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LI V Y, 



Limc L I V Y 





Rev. W. W. CAPES, 


Honfcon : 


[The Right of Translation is reserved.] 




Frintcd by C. J. CLA Y, at the University Press, 

Cambridge, August 1878. 

Reprinted 1879, 1880, 1881, 1883, 1884, 1887, 1889. 


The text of Livy which is here adopted is a 
reprint of Madvig's, whose Emendationes Livianrs 
discuss most of the important variations from the 
common text. To that work therefore reference 
is made when Madvig's authority or arguments 
are mentioned in the notes. 

In matters of Latinity the commentary of 
Fabri, as enlarged by Heerwagen, has been found 
most useful, especially the illustrations drawn 
from Latin authors. Weissenborn's notes for 
German schools are quoted only (as W) when 
they contain information which is not to be 
found in earlier commentators. 

In questions of etymology most stress is laid 
upon the views of Corssen in his Aussprache, 
Vocalismvs, u. Betonung der Lateinischen Sprache. 


For the subjects treated specially in the Intro- 
ductions and Appendices the chief authorities 
are in each case mentioned; others have often 
been referred to, but it has not been thought 
desirable to crowd the notes witb names. 


August, 1878. 



Introduction I. The Early History of Carthage and 

the Antecedents of the Seoond Punic War 
Introduction II. The Authorities for the History of 

the Second Punic War . 

Introduction IH. On the Language and Style of Livy xlv 

Introduction IV. The Text and Orthography of Livy . 1 

Chronological Summary 

Lmi Liber XXI. 

Livii Liber XXII. .... 


Appendix L On the Eoute of Hannibal 

Appendix H. Excursus on the Eoman Eeligion in Eela- 

tion to the Prodigies in Livy XXI. 62 and XXII. 10 316 
Appendix HI. On the Character of C. Flaminius 320 

Index Nominum et Locorum .... 323 





Page 154, line 4 from the end, after 'comitia' add Cic. Mnr. 18. 

38, tanta illis comitiis religio est ut adhuc semper 

omen valuerit prcerogativum. 
156, line 34, after 'good will' add or, 'his likeness to his 

father was but the least infiuence', &c, i. e. was only 

the least among many infiuences. 
176, line 27, after ' Greek ' add (opt. with av), and after 

' Latin ' add cf . use of crediderim, ausim. 
186, line 4 from the end, add a note ad Mutinam, ad = 

to the neighbourhood of, cf. above § 3 Muti?iam con- 

fugerint, i. e. inside of. 
191, line 24, for 'Nor could S. ' read 'S. could not' and 

after &c. add ' and H. was ' &c. 
211, hne 7 from the end, add note § 4 indlgnitas, perhaps 

' a sense of the heinousness '. 
226, line 14, after ' endurance ' add cf. Tac. Hist. n. 4. 6, 

quantum illis roboris discrimina et labor, tantum his 

vigoris addiderat integra quies. 
237, line 6, after ' trade ' add cf. Cic. Kosc. Am. § 88, 

qucestum nosset nullum, fructum autem eum solum 

quem labore peperisset. 
243, line 31, add note cohibeTL.tem = cohibeiidi causa, an 

imitation of a Greek idiom, cf. use of circumspectans 

23. 10. 
246, line 8 from end, add after acceptce and the more 

probable receptce ( = withdrawn). 
251, line 5 from end, add Verg. iEn. 1. 33, tantce molis 

erat, &c. 
259, line 22, add after videam cf. use of irepiopav. 
270, line 12, for ' was not ' read ' would probably not 

have been '. 
285, line 11 from end, add note demum= ' only when ' or 

' not till '. 

The thanks of the editor are due to S. Bloxsidge, Esq., for 
suggestions on these and other points. 

C<y>ex • Livy XX2.2X11. 

Loadon: ~i) 

Stanfhnlx} litttihiixhmrnt . 



&r the earHest times of which history can take ac- 
count we find the traces of an active trade in the 
Medxterranean waters which was mainly in the hands 
of the Phoenician merchants. The enterprising race 
which peopled the narrow strip of Canaan hemmed in 
between the mountains and the sea, soon found out 
ita vocation in the carrying trade of the prehistoric 
world. I ts colonists pushed their way a l ong the 
coast of Asia Minor, and through the isles of the 
^gean, planting their factories on every favoured 
spot, and opening up the mineral wealth or purple 
fishenes of the countries on their way ; their inter- 
change of national products gave the first stimulus to 
the energy of many a backward race, while their mer- 
chantnavy probably supplied thewants of the great land 

• Compare especially Polybius, Book i. ; Heeren Cartha 
= Movers, Ph « nizier; ^^ Ma ™^ 

C. L 



power of Egypt, bringing together the scattered ele- 
rnents of tin and copper to be combincd by tbe in- 
dustrial arts of the early age of bronzc. The course 
of these Phcenician adveuturers was directed almost 
wholly by the interests of trade, but on the Northern 
coast of Africa their colonies assumed another cha- 
racter. There were indeed some early settlements 
from Sidon on the shore, as at Hippo and at Cambe, 
but these were probably of little note, till larger 
streams of immigrants appeared, who, unlike the rest, 
betook themselves to the interior, and lived an agri- 
cultural life. There is reason to believe that they 
were Canaanites from the inland, dispossessed perhaps 
by Israel under Joshua from the country on the North 
of Palestine, and guided from the ports of Sidon to 
their new homes by pilots already familiar with the 
country. Here they may have found some kindred 
races, peoples of the Hittite stock, who had spread 
from Egypt in the period known as that of the in- 
vasion of the Shepherd dynasties. The new comers 
mingled with the native Libyans, and from their 
union in the course of ages grew the numerous popu- 
lations found in later times in Zeugitana and Byza- 
cene, and known as a mixed race by the name of 
! , Liby-phcenicians. 

When Sidon fell before a sudden onset of the 
Philistines in b.c. 1209, Tyre stepped into herplace, as 
the chief power of the Phoenician league, which took 
up henceforth a more decided policy in the far West. 


Tn the neighbourlioo.l of tlio .Egean the Carian 
piratea and the Ionian tradera were as enterpristng 

as themselves, and one after another their fuctories 
had to be deserted, or fell into their rivals' hands, 
but in the West they came only into contact witli 
•ivilised races, who had no navy on their seas, 
and felt little jealousy of the modest settlements upon 
their coasts. First they planted the important town 
of Utica, and coasting thence they pushed across to 
Gades, where, attracted by the mines and other wealth 
of Southern Bpazn — the Tarsis of traditional fancy — 
th.y made a chain of factories and forts along the 
shores up to and even beyond the Pyrenees, not 
forgetting to gain a foothold upon the neighbouring 
Lslauds, and Sardinia above all. But rapid as was 
the progress of these colonies, they were all of them 
eclipsed by the brilliant fortunes of a younger sister. 
Some noble refugees from Tyre, fiying under tlie 
guidance of Elissar, VergiFs Dido, settled on the 
almost deserted site of the old Sidouian Cambe, near 
the centre of the great basin formed by the gulf of* 
Tunis. There they resolved to make a home, and 
built themselves a stronghold which they called ' a 
new city,' Kirjath-Hadeschath, known to the Latins 
aa Carthago (b.c. 872). The energy, and wealth, 
and powerful connections of the emigrants secured 
for the new settlement a rapid start in social pro- 
gress ; its happy site between the rich corn lands 
of the Bagradas, and the splendid anchorage of its 



natural harbours, seemed to mark out for it a career 
of supremacy in trade ; while there were rnany pos- 
sible allies and friends in the kiudred communities 
upon the neighbouring coasts, or in the Liby-phce- 
nicians of the main land. With such consciousuess 
of growing strength they could not long maintain 
the humble attitude towards the native races, which 
is typified in the tradition of the tribute paid for 
the ground on which the city had been built Forced 
therefore before long into collision with the Libyan 
peoples, they forsook the old Phcenician policy which 
shrank from territorial conquests, save on islands 
or projecting headlands ; step by step they pushed 
their way into the interior, annexing wide tracts of 
cultivated soil, and driving back the Nomad tribea 
into their deserts. 

