins was
assigned to a priest writing in the reign of Solomon : it is the
document now designated by the symbol P. The prophetic
Narrators were assigned to the period of Elijah onwards. The
Deuteronomist was placed in the seventh century. It will thus
be seen that the results of Ewald roughly correspond, except
with regard to the age of the Book of Origins, to the present

D 2

36 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

distribution of the sources, while his distinction between the
priestly and the prophetic elements is the expression of a highly
important fact. In assigning the Deuteronomist to the seventh
century, Ewald confirmed the sagacious discovery of De Wette.
Ilgen's argument that two writers were to be distinguished in
the Elohist Document was fortified by the independent re-
searches of Hupfeld. In 1853 this writer put forward his divi-
sion of Genesis into three parts : the Primitive document or
First Elohist, the Yahwist, and the Younger Elohist. On
similar lines was the work of Knobel (1852-1861) dealing with
the whole of the Pentateuch.

At this stage a theory was put forward which was destined
to revolutionise the criticism of the Pentateuch. It may be said
that the order of documents generally accepted was i . P (the
' Book of Origins,' 'foundation document/ 'the older Elohist.')
2. J, i.e., the Yahwistic source (or E). 3. E, i.e., the Elohistic
source (or J). 4. The Deuteronomist. The work of analysing
these sources did not cease, but the chief problem of workers
in this field now became Is P the earliest or the latest of the
documents of which the Pentateuch is composed ?

The question was brought into prominence by K. H. Graf
(1866). His main position had indeed already been put for-
ward by E. Reuss (1833), W. Vatke (1835), and J. F. L. George
(1835), but it was brought into prominence by Graf, and is
therefore often alluded to as the GRAFIAN (or, from the labours
of Julius Wellhausen in its defence, the ' GRAF-WELLHAUSEN ')
Hypothesis. Graf's argument was that there is no trace in the
history of Israel before the Exile of the institutions and legisla-
tion peculiar to the Priests' Code, which therefore is to be
assigned to the period of the Exile. The evidence for the
Grafian position will be offered in the subsequent pages. Here
it will suffice to notice that the works of A. Kuenen (1869-70
and onwards), J. Wellhausen (1871, 1876-78, etc.), A. Kayser
(1874), were the chief means in giving this hypothesis the pro-

THE HEXATEUCH 37

minence it now holds. In this country it owes much to the
labours of J. W. Colenso (1862 onwards) and the more recent
works of W. Robertson Smith, S. R. Driver, T. K. Cheyne,
and W. E. Addis ; while the edition of the Hexateuch prepared
for the Oxford Society of Historical Theology by J. E. Car-
penter and G. Harford-Battersby (1900) will stand as the
classical justification of this hypothesis if, indeed, that need
any longer be called a hypothesis which is now accepted on
almost every hand as an adequate and convincing explanation
of the phenomena.

5. Analysis of the Hexateuch.

The reader will not be able to appreciate the force of the
argument for the composite origin of the Hexateuch unless he
can study the documents separately. For this purpose the
work of Carpenter-Battersby above mentioned is the most con-
venient, as it exhibits the constituent elements side by side.
The documents are printed separately in W. E. Addis' The
Documents of the Hexateuch, 2 vols. For Genesis only, E. I.
Fripp's The Composition of Genesis will serve. Those who
are unable to make use of any of these works may, with the
help of the following lists, an ordinary Bible, and either
marginal notes or colour-washes, easily make an analytical
Hexateuch for themselves.

[Note. In the following list of passages, only the broad
lines of analysis are given : editorial additions or revisions in
the spirit of J E D or P are for the most part included under
J E D or P. With this exception the following analyses agree
with those of the Oxford Hexateuch,]

GENESIS i n. From the Creation to Abraham.

In this division, only J and P are represented. To P be-
long I 1 " 31 , 2 1-4a , 5 1H28 > 30 ~ 32 , 6 9 ~ 22 , 7 6 > n > 13 ~ 16a > !7, 18-21, 84-
gl-Sa, 3b-5, 13a, 14-19 gl-17, 28-29 Io la, 2-7, 20, 22-23, 31-32 . jj 10-27,
31-32 j Tfog rest |g J

38 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

GENESIS 12 26. Abraham and Isaac. In this division
J E and P are represented. To P belong i2 41 '~ 5 ; i3 6a > Hb-i2a.
I4 1 - 24 (? a P supplement); i6 la - 3 - 15 - 16 ; i7 l ~" 7 , i9 29 , 2i lb . 2 ~ 5 ;
231-20, 257-u a - 12-17, 19-20, 26i) . 2 6 34 - 35 . To E belong 2O 1 - 1 ?,

21 6, 8-27, 31-32, 34 22 1~14, l9 ' 2S 6 > 25h ' 27 > 29-34 ' 26 31) ~ 5 ' 15-18. The

rest is J, except that the influence of E is present in parts of 15.
GENESIS 27 36. Jacob and Esau. J E and P. To P

belong 2 7 46 281~ 9 2Q 24 > 28b ~ 39 3O 21 > 22a ' lI lSb , s^lSb -}^l-2a, 3b,
4,6,8-10,12-18,20-25, 27~29a . ,,-6, 6a, 9-13, 15, 22b-29 36 (in the

main, except 32 ~ 39 J). To E belong 27^- ** 5a , 7b-i4, le-isa, 21-

33, 28, 29b, 30b, 31a, 35-41a, 43a, 44, 45b . 2 8 n -l 2 > 17-18, 20-21a, 22. 2 gl,

15-23, 25, 27~28a, 30- 5 nl- 3a 17-20, 22b, 23b, 26, 28, 31b-33, 88b, 40b . 3T 2,

> O u JO 1

4-9, ll-12a, 13-16, 19-24, 26, 28-30, 32-42, 45, 47, 49, 51-55 . ^l"" 3 ' 7b-13a,

22b, 23a c, 30 33^, 18c-20 j 35!-*. ^b-S^ The rest is J.

GENESIS 37 50. Joseph. J E and P. To P belong

571-2^0^ 4I 45b-46a j ^66-27^ 476-68, 7-11, 27b-28 ^g 3 " 7 , 4Q la ' 18 ' 28-33a,
33c } col 2 "! 3 . To E belong 37 5 ~ n> I 3b - 148 > lB-18a, 19-20, 22-25a, 28a,
28c-31, 32b-33a, 34, 36^ 5g4b, 6a,c, 7a ? ^o 1 " 23 , 4I1" 30 ' 32-33, 35a,c, 36a, 37-40,
47-48, 50-55, 56b 42 !> 3 ' 6 > 7b, 8, 9-26, 28b-37 > 4^14^ 4 rlb-2a, 3, 5b, cl-8,
12, 15-18, 21b-27 ? 46 lb ~ 5 , 48 1-2a ' 8 ~ 9a > 10b-12, 20-22^ 4Q24b-26 r O 15-17,

19-20, 22-23, 25-26. The rest is J.

EXODUS i ir. Death of Joseph to Beginning of Exodus.
J E and P. To P belong ii~ 5 . , i*b f 2 3Sb-86 f . gs-so^ 71-13, 19-soa,
2ib-22 } g5-7, isb-i^ n9-io. To E belong i7, is-20a, 2i } 2 i-io ) 3 i,

4b, 6, 9b-18, 15, 19-22^ 4!?, 18, 20b, 27-28^ cl.2,4^ 715, 17b, 20b, 23^ Q8-12,
19-23a, 24a, 25a, 31-32, 35^ Io 12-18a, 14a, 15b, 20-23 ? x x l-3 The TCSt is T-

EXODUS 12 1 8. The Exodus to Sinai. J E and P. To P
belong I21- 30 ' ^ 28 > 40 ~ 51 , I3 1 " 2 ' 30 , \~^> 8 ~ 9b > i 51 '- 18 . 21a - 210-23,
3-27a, 28a, 29 ? ^i^ r 6 all but verse 4, 171*. To E belong

| 2 35-36 j^Sb, 9, 14-16, 17-19 ^7, 9a, lOb, 15a, 16a, 19a, 20a, 24b, 31^ jc2-18,
20, 21, 25b-26 j g4 } ^Ib^a, 4-6, 7b, 8-^ jgl, 5-6, 8, 12-27. The rest

isj.

EXODUS 19 40. At Sinai. J E and P. To P belong 19!' 2s ,
22, 24i 5b -i 8a , 25-3I 18 *, 32 15b , 35-40. To E belong i9 2b ~ 3 .

THE HEXATEUCH 39

7-lla, 14-17, 19, 23 > 2 I 3 ~ 4a > 7a > 8 > 12a > 13 -!7 a > 18-26^ 2 1 1 " 36 , 22 1 ~ 21a >
23, 25-31 23 1 ~ 12 > 14 ~ 15a > 16, 18, 20-22, 25b-26, 28-Sla^ 2 4 3 ~ 8 ' 12-15a, ISb^

3i 18b , 32i~ 6 > 15a > 16 ~ 24 ' 3 - 35 , 33 2 > 5 - n , 34 24 > 29H55 . The rest is J.

LEVITICUS. At Sinai. The whole belongs to P. i-io 9
at Sinai; io 10 -2i in the wilderness; 22-26 in the Plains of
Moab.

NUMBERS. J E and P. To P belong i^o 28 . *, 131-17*.

21b, 25-26a, 32 I4 la, 2, 5-7, 9a-10, 26-30, 32-39a jcl-41 j gl, 2b-ll, 16-24,
26a, 27a, 32b, 33c, 35-50 i7-2O la > 2, 3b-4, 6~8a c-13 22b-29 21**. 10 22 l

2 5 8-i8 j 26^3 6 13 . To E belong ii 1 " 3 - 14 - 16 > w, 24b-30 > I2 i-i5.

j5l7c-18ac, 20, 21a, 23-24, 26b, 27b, 29, 33 ? j^lb, 4, 25, S91)-4Q } l frlc, 2a, 13,
14b, 25, 26b, 27b, 32a, 33b, 34 2 Q lb ' 14 ~ 18 , 21a, 22a 2 I 4b ~ 9 > Hb-15, 21-248,
26-31, 33-35 ? 2 2 2 ~ 3a ' 5b > 8 ~ 10 ' 12-16, 19-21, 36b-37a, 38, 40-41^ 23 1-21 > 24-26,
27, 29 ; 2 cl a . 3a . 5 .

DEUTERONOMY. In the Plains of Moab. All D (or D 2 , cf.
below) except i 3 P, io 6 ~7 E, 27 5 -7 a E, 311*-", 23 %, 32*8-52 p ?

33 1 - 29 E, 34!* P, ib E, lc p, Id J ? 2-3 Ej 4 J ? 5a E> 5b P> 6 ,

7-9 p 10-12 E>

JOSHUA. J E D 2 P 2 (cf. infra). 1-12 : The Conquest of
Canaan. 13-24 : The Division of the Territory. To D 2 belong

j3-9, llb-18^ 2 9b ~H. ^ 3 4b > 7, 10b, 17b^ ^la, 9-10a, 12, 14, 21-24 } rl, 4-8^
glS, 27 j gl b -2, 8b, 27-28, 30-35 } g9b-10, 24-25 ? IO 7b-8, 15, 25, 28-43 } ! I 2-3,

1~ 23 , I2 1 " 24 ' I3 2 ~ 6 ' 8 ~1 2 ' 14 , I4 6 ~ 15 , 2 1 43 " 45 ' 22l~ 2 , 23 1 -! 6 , 24 13 ' 31 .
To J belong 2 2 ~ 3a ' 3c - 4 b ~ 5a . 6, 8-9a, 12, 13b-14, 17, 18ac, 19-21^ /.lac, 5,
9-lOa^ 11, 13, 17a } ^Sb, 6~7a, 8b, 10b-ll, 18 ? -2, 3, 9, 13-15 } 52, 7a, 10-12a, 14,
16, 16b-17, 20ac, 21, 25-26 7 2-26 81a, 2b-8a, 9-11, 14-17, 19-23, 25-29 rA,

> I > > y

5, 6b-7, llb-14, 15b, 16bd, 22b-23, 26-27 !ol ac 2-3, 5b-6ac, 7a, 9, lOb, 12-14,
16-24, 26-27 > j !l, 4-9, Z ol, 7, 13 } : r 14-19, 63 ? jgl-3, 10 } jyll-^ JQ47.
To E belong I 1 " 2 ' 10-lla } 2 \, 3b, 4a, 5b, 7, 13a, 15-16, 18b, 22-24^ jib,
2-3, 6, 12, 14 ? 4 lb-3a, 4-5, 20 ? gl, 4-6, 7b-9, 12b-13, 16a, 20b, 22-24^ g 13 > 18 >
18, 24, 26 } Q3, 6a, 8-9, lla, 15a, 16ac, 22a^ Io lb, 4-5a, 6bd, lOa-11^ I g2-6,
22l- 8 , 2 4 1-1 2 ' I 4 " 3 ". 32-33. The TCSt is P 2 .

40 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

6. The Date of the Documents.

(a) The Date of D,

It is for several reasons most convenient to begin with D,
of which the date can be fixed approximately with ease.

According to the narrative of 2 Kings 22-24, King Josiah
carried out a religious reformation in consequence of the dis-
covery in the temple of a Book of Law. This book contained
at least the chief part of Deuteronomy. This appears from the
fact that the reforms inaugurated by Josiah were such as to
bring the organisation of worship into the condition required
by D. For example :

Before this reformation the ' high places/ i.e., local shrines,
were the legitimate and usual places of worship. The eighth
century prophets condemn impurities connected with the
high places, but never the principle of worship there.
Such worship was in fact the normal feature of Israelite
religious life up to this time. Cp. i Sam. 7 9 (Mizpah),
7" (Ramah), i6*~ 29 (Bethlehem), n 15 (Gilgal), 2 Sam. 15?
(Hebron), i Kings 3* (Gibeon), and elsewhere. D however
declares that worship only in the ' place which Yahweh your
God shall choose there to set his name' is lawful, i.e. Jeru-
salem, i2 5 - 13-u, is, anc j throughout. Accordingly, Josiah
abolishes the high places, and centralises the national worship
at Jerusalem, 2 Kings 23 8 > 13 > 15 > 21 > 23 .

Again, Josiah destroyed 'the vessels made for Baal, and for
the Asherah, and for all the host of heaven,' 2 Kings 23*, cp.
Deut. 1 7 3 - He suppressed the idolatrous priests, 23 5 , cp.
Deut. i7 3 , and abolished the 'pillars,' 'obelisks,' and the
temple Asherah, 236- 14ff s , cp. Deut. i2 2ff s-, i6 21 .

The reference to the Passover is also significant, 23 21 ,
' surely there was not such a passover from the days of the
judges.' See Deut. 16, where the directions for keeping the
passover are given.

Finally, the title of the book on which Josiah is said to have

THE HEXATEUCH 41

acted is the ' Book of the Covenant,' 232. The code of laws in
Ex. 2o 23ff s- is known by that name; but that code cannot be
intended in this place, for it permits worship at the local
sanctuaries. The reference is to Deut., cp. 5 2 ~ 3 , 29!, 26 16 ~ 19 .

The book of Deut. bears many traces of composition at or
about the time of its being found in the temple, (i) In the
writings of the eighth century prophets there is no trace of the
doctrine of the single sanctuary. If at the time of these pro-
phets there were any laws, written or unwritten, against the local
shrines, Israel's best teachers must surely have known them.
(2) Jeremiah (626-586) and Deut. have so much in common,
that this prophet has been suggested as the author of the law
book. The suggestion, though it has not been accepted, may
serve to show how numerous are the points of contact in lan-
guage and religious idea. (3) The star worship which is
specially condemned in Deut. i7 3 was most probably intro-
duced from Assyria in the eighth century. See 2 Kings 23 12 ,
2i 3 - 5 , 23 5 ; cp. Zeph. i 5 , Jer. 7 18 , 8 3 , iQ 13 . The practice of sacri-
ficing children to ' Moloch ' is a rite of the seventh century.

The date of composition, therefore, must lie somewhere
close to the date of publication. The answer to the question,
' How close ? ' depends on the view taken of the passage which
records the discovery of the book in the temple. It is to be
remembered that Josiah was only eight years old when he
began to reign. In the minority of the king a reform on the
lines of Deut. could no doubt have been carried out success-
fully, if a party sufficiently powerful were then in existence.
But the efforts of such a party might be completely nullified, if
at a later time the king himself should prove indifferent or
hostile to the reform. It would be prudent to wait until the
king gave some indication of his character and sympathies. In
621, Josiah was in his twenty-sixth year. It had become clear
that he was not a Manasseh or an Amon. The timeliness of
the appearance of the law book suggests that it was composed

42 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

with a view to the very effect which followed its production, i.e.
the reformation under the authority of the king. If this view be
correct, Deut. was composed in the months immediately pre-
ceding its ' discovery.' l

It does not by any means follow that the material of Deut.
was all invented at this date. On the contrary, a great deal
of the legislation is a repetition of ancient custom and ritual,
re-formulated for the special object of its compilers (cf. 8c.).

The Book of Deuteronomy falls into the following
divisions : %

i 4 40 . Introductory speech of Moses.

4 41 " 43 . Moses appoints three cities of refuge east of Jordan.

4 44 ~ 49 . Introduction to the legislation following.

5 n. Exhortations to observe the law.

12 26. The Deuteronomic Legislation.

27. Directions for the ratification of the law.

28. Discourse on obedience and disobedience.

29 30. Discourse enforcing obedience to the Covenant.

31. The Farewell of Moses.

32. The Song of Moses.

33. The Blessing of Moses.

34. Narrative of the Death of Moses.

An examination of these divisions will show that they are not
all from the same pen. The law-book found in the Temple

1 The dates given by critics vary between 720 and 621. The fol-
lowing remark of Kuenen (Hex. E. T. 219-220) is weighty on the side of
the later date: 'A book of law that was some decades old in 621 B.C.,
however it happened that it strayed into the temple and was discovered
there, may have been regarded as really Mosaic, and may have been pre-
sented as such to Josiah. But this is open to the great, and, in my
opinion, fatal objection, that it makes the actual reformation the work of those
who had not planned it, but were blind tools in the hands of unknown
projectors. . . . And the r6le assigned to D is almost equally impos-
sible, for he is made to commit his aspirations to writing, urge their reali-
sation with intensest fervour, and leave the rest to chance.'

THE HEXATEUCH 43

certainly included a large part of 12 26, for these contain the
directions on which the reformation of Josiah proceeded ; 5 u
are not legislation proper, but a series of discourses exhorting
obedience to laws about to be promulgated. It might be
supposed that the law-book, compiled with the object already
described, would not be any longer than was necessary, and
that it would confine itself to the bare enunciation of its re-
quirements. That it was not a long book we know from the
fact that it was read through twice in one day. It has, therefore,
been supposed that 12 26 alone were contained in the law-book
originally issued ; and these chapters are in consequence some-
times referred to as the ' kernel ' of D. Nevertheless, the
reasons for separating the kernel from 5 n are not decisive
in view of the close agreement in style and language, and in
the analysis already given 5 26 has been treated as a whole.
To these chapters 28 also belongs ; with which 27 9 ~ 10 forms the
connecting link.

The first four chapters and the last six contain material
from different hands ; i 4 40 , which is itself composite (4 9 " 40
has no apparent connection with i 3 : 2 10 ~ 13 > 20 ~ 23 are
marginal notes which have found their way into the text), was
composed while as yet D was an independent document (i.e.
not united with JE, 1 cp. below 7) by a writer of the Deuter-
onomic school, who felt that some such outline of the history
of the law-giving was necessary. 4*1-43 are three verses which
have got into their present place by some error : they have
nothing to do with the context. 4*4-49 are a superscription to
' the law which Moses set before Israel ' : these verses may
well have formed the beginning of the original edition of D,
which we conclude to have contained 4** to the end of 26, and
278-10, 28.

27 is made up from two or three sources. Of 1-8 , at least

1 The symbol JE without a space, indicates J and E after combination
into a single document.

44 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

6 ~ 7a are from a period previous to D, for they reveal no
knowledge of the principle of the central sanctuary ; 1-8 also
interrupt the connection between 26 and 27 9 ~ 10 . For 12 and 13 ,
cp. 1 1 26 " 30 to which these verses are a kind of sequel; u ~ 26
curses against certain sins, not specially against offences for-
bidden by D; their closest parallels are to be found in
Lev. 1 8 20.

29 30. In the style of D, but of later origin ; at least
1-10 are exilic.

31. 1-8 are apparently by the same hand as i 4 (cp.
3 23f s). 9 ~ 13 . The law committed to writing : these verses pos-
sibly belong to the end of 28, where they would be appropriate.
14 ~ 15 and 23 are perhaps from E. 1( 5- 22 and ^~, two intro-
ductions to the Song of Moses.

32. The Song of Moses. A poem commemorating the
faithfulness of Yahweh, who blessed his people with prosperity
and has now delivered them over to the enemy on account of
their idolatries. He will, however, again restore them. The
enemy referred to may be Assyria, but more probably is
Babylon. The theological standpoint of the poem and its
affinities with Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Deutero-Isaiah are in
favour of a date after 586 for its composition ; probably
towards the close of the Exile.

33. The ' blessing of Moses.' Earlier than the Song, and
yet subsequent to the age of Moses (cp. 5 > 27 > 28 ). It is a
poem of praises of the Tribes, similar to the Blessing of Jacob
(Gen. 49), evidently composed in a time of general prosperity
and national satisfaction. The reign of Jeroboam II. (B.C.
780-743) is probable ; in which case it is a few years earlier
than Amos or Hosea, or contemporary with them. 7 is, how-
ever, sometimes quoted in favour of a date soon after the
division of the Northern and Southern Kingdoms.

34. Highly composite : see analysis.

THE HEXATEUCH 45

(b} The Date of J and E.

Both J and E are earlier than D, which knows and makes
use of them, (i) In historical details, the historical retrospects
in particular are founded on the narratives of J or E cp.
especially Deut. i 6 , 3 29 , l every circumstance of which is
based on the accounts of JE in Ex. and Num.; Deut. 9 8 ,
i o 11 , based on Ex. 32 34. (2) 'The laws of JE form the
foundation of the Deuteronomic legislation ; this is evident
as well from the numerous verbal coincidences as from the fact
that nearly the whole ground covered by Ex. 2O 22 23 33 , is in-
cluded in it.' (Driver, Commentary on Deut., Introduction
viii., which see for a detailed comparison.) (3) Whereas
the literary parallels with D are especially seventh century
writers, Jeremiah and Zephaniah, J and E on the other hand
show frequent points of contact with the eighth century.

For the more exact dating of J and E there is little definite
evidence. In any case, not more than half a century separates
the two writings. According to some scholars E is of earlier
origin than J ; but the more general verdict is in favour of the
priority of the latter. We shall not be far wrong if we assign
J to the years between 850 and 800 B.C., and E to about
fifty years later.

E certainly originated in the Northern Kingdom, as
is clear from the interest it displays in Northern affairs
and especially in the Northern shrines, e.g. Bethel. From
the fact that J makes particular mention of Abraham's
sojourn in Hebron, a Southern origin has been presumed for
this document ; but the evidence is scarcely sufficient to war-
rant a positive conclusion. The questions of date and place of
origin are complicated by the presence in both documents of
secondary elements. It is probable that at least two writers are
represented both in J and E ; and a full analysis ought to dis-

1 The argument is not affected if these passages are denied to D
their date in any case is not far away from that of D.

46 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

tinguish both J 1 and J 2 and E 1 and E 2 . For fuller informa-
tion on these points the reader must consult the larger works
on the Hexateuch.

According to Neh. 8 10, Ezra the scribe published a law-
book which was accepted by the people in the year 444. 1 This
law-book contained those parts of the Hexateuch which in the
analysis are assigned to P. The publication was celebrated by
a Feast of Tabernacles ' according to what was written in the
Law ' (Neh. 8 13 ~ 18 ). It is so written in Lev. 2^^. The same
feast is indeed appointed in D (Deut. i6 13 ~ 17 ). Nevertheless,
the authority for the celebration on this occasion was not D, for
D ordains that the feast shall continue for seven days. P
assigns eight days to the same feast, and it was an eight days'
feast which was held in 444 l (Lev. 23 86 ). A comparison of
the following passages will confirm the identification of Ezra's
law-book with P :
Neh. IO 30 . Against alien marriages. Num. 33 51 ~ 56 , P; Gen.

281-9, p . Gen. 26 s4 - 35 , P.
81 . Observance of the Sabbath and the Sabbatical year.

Cp. Gen. 2 3 , P; Ex. i6-, P; si 12 ' 1 ?, P;

Lev. 2 5 2-7, H.

32 . Contribution of one-third of a Shekel to the Temple.

Cp. Ex. 3 1 13 , P; where, however, the amount is
half a shekel.

33 . Shewbread, Meal-offering, Burnt-offering, Sabbaths,

New Moons, Set Feasts, and Holy Things.
Num. 28 29.
35 - 39 . First Fruits and Tithes. Num. jS 21 - 24 , P. (Contrast

Deut. i4 23 .)

The specific legislation of the Priestly Code is therefore
formally accepted in 444 (or 432), as contained in Ezra's law-
book. And the narrative of Neh. is sufficient to show that the
1 Or 432. See Ez.-Neh., end.

THE HEXATEUCH 47

law-book of Ezra, while it contained P, did not contain either
J, E, or D. The celebrations are especially said to be in ful-
filment of the terms of the law-book; and they were not in
accordance with any other part of the Hexateuch than P. If
at this time the whole Hexateuch were published, some refer-
ence to narrative or to legislation outside of P would almost
certainly have occurred.

On the other hand there is no trace of the existence of P
at an earlier date than 444 (or 432). The Day of Atonement
and the Jubilee year important points in P's legislation are
never referred to in literature that is certainly pre-exilic. The
centralisation of worship at Jerusalem is in P taken for
granted ; the instances already quoted of sacrifice offered at
local shrines l are all in flagrant contradiction to the provisions
of P. And whereas the mainly pre-exilic books of Sam. and
Kings reveal no traces of acquaintance with the specific pro-
visions of P, the post-exilic book of Chronicles colours its
narrative of the past throughout with material drawn from
that Code.

These considerations fix the date of P in the fifth century
B.C. A strong confirmation of this date is furnished by the law
of the priesthood. In D priest and Levite are convertible
terms : the phrase is ' the priests the Levites,' i.e. the priests,
namely the Levites. In P the priesthood is confined to the
descendants of Aaron, and the Levites are entrusted with only
menial work in the temple (Num. 3 5 ~ 10 ). The transition from
the position of D to that of P is furnished by Ez. 44 6 ~ 31 .
Ezekiel, in drawing up in the year 573 B.C. an ideal sketch
of the restored community, withholds the privilege of the
priesthood from the Levites ( 13 ) on the ground that they have
been guilty of idolatry ( 10 ). He degrades them to be keepers
of the charge of the house ( 14 ),. while the sons of Zadok, who
have not been guilty of idolatry, are to retain the priestly privi-

48 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

leges ( 15 ). The law book of Ezra turned this ideal provision
into formal legislation, and we are justified in concluding that
the book in which this Levitical degradation is a fundamental
point was based on the writing of Ezekiel of 573. The law
book of Ezra was accordingly composed some time between
573 and 458. Ezra brought it with him from Babylon in 458
(Ez. 7 6 ~ 14 ) on his first viait to Jerusalem; but the publication
was held back till the governorship of Nehemiah. 1

The law book of Ezra already contained the ' Holiness
legislation,' H (Lev. 17 26), for the Feast of Tabernacles was
observed in accordance with the terms of that document. H is
marked out as an independent stratum of P mainly on account
of its continual use of the idea of holiness as the aim and
motive of its ordinances, and of a special phraseology. It
is earlier than the bulk of P, and displays many affinities
with Ezekiel. Its author was no doubt a disciple of that
prophet, writing about B.C. 560.

7. The Combination of the Documents.

According to the results so far reached, the Hexateuch is
a combination of the following chief documents :

J composed (in the Southern Kingdom) c. 850 800 B.C.
E Northern c. 800 750

D Jerusalem c. 621

H Babylonia c. 560

P c. 500458

(a) JE. The first stage in the combination of these docu-
ments was the union of J with E, accomplished by an editor or
editors who are distinguished by the symbol R 3e , i.e. the
redactor(s) of JE. The method of R ie varied according to the
contents of the documents with which he was dealing. Some-

1 But for a rearrangement of these dates, cp. on Ez.-Neh. as above.

THE HEXATEUCH 49

times he placed parallel narratives side by side in his combined
text (cp. Gen. 3O 30 " 43 J, 3i 4f s E); sometimes he interwove them
(cp. Gen. 28 10 ~ 23 ) ; sometimes he followed one of his sources in
the main, introducing only a few passages from the other doc-
ument by way of supplement. (See the analysis in Gen. 12 on-
wards : J is the chief source employed for the histories of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ; E for the history of Joseph and
his brethren.) In the course of his work R ]e not infrequently
supplied connecting verses, and occasionally had to alter or to
add so as to bring his two sources into a surface agreement.

The question of the date of the union of J with E depends
upon the use by D of these documents. Were they employed
by him separately or in combination ? The evidence is not so
decisive as to shut out either view ; and here it must suffice to
state that on the whole the probability seems rather to be in
favour of the conclusion that D employed these documents
after they had been amalgamated. (See the Oxford Hexateuch
Introduction 173 4.) If so, the date of R 3e is in the years
immediately before the publication of D (621).

(3) JED. The next stage was the amalgamation of the
combined documents JE with the law book found in the
temple. This was the work of an editor (or editors) indicated
by ' R d ' i.e. the Deuteronomic redactor(s). This combina-
tion, which did not involve any considerable change in the
material up to the end of Numbers, took place not earlier than
the beginning of the Exile.

(c) JEDP. As we have seen above, H was united to P
directly ; and this union had already taken place before its
publication by Ezra. The final stage in the composition of the
Hexateuch was the addition of P, including H, to JED, accom-
plished by an editor or editors known as R p . In the two
specimen narratives already given, samples of the method of
R p may be seen ; similar methods were employed over the
whole field of the Hexateuch. The date of R p is not long after

50 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

the publication of Ezra's law book, probably about 400 B.C.
Small additions, however, were made at an even later date.

8. The Characteristics of the Sources.

It remains to add some remarks on the characteristics of
the sources whose history and extent we have been discussing.

(a) J. J is a collection of the traditions of the Israelites,
beginning from the creation of the first man and extending to
at least the beginnings of the occupation of Canaan. 1 It incor-
porates pieces of ancieni poetry (the Sword Song of Lamech,
Gen. 4.23-24 the Curse of Canaan, g25-27 j the Blessing of Jacob,
49) ; and of legislation (the ' Little Book of the Covenant,' Ex.
34 11 " 16 ). The writer of J is possessed of an imaginative power
which enables him to conceive and to reproduce his characters
and events with great vividness ; this is shown by, among other
things, his use of dialogue (cp. Gen. 18, 24, 43), and his
ascription of human form and emotions to Yahweh (Gen. 2 7f s,
38.21, 66, 7 ie, 321, nB,?; X 8; Ex. 4 s4 H 24 ; Num. u 13 , etc.)
He displays an interest in the sacred shrines and connects them
with incidents in the patriarchal history (Shechem, Gen. i2 6 ;
Bethel, I2 8 ; 28 13 ~ 16 ; Hebron, i3 18 ; Beersheba, 2i 83 , 26 23 ,
etc.)

() E. In its present form E begins with Abraham. From
the analogy of J and P we may, however, presume that it also
originally contained an account of Creation. From Abraham
onwards the narrative is in the main parallel to that of J. It
incorporates lyrical fragments (the Song of Moses, Ex. 1 5 ; the
Song of the Well, Num. 2i 17 ~ 18 ; the Triumph Song over Hesh-
bon, ib. 27 ~ 30 ) ; and legislation (the ' Greater Book of the Coven-
ant,' Ex. 20 22 -23) ; and quotes the 'Book of the Wars of Yah-
weh' (Num. 2 1 14 ) and the 'Book of Yashar' (Josh. io 13 , cp.

1 See Judges, 3. i.

THE HEXATEUCH 51

2 Sam. i 18 ). Like J, E is interested in the sacred sites
(Moriah, Gen. 22 1 - 9 ; Bethel, 28 18 , 351. 3 > 7 ; Beersheba, zi 1 ');
but he preserves many concrete details not given in J. A
peculiarity of E is his method of representing communications
between God and man as taking place by means of angels
(Gen. 2I 1 ?, 22 11 , 28 13 ) or of dreams (Gen. 2O 6 , 2I 1 ?, 22 11 , 28 11 - 13 ,

si^s; 6 )-

The traditions embodied in J and E were collected and
written down, as we have already seen, by about the middle
of the eighth century B.C., a date just before the prophetic
work of Amos and Hosea, Isaiah and Micah. Those great
teachers of Israel were not inventors altogether of a new
message ; they took up and developed elements that were
already existing in the national life and consciousness.
Something both of the spirit which moved them and of the
story of the past which inspired them is present in these two
great documents of the history of Israel. For this reason,
the name frequently given to the combined J and E 'THE
PROPHETIC HISTORY BOOK ' is a good one to remember. The
title has, however, a further significance. It emphasizes the
difference between the ancient history of Israel as understood
in the eighth century and as understood and exhibited in the
Priestly Code in the fifth. It is also useful as illustrating
some of the features of the national life and religion for
which the prophets stand. J's account of the beginnings of
the world has within it the germs of the idea of monotheism.
The prophetic doctrine of the divine election of Israel runs
throughout the whole of JE, and is provided with historical
illustrations in the Covenant with Abraham (Gen. i5 9 ~ 18 ) and
with Moses (Ex. 24 3 ~ 7 , 34 10 ~ 27 ). The obligations of the covenant
relation forbid the worship of other gods (Ex. 34 14 ~ 16 ), and
require a belief in Yahweh's faithfulness (Gen. i5 6 ), and the
performance of judgement and righteousness (Gen. i8 19 ).

52 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

formulation, and adaptation to new needs, of an older legislation.'
Driver, LOT, 91.

D was prepared as the programme of a movement which
had for its aim the purification of the national worship. The
movement owed its origin to the protests of the eighth century
prophets against the unfaithfulness of Israel to Yahweh. The
introduction of star-worship and of human sacrifices, the perse-
cutions of the reign of Manasseh and the continuance of social
corruption, showed that something more than verbal protest was
necessary. The Deuteronomic party adopted the plan of striking
at idolatry by abolishing the ' high places/ and so bringing the
threads of religious life into the hands of the priesthood at
Jerusalem. For to the Deuteronomists, idolatry lay at the root
of the national sins.

D teaches explicitly that there is only one God : ' Hear, O
Israel, Yahweh our God is one Yahweh ' (6 4 ) ; he is the
Supreme God and Lord (io 17 ); the owner of the earth and
heavens (io 14 ). He has chosen Israel, not of its merit but of his
love (7 7 , 9 4 ~ 5 , io 15 ), in order that it might be ' holy' (7 6 ). This
holiness involves separation from worship addressed to any
other than Yahweh, from worship of Yahweh in material form,
and from every sort of idolatrous symbol (y 5 - 25 , i2 2 > 3 , i6 21 > 33 ,
5 8 , etc.).

These principles are embodied in a series of laws, many of
which belong to a period long before the reform of 621.
' Many are repeated from the Book of the Covenant ; the exist-
ence of others is independently attested by the " Law of
Holiness"; others upon intrinsic grounds are clearly ancient.'
(Driver, LOT, 90-91). But the whole code is so suffused
by affection, that it conveys no impression of hard legalism.
Following especially Hosea, D teaches that Yahweh has loved
Israel, and asks for Israel's love : ' Yahweh had a delight in thy
fathers to love them ' (io 15 ) ; ' Thou shah love Yahweh thy God
with all thine heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy

THE HEXATEUCH 53

might ' (6 5 ) ; ' And now Israel, what doth Yahweh thy God re-
quire of thee but to fear Yahweh thy God, to walk in all his
ways, and to love him' (io 12 ). Parallel with this is the humani-
tarianism of D. The authors are conscious of the great mercy
bestowed upon the nation in the deliverance from the bondage
of Egypt. 'Remember that thou wast a bondman in the
land of Egypt ' is the continual plea for the merciful discharge
of the obligations of life. 'Humanity is the author's leading
motive, wherever considerations of religion or morality do not
force him to repress it. Accordingly, great emphasis is laid
upon the exercise of philanthropy, promptitude, and liberality
towards those in difficulty or want, as the indigent in need of a
loan (i5 7 ~~ n , 23 30f s-), a slave at the time of his manumission
(i5 13 ~ 15 ), a neighbour who has lost any of his property (22 1 " 4 ), a
poor man obliged to borrow on pledge (24 6 > 12fg -), a fugitive slave
(23 15 ), a hired servant (24 14f & ), and in the law for the disposition
of the triennial tithe (i4 28f s-): the landless Levite (i2 12 > 18f -,
1427, 89, 16". i*, 26". 12f s-), and the "stranger," i.e. the unpro-
tected foreigner settled in Israel, the fatherless and the widow
are repeatedly commended to the Israelite's charity or regard
(i 4 2 , i6 u 14 , 2 4 !7, i9~ 2 i, 2 6 12f s-, 27 19 . . ) . .'Driver,
Com. on Dcut. xxiv., which see for other examples.

The most drastic change introduced by D was the dis-
franchisement of the local sanctuaries, and the centralising of
all sacrifice in Jerusalem. In its immediate effect, it does not
appear to have been conspicuously successful. The reforma-
tion carried out with such enthusiasm by Josiah had only a
temporary result (cp. Jer. 1 1). Only the experience of the
Exile, and that hardly, could alienate Israel from its idolatries.
But the principle of the single sanctuary, invented by the Deu-
teronomists, was adopted by the legislators who prepared P.

(d) P. The aim of D was to secure through legislation and
exhortation the moral ideal of the prophets, and it may, there-
fore, be described as the prophetic law book. The aim of P is

54 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

so to regulate the sacred institutions and the organisation of wor-
ship as to secure and maintain ceremonial purity. In this aim
the priesthood is the indispensable agency, and the provisions of
P are drawn out from that point of view. It is, therefore,
appropriately named the Priestly Code.

P includes within itself material of various dates, of which
one clearly defined stratum is the Law of Holiness (Lev. 17-26,
with fragments in n, 13-15, and elsewhere). This portion
betrays many affinities with Ezekiel, and may be regarded with
confidence as the earliest of the constituent documents of P.
Its name is based on the recurrence within it of the idea of the
holiness of Yahweh.

P follows the method of a history, and begins with the
Creation. In the main, however, his interest in the past is
based upon the institutions, and when he deserts the principle
of bald genealogy, it is usually for the purpose of explaining
the origin of some sacred custom or ordinance. Even the
account of the Creation was probably intended as an explana-
tion of the the origin of the Sabbath. The history of the past
does not add anything of value to what we already know from
JP1 P's method is dry and annalistic ; he is ready on every
possible occasion with statistics, which give an illusive appear-
ance of precision to his details. He represents the name
Yahweh as having been revealed to Moses (Ex. 6). Con-
sistently with this theory, he never uses the name earlier than
the narrative of that revelation. P is the least anthropomorphic
of the series JED.

P follows the precedent of D in placing his directions in
the mouth of Moses, and the legislation which was in fact
designed for the post-exilic community, is described as pro-
jected in the period before the occupation of Canaan. The
aim of the legislation is to preserve the community in the rela-
tion of holiness to Yahweh. Though a monotheist, P repre-
sents Yahweh as dwelling in the midst of his people in the

THE HEXATEUCH 55

sanctuary. His presence makes the nation holy; but this
holiness must be carefully safeguarded. Innumerable oppor-
tunities of defilement arise, for the removal of which provision
must be made. Yahweh is, therefore, represented as protected
by a circle of specially-ordained priests ; outside of this circle
is another composed of Levites; outside this circle the members
of the community. Among the priests, one holds the chief
position ; he alone is permitted once a year to enter the Holiest
Place. The priests are all to be descendants of Aaron, through
either Eleazar or Ithamar. The Levites are a secondary order,
attending the priests as servants in lieu of the services of the
community (Num. 8 15 ~ 19 ). P represents the presence of Yahweh
as confined to the Dwelling, of which an elaborate description
is given (Ex. 2$ig., ssfg.)-

The doctrines of holy persons and holy places are comple-
mented by a theory of holy times. P adopted the feast days
already known, altering their details in accordance with the
new conditions under which they were to be observed. 1 In
addition two new feasts were introduced by P, the New Year's
Day (Trumpets) (Lev. 23 23 ~ 25 ), and the Day of Atonement (esp.
Lev. 1 6).

1 Eg. they ate to take place on fixed days of the month.

CHAPTER II.

JUDGES ESTHER.

1. JUDGES.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Contents. 3. Sources. 4. Historical Value.

i. Name and Divisions.

The book received its name from the title given to certain
leaders whose exploits are recorded within it. These leaders
are said to deliver the nation and to ' judge' it for a number of
years, where the word 'judge' apparently denotes ruling rather
than the administration of justice. The authors of the book
use the word for a ruler whose office is not hereditary.
The following divisions may be marked :
i l -2 6 . A Summary History of the Conquest.
2 6 -i6. The History of the Judges.
17-21. Appendix, containing Two Episodes,
(a) The Migration of the Danites.
(V) The Holy War against Benjamin.

2. Contents.

i . The conquests by Judah and Simeon, Joseph, Manasseh
and Ephraim, Zebulon, Asher, Napthali, and Dan.

2 1 " 6 . The Angel of Yahweh announces that the Israelites

JUDGES 57

will suffer because they have failed to exterminate the
Canaanites.

2 6 -3 6 . Introduction explaining the general theory of the age
of the Judges. Joshua's generation served Yahweh faithfully.
After his death the Israelites forsook Yahweh, and served the
baals. Yahweh, therefore, delivered them over to the spoilers ;
then he raised up judges to save them ; on the death of the
judge, the people again relapsed into idolatry. Yahweh has,
therefore, announced that he will leave in the land such of the
enemies of Israel as have not been conquered by Joshua ; they
will dwell side by side with Israel to ' prove' it. A list of the
nations so left. The Israelites intermarry with them.

3 7 ~ n . Othniel delivers Israel from the hand of ' Cushan-
rishathaim,' king of Mesopotamia.

is-30 t Ehud saves Israel by assassinating Eglon, the Moabite
king, and defeating his army,

31 . Shamgar saves Israel from the Philistines.

4. Barak and the prophetess Deborah deliver Israel from
Jabin, king of Canaan, and his general Sisera. Sisera, taking
refuge in the tent of Jael, is murdered by her in his sleep.

5. The ' Deborah-Song,' celebrating the victory of
Israel over a confederacy headed by Sisera.

6-8. The Israelites are delivered out of the hand of Moab
by Gideon (Jerubbaal). By means of a stratagem, he defeats
with 300 men the army of Midian. He refuses the kingship,
but makes of his spoil a golden image, which is worshipped by
all Israel. On the death of Gideon, the Israelites again relapse
into idolatry.

9. Abimelech, son of Gideon, murders all his seventy
brothers except Jotham, and becomes king of Shechem.
Jotham narrates the parable of the Bramble King. Shechem
rebels against Abimelech, but is reduced by him. While be-
sieging a neighbouring town, he is fatally injured by a millstone
cast by a woman from the walls, and to escape the reproach

58 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

of being killed by a woman causes his armour-bearer to
kill him.

10. Tola of Issachar and Jair of Gilead judge Israel.
Introduction to the history of Jephthah. The Ammonites
gather against Israel.

i i-i2 7 . Jephthah, a Gileadite, who has been a robber chief,
is invited to lead the Israelite forces against Ammon. Jephthah
vows to Yahweh, in the event of victory, whatsoever shall first
cross his threshold to meet him on his return. He conquers
the Ammonites. On his return he is met by his daughter,
whom he sacrfices. Her death inaugurates a festival.

128-15. The judgeships of Ibzan of Bethlehem, Elon of
Zebulon, Abdon of Pirathon.

13. Samson is born, in fulfilment of a Divine promise,
and exhibits great strength.

14-15. On his marriage to a Philistine woman, he pro-
pounds a riddle which the Philistines cannot guess. They entice
his wife to obtain the answer, and Samson kills thirty men of
Ashkelon to pay the forfeit. His wife being stolen from him,
he revenges himself by burning the corn of the Philistines.
They kill his wife ; he retaliates, but is delivered up by the
Judeans. He bursts his bonds, and slays one thousand Philis-
tines with the jawbone of an ass.

1 6. He avoids capture at Gaza by carrying off a city gate,
with its furniture. By the treachery of Delilah, the secret of his
strength becomes known to his enemies, who capture and blind
him. Being diplayed at a feast in the temple of Dagon, he pulls
down the pillars and perishes with all the company.

17-18. A party of the Danites who are searching for a
suitable place of settlement, come upon the sanctuary of Micah
in the hill country of Ephraim, and consult his oracle. They
select Laish, and send for their main body, which steals
Micah's oracle and its ministering Levite. Laish is conquered,
and becomes the city of Dan. Micah's image is set up, and
becomes a centre of worship.

JUDGES 59

19-21. The Benjaminites refusing to deliver up the men of
Gibeah who have been guilty of an outrage, are attacked by the
rest of the Israelites. The Israelites are twice defeated, but
finally destroy all Benjamin except 600 men. These are inter-
dicted from marriage with the rest of the tribes ; but, lest Ben-
jamin utterly disappear, wives are found for them by raids on
Shiloh and Jabesh-Gilead.

3. Sources.

In its present form, the Book of Judges is a collection of
narratives set in a framework designed to teach a moral lesson,
and furnished with introduction and appendices. At least four
stages may be distinguished in the literary history of the book.

i. FOUNDATION NARRATIVES. The basis of the book was
supplied by stories of certain heroes, such as Ehud, Barak,
Abimelech, Jephthah, and Samson. These stories circulated in
more than one form. Notice e.g. the prose and the poetical
versions of the victory over Sisera, 4, 5 ; the presence of at
least two strands in the narrative of Gideon, 6 2 -8 3 , 8*~ 21 .
In these foundation narratives the judges were not repre-
sented as national judges, but as tribal leaders. The case of
Samson stands by itself ; his exploits are purely personal.

These foundation narratives are identified by some critics
with the documents J and E. These documents possibly did
extend to the period of the Judges. In fact, the account of the
conquest in ch. i is from J. The resemblances, however, of
these narratives to those sources are not so striking as to compel
the conclusion that we have J or E before us. The foremost
defender of the theory that these documents are continued in
our Judges, uses in his analysis the symbols J and E to repre-
sent ' not individual authors, but a succession of writers, the
historiography of a certain period and school.' (Moore, Judges
xxvi.). But while this use would be valid to explain minor varia-

60 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

tions in a group of phenomena generally recognised, and while
it is as a matter of fact so employed in the differentiation of
J 1 , J 2 , etc., in the Hexateuch, its validity is doubtful as a plea
for the admission of the symbols into the treatment of Judges,
where the group of phenomena is not established.

2. The PRKDKUTERONOMIC BOOK OF JUDGES. The narra-
tives above mentioned were arranged into a Book of Judges
some time before the Deuteronomic reformation. This edition
promoted the local chiefs to the rank of national saviours and
rulers. It contained the earliest editions of the passages which
we have marked as appendices (i7fg.), and probably included
the judgeships of Eli and Samuel (cp. i Sam. 4 18 , 7 16 ~ 1 7).

On the minor judges cp. below, 4.

3. On the basis of 2 was formed THE DEUTERONOMIC
EDITION. The Deuteronomist redactor (R d , one or several as the
case may be) placed the narratives in a setting which made them
illustrate the doctrine that Yahweh had to punish the Israelites
frequently for their idolatry. The punishment took the form
of foreign oppression : and when the people repented of their
idolatry, the oppression was removed by means of a judge
under whom the land had rest for a term of years. On the
death of a judge the same round is again pursued. This
theory will be found repeated in almost identical phraseology
in 37-11, Othniel; 12 ~2o, Ehud; 4 1 , s 31 , Barak; 6i~7, S 2 ", Gideon;
io 6 ~ 10 , 12^, Jephthah; 13!, I5 20 , Samson.

4. FINAL EDITION. As it stands before us the book has
been supplied with introductory notices and glosses. It will be
noticed that the Deuteronomic formulae do not occur in the
notices of the minor judges (Shamgar), Tola, Jair, Ibzan, Elon,
and Abdon. This fact suggests that they were not present in
the Deut. edition, for there is no obvious reason why these also
if known to R d should not have been supplied with his
pragmatic setting. From the fact that some of these minor
judges bear the names of tribes, and that they serve to bring

JUDGES 61

the number up to 12, it is a reasonable conjecture that they
were an addition to the latest form of the book. On the other
hand, it may be noted that the same formula which appears in
the case of the minor judges is present also in the case of
Jephthah 1 2 7 , and it is arguable that they formed originally part
of (2), were omitted by R d from his edition, and were finally
restored by the editor of 4. It is, however, not easy to see why
the Deut. editor rejected these minor judges if he had them
before him.

4. Historical Value.

As it stands, the book of Judges makes its chief impression
by means of its Deuteronomic colouring. That sense of the
intimate connection between faithfulness to Yahweh and
national prosperity which in D expressed itself in legislation
and exhortation, found another means of activity in the collect-
ing of the national traditions, and the over-working of them so
as to teach the characteristic lesson of the prophets that
physical events had moral causes ; that faithfulness to Yahweh
was rewarded by national prosperity, national apostasy punished
by disaster, repentance followed by divine favour. The
Deuteronomists were so sure that the external fortunes of the
nation were the faithful reflex of its moral state that they did
not hesitate to impose the doctrine on material which did not
show any obvious fitness for it. In general, it may be said that
R d 's contributions to the book of Judges do not contribute any-
thing to our knowlege of the period. Their value is simply as
a witness to the great strength of the prophetic influence as ex-
pressed in this school of the ' philosophy of history.'

After the Deuteronomic accretions have been removed, it
appears that we have only a few stories of tribal leaders to
bridge over the period between Joshua and Samuel. The
traditions of locality alone are clearly marked. Deborah and

62 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Barak stand at the head of a confederacy of Northern tribes ;
Gideon is connected with Ophrah and Shechem, Jephthah with
Gilead, Samson with the Philistine neighbourhood. In these
limits these men took the lead in moments of tribal danger,
and earned a place among the traditions of the period when
the tribes were slowly feeling after that sense of nationality
which issued in the establishment of the monarchy. The case
of Gideon shows that some kind of tribal kingship was at one
time established in Shechem, but it did not survive the second
generation.

Among these traditions Samson occupies a special place.
His exploits are personal; the Judeans, instead of assisting
him, deliver him over to the Philistines. His quarrels with the
Philistines are purely individual. The resemblances between
the account of Samson and the story of Heracles are numerous,
and perhaps the interpretation of the Samson stories should
follow the same line.

Of the two appendices the first (17 18) probably owes its
place in the book to the fact that it gives an account of the
origin of the sanctuary at Dan. In the light it throws upon the
religious and social ideas of the period it is a valuable fragment.
The second appendix is a late revision of an old account of an
outrage at Gibeah ; so late, in fact, as the time of the
Chronicler, 1 whose spirit is indicated in the exaggerations of the
numbers. Ch. i 2 5 contain J's account of the Conquest, with
additions from the final editor in la > 4 - 8 > 9f s-> 18 > 2 1 " 5 -

The ' Deborah-Song ' is one of the oldest pieces of
Israelite literature, and probably belongs to the eleventh
century B.C It is a triumphal song on the occasion of the
victory of the Northern tribes over Sisera, and was probably
composed very soon after the conflict. It appears to be not by
Deborah, but addressed to her (cp. 5 12 ; in 5^, ' until thou,
Deborah, didst arise' is a legitimate translation). The text is
1 Cp. Moore, Judges, 4058.

JUDGES 63

somewhat corrupt, and the meaning not always clear ; but it is
conceived in a bold and spirited style. After an address of
praise and an invocation ( 2 ~ 3 ) the poet describes how Yahweh
marched forth to succour his people (*~ 5 ) in a time of national
distress, when the roads had become unsafe for travellers, and
the forces of Israel mustered only 40,00x3 unarmed men ( 6 ~ 8 ).
. . . The tribes of Ephraim, Benjamin, Manasseh (' Machir '),
Zebulun, and Issachar are praised for their readiness to take
the field (is-ife) . Reuben, Gilead, Dan, and Asher are scorn-
fully reproached for their inaction (iBb-is^ The battle is
described; it takes place at Taanach, by the waters of
Megiddo; the allied kings are defeated ( 19 ~ 22 ). A curse on
Meroz for not participating in the conflict ( 23 ). How Jael mur-
dered Sisera when he had applied to her for refreshment during
his flight ( 34 ~ 36 ). Picture of the mother of Sisera waiting in
her home for the return of her son ; her anxiety on account of
the delay in his coming ; the confidence of the attendants that
he is delayed only by the greatness of his booty (28-30) j prayer
that all the enemies of Yahweh may perish as Sisera has
perished ( 31 ).

It is a poem of an age which exults in the defeat of enemies,
and which has no shame for the treacherous murder of the
fugitive chief ; but it is wonderfully skilful in drawing a vivid
picture of the circumstances of the time, and in the manner in
which it heightens the triumph by the dramatic description of
the waiting queen-mother.

6 4

2. RUTH.

I. Contents. 2. Date and Object.

I. Contents.

i . Elimelech of Bethlehem with his wife Naomi and his
two sons removes to Moab on account of a famine. There he
and his sons die, the sons having married Moabite wives, Orpah
and Ruth. Naomi returns to Bethlehem and Ruth accom-
panies her. 2. Ruth gleans wheat in the fields of her
relative Boaz and is favourably noticed by him. 3, 4. A near
kinsman, upon whom by ancient custom the duty of marriage
with her devolved, sells his rights to Boaz, who marries Ruth.
She gives birth to Obed, ancestor of King David.

2. Date and Object.

The incidents of the book are represented as occurring in
the times of the Judges, (i 1 ) : and there is in it an air of
naturalness and verisimilitude which is in favour of its composi-
tion at a date not long after the occurrence of the events it
describes. On the other hand there are some late features ;
(i) the custom of old Israel which has become obsolete is
explained for the benefit of the readers (4 7 ) ; yet this custom is
known in the seventh century (Deut. 25 9 ). (2) The genealogy of
418-22 is in the style of P, and uses expressions characteristic of
that document. (3) In the Hebrew canon it is placed not
among the histories but in the ' Rolls ' i.e. along with the
Song of Songs, Lam., Eccles., Esther, all of which belong to a
dale later than 586. (4) There are some idioms and word-
forms which if Ruth is pre-exilic can be explained only as
dialect, but which are most naturally regarded as post-exilic.

The force of (i) and (2) is removed if the suggestions be
accepted that 4 7 is a gloss and 418-22 a i ater addition. If

RUTH 65

these passages be regarded as not original, it is possible that
the book had a pre-exilic origin ; its object being to narrate
some particulars about the ancestry of David which showed
that he was of Moabite extraction ; indirectly also ' to inculcate
the duty of marriage on the part of the next of kin with a
widow left childless.' (Driver LOT, 454.) In favour of
this view it is urged that some connection of David with Moab
is implied by i Sam. 22 s . It is however open to doubt
whether the king of Moab would guard David's parents merely
because David's great grandmother was a Moabite woman;
and the indirect object is not plausible in view of the fact that the
next of kin successfully avoids the duty, transferring it to Boaz.

The following account of the origin of the book seems more
probable. When Ezra returned from Babylon J he found that
the Jews in Jerusalem and Judah had intermarried with non-
Jewish families. To Ezra, keenly anxious to keep the com-
munity pure, this seemed a pollution. He was able to induce
the people to dissolve these mixed marriages (cp. Ezra 9, 10,
Neh. io 80 , Mai. 2 n ~ 16 ). Perhaps as a matter of practical
policy the step was necessary, but this violent interruption of
the domestic life of Jerusalem must have caused great distress.
It is suggested that our book of Ruth is a protest against the
exclusive spirit of Ezra's policy. Possibly basing his work on
a true tradition, an unknown writer produced, shortly after
Ezra's reform, a narrative in which he showed how David the
glory of the nation was himself the descendant of such a
marriage as Ezra condemned. 2

The evidence is too slight to allow a certain conclusion ;
probably the latter view has found most adherents among
recent writers. Whatever be the exact origin and date of the
book its readers universally acquiesce in the judgement of it
expressed by Goethe, ' the loveliest little epic and idyllic whole
which has come down to us.' 3

1 See on Ezra-Nehemiah,96-97. 2 Inexplicitly it also makes against Deut.23 s .
3 Quoted in E. Kautzsch, Outlines, E.T. 129.

3- SAMUEL.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Composition. 3. Sources. 4. Combination
of the Sources. 5. Contents and Analysis. 6. Historical value.

I. Name and Divisions.

In the Greek Bible the books of Samuel are reckoned along
with the books of Kings, of which they form in that version the
first and second. In the Hebrew Canon, Samuel is not divided
into two books. A good deal may be said in favour of the LXX
reckoning of Samuel and Kings together ; but as the literary
problems of Samuel are different from those presented by the
books of Kings, it will be well to treat the books separately.
The name Samuel has been given to this book from the prophet
who is, according to one document (cp. below), the originator of
the monarchy. The chief divisions are as follows :

/ Samuel i 7. The early activity of Samuel.

8 14. The establishment of the monarchy.

15 31. Saul and David.

a I 8. Accession of David : his rule in Hebron.

9 20. David's rule in Jerusalem.

21 24. Appendix of illustrative material.

2. Composition.

One or two examples may be here adduced to show that the
books are partly composite. Here, as in the case of the Hexa-
teuch, the recognition of strata in the narratives goes far to
remove difficulties caused by the presence of inharmonious
details. The following instances are all taken from i Sam. :

SAMUEL

(a) The accession of Saul.

The people demand a king
because the sons of Saul rule
unjustly : Samuel delivers a
speech on the evils of a
monarchy, but at length yields
to the popular demand.

The continuation of this
narrative is

Samuel protesting against
the rejection of God implied
in the request for a king,
arranges a lot, by which Saul
is elected.

91 ID".

Saul, son of Kish, consult-
ing Samuel the professional
seer, is chosen by him and
privately anointed to be a
leader against the Philistines.

The continuation of this
narrative is

1 1 1-15.

Nahash the Ammonite
attacks Israel : Saul collects
and leads a force against him
and defeats him. The people
thereupon make him king in
Gilgal.

In these sections the mon- In this account there is no

archy is regarded as treachery hint thai the demand for a

against Yahweh ; there is no monarchy is wrong : the ap-

mention of any foreign danger, pointment is on account of a

Samuel is Israel's judge.

national victory ; Samuel is
seer and prophet.

(6) The rejection of Saul.

I3 8 ~ u .

Because he sacrifices at Gil-
gal without waiting for Samuel.

Because he disobeys the
command to exterminate the
Amalekites.

F 2

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
(c) The beginnings of David's career.

17.

David, a mighty man of David, a shepherd boy,

valour, and skilful in business, visiting his brothers in the

is recommended to Saul as a camp, hears of the challenge

good player on the harp : of Goliath ; he obtains from

David is brought therefore Saul permission to fight, and

from Bethlehem, and is so overcomes the Philistine. Saul

successful in diverting Saul does not know who David is.
that he is retained at court.

(</) David's magnanimity.
24. 26.

He spares the life of Saul. He spares the life of Saul.
In this account David cuts off In this account David removes
Saul's skirt. the spear and cruse of water

while Saul sleeps.

In this instance (d) it is possible that the occurrence hap-
pened twice ; but the resemblances suggest that we have two
traditions of the one event.

3. Sources.

The book nowhere quotes authorities for its statements
except in the case of the elegy of David over Saul and Jona-
than (2 Samuel i 18 ), which is taken from the book of Yashar.
A critical examination of the narratives reveals, however, the
fact that Samuel is no exception to the ordinary methods of
writing history among the Hebrews ; several narratives have
been fitted together to make a consecutive story. As in the
case of Judges, so here it is supposed by some scholars that
the documents J and E of the Hexateuch are represented ; but
the points of contact with those documents are not stronger in

SAMUEL 69

the case of Samuel than in Judges. 1 The chief features of the
composition of Samuel are well exhibited in the analysis of
Kittel, of which the main features are indicated below. The
sources he marks out are as follows :

An Ephraimite document (E) contained in i Sam. 4 lb -7 1 ,
written probably in the ninth century, B.C. ; perhaps ' a
fragment of a history of the Shiloh sanctuary.'

A history of Saul (S) in i Sam. 9-14 (parts) written in the
tenth or ninth century, probably in Benjamite circles.

A 'David Source ' (Da) from i Sam. i6 14 onwards (parts).
Possibly from the same author as S ; at least from the same
period.

A history of David and his family in Jerusalem (Je),
2 Sam. 5 onwards, written in Jerusalem or at least in Judah,
tenth century B.C.

Biography of Samuel and Saul (SS) ; probably written in
the Northern Kingdom close on to its fall in 722 B.C.

On the value of these sources and some of their charac-
teristics see below, 6.

4. Combination of the Sources.

The compiler of Samuel has not left such obvious traces of
his work as we find in Jud.-Kgs. and Chron., and we can only
infer on general grounds that the book of Samuel was woven
together towards the end of the monarchy, or in the exile, in
connection with the Deuteronomistic redaction of Jud.-Kgs.
Passages due directly to the compiler will be found in
i Sam. 2 27 ~ 36 , 72^-16 (Dt in next section), while insertions of a
later date are not infrequent (R in next section).

1 cp. above, Jud. 3.

70 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

5. Contents and Analysis.

i Sam. i. Birth of Samuel; his dedication to the

service of jYahweh. SS

2 i-io. Thanksgiving of Hannah. Unknown

source

n-26 < The wickedness of Eli's sons. SS

27-86. Threatened destruction of the house

of Eli. Dt

3. Samuel is divinely warned that Eli's

house will perish. SS

4 7 1 . The ark of God is taken into battle

against the Philistines, who capture it, E except
retain it for seven months, and finally 6 15 - w-i* t
restore it. R

y2-i7 ; The Israelites repent of their idol-
atry, and by divine help the Philis- Dt except
tines are subdued. 2 - 17 R

8. Because of the evil government of
Samuel's sons the Israelites demand
a king. Samuel unwillingly yields to
the request. SS

9 io 16 . Saul consulting Samuel about
some lost asses is anointed king over
Israel. He prophesies among the S except
prophets. 9 9 io 8 R

x oi7-24. Saul chosen king by lot. SS

25-27, Some of his subjects despise him. R

ii 1 " 11 . Saul delivers Israel from Nahash

the Ammonite. S

i2-i5 t He spares his enemies. R

12. Samuel's farewell discourse to the

people, declaring the justice of his Dt ex-

SAMUEL 71

rule, and the wrong done in demand- cept 1 " 8 *,
ing a king. 9 ~ 11> 16> S

13. Wars with the Philistines. Saul's sacri- S except

fices without waiting for Samuel, who *> T^" 16 *.
therefore announces his rejection. 19 ~ 22 R

14. Wars with the Philistines continued.

The prowess of Jonathan. His life
becomes forfeit on account of a vow S except
of Saul ; but he is saved by the will 47 ~ 61 Dt
of the people. and 5S R

15. Saul preserves the life of the Ammonite

king, thus disobeying the command
to exterminate that nation. Samuel
himself kills Agag, and announces
Saul's rejection. ? SS

I6 1 " 13 . Samuel anoints David at Bethlehem. R
14-27. David cures Saul's evil spirit, and

is made armour-bearer. Da

17. David's victory over Goliath. 1 SS

iS 1 " 5 . Covenant of brotherly love between

David and Jonathan. 2 SS

6 ~ 80 . Saul in jealousy tries to kill David. Da

19. David flees for his life. Saul among SS ex-

the prophets. cept 8 ,

18-24, R

20. Jonathan and David separate. ? *~ 10 ,

? 12-1 7)
40-43^

Rest Da

2 1 . David at Nob obtains the shewbread ; l ~ l SS

at Gath he feigns madness. ? n ~~ 16

1 Revised by R. The LXX omits IM \ \ b. w. ; which verses are
probably late insertions into the Heb. text.

1 Omitted in LXX, best MSS.

72 THE BOOKS OP THE OLD TESTAMENT

22. David as freebooter. Saul's vengeance

on Nob. SS

23. David escapes from Saul in Ziph. Da ex-

cept 6

15-18 R

24. David spares Saul's life. Da

25. Death of Samuel. David restrained

from raiding Nabal by the prudence Da

of Abigail. ex. l R

26. David spares Saul's life. SS
27 28 2 . David obtains a settlement

among the Philistines ; he secretly

smites their friends. Da

28 3 . Death of Samuel. R

4 ~ 85 . Saul consults the witch of Endor. Da ex.

17-18

Dt.
29 30. David leaves the Philistines; he

smites the Amalekites. Da

31. Israel defeated by the Philistines ; Saul

is killed. Da

2 Sam. i. David hears of the death of Saul and 1-4 - n ~ 12
Jonathan ; his Lament. 17 ~ 27 Da

6-10, 18-16

SS, 5 R
2 4. Fall of Saul's dynasty. Abner

deserts the cause of Ishbosheth ; both Mainly
are assassinated. Da

5. David captures Jebus = Jerusalem. l ~ z Da

4-5, 7b, R

Restje

6. The ark brought up from Kirjathjearim. Je

7. David not allowed to build a temple. Dt except

13 R

SAMUEL 73

8. Summary of his military exploits. Unknown

origin,

with R

additions

9. His kindness to Mephibosheth, son of

Jonathan. Je

10. Defeat of the Ammonites and Syrians. Je
n. David's treachery to obtain Bathsheba. Je

12. Nathan's reproof and David's re- Je except

pentance. 10 ~ 12 R

13. Absalom murders his half-brother

Ammon, and flees from Jerusalem. Je

14. Joab compels his restoration by means

of a parable. The reconciliation
between David and Absalom. Je

1 5 20. Absalom conspires against David,
who flees from Jerusalem. Shimei,
an adherent of the house of Saul,
curses him. Ahithophel, Absalom's
adviser, recommends him to make
David prisoner. Hushai, friend to
David, advises a general attack.
Hushai 's advice is followed ; Absa-
lom's army is defeated, and himself
killed by Joab. David's grief ; his
return to Jerusalem; a conspiracy Je except
headed by Sheba is crushed. 2O 23 ~ 26 R

21. The Gibeonites hang seven of Saul's'

sons. Exploits of David's heroes.

22. = Psalm 1 8.

23. ' The last words of David.' Further

exploits of David's heroes.

24. David holds a census, in punishment

for which a severe plague visits the
country.

Mainly
Unknown
Sources

2 1 15-23,

and

8-39

from
Da

74 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

6. Historical Value.

Compared with Judges and Kings, Sam. has suffered com-
paratively little from Deuteronomic overworking, and it
embodies some excellent sources. Of these the most valuable
is Je. ' It is/ says Kautzsch, ' one of the most complete, truth-
ful and finished products of historical writing which have come
down to us from the Hebrews, and indeed from the whole
ancient world. It shows no trace of tendency or adjustment,
the succession of events flows from an inner necessity ; every-
thing lies before our eyes clear and comprehensible. Especi-
ally marvellous is the characterisation of the King ; he is a man,
and not beyond the reach of human weakness, nay of criminal
passion.' l Je covers, with only slight interruptions, 2 Sam.
5-20; it deals entirely with David's monarchy as centred in
Jerusalem.

Next in value is the David-source, which concerns chiefly
the early life of David, from his first introduction to Saul down
to his establishment on the throne. The completion of this
narrative is in i Kings i and 2, carrying on the history to the
accession of Solomon. It is particularly well informed with
regard to the relations of David with Saul. How far it unduly
exalts David at the expense of Saul is an open question ; in
suggesting that Da and S may possibly be by the same writer
Kautzsch rejects the conjecture that the accounts of Saul's mad-
ness, his attempted murders of David, his visit to the witch of
Endor, his defeat and suicide are all intended to throw dis-
credit on the character of Saul. 2

The Saul-source provides us with little more than an
account of Saul's accession. It represents the monarchy as a
national blessing, and Samuel as a professional wise man,
receiving hire for information about lost property.

The .S^S" source betrays in many ways its relatively late

1 Outlines, 25. J Ib. 27-8.

SAMUEL 75

authorship. It is chiefly a biography of Samuel, especially
in his relations with Saul ; but covers also notices of David's
adventures before the death of Saul gave him the kingdom.
The writer of SS is convinced that the establishment of the
monarchy was a treason against the divine government of
Israel. Samuel as the earthly representative of that govern-
ment is described as born in answer to prayer, as ministering
to Yahweh from childhood, as jealous always of his privileges
as leader of the theocratic nation. Saul is accordingly an inter-
loper; and Samuel announces his rejection with satisfaction
(i Sam. i5 26f s-). Nevertheless, the writer's prejudice does not
extend to David ; who by the time of this author has become
the hero of popular romance. 1

Of the poetical pieces incorporated in Sam. the Elegy of
David (2 Sam. i 1 ^- 2 ?) and the Fragment on the death of
Abner (2 Sam. 3 83b ~ 4 ) may be ascribed with some assurance
to David himself. The Song of Hannah (i Sam. 2 1 " 10 ) has no
relevancy to the person or the occasion to which it is referred ;
10 shows that it was not composed till after the monarchy.
2 Sam. 22 is also found as Ps. 18; it is not certainly
pre-exilic and cannot be Davidic. The 'last words of David '
(2 Sam. 23 1 " 7 ) are obscure; but are probably a very late
insertion in the book.

1 Cp. especially the Goliath story, I Sam. 17. According to 2 Sam. 2 1 11
(RV), it was not David but Elhanan who slew the giant.

7 6

4. KINGS.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. The Compilers R d and R da . 3. Sources.
4. Contents and Analysis. 5. Historical Value.

i. Name and Divisions.

The books of Kings were originally a portion of the
historical work covering the period from Judges to the Exile ;
and in the LXX they are reckoned as continuing the history of
the kingdoms begun in i Sam. i. They contain a record of
the Hebrew monarchy from the death of David to the Baby-
lonian Exile, a period of nearly 400 years (c. 970 586 B.C.).
There are three chief divisions :

1 Kings i-n. Reign of Solomon.

12-2 Kings 17. Parallel histories of the divided
kingdoms to the fall of Samaria, 722 B.C.

2 Kings 18-25. Judah, 722-586.

2. The Compilers.

(a) R d . These books, also, are woven together out of older
material, by an author who may be described as Deuteronomist
(R d ) from his characteristic standpoint. He is the author of
the notices introductory to each reign and of the judgements
passed on each monarch. Inasmuch as these judgements give
the prevailing complexion to the narratives as a whole, we may
describe the books of Kings as the Deuteronomic history of
the monarchy. The date of R d must be later than the publi-
cation of D, but earlier than 586. Several things point to the
conclusion that R d wrote before the Exile. He tells us that
the staves of the ark in Solomon's Temple are still to be seen
(I. 8 8 ) ; that the descendants of the original inhabitants of the

KINGS 77

land are still bondsmen there (I. 9 21 ) ; he places in the mouth
of Solomon a prayer which implies that the Temple is yet
standing (I. 8) ; reports the prophecy of Ahijah in a form which
presupposes that a Davidic prince is still reigning in Jerusalem
(I. n 36 J, and describes the Exile of Israel in a way which
shows that Judah is as yet safe (II. i7 18 ~ 23 ). About 600 B.C.
will therefore be a satisfactory date for R d .

() R 43 . The notice of the release of Jehoiachin from
prison and of his death (II. 2<^~^~} requires a date as late
as at least 560. There is good reason for separating not
only these verses, but from 23 31 onwards, from R d and referring
them to a secondary Deuteronomic compiler (R 32 ). To him
may be ascribed a number of passages throughout the book
which point to a Babylonian origin (e.g. I. 4 24 RVM, S 44 ^-,
ii 39 , II. I7 19 ' 20 , 23 26 ~ 27 > 31f s-)

In the main section of his book the practice of R d is to fol-
low a chronological order of reigns, dating each ruler by a
reference to the contemporaneous monarch of the sister
kingdom. His general style is illustrated in the following
example :

' And Jehoshaphat, the son of Asa, began to reign over
Judah in the fourth year of Ahab, King of Israel. Jehosha-
phat was thirty and five years old when he began to reign,
and he reigned twenty and five years in Jerusalem. And his
mother's name was Azubah, the daughter of Shilhi. And he
walked in all the way of Asa his father : he turned not aside
from it, doing what was right in the eyes of Yahweh : howbeit
the high places were not taken awav : the people still sacrificed
and burnt incense in the high places' i Kings 22 41f &.

In the case of kings of the Northern Kingdom the age of
the king on his accession is not given ; T nor is the name of
the queen-mother supplied. The judgement on the Northern
Kings is uniformly unfavourable ; they are described as doing

1 Always, except three times, supplied in the case of S. Kingdom.

78 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

what was evil in the sight of Yahweh, walking in the sins of
Jeroboam the son of Nebat.

In the conclusion of each reign a similar regularity of
phrase is employed : ' And the rest of the acts of . . . .
and all that he did, are they not written in the book of the
chronicles of (Judah, or Israel) ; and .... slept with
his fathers^- and was buried with his fathers? And . . .
his son reigned in his stead.'

3. Sources.

The parts of Kings contributed by R d and R d3 are easily
separable from the remainder. The remainder we might
suppose to be derived from written sources ; and as a matter of
fact such sources are mentioned in the text. They are quoted
as supplying details not furnished in our books. They are

1. The Book of the Acts of Solomon, I. n 41 .

2. The Book of the Chronicles 3 of the Kings of Judah, I
I4 29 and often.

3. The Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel, I.
i4 19 and often.

As to the nature of these sources it is to be noted that

1 . They are quoted for additional information ; presump-
tively they were fuller than our narratives.

2. They are quoted for information about the kings in their
official capacity ; probably they did not contain general (literary
or prophetic) history.

3. They are quoted regularly for every King, except Jehoram
and Hoshea in the North and Ahaziah and Jehoahaz in the
South. 4

1 Never in the case of murdered kings.

3 Never in the case of Israelite Kings.

* Literally ' Acts of Days ' 'Annals.'

4 Including Jehoiakim : perhaps imitatively by R d * II. 24*.

KINGS 79

From the fact that a 'mazkir' ('Recorder,' RV, 'Chronicler,'
RVM) is mentioned among the court officials of David,
Solomon and Hezekiah, 1 it is sometimes conjectured that the
other kings also had a similar official ; that his duty was to
keep a record of the chief public events of the reign, and that
the ' Annals ' of Solomon, Judah and Israel are collections of
these records, or a consecutive history based upon them. On
the other hand, the word does not necessarily imply writing at
all ; and the case of the unsettled governments of the northern
kingdom is strongly against any theory of a succession of
official historians.

Though only the above are referred to by name, R d em-
ployed other sources also. Of these the chief are :

(1) Da as in Sam : represented in i Kings i and 2.

(2) Certain narratives which appear from i Kings 27
onwards to 2 Kings, io 27 , and again 2 Kings I3 14 ~ 21 . They
deal entirely with the Northern Kingdom, where evidently
they originated. They are histories of the prophetic work and
influence of Elijah and Elisha, and consist of three main
groups :

(a) i Kings, 17-19, 21 (Elijah) : distinguished below as Pr.
() 2 Kings 2, 4 1 - 6 , 23 , 8 1 - 15 , 1 3 14 ~ 21 (Elisha): distinguished

as Pr2.
(c) i Kings 20, 22, 2 Kings 3, parts, 6 24 -7 17a , 9-10 (in the

main) : distinguished as E.

A few passages still remain over, which show no affinity with
the sources above mentioned.

4. Contents and Analysis.

The following notes of analysis are based on the preceding
enumeration of sources, and reproduce the broader features of
the results of Kamphausen.

1 According to Chron. Josiah also.

8a THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

i Kgs. 1-2. The Death of David : the intrigue Da with additions
which gave the kingdom to by R a in 2 1 "*-
Solomon instead of Adonijah. and 27

3-5. Solomon chooses wisdom before Acts of Solomon
wealth and honour. His wis- except 3 1 " 4 ' 14 ,
dom illustrated. The great- 4^-34^1,16-28^
ness of his kingdom. Hiram 26 > = R d
supplies timber for theTemple.

6-7. The building of the Temple and Acts of Sol.,except
Solomon's Palaces. 6?> , n-u, I-M.

28-30, 32, 35, 38 _ Rd
> lx

8. The Dedication of the Temple. Chiefly R d

44-51 Rd2

9-10. The wealth, honour, and wisdom 9 1 " 9 R d2 , ub-w,
of Solomon illustrated. Sol. : rest of 9, R d

10, Sol. with R d
additions in 2 - 2 7.

11. Solomon's idolatries: the rift Sol. w ~ 28 - ^: rest

between the kingdoms. = R d

12. Divisions of the kingdoms: K in the main : 1B>

Jeroboam's sacred bulls. 26 ~ 31 = R d -

13. A prophet condemns Jeroboam's 1 ~ 83a special

worship at Bethel. source :

38b-34 _ Rd

14-16. Ahijah announces the ruin of K basis of 14,
Israel on account of the sin of 1-18 ' 25 ~ 28 > 1 5 16 ~ 22 >
Jeroboam. Jeroboam's death. i6 21 ~ 22 . Rest = R d
Reigns of Rehoboam, Abijam except i6 12 ~ 13
and Asa over Judah, Nadab, =R d2

Baasha, Elah, Zimri, Omri and
Ahab over Israel.

17-19. Elijah's prophecy against Ahab: Pr

his victory over the prophets
of Baal. Elijah in Horeb.

KINGS

20.

E with small
fragments from
unknown source.

l-20a, 27-29 p n
20b-22 24 Rd.

28, 25-26 unknown.

l ~ 40

The Syrians are defeated by
Ahab ; a prophet threatens him
with death for sparingtheir king.
21. Jezebel and Ahab procure the
murder of Naboth, for which
Elijah threatens them with
judgement.

Ahab is slain in battle with the
Syrians, as announced by
Micaiah, son of Imlah.
41-54. Reign of Jehoshaphat over Judah,

Ahaziah over Israel.
2 Kgs. i. Elijah threatens Ahaziah for idol- Unknown. l > 18 R d

atry.

2-7. Elijah passes : Elisha's miracle.
Reign of Joram ben Ahab over
Israel : Elisha sanctifies war
against the Moabites, who are
defeated. Miracles of Elisha :
his healing of Naaman the
leper. The Syrians besiege
Samaria, but flee in panic and
the people are saved from
famine.

8 1 " 15 . Elisha and the Shunamite :
Hazael becomes king of Syria.
Joram-ben-Jehoshaphat and Aha- 20 ~ 22 K : rest

ziah reign over Judah ;
9. Elisha appoints Jehu king over
Israel. Jehu kills Joram-ben-
Ahab, Ahaziah and Jezebel.

10. Jehu kills off the house of Ahab E except 28 ~ 31 and
and reigns over Israel. 34r ~ 36 R u , and 82 ~ s

R d based on K

Pr. 2 except 3 1 " 3
R d

3 4 ~ 2 ? ? E

524-33 E

71-17* E
71^-20 unknown.

Pr. 2

R d

E except "- 10a
29 - 361) - 3 7> R d

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

11. Athaliah is slain, and Jehoash

becomes king of Judah.

12. Jehoash reigns over Judah: he

buys off Hazael.

13-17. Reign of Jehoahaz and Jehoash
over Israel ; of Amaziah over
Judah; of Jeroboam II. over
Israel : of Azariah over Judah ;
of Zechariah, Shallum, Mena-
hem, Pekahiah, and Pekah over
Israel; of Jotham and Ahaz
over Judah. Invasion of Judah
by Pekah and Rezin : Ahaz at
Damascus. Reign of Hoshea
over Israel; invasion of Shal-
maneser. Fall of Samaria and
end of Northern Kingdom.

1 8. Hezekiah : Sennacherib's in-

vasion.

19. Isaiah comforts Hezekiah: retreat

of Assyrians, death of Senna-
cherib.

20. Hezekiah's sickness healed :

Isaiah announces the doom
of Babylon.

21. The reigns of Manasseh and

Amos.

22. The reign of Josiah: Discovery

of D.

23. His reformation ; death at

Megiddo. Reign of Jehoa-
haz : tribute to Egypt. Reign
of Jehoiakim.

K : 10 and 13 ~ 18

doubtful.
K, except 1-4 and

20-22Rd.

All R d except

I3 H-21,p r .2. and

I -16, 19-20
! 65-18

and

7-20, 29-34a _ Rd3

1-13 Rd . ? 14-16.
17-37 K.

1-9 K; 10-20 and?
32-35 secondary K;

21-31 ?

R d on basis of K

3-6 ?; 7-15, Rd2.

rest, R d

R d with unknown
fragments.

15-20a, Rd3

Mainly R d but

26-27 = Rd2

KINGS 83

24. Nebuchadrezzar makes Jehoia- Mainly R 43

kim tributary : his rebellion :
Jehoiachin king : siege of Jeru-
salem : Jehoiachin carried
away. Zedekiah's reign.

25. Fall of Jerusalem : murder of R* 12

Gedaliah: release of Jehoiachin.