Other causes also tended to force them into a 
career of imperial ambition. When Tyre was ruined 
by Nabuchodorossor, her colonies in the far West, 
in Sicily, Sardinia, Africa, and Spain, were thrown 
unprepared upon their own resources. The native 
races rose against them, the jealous Greeks seized 
the moment of their rivals' weakness, and there was 
nothing for it but to look round for timely aid or 
perish. They turned in their despair to Carthage, 
their vigorous and wealthy sister : she in her turn 
took up the legacy bequeathed by Tyre, and found 
a colonial empire ready made. But she had to fight 
hard to maintain it. War-navies were needed to 


keep her hold upon the distant islands : Liby-phue- 
nicians were drilled and armed and sent as colonists 
to secure the urines of Southern Spain, endangered 
by the native tribes. Tlieir old enemies, the Greeks, 
nicanwhile were making steady progress. Much of 
the coast line of Sicily waa in their hands, Phocsean 
colonies were planted on the shores of Gaul, as at 
Massilia, and on the North-East of Spain, and nearer 
liome in Africa, the prosperous Cyrene was soon 
to trouble them with rivalry and war ; Carthage 
accepted the defiance, and engaged as in a duel that 
must be fought out to the bitter end. After a hard- 
fought struggle she checked the advance of the 
Phocaean colonists, destroyed one after another of 
their towns, and swept their navies from the sea, 
even forcing humbled Massilia to submit to see a 
Punic factory rise within sight of its port, some trace 
of which waa found a few years since in a tariff of 
tlie sacrifices to be used in Baal's temple, as sanctioned 
by the magistrates of Carthage. With Cyrene she 
disputed merely the paramount lordship over the 
Libyan races, but after long hostilities they found 
tliat in that wide continent thete was room enough 
for a separate career for each, and agreed upon a 
frontier line, to which tradition gave the name of 
the altars of the Philaeni, from a romantic legend 
of the self-devotion of the arbitrators sent from 

But on the other hand the Greeks of Sicily stood 


resolutely at bay; time after time great armaments 
from Carthage lauded in the island, enough as it 
might seem to sweep away all before them, and many 
of the old cities were ruined in the course of the long 
struggle, but Syracuse, weakened as she was, was 
able to the last to make head against her ancient 
enemy, driving her back sometimes to a little corner 
of the North-West, once even carrying the war to 
the very doors of Oarthage, and at last only dropping 
it when Rome was there to take it up with greater 

Meanwhile the power of Carthage -was growing 
to the fulness of its stature. Though unable to con- 
quer Sicily entrrely, she had tightened her grasp upon 
the islands near it. Sardinia was wholly hers, and 
she ruled it with such skill and wise economy that 
after three centuries of teuure she left large parts 
of it a fair and fruitful garden, to become afterwards, 
in the hands of other masters, waste and wild. 

The Balearic isles formed convenient stepping 
stones across the sea to Spain, whose coasting trade 
she now possessed without a rival. Along the con- 
tiuent of Africa she stretched her arms, making or 
strengthening on the fringe of Mauretania a long 
line of forts, known as the Metagonitse ; her surplus 
population was drafted off in numerous colonies, which 
spread the civilized arfcs of peace in the interiox*, and 
drove further back the clouds of Nomad savagery. 
At home she opened up the resources of her fertile 


country, making husbandry and irrigatiou ruatters 
of seientific study, so that even the Roman senate 
iu a Later aee thought her books ou agriculture 

o o o 

worthy of tranalatioD. Abroad, she guided the streams 
of trade to every quarter, now opening up relations 
with the heart of Africa by means of caravans, now 
turning to account in Spain the old Phcenician skill 
in mining, now with daring enterprise exploring 
regions hitherto unknown. 

Of two such attempts especially we have some 
detailed accounts. One called the Periplus of Hanno 
was a long coasting voyage along the South-West of 
Africa to aboiit the 8th degree of latitude, conducted 
by the order of the State with a fleet of 60 vessels. 
On . his returu the admiral drew up a report 
ofliciallv, which was consigned to the ai-chives in 
the temple of Baal, and part of it is still extant in 
a Greek translation. We may still perhaps distin- 
guish in his narrative the crocodiles of Senegal, the 
sweet^scented forests of Cape Verde, the lofty moun- 
tains of Sierra Leone, and the fantastic forms of the 
Gorillas, so called from a faulty reading of a passage 
in the Periplus. The second enterprise under Himilco 
was directed along the coast of Portugal and Gaul, 
and thence across to the Cassiteiides or Scilly Isles, at 
svhich Phcenician adventure in olden times had stopped 
in its quest for tiu, but from which the Cartha- 
giniana pushed on to the neighbouring shores of 
Cornwall and of Ireland. 


It is time perhaps to turn from such romantic tales 
of early navigation to inquire what was the nature of 
the first relations between this Queen of Western 
Trade and Rome. The earliest historic datum is 
furnished by the treaty in Polybius (iii. 22), which 
was concluded in the year after the expulsion of the 
Tarquins (b.c. 509), and the archaic terms of which in 
the original Latin were scarcely intelligible in the 
days of the historian. The Carthaginians on their 
side pledged themselves not to disturb any of the sub- 
jects or allies of Plome, not to hold any fortress or 
attack a town in Latium, while Ronie coveuanted for 
herself and her allies not to sail or trade in Africa 
beyond the headland to the West of Carthage. Sicily 
was to be a neutral ground for commerce, in which 
both were to enjoy like rights. 

The treaty points to the increasing enterprise of 
the Italian traders which stirred so soon the jealousy 
of Carthage, and to the corsairs of the latter power 
whose visits were dreaded even then in the Tyrrhe- 
nian waters, as when they combined with the Etrus- 
cans to crush the Phocseans of Alalia. 

A century afterwards a second treaty (b.c. 347) 
opened the markets of Pome and Carthage to each 
other, but the former was not to trade in Libya or 
Sardinia, the latter was to spare the subject-soil of 
Pome from piracy and damage. Carthage spoke in 
this case in the name of Utica and of the free Tyrian 
peoples. This treaty closed to Roman traders many 

rXTRODUCTIo.X. I. x v ii 

of fche potta which the former had left open, and there- 
fore marked the jealous policy of Carthage, which 
hoped to monopolize the Boarcee of her wealth. 

A third fcreaty in the time of Pyrrhua (b.c. 279) 
provided for an alliance of an ofFensive and defensive 
nature in which ( 'artliage was to lend its fleet, but 
maintained the restrictions on free trade. So far it 
has been seen that Sicily was regarded as commer- 
c-iall v a neutral ground between the powers, but it was 
soon to be their battle field. The long strugglo for the 
possession of the island had greatly weakened Syracuse 
and ruined most of the Greek cities. One of the few 
that werc still left standing, Messana, was seized by a 
lawless band of Carupanian soldiers turned freebooters, 
who followed a course that had been popular of late 
at Rhegium and elsewhere. There they were soon 
attacked by Hiero, who, first as general, then as king, 
had lately trained to order the turbulent populace of 
Syracuse, and revived the dignity of the Sicilian 
Greeks. Hard pressed by the besiegers the Mamer- 
tini, 'men of Mara/aa the free lances called themselves, 
could only baflie Hiero by turning to Carthage or to 
Rome, and rival parties in the city made overtures to 
each. The former was first upon the scene, and her 
soldie7-s in the citadel. But Rome who had .sternly 
punished a like act of Campanian treachery afc Rhe- 
gium, and was besides in league with Hiero the 
avenger, could not turn her back on the temptation of 
gaining a footing on the soil of Sicily, with a safe 


passage in the straits. She eiirolled the Mamertines 
as her allies, and sent a general to the rescue, who by 
dexterous use of wiles and force ousted the Cartha- 
ginians from Messana. So began the first Punic war 
(b.c. 264), the first act in a long tragedy of bloodshed. 
The steady infantry of the Romans swept before it 
the motley gatherings of mercenaries brought against 
them in the field, and Hiero, who had little to hope 
except a choice of masters, changed sides after a cam- 
paign or two, and joined the stronger, whose success 
he dreaded least. But the war in Sicily could not be 
decided by hard fighting on the open field. A period 
of slow sieges followed, and Rome's success was more 
than balanced by the fleets of privateers which ravaged 
the coasts of Italy and ruined all its trade, while 
Carthage was mistress of the seas. Then Eome de- 
cided to create a navy. She could not raise at once 
skilled sailors to manceuvre with precision, and more 
than one great fleet was lost by the rashness or inex- 
perience of her captains: but she could so build as to 
enable them to grapple and board each ship that came 
alongside, and to decide the battle by sheer weight of 
discipline and numbers. Her navy so constructed 
swept the seas, and landed her legions under Regulus 
almost within sight of Carthage, but the rash con6- 
dence of general and senate while dictating haughtv 
terms of peace kept the weakened army long inactive, 
to be crushed at length by overpowering nurnbers. 
The well-aimed blow failed utterly, and fresh disasters 