5. Historical value.

Here as in Jud. it is the Deuteronomic setting of the narra-
tives which is likely to make the chief impression on the
reader. The Deuteronomic editors have produced a work
which embodies some valuable historical sources, but which is
less concerned with the events than with their moral causes.
They make the history teach the prophetic lesson of faithful-
ness to Yahweh ; but this faithfulness is tested by the
Deuteronomic principle of worship at the central sanctuary.
They are conscious of no anachronism in thus judging the
circumstances of the ninth to the sixth centuries by the rule
which was not formulated till 621. In conformity with this
standard, the picture of the Northern Kingdom is always dark.
In setting up the bulls at Dan and Bethel, Jeroboam is said to
have made Israel to sin ; and every king of the Northern King-
dom is described as doing what is evil in the sight of Yahweh ;
while its fall in 722 is explained as a consequence of this evil.
In the case of the Southern Kingdom those kings who are guilty
of idolatries are condemned ; all the others are approved in
general, but it is charged against them that they did not
remove the high places. Hezekiah with his tentative reform
however, and Josiah, meet the full approval of the editor. The
futility of this Deuteronomic interpretation of the history of the
nation is evident from the facts adduced elsewhere with re-
gard to the reformation of 621 and the condition of worship in
the country before that date.

G 2

84 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

The dates, which lend an appearance of precision to the
narratives, are due to the latest editors of the book. They may in
cases preserve correct details ; but in general they are artificial.
One proof of this appears in the fact that whereas 241 years
odd are assigned to the Northern Kingdom between the death
of Solomon and the fall of Samaria, the same limits in the case
of Judah cover 260 years. 1

The aim of the authors was not to supply a full history of
the period with which they dealt ; authorities, in fact, are fre-
quently quoted for fuller information. The amount of space
devoted to the respective reigns is therefore no test of their
importance for the national history. Examples of deficient in-
formation are the reigns of Omri and Jeroboam II., both of
whom were vigorous rulers. Of the sources admitted those
which deal with the work of the prophets have suffered little in
the process of editing ; especially noteworthy are the narratives
about Elijah and Elisha, which throw a light on the process by
which Yahwism was saved from absorption into the Canaanite
Baal-worships. From 854 onwards we are enabled to test a
great deal of the history from contemporary Assyrian monu-
ments. In that year an inscription z shows that Ahab was de-
feated by Shalmaneser II. at Karkar ; to the same monarch
Jehu paid tribute in 842? Inscriptions are wanting from that
date till 738, when we learn that Menahem paid tribute to
Tiglath-Pileser III. 4 From this period onwards the chief
details of the history of the nation rest on a comparatively
secure basis.

1 For further examples, see the articles Chronology in Hastings, DB,
or Cheyne, Ency. Bi. The most striking is the fact that the year of the
foundation of the Temple (i Kings 6 1 ) is placed midway between the
exodus and the return from the exile in 536, twelve generations of forty
years each being supposed to fall on each side. This scheme requires a
date after 536 for the final redactor of Kings.

2 Given in Sayce, Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments, 96.
* See Sayce, as above, 99. 4 Do., 103.

5- CHRONICLES.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Date. 3. Sources. 4. Objects, Methods,
Historical value.

I. Name and Divisions.

Originally Chronicles formed with Ezra-Nehemiah a single
work : the end of the fragment of the final verse of 2 Chron.
is supplied by the opening words of Ezra. The separation of
Chronicles from the succeeding narratives had been already
made when the LXX was translated. It is on the whole most
convenient to treat Chronicles separately. The Hebrew name
for Chronicles is ' Words of the Days,' or ' Annals of the
Times/ i.e. of the kings included in its scope. The LXX
translators called it ' Things Omitted ' ; Jerome, ' Chronicon,'
whence our title. It may be conveniently divided :
/ Chron. i g Genealogies covering the premonarchic

period.

.10 2 Chron. 1 1 The Monarchy to the Fall of Samaria,

a Chron. 12 36. The Monarchy in Judah, 7 2 2 586 B.C.

2. The Chronicler's Date.

' The Chronicler ' is a convenient title for the final author of
the book. His date may be fixed approximately from the fol-
lowing evidence :

(a) i Chron. 29?. The reckoning of value in 'darics'
(a Persian coin) brings us to at least the Persian period.

(6) 2 Chron. 3 6 23 . The phrase ' king of Persia' carries
us to a time when the kingdom of Persia had passed away.
While it existed he was the king, and he is alluded to as simply
* the king ' or by some honorific title.

86 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

(c) i Chron. 319-20. Here the descendants of Zerubbabel
are reckoned to either six (Hebrew text) or eleven (LXX)
generations. If the smaller number be accepted, that fixes the
earliest date of Chron. c. 300 B.C. If the larger be followed,
a date nearer 200 is necessary.

(d) Neh. i2 22 mentions a high priest Jaddua, who we
know from Josephus was contemporary with Alexander the
Great.

Not to press the doubtful ' eleven ' in i Chron. 3 19 ~ 90 , we

may select 300 B.C. as the most probable date of the book.

With this conclusion agrees the character of the language,
which bears many marks of later style.

3. Sources.

The Chronicler makes frequent appeal to certain authorities
for fuller information on the subjects of his history, and as in
the case of Kings, it is presumable that these authorities were
the chief bases of his narratives. These sources are :

(a) The Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel (2 Ch.
i6 n , 25 26 , 28 26 ); evidently the same as

The Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah (2 Ch. 27?,
35 27 , $6 8 ); and as

The Book of the Kings of Israel (i Ch. g l RV) ; and as

The Acts of the Kings of Israel (2 Ch. 33 18 ).

Also in 2 Ch. 24 27 there is quoted ' The Midrash of the
Book of Kings ' (RV, wrongly, ' commentary ').

() The words of Samuel the Seer, i Ch. 29 29 .

The words of Nathan the Prophet, i Ch. 29 29 and 2 Ch.Q 29 .

The words of Gad the Seer, i Ch. 29 29 .

The prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, 2 Ch. 9 29 .

The vision of Iddo the Seer, 2 Ch. 9 29 .

The Midrash of Iddo, 2 Ch. i3 22 .

The words of ' Hozai,' or ' The Seers,' 2 Ch. 33 19 .

Perhaps there should be added the words of Jehu, son of

CHRONICLES 87

Hanani, 2 Ch. 2O 84 , and the Vision of Isaiah the Prophet,
2 Ch. 32 33 ; both of these are, however, expressly referred to
the History of the Kings above cited (a). In 2 Ch. 26 22 it is
stated that Isaiah wrote the history of Uzziah ; but the history
is not actually quoted.

It is probable that the Chronicler's main source was the work
named in (a) above. This history cannot be the same as our
Book of Kings, for it is cited for facts which our canonical
Kings does not contain. 1 It must, however, have been a work
of similar scope. Probably the full title of the work is given in
2 Ch. 24 27 , the ' Midrash ' on the Book of Kings. Midrash
means a free treatment of a narrative with a view to edification,
and a Midrash on the Books of Kings would certainly contain
more than the one reign for which it is expressly quoted.

The small works referred to under (3) are probably not a
number of detached pieces, but portions of the larger work (a).
This suggestion is confirmed by the fact that a monograph and
the large history are never quoted for the same reign, while the
history of Jehu, 2 Ch. 2O 34 , and the Vision of Isaiah, 32 32 , are
expressly said to be from the large history. The names Gad,
Nathan, etc., are merely methods of referring to special sections
of the book. See Rom. 1 1 2 (RVM), ' in Elijah.'

The Chronicler also knows the Hexateuch, on which his
genealogical tables are chiefly based, and some kind of collec-
tion of Psalms. He refers also to a ' genealogical enrolment,'
i Ch. 5 i7.

In addition to these sources, the Chronicler employs our
canonical Samuel and Kings ; but it is not clear whether he
employed them in the form in which they now exist. The fact
that he does not refer to these books by name may imply that
he did not use them directly. Possibly the Midrash already
quoted contained very full citations from Samuel-Kings, and the
Chronicler thence obtained such material as he has in common
with them.

1 Cp. 2 Ch. 33 18 " 19 with 2 Kings 2i 17 , the repentance of Manasseh.

88 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

4. Objects, Methods, and Historical Value.

Chronicles may be described as a revision of the national
history in the interests of the religious ideas and institutions of
the Chronicler's own age. Inasmuch as many of these are of
exilic or later origin, the effect produced is quite different from
that furnished by the more nearly contemporary books of
Samuel-Kings. The Chronicler's object is to represent the in-
stitutions of his own day as existing in the best days of the
monarchy. At the same time, he conceives that the past story
of his nation teaches many valuable moral lessons, and these
he duly exhibits.

His chief interest is in the Davidic monarchy, and its relation
to the temple and to Jerusalem. The northern kingdom appears
in his narrative only when the story of Judah compels some re-
ference to it. The reigns of David and Solomon occupy nearly
a third of his work ; but facts not calculated to throw glory
on these rulers are omitted. Thus, there is no allusion to
David's career as a robber chief, to the case of Bathsheba and
Uriah, the rebellion of Absalom, the intrigue by which the suc-
cession was secured to Solomon. 1 Solomon himself is por-
trayed as a monogamous saint.

The standpoint of the Chronicler is best seen in the charac-
ter of the additions he makes to the history as we know it from
the older books. Of such sort are his copious references to the
guild of temple singers (i Ch. 6 81 " 48 , 25; 2 Ch. 5 13 , etc.).
From these it has been plausibly conjectured that he was him-
self a member of one of these organisations. His interest in the
Levitical ritual is evident from the way in which he envelopes
almost the whole of his work in a Levitical atmosphere. The
method may be illustrated by the following example :

1 The census is, however, included ; without it the choice of the site
ot the temple would not have been explained.

CHRONICLES

2 Sam. 6.

David and the people fetch
up the ark to Jerusalem ; on
the way Uzzah is killed on
account of an excess of zeal ;
David thereupon in anger
abandons the ark to a Philis-
tine, with whom it remains
three months. Hearing that
the Philistine is being blessed
by its presence, David brings
it to Jerusalem, sacrificing on
the way. It is set up in a lent,
and David offers burnt-offer-
ings and peace-offerings.

i Ch. 13.

The narrative of this chapter
is parallel ; the alterations are
not important. (Notice, how-
ever, the allusion to the priests
and Levites in 2 .)

i Ch. 15.

David ascribes the death of
Uzzah and the consequent
abandonment of the ark to
the breach of the law that none
but Levites should carry the
ark. A great gathering of
Levites is accordingly made,
and the ark is brought up
from the house of the Philis-
tine with full ritual observan-
ces ; the Levites offer the
sacrifices.

Similar perversions of the history will be found in
2 Chron. 23 as against 2 Kings n; the Chronicler puts
the Levites in the place of the foreign soldiers, who, according
to Kings, held posts within the Temple beside the altar;
2 Ch. 5 4 , the Levites bear the ark, whereas i Kings 8 3 has
simply ' priests.' l A somewhat different principle is illus-
trated in 2 Ch. i4 5a , where the statement of i Kings is 14 that
Asa did not remove the high places is turned into the exact
opposite; so also of Jehoshaphat, 2 Ch. iy 6 , i Kings 2 a 48 .
Both of these kings being represented as virtuous, the
Chronicler will not permit them to tolerate the to him
iniquitous high places.

1 Cp. W. R. Smith, OTJC, 140 fg.

90 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

The Chronicler also appears as a moral teacher. He freely
composes speeches and remarks for his characters, and so gives
the authority of a notable person to some lesson which he is
anxious to enforce. Thus David is grieved at the breach of
the Levitical law (above on i Ch. 15) ; and ordains a psalm of
praise to Yahweh, i Chron. i6 7f s. Solomon will not permit his
wife to dwell in the proximity of the ark, 2 Ch. 8 11 ; Abijah
adduces the faithful performance of the ritual in Judah as a
reproof of Jeroboam, 2 Ch. i3 10 ~ 12 ; and numerous other
instances.

Throughout his narrative it is his habit to connect good and
evil fortune with moral causes. Thus Saul loses his life on
account of his transgressions (I. io 13 ) ; Shishak invades Judah
because it has rebelled against Yahweh (II. i2 2 ); Asa has a
disease in his feet as a punishment for his alliance with Syria,
which alliance is supposed to imply lack of confidence in
Yahweh (II. i6 7 ~ 12 ); Ahaz is reduced by the Syrians because
of his idolatries (II. 28 5 - 22 > 23 ) ; Manasseh is restored from
Babylon because he repents (II. 33 11 " 13 ) ; Amon has a short
reign because he does not humble himself (II. 33 21 " 24 ) ; Josiah
is killed for his refusal to recognise a divine warning on the
lips of the Egyptian king (II. 35 21 ~ 22 ).

The numbers given by the Chronicler are incredibly large.
The 50 silver shekels of 2 Sam. 24?* are changed in
i Ch. 2 1 25 into 600 shekels of gold. In other cases where
there is no parallel passage in the historical books to serve
as a test, it is nevertheless plain that the Chronicler's num-
bers are grossly exaggerated. Thus, 339,000 men wait
on David in Hebron to make him king; 100,000 talents of
gold and 1,000,000 talents of silver are provided for the
Temple building (equal to ^1,000,000,000). The armies are
of huge size : Abijah has 400,000 ; Jeroboam has 800,000, of
whom 500,000 are killed in one day ; Zerah the Ethiopian
has 1,000,000; Jehoshaphat has 1,160,000.

CHRONICLES gi

It thus appears that the Chronicles are practically worthless
as evidence for the condition of pre-exilic Israel. What value
they possess is derived from the witness they unconsciously
bear to the ideas of the author and the organisation of the
national life in the third century B.C. 'The peculiarities of
the historical representation which prevails in Chronicles are to
be ascribed, no doubt, to the influences under which the author
lived and wrote. The compiler lived in an age when the
theocratic institutions, which had been placed on a new basis
after the return from Babylon, had long been in full operation,
and when new religious interests and a new type of piety

had been developed, and asserted themselves

strongly. The Chronicler reflects faithfully the spirit of his
age.' See Driver, LOT, 533.

6. EZRA AND NEHEMIAH.

I. Name and Divisions. 2. Contents. 3. Sources. 4. Author and
Date. 5. Historical Value.

i. Name and Divisions.

As has been already shown (cp. Chron. r), Ezra and
Nehemiah were at one time a part of the Book of Chronicles.
It is convenient to treat Ez.-Neh. together. As at present ar-
ranged, the following are the chief divisions :

Ez. i 6. From the edict of Cyrus to the completion of the
Temple.

7 10. Return of Ezra, B.C. 458, and repudiation of the
mixed marriages.

Nek. i 7. Nehemiah 's rebuilding of the walls of Jeru-
salem, 444 B.C.

8 10. Ezra's publication of the Law.

ii /j 3 . Miscellaneous matter.

/ j4-3i > Nehemiah' s return to Jerusalem, 432 B.C.

2. Contents.

Ez. i. The Decree of Cyrus permits the Jews to return to
Jerusalem to rebuild the Temple. He restores the sacred
vessels.

2. Lists of the returned exiles.

3. An altar is built for present use ; in the second year the
foundations of the Temple are laid.

4. The ' adversaries of Judah and Benjamin ' being refused
the privilege of assisting in the rebuilding accuse the Jews by
letter to the Persian king, ^ho forbids the work. It ceases till
the second year of Darius.

EZRANEHEM1AH 93

5. Haggai and Zechariah stir up the people to build the
Temple.

6. Darius authorises the work. Completion of the Temple
and dedication.

7 1 " 26 . Ezra comes from Babylon to Jerusalem in the
seventh year of Artaxerxes (=Longimanus), under a firman
authorising supplies.

7 27 -9. Ezra gives a list of his companions, and an account
of the journey ; describes his grief on learning that the Jews
had intermarried with the surrounding peoples ; his prayer on
the subject.

10. A conference is held in Jerusalem ; the offenders pro-
mise to put away the foreign wives. A list of the offenders who
promise reformation.

Neh. i-2 8 . Nehemiah, cupbearer of Artaxerxes, hears in
Shushan of the broken walls of Jerusalem ; the king permits
him to go to rebuild them.

2 9 -4. In spite of the opposition of Sanballat and his allies,
Nehemiah stirs up his countrymen to build. List of the workers.
Nehemiah's precautions against his opponents.

5. Nehemiah's protest against the money-lenders.

6 7 4 . The plots of his opponents are defeated ; he finishes
the wall, and gives orders for its defence.

7 5 ~ 78 . Nehemiah reproduces a list he has found of those
who came up at the first. (= Ez. 2, with small differences.)

8-10. Ezra promulgates the law; a Feast of Tabernacles
is kept, and a covenant to walk in the law is made. List of the
signatories.

11. List of the population of Jerusalem.
I2 i-26 < Miscellaneous lists of priests.

1 2 27 ~ 4S . Nehemiah describes the dedication of the walls.
! 244-47. Appointment of officers to collect Temple dues.
13. Nehemiah tells how, on his second visit to Jerusalem,
he expelled Tobiah from the chamber in the courts of the

94 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Temple; re-appointed officers to collect the Levitical dues; in-
sisted on Sabbath observance, and protested against the
foreign marriages.

3. Sources.

The Chronicler's two chief sources in these books are two
documents which may be called the Memoirs of Ezra and the
Memoirs of Nehemiah. Each of these sources narrates the
fortunes of its author in the first person. The remainder is
also derived from sources, which we may distinguish as second-
ary Ezra or Nehemiah material.

The MEMOIRS OF EZRA are contained in Ez. 7~9 15 . They
begin with a doxology to God for moving Artaxerxes to beautify
the Temple ; give a description of his visit to Jerusalem, and of
his grief on learning of the foreign marriages.

The MEMOIRS OF NEHEMIAH are contained in Neh. 1-7.
These introduce Nehemiah as cupbearer to Artaxerxes, describe
how he was permitted to go to Jerusalem ; how when there he
succeeded in getting the walls built.

To the Memoirs of Ezra have been prefixed as introduc-
tions : (a) 7 1 " 10 . A brief account of Ezra and his journey to
Jerusalem in the seventh year of Artaxerxes.

This is probably derived from a secondary form of the
Memoirs. It omits three or four generations in Ezra's imme-
diate ancestry, and describes briefly the visit given at length
in 8.

(6) 7 11 - 36 . n is an introductory note. 12 ~ 26 is a copy of the
firman of Artaxerxes approving the mission of Ezra. This fir-
man is in Aramaic, and may be quoted from a source in that
language.

The narrative of the Memoir is continued (in the third per-
son) in 10. This chapter also is probably from the secondary
Memoirs.

In the Memoirs of Nehemiah, 7 6 ~ 69 is expressly stated to

EZRANEHEMIAH 95

be derived from a source. The Memoirs themselves are con-
tinued by :

it. This is the immediate sequel of 7 5 , but it is in the
third person. It is from the secondary Nehemiah Memoirs.
1 2 is, in the main, the work of the Chronicler ; 22 brings the
list down to the time of Alexander the Great ; 47 shows that
the days of Nehemiah belong to the past. I3 1 " 31 resume the
original Memoirs, and refer to the thirty-second year of
Artaxerxes, i.e. 432 B.C.

There still remain Neh. S-io and Ezra 1-6. Neh. 8-10 have
no connection with the preceding Memoirs of Nehemiah. Ezra
is the chief actor ; he is referred to in the third person. These
chapters likewise maybe assigned to the secondary Ezra Memoirs.
In Ez. i the edict if genuine is quoted ; but the rest of the
chapter is due to the Chronicler. 2 = Neh. 7, whence it has been
drawn. 3 1 -4 5> 24 are the work of the Chronicler. 4 6 ~ 23 , a frag-
ment mainly (8-23) j n Aramaic, and probably from an Aramaic
source. It is inserted here to explain why the building of the
Temple was delayed from 536 till 520. The reason given is
that certain men wrote a letter of complaint to Artaxerxes, who
therefore stopped the building. That the compiler here has
made a serious error appears from the date ; the accusations
are referred to the reigns of Ahasuerus (Xerxes) 485 465, and
Artaxerxes (Artaxerxes) 465 425. Both dates are irrelevant
for an incident in 536. Further, the accusations have no
reference to the building of the Temple ; they concern the city
walls. Probably the account has been taken from the Aramaic
source already quoted, and roughly adapted to its present pur-
pose. 5-6 18 , also in Aramaic, and probably from the same
source. Within it two accounts of the Temple building have
been fused ; in 4 2t -5 2 the building is undertaken in the second
year of Darius by Zerubbabel ; in 5 14 ~ 1 7 Cyrus commissions the
rebuilding through Sheshbazzar. 6 19 ~ 22 is due to the
Chronicler.

96 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

4. Author and Date.

The Chronicler compiled Ezra-Nehemiah at the same time
as, and as part of, his history of Israel. 1 The separation of the
Ez.-Neh. portion of this history from the Chron. part took
place during the formation of the canon. As supplying the
history of the re-organisation of the community after the exile,
the Ez.-Neh. sections received admission at a time when the
claims of the remainder were not yet granted. The Hebrew
bible, in placing Chron. after Ez.-Neh., bears witness to the
later recognition of the Chron. portion.

5. Historical Value.

The latter part of the Chronicler's work cannot be checked
so completely as the earlier, but it is demonstrable that he does
not suddenly become accurate when he enters on the period of
the return. The present arrangement of the book leaves a gap
of nearly sixty years between Ezra 6 and 7; Nehemiah 1-12
ostensibly refer to the year 444 ; 13 passes abruptly to 432.

The Chronicler is almost certainly in error in stating that the
foundations of the Temple were laid in the year next after the
return. This appears from the narratives of the prophets
Haggai and Zechariah, which show that no attempt was made
to build the Temple till the second year of Darius (520 B.C.).
Having recorded a return in 536, the Chronicler could not
imagine that pious Jews would remain without a temple. He
accordingly states that an attempt was made to rebuild ; and
then, to reconcile this statement with the account elsewhere in
his sources that the Temple was built in 520-516, he inter-
poses a theory of delay, based on a document referring to a
later time and a different subject.

A more important point is whether there was any return

1 Cp. Chron. 1-2.

EZRANEHEMIAH 97

from the exile in the year 536. Latterly the view has been put
forward that there was either no return at all till 444, or if any,
it was on nothing like the scale represented in Ezra 1-6.
The chief points are as follows :

a. The edict of Cyrus permitting the return is suspicious
because it represents Cyrus as ascribing his victories to the
God of the Jews. The edict may be an invention of the
Midrashic sort on the basis of Is. 44 28 , 45 1 " 4 . On the other
hand, it is arguable that the edict was actually issued, but that
its contents are here given in Jewish phraseology.

b. Haggai and Zechariah imply that the exile is still con-
tinuing ; their exhortations to rebuild the Temple are addressed
not to any returned exiles but to the people of the land, the
descendants of those who had been left behind. Cp. esp.
Zech. i 12 , 2~7, 6 15 , 87-8.

c. The apparently circumstantial list of the returned in
Neh. 7 = Ez. 2 is suspicious, (i) because the number is unduly
large (42360 + 7337 + 245; cp. 2 Kings 24 14f s, 10000 + 7000 +
1000; Jer. 52 28 ~ 30 , 4897); (2) because Ez. 2 68 connecting the
list with the rebuilding of the Temple is an interpolation ;
it is not in Neh. 7, where the allusion to the ' work ' is
general, and means the maintenance of the Temple ; (3) it is
highly improbable that the representatives of those who were
carried away fifty years before should be able to reoccupy their
ancestral seats.

A further problem is the succession of events c. 444 B.C.
The present order of the narratives leaves much to be desired.
If Ezra in 458 insisted on the repudiation of the foreign wives
(Ez. io 3 - n > 19 J, it is strange that the question again arose in 432,
and that then Nehemiah should accept such a mild settlement
of it, if he had the precedent of Ezra before him (Neh. I3 23 "" 31 ).
Again, if the present order be correct, Eliashib, who is high
priest in 433 (Neh. i3 7 ), had a son who was a prominent person
fifteen years earlier (Ez. io 6 ). It is also strange that the

98 THE BOOKS OP THE OLD TESTAMENT

Memoirs of Neh. (1-7) contain no hint that Ezra had returned
fifteen years before. These difficulties suggest that the
Chronicler has made a mistake in placing the Memoirs of
Ezra before the Memoirs of Nehemiah. A rearrangement of
the material on these lines removes every difficulty, and pre-
sents an order of events that is intrinsically preferable to the
traditional one. The following is an outline of the recon-
struction :

Rebuilding of the Temple 520-516 (Ez. 5 1 -6 16 ).

Nehemiah visits Jerusalem 444 B.C. and rebuilds the walls,
Neh. i-7 6 .

List of the population of the city, Neh. ii 3 " 36 .

Jerusalem repopulated from the country, Neh. ii 1 " 2 .

The walls consecrated, Neh. I2 27 " 43 .

Twelve years' interval.

Nehemiah revisits Jerusalem and carries out certain reforms,
including an attempt against the mixed marriages, Neh. i$*~ &l .

(Soon after) Arrival of Ezra; his repudiation of mixed
marriages, Ezra 7-10.

Formation of the holy congregation, Neh. 9-10.

Promulgation of P, Neh. 8.

7. ESTHER.

I. Contents. 2. Date and Characteristics.

x. Contents.

i. Ahasuerus, King of Persia (= Xerxes 485-465 B.C.) pats
away his wife Vashti because she declines to appear at a feast
given in Shushan to his nobles. 2. He chooses the Jewish
maiden Esther to be his queen. Her uncle Mordecai discovers
and reveals a plot against the king's life; for which he is
rewarded. 3. Mordecai incurs the jealousy of Haman the
king's favourite; who to avenge himself obtains a decree
from the king, ordaining the destruction of all Jews in the
provinces ' both young and old, little children and women ' on
the 1 3th of Adar a day determined by casting ' purim ' or lots
( 7 ). 4. Mordecai entreats Esther to intercede with the king
on behalf of the people. 5. Accordingly Esther entertains
Haman at two banquets. Haman, who is ignorant of the
relationship between Esther and Mordecai, is greatly flattered ;
his only grief is that Mordecai still lives, and he prepares a
gallows fifty cubits high in readiness for him. 6. Haman,
supposing himself to be intended, names a great reward for
' the man whom the king delighteth to honour.' The reward
goes to Mordecai, for his services with regard to the plot. 7.
On the petition of Esther, Haman is hanged. 8. The decree is
revoked, 9, and on the day when it was to be executed the
enemies of the Jews are destroyed in great numbers, Esther
obtaining leave for a second day's massacre in Shushan. In
token of the deliverance of the Jews the nth and isth of Adar
are appointed as feast days. 10. Further advancement of
Mordecai.

H 2

100 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

2. Date and Characteristics.

The object of the book is to supply a historical occasion
for the feast of Purim. This feast is not mentioned in the
Bible except in this book l its actual origin is unknown, but it
was first observed in the Eastern Dispersion, and thence became
a popular feast among the Jews. 2 The book of Esther states
that the feast arose in consequence of the deliverance of the
Jews in the reign of Xerxes from a massacre the date of which
had been fixed by ' lots ' : and the writer implies that the
Persian word for ' lots ' is Purim. There is however no
Persian word Purim with this meaning : and it is utterly im-
probable that a feast would obtain its name from the method of
selecting a date.

The book is in fact not historical. Mordecai is represented
as one of the exiles of 597 (2) and yet he is, still alive in the
reign of Xerxes 485-465. In the period covered by the book
the queen of Xerxes was not Vashti nor Esther, but Amestris.
The publication of an edict of massacre eleven months before
the event is inconceivable : no steps to prevent the escape of
the Jews, and no efforts to escape (except Mordecai's appeals to
Esther) are mentioned. The book abounds in similar impro-
babilities.

The occurrence of certain names of Babylonian mythology
make it possible that the ultimate source of the story was a
Babylonian myth. Mordecai and Esther obviously correspond
to Marduk and Ishtar ; Haman is said to be connected with an
Elamite god Humman, Vashti also with an Elamite goddess.

The glorification of the Jews in the book, as well as the
connection with the festival of Purim, made it popular, but it
gained a place in the Canon only with difficulty. The secular

1 Supposed sometimes to be the feast of John 5* : but without probability.

* It has been connected with the Persian Spring and New Year Festival
Furdigan ; but there is no etymological connection.

ESTHER 101

character of the narrative may account for this to some extent,
but it is probable that the book had not long been written when
the Canon was being closed, and so had not gained the approval
of antiquity. There is no certain clue to its date except the
non-mention of Esther in the list of Jewish worthies, Ecclus. 44-
50 (B.C. 200); and the language, which requires a date not earlier
than the Chronicles. It is suggested that the intense hostility
between the Jews and the other nations revealed in the book
is a result of the persecutions which culminated in the revolt
of the Maccabees. If this be so the date of Esther is a few
years after the Maccabean revolt : about 140 B.C.

CHAPTER III.
JOB TO THE SONG OF SONGS.

x. JOB.

I. Wisdom Literature. 2. Subject and Treatment. 3. Contents.
4. Original Form. 5. Date. 6. Characteristics.

i. ' The Wisdom Literature.'

The Book of Job belongs to a small group of writings to
which this name has been given from the prominence of this
conception in them. 'Wisdom' in the Hebrew sense is the
nearest approach to what we call philosophy. It is, however,
only one side of philosophy; namely, that which concerns
itself with the study of human conduct. Besides Job, the
Wisdom Literature includes also Proverbs and Ecclesiastes in
the Old Testament, Ecclesiasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon
in the Apocrypha.

2. Subject and Treatment.

The particular problem with which the Book of Job is
engaged is this : How is the fact that innocent men suffer afflic-
tion compatible with the rule of a righteous God ? The book
is not, however, a formal argument of an abstract question.
The subject is presented in the character of Job. Job is an

JOB 103

innocent man, and yet meets with severe misfortunes. Through-
out his afflictions, he maintains that they are not a punishment
of his sinfulness. His arguments are developed in answer to
the speeches of three visitors, who try to prove that, since he
suffers, he must have sinned. A fourth visitor puts the same
argument in a somewhat different form ; and the whole con-
troversy is ended, rather than settled, by the intervention of
Yahweh, who reduces Job to silence by enlarging on the Divine
omnipotence. The treatment is accordingly appropriately
described as dramatic.

3. Contents.

1,2. Prologue. The problem is indicated by means of a
discussion between God and 'the Satan.' (Cp. below.) Job's
integrity is alleged by the Satan to be due simply to his pros-
perity ; when, however, the Satan is permitted to test Job by
afflicting him, Job does not change. The test is then allowed
to proceed further : Job is smitten with itching boils. Being
joined by Eliphaz, Bildad, and Zophar, the four engage in
argument on the causes of his sufferings.

3. The Lament of Job. 4-5. First argument of Eliphaz.
6-7. Reply of Job. 8. First argument of Bildad. 9-10.
Reply of Job. n. First argument of Zophar. 12-14.
Reply of Job.

Job's visitors, being convinced that because he is suffering
he must have sinned, try to reconcile him to his sufferings on
the ground that he has deserved them. Job's lament (3) calls
forth the discourse of Eliphaz (4-5), of which the chief argu-
ment is that God is good ; if Job will remember this, and
accept his afflictions in a right spirit, he will profit by them
in days to come. Job's reply (6-7) is directed against the
assumption that he has sinned ; he emphasises the greatness of
the suffering imposed on him ; it is so great that he seems to

104 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

be the object, not of God's goodness, but of his cruel sport.
In this answer, Job implicitly charges God with injustice ; and
this point is taken up by Bildad (8), who repeats the assertion
of Eliphaz with regard to the goodness of God, but dwells
especially on the righteousness of his rule over men, as
shown in the experience of the ages. Job's answer (9-10)
reiterates that his sufferings are a sufficient proof that there is
discrimination in God's dealings with him now. Zophar con-
tinues the attack from the same standpoint (n), attempting to
awaken Job's conscience by dwelling on the marvellous insight
of God into human conduct ; is not Job's assertion ot inno-
cence mistaken, in view of the Divine omniscience which can
detect sin in the unwitting sinner? Job declares (13-14) that
he has not overlooked this argument : but he remembers also
many things which Zophar has not mentioned events which,
though they reveal God's power, do not show that it is used
according to the rights and wrongs of human nature. Once
more Job states his case, complaining sadly of his life, and the
hopelessness of the future for him.

15. Second argument of Eliphaz. 16-17. Reply of Job.
1 8. Second argument of Bildad. 19. Reply of Job. 20.
Second argument of Zophar. 21. Reply of yob.

The friends now try afresh to awaken the conscience of Job
to the sins of which they believe him guilty. They argue still
from the character of God, but this time they dwell on the
manifestations of his character in the divine rule of the world,
particularly in the punishment which inevitably falls on the
ungodly. Eliphaz (15) contradicts the argument of Job that
God permits wickedness to flourish ; he shows how the wicked
man is unhappy and how finally calamity overtakes him. This
argument impresses Job afresh with the inability of his friends
to understand his case (16-17); he feels himself deserted
by God and man, and bitter death is his only prospect. Bildad
(18) nevertheless reiterates more fully the argument of Eliphaz

JOB 105

that the sinner is miserable and unfortunate ; he implies that
Job's sin is measurable by the greatness of the calamity which
has fallen upon him. Job turns the implication aside (19) and
once more describes his sufferings. Despairing of help from
his friends' advice or from God's present mercy, his conviction
of innocence breaks out in an assertion that nevertheless his
avenger liveth whom he himself shall see though he die of his
sufferings, and who will vindicate him. Zophar is angry (20)
that Job shuts his eyes against the familiar truth which Eliphaz
and Bildad have illustrated, viz., that the wicked man perishes.
He draws a picture of the ungodly rich man overtaken by
disaster sent by the judgement of God. Job's answer (21), is a
strong denial of what the three friends have asserted; he
declares, on the contrary, that the wicked have good fortune
both in their lives and in their deaths.

22. Third argument of Eliphaz. 23-24. Job's reply. 25.
Third argument of Bildad. 26. Job's reply 1 27-28. Dis-
courses of Job ; with reference to some points of the discussion
(27) and in praise of wisdom (28).

Eliphaz (22) proceeds now to a direct accusation. He
charges Job with unrighteousness, specifying robbery and want
of charity. It is on account of these that his sufferings have
been imposed ; if he repents he may yet be restored. Job
does not at this point answer these charges (cp. 31) but continues
his exclamations on the mystery of God's ways. If only he
knew where he might find Him I Neither in his own lot nor in
the outer world can he discover the signs of His righteousness ;
and he gives instance upon instance where it seems that He
permits the wicked to be happy. Bildad follows with a few
words (25) repeating that before power so great as belongs to
God, a being so feeble as man cannot be just. Job replies

1 The symmetry of the composition is here broken. We expect a third
speech from Zophar. Presumably the arguments of the friends are
exhausted. Cp. infra, 109, note.

106 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

that he himself well knows the greatness of God's power (26),
and he alludes to some of his greatest operations ; implying
that it is not God's power but his justice which he is compelled
to dispute.

Zophar failing to reply, Job re-asserts his righteousness
(27 1 ~ 6 ). After these verses follow two passages which do not
seem to belong to their present context ; their claims to a place
in their original form of the book are discussed below. 27^-
describes the unhappiness of the wicked and the disaster which
God brings upon them. 28 is a magnificent poem in praise of
wisdom. Men know whence the precious things of the earth
are drawn ; but ' Wisdom,' which is much more precious, has
no earthly origin ; it dwells with God, who employed it in mak-
ing the world ; while to man he has given as the beginning of
it the precept :

Behold the fear of the Lord that is Wisdom,
And to depart from evil is Understanding.

Discourse of Job, 29-31. Now follows a discourse of
Job's, which may be called a final statement of his position ;
he describes his former prosperity (29) and his present humilia-
tion (30), and protests that he has maintained his innocence in
spite of opportunities of transgression (31).

The next six chapters (32-37) are an argument assigned
to Elihu, who is introduced in a note 32 1 " 5 . On this section,
see below.

The intervention of Yahweh ; first answer to yob 38-4O 2 ;
yob's acknowledgment 4O 3 ~ 5 ; second answer of Yahweh 4O 6 -4i;
j^ob's acknowledgment, ending the controversy, 42 1 " 6 .

The poet now places in the mouth of Yahweh a number of
instances of his creative might. The design is to overwhelm
Job with a sense of his comparative insignificance ; which, in a
few words, he confesses. Yahweh's second answer follows a
similar line ; could Job, who has been so ready to criticise the

JOB 107

divine rule, even so much as tame the hippopotamus (Behe-
moth) and the crocodile (Leviathan), which are but two of
Yahweh's creations ? Job now confesses his folly in ' uttering
that which he understood not.'

Epilogue 42 7 ~ 17 . A few words in prose follow, describing
the restoration of Job to a prosperity greater than he had
before enjoyed.

4. The Original Form of the Book of Job.

It has been thought that the descriptions of Behemoth
and Leviathan, 4O 6 -4i 34 , are later additions to the book ; partly
because they are not altogether suitable to the dignity of
Yahweh; partly also because they might more appropriately
have been introduced in the previous discourse on the marvels
of creation, 38-40. The prologue 1-2 and the epilogue 42 7 ~ 17
have likewise been regarded as the work of later hands ; they
are in prose, while the rest of the book is in poetical form;
the body of the book does not represent Job's sufferings as
a test of his faithfulness, nor does it explicitly depend upon
the prologue ; and the epilogue, by representing Job as re-
stored to great prosperity, gives sanction to the idea which
the poem controverts that righteousness leads to wealth and
long life. It is, however, doubtful whether the book would
have been intelligible without the prologue. The epilogue,
on the other hand, is precisely the sort of conclusion that
might be constructed by an editor who was concerned with the
form rather than with the argument of the book.

More serious doubts attach to (a) 32-37, (b) 27 7 ~ 2S , (c) 28.

(a) 32-37. The speeches of Elihu. Elihu is introduced in
a few words of prose (32 1 " 6 ). He has been a hearer of the con-
troversy, and has been satisfied neither with Job nor his friends ;
deterred, however, by his youth, he has not hitherto spoken.
After explaining the ground s of his interruption, he addresses

io8 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

himself to what he conceives to be the fault in Job's position.
Firstly, Job is not Just in his complaint; for God does speak to
men continually (33). Secondly, a charge of injustice against
God is utterly futile, since in his very nature God is just (34).
Thirdly, Job is wrong in saying that righteousness is unprofit-
able (35). Elihu proceeds to discourse on the character of
God, with the object of correcting the errors in Job's theology.
In the exercise of his power, God permits men ;to be afflicted
in order to test them. Job has failed under the trial. Let him
consider the wondrous works of God, whom men, though they
cannot understand, must fear, because he does not punish
except for reasons of justice (36-7).

Against the genuineness of these chapters are the follow-
ing considerations :

(1) They seriously interrupt the progress of the con-
troversy. After Job's speech, 29-31, the situation calls for
the climax, which is furnished by the intervention of Yahweh
(38fg.). Elsewhere the author shows much skill in the arrange-
ment of his matter ; these chapters, if genuine, are an artistic
fault.

(2) The arguments of Elihu, where they do not repeat
points already urged, forestall the answer of Yahweh, 38fg.

(3) Elihu is not mentioned before 32 2 ; nor is he referred
to in the epilogue, where he ought to have been condemned
with the others (42 8 > 9 ). It seems clear that the writer of the
epilogue did not know of these chapters.

(4) The reasons given for his non-intervention at an
earlier stage are artificial: The youth and modesty alleged as
the cause are not apparent in his discourse:

These facts go to prove that these chapters did not form
part of the original poem. Most probably they were composed
and inserted by a reader who thought that the author had not
done full justice to the case against Job's pessimism.

(b) 27 7 ~ 23 : Job always maintains that God does not hear

JOB 109

his complaint. 9 declares that it is the wicked whom God
refuses to hear ; this verse would in Job's mouth be an ad-
mission of his guilt. n ~ 38 are also quite unsuitable to the
argument of Job ; they prove what he has been denying and
the friends asserting, that the wicked always suffer an evil fate:

The passage may still be accepted as original if it be
regarded as a sarcastic retort of their own arguments on his
would-be consolers ; but it has been plausibly conjectured
that it is part of the missing third speech of Zophar: 1

(c) 28. This chapter forms by itself one of the most beau-
tiful poems in the Old Testament, but it has no connection
with its present context. Its subject is : Where is wisdom to
be found? 12 ; and the answer is that only God knows where
she dwells, 23 (cp. Prov. 8 22 ~ 31 ) ; but as a substitute He has
granted to men reverence and right-doing. Job, however,
has not acquiesced in the position that God's ways are un-
searchable and his rulings to be accepted without question;
and if this chapter 28 be regarded as an indication that Job
has become submissive, this is contradicted by 3O 20 ~ 23 . Most
probably 28 is a stray poem on Wisdom possibly by the
author of the book of Job, for the style is similar which in the
fortunes of copying has been inserted here.

We conclude that the original form of the book of Job did
not contain the Elihu speeches, nor Chapter 28, nor the
Epilogue; possibly that the text has been dislocated in 25-27.
The commentaries also show cases where single verses here and
there seem to have been interpolated or altered.

1 On this view the shortness of Bildad's third speech is unnatural.
Cheyne rearranges as follows : 25, 26 s ' 14 Third Speech of Bildad ; 26 M ,
27 1 -? Reply of Job : 27 8 - 10 , 13 - 23 Third Speech of Zophar ; 27 11 ' 12 , 28 Reply
of Job, Job and Solomon 38:

lio THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

5. Date.

Job is mentioned in Ezekiel i4 14 > 2 along with Noah and
Daniel as a type of righteousness. The poem may have been
founded on a tradition about this Job ; but we have no inde-
pendent knowledge of him. The book is not a literal history,
as is shown by the artistic form of the dialogue, the symbolical
numbers of Job's family and possessions, and the celestial
council of the prologue.

The fact that Job is represented in the poem as a patriarch
led some of the earliest commentators to believe that it was
written soon after the patriarchal period ; according to some
Moses himself was the writer. The book however belongs to a
time much more recent. The dates most commonly assigned
range between a period shortly before the exile, and the
beginning of the Greek period, or even so late as 250 B.C.
The evidence of language is not decisive except for a date at
least towards the exile ; the connection between Job 7 17 and
Psalm 8 4 , Job 3 and Jer. 2O U ~ 18 , gives no clue as to relative
priority. The most decisive indication of date is in fact the
reflective and speculative character of the problem propounded
by the book ; and the estimation of this feature will vary
according to the view taken of the conditions of Jewish thought
from the exile onwards.

Two points may be mentioned which favour a date in the
Persian period, (i) While no doubt the book may have been
founded on a tradition about an individual named Job, the con-
cern of the author may have been not with the sufferings of an
individual, but of the nation ; that is, Job is perhaps a type of
suffering Israel. If this be so the poem can spring only from
the period after the resettlement in Judea, when the afflictions
of the exile are still remembered, but when, in the restoration
of the cultus under Ezra the community attained a sense of
national innocence in the light of which their past sufferings
seemed undeserved.

JOB 1 1 1

(2) ' The Satan.' The word as a proper name occurs in
the Old Testament only in the late passage i Chronicles 2I 1 .
With the article, ' the Satan/ i.e. ' opponent,' ' adversary,'
perhaps ' calumniator,' it occurs in the post exilic Zech. 3 1 , and
in this book. The conception of ' the Satan ' in Job seems
to stand midway between that of Zech. and Chron.

6. Characteristics.

The Old Testament contains many passages which assert
that righteousness is followed by material prosperity, while sin
is visited by misfortune. This belief was deeply ingrained in
the Hebrew and Jewish mind ; so deeply that inferences were
drawn from a man's fortune to his morals. 1 Job's friends
conclude that he is a sinner because he is a sufferer. To some
extent Job himself shares the popular belief ; his lamentations
spring not from cowardice but from the mental anguish caused
by the conflict between the conviction of his innocence and the
fact that he is suffering such affliction as usually falls upon
guilt. The intention of the book however is to traverse the
popular belief ; and yet the author is more successful in de-
scribing Job's anguish than in giving a logical answer to his
difficulties. Job is in fact not answered ; he is overwhelmed
by the examples offered of the immense power of God ; which
power however he has not denied. The most important point
in the teaching of the author seems to be that suffering should
be borne without complaint. The book of Job has not owed
its place in the estimation of mankind to its solution of the
problem of suffering, but to the skill and sympathy with which
it has drawn a type of the sufferer.

112

2. THE BOOK OF PSALMS.

I. Characteristics of Hebrew Poetry. 2: Divisions. 3. Growth of the
Psalter. 4. Dates of the Collections. 5. Authorship. 6. The
Hymn Book of the Second Temple.

I. Characteristics of Hebrew Poetry.

The form of poetry developed among the ancient Jews is
not based on rhyme, and only to a limited extent on metre ; its
characteristic is in general an arrangement of ideas in clauses
which repeat, echo, contrast, or complete each other. This
arrangement is known as parallelism ; its nature and chief
kinds will appear from the following examples :

(1) Synonymous Parallelism : in which a second clause
corresponds to the sense of the first :

Ps. 2 s . Let us break their bands asunder;
Let us cast away their cords from us.
Ps. 78 52 . He led forth his own people like sheep ;

And guided them in the wilderness like a flock.

(2) Antithetic Parallelism : in which a second clause
strengthens the idea of the first by means of a contrasted
thought :

Ps. i 6 . Yahweh knows the way of the righteous,

But the way of the wicked shall perish.
Prov. 1 5 1 . A soft answer turneth away wrath,
But grievous words stir up anger.

(3) Completing or Synthetic Parallelism : Two clauses
united.

(a) As in a comparison :
Prov. I7 1 . Better is a dry morsel with quietness,

Than a house full of feasting and strife.

PSALMS 113

() As complementary :
Prov. i5 8 . The eyes of Yahweh are in every place,

Keeping watch upon the evil and the good.
Ps. 2 6 . Yet have I set my king

Upon my holy hill of Zion.

(f) To express a climax (the ' ascending ' rhythm) :
Ps. 29 1 . Give unto Yahweh, O ye sons of the mighty
Give unto Yahweh GLORY AND STRENGTH.
Ps. 29 5 . The voice of Yahweh breaketh the cedars,

Yea, Yahweh breaketh in pieces the cedars OF

LEBANON.

(</) Part of the first clause answered in the second :
Ps. i8 41 . They cried but there was none to save :

Unto the Lord, but he answered them not.
The parallelism generally occurs with two lines (distich),
but also with three (tristich), and four (tetrastich), 1 e.g. tristich
(composed of synonymous and completing parallelisms) :
Ps. 2 8 . The kings of the earth set themselves,
The rulers take counsel together,
Against Yahweh and against his anointed.
Tetrastich (of synonymous parallelisms) :
Ps. i8 4 ~ 5 . The cords of death encompassed me;

The floods of ungodliness made me afraid ;
The cords of Sheol were around me ;
The snares of death came upon me.

For a specially artistic example of parallelism, note the first
verse of Ps. i :
Happy the man !

that walketh not in the counsel of the wicked,

that standeth not in the way of the sinners,

that sitteth not in the seat of the scornful.

Other effects are produced by the usage of a refrain, often

marking the close of a paragraph (strophe). See Ps. 39 5c and

1 And, rarely, five, Ps. 4O 14 - 16 ; six, Num. 24 17 ; seven, Ps. 7 s *.

114 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

llc , ' Surely every man is vanity.' Ps. 42 5 (RVM), u , 43*.
Ps. io; 8 ' *i ; and Is: 9 9 - . ", ai f Io i.

Ps. 119 is a series of seven- verse poems based on the

twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Other acrostic

psalms are 9-10, 25, 34,37, m, 112, 115, but they are not
all perfect in their present form;

2. Divisions.

At least as early as the second century, A.D., the book of
Psalms was subdivided into five smaller books, probably
through the influence of the five-fold division of the law. These
subdivisions, which are marked in RV, are as follows :
I. 1-41, II. 42-72, III. 73-89, IV. 90-106, V. 107-150. Each of
the first four books terminates with a doxology; and in
Book V. the last psalm (150) is itself a doxology to the whole
collection.

Most of the psalms are furnished with titles, of which some
are more or less obscure musical terms. In addition to these,
however, we find other titles which mark out certain groups of
psalms, revealing traces of early smaller collections. The fol-
lowing is an enumeration of the psalms according to these
titles :

'Of David': 3-9, 11-32, 34-41, 51-65,68-70,86,
101, 103, 108-110, 122, 124, 131, 133, 138-145 = 73

'Of Solomon': 72, 127 =2

' Of Asaph ' : 50, 73-83 = 1 2

' Of the Sons of Korah ' : 42, 44-49, 84-85, 87-88 l = 1 1
' Of Ethan ' : 89 = i

' Of Moses ' : 90 = i

100
1 88 has also the name of Heman.

PSALMS 115

With musical titles only: 66, 67, 92, 98, 100,

IO2 = 6

' The Songs of Ascents ': 120-134 = 15
of which 122, 124, 131, 133 are 'of
David/ enumerated above = 4

and 127 is 'of Solomon,' enumer-
ated above i = 5 = 10
Without any title l :

1-2, 10, 33, 43, 71, 91, 93-97, 99, 104-107,
111-119,132,136,137,146-150 34 50

150

The Greek translations present several variations in regard
to titles, but the total 150 is the same.

3. The growth of the Psalter.

In Book I. all the Psalms are ' of David,' except i, 2, 10, 33.
10 should be reckoned with 9 ; together they form one acrostic
psalm. 33 is marked ' of David,' in the LXX,and the title has no
doubt been accidentally omitted in the Hebrew MSS. We may
accordingly describe Psalms 3-41 as a collection 'of David.'

In Book II. all are ' of David,' except 42-49,2 which are ' of
the sons of Korah' : 50, which is ' of Asaph ' : 66, 67, 71, which
three psalms should apparently also be reckoned ' of David ' :
(the LXX does so reckon 67 and 71) : and 72 ' of Solomon ' :
this might also be appropriately reckoned with the ' Davidic.'

In ptook III. we have eleven psalms with the title ' of
Asaph,' and six others belonging to the Korahite group. Now,
Asaph, Ethan, Heman, and the Korahites are all mentioned in

1 And therefore called ' Orphan Psalms ' by the Jews.
J 42 and 43 were originally one psalm.

n6 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Chronicles as belonging to the Levitical families, and as con-
nected with the Temple service ; the first three especially with
the Temple singing. The psalms which bear their names may
be grouped together as Levitical collections. Most probably
these Levitical collections stood together in the Psalter : a very
slight transposition, viz. the removal of the block 42-50 to the
tnd of 72, brings the solitary Asaph Psalm into connection with
the eleven others of the same title, and joins together the Levi-
tical groups. Further, this transposition makes the subscrip-
tion 72 20 more appropriate; for the words 'the prayers of
David, the son of Jesse, are ended,' ought not to be attached to a
group of non-Davidic Psalms.

We have now a series of Psalms united by the title ' of
David,' i.e. 3-41, 51-72. There are, however, three things
which show that we have here two Davidic groups: (i) the
doxology, 4i 14 ; (2) the repetition of the same psalm, with a
change of 'Yahweh' into 'Elohim,' 53 = 14, 7O = 4O 13 ~ 17 ; (3)
the preference of Elohim to Yahweh in 51-72, whereas
Yahweh is more usual in 3-4 1. 1

This preference for Elohim is also decided in the case of
Psalms 42-50, 73-83 ; whereas in 84-89 Yahweh again pre-
ponderates. 1

From these facts, the following stages in growth of the
Psalter may be presumed :

(a) First 'Davidic' collection, 3-41.

() The Elohistic Psalter :

(i) Second ' Davidic ' collection, 51-72.

1 The particulars are as follows :

Yahweh. Elohim.

3-41 272 IS

42-72 30 164

73-83 *3 - - 36

84-89 3 7

Driver, LOT, 371.

PSALMS 117

(2) Levitical collection ' of the sons of Korah,' 42-49.

(3) Levitical collection ' of the sons of Asaph/ 50,

73-83.

(4) Yahwistic appendix of Levitical Psalms, 84-89.

(c) Collection of other pieces, including some new 'Davidic,'
the Hallel Psalms, 113-118, and the Pilgrimage Songs, 120-134.

(d) Fusion of (a), (), (c); separation of the Psalms into
five books. Ps. i and 2 added as introductory and 150 as
doxology to the complete collection.

4. The Dates of the Collections.

It is probable that the Psalter was a completed collection
before 130 B.C. The LXX version of the Psalter agrees in the
main with ours, 1 and from the Prologue to Ecclesiasticus we
know that in 132 B.C. there was current in Egypt a Greek trans-
slation of ' the Law and the Prophets, and the other books of
our fathers,' which last works no doubt included our Psalter.
There is, however, no absolute proof that the collection was at
this time closed beyond the possibility of addition and revision;
but there cannot have been additions on any large scale after
150 B.C.

A difficult question arises out of the bearing of i Chron. 16
on the Book of Psalms. There we find a Psalm made
np of Ps. IO5 1 " 16 , Ps. 96 1 " 10 , IO6 47 " 48 ; which thus includes
the doxology to Book IV. If the Chronicler quoted from the
Book of Psalms, it would seem that already before 300 B.C. the
Psalms were divided into books and supplied with the doxolo-
gies. A number of small indications show that it is the
Chronicler who quotes (and not the collectors of the Psalms who
excerpted and divided up the passages appearing connectedly
in Chronicles). There are, however, independent reasons for

1 The titles differ often, and a Psalm 151 is given; the latter is, how-
ever, expressly stated to be ' outside the number.'

n8 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

regarding i Chron. 16 as a later addition to Chron. It is also
possible that, even if the Chronicler were quoting from the
Psalms, the verse io6 48 was not in existence; that it was added
by scribes to the Chron. for harmonistic reasons, after it had
been attached to io6 47 to mark the close of Book IV. In view
of these uncertainties, it cannot be argued that the fourth book
of Psalms was marked out as such in the time of the Chronicles,
c. 300 B.C.

On the contrary, it is probable that Books IV. and V. were
collected not long before the final completion of the Psalter,
and at least after 165 B.C. Ps. no, 115, 118, 149 appear by
internal evidence to belong to the Maccabean period. Ps. 115
and 1 1 8 belong to the Hallel group, all of which were perhaps
composed for the re-dedication of the Temple under Judas
Maccabeus (165 B.C.), on which occasion these psalms were
sung, i Mac. 4 64 . 1

In Books II. and III. there are likewise Psalms which seem
to be Maccabean, e.g. 44, 74, 79, 83. It is, however, probable
that Books II. and III. had been collected at least a century
before the Maccabean period, from the facts that (i) the musical
titles which are frequent in Books II. and III. have disappeared
in IV. and V. ; that is, they have become obsolete : 2 (2) the
Levitical psalms are most plausibly referred to the period of the
Chronicles, 300-250. If the above Psalms date from the
Maccabean period, they were inserted into a collection other-
wise complete.

The first ' Davidic ' collection belongs to an earlier period,
but there is no evidence to fix it exactly. In 2 Mac. 2 13 it is
recorded that Nehemiah founded a library which contained
among other writings the ' Davidic ' ; but the testimony of 2
Mac. for the period of Nehemiah is not valuable. Yet it is
probable that the first impulse towards the collection of Psalms

1 W.R. Smith, OTJC, 211.
* They were unintelligible to the LXX translators.

PSALMS lig

for congregational use was felt about the time when under Ezra
and Nehemiah the Jewish community reorganised the social
and religious life of the community, after the return from Baby-
lon. The stages may accordingly be dated approximately :

(1) First collection c. B.C. 400

(2) The Elohistic Psalter 300-250

(3) Books IV. and V. 1 50

(4) Close of the Psalter and division into

books ; soon after 1 50

5. Authorship.

While the titles of the Psalms may be legitimately used to
mark out common groups, they cannot be accepted as evidence
of authorship. They are not part of the original contents of the
separate psalms, as is shown by the variations between the
Hebrew, and the Greek and Syriac translations. The supposi-
tion that they denote authorship is excluded by such double
titles as occur (e.g. 39 of David, of Jeduthun; 88 of Korah, of
Heman) ; and also by the plurals, ' sons of Korah ' etc.
where joint authorship is not to be thought of. 1

The tradition which connects David with the authorship of
the psalms has little support within the book itself. In some of
the pieces that bear his name the language is that of six or
seven centuries later than David. 2 In nearly all, the thoughts
and the allusions are not such as agree with our knowledge of
the period of David. The Temple, not then built, is again and
again mentioned as standing (5 7 , 1 1 4 , 27*, 65*, and often). Zion

1 It is suggested that ' of David ' etc. in the titles means that the psalm
is quoted from hymn books bearing such titles. This however hardly
meets the case of Ps. 90 ' of Moses' and Ps. 72 and 127 'of Solomon.
Whatever the original meaning of the preposition, it came to be regarded as
denoting authorship.

Especially in Books IV. and V. (103, 109, 122, 124, 139, etc.)

130 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

has already become Yahweh's 'holy hill,' and in many of the
psalms the background is a scene in which the wicked flourish
and the godly are downtrodden, the ' nations ' are victorious,
the righteous are captives which background is not that of
the contests between Saul and David, or David and Absalom, 1
but of the exile.

Further, in pre-exilic tradition David does not appear as a
hymn writer. In Samuel a lament over Saul and Jonathan,
2 Sam. i 19f s-, and another over Abner, 2 Sam 3 33 ~ 34 , are assigned
to him ; but these are both secular songs. According to i Sam.
i6 16 23 David is a cunning player on the harp. Amos 6 6
refers to him as an inventor of musical instruments (or tunes).
Cp. also Neh. i2 36 , i Chron. 23 5 , 2 Sam. 6 5 .

There is in fact no external evidence in favour of the
Davidic authorship of any of the psalms. Internal evidence is
against the Davidic authorship of by far the greater number ;
and if, in homage to the tradition a few be marked out as
possibly the work of David 2 even in these cases also, general
probability is in favour of a date when the lessons of the eighth
and seventh century prophets were bearing fruit in the religious
thought of the community.

6. The Hymn Book of the Second Temple.

The collections of the psalms were however made for con-
gregational use ; they form the hymn book of the temple rebuilt
after the return. Many of them are composed from the point
of view of the community ; using indeed the singular personal
expression, but revealing that it is the nation which thus phrases

Cp. W. R. Smith, OTJC, 216-7.

2 Ewald reserved as Davidic 3, 4, 7, 8, 1 1, 24, 29, 101 ; Delitzsch accepts as
many as 44. On the other hand it is not demonstrable, that any of the psalms
are pre-exilic. But neither is it demonstrablt that many are post-exilic.

PSALMS 121

its prayers. 1 This origination in the collective consciousness of
the community detracts nothing from the devotional worth of the
psalms ; but it gives to the Psalter an additional value as a
witness and as an authority for the religion of the Jewish com-
munity. And the witness it gives is that the word of the
prophets has not perished. ' In the Psalms we see the harvest
that has sprung from the seeds sown by the Prophets. The
same conceptions which the Prophets put forth as neglected
truths and proclaim in deaf ears, rise to the lips of the Psalmists
in lyric utterances which presuppose the assent of a devout
community, and instead of anticipating incredulity or opposi-
tion the poets make themselves the mouthpiece of their fellow-
believers. Thus the indignant exhortations of the Prophets
come back to us softened and glorified in the prayers and

praises of the Psalmists "To what purpose is the

multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? I am full of the burnt"
offerings of rams, and the fat of fed beasts," says the
Prophet in the name of God.' .... And in due time
the answer rises from the heart of a repentant people to God
" Thou desirest not sacrifice, else would I give it ; thou
delightest not in burnt- offerings. The sacrifices of God are a
broken spirit ; a broken and a contrite heart, O God, thou wilt
not despise." ' . . . , l

1 Cp. Psalm 3, where 8 reveals the national signification of the personal
addresa ; cf. also Psalms 4 6 , 7, 9-10, II, 13, 22, 51.

1 P. H. Wicksteed. See the whole passage, Mod. Review IL 558.

122

3- PROVERBS.

I. Title. 2. Contents. 3. Date and Authorship.

I. Title.

The English name is a translation of the Hebrew title.
The Hebrew word is equivalent in some cases to the English
'saying,' e.g. i Sam. io 12 , 'Therefore it became a saying,' (RV
' proverb ') ; or again it is used for ' a mocking speech,' ' a by-
word,' e.g. Deut. 28 37 ; or yet again for 'a similitude,' Ezk. I7 2 .
Its most general meaning is, however, much the same as
pur ' proverb,' e.g. a short pointed saying of popular wisdom,
an adage, a maxim.

In form the Proverbs belong to the poetical books of the
Old Testament. The proverb or ' gnome ' readily falls into
parallelism, especially of the antithetic kind, e.g. :
A soft answer turneth away wrath,
But grievous words stir up anger. 1 5 1 .

Though frequently the maxims are self-complete, and are not
always grouped around even a common subject, occasionally
two or three or more are built up into elaborate figures. See
e.g. 3O 15 ~ 16 , where the latter verse supplies the answer to the
riddle proposed in the former ; 3O 24 " 28 , where 24 propounds the
riddle and the other verses contain the answer ; or again,

In substance, Proverbs belongs to the Wisdom Literature
of the Old Testament. Cp. Job i.

PROVERBS 123

2. Contents.

(a) 1-9. The Praise of Wisdom. Introductory to the next
section, or to the whole book. A series of exhortations in the
form of an address from a father to his son (cp. below) to avoid
folly and to obtain wisdom.

(b) 10-2 2 16 . A series of 376 couplets, chiefly in antithetic
parallelism, bearing the title ' the Proverbs of Solomon.' In
this section the form of parental address occurs only in IQ 27 .

(d) 24 33 ~ 34 . ' These also are the Words of the Wise.'

(e) 25-29. 'These also are the Proverbs of Solomon,
which the men of Hezekiah copied out.' Frequently in couplets,
but also in longer forms.

(f) 3- ' The words of Agur, the son of Jakeh ; the
oracle.'

(g) 3 1 1 " 9 . ' The Words of King Lemuel ; the oracle which
his mother taught him.'

(h) 3 1 10 ~ 31 . An acrostic in praise of the diligent house-
wife.

3. Date and Authorship.

Following the clue furnished by the titles we may dis-
tinguish two main collections, b and e above. After the small
groups c and d had been added to b, e was attached to the
group thus formed. The title 25 1 shows that f g h had not
been affixed to e when e was joined to b. F g h are small
pieces added either when the collection was otherwise com-
plete, or complete with the exception of a. The last, a, is of
the nature of a general introduction to the collection b, or b
with e.

Only general considerations are available for fixing the
date of Proverbs. The frequency of the experience which

124 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

leads to the enunciation of a proverb is apt to conceal the
time and place of its origin. It appears also as if the col-
lections had been redacted for a generation other than that for
which they were first gathered. Some such suggestion as this
is necessary to explain the absence from this book of any
references to Israel or idolatry such as we naturally expect
if the Proverbs are in the main pre-exilic, or to the Law if
they are post-exilic ; or we may conjecture that by a conven-
tion certain subjects were excluded from the scope of the
* proverb.'

The process of collecting almost certainly extended down
to the Greek period ; the remarkable theosophic doctrine of
Wisdom in chapter 8 belongs to a date nearer to Ecclesiasticus
than to Job 28. On the other hand, the allusion to ' the
men of Hezekiah ' in 25! can hardly be adduced in favour of
a theory of pre-exilic collecting ; for nowhere else is there any
proof of literary activity of this kind at that date. The
weight of probability makes for the view that the collec-
tion and composition of the Proverbs was carried out during
the Persian and Greek periods, and that elements from an
older time were then incorporated. The form of address,
' my son,' is probably equivalent to ' disciple,' i.e. of the wise
man.

The tradition that Solomon was the author of the whole
book is certainly not well founded. Many of the Proverbs
could not have been composed by him, e.g. those which
praise the king and his power from the point of view of the
courtier, i6 u , i9 12 , 2O 2 , 25 3 , 29*, etc. The warnings against
immorality, the depreciations of wealth, the praise of monogamy,
are all unsuited to the character of Solomon. A notice in
i Kings 4 32 states that he spoke 3,000 proverbs. Not a quarter
of that number is found in the Book of Proverbs. It is, of
course, not impossible that some of the proverbs had their
origin in sayings of Solomon. On the other hand, the analogy

PROVERBS 115

of the Psalms is against the theory of Solomonic authorship of
even a portion. With the tradition of Solomon's wisdom before
them, it is not hard to explain the presence of Solomon's name
in the titles of the editors. The presumption is that as David
was the ' abstract Psalmist,' so Solomon was the ' abstract
Gnomist ' of the nation, to whom specimens of this kind of
composition would be freely ascribed.

I2C

4. ECCLESIASTES.

I. Title 2. Contents. 3. Authorship and Date.
4. Original Form of the Book.

i. Title.

The name Ecclesiastes is the LXX translation of the Hebrew
word Qoheleth, which in the English appears as the ' Preacher,'
I 1 - 12 , i2 8 ' 9 ' 10 . The RVM gives also the translation, 'the
great orator.' Other meanings given to the word are 'one
who holds an assembly,' ' a collector of sayings,' ' a gatherer
of wisdom,' 'one who holds the office of teacher.' It is
difficult to say which of these meanings was intended by the
author; the form of the word is peculiar, as it is in the
feminine gender. In any case, it is used of Solomon, who,
though he is not directly named, is plainly indicated in i 1 - ia ,
is, 16 > j 2 9. The book belongs to the Wisdom literature ; Solo-
mon is the proverbial type of wisdom. Although many of the
sentiments of the book are unsuitable to the historic Solomon,
an ancient writer would not feel that there was anything inap-
propriate in placing a general discourse of this kind in the
mouth of the typical source of ' Wisdom,' and by the use of the
word Qoheleth some such writer represented Solomon as ad-
dressing to a circle of hearers a series of reflections on human
life.

2. Contents.

There is no logical connection between the various parts of
the book, and the following is merely a selection of some of the
prominent themes: i. The staleness and vanity of things;
even wisdom, which is valuable for the study of life, is a cause
of increased sorrow. 2. Laughter and mirth, the pleasure of

ECCLES1ASTBS 137

eye and of brain, are all alike profitless ; wise and fool come to
the same end. Even wise effort is useless, for the fool may
spoil it ; and in any case labour is painful. However, let a man
eat and drink and try to get good out of his work. 3. Every-
thing obtains its season ; things follow each other in a stale
succession, and God permits it. Since men are as beasts in
their destiny, there is nothing to do except to rejoice in the work
one is performing. 4 1 " 3 . Happier the dead than the oppressed
living ; happiest of all, the unborn ! 4 ~ 6 . Skilful labour only
excites jealousy. 7 ~ 13 . A friend is useful. 13 ~ 16 . The popular
joy which lately hailed the accession of a poor wise youth as
king, after an old and foolish monarch, was likewise vanity ;
such joy is short-lived. 5 1 " 7 . When you make vows to
God, see that you pay them. 8 ~ 9 . Oppression must not sur-
prise you; the officers of oppression are themselves under
oppression. 10-20. Wealth without labour does not satisfy.
Joy in work is good, because it does not allow time for melan-
choly remembrance. 6. The appearance of prosperity is often
without the reality ; the wise has no advantage over the fool ;
what profit is a man's life to him since he knows not his destiny
and cannot struggle against it ? 7 1 " 20 . Death is better than life,
sorrow than laughter, the end than the beginning ; wisdom is
useful as a defence, in that it can preserve life ; but everything
in life is preordained, and too much wisdom is a sorrow. Yet
wisdom is really a strength to the wise. 721-29. Qj ve no ear to
gossip. In his search for wisdom the Preacher found woman
a snare. 8 1 " 14 . Let the wise man be obedient to the king.
Though the wicked flourish, it shall not be well with them,
because they fear not God. 8 15 -9 10 . To eat, drink, and be
merry is the best thing under the sun ; for the ignorance of
men cannot search out the ways of God ; all is under a common
fate which links good and bad, living and dead ; the living is
superior to the dead only by the little bit of knowledge which
death takes away. Therefore enjoy life and wotk hard ; for in

128 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

the grave there is nothing at all. 9 11 -io 20 . Time and chance
rule all things ; and when wisdom performs a service to the
world it is not remembered ; nevertheless it is wisdom which
leads to prudent conduct. U 1 -i2 8 . Be charitable ; be not too
circumspect. Let a man rejoice in the years given to him, yet
remember that the days of darkness shall be many; let the
young man rejoice in his youth, but let him remember judg-
ment before the evil days come when pleasure shall fail and
death bring sadness and mourning. is 9 " 14 . Epilogue. The
Preacher continued to teach knowledge and to seek pleasant and
true words ; he sums up the whole duty of man in the precept
to fear God and keep his commandments; for God judges
everything.

3. Authorship and Date.

It is only a literary device which places the contents of the
book in the mouth of Solomon. It is indeed sometimes said
that Ecclesiastes represents the thoughts of Solomon in an old
age in which he repented of his idolatries and his vices. But
' from beginning to end there is no confession of wrong-doing,
no reference to idolatry, no hint of repentance. It dwells on
the unsatisfactory nature of life, but penitent confession is
quite alien to the whole spirit and purpose. The author is
certainly not a satisfactory or edifying penitent.' l

Further, the language shows that the book belongs to the
most recent parts of the Old Testament. The writer indirectly
reveals that he is not the living Solomon. He writes ' I was
king ' ; he places in Solomon's mouth complaints of oppression
and injustice which never troubled that characteristically
Oriental king ; and in general, the allusions to monarchs and
rulers are, as in Prov., not from the point of view of a governor,
but of the governed.

A. S. Peake in Hastings, DB l, 638.

ECCLESIASTES 129

The political and social pre-suppositions of the book, while
they absolutely preclude a pre-exilic date, point in the same
direction as the language, i.e. to a period about 200 B.C. The
passages 4 13 ~ 16 , 9 13 ~ 16 , no doubt allude to actual occurrences ;
but we are unable to identify them. The book has been sup-
posed to show an acquaintance with, if not to spring from,
principles of Greek philosophy current at the end of the third
century B.C. On the whole, while the origin of the book may
possibly be as early as the beginning of the Greek period
(c. 332), the weight of the evidence seems to lie towards a date
200 B.C., if not later.

4. The Original Form of the Book.

There are some difficulties towards the end which have been
thought to be due to additions to the text. Of these the most
important is the epilogue i2 g ~ u . 13 ~ u are by no means a
natural conclusion to the book ; reverence towards God and
keeping his commandments are not at all the sum of the pre-
vious reflections. Further, in 9 ~ 12 the role of Qoheleth is
dropped. Qoheleth ends his discourses ( 8 ) with the text
from which he started, ' Vanity of vanities ' ; but 9 ~ 10 are a
commendation of him in the third person ; and n ~ 12 are in
the manner of a subscription by a copyist. Such subscriptions
are not uncommon in Oriental MSS.

14 brings in the idea of a judgement as a reason for godli-
ness. The same conception is found also in 3 17 , 8 12 ~ 13 , n 9 , la 1 . 1
The general standpoint of the book, however, is that a
man ought to eat and drink while life is present ; there is no
doctrine of future judgement. Therefore, if these passages
imply a future judgement, they are probably additions to the
book ; but they may all be adequately explained by the doctrine

1 This verse is suspicious on an independent ground ; i.e. the refer-
ence to the Creator.

130 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

common elsewhere in the Wisdom literature, that vice and
virtue are followed by temporal punishment and reward.

We conclude accordingly that 9 ~ u are an appendix
to the book, which otherwise has come down to us in its
original form. 13 ~ 14 were no doubt added as a corrective of
its irreligious tendency ; probably it was through them and the
supposed Solomonic authorship that the book gained a place in
the canon.

5. THE SONG OF SONGS.

i. Title. 2. Subject and Character. 3. Date.

i. Title.

In the Hebrew Canon the Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamenta-
tions, Ecclesiastes, and Esther form a subdivision of 'The
Writings ' known as the ' The Five Rolls ' (Megilloth). The
title ' Song of Songs ' means, by a common Hebrew idiom,
the great or pre-eminent Song. Its other name, ' Canticles,'
comes to us from the Vulgate.

2. Subject and Character.

The presence of the Song of Songs among the sacred
writings of the Jews is partly due to the name of Solomon, i 1 ,
811-is partly also to the fact that it was interpreted allegorically,
of the love of Yahweh for Israel. Christian commentators
adopted the allegorical interpretation, and connected it with
Christ's love for his Church. (See the chapter-headings
in AV.)

In modern times the allegorical theory has been almost
entirely abandoned. When the book is interpreted literally it
is not at once clear whether it is a collection of detached love-
songs, or a drama for which we have to supply a list of persona
and divisions into acts and scenes.

Several schemes have been proposed on the theory that the
Song is really a play. According to one such scheme
(Delitzsch) the characters are King Solomon, a Shulamitc
maiden, brothers of the Shulamite, ladies of the Court

K 2

132 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

( = ' the daughters of Jerusalem '), and citizens of Jerusalem.
On this interpretation the greater part of the matter consists of
a dialogue between the king and the Shulamite. The scene is
laid firstly at Jerusalem, where their marriage takes place, and
at Shulem whither the king takes his wife.

Among other difficulties this view labours under the im-
probability that the play would close in a rustic cottage instead
of in the capital. This is avoided in another scheme (Ewald),
which distributes the material between three chief actors
Solomon, the Shulamite, and the Shulamite's shepherd-lover.
According to this arrangement the Shulamite is wooed by
Solomon, but remains faithful to her lover, to whom Solomon
permits her to return.

The reader who wishes to see how the speeches are
divided will find particulars of both of these schemes in
Driver's LOT, 438fg. There is the less need for giving them
here, because it is probable that the book is to be interpreted in
a different way. 1

This interpretation is based upon the interesting observa-
tions of the marriage customs of the Syrian peasantry, made
and recorded by J. G. Wetzstein. Among these people it is
the custom to continue the wedding festivities for seven days,
which period is called the ' king's week.' During this time the
newly wedded pair play at king and queen, and receive, seated
upon a throne set up on the threshing-floor, the congratulatory
homage of their friends. An important part of the festivities
is the singing of marriage songs by the bridegroom and bride
and guests. The ' stationary East ' is tenacious of ancient
customs, and it is not at all improbable that the ' king's week '
was an institution among the Jewish peasantry over two
thousand years ago, and that the Song of Songs is a collec-

1 It does not follow even if the poem were really a drama that it was
intended for representation. The scenes are too short for an acting play,
and drama had no place in ancient Oriental life.

SONG OF SONGS 133

tion of the songs sung at such festivals. On this view ' Solomon '
and ' Shulamite ' are to be interpreted as names given to sup-
port the fiction of king and queen : Solomon as the fortunate
rich king; Shulamite, i.e. Shunemite, in reference to that
Abishag of Shunem who was preferred for her beauty above
all the maidens of Israel 1 (I Kings i 8 ).

3. Date.

For the date there is no criterion more satisfactory than the
linguistic features of the songs. The presence of some foreign,
possibly of one or two Greek, words makes a date after the
beginning of the Greek period most probable.

1 See Driver, LOT, 452-3 ; Kautzsch, Outlines, 150.

CHAPTER IV.
ISAIAH.

(A) 1-35. I. Life of Isaiah. 2. Structure of the Book. 3. The
Circumstances of Isaiah's Time. 4. The prophecies chrono-
logically arranged. 5. Analysis. 6. Characteristics.

(E) 36-39. The Historical Appendix.

(C) 40-66. I. Anonymity of this division. 2. Contents. 3.
Unity and Date : (a). The Servant Passages. (b). 40-55
(apart from the Servant Passages), (c, ) 56-66. 4. Charac-
teristics.

(A) CHAPTERS 1-35.
i. Life of Isaiah.

Isaiah was the son of Amoz, and was probably born in
Jerusalem, which city was his place of residence and the chief
scene of his labours. He dates his consecration to the prophe-
tic office in ' the year that king Uzziah died,' i.e. 740 B.C., and
the earliest writings that we have from him belong to the reigns
of Jotham and Ahaz. His work extended down to at least the
year 701. There is a tradition that he lived on into the reign
of Manasseh and was killed in the persecutions which that king
carried out ; but there is no support earlier than the second
century A.D. for this belief. He was already married and the
father of two sons in the year 736 (7-8) ; and at this time had
gathered together a circle of disciples, 8 16 . He seems to have
had free access to the court and to have been on familiar terms
with courtiers and priests. It is conjectured that he was of

ISAIAH 135

noble birth ; but in any case it is clear that he occupied an
important place in the social and political life of Jerusalem.

2. Structure of the Book.

The book which in our English Bibles bears the name of
the prophet Isaiah is a collection of writings of which only a
portion was written by Isaiah. The chief evidence for this
statement is found in the style and contents of the various
parts ; but some support for it is presented by the structure of
the book. It will be noticed that the last twenty-seven chapters
are separated from what goes before by a historical narrative which
is quoted, with some small alterations, from the book of Kings.
(Is. 36-39, see 2 Kings i8fg). The character of these altera-
tions shows that the chapters in question have been copied into
the book of Isaiah and not vice versa. The obvious explanation
of their presence in this place is that they were added as an
illustrative appendix to a collection of prophecies of which
Sennacherib's invasion was one of the subjects. They serve to
mark off Isaiah 1-35 from 40-66. Other evidence also exists to
show that 40 onwards springs from a time and surroundings
different from those of Isaiah of Jerusalem (cp. [C] i.)

Within 1-35 there are also several marked groups :

(a) 1-12. Discourses concerning Judah and Ephraim, and
the Syro-Ephraimitish war.

(3) 13-23. Oracles against the nations.

(d) 28-33. The distress and deliverance of Jerusalem.
00 34-35- The doom of Edom.

What portions of these divisions are to be properly assigned
to Isaiah will be discussed below. At present the existence of
these groups may suggest that the book has grown out of
smaller groups or books ; of which in some cases the superscrip-
tions have been preserved; (e.g. i 1 , 2 1 , I3 1 ). It is noteworthy

136 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

that outside of 1-12, 13*, 20, and the historical appendix 36-39
the name of Isaiah does not appear once throughout the book ;
so that for the greater part of the book attributed to Isaiah we
have nothing to show its authorship except tradition and
criticism.

3. The Circumstances of Isaiah's Time.

The life of Isaiah coincides with a period of great import-
ance in the destinies of Israel and Judah. Of the two sister
kingdoms, the ability of her kings and her military ardour had
given the pre-eminence to the northern ; but in the reign of
Uzziah, the southern received a material impetus which
went tar to increase the advantages which she enjoyed in the
Davidic tradition. The reign of Jeroboam II had added to the
wealth and luxury of Israel, and awakened the warning voice of
Amos. Uzziah's conquest of Edom, and the capture of the
port of Elath, contributed to a similar increase in the material
prosperity of Judah, and to the same kind of social corruption
which the prophets always associate with forgetfulness of
Yahweh. Shortly after the death of Uzziah, political circum-
stances arose which had great consequences in the national and
religious history of the two kingdoms.

The dangers which Amos anticipated (cp. Amos, 5) from
the military activity of Assyria received a striking illustration in
740, in the capture of Arpad ; and two years later Menahem,
king of Israel, purchased the friendship of Assyria by the pay-
ment of a heavy tribute. Menahem was succeeded by Pekahiah,
whom Pekah slew. Pekah repudiated the Assyrian over-lordship,
and to strengthen his hands engaged in an enterprise which inti-
mately concerns the work of Isaiah. Rezin, king of Damascus,
whose territories were threatened by Assyria, entered into a league
with Pekah against the common foe ; and still further to streng-
then their resistance, they sought to force Ahaz into the coalition.

ISAIAH 137

Our knowledge of the subsequent events is derived from Is. 7,
2 Kings i6 5 ~ 6 , 2 Chron. 28 5 ~ 15 . The two allied kings made
an incursion into Judah, ravaging the territory and proposing
to set up one Tabeel in place of Ahaz. And ' the king's heart
shook, and the heart of his people, as the trees of the forest
shake before the wind ' (Is. 7 2 ). The weakness of Ahaz was
shown by his action ; he placed himself under the protection of
Assyria, in spite of the assurances of Isaiah that the kings before
whom he trembled were as mere 'fag-ends of torches.' Tiglath-
Pileser set in motion his forces against Damascus, and captured
it (734-732). Rezin was slain; Zebulon, Galilee, and Naphtali
were overrun, and their inhabitants were deported to Assyria.
Hoshea was set upon the throne of Pekah. For the deliverance
which Judah thus obtained, Ahaz did homage to Tiglath-
Pileser at Damascus in 732.

The ultimate goal of Assyria was Egypt, and the way was
open after the fall of Damascus and the submission of Ahaz.
The advance was not, however, made until after the death of
Tiglath-Pileser in 727. His successor, Shalmaneser IV, found
it necessary to reduce Hoshea, who relying on the assistance of
Sabako (the ' So ' of 2 Kings 1 7 4 , properly ' Seve ') had
revolted. The siege of Samaria, begun in 724, was carried to
a successful issue by Sargon in 722 ; the inhabitants were
carried into Assyria, and the Northern Kingdom ceased to exist.