1STUO0UCTI0N. I. xix 

Eollowed, aa fleefc after fleet waa wrecked by storins, 
ur sunk, or taken by the enemy, till Rome sullenly 
withdivw fioni her adveuturous poliey upon the sea, 
;inil eonfined herself to drawing closer the besieging 
linrs round Drepaue and Lilybaeum, and the little 
oomer of the North-West of Sicily in which the Car- 
bbaginiana lay entrenched. But now her fortune 
Beemed to fail her even there, for a coinmandi-r of 
genius confronted her. Hamilcar Barca (Barak, 
lightniug) drilled liis crowd of fighting-nien into an 
army worthy of its leader; trained them in a war of 
outposts to withstand the onset of the legions; tound 
natural strongholds first at Ercte then at Eryx, where 
safe within his lines he could defy attack, so long as 
the approach by sea was in his grasp. 

So years passed away and victory seemed no uearer, 
while the trade of Italy was ruined and the treasury 
was exhausted. 

But the spirit of the citizens rose higher as the 
star of Bome's fortunes seemed to sink. "Wealthy 
volunteers came forward with the offer of a fleet, built 
and equipped at their expense, to make one more bold 
stroke for possession of the seas. Bome was once 
niore a naval power. The Carthaginians, unprepared 
for energy so great, had neglected to keep up their 
navy ; the convoys and the transports hastily despatch- 
ed with the supplies for the Sicilian forts, scantily 
eqnipped and badly handled, made a poor show of 
resistance to the admiral Lutatius, whose victory oflT 


./Egusa crushed for the present all the naval power of 
Carthage (b.c. 241). The blow was quite decisive. 
Hamilcar with all his brilliant genius could not hold 
his highland fortress without access to the sea, and the 
door had been abruptly closed. At home there were 
no ships in the arsenals to send him, there was no 
ai*my except his, there were no levies to meet the 
legions who might land within sight of Carthage. 

They had suffered probably far less than their 
enemy, to whom the war had caused a fearful loss of 
men and money: but they were in no heroic mood, 
and Hamilcar was forced to offer submission in their 
name. The terms of peace were moderate enough. 
Sicily had to be surrendered, and a war-contribution 
to be paid, which was raised from 2000 to 3200 
talents, when commissioners were sent from Eome to 
supersede Lutatius and to conclude a definitive treaty. 
Carthage was left a sovereign power, though bound as 
was Eome itself by the condition, that neither should 
deal separately with the dependent allies of the other. 
*\ It may be well to gather up some of the lessons of 
' the war. It had been proved first that Carthage was 
no match for Rome in calm and pertinacious vigour. 
Her resolution was thrown into the shade by the 
energy with which Rome first created a war navy, 
and struggled on while fleet after fleet perished by 
untoward fate, and hostile privateers swept her coasts 
of merchant shipping. Phcenician enterprise was 
overmatched on its own element ; 6rst it failed in 


power of speedy adaptation to the new omditions uf 
tlu- timcs; in-xt it aegleoted fco jmt iforth all its strength 
ti> keep the advantage it had gained, 

For Carthagc was essentiallv a trading power, as 
such it hankered after a policy of peace, and only 
fitfully encouraged its dreams ofimperial amhition. 

Secondly, there was a difference in the position 

Iof the general in chief of the two states. The com- 
mander of the legions was a statesman or a party 
leader transferred Buddenly into the camp : like every 
Roman, he had had a soldiers training, but when 
his wealth, or birth, or civil services, or powerful 
connections had raised him to the highest rank of 
consul, he had yet to prove his fitness for supreme 
command. He might leave his mark on history in 
one short campaign, but the brave rank and file had 
often cause to rue his inexperience or rash ambition. 
The single year of office was far too short for a good 
general, and too long for a bad one. At Carthage the 
profession of a soldier was often special and life-loug. 
The able man, once found, continued long in office, 
and could carry out a policy of patient genius like 
that of Hamilcar, though unlucky blunderers pro- 
voked sometimes a burst of fury, and were crucified as 
a warning to the rest. 

But this was balanced by a difference still more 
marked. The armies of Kome were at once citizens 
and soldiers, were drilled and trained from early 
years, called out on active service to fight for their 

xxii 1XTR0DUCTI0N. I. 

homes and fatherland. Carthage relied upon her 
wealth to buy the raw material of her armies. Her 
people were too busy at their work of agrieulture, 
industry, or commerce, to be spared for the soldier's 
unproductive trade; but there was no lack of markets 
in ruder and less civilized countries where men might 
be had for money's worth. Their recruiting officers 
went far afield, and the motley host thus gathered to 
their banners must have presented a strange spectacle 
indeed, as Heeren pictures to our faticy. "Hordes of 
half-naked Gauls were ranged next to companies of 
white-clothed Iberians, and savage Liguiians next to 
the far-travelled Nasamones and Lotophagi; Cartha- 
ginians and Liby-phcenicians formed the centre, the 
former of whom were a sort of separate corps, dignified 
by the title of the sacred legion; while iunumerable 
troops of Numidian horsemen, taken from all the 
tribes of the desert, swarmed around vipon unsaddled 
horses, and formed the wings ; the van was composed 
of Balearic slingers, and a line of colossal elephants, 
with their Ethiopian guides, formed as it were a chain 
of moving fortresses before the whole army." 

Multitudinous gatherings like these took time to 
raise, still more to hold well in hand and turn to good 
account; pestilence often hovered in their train, and 
they were commonly soon shattered by the onset of 
steady infantry like that of Rome. There was yet 
another danger in their use, which was now to be 
brought home to them in an appalling shape. 

1NTR0DUCTI0N. I. xxiii 

The war onoe oyer, it remained fco pay the arreara 
aml t<> disband the army. Bul the funds were longin 
ooming, and the men Bhipped cautiously in small tle- 
tachmenta were allowed to meet once more in Africa, 
to tan eaoh <>ther's discontent, invent wild stories of 
tlic planfl hatched for their destrnction, and break oui 
at last in open niutiny. So began the disastrous 
IferceDary war. 

The hardy veterans found daring leaders who swept 
the open country with their arius and carried all before 
tlniii for a tinie. Nor was tliat the only danger to the 
state. The subject populations all around had little 
love for the proud city who had been so imperious a 
mistress. Except a favonred few who had preserved 
their independence as Phcenician colonies upon the 
coast, the rest had been governed with a rod of iron, 
and taxed oppressively in men and money to support 
the imperial policy of Carthage. In the background 
rolled the threatening clouds of Nomads, who had 
never ceased to hate her for her stern repression of 
their licence. Among all these a smouldering fire of 
disaffection burnt, which was now to burst into a 
flanie. On every side they made common cause with 
the insurgent army, and raised the banner of revolt. 
So Carthage stood upon the very brink of ruin. Be- 
sides the enemies thus leagued against her, she suffered 
from the spirit of faction which crippled her policy 
and checked her arms. Her foremost leaders, Hamil- 
car and Hanno, wasted in their mutual jealousy the 


strength which should have been turned against the 
common enemy : each was singly tried a while, and 
each failed in turn to close the war, till no course was 
left but to plead with them in their country's name, to 
drop their rivalries in the sense of overwhelming 
danger. That done the prospect brightened, and the 
terrible insurrection was trampled out at last. 

But friends and enemies alike had learnt two 
lessons from the war. 

1. It had revealed the chronic danger of all mer- 
cenary troops, who might at any moment turn against 
their own paymasters, and ruin the State while off its 

2. It had laid bare the weakest point in the 
honie-rule of Carthage. Her failure to win the loyalty 
of her allies near home was very fatal. She would 
not let their towns be walled in her jealous fears of 
disaffection. An invader might therefore march at his 
will through open country, and look to find thousands 
rally to his standard. The Syracusan A.gathocles, 
the Roinan Regulus, had each tried in this way to 
close the war by a decisive blow : a surer hand would 
one day succeed where they had failed. 

What was the attitude of Rome meanwhile, when 
her late enemy was fighting thus for very life? At 
first she was entirely neutral ; there was indeed some 
diplomatic talk of the complaints of the Italian traders 
whose interests were wounded by the blockade of the 
insurgent towns, but for a time she was ashamed to 


take advautage of a rival's weakness. Afl ihe war 
went on however, and tho niutinoiis garrison of Sar- 
dinia offered the ialand and themselves to Rome, the 
ktion was too stroug, and the offer was accepted. 
Tlio protesto of Carthage were cynically met witli 
- of war, and the complainant sullenly retired to 
brood over her wrongs and hopes of vengeance. It 
was this wrong tliat rankled in her memory, and 
made the peace only a short breathing space in a duel 
of life and death. 

Haiuilcar above all felt the ignominy keenly, 
dogged as he was by factious spirits which taunted him 
with all the losses of the war, or even formally im- 
peached him. To hold his own he had to find or 
organize a party, and possibly to tamper with the 
spirit of the constitution. Our authorities, familiar 
chiefly with the civil strife of Greece and Rome, speak 
as if he became the head of the democratic party, of 
which Hasdrubal, his future son-in-law, was a marked 
leader. This may lead us to inquire what were the 
distinctive forms of the government of Carthage. 

The noble emigrants who fled from Tyre seem to 
have given a bias to the infant State which lasted on 
in the stable aristocracy of later ages. A few ruling 
families held the chief power in their hands, not by 
establLshed right of an hereditary peerage, but by the 
wealth and merit and the proud traditions which won 
them the affections of the people. For some sort of 
popular assembly, though how arranged we are not 
C. L. . C 


told, held the elections of the magistrates, and debated 
state affairs of high importance, but it was not above 
suspicion in its choice, for Aristotle says expressly, 
that the highest offices were bought and sold. Above 
it stood tbe senate, which is constantly referred to in 
our authors as the working machinery of government, 
through which all questions of foreign policy must 
pass, as well as all the business of legislation. It was 
a numerous body, with settled aims and definite tra- 
ditions, with probably a lengthy, if not a lifelong 
tenure of their office. Within the circle of this senate 
or synkletos we hear of a more select and smaller body 
(concilium, ycpovaia) which was held, as Livy says, in 
highest reverence, and had a paramount control over 
the senate (id sanctius apud illos concilium, masima- 
que ad ipsum senatum regendum vis, Livy xxx. 16. 3). 
Its origin is thus explained by Justin (xix. 2 ap. 
Heeren p. 122) as due to the jealousy with which an 
aristocracy regards the paramount power of any of its 
body: "As the house of Mago became dangerous to a 
free state, an hundred j udges were chosen from among 
the senators, who upon the return of generals from the 
war, should demand an account of the things trans- 
acted by them, that they being thereby kept in awe, 
should so bear themselves in their command, as to have 
regard to the laws and judicature at home." As the 
highest state tribunal and guardian of the constitution, 
doing its duty without reward or fee, it gained a moral 
influence and power which it may have sometimes 


hanhly used in the interest of the established order, 
or even tended to become a sort of social inquisition. 

The choice of this inner council rested with the 
pentarchies, or boards of five, who seem to have dis- 
charged uiany of the executive functions of the state. 
It is probable that they corresponded to the chief 
departments of the Civil Service, and theirlong tenure 
of their ofiice commonly secured a stable and coherent 
system of administration. 

At the head of the whole Republic stood suffetes 
(schophetim in Hebrew) who were called by the Greek 
writers kin<j.s. These were appointed by election 
from the chief families of state, and were probably 
two in number, as Polybius compares them with the 
Roman consuls, though Cicero (cle Republica n. 23) 
specially contrasts them with the magistrates who 
were annually changed, and implies therefore a longer 
term of power. The Roman consuls, up to the Punic 
wars at least, were commanders of the legions, but 
Carthage kept distinct the civil and the military power. 
The general catne next in order to the svffes, and in 
his election regard was also had to rank and wealth. 
The nomination rested with the council (yepovaia), but 
the sanction of the senate and the people was required. 

On the whole it was an aristocracy of wealth and 
talent. The governing families were careful to ob- 
serve the constitutional forms. They asked, or bought, 
the votes of the electors; they referred grave ques- 
tions to the popular assembly ; by colonial grants 


xxviii INTRODUCTION. 1. 

they consulted the material interests of the poorer 
classes, at the same time respecting their pride of 
self-respect even while ruling in their name. 

Of the people itself we know not much, but we 
may do their meniory a wrong if we repeat without 
misgiving the comments of the Greeks or Eomans. 
It is idle to say they were effeminate because they 
mostly did not care to fight themselves in foreign 
wars. The Phcenicians, of whose race they came, 
were no soldiers, but they were no cowards. It 
needed courage and the spirit of adventure to make 
their way among wild races, to brave the dangers 
of the unknown waters, and be the pioneers of civi- 
lized progress. It is true that they had not, like 
the Romans, the barbaric pride which thought that 
war was noble, but industry was mean : they had 
little mind to fight for imperial interests which did 
not move them greatly, and were well content to 
see their rulers buy soldiers in a cheaper market. 
It is rash to say they had no sense of honour, be- 
cause Aristotle tells us that offices of state were 
bought and sold. It may be true to own that in 
their race the political instincts were less strong than 
other motives, but we shall do well to remember that 
the French monarchy with all its talk of honour sold 
public offices by thousands, and if it be a question 
simply of bribery at elections, Englishrnen had, till 
lately, little right to condemn others. 

Dynastic feuds, or quarrels among leading houses, 

I.XTltODUCTIOX. I. xxix 

bave oftea proved a fatal weakneas to ruling aris- 
t ocaraoies. Carthage had suffered from it keenly in 
khfl Mercenary war, and she felt it even when the 
war was over. Of the two great party leaders Ha- 
inilcar and Hanno, the former was the most popular 
among the people, by virtue of his signal merits as 
a soldier, if not by the factious help of Hasdrubal. 
He was made general by their votes, to secm-e their 
hold on Southern Spain, and he was glad to go, for 
he breathed more freely in the camp than in the city, 
and had far-reaching projects to secure. No better 
scene of action could easily be fouud than Spain. 
The mines which had tempted Phcenician enterprise 
in early days were unexhausted still, and might give 
him the command of untold wealth. The native 
tribes might be won by fair words or show of force, 
and their homes would then be recruiting grounds 
for hardy soldiers. The scene was far enough away 
to be out of sight of jealous rivals, and conquests 
made upon it wei~e no immediate defiance of E,ome's 
power. If such were his aims, tbey were successful. 
He pushed on with slow and patient steps till the 
South of Spain was in his hands ; he organized a 
powerful army which was disciplined by constant 
warfare and maintained with little help from home, 
while he kept up almost royal state, not forgetting 
to find funds for his partisans at Carthage, the so- 
called Barciue faction. 