Sabako had failed to help Hoshea; but he supported
Hanno, king of Gaza, when Sargon, after a successful campaign
in which he destroyed Hamath, turned his arms against him.
Hanno and the Egyptian supporters were defeated at Raphia
(720 719). Sabako and Egypt escaped any immediate
punishment, for Sargon was busy elsewhere; but in 711 a revolt
at Ashdod, incited by Egypt, called his forces to Philistia ;
his commander-in-chief (the ' Tartan,' Is. 2O 1 ), besieged and
captured the city.

Ahaz was succeeded in 727 by Hezekiah, whose kingdom

138 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

escaped for a time from the Assyrian danger. In spite of the
failure of Egypt to support Hoshea, Hanno, and Ashdod, an
influential party in Jerusalem was disposed to turn to Egypt for
help against the Assyrian over-lordship. It was not, however,
till after the death of Sargon in 705, that occasion favourable
for rebellion arose. Sargon had defeated Merodach-Baladan
and captured Babylon in 710. On the accession of Sennach-
erib, Babylon again revolted, and in 703 was again reduced.
The tide of revolt spread along the coast cities of Palestine.
Judah, relying on the help of Egypt, followed the example of
Sidon, Ekron, and Ashkelon, and revolted. Sennacherib im-
mediately proceeded to put down the rebellion, and in a vic-
torious campaign successively reduced Sidon, Ashkelon, and
Ekron. At Ekron, the Egyptian force which had come to the
assistance of the rebels was also defeated. Hezekiah himself
was now shut up in his own city ' as a bird in a cage.' Judah
was overrun, its cities occupied, and a great number of its in-
habitants carried into captivity. Sennacherib, busy himself
at Lachish, despatched the ' Rab-Shakeh ' with an army against
Jerusalem; but Hezekiah decided to stand a siege. Senna-
cherib sent a second summons ; he himself was preparing to
meet the Egyptian forces which were gathering against him ;
but again Hezekiah returned a defiant answer. And now at a
time when it seemed that no human aid could save Jerusalem,
the Assyrian army was suddenly attacked by either pestilence
or panic. The campaign was hastily abandoned ; the vast army
melted away, and Jerusalem was saved. Sennacherib, though
he lived twenty years after the retreat, did not again attempt a
campaign against Judah.

4. The Prophecies chronologically arranged.

In spite of the evidences of editorial arrangement of the
Book of Isaiah to which allusion has already been made, the

ISAIAH 139

prophecies are nevertheless not in a chronological order. Inas-
much as his work was almost entirely concerned with the social
and political conditions around him, Isaiah's writings usually
afford sufficient internal evidence to allow us to re-arrange them
according to date and subject. Such an arrangement makes the
study of Isaiah's work easier, and the following table will assist
by showing the result in a summary form :

A. Before the Syro-Ephraimitish war.

6 (written later); 2-5 (except 2 8 "*, 4 3 ~ 6 ), 9 8 -io 4 .

B. The Syro-Ephraimitish War.

i 7 i-n 7 ,8- 9 7, i ii-9 ?,!?.'

C. The Fall of Samaria.

231-18, 281-6.

D. From c. 720 to c. 708.

, 9 i-iB ? 5 16-25 p ?) 20 i- 6) 2 r 13-17 ?. New edition of the
oracle in 15-16, with appendix (i6 18 ~i 4 ).

E. 701.

28-32, I0 6 -27, 28-34, I4 34-27, 38-32^ jylS-H 18, 2I-W?,
221-1* 22l 5 - 25 , I ?.

F. Not Isaianic.

24-27, 33 34-35> 2 2 -*(seeA.), 4 S ~ 6 (see A.), nio-w
12, I3-I4 23 , i5-i6i 2 (see D.) 1916-26 ( see D.j,

2i 1-10, 11-12_

5. Analysis of the Prophecies, according to Chronological
Arrangement.

A. From 740 to 735.

6. In the Temple Isaiah sees a vision of Yahweh, and is
commissioned to speak to the people a message of judgement
and disaster.

1 Passages with query mark are of doubtful date.

140 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Refers to 740, but was written down later. For the prophet
would not write the account of his call until he had shown his
obedience to it in actual public ministry, and the account
reveals a knowledge of the difficulties which did in fact attend
his work.

1S , last clause, is usually regarded as a later addition. Its
effect is to lighten the picture of doom by the thought of the
preservation of a remnant of the people. But since the belief
in the salvation of a part of the nation is symbolised in the name
of Isaiah's son Shear- Yashub (i.e., ' a remnant shall return '),
who in 736-5 is old enough to accompany his father in the inter-
view with Ahaz, it is probable that Isaiah held this redeeming
hope from the outset of his ministry.

2-5. The judgement of Judah and Jerusalem.
Because the people are proud, idolatrous, luxurious and self-
confident, and the rulers are weak oppressors, Yahweh will
surely bring punishment upon them.

These chapters are the substance of discourses delivered in
the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz. The threat of national
disaster is already clear and definite ; it is put forward as the
inevitable consequence of the national sinfulness. The lyrical
parable of the Vineyard (5 1 " 7 ) sums up Isaiah's view of the posi-
tion ; Yahweh is the husbandman, Judah is the vineyard which
has brought forth only wild grapes in answer to Yahweh's
affectionate care ; therefore Yahweh will leave the vineyard to
become wild and desolate.

2 2-4 This section occurs also in Micah 4 1 " 3 where it is
in better relation to its context than here. In Micah it
is part of a prophecy of later date than this section of
Isaiah. Either Micah and Isaiah have both quoted a
fragment of earlier date, or the passage is an insertion
into both places. It presents a noble dream of the
religious greatness of Jerusalem, to which the nations
are described as streaming to learn about Yahweh.

ISAIAH 141

When we compare it with the general attitude of the
eighth century prophets with regard to the nations out-
side Israel it is hard to think of this passage as original
either in Isaiah or Micah, and the suggestion that it is
an insertion of post-exilic date seems intrinsically more
probable.

4 2 " 6 . A prophecy of restoration, too definite to be an
original part of the indefinite picture of disaster which
Isaiah draws in these chapters. It is parallel to a
number of passages which by their loose connections
with their contexts and their common feature of drawing
brilliant pictures of the future reveal their origin in a
time when the disaster had already taken place. It is
therefore to be regarded as an exilic insertion.
9 8 -io 4 with 526-30^ A poem in five paragraphs (' strophes ')
marked by the recurring refrain ' For all this his anger is not
turned away, but his hand is stretched out still.' The subject
is the doom of Ephraim. Surrounded by foes, weakened by
pride, evil counsellors, corrupt rulers and widespread wicked-
ness, its fall is inevitable.

The date of this section is clearly shown by g ll ~ lz ; it is
before the alliance of Rezin and Pekah in 735.
B. The Syro-Ephraimitish War.

I7 1 " 11 . Damascus is about to fall, and Ephraim shall share
the same fate.

Shortly before 734.
(i. See under E., 701.)

7 1 " 25 . Account (in the third person) of an interview
between the prophet and king Ahaz. The league between
Pekah and Rezin has just been made ; Ahaz is in terror, but
Isaiah is bold and confident. The prophet declares that there
is nothing to fear from the league ; Pekah and Rezin are only
weaklings. On the other hand the appeal which Ahaz is
meditating to Assyria will be fatal ; it will precipitate the con-

142 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

flict between Egypt and Assyria in which Judah will be deso-
lated. In the course of the interview Isaiah declares a ' sign '
from Yahweh. The sign is apparently introduced to indicate a
point of time; before a child then about to be born shall have
attained years of discretion (y 15 , ' know how to reject the evil
and to choose the good '), Syria and Israel will have been
desolated, and Judah delivered from the fear of Pekah and
Rezin. Inasmuch as Yahweh will be the agent of deliverance,
Isaiah elaborates the sign by giving to the child mentioned a
symbolical name Immanuel ' God is with us.' For fuller and
different interpretations of this difficult section the commen-
taries must be consulted.

"8-9 7 . Ahaz did not share the confidence of Isaiah and
threw himself on the protection of the Assyrians. The present
section deals with the period of the war. 8 1 " 4 : Isaiah gives
to his second son a name typical of the Assyrian conquests,
Maher-shalal, hash-baz ; ' Booty is hasting, spoil is speeding.'
*~ 15 : The sign given to Ahaz is again produced and elaborated,
That name ' Immanuel ' can be applied to the land which is
threatened by the tide of invasion sweeping on from the north,
but which shall nevertheless escape because ' God is with us.'
ie-18 : The truths indicated in the symbolical name shall be
realised. 19 -9 7 : An obscure section. He begins with a
warning against certain forms of soothsaying and recalls those
who are misled by them to the teaching and the admonition he
has given. The districts which have suffered at the hands of
Tiglath-Pileser (9 1 cp. 2 Kings I5 29 ) experience a deliverance
and prosperity which shall extend to the whole nation. The
symbol of the ' Immanuel ' child is again developed ; upon
the ideal sign-child new names are now bestowed indicating
the loftiest honour and the widest power.

The links between Q 3 " 7 and 7-8 are so numerous that the
view that 9 2 ~ 7 is a post-exilic addition is full of difficulty. The
text at the beginning of 9 has been imperfectly preserved.

ISAIAH 143

1 1 1 " 9 . A sketch of the ideal future in which a prince of the
Davidic line shall govern the land righteously, and in the reign
of peace inaugurated by him even the wild animals shall lose
their fierceness and dwell harmoniously together. Perhaps
written in 734 ; but possibly in 722 or 701.

C. The Fall of Samaria.

The events which led to the fall of Samaria in 722 must have
excited the dwellers at Jerusalem highly, and the fall of the city
would confirm the terror with which the Assyrian was regarded,
while to Isaiah it would come as another reason for his distrust
of Egypt. Several discourses which used to be assigned to this
period more probably belong to a later date. (See E.) To the
eve of the siege however 28 1 " 6 is to be assigned.

28 1 " 6 . Proclamation of woe upon Ephraim, which is
shortly to perish.

The point of the prophecy as it stands is against Jerusalem,
which city is admonished to note the fate of Samaria. The
address to Jerusalem belongs to the year 701. We may sup-
pose therefore that 28 1 " 6 is a fragment from 722 utilised by
Isaiah afresh in 701.

23 1 " 18 . The doom of Tyre may be placed in this section.
The city was besieged by Shalmaneser 727-723. This date
requires an emendation of l3 . 1 If read as in RV the
reference must be some grave disaster upon Chaldea, such
as happened in the Assyrian victories of 709 or 703 ; in which
case the prophecy is to be referred to one or other of those
years. The mitigation of the disaster promised in 15 ~ 18 is
probably a later insertion.

D. 720-708.

19. The Burden on Egypt.

i-i5 f Yahweh is about to bring national and material adver-
sity upon Egypt, delivering the people over to a 'hard lord/ and
drying up the Nile. i^- 26 . The land of Judah shall become a terror
1 Canaanites ' for 'Chaldeans' cp. Driver LO T, 218-219.

144 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

to Egypt, which shall turn to Yahweh, speaking the language
of Canaan, erecting an altar and ' pillar ' to Yahweh ; free inter-
course shall lake place between Assyria, Egypt, and Israel,
and these three nations shall equally belong to Yahweh
' Egypt my people, Assyria the work of my hand, and Israel
mine inheritance.'

The origin of this prophecy is frequently assigned to
the defeat of Egypt by Sargon at Raphia (720 B.C.), when
it seemed probable that Egypt would pass over into the
hands of Assyria. On this view the ' hard lord ' is Sargon,
who at that date might easily be regarded as the future ruler of
Egypt. On similar lines the prophecy is also referred to 711
(Sargon), 701 (Sennacherib), or even 672 1 (Esarhaddon). On
the other hand, there is nothing in the prophecy which compels
us to fix its date by reference to any Assyrian victory. Civil
disturbances satisfy the allusions which are supposed to imply
foreign invasion, and the ' hard lord ' may merely be some
native prince if indeed any particular person is intended.

16-25 arC) however, a remarkable prophecy for any period
in the life of Isaiah. Neither in 735 nor in 701 are his
views with regard to Egypt and Assyria in agreement with
this splendid picture of the conversion of those hostile powers
to Yahwism and their mutual reconciliation. If it was really
written by Isaiah, it is easiest to refer it to the period after
the retreat of Sennacherib, when it might be expected that
he would return to complete the work so strangely inter-
rupted. In that case we should have here probably the last
words of Isaiah, ' and indeed we can hardly imagine a more
" swan-like end " for a dying prophet ' (Cheyne in i88o). 2

The contrast between 1-15 and 16 ~ 25 suggests, however, that
we have in this chapter two prophecies of which Egypt is the
common subject. ' In the former section we have the sternest

1 If 672, then not by Isaiah.
1 Prophecies of Isaiah, 5th edition, I. 115.

ISAIAH 145

threatenings mingled with sarcastic references to the impotence
of Egypt's religion and of its boasted wisdom, but in the
latter the tone is more sympathetic towards Egypt than any-
where else in the Old Testament.' l

1-15 may without difficulty be referred to Isaiah, and if the
occasion was an Assyrian victory, then 720, 711, or 701 are
possible dates. The remaining section is very difficult to date
even approximately. The reference to the ' pillar,' 19 , seems
to require a date before the publication of D (621), after
which a consistent Yahwist, if he used the term at all, would
employ it in only a symbolical sense. Such a symbolical
sense is in fact claimed for it in this place by some recent critics
who follow Duhm in ascribing the section to so late as i 50 B.C.
A symbolical sense is then also required for the name 'Assyria/
which in this case must denote Syria. The reference to the
' city of the Sun,' and to the ' five cities speaking the lan-
guage of Canaan,' are easily explained on the supposition
of the origin of the section about this date. 2

20. Against Egypt and Ethiopia. Isaiah walks the streets
of Jerusalem dressed as a captive, as a sign of the captivity
which is to fall on Egypt and Ethiopia at the hands of
Assyria. The sign continues for three years.

The date given for the beginning of the sign in 1 is
711. The symbol is intended for the people of Jerusalem,
of whom many were inclined to rely upon Egypt rather than
on Assyria.

2 1 13 " 17 . Against the Arabian tribes the Dedanites and the
Kedarenes. During one of the Assyrian expeditions, 720, 71 1,
or 701.

15-16. The Burden of Moab. A prophecy on Moab
which is also employed with variations in Jer. 48. It is

1 Cheyne, Introduction to Isaiah, 100,
J Cp. Zechariah 9-11, where a similar problem arises.

146 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

here quoted as a ' word of Yahweh in times past/ along with an
intimation that the ruin announced in the prophecy is to take
place within three years. The original prophecy was perhaps
written with reference to a conquest of Moab by Jeroboam II.,
who, according to 2 Kings i4 25 , 'restored the border of Israel
from the entering in of Hamath unto the sea of the Arabah.'
This prophecy Isaiah utilised probably in 711, when, accord-
ing to an Assyrian inscription, Moab was in treasonable
correspondence with Egypt. Isaiah added verses 13 ~ 14
of 1 6.

E. The Invasion of Sennacherib.

We come now to the stirring period of the campaign of
Sennacherib. The policy of Isaiah at this time is dictated
by his opposition to the aims of the Egyptian party, and by his
unshaken confidence in the safety of Jerusalem.

28-32. 28 1 " 6 . The text of the following discourse; see
above (C). 7 ~ 29 . In Jerusalem also there is a scorn for the
instruction of the prophet ; therefore Yahweh will speak by
other agents ' by men of strange lips and with another tongue,'
i.e. the Assyrians to reprove the politicians who have turned
from the Assyrian to the Egyptian alliance 29 1 " 8 . Jerusalem
is addressed under the symbolical title ' Ariel.' Within a year
siege works will surround the city, but suddenly the multitude
of her foes will vanish away. 9 ~ 14 . Isaiah turns to the people
who are unable to follow his meaning ; he declares that they
are spiritually blind, their service is only lip service ; Yahweh
will soon teach them by a marvellous work which he is about
to perform upon them. 15-24 The leaguers with Egypt also
shall find that they have reckoned without Yahweh ; for it is
only a little while before the Assyrians will be destroyed.
30. An embassy has been sent to Egypt; Isaiah denounces
it, declaring that Egypt cannot profit Judah, whose real strength
lies in ' quietness and confidence,' not in Egyptian alliances,
which will only lead to disaster. Nevertheless, Yahweh will

ISAIAH 147

not allow the disaster to be without some mitigation ; he will
intervene in a blessed future wherein all nature will be trans-
formed in sympathy with the reformation which the people
shall undergo. 31-32. On the same lines as the last, reiter-
ating the ideas of the uselessness of Egyptian help, the destruc-
tion of the Assyrians, the succeeding regeneration of society;
concluding with a warning addressed to the women, who shall
look in vain for next year's harvest.

These chapters belong as a whole to the eve of Sennacherib's
invasion. 29 16 " 24 and 32 are sometimes regarded as of later
date and non-Tsaianic.

IO 5-27, 28-34_ T ne Assyrian bent on his career of conquest,
and boastfully enumerating the cities he has destroyed, is in
reality only an instrument in the hands of Yahweh, the ' rod of
his anger.' Judah shall be afflicted, but Assyria's hosts shall
also fall. Dramatic description of the advance of the Assyrian
army on Jerusalem ; the terror caused by its approach ; Yahweh
intervenes to save Jerusalem.

The route given in this picture was not the one actually
adopted by Sennacherib, who advanced by the coast, not
directly on Jerusalem.

i4 24 ~ 27 . Yahweh has sworn 'to break the Assyrian' in
Judah. Perhaps written during the siege.

I4 28-32 Burden on Philistia. Ascribed in the superscrip-
tion ( 28 ) to ' the year that Ahaz died,' no doubt on the
ground that Ahaz is ' the rod that smote thee ' (2 Chron. 28 18 ).
The superscription is an editorial guess ; and it seems more
probable that the 'rod' is an Assyrian king (cp. io 5 ), either
Shalmaneser IV., who died in 722 ; or Sargon, who was
murdered in 705. The latter is the more likely. The Philis-
tines are warned that the ' snake ' i.e. Sargon will be
followed by the ' flying serpent ' i.e. Sennacherib. The date
is therefore after 705, and perhaps close to 701.

jyia-u The f ate O f t h e Assyrians, who shall vanish away
like dust before a storm.

L 3

148 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

1 8. The Ethiopians, collecting their forces in fear of the
Assyrians, are assured that their anxiety is groundless, for
Yahweh has doomed the Assyrians.

2 ! 13-17. Perhaps belongs to this time (see D).

22 1 " 14 . The city is filled with a merriment born of despair.
Instead of weeping and mourning, people said ' Let us eat
and drink, for to-morrow we die.' Isaiah declares that the
iniquity of this impiety shall not pass away except by death.
Probably refers to some incident in the siege which had driven
the citizens into an intoxication of grief. The tone of the
prophecy is in striking contrast to the other utterances of Isaiah
during the siege ; elsewhere he is consolatory. For this reason
the prophecy has has been referred to 711, the time when
Judah was ' speaking treason ' against the King of Assyria ; but
the origin in 701 is more probable.

22 15 ~ 25 . Shebna, governor of the palace, is to be removed
from his office, which is to be occupied by Eliakim. According
to 36 3 , 37 2 , Eliakim held that office in 701.

i. A review of the sins of Judah and Jerusalem, made at a
time when the land is being desolated. ' Your cities are
burned with fire ; your land, strangers devour it in your
presence.' Sacrifices are freely offered, but Yahweh does not
care for them when the hands of the worshippers are ' full
of blood.' ' Wash you, make you clean ; put away the evil of
your doings from before mine eyes ; cease to do evil, learn to
do well, seek judgement, set right the oppressor, judge the
fatherless, plead for the widow.' Jerusalem must be purified
to earn the name of ' The City of Righteousness.' Probably a
summary of Isaiah's charges against Judah and Jerusalem. It
is assigned to either 735 or 701. The references to the in-
vaders, 7 , seem best satisfied by the Assyrians, and the tone
of the chapter suits 701. In favour of 735 is its position at
the beginning of the book in immediate connection with
prophecies of that date ; but this is sufficiently explained by

ISAIAH 149

the general character of the chapter, which well fits it to stand
as an introduction to Isaiah's prophecies.

F. Non-Isaianic passages in 1-35.

24-27. 24. A comprehensive judgement is announced
which will embrace the whole earth, and in which Yahweh
will punish both ' the high ones on high and the kings of
the earth upon the earth.' 25. Two hymns celebrating
Yahweh's greatness : he has made 'of a city an heap. . . .
a palace of strangers to be no city ' : ' this mountain ' is to be
the scene of the victory, and in it Yahweh shall abide, treading
down Moab in its place. 26. Further hymn (or hymns) of
thanksgiving. Yahweh has reduced the ' lofty city,' the ' poor
and the needy ' shall tread it down. A note invites the people
to hide for a moment till the ' indignation be over-past.' 27.
Further assurances of the punishment which Yahweh is about
to carry out, with a promise of restoration.

These chapters are not without resemblances to the pro-
phecies of Isaiah, but the differences outweigh them. Not to
mention points of style, the way in which the enemy are here
referred to is quite unlike the manner of Isaiah. He did,
indeed, anticipate the overthrow of the Assyrians ; but in these
chapters the overthrow of the enemy is represented on a most
stupendous scale, involving not a nation merely, but earth and
sky in the catastrophe.

The tone of the prophecy is peculiar. At first sight it
might appear that the allusions to ' the great city ' are satisfied
by Babylon, and that the vision found its occasion in the
victories of Cyrus which led to its fall in 538. But the refer-
ences to the city are really so vague and shadowy as to suggest
that it is used only in a symbolical and typical sense. A
comparison with such passages as Ezk. 38-9, Joel 3, Zech. 12-14,
shows that we have here examples of a type of discourse which
originated in the exile, and which afterwards became popular.
In such literature encouragement is offered to the people in

150 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

affliction by the development of the idea of a world catastrophe
and judgement, out of which proceeds punishment on the
oppressor and deliverance for the oppressed. Historic names
are often employed in such compositions in a cryptic sense;
and such appears to be the case here in regard to Assyria and
Moab. While a date shortly after the close of the exile is
possible, it seems more in accord with its pronounced
apocalyptic character, its affinities with certain psalms pre-
sumably late, and its allusion to a belief in a resurrection of
the dead, to refer it to the close of the Persian period, c. 350.

33. Woe upon the spoiler; he shall himself be spoiled.
The distress of the land. Yahweh will arise, and the terror
will pass away; Jerusalem will be firmly established; there
Yahweh will dwell for ever. The allusion to the ambassadors
of peace and the broken covenant in 7 ~ 8 is sometimes explained
of the year 701, and an incident in the siege when Sennacherib,
after he had fixed a fine upon Hezekiah (2 Kings i8 14 ),
demanded the surrender of Jerusalem, and so broke the
' covenant.' But these verses are not definite, and the rest of
the chapter presents many points of contact with post-exilic
thought, e.g. the apocalyptic character of 3 ~ 5 , the reference 30 to
Jerusalem as the city of ' solemnities ' (RVM, ' feasts '), and
the portraiture of the (Messianic) king.

34-35. 34. In the day on which Yahweh delivers over the
nations to slaughter, Edom shall find its doom. 35. A way is
made in the desert for the ' ransomed of Yahweh.' If these
two chapters are by the same hand, the writer has power-
fully emphasised by the contrast he employs both his hate
and his sympathy. In the former he is savagely cruel; in the
latter he pictures the very desert as sharing in the joy of the
returning exiles. The date is evidently later than 586 ; see on
Obadiah and Jer. 497-22, Ezk. 25 18 -", Is. 63.

The following passages are also non-Isaianic, and have not
been dealt with above :

ISAIAH 131

II io-i6 > Yahweh will gather together the exiles both of
Israel and Judah, and will restore them. Evidently later than
586.

12. A Hymn of Praise to Yahweh. In the manner of the
post-exilic psalmody.

ij-14 23 . An oracle against Babylon. Yahweh is described
as gathering together the hosts from afar to serve as weapons of
his indignation ; in i3 17 the Medes are named as the enemy
which shall overthrow the city. After its destruction, Jacob and
Israel will be restored to their own land. i4 4 ~ 20 consists of a
song of exultation over the fall of the king of Babylon. Written
in Babylon, towards 538.

2 1 1 " 10 . Another oracle against Babylon, dating from the
same period as 13-14.

2I ii-i3 > A fragment upon ' Dumah,' i.e. Edom. The pro-
phet declares that, though some affliction (the ' night ') is
passing away, another will take its place. The meaning is not
certain, and there is no real indication of date. It may be an
appendix to the verses which precede it.

6. Characteristics.

The criticism which compels us to deny Isaiah's authorship of
a great deal which has been traditionally assigned to him, saves
us from the violent effort of conceiving a man of at least two
widely separated periods of interest. The excluded sections do
not become less valuable, because anonymous, in illustrating a
different time ; and there is sufficient left to reveal a consistent
picture of the statesman, social reformer, and religious teacher
who played so impressive a part in a critical period of his
country's history.

Isaiah stands in the succession of Moses and Elijah, as well
as of Amos and Hosea ; but it is with the latter two that he
naturally exhibits most points of contact. He contributed an

152 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

important share to the Yahwist revival of the eighth century.
The people whom these prophets addressed are all worshippers
of Yahweh, although that worship is tainted with the service of
foreign deities ; but the chief point that these prophets have to
make is that Israel is ignorant of the greatness of its God.

It was the idea of the holiness of Yahweh which impressed
Isaiah at the moment of his call ; and the holiness and majesty
of Yahweh are the frequent themes of his utterances. But
greater than these is his conception of Yahweh as the God of
righteousness. He protests against the popular view which
made Yahweh merely the patron deity of the Israelites ; declares
that he is able to employ the nations of the earth to work out
his will, and that his will with Israel has pre-eminently a
moral aim.

The conduct of the nation, on the contrary, is utterly hostile
to the righteousness which Yahweh requires. He has loved
them and tended them ; but they have brought forth only 'wild
grapes.' The rich oppress the poor, and spend the proceeds
on drunkenness and luxury ; the judge takes bribes ; prophet
and priest share the prevailing corruption; the women care only
for dress and ornament. The external observances of worship
are, indeed, performed with diligence ; but this serves only to
make the contrast greater between practice and profession, and
Isaiah in words that illustrate his attitude throughout his ministry
declares that Yahweh has no pleasure in such service, unless it
be accompanied by a moral amendment. 'And when ye spread
forth your hands, I will hide mine eyes from you; yea, when ye
make many prayers, I will not hear ; your hands are full of
blood ! Wash you, make you clean ; put away the evil of your
doings from before mine eyes ; cease to do evil, learn to do well ;
seek judgement, righten the oppressed, judge the fatherless,
plead for the widow.'

The iniquities of the people are, in fact, so flagrant in the
judgement of Isaiah, filled as he was with the thought of Yahweh's

ISAIAH 153

righteousness, that there can be no remedy except the destruc-
tion of the greater part of the nation. He announces, therefore,
a ' victory day ' of Yahweh ' upon all that is proud and haughty
and upon all that is lifted up, and it shall be brought low.'
In the earlier prophecies, the form which the ' victory day '
will assume is indefinite. It is to be an occasion of great
terror, in which men shall go ' into the caves of the rocks and
into the holes of the earth from before the terror of Yahweh, and
the glory of his majesty when he ariseth to terrify the territories
of the earth.' But Isaiah soon began to connect the day of
Yahweh with the afflictions that should fall on the nation
through foreign invasion. In 9 11 " 12 Syria and Philistia appear
as the enemies which should ' devour Israel ; ' in 7 18 , he hesi-
tates between Egypt and Assyria ; but it finally became clear that
it was Assyria which was to be ' the rod of Yahweh's anger.' As
the power and the designs of Assyria became more manifest,
Isaiah saw there Yahweh in action. Ephraim should fall and
Judah be devastated under the invader, Jerusalem herself should
be in mortal peril, and be saved only in the furtherance of
Yahweh's design of preserving a remnant of his nation.

Isaiah's political activity falls into line with this conception.
His ruling idea is that nothing can interfere with Yahweh's
plans, and that it is, therefore, the height of impiety and folly
for the nation to trouble about foreign alliances ; to make them
is to show distrust of Yahweh. On these grounds, he endea-
voured to dissuade Ahaz from calling in the assistance of
Assyria against Syria and Ephraim. The appeal once made,
however, Isaiah protested no more ; but when there was again
a national crisis, he was equally opposed to any alliance with
Egypt. What might have happened, if Ahaz had followed the
advice of Isaiah in 735, it is impossible to say; the alliance, at
least, staved off the evil day for a time. In regard to the
Egyptian alliance, however, there is no doubt that Isaiah's
judgement was sound ; the event justified him. In another

l$4 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

respect, also, the event justified him, the deliverance of Jeru-
salem in the extremity of its peril. Only once does he seem to
admit the idea of the fall of the city (22 1 " 14 ) ; otherwise his con-
fidence in its inviolability never wavers. When the army of
Sennacherib was at its very gates, such confidence must have
seemed madness or folly. But Jerusalem remained intact for
more than a century.

The sequel to the threat of punishment is the promise of
restoration. Out of the chastened nation would proceed a
purified remnant which should realise all that which the actual
Israel had failed to accomplish. The state would be reorga-
nised on the foundations of righteousness, and the spirit of
righteousness would govern all the relations of life. In his
visions of the future Isaiah is the dreamer and the poet ; he
pictures a transformation of nature in sympathy with the moral
reformation of the people ; the moon and the sun are to put on
a new brilliancy, the soil is to become more fertile, the wild
beasts are to be tamed and the enmities of nature are to cease.
In the same poetic vein he draws the picture of the ruler who is
to preside over the purified community. He is to be of the
stock of David ; filled with wisdom and understanding ; ad-
ministering justice not by favour but with righteousness ;
smiting the earth with the breath of his lips : he is the ideal
type in power, dignity, and moral character of the man who
Isaiah hoped might worthily stand at the head of the nation
that Yahweh had chosen, and was purifying by means of
national suffering.

(B) CHAPTERS 36-39.
The Historical Appendix.

36-37. The attack of Sennacherib on Jerusalem. Isaiah's
prophecy of deliverance and its fulfilment. 38. The sick-

ISAIAH ISS

ness and recovery of King Hezekiah ; his song of thanks-
giving. 39. The messengers of Merodach-Baladan come
from Babylon to Hezekiah, who exhibits to them his treasures ;
Isaiah declares that the treasures will be carried off to Babylon,
where Hezekiah's descendants will be captives.

These chapters are extracted from 2 Kings i8 13 -2O 19 , with
the omission of i8 14 ~ 16 , and the addition of the Song of Heze-
kiah, Isaiah 38 10 ~ 20 . They are not by a hand contemporary
with the events recorded, and they contain mingled traditions
not entirely consistent with each other. The Song of Hezekiah
attributed to that king shows itself to be a post-exilic production
by its parallels to the literature of that period, and by the
liturgical references in 9 and 20 (for ' writing ' in 9 read
'Miktam,' and cp. Ps. 16 title). If the prophecy placed in the
mouth of Isaiah in 3721-35 ^ e ce rtainly his, it is the more
interesting as being his last recorded utterance. While several
reasons have been adduced against the Isaianic authorship, the
only really weighty one is the fact that the oracle is partly in an
artificial poetical form, without parallel elsewhere in Isaiah, and
not natural in a moment of crisis. This is however scarcely a
decisive reason for denying the verses to Isaiah.

The strongest reasons for separating these chapters from
those assigned to Isaiah son of Amoz are those supplied by
the synopsis of the contents. Here however it will be con-
venient to give some of the most obvious grounds for attribu-
ting them to another author.

(a) They nowhere make a claim to be by Isaiah ; and
they are separated from the writings of that prophet by the
historical section already discussed.

156 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

(b} The historical background is quite different. There the
time is the latter half of the eighth century ; here it is the sixth,
(or later). There the chief interests are Judah, Ephraim, Egypt,
Assyria; here, Babylon and the exiles. There disaster is
imminent ; here it has fallen.

(V) The theological presuppositions are different. To name
only two points : There Yahweh is the majestic Holy One
of Israel ; here he is the omnipotent Creator of the earth.
There idolatry is censured because it is treachery to the God of
Israel ; here it is condemned as intellectual stupidity.

(d) The style and language are very different. To some
degree this can be seen even in a translation. Consider such
phrases as ' I am Yahweh and there is none else ' 45 5 > 6 > 18 > 21 > 22 ;
' I am the first and the last ' 446, 48 12 ; the building up of
epithets, as ' The everlasting God, Yahweh, the Creator of the
ends of the earth,'. 4O 28 ; ' But thou, Israel, my servant, Jacob
whom I have chosen, the seed of Abraham, my friend, thou
whom I have taken hold of, etc. ' 4i 8 - 9 . Such have no parallel
in the undisputed work of Isaiah.

For these and other reasons it is now generally agreed that
40-66 are not by Isaiah son of Amoz. Their author is often
referred to as ' Second Isaiah ' or ' Deutero-Isaiah,' or ' Isaiah
of Babylon.' There is however no evidence that there was
another Isaiah ; the name is simply a convenient method of
reference, and is still employed, though it is practically certain
that more than one author is represented in these chapters. 1

1 A plausible explanation of the presence of these chapters at the end
of Isaiah is as follows : The order of the prophets in the Hebrew canon
according to some MSS. was Jer., Ezek., Is., and the 'minor' prophets.
This order is based on relative length ; which same consideration would
place Second Is. after Is. 1-39 and before Hosea. Being without a title
it easily became associated with the preceding work, and was transferred
with it when, on chronological grounds, Isaiah was placed before Jeremiah.

ISAIAH 157

2. Contents.

A convenient division is as follows :

(a) 40-48. (fr) 49-55. (c) 56-62. (d] 63-66.

()

40. The prophet is commissioned to speak words of
comfort to the people of God. The guilt of Jerusalem is now
paid off. Yahweh is represented as about to lead his people
back to Zion as a shepherd his flock. The infinite power of
Yahweh is contrasted with the nothingness of idols. 41. A
tribunal of the nations is summoned to decide between
Yahweh and the gods. Yahweh's supremacy demonstrated
by the fact that it is he who has raised up Cyrus. The
consternation among the peoples of the earth on account of the
victories of Cyrus; but Israel has no reason to be afraid.
The idols had no foreknowledge of Cyrus ; therefore they are
vain. 42. Yahweh has appointed his servant to cause the teach-
ing to go forth to the nations. Let Yahweh be praised, who is
about to lead his people back to their ancient home. The
blind and deaf servant. 43. Yahweh is the only deliverer and
he will save Israel, for whose sake he is about to destroy
Babylon. Though Israel has been undeserving nevertheless
he will restore it to prosperity. 44. For he is a real God and
not like the manufactured idols ; and he has appointed Jeru-
salem to be rebuilt and Cyrus to be the means of deliverance.
45. Yahweh's commission to Cyrus his Messiah. Rebuke
of the complaining captives the clay against the potter.
Renewed promise of salvation. 46. Picture of the downfall of
the Babylonian gods. Not such is Yahweh. Let the obdurate
ones observe how faithful he is to his word. 47. Song of
triumph over the downfall of the proud queen Babylon. 48.
A summary of the points so far mentioned, together with an
invocation to the captives to leave Babylon.

158 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

(*J

49. The servant of Yahweh declares his mission to be
the light not only of Jacob but of the whole world. The
certainty of his success. Let Zion be comforted ; in multitudes
her children are returning. 50. The nation, not Yahweh, to
blame for the captivity. The servant describes the persecutions
he has endured and his steadfastness under them. Let his
message be heard, for he is Yahweh's appointed one. 51.
And let the people listen to Yahweh, who in Abraham called
them, and whose righteousness never fails. O that he would
now again exhibit his strength as in the days of old ! There
is no reason for the people to be afraid, for Yahweh is their
comforter. Let Jerusalem rouse herself from her misery, for
the desolation shall not come again. 52 1 " 12 . Let Zion rejoice,
because no more will the foreigner be therein. The redemption
that Yahweh has wrought for her. 5* 13 -53- The Servant of
Yahweh will be exalted. The report of him has excited no
attention : for he grew up quietly : he was without comeliness,
and so distressed with pain and sickness that men turned away
from him. Not for himself did he suffer, but for the nation :
himself innocent he was treated evilly, but endured patiently
even unto death. It was Yahweh's pleasure that he should
suffer : that through him the nation should be redeemed : and
nevertheless he shall be recompensed. 54. The afflicted Jeru-
salem shall be glorified, and her splendour greater than ever
before. 55. Let therefore the people return to him who will
revive for them the ancient glories.

56 1 " 8 . The non-exclusiveness of Yahwism : eunuchs and
proselytes to be admitted to the full privileges. 56 9 -5y. The
rulers and teachers are immoral and corrupt : the righteous
are persecuted : the land is full of barbarous and wicked idola-
tries. Yahweh has been long silent, but now he declares a
salvation for the trustful ones. 58. The fasts and the sabbaths

ISAIAH 159

are kept, and yet Yahweh seems to take no notice. The true
fasts and the true sabbaths. Yahweh has turned away from the
wickedness of his people. 59. A confession of transgression.
Yahweh shows himself as an armed warrior, and interposes on
behalf of his people. 60. How Zion shall be glorified.
61-62. The prophet announces good tidings: liberty for the
captives and comfort for ' them that mourn in Zion ' : the
wasted cities to be repaired, menial work to be performed by
aliens while the Jews devote themselves to the service of
Yahweh. The prosperity of the nation and the splendour of
the Jerusalem which is to be.

5^1-6 Yahweh pictured dramatically as a warrior returning
bloodstained from the slaughter of 'Edom.' 6^-64. Hymn
of praise to Yahweh for his mercies in the past : prayer that
he will now again look upon his people, for Jerusalem and
the holy cities are desolate, and the temple has been burned
with fire. 65. Yahweh has suffered a rebellious and idolatrous
people : but they must be punished, while his faithful ones
will be blessed. 66. Yahweh needs no earthly temple : he
regards those of a humble and contrite spirit, that tremble at
his word. Assurance of the glorification of Jerusalem and of
the nation, and of the punishment of transgressors.

3. Unity and Date.

The only evidence for the date of these chapters is that
which is derived from the subject matter and style, and this
evidence is not so definite as to exclude more than one 5 ntep re-
lation. There is an acknowledged break at the end of the first
third of the prophecy, which concludes with the refrain ' There
is no peace, saith Yahweh, to the wicked ' US 22 ). This phrase
is repeated with the variant ' My God ' for ' Yahweh ' at the
end of the second third (57 21 ), and the idea but not the actual

160 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

phrase concludes the third third (66 24 ). It might seem from
this fact that we have a single work in three evenly balanced
divisions ; and the date which is so clearly revealed in the
earlier chapters the eve of the fall of Babylon may be sup-
posed to govern the whole. On this basis these twenty-seven
chapters are sometimes expounded.

On the other hand, the last three chapters are regarded as
of certainly later date than the preceding, by scholars who
accept the remainder as all the work of one hand. Certain
difficulties in 40-62 are explained by the suggestion that they
are written in two instalments, the first (40-48) in Babylon
before, the rest in Palestine after, the return. Yet again, the
' Servant of Yahweh ' passages, 42 1 " 4 , 49 1 " 6 , 5O 4 ~ 9 , 52 13 -53 12 are
sometimes held to be insertions into a work which consisted
of 40-55, the composer of the Servant passages being either the
same as, or different from, the author of those chapters, while
63-66 are additions of various later dates.

Into the reasons for all these theories it is impossible to
enter here ; it must here suffice to put forward one which seems
to explain most of the difficulties :

(a) The ' Servant ' passages were not originally written for
their present contexts ; probably they are by another writer.

() With the exception of these passages, 40-55 are the work
of one hand, of which 40-48 were written in Babylon on the
eve of its fall ; the rest in Palestine after 538.

These points will be discussed in order :

(a) The Servant of Yahweh.

The title ' Servant ' is used outside of the passages which
are distinguished specially as the ' Servant ' passages (cp.
above), but not in a way to cause any difficulty. It is merely a
title for the Israel of experience, the historic Israel : see e.g.
4i 8 , ' But thou, Israel my servant, Jacob whom I have chosen,
the seed of Abraham,' etc. ; 44^ 21 , etc. ; marked out by

ISAIAH 161'

Yahweh from the very beginning (44 s ) to stand to him in
the relation of submission and obedience, and endowed with
the privileges belonging to Yahweh's choice and protection.
To these privileges the contemporaries of the prophet are so
indifferent that he describes the Servant, i.e. the nation, as blind
and deaf (42-^.

In the Servant passages, however, the Servant is not the
Israel of experience. He is to teach religion to the nations
(42 1 ), nor is he to be discouraged till he shall have set the law
in the earth (42 4 ). He is not only to ' raise up the tribes of
Jacob and to restore the preserved of Israel,' but to be a
' light to the nations ' and Yahweh's ' salvation to the ends of
the earth ' (49 6 ). In these passages the Servant denotes Israel,
indeed, but it is an Israel which has a mission to the actual
Israel of experience (49 5 , ' to bring Jacob again to him, and
that Israel be again gathered to him ').

So far the interpretation is not difficult ; the servant is
not the literal but an ideal Israel ; an Israel which is not
blind and deaf, but ready for the work of teaching religion
to Israel and to the nations. But this ideal Israel is to possess
some very definite functions. He is to 'raise up the land,
to make them to inherit the desolate heritages ' (49 8 ), of which
the natural interpretation is 'to restore the exiles to their own
country and to distribute the territory of Judah amongst them.'
Such a work of practical statesmanship seems to imply some
definite person known to the prophet, and in his view marked
out by the divine choice as the agent in the details of a con-
temporary Zionist movement. So also the terms of 52 13 -53 12
seem to apply to an individual. Here the servant is described
as without personal attractiveness, as sick and despised, perse-
cuted, put to death, and even in death insulted; himself
innocent, but under Yahweh's pleasure suffering for the trans-
gressions of others. Nevertheless, in the midst of the expres-
sions which seem most strongly to call for a personal

162 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

interpretation, there is a sign that the prophet is not describ-
ing the fortunes of any single individual. In spite of the
obscurity of 53 10 ~ 12 , it seems clear that the servant's work
continues and increases, receiving its fruition and recom-
pence, though the servant himself is dead.

The individual and the general characteristics are recon-
ciled in the interpretation which makes the servant to be the
ideal Israel represented among the contemporaries of the
prophet by the pious and faithful Israelites who have under-
stood the divine teaching and have borne witness to it by
suffering and death. The work and functions of the Servant
continue, though individual servants perish, though the con-
stituents of the group change.

The individuality of the Servant is so clearly marked
especially in 52 13 -53 12 that interpreters have often regarded
him as a portrait of some teacher of Israel, either past or
future. On the one hand, it is suggested that the sufferings
of Jeremiah are the basis of the description (see especially
Jer. 1 1 19 ). On the other hand, the description of the servant
has been frequently applied to Jesus of Nazareth. That
something of the portraiture was suggested by the personal
history of Jeremiah or some bygone saint and martyr is more
than probable. That something of the work of the Servant
remained over for a future teacher to realise is proved by the
subsequent history of Judaism. In the time and place, however,
in which the conception of the servant was thrown out, it seems
to have been an aspiration of the writer already partly realised
in the best of his contemporaries, but to be more completely
realised as the providence of Yahweh should give occasion.

The important question remains whether these Servant pas-
sages could have been composed by an author who elsewhere
uses the title only for the literal Israel. It is extremely diffi-
cult to think that it is possible. Yet if the agreement in style
be pronounced so close that difference of authorship is im-

ISAIAH 163

probable, then some interval of time must be assumed be-
tween these passages and the rest of 40-55. This assump-
tion is often made, and it is suggested that the Servant passages
are an independent poem by the same author, incorporated by
him in a larger and later work. On the other hand, the
difficulty raised by their imperfect connection with their con-
text is just as great if we assume that they are an original
part of the whole work, or an addition by the same author, or
an addition by an entirely different hand. And on the whole,
it seems the simplest to refer them to another writer of the same
period, and to assume that they owe their present place to
an editor who failed to perceive the different aspect in which
the servant is regarded in these passages from that presented
elsewhere in 40 fg.

(b) Date of 40-55 (apart from the Servant passages).

(i) 40-48. Throughout the exile is assumed. The people
whom the prophet addresses are promised a speedy return to
their own country. The expected release is due to Cyrus,
whom Yahweh has appointed for the purpose. The fall of
Babylon is imminent ; on its accomplishment the return to
Palestine will take place, and Jerusalem and the temple will be
rebuilt.

These indications fix the date of the prophecy in the years
immediately before the fall of Babylon, which occurred in 538.
The references to Cyrus are indeed satisfied by any date
between 555 and 538; but the way in which he is alluded
to as having 'subdued nations/ the possibility that 4i 25 is a
reference to the union of Medes and Persians which took place
in 549, and the fact that the fall of Babylon is anticipated with
such assurance, all point to a time very close to 538. The
absorption of the author in the fate of the exiles, the way in
which Jerusalem is mentioned (4O 9 , 4i 27 , 44 26 > 28 , 4 6 13 only), the
arguments against idolatry, all suggest that the writer himself is
in Babylonia among the exiles.

1 64 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

(2) 49-55. Here it might seem that the general situation is
the same as in the last section, for 49 23 ~ 26 , 52 n , 55 12 all seem to
refer to the return as still to be accomplished. Yet, on the
other hand, the centre of interest is quite different from the
previous section. There is no mention of Cyrus or Babylon ;
Jerusalem takes the prominent place. And instead of the
strain of exaltation and encouragement, we have the tone of
sadness and threatening.

The easiest solution of this change of tone is that the
writer has seen the fall of Babylon, and has himself returned to
Palestine. It is not necessary to suppose that any return on the
scale reported in Ezra took place ; but it is probable that some
at least among whom the writer of 40-48 would surely be
found availed themselves of the liberty which the fall of
Babylon would bestow. 1 This pamphlet illustrates the author's
disappointment with the smallness of the result compared with
the largeness of his anticipations. The land is still desolate,
though some have returned. The passages which imply that
the return is still in the future are to be understood as ad-
dressed to those who had not yet availed themselves of the
opportunity which the victory of Cyrus gave them.

(0 56-66.

^1-8 s implies that some exiles have already returned,
while others are to follow. The interest in the temple services
and the sabbath bring us to the age of Nehemiah.

S6 9 -57- On the ground that this oracle refers to the iniquities
of Jewish rulers, and to immoral worship evidently in Palestine,
it used to be regarded as originally composed before the exile.
The age of Manasseh was suggested as most likely; and it
was supposed that it was reworked by Second Isaiah in Babylon.
The motives of such a reproduction are not clear ; and affinities
of language are in favour of a post-exilic date. There is evi-

1 Cp. Cheyne, Introduction to the Book of Isaiah, 37~9 and on
Ez.-Neh. 5.

ISAIAH 165

dence that the practices condemned survived the exile ; in par-
ticular the Samaritan Yahwism was not free from heathen
practices. The period just before Nehemiah's reform provides
a satisfactory background. 57^ }$ an addition of later date.

58. Possibly to be connected with 56 1 " 8 ; if not from the
same hand, it is from the same period ; there is no complaint
of idolatry ; the people are punctilious in external observance.

59 1 ~ 15a . The verses from 3 onwards have also been inter-
preted as a pre-exilic oracle in the manner of Isaiah, reworked
by Second Isaiah. As much as 56 9f e, they are suited by a date
in the post-exilic period, which is recommended by a com-
parison with Neh. i 5 -iO } 983-34

59 15b ~ 21 . 20 shows that Zion is again inhabited by Jews ;
they are in distress and without any human helper. Probably
reflects the situation on the eve of Nehemiah's visit.

60. From 15 it would appear that Jerusalem has been unin-
habited but is no longer so ; from 7 that the temple has been
built but still requires embellishment; from 10 ~ n that the
gates and walls of the city are yet to be rebuilt. These indica-
tions point to a time between 516 and 444.

61-62. The background is the same as in the last chapter;
the temple is in existence (62 9 ~ 10 ), but the cities of the land need
rebuilding (6i 4 ). In 62 6 'watchmen' is probably to be under-
stood as ' prophets,' and the reference to ' walls ' is to be taken
generally.

63 1 " 6 . The picture of Yahweh intervening as an armed
warrior is parallel to 5 9 16 ~ 21 ; cp. also 34. Probably the section
is not an echo of a victory over Edom. Except for the first verse
it reads like a piece of dramatic eschatology ; and it is easiest to
understand ' Edom ' and ' Bozrah ' in a symbolical sense. If
this be the correct view, the date is perhaps the same as for
24-27.

637-64. From 64 10 ~ n , it appears that the cities of Judah
have been desolated, and the temple burnt. This seems to be

1 66 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

a clear allusion to the disaster of 586; yet 63 18 , which is cer-
tainly a part of this same prophecy, says that the Jews have
possessed the land or temple only a 'little while.' If this
statement is to be accepted literally, we must suppose that the
temple, re-built in 519-516, was destroyed after no long in-
terval ; but for such destruction we have no historical evidence.
It has, however, been suggested that the temple may have been
burnt in the invasion of Artaxerxes Ochus, c. 347 B.C. That
date is not unsuitable to the ideas of the passage. On the
other hand, parallels with Haggai and Zachariah render their
period not impossible, if 18 be not pressed.

65-66. These chapters are made up of probably three frag-
ments : 65, 66 1 " 5 , and 6 ~ 84 . 66 1 " 5 seem to be a protest against
the building of a temple, and so might be referred to 519-516
or, if this temple was burnt in c. 347, to the re-building after
that date. Yet it may be simply a discourse against formal
worship and over-dependence upon a visible sanctuary. The
remainder of the chapters points to a time later than the Second
Isaiah, and, on the whole, a date nearer to 400 than 500 is most
probable.

4. Characteristics.

(a) The fall of Jerusalem made a great change in the spirit
of prophecy. Before that event the prophetic emphasis was
upon the judgement; where the idea of restoration is present, it
is by way of after-thought. Ezekiel, standing between the two
periods, does indeed develop a constitution for the restored
community ; but the judgement is as yet too close, the signs of
restoration too remote, to make his visions otherwise than
sombre. But Second Isaiah began to write when the causes of
the judgement were already in part forgotten, when the continued
exile had begotten a sense of undeserved affliction, when the
logic of the situation was demanding the restoration which the
victories of Cyrus were making probable. And so at the very

ISAIAH 167

beginning he strikes his keynote with the words, ' Comfort ye
comfort ye my people, saith your God.'

The prophet's theme is developed with so much fervour,
that it is often supposed that his work is a report of public
utterances. But though there is not any close or clear arrange-
ment of his subjects, it is more probable that the author com-
posed his prophecy in writing. His manner is argumentative*
and he is the most philosophic of the prophets of Israel.

This is clearly visible in the development of his main subject,
which is the restoration of the Jews. He does not merely pro-
test that it will happen : he proves that it is a necessary conse-
quence of the nature of Yahweh. The same manner is equally
visible in his polemic against idolatry.

In Second Isaiah monotheism is explicit. The unique nature
of Yahweh is reiterated throughout the prophecy. One proof
adduced is that it is Yahweh who has created the world and its
inhabitants, and controls all its powers. Another proof is that
it is Yahweh who is the author of human history. Both of these
'proofs' are employed in the refutations of idolatry. Frequently
sarcasm is the weapon which Second Isaiah employs when
referring to the idols. It is so stupid to expect any help from a
piece of wood whose neighbour piece is used for firewood. But
also he argues against idolatry on philosophical grounds. Since
Yahweh is the Creator and Controller of the universe, whatever
happens happens by his will. He permitted the exile ; he
announced that it would take place : he has raised up Cyrus
to destroy Babylon. The events occur precisely as they were
announced ; Yahweh is vindicated by history. The idols have
no such vindication ; therefore, they are vain.

The loftiness of Second Isaiah's conception of Yahweh is
well seen in his attitude towards the nations. Even towards
Babylon, he is scarcely vindictive ; its fall is regarded rather as
a necessity of destiny. For the nations in general ' by myself
have I sworn .... that unto me every knee shall bow ' (45 38 ).

l68 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

And in accordance with this, the Gentile Cyrus is not merely
an accidental agent of a restoration of Yahweh' s own people,
but a Messiah of Yahweh chosen and made into a conqueror,
' that they may know from the rising of the sun and from the
west that there is none beside me ; I am Yahweh and there is
none else ' (45 1 " 6 ).

Nevertheless, Second Isaiah follows his predecessors in
supposing that Israel is the special concern of Yahweh. He
has chosen it from the beginning, and he will defend it against
its enemies (4i 8f s-); other nations he gives in ransom for it
(43 3 > 4 , 45 14 ); the victories of Cyrus are primarily for its
salvation.

The restoration is the centre of the prophet's interest ; but
he offers no scheme of the conditions under which the restored
exiles are to dwell, no hint of the restitution of the monarchy?
no suggestion of the reorganisation of the temple ritual, or of
the social life of the people. In general terms he promises
the rebuilding of the ruined cities, of Jerusalem, and of the
temple. For the rest, he is content with assurances of the pro-
sperity and happiness which the return shall inaugurate.
Yahweh accompanies them back, and remains among them ;
even the Gentiles will confess ' Surely God is in thee ' (45 14 ).

(ft) The above sketch is based on 40-48. The view already
put forward that 49-55 were written in Palestine after the fall
of Babylon implies that the author was one of those who
availed themselves of the opportunity of return opened out by
Cyrus' victory. If this view is correct, we are to understand
that the author finds the reality for the present far below what
he has anticipated, and he is still waiting for a comprehensive
return of all the scattered ones of Israel not merely the
Babylonian exiles upon whose coming the promises will be
fulfilled. In the meantime, he addresses the Jerusalem of the
early return, and repeats the message of comfort he had uttered
in Babylon.

ISAIAH 169

(f) If the Servant passages be ascribed to the same author
as these chapters, some addition to the foregoing is necessary.
The Servant passages reveal a deeper ethical sense than is
present in the surrounding material. This is apparent in the
clear distinction between the loyal and disloyal among the
Israelites; which provides in 53 an explanation of the pre-
sent deliverance of the nation. It is not on account of the
people's merit. Yahweh allows the sufferings of the faithful to
mitigate the punishment. It is apparent also in the missionary
functions assigned to the Servant. He has a mission to Israel,
i.e. the faithful are entrusted with the task of revealing Yahweh's
judgement and instruction to the unfaithful Israelites. He has
also a mission to the Gentiles. To some extent this idea is
present in the rest of 40-55, but in the Servant passages it it
very definite (42 1 ' 4 , 496).

(d) The remaining chapters, if rightly dated, illustrate the
problems and the spirit of the early post-exilic period, say from
c. 520 to 400 B.C. The legalist temper is apparent in the allu-
sions to the Sabbath, fasting, sacrifices, right of membership in
the congregation. Occasionally the note of the older prophecy
is heard again, as in 56 9 ~57 ; and an echo of the Servant pas-
sages appears in 6i 1-3 . The beauty and glory of Jerusalem
are a frequent theme.

CHAPTER V.

JEREMIAH AND LAMENTATIONS.
I. JEREMIAH.

I. Life and Times. 2. Composition of the Book. 3. Contents.
4. Characteristics.

i. Life and Times.

Jeremiah was born at Anathoth, a little town distant about
an hour's journey to the N.E. of Jerusalem. He was of priestly
family. His father was Hilkiah, who is probably not the Hil-
kiah famous for his share in the issue of D. Though not a
native of the capital, the chief scene of the ministry of Jeremiah
was Jerusalem. He received his call in the thirteenth year of
the reign of Josiah, i.e. 626 B.C., and his work continued some
while after the destruction of Jerusalem in 586.

Some idea of the religious circumstances of the reign of
Josiah can be formed from the section on Deut. (see 40 fg)-
Jeremiah was a young man at the time of his call, and there is
no evidence to show that he was personally concerned in the pro-
duction of the Deuteronomic code, though the same spirit is
manifest both in D and Jeremiah. As with so many other
of Israel's prophets, it seems to have been political events which
first gave him an impulse to utterance. His first messages
seem to have been inspired by the incursions of the barbarian
Scythians who became a terror to Western Asia about

JEREMIAH 171

634 B.C. They are probably the ' foe from the North ' al-
luded to in i 14 written down in its present form at a later
date, but perhaps referring in the first instance to about the
year 626. The Scythian danger however passed away, and
although we learn that Jeremiah prophesied continuously from
the time of his call (25 3 ) only 3 6f & of the extant prophecies is
expressly assigned to the reign of Josiah. His stormy years
begin with the rise of the Chaldean power. In 609 Josiah fell
in the battle of Megiddo in opposing the march of Pharaoh-
Necho of Egypt, who was on his way to dispute the rising
supremacy of Babylon. Josiah was succeeded by Jehoahaz,
whom the victorious Pharaoh deposed after a three months'
reign, and replaced by Jehoiakim son of Josiah. Pharaoh-
Necho was however defeated in the significant battle of Car-
chemish (604) and Judah passed over into the vassalage of
Babylon. Jehoiakim nevertheless pursued a pro-Egyptian
policy, and only escaped the inevitable punishment therefor by
his death, which occurred in 597. The punishment fell upon
his successor Jehoiachin when he had reigned only three
months: Jerusalem was sacked, the king himself and the aris-
tocracy of the nation (including Ezekiel the prophet) were
carried off to Babylon. Nebuchadrezzar made Zedekiah king
in Jerusalem, who, no wiser than his predecessors, followed
their policy of reliance upon Egypt and precipitated the final
fall of the kingdom of Judah. This took place at the hands of
Nebuchadrezzar in 586; in spite of an attempt on the part of
Egypt to avert the disaster Jerusalem yielded after an eighteen
months' siege. Zedekiah fled to Jericho, but was captured,
blinded and led away to Babylon.

Jeremiah's attitude throughout these years was determined
by his distrust of Egypt, and his conviction, confirmed by the
result of Carchemish, that the power of Babylon was irresistible.
To his contemporaries on the contrary, Egypt seemed to be
Judah's natural ally ; in any case they could not conceive that

172 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

the fall of their state and city was possible. Jeremiah was
accordingly regarded as a traitor, and not even the respect
which was paid to the prophetic office could save him from
imprisonment. On one occasion he was thrown into the stocks ;
during the second siege he was cast into prison and was saved
from starvation only by the intervention of Ebed Melech, an
Ethiopian. On the fall of Jerusalem he was spared by the
Chaldeans and remained with the remnant left in Judah until
they fled to Egypt to escape the consequences of the murder of
Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadrezzar had appointed governor over
them. They forced Jeremiah to accompany them, and the last
accounts of him show him still busy in the work of protest, and
still with an incredulous and unrepentant audience. According
to a not improbable tradition, Jeremiah was stoned to death in
Egypt by his fellow-countrymen. He must have been about
seventy years of age at the fall of Jerusalem, and cannot long
have survived it.

2. Composition of the Book.

The prophecies of Jeremiah have reached us in a form more
confused than those of Isaiah, but in the case of Jeremiah we
have some evidence which helps to account for the confusion.
According to Jer. 36 Jeremiah was moved in the fourth
year of Jehoiakim (605) to commit to writing the words he had
spoken from the days of Josiah to that time. He accordingly
dictated the prophecies to a scribe named Baruch, who com-
pleted the roll and read it a year later publicly at a fast in the
temple. When Jehoiakim the king heard the words he
destroyed the roll in a fit of anger occasioned by the prophecy
that the king of Babylon should destroy Judah. A new roll
was afterwards prepared, in which Baruch wrote ' from the
mouth of Jeremiah all the words of the book which Jehoiakim
had burned in the fire ; and there were added besides many
like words.'

JEREMIAH 173

From this instructive episode we learn that Jeremiah did
not himself write down his prophecies immediately on their
delivery ; he did not in fact take any pains to preserve them
until 23 years of his ministry had elapsed. Possibly the victory
at Carchemish had given him a momentary reputation as a
sagacious reader of the signs of his time, and the occasion
seemed favourable for a repetition of the substance of his
teaching.

In our present book of Jeremiah we may accordingly look
for the second edition of the prophecies of Jeremiah as repro-
duced from the memory of the prophet, and for additions made
by Baruch. We find also prophecies dealing with dates later
than 603, but we have no direct evidence as to when they were
written down. And we have also a number of narrative pieces
describing the fortunes of Jeremiah in and after the siege,
without any sign that they were written either by Jeremiah him-
self or at his dictation.

It is accordingly a difficult matter to decide how much of
the present book ought to be assigned to Jeremiah. The ques-
tion is further complicated by the fact that the Hebrew text
(represented of course in our English versions) differs in many
places from the text in the Greek version. Both versions
have in different places a number of small additions and
omissions. In the LXX the matter is less extensive, being
about one-eighth less than in the Hebrew. There is a curious
difference in the position of the Oracles against the nations,
which in the Hebrew follow 46, while in the LXX they
follow 25 13 , and appear in a different order. (Cp. Introductory
Chapter, 21.)

Into the difficult problems raised by these differences, it is
not possible here to enter. The assumption that the variations
are due to deliberate corruption of either the Hebrew or the
Greek text is not permissible ; and these variations are in fact
further evidence, besides that already quoted from 36, to

174 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

show that the book of Jeremiah has passed through several
' redactions.' The following reconstruction of the stages
through which the book reached its present form rests only on
critical conjecture, but may serve to explain some of the con-
fusions in the present order of the prophecies : l

First edition. Dictated to Baruch 605 ; destroyed by Jehoia-
kim. Contained probably the basis of our present chapters i,
2- 20, 2i n -22 19 , 25 1 " 14 , and some part of the Oracles against
foreign nations.

Second edition. Dictated to Baruch, reproducing the first
edition with expansions.

Third edition. Carrying down the record of Jeremiah's
ministry to the fifth month of the eleventh year of Zedekiah,
i.e. to the fall of the city. The evidence for this redaction is
found in i 3 , which brings down the prophecies to that year. It
was carried out probably either by Jeremiah himself or by
Baruch soon after the fall of the city.

Fourth edition. Including passages relating to events
which followed close upon the siege, chiefly 40-44. These
additions are to be ascribed to an editor working in the early
part of the exile.

Fifth and final edition. Including a number of additions,
many of which plainly reveal an exilic or post-exilic origin.
Among these are 3^-18, ic i-i, 1719-2?, 29 ie-20 ( 33 u-i6) > i7-a ;
50-si 58 , 52.

3. Contents.

In view of the facts just quoted we shall not in this case
follow the chronological order as in Isaiah, but take the
chapters as they appear in the present text, affixing a few notes
as occasion may require.

Cp. Kautzsch, Outlines, 84-5.

JEREMIAH

175

1 1-3. Title.

*~ 19 . Call of Jeremiah. He is to
be a prophet to Judah : and is com-
missioned to announce that evil is to
break out from the North against her
to punish her idolatry and wickedness.

2-6. A series of prophecies deal-
ing with the wickedness of the people
of Judah and the certainty of the
punishment which will fall upon
them. Their present idolatry is a
declension from the innocence of
the nation when it was young. Now
idolatry has taken a firm hold upon
it : the prophet and the priest are
alike involved in the guilt. Judah
has not been warned by the fate of
Israel. Punishment will accordingly
be inflicted by a foe which is draw-
ing near from the North.

7-10. A discourse concerning
the Temple. Even as the Sanctuary
at Shiloh was destroyed, so will the
Jerusalem temple perish unless the
people amend their ways, and turn
from their idolatrous practices. The
very graves of the idolaters will be
violated. The prophet's lamentation
over the sinfulness of the nation and
its fall.

1-8 and the first clause
of 3 probably stood in
editions i and 2.

Written in 605 : refers to
626. The Scythians
are the ' foe from the
North.'

Written in 604 : refers to
626 and the threatened
attacks of the Scyth-
ians, but the prophecy
is probably repointed
to suit 604, when the
victory of Nebuchad-
rezzar would be in the
minds of the hearers.
The section 3 6 ~ 18 is a
misplaced fragment,
unrelated to its present
context. 3 17 ~ 18 were
perhaps added in the
fifth edition.

The scene of this dis-
course is the gate of the
Temple. The date is
either the same as
above, or the beginning
of the reign of Jehoia-
kim. io l ~ u is an in-
sertion of the fifth
edition : it can be un-
derstood only as from
the standpoint of the

176

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

ii 1 " 8 . Jeremiah commanded to
preach obedience to the Covenant in
Jerusalem and the cities of Judah.

9 ~ 17 . Because the people have
turned back to the iniquities of their
fathers, Yahvveh will bring evil upon
them.

n 18 -i2 6 . The men of Anathoth
have plotted against Jeremiah, for
which he pronounces judgement
upon them, and entreats Yahweh to
perform it.

i2 7 ~ 17 . Judah has been desolated
by her ' evil neighbours,' who are
threatened with punishment, which,
however, they may avert if they turn
to Yahweh.

I 3 1 ~ n - Jeremiah and the spoiled
girdle : symbolising the spoiling of
Judah.

12-14. The same lesson shown by
the parable of the full bottles.

15-27. The prophet's lament over
the carelessness and disobedience of
the people.

exiles in Babylon. The
agreement with 2 Isaiah
is further confirmation.

The Covenant is D, and
the date of the section
is shortly after 621.

Probably with reference
to the preceding verses :
in protest against the
refusal of the people
to abide by the terms
of D.

Early years of Jehoiakim.

Judah was raided by
the neighbour peoples,
Syria, Moab, and Am-
mon, c. 602, after the
revolt of Jehoiakim
from Nebuchadrezzar
(2 Kings 2 4 2f g-). To
that date this passage
belongs.

The date of this chapter
is fixed by the refer-
ence in 18 to the 'king
and the queen-mother,'
i.e., Jehoiachin and Ne-
hushta. Cp. 2 Kings

JEREMIAH

I4-I7 18 . On the occasion of a
drought Jeremiah appeals to Yahweh
to mitigate his wrath ; but his plead-
ing is in vain. He complains of the
obloquy into which he has fallen
because of his prophesying : Yahweh
promises to vindicate him. The
prophet protests against the festive
disposition of the people: let there be
no rejoicing, for Yahweh must bring
evil upon them for their iniquities.

1 719-27. An exhortation to ob-
serve the Sabbath.

177

Towards the end of the
reign of Jehoiakim.

i8-i9 13 . Even as the potter re-
models the clay when necessary, so
Yahweh might re-shape the destiny
of Judah should the people reform.
Since, however, they will not change,
Jeremiah declares that Yahweh
will pursue his plan towards them.
Jeremiah prays that the people may
therefore suffer, but hopes that him-
self may escape. The broken pot :
symbolising the unavoidableness of
the disaster.

i9 14 -2O 6 . Pashhur, chief officer of
the Temple, places Jeremiah in the
stocks because of his utterances
against the Temple : on his release
he announces the forthcoming exile
to Babylon.

Added in the fifth edition.
Imitated in the style of
Jeremiah, but probably
not composed before
the age of Nehemiah.

> Reign of Jehoiakim.

178

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

2O 7 ~ 18 . Jeremiah laments his suf-
ferings, and looks for a triumph over
his persecutors.

2 1 1 " 10 . Zedekiah, consulting Jere-
miah as to the issue of the siege, is
informed that the city must fall : only
those who yield to the Chaldeans will
be safe.

2i n -22 9 . Exhortations to the
royal house of Judah to rule in
righteousness.

2 2 10 ~ 12 . Judgement on ' Shallum,"
i.e., Jehoahaz.

13-19. Judgement on Jehoiakim.

S - 80 . Judgement on ' Coniah,'
i.e., Jehoiachin.

23 1 " 8 . The unworthy kings to be
replaced by a righteous scion of the
Davidic house,underwhom restoration
shall take place. 9 ~ 40 . Against those
prophets who have misled the nation.

24. Parable of the two baskets of
figs : the good symbolising the exiles
carried away under Jehoiachin, 597 ;
the bad indicating those who were
left behind, and who are doomed to
perish.

25. The iniquities of Judah to
DC punished in the victories of
Nebuchadrezzar, who shall enslave
the nation for seventy years, after
which Babylon itself shall perish.

26. Jeremiah prophesies that
Solomon's Temple shall follow the

Reign of Jehoiakim.

During the second siege,
588-586.

Ditto. 2 1 11 - 12 are pro-
bably fifth edition in-
sertions.

Between 597 and 588.

Shortly after 597.

604 B.C. Interpolated at
11-14 and at 26b .

Beginning of the reign of
Jehoiakim.

JEREMIAH

doom of the Shiloh sanctuary, and
that the city itself shall fall; he is
arrested, and saved from death only
by the intervention of Ahikam.

27. Jeremiah denounces the pro-
phets who imagine that Babylon can
be opposed successfully, declaring
that Yahweh will punish those who
refuse to serve Nebuchadrezzar, and
that therefore the efforts of Edom,
Moab, Ammon, Tyre, and Zidon to
bring Zedekiah into their defensive
league against Babylon must be
resisted.

28. Hananiah, the prophet, breaks
the yoke which Jeremiah had worn
as a token of the captivity of his
people: Hananiah thus indicating
that Judah will escape the threatened
disaster. Jeremiah declares that the
event will prove that Hananiah is
wrong.

29 1 " 23 . A letter of Jeremiah to the
exiles, exhorting them to settle com-
fortably in their new homes, and
denouncing the prophets who pro-
mise a speedy return.

24-32. Jeremiah pronounces sen-
tence against Shemaiah, one of the
opposition prophets.

30-33. Prophecies of restoration.

30. Though now the nation is
distressed and forsaken, Yahweh
will bring deliverance, restoring the

179

The name Jehoiakim in
27 1 is an obvious mis-
take for Zedekiah, to
the early years of whose
reign chapters 27-29
belong.

Possibly 10 ~ 15 and pro-
bably 16 ~ 20 are due to
the editor of the fifth
edition.

According to 32 1 , tenth
yearof Zedekiah^which
date probably applies
to this section (30-33)

N 2

i8o

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

captives, rebuilding Jerusalem, and
re-establishing a king of the house
of David.

3 1 . Not only Judah, but Ephraim
also shall share in the promised good
fortune ; and for the restored and
re-united nation Yahweh will make
a new covenant, not external like the
old covenant of the wanderings, but
internal, written on the hearts of all.

32. On the eve of the fall of the
city Jeremiah purchases a field at
Anathoth and carefully secures the
title deeds, in token that though exile
is inevitable, the re-occupation of
their country by the exiles is a
certainty.

33. Reassurances of restoration;
promise of a righteous king of the
Davidic house.

34 1 " 7 . Jeremiah assures Zedeki ah >j
that Jerusalem must fall, but Zede-
kiah himself will not perish in the
fighting.

8-22, Jeremiah rebukes the people
of Jerusalem for violating a compact
which they had made to release their
slaves, and announces punishment at
the hands of the army of Nebuchad-
rezzar.

35. The Rechabites refuse to
break their pledge against drinking
wine, which refusal Jeremiah employs

as a whole (except

^ ol7~~26^

33 )'

i7-26 > w hich are not in
the LXX are due to
the fifth edition ; pro-
bably also at least l *~ u .

During the siege, 588-6.

Towards the end ofjjthe
reign of Jehoiakim.

JEREMIAH

181

Fifth year of Jehoiakim,
605 B.C.

c. 587.

as a text for a discourse on the dis-
obedience of Israel.

36. The prophecies of Jeremiah
dictated to Baruch, destroyed by
Jehoiakim, rewritten with additions.

37. Jeremiah is cast into prison
in the house of Jonathan, the scribe ;
he is consulted by Zedekiah, and
obtains from him a transfer to the
'court of the guard.'

38. The enemies of the prophet During the siege,
cause him to be thrown into a muddy

dungeon, whence he is rescued by
Ebed Melech, an Ethiopian. He is
again consulted by the king, who is
promised life if he yields himself to
the Chaldeans.

39. Jerusalem is captured. Zede- "
kiah escapes to Jericho, but is there
captured and blinded. He is carried
off to Babylon. Jeremiah is spared
by the Chaldeans, and placed in
charge of Gedaliah.

40. Gedaliah, the governor ap-
pointed by Nebuchadrezzar over the
remnant of the Judeans on the soil,
becomes the object of a conspiracy.

41. He is murdered ; the remnant,
in fear of punishment, make for
Egypt.

42. Jeremiah opposes the flight
to Egypt.

43. They nevertheless flee and
settle at Tahpanhes. Jeremiah an- j

Due to the editor of the
fourth edition.

1 82

THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

nounces that Egypt will be conquered
by Nebuchadrezzar.

44. The refugees lapse into
idolatry, and defend themselves
against Jeremiah's rebukes. He
prophesies that only a few of them
will return to Judah, the rest will
perish by famine and the sword.

45. A postscript to 36 1 " 8 , assur-
ing Baruch that at least his life will
be spared in the dangers that are
imminent.

46-51. Oracles against the nations.

46. Egypt. 8 ~ 12 . Triumph song
over the defeat of Pharaoh-Necho at
Carchemish.

is-28. Nebuchadrezzar will smite
the land of Egypt.

47. Philistia. Its ruin announced.

48. Moab. A song of woe over the
desolation of Moab. ' The calamity
of Moab is near to come and his
affliction hasteth fast.' Captivity will
follow, but Yahweh will at length
restore the people.

49 1 " 6 . Ammon. Threat of cap-
tivity.

7 ~ 83 . Edom. To be overthrown
as completely as Sodom and Go-
morrah.

Due to the editor of the
fourth edition.

See 36.

After 604.

from 3o lof &-

' Before that Pharaoh
smote Gaza/ a doubt-
ful indication of date ;
perhaps on the eve
of Carchemish.

Based upon same oracle
which appears in Is.
15-16.

Perhaps c. 604.
Cp. on Obadiah.

JEREMIAH

183

3S ~ 27 . Damascus. Threatened
with disaster.

28-83 > Kedar. To be destroyed
by Nebuchadrezzar.

34 ~ 39 . Elam. To be consumed.

50-5 1 58 . Babylon. She is about
to fall ; an assembly of great nations
from the north is coming up to
punish her for plundering the heri-
tage of Yahweh. In 5O 41 the foe
of Babylon issues from the north.
In 5 1 11 it is the kings of the Medes
whom Yahweh has moved against
her.

5 1 6-M. Jeremiah writes in a book
his words against Babylon, and
bids Seraiah cast the book into the
Euphrates as a symbol of the fall of
the city.

52. An account of the capture of
Jerusalem by the Chaldeans.

If Jeremiah's, perhaps
c. 604.

According to **, ' begin-
ning of the reign of
Zedekiah.'

Assigned to Jeremiah in
the title (so 1 ), but
evidently not by him,
for it is later than the
destruction of Jeru-
salem by some years,
and the restoration of
the exiles is regarded
as imminent. The
point of view with
regard to the divine
commission of Chal-
dea to chastise Israel
is different from Jere-
miah's.

Probably refers to words of
Jeremiah against Baby-
lon, with which the pre-
ceding oracle has been
wrongly identified.

Extracted from the Book
of Kings, with slight
alterations. See 2
Kings 24 18 -25 80 .

184 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

4. Characteristics.

The life of Jeremiah is full of strange paradox. He did
not become a prophet willingly, and more than once he breaks
out into protest against the austere conditions of his service : yet
his prophetic activity extended over forty years. He was not of
the stuff of which prophets are made ; he was emotional and
tender-hearted : yet he was commissioned to appear ' as a for-
tified city, an iron pillar, and brazen walls against the whole
land, against the kings of Judah, against the priests thereof, and
against the people' (i 18 ). He had a human yearning for
success ; but not even the vindication which the result of
Carchemish, and the patronage of Zedekiah afforded, turned
the ears of the people to his utterances. And by a curious
and pathetic irony, he who was himself passionately patriotic
was compelled to appear before his contemporaries as the most
flagrant of traitors. It was natural that he should seem in a
later day a type of the suffering ' servant of Yahweh.' l A still
later age bestowed upon him a recognition that his own denied;
for he came to be regarded as pre-eminentiy ' the ' prophet
(2 Chron. s6 21 , Dan. 9*, Mt. i6 14 ).

Not less than the pioneer prophets of the century before had
Jeremiah seized the sense of the greatness of Yahweh. ' Let
him that glorieth glory in this, that he knoweth me, that I am
the Lord which exercise loving-kindness, judgement, and
righteousness in the earth ; for in these things I delight, saith
the Lord.' If not by nature, then by grace, Jeremiah was com-
pelled to bear witness for this Yahweh to a people careless of
him. They must be chastened into knowledge, and so in his
first utterances Jeremiah declared that the foe approaching
from the north was the agent divinely appointed for the
chastisement.

Jeremiah's appearance as a prophet coincides with that

1 Cp. 162.

JEREMIAH 185

important epoch when D was on the eve of publication. Among
those who shared the hopes enshrined in that document,
Jeremiah must have been foremost. He appears to have taken
an active part in the attempt to popularise its provisions in the
cities of Judah (n). But if the fragmentary hints that are left
are correctly read, Deuteronomy disappointed the hopes of its
originators and its royal sponsor. Probably the political situa-
tion was too difficult for a religious reform to succeed at that time;
Megiddo and Carchemish might seem to prove that the new code
was useless to avert national disaster. Idolatry revived, and the
last state of Judah seemed to Jeremiah worse than the first. It is
hard to resist the conclusion that he is referring to D when he
rebukes those who say ' The law of God is with us/ in the
words, ' But behold, the false pen of the scribes hath wrought
falsely ' (8).i

In any case, Jeremiah sees no other way of salvation than
through national suffering. Shrewder than the other prophets of
his day, he saw that the power of Nebuchadrezzar would prove
irresistible. That splendid irrational confidence in the in-
violability of Jerusalem which sustained Isaiah in the crisis of
Sennacherib's invasion was impossible to Jeremiah. He de-
clared that the city must fall, and sword and exile teach the
people the manner of their God.

After the catastrophe, restoration would follow. Israel and
Judah reunited are again to dwell in their own land ; a worthier
ruler will be placed over them, whose name ' Yahweh (is) our
Righteousness,' symbolical of the new source of the national
life, should be answered with a new name for the restored
Jerusalem (23 6 , 33 16 ). But no longer shall external code or
custom be the guide of religion ; a personal relation between
the soul and God shall take its place :

1 Mr. Carpenter, however, writes : ' In face of 1 1, 1 find it impossible to
accept this view. I prefer, with Giesebrecht, to think of unauthorised
practices as in 7 31 , ig 5 .'

1 86 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

1 This is the covenant that I will make with the house of
Israel after many days, saith Yahweh. I will put my law
in their inward parts, and in their heart will I write it : and
I will be their God and they shall be my people : and they
shall teach no more every man his neighbour, saying
" Know Yahweh ; " for they shall all know me, from the
least of them unto the greatest of them, saith Yahweh '

(3I 33-34).

i8 7

2. LAMENTATIONS.
i. Contents. 2. The Qinah Measure. 3. Authorship and Date.

i. Contents.

Five Elegies on the destruction of Jerusalem.
ji-22. The deserted city.
31-22. Yahweh's anger against her.

3 1 " 66 . The mourning of the nation ; prayer for vengeance.
4 1 " 22 . Zion's ancient glory and present shame.
5 1 " 22 . Prayer for Yahweh's compassion.

2. The Qinah Measure.

The first four elegies are acrostic poems; in i, 2, 4 each
verse begins with a fresh letter of the Hebrew alphabet ; in 3,
each fourth verse so begins. The four chapters are written in
a rhythm characteristic of Hebrew elegy ; it is a short couplet of
which the second limb is briefer than the first, e.g.
i 1 . Alas how dwelleth lonely the city

Full of people she was.
2 1 . Alas now Yahweh in his wrath has clouded

Zion's Daughter.
He has cast down from heaven to earth

Israel's glory.

5, although containing 22 verses, is not acrostic but in
synonymous parallelism (cp. on Psalms i).

3. Authorship and Date.

The poems are assigned to Jeremiah by a tradition as early as
the LXX translation, which is, however, possibly based on a mis-
understanding of 2 Chron.35 25 . It is difficult to imagine Jeremiah

i88 THE BOOKS OP THE OLD TESTAMENT

arranging his thoughts in the succession of alphabet letters.
Other points against the authorship by Jeremiah are 4 20 the
complimentary allusion to King Zedekiah (ct. Jer. 24 8 ~ 10 ) ;
i 21 " 22 , 3 64 ~ 66 , prayer for vengeance on the destroyers, whereas to
Jeremiah the Chaldeans are the agents of Yahweh's will ; 4 1 ?" 18
the expectation of help from Egypt (ct. Jer. 37 5 ~ 7 ).

Inasmuch as each chapter is in itself a complete poem it has
been sometimes supposed that more than one author is repre-
sented. In i a different order of the alphabet is followed from
that in 2-4; while 5 is not alphabetical. Certain agreements
connect 2 with 4 and i with 5. 3 presents special features
such as the use of the first person, and a more elaborate
Qinah measure, which separate it from the rest. The date of
the whole must be after 586, and probably before 538, the date
of the victory of Cyrus. By those who recognise three hands
2 and 4 are dated about 570, i and 5 about 530 and 3 a
little later than 1,5.

CHAPTER VI.
EZEKIEL.

I. Life. 2. Contents. 3. Characteristics.

i. Life of Ezekiel.