When death abruptly closed the career of his am- 


bitiou, Hasdrubal, his son-in-law, was ready to step 
into his place aud carry on his work with equal skill, 
and when he too was hurried off by an assassin's knife, 
the ai-my felt such sense of strength and personal 
will as to choose a general for itself, asking the state 
only to approve its choice. Hanuibal, with all his 
father's bitterness of hate, and more thau his father's 
genius, was ready to carry on the struggle against 
Ronie. His army, composite as was its structure, 
was welded into a mighty thunderbolt of war ; secure 
of its loyalty, and relying on his party organized at 
home, he might hope to overrule the scruples of warier 
statesmen or opponents. 

Eorae meanwhile looked on quietly at first at the 
progress of the Punic arms in Spain, but with growing 
uneasiness as time went on. At last she forced on 
Hasdrubal a treaty to respect the line of the Hiberus 
as the boundary of the influence of the two great 
empires, but showed scant respect for it herself when 
she accepted an ally in Saguntum, which lay across 
the river. She would perhaps have pushed matters 
to extremes at once, had uot her attention been dis- 
tracted by the war with the Cisalpine Gauls. That 
enemy was conquered, but not crushed; the colonies 
of Placentia and Cremona, whose walls were beiug 
built to overawe them, were soon to provoke another 
outburst, and they were ready to welcome auy an- 
tagonist of Eome. Now that she was mistress of the 
seas, there could be no better base of operatious for 


■ war againat her than the country of these Gauls, 
wh.i wtre of raee akin to the Spanish Celts who fought 
for Hannibal. The way indeed by land was long and 
rough, and Punic arniies had seldom faced the legions 
t to be defeated, but Hannibal relied on his own 
genius, and was impatient to begin the struggle anew. 
He flung defiance in the teeth of Piome by striking 
duwn Saguntum her ally, and then in early spring 
puslied rapidly along the road which was at last to 
lead him through the Alps to Italy, where for fifteen 
years he was to spend all the unparalleled resources 
of his military skill in the vain effort to destroy the 
power of Rome. 



The authorities for the history of the Second Punic 
war consist not only of the third decade of Livy 
(book xxi — xxx), but of the third book of Polybius, 
together with fragments of some later books, of the 
war of Hannibal by Appian, of some passages of 
Dion Cassius, preserved or summarized by Zonaras, 
and also of a long and tedious poem by Silius ^- 

Of these the history of Polybius is much the 
earliest in date. Its author, though a Greek, lived 
long at Ronie in intimate relations with the circle 
of the Scipios, and other ruling families, whose 
memories of the great struggle were likely to be 
fresh and vivid ; he travelled, as he tells us, to 

1 On this subject compare Nissen, Kritische Untersuch- 
ungen iiber die Quellen des Livius. Bottcher, Krit. Vnt. in 
Jahrb. Class. Phil. Suppl. 1864. Nitzsch, Ehein. Mus. 1868. 


INTRODUCTlnx. ll. xxx.ii 

gain ;i speoia] knowledge of tho sccnes of tbc cam 
paigns, and he possessed, in a high degree, many of 
khe qualifications for the work of an historian. It 
is iiuportant therefore to compare his narrative with 
that of Livy. 

Upon carefnl scrutiny it may be seen that in 
many passages of the two writers there is very close 
resemblance in the language uscd, more especially in 
dealing with the first part of the war. The agree- 
ment is too minute and circumstantial to be ascribed 
to chance, or to faithful rendering only of the facts. 

At first therefore it was thought, as by Lachinann 
and liy others, that the later author Livy must have 
eopied freely from Polybius, though without acknow- 
ledging his debts, or even mentioning hini by name 
until the end (xxx. 45. 4). We can lay little stress 
indeed upon this silence, for ancient writers had no 
scruples in using the materials which they found 
ready to their hands ; they borrowed often largely 
from each other, and had no delicacy of feeling 
about such debts of honour. But there is good 
reason for believing that the view just stated is not 
an adequate explanation of the facts. 

1. Even in the passages where Livy seems at 
first sight to copy Polybius most closely, we may 
find commonly some incidents, some names of persons 
or of things, some notices of causes or effects, which 
form distinct additions to the story of the earlier 
writer, and which point to some other literary source, 


as they would not come within the range of Livy's 
own thought or observation. 

2. It is stili more noteworthy that in one place 
(xxn. 24. 4) we find surprise expressed at a course 
of action on the part of Hannibal which is suf- 
ficiently explained in the corresponding passage of 

3. At other times we find that Livy gives details 
without apparent misgivings or defence, although 
Polybius had already protested or complained of 
them as silly absurdities and exaggerated tales. Ex- 
amples of this kind may be found in xxi. 22 and 36. 

4. It would seem natural to urge that Livy 
might have had several authorities before hhn, 
and have seen reasons for preferring first one and 
then another, as he worked up their materials into 
the course of his own uarrative. But before accepting 
this conclusion, it may be well to turn to the fourth 
and fifth decades of his work, where by general con- 
sent it is admitted that he followed Polybius most 
closely in all matters which related to Greece or to 
the East. We niay study with advantage his method 
of procedure in such cases. Caref ul observation seems 
to show that in all these he uses Polybius without 
acknowledgment, translating and abridging lengthy 
passages, without collating other sources at the time, 
or changing to any great extent the order and method 
of the narrative, though he often makes mistakes 
and alterations from ignorance, or haste, or patriotic 


pride. The claaeioal hisiorians of later date, we 
know, followed the sarue course, and still more cer- 
tainly, the chroniclers of the middle ages. For the 
most part it would seem that they were quite content 
in each part of their work with following one au- 
thority alone, and that they transcribed freely from 
it for a time, with little effort to balance or correct 
from other sources, till at length another was taken 
in its place, to be used for a while with equal free- 
dom. But in the third decade of Livy the elements 
of the mosaic are much smaller than in the fourth 
or fif th ; the passages are shorter where tlie agreement 
witli Polybius is most marked, and yet in them the 
variations are often too minute and numerous to be 
consistent with such a method of procedure as that 
which has been stated. If Livy had had the pages 
of Polybius before him, he would probably have fol- 
lowed him more closely, as the differences are often 
not improvements. 

5. The reasons given, as well as others which 
arise from a detailed comparison between the two, 
point to a common use of the same sources, rather 
than to a direct borrowing of the one historian from 
the other. But they must have dealt with these in 
different fashion, Livy keeping close to the early 
narrative in its fuller form, while the edition which 
Polybius gives is a summary and corrected one. It 
remains then to ascertain, if possible, the nature of 
these common sources. 


6. The passages of the two writers in wliich 
tho features of resemblance are most marked, are 
those in which Hannibal is throughout the moving 
spirit of the scenes, and the fortunes of his soldiers 
are described in most detail. 

They deal with the march of the invading arrny, 
with the fields of battle, and the vicissitudes of the 
campaigns. The touches here are often very delicate 
and minute, and the narrative is that of an eye- 
witness, or of oue whose information could be drawn 
from Carthaginian sources. 

One such especially is known to us by name, the 
Greek Silenus, who is said to have served from first 
to last in Hannibal's campaigns (Corn. Nepos, Hann. 
13) and to have written with great care the history 
of his wars (Cic. de Divin. i. 24), and as such is 
quoted as an authority by Livy (xxvi. 49. 3). Con- 
temporary evidence of so high an order, which is 
referred to by writers of two centuries later, could 
hardly fail to be consulted by a painstaking author 
like Polybius, and his silence on the subject goes for 
little, as it was not the practice of those times to 
mention earlier authorities except when the data 
were specially conflicting. Silenus was certainly con- 
sulted by the Roman writers on the Punic wars, 
and there is good reason for believing that part of 
Livy's narrative takes from this source much of its 
coloui and contents. But it does not therefore fol- 
low that Silenus was directly used by Livy, as tbe 


materials collected by him may have been worked 
up by otber bands into something like the form in 
which we bave them in their Latin dress. In dealing 
witb tbis question we may do best to consider first 
the utlier parts of Livy's story, where Rome itself is 
the centre of the scene, and the information must 
have come from Roman sources. "What were the 
authorities which could be consulted here, and in 
what vray do they seem to have been used 1 It is 
needful perhaps here to enter into more details. 