Ezekiel son of Buzi was one of the exiles carried away in
597, after the first siege of Jerusalem. He had been priest in
Jerusalem, ( i 3 ) ; from his close acquaintance with the temple
and its ritual, it is to be inferred that his priesthood had already
continued for some years at the date of his captivity. Probably
therefore he was acquainted with Jeremiah ; of whose influence
his book bears many traces. Ezekiel lived in Babylonia among
the colony of exiles at Tel-Abib (i.e. ' Cornhill '), by the river
Chebar; the exact locality of the place is unknown. Many of
his prophecies are dated ; the first point of time given fixes the
year 592 for the beginning of his ministry (i 2 ) ; the last date
mentioned is 570 (29 17 ). The book is so filled with symbolical
and allegorical details that it is difficult to be sure when he is
referring to matters of fact. It is however probable that he is
narrating fact when he represents himself as carrying on some
kind of public ministry, as being consulted by the elders of the
people, as obtaining only a small amount of public recognition
until the fall of Jerusalem vindicated his prophetic character
(cp. s 22 " 87 , 24 25 ~ 27 ). According to 24 his wife died on the day
when Jerusalem was invested.

igo THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

2. Contents.

The first half of the book, 1-24, covers the period down to
the fall of Jerusalem and contains Ezekiel's indictment of the
nation. The second half, 25-48, contains his scheme of restora-
tion.

A. 1-24.

1-3. The Prophet's Call.

i. Vision of the Four Cherubim and Four-wheeled Chariot
supporting a firmament on which a human form is seated ;
symbolising the majesty of Yahweh.

2-3 3 . The prophetic commission, illustrated by a symboli-
cal eating of a book-roll.

3 4 ~ 15 . Encouragement against the unwillingness of his
audience ; !6~ 21 , the prophet as watchman of the house of Israel ;
22 ~ 27 , his work to be private.

4-7. Three symbolical actions and three discourses.

4 1 " 3 . A picture of a siege is drawn; implying the siege of
Jerusalem : 4 ~ 17 , a trance in which no food is eaten ; implying
the sufferings of the siege : 5 1 " 4 , hair cut off and scattered ;
implying the scattering of the people after the siege : 5 ~ 17 , dis-
course on the sins of Jerusalem and their punishment ; 6, on
the land of Judah and the desolations which will fall upon it ;
7, on the people, and the certainty of their fate.

8- 1 1. Vision, seen in a trance, of the punishment of
Jerusalem .

8, Ezekiel is carried to Jerusalem and sees the idolatries of
the temple ; 9, the armed men, representing the destruction of
the unfaithful ; 10, fire from the Chariot (cp. i) cast over the
city; representing the burning of Jerusalem; n, twenty-five
men representatives of the party which counselled rebellion
against Nebuchadrezzar, of whom one is smitten down; indicat-
ing the inevitable failure of the defenders.

12-19. Discourses and allegories on the theme of sin and
punishment.

EZEKIEL 191

I2 1 " 16 , symbolical removal of property; indicating the exile
of Zedekiah : i7-ao } eating of food with quaking ; indicating the
sufferings of the siege: I2 21 -i4 n , the false and flattering
prophecies which have misled the people are no proof of the
failure of vision ; the false prophets and prophetesses will be
destroyed : 1 4 12 ~ 23 , a special favour will be shown to Jerusalem
in that a remnant will escape destruction : 15, Israel as a half
burnt vine-branch, soon to be entirely destroyed : 16, Jerusalem
as guilty as Sodom or Samaria, and deserving their fate ; yet
Yahweh will remember and renew the old covenant: I7 1 " 21 ,
riddle of the eagle and the vine ; its interpretation in Zedekiah's
disloyalty : 22-24, a promise of restoration : 1 8, refutation of
those who allege that the nation is suffering for the sins of the
fathers ; the individual to be judged according to his own con-
duct: 19, Qinah-song over the princes of Israel, covering the
allegory of the lioness (Israel) and her whelps (Jehoahaz and
Jehoiachin), and of the vine (Israel) the broken branches (the
two kings above) and the fire (Zedekiah's disloyalty).

20-24. Further discourses on jfudah's sin and Us punish-
ment.

2O 1 " 44 , review of the history of the nation showing how it
has been always idolatrous ; only punishment will change its
heart : 45 - 49 , parable of the destroying fire: 21, Yahweh's sword
of vengeance directed against Jerusalem and the Ammonites :
22, the moral crimes of which the princes, prophets and people
of Jerusalem have been guilty ; 23, the faithlessness of Samaria
and Judah represented by the allegory of two women, Oholah
(Samaria) and Oholibah (Judah) ; Samaria in spite of its
alliances has already perished ; the doom of Judah in spite of
its appeals to Egypt is already imminent: 24 1 " 14 , allegory (on
the tenth day of the tenth month of the ninth year the day on
which the Chaldeans invested Jerusalem; see 2 Kings 25 1 ) of
the caldron, indicating the all-devouring siege and the purifica-
tion it will accomplish : 15 ~ 2 7, death of the prophet's wife ; he

192 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

keeps his grief secret ; so shall the exiles have occasion for deep
grief, as they will soon discover (i.e, in the news of the fall of
Jerusalem).

B. 25-48.

25-32. The doom of the Foreign Nations.

25. Ammon, Moab, Edom, and the Philistines to be
punished for exulting in the humiliation of Jerusalem; 26-28 19 ,
(B.C. 586) Tyre about to fall to the army of Nebuchadrezzar;
her commercial greatness shown in a simile of a ship ; threat
against her king ; 20 ~ 26 , against Zidon ; 29-32, (586 and 584,
with a postscript dated 570), Egypt to be conquered, depopu-
lated and restored as a kingdom too small to be a menace to
Israel.

33-39. The restoration of Israel.

33, reaffirmation of prophetic responsibility; the prophet as
sentinel : 34, Yahweh is against the evil shepherds (i.e.,
rulers) ; he will gather the sheep they have scattered and restore
them, setting up David his servant to be a ' prince ' over them :
35-36, the Edomites shall be expelled from the territories of
Judah, and Yahweh will vindicate his reputation injured by
the fall of Jerusalem, in the restoration of the Israelites.

37, vision of the dry bones revivified ; symbolising the
restoration of the dead nation and the reunion of the two king-
doms : 38-39, Yahweh brings together the hordes of heathen-
ism under Gog, prince of Magog, to invade Canaan ; the
invaders are utterly destroyed and it takes seven months to bury
their dead bodies. By this huge slaughter the power of Yah-
weh will be demonstrated to those who think he could not
prevent the fall of Jerusalem.

40-48. The constitution of the restored community.

40-42, the new temple with its courts and chambers ; 43,
the glory of Yahweh takes formal possession of the house.
Measurements of the altar of burnt offering, ordinances of
sacrifice ; 44, regulations concerning the Zadokite priests and

EZEKIEL 193

other Levitical priests ; 45-46, portions of land to be reserved
for the priests and the ' prince ' ; provision for the sacrifices ;
47-48, a stream of water issues out of the temple fertilising the
country ; the territory of the community ; redistribution of the
West-Jordan land among the tribes ; reservation of a central
piece for the temple and holy city.

3. Characteristics.

The text of Ezekiel has been badly preserved ; but other-
wise the book is free from the critical difficulties which exist in
the case of most of the prophets. It is generally allowed that
it springs as a whole from the author whose name it bears.

Though it no doubt contains some matter that was delivered
orally to the exiles in Tel-Abib, the book is in its present form
a carefully-balanced literary composition. The fall of Jeru-
salem is the pivot on which it turns ; the first half contains
prophecies dealing with the period before, the second part
after, that event. It was written between 586 and 572, and the
postcript 29 17 ~ 21 was added in 570. In the book itself the
dates provided cover from 593 to 570; a period of thirteen
years separates 39 and 40.

Like Jeremiah, Ezekiel also was priest as well as prophet,
but in Ezekiel the priestly element is much more conspicuous.
It does not absorb the prophetic ; for though he is often re-
garded as a great formalist ' father of the scribes ' the first
half of his book at least is entirely in the prophetic manner
and spirit. His prophetic character has been obscured by the
fact that his nature is cold and unemotional ; l by the dominance

1 I venture again to transcribe a note by Mr. Carpenter : ' I know that
this is often said ; but I never can read 24 ls-a7 , or 34" fg., or 36 28-S7 ( or
37 11 " 14 , without a thrill ; they seem to me (and one could quote many
more) full of condensed passion. But of course the Gentiles are killed
off remorselessly.'

194 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

of the pictorial and symbolical method of conveying his teach-
ing, and by the legislative sketch in the last nine chapters. It
is not always remembered that the scene of his work was
remote from the exciting national events which give so much
point to the utterances of Isaiah and Jeremiah. To the hopeless
exiles in Babylonia even the fall of Jerusalem would have only
a kind of obituary interest.

The thought most characteristic of Ezekiel is the ' honour '
of Yahweh. Holding the prophetic doctrine of the divine
election of Israel, he regards the whole of the past history of
the nation as utterly unworthy of its God ; the people have
been idolaters from the beginning. Yahweh, therefore, to
vindicate his honour has destroyed Samaria and is destroying
Judah. The same motive requires the restoration ; for neither
Israel nor the nations can believe that he is God if his people
are dissociated from the sacred soil. The same consider-
tion explains also the need for a new constitution ; the future of
the nation must be guarded by institutions which should pre-
serve the proper relations between Israel and Yahweh, so that
there would not again be a violation of the divine honour such
as Yahweh has been compelled to chastise.

In such a doctrine there is much to justify the assertion
that the God of Ezekiel is 'the prototype of the Allah of
Islam ' ; and especially in its bearings on the relations of the
nation of Yahweh to the other peoples of the earth, the
consequences are not pleasant (cp. 38 and 39). To the
contemporaries of the prophet it might seem that there was
nothing for them to do but to wait passively until Yahweh
should bestow the ' new heart and spirit ' which were the
necessary antecedents of the next step in vindication of his
honour. Such a bestowal is, in fact, promised (36 26 ~ 27 ). But
there is another side of Ezekiel's teaching which redeems it
from this fatalistic character. He develops it as against those
of the exiles who explained their afflictions as the punishment

EZEKIEL 195

of the sins of their ancestors, quoting the proverb, ' the fathers
have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on
edge.' He denies this doctrine in the most emphatic manner,
asserting that the individual is responsible for his own sins,
and for his own righteousness; and either state may succeed
the other in one and the same life. And so, in this sense,
each individual is called upon to make for himself a ' new
heart and spirit' (see especially 18).

This doctrine of individual responsibility 'was a step of
enormous value in the direction of personal religion, and
towards a better theory of the relation of man to God. For
though it is true that the son does bear the iniquity of his father,
it is not true that he so bears it as a direct punishment from
God. Ezekiel broke for ever with the false notion of divine
vengeance transmitted from generation to generation, and
from the equally false and despairing idea that repentance is
beyond human power. There was no need, as Ezekiel told his
fellow-exiles, that they should " pine away in their iniquities."
" Cast away from you all your transgressions whereby ye have
transgressed, and make you a new heart and spirit ; for why
will ye die, O house of Israel ? For I have no pleasure in the
death of him that dieth, saith the Lord Yahweh ; wherefore
turn yourselves and live " ' l (i8 31 ~ 33 ).

Ezekiel's Utopia of the Theocracy had, as elsewhere
shown, a great influence upon the legislation of the Priestly
Code. What most needs saying here is that it is unfair to
judge Ezekiel in the light of the censures which Jesus passed
upon the formalisms and hypocrisies of some among the
scribes and Pharisees of his day. To prevent the idolatries
which Ezekiel correctly recognized as the greatest obstacle to
a pure worship of God, he formulated an ideal scheme which
had as its aim the preservation of a sense of the divine
presence in the midst of the national worship, and, therefore,
1 Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures, 253-4.

196 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

in the midst of the national life. His ideal as it happened was
to some extent embodied in the legislation of Judaism. It
proved practical and successful, as Jewish history attests, in
guarding the religious life of the Community, when, so far as
we can see, the unformulated prophetic spirit might have been
too fugitive and occasional to meet the crises through which
that unfortunate-fortunate people were continually passing.

CHAPTER VII.
DANIEL.

I . Character. 2. Daniel. 3. Contents and Notes of Interpretation,
4. Date. 5. Characteristics.

I. Character.

The book of Daniel belongs to a class of literature known
as Apocalypse (Revelation), of which it is the chief Old
Testament example. Several other specimens are extant;
e.g. the books of Enoch and Jubilees, the Assumption of Moses,
the Ascension of Isaiah, the Apocalypse of Baruch. Apocalypse
was the successor of prophecy, with which it agrees in inter-
preting the destiny of the nation from a religious point of
view, but from which it differs in its estimate of the local con-
ditions of the national fate. Prophecy even when most
despondent has faith in the purification and ultimate pros-
perity of the national life ; national disaster is the agent of
purification, and the ideal future is always the logical issue of
the conditions by which the nation is surrounded. The fall
of Jerusalem and the long period of dependence on Persia,
and afterwards on Greece, changed the prophetic spirit. It
induced a pessimism as to any restoration of the nation on
normal lines, while it intensified the belief in an abrupt super-
natural termination of the existing conditions and the speedj
beginning of the blessed Messianic age. Is. 24-27, Joel,

198 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Zech. 12-14 mark the transition to the more pronounced
Apocalypse of Daniel. A period of peculiar distress, such as
the persecutions of Antiochus IV. inaugurated, provided just
the kind of crisis which the apocalyptist might regard as the
birth-throes of the new era.

Among other features, the apocalyptic literature is distin-
guished by its use of historical retrospect, in which it regards
the times and seasons of the past as arranged to lead up to the
climax of the author's date ; and by the habit of ascribing its
revelations to some great historical figure of old time Enoch,
the Patriarchs, Moses, Isaiah, Baruch, Daniel.

2. Daniel.

In Ezekiel i4 14 * 20 (see also z8 3 ), Daniel is mentioned as
a type of wisdom, along with Noah and Job therefore as a
famous person of remote antiquity. In the book of Daniel he
is represented as one of the Babylonian exiles.

3. Contents and Notes of Interpretation.

1. Daniel and his friends, captives in Babylon, prove their
faithfulness to the Jewish religion by refusing to eat heathen
food, but on account of their wisdom find favour with king
Nebuchadrezzar.

2. When the court-magicians have all failed, Daniel suc-
ceeds in recovering the forgotten dream of Nebuchadrezzar
and in interpreting it.

The dream is about a great image, of which the head is
gold, the breast and arms silver, the body brass, the legs iron,
the feet iron and clay. A stone cut out of the mountains with-
out hands breaks the image to pieces. The interpretation
declares that the head is the kingdom of Nebuchadrezzar, and
the other parts the kingdoms which are to follow his empire,
while the stone is the ideal kingdom which is to succeed all

DANIEL 199

the world-empires. The ' dream ' is an oblique reference to
the succession of kingdoms, (i) Chaldean, (2) Median, (3)
Persian, (4) Macedonian, separated after the death of Alexan-
der the Great into two chief divisions, under the government of
the Seleucid and the Ptolemaic dynasties.

3. Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego emerge unharmed
from the fire into which they have been cast for refusing to
worship an image set up by Nebuchadrezzar.

4. Nebuchadrezzar's second dream is interpreted by
Daniel, and is fulfilled. The King thereupon issues a decree
celebrating the God of Israel to all the world.

This dream is about a great tree which is cut down to the
stump. The tree is Nebuchadrezzar : the cutting down signi-
fies a madness which is to fall upon him for seven years : the
stump remaining in the ground shows that he will not lose his
kingdom.

5. Belshazzar, son and successor of Nebuchadrezzar, is
interrupted in his feast by a hand writing the words Mene
Mene Tekel Upharsin on the wall. Daniel interprets the
sign to mean the fall of the kingdom. The sign is fulfilled :
Darius the Mede becomes King.

6. Daniel is exposed to the lions in consequence of his
faithfulness to the Jewish religion : he is miraculously saved.

7. Vision of the Four Great Beasts, in the first year of
Belshazzar. The beasts resemble (i) a lion, (2) a bear, (3)
a leopard : the fourth has ten horns among which a little horn
comes up destroying three of them. Judgement scene before
one that is ' ancient of days ' and his myriads : destruction of
the horned beast. One ' like unto a son of man ' appears
and everlasting dominion is given to him.

The beasts signify empires as in 2, viz., Chaldean, Median,
Persian, Macedonian. The ten horns are the successors of
Alexander the Great : the little horn is Antiochus IV. Epi-
phanes who robbed and desecrated the Temple (especially by

200 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

building an altar to Zeus on the Altar of Burnt Offering),
massacred many of the Jews and plunged the whole people
into mourning by his attempts to stamp out the Jewish religion
(cp. i Mac. i). The power of Antiochus IV. is to continue
' until a time, times and half-a-time ' which means three
and a half years : and its end is to come with the judgement
before God (the Aged One ; lit. ' old in days ') when the Ideal
Kingdom is to begin (' one like unto a son of man/ i.e. re-
sembling a human being in contradistinction to the beasts of
the vision).

8. Vision of the Ram and He-goat, in the third year of
Belshazzar : interpreted to Daniel by Gabriel. The Ram has
two horns of which one is higher than the other. The He-
goat with a ' notable ' horn destroys the Ram, and ' magni-
fies himself exceedingly ' : the horn being broken is succeeded
by four others, from one of which proceeds a little horn waxing
big towards the south and east : it magnifies itself against ' the
host of heaven and their prince,' and takes away the burnt-
offering. Its offences are to continue unto 2300 evenings and
mornings.

The Ram is the Medo-Persian Kingdom, the He-goat the
Macedonian. The notable horn is Alexander the Great, and
the four horns are the four Kingdoms into which Alexander's
empire was divided those of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysimachus
and Cassander. The little horn is Antiochus IV. : his offence
is, as in 7, the desecration of the Temple ; his end is to come in
2300 days.

9. Concerning the Seventy Weeks, in the first year of
Darius. Insertions into the prophecies of Jeremiah had
named seventy years as the time of 'the desolations of
Jerusalem.' l Daniel seeks a revelation on the subject, which
Gabriel furnishes. He declares that the seventy weeks decreed
on the holy city are made up of (i) seven weeks from the

^er. 29', 25".

DANIEL *OI

commandment to restore and build Jerusalem to ' a prince/
(2) sixty-two weeks to its rebuilding in troublous times. At
the end of this sixty-two weeks ' the anointed one shall be cut
off ' ; city and sanctuary shall be destroyed by the people of a
prince that shall come : who for (3) one week shall make a
covenant with many ; during half of the week he will cause the
sacrifice and oblation to cease ; after which the consummation
will come.

The general sense of the vision is clear, but the chronology
does not work out exactly. The weeks are ' year-weeks ' i.e.
each week is equivalent to seven years. 1 The seven weeks cover
the period from the exile to the alleged decree of Cyrus permit-
ting the return ; the sixty-two weeks bring down the date to the
beginning of a seven years assigned to the persecutions of
Antiochus : and the one week covers the time of persecution
and the deliverance. The first period of forty-nine years agrees
with the traditional length of the exile (586-536) : and the last
period of seven years dates evidently from the beginning of the
severities of Antiochus (B.C. 172, murder of the high priest
Onias III.). Between 536 and 172 there are only 364 years
instead of the 434 required for the 62 year-weeks.

10. In the third year of Cyrus Daniel is prepared by fast-
ing to receive a revelation.

11. Vision of the Kings. There shall be four Persian
kings, of whom the last is to oppose Greece. A mighty king
(of Greece) arises, whose kingdom is divided between north
and south. The fortunes of the divided kingdoms are de-
scribed. At length one who obtains the kingdom by flatteries
appears ( 21 ), whose power and wickedness are enormous,
but who ' shall come to his end and none shall help
him ' ( 4B ).

12. At that time there shall be a period of trouble out of
which Israel shall be delivered 'after a time, times and an half '

1 Cp. Lev. 25".

202 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

( 7 ) : ' from the setting up of the abomination that maketh
desolate there shall be 1 290 days ' : ' Blessed is he that cometh
to the 1335 days.'

The Vision of the Kings is a veiled history of the period from
536 down to Antiochus. The three Persian kings are those of
Ezra 4 5 ~ 7 . The king whose empire is divided is Alexander
the Great. The kings of north and south are those of the
Seleucid and Ptolemaic dynasties. The relations between
these powers are described with great abundance of detail
(n 5 ~ 20 ). The king of 1 1 21 " 45 is again Antiochus. The end is
promised in about three-and-a-half years from the setting up of
the heathen altar in the Temple (168 B.C.).

4. Date.

The period in which the writer is most concerned is that of
Antiochus Epiphanes. The knowledge of the history of the
Macedonian empire down to the time of Antiochus, and the
acquaintance with the persecutions which he carried out, shows
that the book was not written before the year 168, when
Antiochus set up the ' abomination ' in the Temple. He died
B.C. 165-4, by which time the revolt headed by the Maccabees,
had come to a successful issue. The indefiniteness as to the
end of the dominion of Antiochus (7 25 , 8 14 , i2 7 > u > 12 ) indicates
that the book was written at a time when that dominion was
threatened, but had not yet been thrown off. Accordingly the
book dates about 167-6 B.C. 1 This date is confirmed by
several other features :

i. The writer has no exact knowledge of the period
in which he places his hero. There was no siege of Jerusalem
in the reign of Jehoiakim, i 1 . The last king of Babylon
was not Belshazzar, son of Nebuchadrezzar (5 2 > ^ 31 ), but

1 The allusion to the cleansing of the sanctuary in 8 14 has been urged
in favour of the date 165, when the Temple was re-dedicated.

DANIEL 203

Nabonidus, who was not related to Nebuchadrezzar. Naboni-
dus had a son named Belsharuzur, but he did not become king.
The successor of Nabonidus was not ' Darius the Mede,' but
Cyrus. The existence of such a person as Darius the Mede is
doubtful, and it is probable the author meant Darius Hystapis
(the Darius of Haggai and Zech. 1-8). The madness of Nebu-
chadrezzar and his adoration of the God of the Jews are also
features not supported by historical probability.

2. The book is written partly in Aramaic, 2* to the end of
7 being in that language. The presence of words derived
from the Persian and from the Greek also implies a period at
least after the conquests of Alexander (332 B.C.).

3. In the canon of the Jews the book of Daniel is not
reckoned among the ' Prophets,' where it naturally belongs ;
instead, it is placed in the ' writings,' the latest of the three
divisions. 1 Further, Daniel is not mentioned in a place where
the omission is inexplicable if the book existed in 200 B.C., viz.,
in the list of Jewish prophets in Ecclesiasticus 48-49.

4. The specifically apocalyptic literature began in the
second century B.C. (parts of the book of Enoch, of the Sibylline
Oracles, of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs).

5. The doctrine of ' angels ' in the book (8 16 Gabriel, io 13
Michael, io 20 > 21 prince = guardian angel) is a late development
of biblical Jewish thought).

5. Characteristics.

The employment of the personality of Daniel is in fact the
literary device of an author who in the midst of persecutions
sought to comfort his contemporaries with a promise of de-
liverance. This promise is based upon a philosophy of history,
according to which all the distresses of Jerusalem have occurred
with the prevision of God. The cruelties and blasphemies of

1 See Introductory Chapter, 4-5.

204 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Antiochus are the final stage, the prelude to the new age. The
visions 7-12, in which this theory is developed, are preceded by
haggadistic 1 stories, of which the lesson is that God preserves
those who are faithful to Him in the midst of heathen
surroundings.

Whether the first readers of the book supposed it to be a
product of the exile we cannot tell. The victories of the
Maccabees, though they freed the nation from the horrors of
the time of Antiochus, resulted in no such redemption as this
writer hoped for ; and expectations of the ideal age, which
were to be realized with the fall of Antiochus, passed over into
that body of Messianic belief which so profoundly influenced
Judaism at the beginning of the Christian era.

1 Cp. on Jonah, 4.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE MINOR PROPHETS.

x. HOSEA.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics.

I. The Prophet

Hosea is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside of
the prophecy that bears his name. He is described in i 1 as
son of Beeri, and as prophesying in the reigns of Uzziah,
Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, and Jeroboam II.,
king of Israel. On the date as shown by the evidence of his
discourses, see 3 below. His prophecies are all concerned
with the northern kingdom, to which apparently he himself
belonged.

2. Contents.

1-3. A narrative telling how Hosea married an unworthy
woman named Gomer, daughter of Diblaim. He has three
children, to whom he gives symbolical names : Jezreel, from
the scene of the destruction of the house of Omii by Jehu ;
Lo-ruhamah, the ' Unpitied ' ; Lo-ammi, ' Not my people.'
Hosea traces in the circumstances of his marriage a parallel
to the relations between Yahweh and Israel. 4-14. A series

206 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

of discourses, or perhaps a single discourse, of which the parts
cannot be satisfactorily separated in any scheme of contents.
They are all united by the common theme of Israel's un-
faithfulness to Yahweh. 4-8 dwell on offences which the
prophet finds in the nation, chiefly immorality and idolatry; 9-11
deal with the necessity of punishment; 12 reaffirms the guilt ;
13 the certainty of punishment; while 14 promises a restora-
tion of the people, after purification, to the place in Yahweh's
love which they held in the days of old. But these divisions
are artificial : the chief ideas of Hosea are interwoven with
every chapter.

3. Date.

In 1-3 the dynasty of Jehu is referred to as still existing.
It came to an end with the death of Zechariah, son of Jeroboam
II., in 743. The prophecy reveals an acquaintance with the
rapid succession of kings which followed the death of Jero-
boam ; and the references to Assyria are based on Menahem's
tribute to Tiglath Pileser. Inasmuch, however, as Gilead and
Galilee are mentioned in a way impossible after 734, when
Tiglath Pileser conquered and depopulated those districts,
Hosea's activity must have terminated before that date. There
is, further, no trace of the Syro-Ephraimitish war of 736-5
(cp. on Is. 7fg.) Hosea may accordingly be dated between
745 and 736. The statement in the superscription is an edi-
torial addition on the analogy of Is. i 1 and Mic. i 1 .

4. Characteristics.

Hosea therefore began his ministry not long after Amos ;
he is acquainted, however, with the period of anarchy which
followed the death of the strong ruler Jeroboam II. Zechariah,
after a six months' reign, was murdered by Shallum. Shallum
had occupied the throne which he usurped only a month

HOSEA 207

when he also met the same fate. He was followed by
Menahem, who succeeded in retaining the kingdom for some
years. He in turn was succeeded by Pekahiah, who two years
later was murdered by Pekah. The instability of national life
caused by these quick and violent changes was increased by the
possibilities of foreign intervention. In the reign of Zechariah,
Tiglath Pileser had made Damascus and Tyre tributary ; and
the Assyrian power began to press directly upon Northern
Israel. Menahem, to secure his doubtful throne, purchased by
the payment of a heavy tribute l the help of his powerful neigh-
bour. At the same time Egypt was a flourishing empire ; and
the intriguing parties around the insecure throne of Israel were
drawn now by the hope of Egyptian and now of Assyrian
protection.

Hosea is not so directly concerned with politics as Isaiah
and Jeremiah afterwards were; but in the public events moving
and threatening the nation he finds a proof of his main thesis
that Israel is unfaithful to Yahweh. The bond between
Yahweh and Israel is expressed in 1 1 1 as between father and
son; but more usually as between husband and wife. The
violation of this bond on Israel's part is manifest chiefly in a
deep-seated idolatry and a worship of Yahweh accompanied
by immoralities borrowed from the Canaanite Baal-service,
2 is-i6, 17 ; 4 U 510, 84-e, lo i f I3 2. The effect of this neglect
of Yahweh is apparent in the corruption of the national life
(4 1-2 ) ; and the priests who should teach the people lead them
further astray (4 6 ~ u ). Only punishment can bring back Israel
to a sense of its sin and faithlessness. Neither Assyrian nor
Egyptian alliances can avert the doom (5 13 , 7 11 , 8 9 , 1 2 1 ) ; these
countries shall be the places of exile (8 13 , 9 3 , n 6 ); and in its
affliction Israel will acknowledge its offence and turn again to
Yahweh (5 15 ), who will call him back from captivity (n 11 ) and
restore him to his love (i4 4 ).

1 Cp. 84 and the reference there.

208 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Hosea sustains throughout his book the thought of the love
and the tenderness of Yahweh. He is acquainted with the
history of his people perhaps from tradition, perhaps from JE
and interprets it in the light of Yahweh's love ; ' when Israel
was a child then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt '
in 1 : cp. n 3 " 4 ). Moved with this sense of the divine tender-
ness he is filled with a passionate sadness over the nation's
forgetfulness ; l and he pours out his ' high-tragic grief ' in
language which ' continually alternates between fear and hope,
reproach and consolation, with no strict consecution of thoughts,
frequently a sob rather than a speech.' 2 For this reason the
text of Hosea is always difficult, sometimes obscure. A few
passages have been marked by critics as interpolations of a later
date; 3 but the grounds are less secure in the case of Hosea
than elsewhere.

1 The observance of the ritual is to him no proof of faithfulness. ' I
desire mercy, and not sacrifice ; and the knowledge of God more than
burnt-offerings' (6 6 ).

8 E. Kautzsch, Outlines, E.T. 53.

3 Chiefly references to Judah : e.g. !? ", 3 s , 4 15 , 5*. , ", 6, ", 8", 10",
II B , 12 s , and promises of restoration 2 16 - 13 and 14.

209

2. JOEL.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. The Locusts. 4. Date.
5. Characteristics.

I. The Prophet.

According to i 1 Joel was son of Pethuel (LXX, Bethuel).
He is not mentioned elsewhere in the Old Testament, but from
his prophecy we may infer that he was a native of Judah and
possibly of Jerusalem.

2. Contents.

i-2 17 . A visitation of locusts has devoured the food supply
of Judah; even the meat offerings and drink offerings in the
Temple service have to be suspended. In the distress which
follows the plague the prophet sees a token of the near approach
of ' the victory-day of Yahweh ' ; but if the people repent Yah-
weh, who is 'gracious and compassionate, slow to anger and of
great kindness ' may turn the evil aside. 2 18 . Yahweh has
pity on his people. 2 19 -3 21 . He promises to restore the
prosperity of agriculture. Upon the removal of the scourge
there will be a great out-pouring of Yahweh's spirit ; and
portents will announce the coming of his ' victory-day.' The
terrors of that day however are now to fall not upon Judah but
upon the nations, who are to be collected in the valley of
Jehoshaphat (= ' Yahweh judges ') for punishment on account
of their ill-treatment of the Jews. For Judah a period of peace
and prosperity is then to begin.

3. The Locusts

By some of the Fathers and a few modern writers the
locusts are understood allegorically, and referred to the invad-

210 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

ing hosts of a foreign army. If this view were correct it would
have a bearing upon the date of the book : but it is almost
certain that the locusts are to be taken literally. The expres-
sions urged in favour of the allegorical interpretation (e.g. ' a
nation' i 6 , ' he hath done great things' 2 30 ; nations 2 17 cp.
RVM, which is probably right) are explainable as poetical
descriptions : the comparison of the locusts to an army (2 4 ~ 7 )
shows that the locusts, and not the soldiers, are in the prophet's
thought. The one point in favour of the allegorical view is
that the plague is referred to as the ' northern one.' Israel's
enemies usually did come from the north : * while locusts
usually enter Palestine from the S.E. On occasion however
they may have been brought down by a northern wind : in any
case this one phrase weighs little against the many indications
that real locusts are intended. 2

4. Date.

According to 3 2 ' Israel ' has been scattered among the
nations, 3 17 ' strangers ' have occupied Jerusalem. These
allusions are satisfied only by a date after 586. Further, the
temple-services are in full course, and the popular esteem for
them is so great that their interruption is regarded as one of
the greatest afflictions caused by the visitation. There is no
controversy against idolatry and no allusion to a foreign
enemy: instead of a king, the elders (i 2 > 8 > 14 , 2 16 ) and priests
are prominent, and in 3 6 there is a reference to slave traffic
with Greece. These facts are in favour of a date well on in
the Persian period, after the reforms of Ezra and Nehemiah
had taken firm root in the national life.

Cp. *.-. Jer. i 14 - 15 .
J On locusts, cp. Driver, Joel (CBS), Excursus 82-91.

JOEL 211

5. Characteristics.

Joel's prophecy connects the plague from which his country
has suffered with the prophetic and popular doctrine of the
'victory-day of Yahweh.' Amos (5 18 ) rebuked those who
longed for the interposition of Yahweh in the course of history
in order to bestow on them good fortune, and declared that
when Yahweh did interpose the occasion would be disastrous.
Other prophecs employ the idea : usually in the sense of a
victory-day over Israel's enemies, the object of the intervention
being the vindication of Yahweh's righteousness. Joel, however,
arguing from the affliction of his land to its possible cause, sees
in the devastations caused by the locusts a sign of Yahweh's
appearance to punish the people for their sins. The repent-
ance of the people averts the calamity ; and the occasion for
the divine intervention is then found in the sins of the nations
who have oppressed Judah : Yahweh's righteousness is to be
demonstrated in the great world-judgement in which the nations
will be condemned. The imagery with which Joel clothes the
idea of the victory-day is utilised in the New Testament : l his
doctrine of ' the last things ' prepared the way for the apoca-
lypse of Daniel.

1 Acts 2 1 ?- 11 .

P 2

212

3. AMOS.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Later additions.
5. Characteristics.

i. The Prophet.

Amos belonged to Tekoa, a Judean village twelve miles
south of Jerusalem. He was a keeper of a kind of sheep pro-
ducing a fine quality of wool (i 1 , herdsman, keeper of naqad
sheep) and also tended sycomore trees (7 14 , RV, properly, a
'dresser of sycomores ' : see the note in Driver, Amos (CBS.)
2O7-8). 1 He disclaims any connection with the recognized
prophetic guilds (7 14 ) ; obeying the divine injunction he left his
southern home and prophesied in Bethel the chief sanctuary of
the Northern Kingdom, where he was charged by Amaziah the
priest with conspiring against the king (7 10 ~ 17 ). There is no
reference to him in the Old Testament outside of the book
which bears his name.

2. Contents.

1-2. Oracles against Damascus, Gaza, Tyre, Edom,
Ammon, Moab and Judah : framed on the same model, and
announcing punishment for transgressions. 3-4. Three dis-
courses against Israel, each beginning with the apostrophe
' Hear ye this word.' 3. Amos refutes the idea that because
Yahweh has chosen the Israelites he will therefore be indulgent
towards them : on the contrary, just because Yahweh has
chosen them he will punish them, announcing however his

1 The etymology of the word perhaps permits the meaning ' a dealer
in sycomore fruit.'

AMOS 213

intention by means of the prophets. 4. The women of
Samaria are rebuked for their self-indulgence and luxury.
Condemnation of impurities connected with the local sanc-
tuaries. The warnings of Yahweh have been despised ; there-
fore ' Prepare to meet thy God, O Israel.' 5-6. Lamentation
over Israel, viewed as already fallen : the crimes which have
deserved the impending punishment : refutation of the popular
belief that Yahweh would intervene on behalf of the people in
a great victory-day : condemnation of the offerings which are
without 'judgement and righteousness': accusations of the
chiefs of the nations. Throughout these charges the threat of
disaster recurs (5 16 17 > 37 , 6 14 ). 7-9 10 . Five visions showing
the certainty of the judgement on Israel, with a biographical
episode. 7 1 " 3 . The locusts : suggesting the loss of food
supplies. 4 ~ 6 . The ordeal by fire : suggesting the ravaging of
the land. 7 ~ 9 . The plummet : suggesting the destruction of
whatever is not ' straight/ i.e. of all transgressors. 10-17. Ama-
ziah and Amos. 8. The basket of ' summer fruit ' (qaitz) :
suggesting the ' end ' {qetz} of the nation, i.e. its speedy punish-
ment. 9 1-1 . The shaken pillars of the sanctuary : suggest-
ing the total destruction of the people. 9 n ~ 15 . Promise of
restoration of the Davidic house : renewed prosperity of the
people.

3. Date.

The title (i 1 ) refers the activity of Amos to the reigns of
Uzziah, of Judah, and of Jeroboam, son of Joash of Israel,
' two years before the earthquake,' evidently a notable earth-
quake, for it is referred to some centuries later, Zech. i4 5 . It
is, however, not mentioned elsewhere, and we cannot discover
the year in which it occurred. A date between 760 and 750
agrees both with the statement in the title and with the contents
of the book. Accordingly, Amos is the earliest of Israel's

214 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

literary prophets, preceding Hosea by a few years, and Isaiah
and Micah by about a quarter of a century.

4. Possible additions to the Book of Amos.

A few passages in this book have been marked as later addi-
tions, of which the following are the most important : 4 13 , 5 8 ~ 9 ,
9 B ~ 6 , 9 8 ~ 15 . (a) The first three stand or fall together : they are
all passages which describe the creative might of Yahweh in a
manner without exact parallel in pre-exilic literature, and in no
case is the context disturbed by the omission of them. It is
true that Amos conceives Yahweh as possessed of power over
the other nations and over the forces of nature 1-2, 4 7 ~ n , 8 9 ;
but this conception is not so wide as the passages against which
exception is taken. 5 8 ~ 9 is palpably unsuited to its present
position ; and a comparison of the thought and style of these
three passages with Is. 4O 22 , 42 5 , etc., Job 9 8 ~ 9 , strongly sup-
ports their exilic origin, (b) 9 8 ~ 15 . The chief ground for the
excision of this passage is the utter contrast it offers to the
fundamental position of Amos. The doom which he has pro-
nounced is, indeed, not absolute (cp. 3 12 , 5 15 ) ; but it is difficult
to suppose that he would change his position so completely as
these verses imply. And their standpoint, while not perhaps
absolutely impossible to Amos, is yet easiest understood if we
assume that they were added when the captivity, not only of
Israel but of Judah had become an accomplished fact, and
when the exiles, without country and without king, longed for
the restoration of the Davidic territories and dynasty.

5. Characteristics.

Under the vigorous rule of Jeroboam II. Israel increased its
territories, 1 its commerce, and its wealth. The separation

1 2 Kings H 25 -

AMOS 215

between the rich and poor grew more pronounced in conse-
quence ; devoting themselves to luxury and self-indulgence,
the wealthy class grew indifferent to the claims of justice and
righteousness : they pressed heavily upon the poor (2 6 ~ 8 RV, 4 1 ,
5 2 ) ; the creditor was merciless in exacting his debt, the judge
was bribed to pervert justice ; trade was full of corrupt prac-
tices (8 5 ). The external observances of religion were, however,
carried out with diligence and zeal ; but they were accompanied
by impurities and idolatries (2 7 ~ 8 , 5 26 , 8 14 ).

Against these things, Amos has a message concerning the
righteousness of Yahweh, who selected Israel out of all the
nations of the earth (3 2 ), and declared to him his will by means
of the prophets (3 7 ). But Israel has been unfaithful, in
spite of its zeal for the ritual ; therefore, Yahweh will not
accept the offerings : ' let judgement roll on as waters, and
righteousness as a perennial stream ' (5 21 ~ 25 ). Only punish-
ment can restore Israel to its proper relation with Yahweh.
The nation has flattered itself that it is Yahweh's chosen people.
Precisely for that reason will Yahweh punish its iniquities (3 2 ,
5 i-3, 7 - 9 io).

This threat of punishment recurs throughout the Book of
Amos, and is especially prominent in the visions 7-9. With
considerable shrewdness he detected the danger which might fall
upon Israel through the distant movements of the Assyrians.
While the people were blindly trusting in the protection of
Yahweh, expecting his intervention for their glory (5 18 ), Amos
already foresaw the inevitable captivity of his nation to the
formidable northern hosts (5 16 ~ 17 , S 27 , 6 8 ~ 14 ). The event justified
his forecast exactly ; with the fall of Samaria before Sargon in
722, Israel as a nation ceased to exist.

Amos is a hard man. He conceives of Yahweh as Right-
eousness, while Israel is utterly righteous ; aiid in Yahweh's
name he pronounces the deserved judgement without mercy
and without passion. Two things help to relieve the picture of

216 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

his severity. The first is the doctrine of the salvation of a
purified part of the people ; a thought involved in 3 12 , 5 15 . The
other is the strength of his passion for righteousness, implicit
throughout his prophecy, explicit in his appeal to seek ' Yahweh,
so shall ye have life ' (5 6 , cp. 4 ), and ' Seek good and not evil,
that ye may have life, and so Yahweh, God of Hosts, shall be
with you. . . . Hate the evil and love the good, and set up
judgement in the gate : it may be that Yahweh, God of Hosts,
will be gracious to the remnant of Joseph ' (5 14 ~ 15 ).

217

4. OBADIAH.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Relation to Jer. 49.
5. Edom and Judah.

I. The Prophet.

We know nothing of the personality or date of Obadiah,
except what can be gathered from this short oracle.

2. Contents.

l ~ 9 . Edom is threatened with destruction; 10 ~ 14 because
in the day when Jerusalem was captured, Edom acted with the
enemy and exulted in her fall ; 15 ~ 31 , therefore in the ' victory-
day of Yahweh ' Edom shall be blotted out, while Judah and
Benjamin receive an extension of their territories.

3. Date.

The terms of 10 ~ n can refer only to the destruction of
Jerusalem in 586 ; it is pictured as a past event, and the
prophecy is therefore later than 586. The extension of terri-
tory promised is not on the lines of anything which followed
on the restoration, and is probably simply due to the desire to
encourage the downcast exiles. Probably the oracle of Obadiah
was composed soon after the destruction of 586; but it may
have received additions from a later hand.

4. Relation to Jer. 49 7 ~ 22 .

The whole of Obadiah 1 ~ 9 , except 7 , occurs in Jer. 49 in a
passage which belongs to c. 604 B.C. It appears from a com-
parison of the two versions that Jeremiah's is an expanded

3i8 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

form of Ob. 1-9 , where the piece is superior in logical connection
and in vigour. Since Obadiah as a whole is at least twenty
years later than Jer. 49, we must therefore conclude that both
prophets adopted an independent oracle as the basis of their
utterances. Obadiah has preserved the more original form.

5. Edom and Judah.

For the hostility existing between these two nations, cp. also
Is. 34-35, Ezkl. 35, Lam. 4 21 ~ 22 . Except as illustrating this
hostility, and as another witness for the intense belief in the
victory-day of Yahweh, this short prophecy has no special
value.

219

5. JONAH.

I. 'Jonah.' 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Aim and Characteristics.

I. Jonah.

Jonah, son of Amittai of Gath-hepher (on the border of
Zebulun and Naphtali), is mentioned in 2 Kings I4 25 as having
prophesied an extension of Israelite territory in the reign of
Jeroboam II. He was accordingly a contemporary of Amos.
The book of Jonah cannot have been composed by the prophet
Jonah, for it clearly belongs to a date some centuries later.
The author of it has taken the historical person Jonah for
his hero.

2. Contents.

i. Jonah, being divinely commanded to preach to the
Ninevites, endeavours to evade the commission and sails for
Tarshish (Tartessus, S.E. coast of Spain). A storm arises, of
which the lot declares him to be the cause. He is therefore
cast overboard, and is swallowed by a great fish. 2. Jonah
prays to God ; the fish ejects him on to the shore. 3. Re-
newal of the divine command. Jonah proceeds to Nineveh
and threatens its destruction, whereon the inhabitants repent.
God thereupon changes his purpose of punishing the city.
4. Jonah is displeased that thereby the threat he uttered has
been stultified, and he declares that it was the fear of such
a change of intention which caused his previous disobedience.
A gourd shelters him as he waits in the fierce heat, making
him glad of the protection ; next day it withers, and he grows
sorrowful. God employs this as an illustration. As Jonah

220 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

changed his mood towards the gourd, so God changed his
mood towards the Ninevites.

3. Date.

Nineveh was destroyed about 606 B.C. To the writer of
this prophecy it is a great city of the past (3 3 ). He uses the
unique, if not impossible, title (3 6 ) ' king of Nineveh.' l He
does not tell us the king's name. The language of the book is
that of the post-exilic period. The prayer of 2 is made up of
quotations from psalms, some of which are post-exilic ; 2 and
the narrative is reminiscent of other Old Testament passages.
(Cp. 4 with i Kings 19.)

These indications are decisive for an origin after the exile,
but do not assure an exact date. The evidence of the language
suggests a time not earlier than Ezra-Nehemiah, but not so late
as Esther and Chronicles. About 400 B.C. is a probable
suggestion.

4. Aim and Characteristics.

The book appears to belong to a class of literature to which
the Scribes gave the name Haggada, or stories, parables,
legends aiming at instruction and admonition. 3 Such litera-
ture was composed and employed as a help in the teaching of
the Synagogue. It has been suggested that the book of Jonah
is, in fact, an extract from the Haggadistic commentary or
Midrash on the book of Kings, such as is referred to by the
Chronicler (2 Chron. 24 27 ). 4 Two ideas are specially illus-
trated by the tale of Jonah, both of which were necessary to
the Jews in the post-exilic period.

1 For ' Assyria.'

Cp. Jon. 2 s = Ps. iS 5 " 8 , I20 1 ; 3b = 42? ; * = 31** (Lam. 3 Mb );
* = i8 4 , 6g\ n63; 7 - 1423*; a = 50"- z, 3 8 ( Il6 i 7>
1 Cp. W. R. Smith, OTJC, 44 and 154.
4 Cp. Chron. $ 3.

JONAH 221

1. It is shown by the ideal case of Nineveh's repentance
that God may change his intentions when He so wills. This
lesson had indeed already appeared in the national literature
(cp. Amos 7 s , Ex. 32 n ~ 14 , Jer. i8 8 , Joel 2 13 ), but it would
appear that there was special need for reinforcing it after the
re-settlement of the Jews in Judah, when the condition of the
community proved to be so much less attractive than the
glowing prophecies of the return had pictured it.

2. More especially, by the mission of Jonah to Nineveh
and Nineveh's conversion, the Jews are taught that God is in-
terested in other nations, and that their own nation has a
missionary duty outside the limits of their own race. The
older doctrine, that Yahweh was the God of Israel, did not
immediately disappear before the newer monotheism which
identified the God of Israel with the God of the universe ;
the national selfishness (' particularism ') of the Jews looked
with indifference, if not with exultation, upon the exclusion of
the Gentiles from the privileges of Judaism. The teaching of the
book of Jonah is entirely against such national selfishness.

222

6. MICAH.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Later Additions. 4. Date.
5. Characteristics.

I. The Prophet.

Micah was a native of Moresheth, a small town in the
neighbourhood of Gath. A verse from Mic. 3 12 is quoted in
Jer. 26 18 , in which place he is called Micaiah, 1 and cited as
prophesying in the reign of Hezekiah. The title (Mic. i 1 )
ascribes his activity to the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and Heze-
kiah ; there is, however, nothing in the book which belongs
to the period of either Jotham or Ahaz.

2. Contents.

i 2 " 5 . Yahweh pictured as appearing to punish Israel ;
*~ 7 the doom of Samaria pronounced ; 8 ~ 16 the prophet's lamen-
tation over the fate of Samaria; a similar fate threatens Judah
also. 2 1 "" 5 . Woe unto the spoilers and oppressors; 6 ~ n condem-
nation of the servile prophets ; 12 ~ 13 promise of protection to the
remnant of Israel. 3 1 " 4 . The cruelty of the chiefs and princes ;
5-8 fate of the misleading prophets ; 9 ~ 12 Jerusalem shall fall for
the nation's sins. 4 1 " 5 . In days to come the nations shall come
to Jerusalem to learn of Yahweh, and there will be universal
peace and toleration ; 6 ~ 7 at which time Yahweh will restore the
nation which has been cast off ; 8 ~~ 10 picture of the sufferings of
Jerusalem when the calamity falls, and promise of deliverance ;
n-13 t ne nations that are waiting to see the fall of Jerusalem
shall themselves be destroyed. 5 1 " 9 . The Davidic house and

1 The Micaiah of I Kings 22*8- is a different person, belonging to the
time of Ahab.

MIC AH 223

city shall bring forth a ruler who will set up a wide empire
supplanting the Assyrian power ; 10 ~ 15 and the instruments
of warfare and all the signs of idolatry will be cut off.
6 1 " 5 . The prophet reminds the people of Yahweh's kind-
ness to them ; 6 ~ 7 the people ask whether sacrifices will be
acceptable to him : 8 the prophet replies that Yahweh only re-
quires them ' to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly '
with God ; 9 ~ 16 Yahweh's denunciation against the fraudulent
traders and the socially corrupt, whose gains will be lost in the
coming invasion. 7 1 " 6 Lament of the community over the
injustice and evil with which it is surrounded ; 7 ~ 10 yet,
though overcome by the enemy, it trusts in Yahweh, and will
be patient in its deserved affliction ; n ~ 13 prophetic announce-
ment that, after punishment, the people will return, walls be
rebuilt and boundaries (EV ' decree ') extended ; 14 the prophet
enueats renewed good fortune for the people; 15 Yahweh's
favourable answer ; 16-1 7 humiliation of the other nations and
Israel's deliverance ; 18 ~ 2 hymn commemorating Yahweh's
goodness and faithfulness.

3. Additions to the Prophecy of Micah.

' The abrupt transitions with which the book abounds
prove that the Book of Micah, like most of the other pro-
phetic writings, was mainly founded on discourses, or notes
of discourses, composed on various occasions.' 1 Even when
we have allowed for this fact, we can explain certain passages
only as additions to Micah's original text.

1-3 form a complete discourse, self-consistent with the
exception of 2 12 ~ 13 . These two verses are a promise of restora-
tion following directly upon a condemnation of the servile
prophets, and preceding a condemnation of the cruelties of the
national leaders. They are quite out of harmony with either

Cheyne, Micah, CBS, IO.

224 THE. BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

passage. In itself the idea of restoration is not opposed to
Micah's teaching ; and if the verses belong to Micah they may
be supposed to have strayed from another place in his dis-
courses. 1 Viewed in the light of similar phenomena elsewhere,
they should perhaps be regarded as an exilic addition.

4 1 ' 5 . Cp. on Is. 2 2 ~ 4 .

4 10 . ' And thou (Jerusalem) shalt come even to Babylon.'
To Micah the enemy of Israel is Assyria ; the power of Babylon
is as yet in the far future. The context also is against the
originality of the passage ; for the promised deliverance is to
take place at Jerusalem, is-is. This clause accordingly is to be
regarded as an insertion subsequent to the Babylonian captivity.

6-7. These two chapters are different in style and subject
from anything in the preceding discourses, (a) 6-7 6 . The
background is a condition of despondency and sadness in
which the idolatries of Omri and Ahab are renewed and the
pious man is persecuted. The reign of Manasseh provided
exactly such a background ; to which period this section is
generally referred. This date does not exclude the possi-
bility that Micah wrote it, but there is no direct point of
contact between it and 1-5. (b) 7 7 ~~ 20 . Here the exile is an
accomplished fact ; the nation confesses that its punishment is
deserved, but consoles itself with the hope of restoration. The
general style is similar to that of Is. 4ofg.

4. Date.

The pronouncement against Samaria belongs to the time
immediately before the fall in 722 B.C., and the date given in
Jeremiah 26 18 , i.e., the reign of Hezekiah, is to be accepted for
Micah. Against the view that he prophesied also in the reign
of Manasseh, are the fact that 6-7 6 are not in the same
style as Mic. 1-5, and the absence of any prophecy of his

1 They would follow appropriately after 4 7 .

MIC AH 22$

for the stirring year 701. If he were alive at the latter time,
it is not to be supposed that he would be silent ; and if he
spoke, since other prophecies of his were circulated we should
expect to have some utterances of that date.

5. Characteristics.

Perhaps the Book of Micah is oftenest quoted for the passage
6 6 ~ 8 , which shows the high-water mark of the prophetic protest
against formalism in religion. It is not less noble because
it is anonymous ; and the chapters which certainly belong to
Micah are not unworthy to appear in connection with it. If
Micah's message is in the main an impetuous summons to
judgement, his severity springs out of an intensely ethical
nature moved by the spectacle of the national disregard of the
claims of righteousness ; he feels that nothing less than drastic
punishment can awaken his countrymen from their blind con-
fidence in the divine protection (3 11 ) united with conduct which
Yahweh hates (2 2 ~ 10 , 3 1 " 7 ). Amid such evils, Micah selects for
especial condemnation the smooth-speaking prophets (2 11 , 3 5 ~ 7 ),
believing that though his own message is a harsh one, he is
' full of power by Yahweh's spirit, and of judgement and of
might, to declare unto Jacob his transgression, and to Israel his
hin ' (38).

226

7- NAHUM.
I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics.

I. The Prophet.

Of Nahum we know nothing except what may be gathered
from his book. According to the superscription (i 1 ), he is
called an Elkoshite. It is not certain that this must mean ' a
native of Elkosh,' but probably that is the sense of the word.
Three identifications of ' Elkosh ' have been offered, (i) Alcush,
a village a few miles from Nineveh, where a tomb is shown called
' Nahum's grave.' It is, however, clear that Nahum wrote
in Palestine (i*> 15 ). (2) Elkosh, in Judah. (3) Helkesei, a
village in Galilee. This last is the most likely. It is probably
no more than a coincidence that the name of Nahum forms
part of ' Capernaum,' i.e. Capharnahum (' village of Nahum ').

2. Contents.

The subject is the doom of Nineveh, i declares the irre-
sistible might of Yahweh, at whose appearance the powers of
nature tremble. He is faithful to them that trust in him, and
will punish their enemies. He is about to cut off Nineveh,
thereby to bring peace to faithful Judah. 2 contains a vivid
poetical description of an attack upon Nineveh, resulting in her
ruin and desertion. After 2 6 , verses 2 and 3 of 3 should be
inserted ; they have apparently been misplaced. 3. Threaten-
ings against Nineveh; the certainty of the doom which has been
already pictured ; the helplessness of her captains and her forti-
fications to avert disaster; the exultation with which the news of
her downfall will be received by those who have suffered from
her oppression.

NAHUM 237

3. Date.

3 8 alludes to the fall of No-amon, i.e. Thebes, which
occurred about 663 B.C. Nineveh was destroyed by the com-
bined armies of Nabopolassar of Babylon and Cyaxares of
Media in 607. Between these two dates Nahum uttered his
prophecy ; which is evidently occasioned by a prospect of the
immediate fall of the city. In 607 however Judah was relying
not on Assyria but on Pharaoh-Necho of Egypt and therefore
was not in such fear of Assyria as the prophecy of Nahum
implies. Nineveh was besieged also by Phraortes in 640, but
the siege was ineffective; and again c. 623 by Cyaxares, which
siege was almost successful. It was most probably during the
progress of this siege that Nahum expected the early destruction
of the Assyrian capital, and spoke the messages preserved in
our book.

4. Characteristics.

Nahum is a bold and vigorous writer; but it is hatred
against Nineveh which inspires him. It is true that he men-
tions the wickedness of the city as a reason for her punishment
(i 2 , 3 1 ' 4 > 19 ); but he exults in the doom which she is about to
meet. The theory of Amos and Isaiah that Assyria is simply
an instrument in the hands of Yahweh to punish and purify
Israel, has no place in the mind of Nahum : he is filled with
the thought of the sufferings which his country has experienced
and of the vengeance which the oppressing city must now
endure.

228

8. HABAKKUK.

I. The Author. 2. Contents. 3. Interpretation of I and 2.
4. Date. 5. Chapter 3. 6. Characteristics.

I. The Author.
Of Habakkuk we know nothing apart from his prophecy.

2. Contents.

i. 2 ~ 4 . Complaint of the prophet: spoiling and violence
are before him ; the ' wicked ' oppresses the ' righteous ' ; yet
Yahweh gives no sign. 5 ~ n . Yahweh s answer. He is raising
up the terrible and irresistible Chaldeans for a career of con-
quest. 18-17. Renewed complaint of the prophet. Why does
Yahweh permit the cruelties of the Chaldeans, and hold his
peace, when the ' wicked ' (Chaldean) oppresses the more
'righteous' Jew. The prophet takes his stand on the watch
tower to hear Yahweh answer. 2. 2 ~ 4 . Yahweh's answer.
The Chaldean's soul is puffed up, and his pride shall perish :
while the just Israelite shall preserve his life by his faithfulness.
5 . Text corrupt : apparently illustrations of the Chaldean's
pride. 6 . The nations shall take up a taunt-song against the
Chaldeans in which they pronounce five separate ' woes ' on
them :

(i.) 6 ~ 8 . Against their rapacity.

(2.) 9 ~ 11 . Against their extirpation of conquered peoples
with the object of avoiding reprisals.

(3.) 12-14. Against the cruelty and bloodshed involved in
their methods of establishing new cities.

(4.) 16-17. Against their barbarous treatment of captives.

(5.) 18-20. Against their stupid idolatry.

HABAKKUK 229

3. The prayer of Habakkuk. z . The prayer asks that
Yahweh will again declare himself for his people, as he did in
days of old. 8 ~ 15 . Ode on Yahweh's manifestation (theophany)
at the time of the Exodus. 1 Description of Yahweh's ap-
pearance from Edom ; all nature trembled before him ; and
yet it was not for this he showed himself, but for the salvation of
the nation from those who would have scattered it. 16-19. Th e
poet confesses himself in fear and distress because [here the
text is again uncertain] he can do nothing but wait in patience
for the ' day of trouble.' Yet though the trouble be so great as
to cut off the fruits of the earth and flocks and herds, he will
rejoice in Yahweh.

3. Interpretation of i and 2.

The date of the prophecy depends upon the interpretation ;
and the interpretation is difficult, (i). In i 2 " 4 does the pro-
phet complain of the injustice which exists among his own
people, the ' wicked ' Jew oppressing the ' righteous ' Jew ?
In that case the Chaldeans whose rise is announced in 5 ~ n are
to punish the wicked Jews ; and the language of the prophet in
i- 3 is puzzling, for he seems to call the Chaldeans ' wicked,'
while the Jews to be punished are called ' righteous.' Another
difficulty on this interpretation arises from the fact that whereas
in 5 ~ n the rise of the Chaldeans is prospective, in 12-1? (as
also in 2 6 ~ 20 ) they are spoken of as though their cruelties are
notorious. Moreover the Chaldeans are apparently to be pun-
ished for doing the very work which Yahweh requires. (2).
To avoid these difficulties it has been suggested that the text of
Habakkuk has been dislocated. The section i 5 " 11 may be placed
either before i 2 , or be regarded as a later addition. In either

1 It is uncertain whether the poet is here simply uttering a song of
praise for an old time mercy, or whether he is outlining a new theophany,
conceived as following the pattern of the familiar one of history.

230 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

case, on this suggestion, the prophet's complaint in i 2 " 4 is not
of Jew as against Jew, but of the Chaldean (the wicked), op-
pressing the Jews (the righteous). (3). Another possibility
is that i 5 " 11 ought to follow 2*. In this case the 'wicked'
oppressor in i 8 may be either the Assyrian or the Egyptian ;
it is of their cruelty that the prophet complains in 12 ~ 17 ; and
when deliverance is promised in 2 3 ~ 4 , it is to be by means
of the Chaldeans. The non-mention of Assyrian or Egyptian
by name is perhaps an insuperable obstacle to this theory.
(4.) The necessity for any of these suggestions is perhaps done
away with if we regard the prophecy as a retrospective dialogue,
in which the writer, smarting still with the sense of the cruelties
of the Chaldeans, recalls their connection with his people.
The complaint i 2 " 4 is then an explanation of the need of a
punishment of Judah ; ' wicked ' = the wicked Jew; and
'righteous " = the righteous Jew. The rise of the Chaldeans is
then announced as imminent, and the writer describes their
activity, vividly from experience of their methods. But, com-
plains the prophet, the Chaldeans' cruelty proves to be more
than the occasion demanded : true they came to punish the
wicked Jews, but even the wicked Jews are not so wicked as
the Chaldeans show themselves. To this Yahweh gives
answer that the Chaldean shall perish for his pride ; in the
meantime the just ones among the Jews shall preserve their
lives by their faithfulness.

4. Date.

The date assigned to the prophecy depends upon the inter-
pretation adopted. The Chaldeans began to be an important
independent power about the year 626 ; under Nebuchadrezzar
they defeated the Egyptians at Carchemish in 604 and shortly
before this Nineveh had fallen. In 597 vengeance fell upon
Jehoiachin, and the flower of the nation was carried into

HABAKKUK 331

captivity, although Jerusalem itself escaped for another eleven
years.

If the theory (i) or (2) above be accepted the prophecy will
date from about 600 B.C. ; the section i 6 "" 11 being perhaps of
earlier origin, say about 625. On the theory (3), the date will
be about the period of the fall of Assyria, or of the battle of
Carchemish 606-4. C* n tne ^ ast interpretation (4), the date is
subsequent to the captivity of Jehoiachin ; but before 586.

5. Chapter 3.

Chapter 3 at first view seems to be extracted from a
liturgical collection: cp. the headings and musical directions in
the book of Psalms. The contents also do not reveal any
special points of contact with i and 2 : the enemy against
whom Yahweh is entreated to manifest himself may be the
Chaldean, but the phrase ' their rejoicing was to devour the
poor in a secret place ' 14b , seems more applicable to something
less public than foreign enemies ; in fact to the sort of afflictions
the restored community faced after the return. The poem
appears to be only a fragment ; 17 ~ 19 seem to be not its original
conclusion. The reasons for considering it post-exilic however
are not absolutely decisive; and we may, with hesitation, accept
it as a part of Habakkuk's work.

6. Characteristics.

The object of Habakkuk is to comfort his people who are
suffering from the fear, if not from the actual cruelty of the
Chaldeans, by dwelling on the certainty that in their turn the
Chaldeans will perish. It is an anxious time for the nation,
especially because the punishment seems both excessive and
indiscriminate. The message of Habakkuk is that the exulta-
tion of the Chaldean will be short-lived ; and in the meantime

232

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the righteous is to rely upon his own steadfastness, or moral
earnestness, which will prove adequate to preserve his life.

The text of 2 5 is certainly corrupt : and possibly something
has here been lost which might expand the thought referred to.
The language of 2 2 ~ 3 is introductory to an impressive
declaration ; and though the announcement that the righteous
man shall preserve his life by his steadfastness is intelligible,
some further words may have dropped out developing the idea
for the comfort of the righteous, with whose sufferings the
prophet is chiefly concerned.

233

9. ZEPHANIAH.
i. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics.

i. The Prophet.

Of Zephaniah we know nothing except what his book tells
us. If the superscription (i 1 ) is reliable, he prophesied in the
reign of Josiah (see below) and was a great grandson of Heze-
kiah, i.e. probably, the king of that name.

2. Contents.

i Yahweh threatens ' to cut off man from off the face of the
ground ' ; especially the idolatrous Judaeans. This destruction
is to take place on the ' victory-day of Yahweh,' which is near
at hand ; and in it the evil-doers of the land will perish. The
terrors of the victory-day, and its far-reaching scope. 2. Let
therefore the people repent and peradventure they will escape
when the judgement falls, as it assuredly will, on the Philistine
cities, on Moab and Ammon, on the Ethiopians and Assyrians.
3 1 " 7 . Woe unto Jerusalem, whose princes, judges, prophets,
priests are all evil-doers ; for she has neglected the warnings
given to her. 8 ~ 13 . When Yahweh gathers the nations for
punishment on his victory-day, then will he remove from
Jerusalem her proud ones, leaving however a remnant that
shall not do iniquity nor speak deceit. i*-20 Yahweh will
' make them a praise and a name whose shame hath been in all
the earth ' ; therefore let the nation rejoice.

3. Date.

The reign of Josiah, mentioned in i 1 suits the contents of
the book : and the references to the idolatries i*~ 6 and social

334 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

corruptions of the nation imply the earlier part of that reign, i.e.
639-621, before the Deuteronomic reformation was effected.
Nineveh has not yet fallen (2 13 ), and the Chaldeans are not
mentioned : these facts also agree with the date suggested.
Furthermore the Scythians were a menace to the peace of Asia
during the earlier part of Josiah's reign ; and it is plausibly
conjectured that the terror caused by their inroads supplied
Zephaniah both with a starting point for his prophecy and
with imagery for his conception of the victory-day of Yahweh.

Difficulties caused by the references to foreign nations in 2
have been sometimes met by suggestions of interpolation or
overworking. It is practically certain also that ji*-20 is a post-
exilic addition. Had this glorious restoration been in the
mind of the writer of the rest of the book, it must have modified
his presentment of the terrors of the judgement on Judah. The
passage implies a knowledge of the exile, and must date from
that period.

4. Characteristics.

The fundamental idea in Zephaniah is the victory-day of
Yahweh ; like Amos he presents it as a day of darkness and
trouble. And though the ground of the punishment threatened
against the foreign nations is the wrong they have done to
Israel, the main point of the prophecy is Judah and Jerusalem ;
punishment is to be inflicted upon them in order that idolatry
and corruption may be purged away. The temper of the book,
along with the indications of date given above, allows us to
suppose that Zephaniah was among those who helped to
prepare the nation for the reformation which Josiah carried out.

235

zo. HAGGAI.

I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics.

i. The Prophet.

Haggai is mentioned along with Zechariah, son of Iddo, in
Ezra 5 1 , 6 14 , as prophesying in Jerusalem and inciting the
people to rebuild the Temple. Otherwise he is not named in
the Old Testament outside of his own book.

2. Contents.

Four Prophecies on the Rebuilding of the Temple. First
prophecy, delivered on first day of sixth month of second
year of Darius, i.e. September 520, addressed to Zerubbabel,
the governor, and Joshua, the high priest. i 3 " 11 . The
people have deferred the rebuilding of the Temple, yet have
made for themselves luxurious houses. The recent drought
and consequent famine are Yahweh's signs of displeasure.
12-15_ The people are moved by this appeal, and begin the
work of rebuilding on the twenty-fourth of the same month.
Second prophecy, twenty-first of seventh month, i.e. October
520. 2 1 " 9 The ardour of the people diminishes because the
new building promises to be inferior in splendour to the old
Temple. Haggai encourages them with the assurance that
this sanctuary shall be filled with the desirable gifts of all
the nations, and its glory exceed that of Solomon's. Third
prophecy, twenty-fourth of ninth month, i.e. December 520.
210-19. Haggai again encourages the builders, who are
downcast because the harvests are still bad, in spite of the
fact that they are now doing a holy work which ought to

236 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

secure the divine favour. By leading questions Haggai draws
from the priests a justification from the law, according to
which the taint of uncleanness is transmitted easily, while
purity is more limited in its influence; similarly the nation
must needs show for a little while some evidences of the
impurity caused by the long cessation of sacrifice. Let
them, however, be of good heart, for their diligence will
obtain Yahweh's blessing. Fourth prophecy : same date as
third. 2 20 ~ 28 . Zerubbabel is assured that in an upheaval of
the kingdoms shortly to take place, he, chosen by Yahweh,
will be exalted (become a ' signet ' : cp. Jer. 22 s4 ).

3. Date.

520-519. The book was probably written soon after the
discourses were delivered.

4. Characteristics.

The people whom Haggai addresses are in a condition of
religious apathy, and blame Yahweh for the poverty and dis-
tress which they suffer. Haggai finds the cause of the distress
in the failure to rebuild the Temple, and consequently to main-
tain regular sacrifices ; x he succeeds in rousing the people up
to the work of rebuilding, and in inducing them to com-
plete the undertaking when they grow dissatisfied, firstly,
because the new Temple seemed so mean compared with
the old ; and secondly, because material prosperity did not
begin forthwith. Incidentally the book shows that Ezra is
incorrect in stating that a beginning of rebuilding the Temple
had been made c. 535 ; and it contains no certain evidence that
there had been any return in 536.2

i Cp. Joel, 2. * Cp. Ez.-Neh., 5.

237

n. ZECHARIAH.

(A) 1-8. I. The Prophet. 2. Contents. 3. Date and Characteristics.

(B) 9-11, I3 7 ' 9 . I. Anonymous. 2. Contents. 3. Date.

(A) CHAPTERS 1-8.

i. The Prophet.

Zechariah is mentioned in Ezra 5 1 , 6 14 along with Haggai.
He is there described as son of Iddo, but he is undoubtedly
the same Zechariah whose prophecies are here preserved,
and in the superscription of which he is called Zechariah, son
of Berachiah, son of Iddo. 1

2. Contents.

i 1 " 6 . Eighth month of second year of Darius (Novem-
ber 520). An exhortation to the Jews to prove themselves
faithful.

i 7 -6 8 . A series of Eight Visions, seen on the twenty-fourth
day of eleventh month of second year of Darius (February,
519). (i.) i 7 "" 17 . Vision of the Four Horses, They symbolize
Yahweh's messengers, who report that the earth is still and
quiet. The angel of Yahweh inquires how long the divine
displeasure, already of seventy years' duration (roughly, for
the reference covers from 586 to 519), is to continue.
Yahweh promises the rebuilding of the Temple, and national
prosperity. (2.) i 18 " 21 . Vision of the Four Horns and Four
Smiths, symbolizing the break up of the nations which have
oppressed Judah. (3.) 2. Vision of the Surveyor, symbolizing

1 Perhaps as the result of a confusion with the Zechariah of Is. 8-.

238 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

the glories of the city (Jerusalem), which is about to be rebuilt ;
it is to be unwalled, so that there will be room for its great
population. Its inhabitants will include ' the nations,' who are
to be converted and to dwell with the Jews. (4.) 3. Vision of
the High Priest Joshua, accused by ' the Satan ' and acquitted ;
symbolizing the forgiveness of the sins of the nation in his person,
and promising the ' Branch,' i.e. Messiah. (5.) 4. Vision of
the Golden Lamp, surmounted by the oil vessel, and attended
by two olive trees ; symbolising the community (the lamp) re-
ceiving the divine protection (the oil) by means of the civil
(Zerubbabel) and religious (Joshua) chiefs (the two olive trees).
Zerubbabel is assured that his difficulties will disappear, and the
Temple be completed. (6.) 5 1 " 4 . Vision of the Flying Manu-
script, symbolising the curse which shall fall upon thieves and
perjurers. (7.) 5 5 ~ n . Vision of the Woman shut down in the
Ephah Measure, and carried away to Babylon, there to remain ;
symbolising the complete removal of the sins of the nation.
(8.) 6 1 " 8 . Vision of the Four Chariots, the messengers of
Yahweh to the four quarters of the earth ; symbolising Yahweh's
activity over all the earth, and his vengeance on Babylon
(represented by the messenger to the north). 6 9 ~ 15 . Appendix
to the Visions. The prophet is commanded to make crowns
(cp. note below), and to set them on the head of Joshua. Pro-
mise of the ' Branch,' who shall build the Temple of Yahweh.
7-8. Fourth day of ninth month of Darius' fourth year (i.e.
December, 518). 7 1 " 14 . A deputation waits on the prophet to
learn whether the fast kept in commemoration of the destruction
of Jerusalem is to be continued. Zechariah declares that mere
fasting does not necessarily prove the presence of the religious
spirit; in days gone by, the prophets proclaimed judgement, love,
and mercy ; and because they were not listened to, Yahweh
punished the nation. 8 1 " 8 . But a better time shall now begin ;
9 ~ 17 , peace and prosperity shall bless the land, if the people
be courageous, righteous, and merciful ; 18 ~ 28 , their fast days

ZECHAR1AH 239

shall become feast days of joy, and foreign nations shall come
to seek Yahweh, eagerly desiring instruction about him from
the Jews.

3. Date and Characteristics.

The prophecies were written out near to the occasions on
which they were delivered, for they betray no knowledge of the
completion of the Temple, B.C. 516. In his employment of
the vision for his medium, Zechariah has the precedents of
Amos 7-9, Is. 6, and especially of Ezekiel. His messages are
all consolatory to the distressed people; he holds out the
brightest hopes to the Jews in the despondency in which
fifteen years' experience of restoration, so different from the
glowing promises made to them, had resulted. In his pic-
ture of the good fortune which is to come, Zechariah gives
especial prominence to Zerubbabel and Joshua. Haggai also
had spoken encouragement to these leaders of the nation.
Zechariah went further, and declared that Zerubbabel would
complete the Temple, and then become king, with Joshua the
high priest as his supporter. ' In his prophecy of a time
when many nations shall " join themselves to God and be to
him for a people," as well as in his noble contrast between
fasting and goodness, Zechariah combines the spirit both
of the Babylonian Isaiah and of the old prophets of the two
kingdoms.' l

The text of 6 11 " 13 is obviously corrupt as it stands. The
name of Zerubbabel has evidently been removed, perhaps because
he did not become king, or perhaps because the Messianic
doctrine of a later age found the limitation to Zerubbabel a
difficulty. As;emended, the text reads, ' Take silver and gold
and make crowns, and set them upon the head of Zerubbabel
and of Joshua the high priest, and speak unto them, saying

1 Montefiore, Bible for Home Reading, 513.

240 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

' Thus saith Yahweh of Hosts. Behold a man whose name is
the Branch, and there shall be a branching out under him, and
he shall build the Temple of Yahweh: he shall bear the glory
and shall sit and rule upon his throne, and Joshua shall be
priest at his right hand, and the counsel of peace shall be
between them both.'

On Zechariah and the Return, cp. Ez.-Neh. 5.

(B) CHAPTERS 9-11, iy- g .

I. An anonymous piece.

This is an anonymous prophecy, marked out from the pre-
ceding by the heading, ' The burden of the word of Yahweh
upon the land of Hadrach,' 9 1 . The absence of an author's
name here and at 1 2 1 has facilitated the incorporation of these
two fragments into the book of Zechariah.

2. Contents.

9. Judgement announced on Hadrach (capital of a region
of Syria, only here mentioned in OT.), Damascus, Hamath,
Tyre, Zidon, and the Philistine cities. Jerusalem, however,
may rejoice because her king is coming, who shall bring peace
and dominion : the sons of Zion shall prevail against the sons
of Greece, and Yahweh shall save his people, both Ephraim
and Judah. 10. The helplessness of teraphim and diviners.
Yahweh will punish the ' shepherds ' (rulers) : Judah and
Joseph shall be as though they had not been scattered : though
Ephraim be spread abroad among the nations, they shall be
gathered from Egypt and Assyria into the land of Gilead and
Lebanon, u. Against 'the shepherds,' who prey on the
sheep, instead of protecting them. The prophet takes two staves,
Graciousness, representing the covenant between Yahweh and

ZECHARIAH 341

Israel, and Union, representing the union between Judah and
Ephraim; and assumes charge over the flock : he cuts off three
shepherds in one month. The people, however, will not accept
him ; whereupon he breaks the staff Graciousness, implying
that God breaks the covenant with them. The prophet, to test
them further, now asks for a wage : the people offer him only
thirty pieces of silver : whereon he breaks the other staff,
implying that the union between Judah and Israel is dissolved.
Yahweh promises that the next shepherd will treat them evilly.
i3 7 ~ 9 . He shall be destroyed along with two-thirds of the
people : the remainder shall be purified.

3. Date.

The date of this fragment is most difficult to fix. On the
one hand, a number of indications connect it with the eighth
century B.C. Damascus and Hamath are apparently still in
existence: Ephraim is referred to as though the disaster of
722 has not yet occurred ; Assyria and Egypt are mentioned
together as the enemies of Israel exactly as in Is. 7 18 , i i n > 16 ,
etc. On the basis of these indications, the passage describing
the cutting off of three shepherds in one month (n 8 ) is
supposed to be an allusion to the death of Zechariah, son of
Jeroboam II., Shallum, 1 and a third unknown usurper ; and the
foolish shepherd (n 15 ) in that case is Pekah. Unfortunately for
this interpretation, we know of no such ' third usurper.'

On the other hand, the allusion to Greece in 9 13 as a great
world-power is regarded as a decisive indication of a date sub-
sequent to 333. In confirmation of this date for the prophecy
as a whole it is urged that the names Assyria and Egypt are
used figuratively or archaically for the Greek kingdom of
Syria and the Egyptian dynasty of the Ptolemies (cp. on
Daniel) ; that 9 1 " 7 is based on Alexander's career of conquest ;

1 2 Kings IS 8 " 14 .

242 THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

that the references to Ephraim imply that it has already fallen
(io 6 " 9 ), its restoration being an object of pious hope. The
date in this case is c. 280 B.C.

The crucial point is the reference to Greece in 9 13 , which
cannot be satisfactorily explained as a gloss or a corruption.
Some of the difficulties raised by both theories are avoided by
the suggestion that 9-11 is an oracle of the eighth century
revised and edited for a situation arising in the third. The
whole section is, however, so obscure that no theory of origin
as yet proposed is completely satisfactory.

(Q CHAPTERS 12-14 (^ept 13?-*).

i. Anonymous.
i. This fragment also is anonymous; I2 la is its title.

2. Contents.

12-13. Jerusalem is besieged by Judah and the peoples
round about. Yahweh intervenes, throws the allies into con-
fusion. Judah deserts the alliance, and with her help Jeru-
salem is delivered and the nations are destroyed. A spiritual
re-awakening is to follow. Jerusalem will mourn bitterly for
' him whom they have pierced, a mourning as of Hadadrimmon
in the Valley of Megiddon.' l The sins of Jerusalem are
to be cleansed away. Idolatries will cease, and the pro-
phets and unclean spirits pass out of the land. 14. Another
picture of siege. Half of the inhabitants of Jerusalem are
led captive ; the other half remain in the city. Yahweh
again intervenes and smites the nations, including Judah,
that have warred against the city (12-16 should follow 8 ).
Promise of the glory which shall thereupon come to Jerusalem.

iRVM.

ZECHARIAH 243

Transformation of the country, rebuilding of the city, con-
version of the remnant of her enemies. Those of the nations
who do not keep the Feast of the Tabernacles at Jerusalem
shall be punished.

3. Date.

On account of the references to ' the house of David '
(12?, 10 12 , 13!), the monarchy is supposed by some critics to be
still existing when this prophecy was composed. Inasmuch
as Ephraim is not mentioned, the date is after 722. The
mourning of Hadadrimmon I2 11 is explained as the mourning
over the death of Josiah slain at Megiddo in 609. On these
grounds the prophecy is sometimes assigned to the eve of the
fall of Jerusalem (608-597). The allusions to the house of
David do not, however, imply more than that David's descend-
ants still survive. If the mourning of Hadadrimmon refers to
the lamentations on the death of Josiah, these lamentations
were still maintained in 300 B.C. (2 Chron. 35 25 ). More probably
the reference is to the mourning for Adonis. 1 The way is there-
fore open for a post-exilic date, which is demanded by the
Levitical indications in i2 13 , i4 16 ~ 20 (cp. Ex. 39 30 P), implying
at least the time of Ezra.

1 W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, 411.

244

12. MALACHI.
I. The name ' Malachi.' 2. Contents. 3. Date. 4. Characteristics.

i. The Name.

' Malachi ' means ' ray messenger.' It is, however, some-
times taken as a contracted form for ' Malachijah,' ' messenger
of Yahweh.' In fact, however, Malachi is not a proper name,
but a word taken out of 3 1 to serve as a title. It would appear
that the Book of the Twelve Prophets concluded with three
anonymous pieces : Zech. 9-11, 12-14, and 'Malachi'; for each
of these is supplied with the same title, ' Oracle of the Word of
Yahweh,' which title occurs nowhere else in that form.

2. Contents.

i 2 -2 9 . Yahweh who rejected Esau (i.e. Edom) has loved
Jacob (i.e. Israel) ; but Israel is indifferent. The indifference
is shown by the negligence with which the Temple ritual is
performed, and by the corruption of the priesthood; 2 10 ~ 16 ,
condemnation of those Jews who have married alien women ;
2 17 -3 6 , Yahweh will manifest himself in the person of his
' messenger,' who will purify the ritual and judge the wrong-
doers ; 3 7 ~ 12 , let those who rob Yahweh by offering insufficient
gifts increase their tribute, then will he bless the land ; 3 13 -4 3 ,
those who have argued that there is no profit in serving Yahweh
are warned that a day is coming when his real servants will be
distinguished and all others punished ; 4 4 ~ 6 , exhortation to re-
member the law of Moses ; Yahweh's victory-day is about to
come, but previously Elijah will reappear to move the people to
repentance.

MA LAC HI 245

3- Date.

The references to the Temple and its services, to the
governor and the mixed marriages, show that this prophecy
springs from the period of Nehemiah and Ezra. Inasmuch as
the ' law ' referred to in Malachi is not P but D and H (cp.
4*, ' the law of Moses my servant, which I commanded in
Horeb . . . even statutes and judgements '), a date before
the publication of P is to be preferred, in favour of which are
the references to the indifference with which the Temple services
are regarded. The date will accordingly be in the interval
between 458 and 444 on the ordinary chronology, or between
444 and 432 if the reconstruction of the sources of Ez.-Neh.
be accepted. 1

4. Characteristics.

The rebuilding of the Temple, from which Haggai and
Zechariah hoped so much, has led to no decisive change in the
national life. ' Malachi ' is a literary attempt to re-awaken the
people to a sense of their privileges as people of Yahweh.
The national individuality must be recovered ; to which end the
Temple services are to be purified, the offerings made fuller,
the mixed marriages to be dissolved. These proposals were
no doubt formalistic and exclusive ; but it is to be noted that
the writer's aim is the purification of the people, which he con-
nected with the due observance of the ritual. Not until the
offerings are presented in righteousness will they be ' pleasant
unto Yahweh as in the days of old and as in the ancient
years' (3*).

1 Cp. Ez.-Neh. 5.

THE END.