7. In early ages it had been the practice to put 
out an official register of the names of the magis- 
trates elected, with some sort of scanty calendar of 
general news. The priests were in Rome, as often 
elsewhere, the earliest chroniclers, and the meagre 
notices which the chief Pontiff (Pontifex summus) 
posted on a whitened board, grew lengthier as time 
went on, and the practice of registration became more 
complete. The materials thus collected year by year 
were the groundwork of a national chronicle, which 
was kept in the Arcbives of the Pontiffs, and formed 
at the period of the last revision a series of some 
eighty books. In form it was a sort of diary on 
which were noted tbe results of the elections, and 
the chief events of national importance. In the in- 
terests of the priesthood it was natural to find room 
for all the matters which especially concerned them ; 
the august ceremonials of the state religion : the 
eclipses of the sun and moon : tbe fasts and feasts 


and days of evil omen to be noted on the calendar : 
the prodigies and freaks of nature which in stirring 
times excited the fancy of a superstitious people — 
these were set down with an exceeding fulness of 
detail — as facts which deserved careful study in the 
present, and were likely to be of interest to after 

8. The early writers in their history of the past 
freely used the outlines which were thus ready to 
their hand, and adopted a like order in the narrative 
of their own times. Here and there indeed com- 
plaints were made of such meagre chronicles of 
petty and disjointed facts, and it was urged that 
there could be no national order or historical per- 
spective in a continuous diary where no attempt 
was made to trace the cormection between causes and 
effects, but the memory was overloaded with ill-di- 
gested food. A narrative so written, said Sempro- 
nius Asellio, can hardly rise above the dignity of 
nursery tales (Aul. Gell. v. 18). But still from first 
to last the prevailing practice with the historians of 
Rome was to set down year by year the order of 
events, mentioning first the results of the elections, 
the division of the Provinces and Legions, the pro- 
digies which stirred the public mind, the starting 
of the Generals for the scenes of war, and the doings 
of the armies on the field of battle. In these re- 
spects the difference between the earlier and later 
writers consisted chiefly in the qualities of style and 


lin-rary treatment, for whick tlie firat chroniclers 
cared little, but which seemed of paramount impor- 
tance aa the taste for rhetoric increased. Thus 
Cicero speaks contemptuously of the meagre and 
grmoeleaa annals, rough hewn, as he implies, by pren- 
tice hauds which had as yet no experience or skill 
of literary craft (De Orat. u. 12). 

The earlier chroniclers, he adds, seem to have 
cbiefly aimed at brevity, and to have told their story 
aimply, without a thought of grace or diction (non 
exomatores sed narratores). Of those included in this 
sweeping criticism the first recorded were contem- 
poraries of the First Punic war. Fabius Pictor and 
Cincius Alimentus both bore a part in the great 
struggle, and are referred to as authorities by Livy, 
as ihen who helped to make history as well as write 
it. Of those who followed some like M. Porcius Cato 
and L. Calpurnius Piso took a high rank in the 
world of politics, but are included in Cicero's sweeping 
censure as historians without a style. The first who 
aimed at dignity of language was Cselius Antipater, 
who lived in the period of the Gracchi, a century later 
than the first chroniclers just mentioned. There was 
little elegance indeed, adds Cicero (de leg. i. 2), in 
the rough vigour of his style, but at least we may see 
in him the first beginning of something like literary 
care (paulo injiavit veliementius habuitque vires agres- 
tes ille quidem atque horridas, sine nitore ac palozstra : 
sed tamen admonere reliquos potuit, ut accuratius scri- 


bereni). In later times indeed the caprice of fashion 
fondly recurred to the old models of archaic diction, 
and the accomplished Einperor Hadrian, who set up 
for a literary critic, avowed his preference of Cselius 
Antipater to Sallust (Spartian. Hadr. 16). His wri- 
tings were evidently in good repute at the end of the 
Republic, for Brutus took the trouble to compress 
them into shorter form, and Cicero asks Atticus to 
send him the Epitome of which he had just heard 
(Epitomen Bruti Ccelianorum, Cic. ad Att. xiii. 8). 
His history of the Punic war was singled out for 
special mention (in proemio belli Punici, Cic. Or. 69), 
and in this we are told that he followed Silenus very 
closely (Cic. de divin. i. 24). In the third decade 
Livy mentions him more often than any other writer, 
and in terms which show that his evidence ranked 
very high, and should be weighed in any confiict of 
authorities. There is reason to believe that he was 
often used when not explicitly referred to. The dream 
of Hannibal at Onusa, as found in Livy xxi. 22. 5, 
agrees with the description, somewhat more fully 
given, in a fragment of Cselius which Cicero has pre- 
served for us (de divin. i. 24), and which as we are 
told was first drawn from Silenus. So too of the 
omens before the disaster at Lake Trasimene (Liv. 
xxn. 3), which Cicero (de div. i. 35) quotes to like 
effect from Cselius, as also in the account of the earth- 
quake which passed unnoticed by the combatants in 
the same battle. There are a few words quoted from 


liim by Prisciau (xm. 96), antequam Barca perie- 
ruf, d/ii rei causa in A/ricam missus est, which seem 
to point to the recall of Hannibal to Africa after soine 
years of stay in Carthage, to which he had returned in 
early life, — a residence required to reconcile the ex- 
pressions used by Livy, though he has neglected expli- 
citly to state it. There are also verbal similarities 
which point in the same direction, as in the passage of 
Calius preserved by A. Gellius (x. 24. 6), si vis mihi 
equitatum dare, et ipse cum cetero exercitu me sequi, 
die quinti Romce in Capitolium curabo tibi cena sit 
cocta, compared with that of Livy xxn. 51. 2 : as also 
another which we find in Priscian m. 607, dextimos 
in dextris, scuta jubet habere, to which we may trace 
a likeness in Livy xxn. 50. 11. It is not unlikely 
therefore that a writer in good repute like Cselius, 
whose style had more force and colour in it than the 
bare and rugged annalists' of earlier days, should have 
been freely used by Livy with little effort to hivnt up 
his authoritie8, or to compare the various sources 
fused into the current narrative. Occasional discre- 
pancies noted by the former were probably reported 
also by the latter, who sometimes exercised his judg- 
ment on them, but did not always, as we may suppose, 
carry the criticism further, or look for fresh evidence 
to decide the question. The manual effort of collating 
many authors, of unfolding the long rolls in which 
their histories were written, and poring over their 
archaic style, was sure to be distasteful to a man of 
C. L. d 


I.ivv"s tastesj the critical standard of the age did not 
require such labour at his hands; the reading public 
had not such severe historic canons, and much pre- 
ferred a piece of tine writing to proof of antiquarian 
research, and Livy naturally enough catered for the 
literary appetites which he found around him. The 
work which he had set hiniself to do seemed great 
enough, and left him little leisure to sift and to com- 
pare ; the history of seven centuries stretched out 
before him, and he hurried on to rear his noble 
monument to the memory of the Great Eepublic. 

In this way may be probably explained both the 
features of agreement and of difference between Poly- 
bius and Livy, by supposing that some of the same 
sources may be traced in both, from which the fonner 
drew directly, while the latter used them as he found 
them worked up already in the narrative of one who 
was almost a contemporary of the Greek writer. The 
theory itself is worthy of acceptance, even if we do 
not lay much stress upon the evidence which seems to 
point to Silenus as the common authority of both 
alike, and to C«lius as the compiler of the Roman 
version of the story. It is chiefiy in the earlier books 
that the probability of this is strongest ; later in the 
decade other infiuences seem to have come prominently 
forward, among which may be mentioned rnenioirs 
current in the Scipionic circle, native traditions or 
chronicles of Africa, such as those consulted by King 
Juba, and works of a later and diffuser style like those 
of Valerius Antias. 

JXThoDUCTIOX. II. xliii 

Prom what has been already said it will be seen that 
Bome at le;ist of the qualifications of an historian will 
not be found in any high degree in Livy. He draws 
his narrative too readily at second hand from earlicr 
writers, and fills in the meagre outlines with rhetorical 
details, which are often the common-places of the 
schools, more than the results of independent study. 
He is too little on his guard against the patriotic bias 
of the Roman chroniclers, and the party spirit of 
patrician informants, and so treats unfairly both the 
statesmanship of Flaminius and the policy of Carthage. 
There was monumental evidence ready to his hand on 
every side in the inscriptions to be found in every 
place of national resort, but there are scanty signs to 
show that he recognized their value. A few weeks of 
travel would haye given him a personal knowledge of 
the scenes of the campaigns, which combined with his 
undoubted powers of description, would have left few 
questions still unsettled in connection with the battle- 
fields and movements of the armies. The archives of 
the Priestly Colleges, whose formularies he sometimes 
copied, would have told him much about the character- 
istic features of the old religion, which he leaves almost 
unexplained, as if it were still unaltered in his own 
days. His language tends often to confuse the customs 
of Italy with those of other races. Thus he ascribes to 
Carthage the distinctive name of the Jupiter of Rome, 
as well as those of the political and military systems 
of her rival. The lengthy speeches inserted by him in 



the narrative are eoiivenient vehicles for liis theories 
of political causation, but have often little semblance 
of reality ; while the annalistic form, suggested as it 
was by the yearly change of consuls, fatigues the 
memory and disturbs the judgment in tracing the 
natural connection of events. But these defects be- 
long in a great measure to the literary standards of 
his age and country, and we should not fail to re- 
cognize the merits which are peculiarly his own, hia 
high moral tone and honesty of purpose, the eloquence 
and pathos of his speeches, the vivid powers of por- 
traiture, and the varied beauties of his style, which 
have given his history so high a place among the 
works of classical antiquity. 



In order to illustrate the peculiarities of Livy's style, 
a list is now given of those forms of expression 
which, though for the most part found elsewhere, recur 
more often in his pages than in those of earlier writers 
such as Cicero and Caesar. 

Substantive. Concrete for collective, e. g. eques, 
pedes, Poenus ; ab.stract for concr. : in sing. levis 
armatura, remigium ; plur. servitia, dignitates, robora 
lcgionum. Large number of verbals in us: trajectus, 
saltatus, effectus ; and in tor : concitor, ostentator; the 
same used adjectively, domitor ille exercitus. 

Adjectives used substantively : in sing. acc. or 
abl. neut. : in medium, in publico, in immensum alti- 
tudinis, in majus vero, in multum diei, per Europoz 
plerumque, hoc tantum licentioz ; plur. neut. : per 
aversa urbis, per patentia ruinis, per cetera pacata, 
tozdio pro3sentium ; plur. masc. less frequent : potiores, 

1 Compare Nagelsbach, Lat. Stilistik. Kuhnast, Liv. 
Syntax. Fabri, Liv. xxi. xxn. 


docti, mortales, cum expeditis militum; forms in osus 
frequent : procellosus, facinorosus ; and in bundus : 
contionabundus, tentabundus ; predicative adj. used 
adverbially : repens nuntiatur clades, conferti pugna- 

Pronoun. Alius = o aAAos : alia acies, alius exer- 
citus; alter for alteruter xxi. 8. 7 ; nullus for nemo ; 
quicunque, qualiscunque, quantuscunque, &c, without 
a verb. 

Adverb instead of attributive adj. : omnibus circa 
solo ozquatis, postero ac deinceps aliquot diebus ; use of 
ceterum for sed, ferme for fere, juxta for pariter, adhuc 
for past time ; unde, ibi, inde for persons ; admodum 
with numerals ; large number of forms in im, e. g. 
cwsim, generatim. 

Yerb. Affection for frequentatives, often in sense 
of simple verb : frequent recurrence of vadere, currere, 
trahere ; form of perf. pass. \fit\x fui and pluperf. witb. 
fueram ; forem in place of essem ; use of pres. and 
perf. subj. in Or. obliqua, to give vivid colour to 

Preposition. Common use of circa, not only for 
space, but for time and mode. 

In Construction Frequent forms of crx>ji^a- Kard 
o-vvi.a-Lv : pars magna...nantes, millia . . . eosdem, R. 
legiones . . .ulti, civitas . . .oriundi, Senatus populusque 
voluit, Gallia...iis xxi. 20. 1, equestre prodium...qua 
parte copiarum 41. 4, scriba pontificis . . .quos vocant 
57. 3 ; iu pregnant sense : blandientem ut ducere- 


tur, i/t orbem pugnante», inpraiium rediit ; irregulari- 

ties in the use of pronouns : remisso id quod erepturi 
erant, id de quo ambigtbatur . ..eventus bcUi...victoriam 
dtilit, quod quidatn auctores sunt, quibus ri videretur 
tiurent ; quicquid used adverbially^MO lonjius ; 
inteiTOg. within a tinal seutence : quid ut a vobis 
■ t ; or participial : quid credentes; suus referring 
n> aii oblique case of a subordinate -sentence. 

Genitive. Of possession extensively used : plebs 
Ilaunibalis erat, alterius totus exercitus erat, dicionis 
facere, II. annorum novem erat. Of object with rela- 
tive adj. like improvidus, nimius, ceger; or without, 
ancipitis certaminis victoria, moris sui carmine. 

Ablative. Large use of instruraental, modal and 
local abl. without prepos., but Livy constantly has 
prepos. with abl. for motion from a town ; frequency of 
comparatio compeadiaria, as spe celerius, solito raagis. 

Dative. In predicative sense : caput Italice, auctor 
rebeUioais Sardis, quibusdam voleatibus erat bellum. 

Accusative. With adj. or partic. pass. : cetera tereti, 
sollicitus omnia, paratus omnia, ictus femur, longam 
indutai vestem, assueti devia ; omission of object with 
verbs used absolutely : transmittere, movere, superare, 
jungere, incolere, fallere, &c. 

Adjective. Expressing the object of subst. with 
which it agrees : dictatoria invidia, consularia impedi- 
menta ; with infin. : dignus, obstinatus, dubius. 

Indicative. In hypothetical construction, fames 
quam pestilentia gravior erat ni. 


Subjunctive. With ut after causa, cum eo, pro eo, 
ab eo. 

Gerundive. Frequently used in abl. abs. or instru- 
mental abl. : quozrendis pedetentium vadis evasere ; in- 
sertion of ipse, quisque in abl. gerund. phrases. Cf. 
note on xxi. 45. 9. 

Participle. Substantival use of past part. pass. : 
for an abstract subst., as Sicilia amissa, ex dictatorio 
imperio concusso ; for a ooncrete subst., as ridentis 
speciem, strepentium pavores; as object to the verb, id 
male commissum ignavia in bonum vertit ; as subject 
to the verb, diu non perlitatum dictatorem tenuit ; 
absolute use in nom. : habitantes Lilybozi ; absolute 
use in abl. : inexplorato, edicto, auspicato; hjpotheti- 
cally : invicta si aiquo dimicaretur campo ; future part. 
to express intention, or assumption : ita transmissurus 
si ; omission of participle, cursus per urbem, pugna ad 
Trebiam, rudis ad artes ; asyndeton in use of part. : 
pulsa plebs armata profecta ; in comparative and su- 
perl. forms : conjunctius, conspectior ; Greek idiom 
with fallo : fefellere instructi ; large number of de- 
ponent part. in passive sense : pactus, emensus ; neuter 
verbs impersonally in part. pass. : concursum est, tu- 

Pleonasm. Of frequent occurrenoe : legati retro 
domum unde venerant redierunt, novus rursus de 
integro labor, ante prwoccupare. 

Brachylogy. Quo ad conveniendum diem edixerat, 
adfidem promissorum obsides accipere, neutros pugnam 


incipientes timor tenuit ; carried to an awkward ex- 
treme in in eos versa peditum acies . . .haud dubium 
fecit quin... xxi. 34. 37, cf. 52. 1, 55. 8, and XXII. 
18. 7. 

Ellipse. Tantum ne, modo ne, at enim, retinere 
conati sunt ni summovissent. 

Chiasmus is a marked feature of his style : animus 
ad pugnam ad fugam spes, in urbem Romani Poeni in 

Anaphora. Hic vobis terminum...fortuna dedit : 
h ic dignam mercedem e. s. dabit ; often combined with 
iterafio, as totiens petita feedera totiens rupta. 

Pakoxomasia. Rospitem non hostem, hostis pro 

Inversion in order of familiar expressions : pro 
parte virili, belli domique, nocte dieque, inferos super- 

Anastrophe of Preposition. Capuam propius, 
Fazsulas inter Arretiumque. 

In general we may notice the growing tendency to 
copy Greek forms of expression, which the want of 
the article as also of the participle of the substantive 
verb often render less natural in Latin. 


LIVY 1 . 

The oldest MS. of the third decade of Livy is that 
which is preserved in the National Library at Paris, 
under the name of the Codex Puteanus (P), dating 
probably froni the beginning of the eighth century. 
In the earlier edition (1860) of the Emendationes 
Liviance, Madvig came to the conclusion that this 
was the source of all the extant MSS., which he 
believed to differ from it only in the various errors 
due to the carelessness of later copyists. But the 
researches of Mommsen and Studemund have thrown 
light on the influence of another Codex called Spi- 
rensis (S), from which a number of readings were 
noted down long ago by Beatus Rhenanus, but which 
has since disappeared with the exception of a single 
leaf discovered a few years back (C. Halm in Act. 

1 Compare Madvig, Emendationes Liviance; Mommsen ancl 
Studemund, Analecta Liviana ; Brambacli, Neugestaliung d. 
Lat. Orthographie ; Corssen, Aussprache d. Lat. Sprache. 


- •. 1 V G9). This, or its unknown original, is not 
cntiivlv repivsented by any extant MS. ; it seems to 
have come to light at a later time than P, and all of 
the copies made from it, or derived indirectly from 
it, show distinct traces of the influence of P, which 
was referred to probably in obscure or doubtful 

_es, so that readings from P are found in the 
margin, or the text even, of the MSS. that can best 
be traced to S. 

Further enquiry may possibly succeed in distin- 
guishing still further the two families of MSS. That 
of P is admitted to be the earliest and best; it 
abounds however in obvious errors and omissions, 
which various editors have gradually corrected. It 
would be quite hopeless to adhere even to the best 
MS. authority, and bold as some of the suggestions 
of Madvig may appear, we must remember that the 
text has been thrown into its present shape by many 
critics who have been forced to go to work with 
equal freedom. We may take one specimen as given 
by him to prove in his own words ' quantum ubique 
sordium et robiginis detergendum sit.' It is the be- 
ginning of B. xxn, as it appears in P. Jam vero 
adpetebatque Hannibal ex hibernis metuit et neque eo 
qui iam ante conatus transcendere Appenninum in- 
tolerandis frigoribus et cum ingenti periculo moraius 
ac metu. Gallis, quos prosdce populationumque con- 
sciverat spes, postquam pro eo, ut ipsi ex alieno agro 
raperent acgerentque, suas terras sedem belli esse prce- 


miique utriusque partis exercituum hibernis viderent, 
verterunt retro Hannibalem odia. So faulty a MS. 
can be little trusted in nice questions of orthography, 
and Madvig accordingly has not attempted to re- 
produce the forms of Livy's age, or to give us the 
spelling of the historian himself, but has fallen back 
upon the orthography of Quintilian's age, which was 
fixed by the authority of critics and grammarians, 
and which is known to have differed in material 
points from that of Livy's time, when it was still 
shifting and unsettled. It may be convenient how- 
ever to formulate some of the chief points of dif- 
ference between the spelling most in vogue at the 
end of the Republic, and that of a century later, 
though with the caution that we cannot tell exactly 
when the change in each case took place, or how far 
personal taste may have modified the general fashion. 

0. V. vo was at first usual, as in servos, volnus. 
The change to vu took a century to effect, from 
Augustus to Vespasian, cf. Quintilian I. 7. § 26. 

O. E. The change from vortex to vertex begai 
with Scipio Africanus, but some forms advorsus, con- 
trovorsia, voster lasted till the Empire, when there 
was doubt between fcenoris, fceneris, &c. 

V. E. We have the later form of the gerundive 
of the third and fourth conj. as early as B.c. 185, but 
the older form, as faciundus, appears much later, 
especially in archaic formularies. 

Y. I. Maxumus, optumus were common before 


aar, who set the fashion of writing maximus, &C. 
Quintil. i. 7. §31. 

E. I. Livy wrote sibe, quase, and inany in tlie 
first century did likewise, Quint. i. 7. § 24. So tho 
abl. of words like agilis, Viminalis was written at the 
end of the Republic with a final e. The elder Pliny 
proposed to write agile of persons, agili of things. 
J. Caesar decided for the i, to distinguish abl. from 
neut. nom., but it did not definitely prevail till the 
end of the century. 

The form of the acc. plur. gave critics much 
trouble in the varieties of eis, is, es. It seems to 
have been settled that is was the commoner ending 
in words whose sing. nom. and gen. ended in -is, like 
omnis, navis, or of nominatives in -er with abl. in i, as 
acer, in wcrds in ns, rs, like fons, pars; while words 
in as, x more frequently assumed a plur. in es. The 
account of the grammarians that the gen. plurals in 
ium were followed by acc. plur. in is requires correc- 
tion in this respect. 

In the acc. sing. there was also a wavering be- 
tween im and em, and the i prevailed only in Greek 
words, and a very few feminines. 

I (pingue). The broad i sound was under the 
Republic commonly written ei, whicb ceased in the 
Augustan age, though grammarians recognized it 
much later. 

1 1. The doubling of i between two vowels was 
preferred by Cicero, as in aiio, Maiia, and inscriptions 


of the early Einpire show this spelling ; but nouna 
of tbe second decl. in ius, ium were written in tbe 
Republic with oue i only in tbe gen. as imperi; adjec- 
tives assumed tbe double i earlier, and gradually a 
like rule spread to the nouns. 

K. C. Originally the letter C corresponded to our 
G sound, as in tbe C which stancls for Gaius, till 
Spurius Carvilius introduced the letter G, and C 
then took the place of the tenuis K. 

CI, TI, were offcen confused in common speech, 
inscriptions, and MSS., but in the following words 
the right reading seems quite established : condicio, 
contio, convitium, dicio, indutice, nuntius, otium, setius, 
solacium, suspitio (Fleckeisen, Fiinfzig Art.). 

QYO. CV. QYY. The old form quom became 
cum in tbe time of J. Csesar, tbere being little 
evidence for quum in the first century. So quoi 
passed into cui and quare into cur. Secundus is 
early found for sequondus. JSquom became cecum, 
then later on cequum. 

N in old Latin was often omitted before i and 
s, as in cojunx, cosol, cesor, Megalesia ; but in the 
final ens of the numerals it was retained till the 
end of the Augustan era, thougb afterwards confined 
to totiens, quotiens, and tbe like. 

SS, frequent at the end of the Republic, was 
changed to s ; thus Cicero used caussa. divissiones, but 
later inscriptions after the Monumentum Ancyranum 
have a single s. 

!\Ti;ol)UCTION. IV. lv 

\s was oommon, not only in compounds like 

'o, but in others like saxsum,, jyroxsumus, and 

inscriptions prove this in spite of the protests of 

the old grammarians, who regarded the s as needless. 

Assimilation of the last letter of the preposition 
to the first of the verb with which it is componnded 
began early, but the inscriptions of the end of the 
Republic have forms like adclamaro, adlectus, adrideo, 
coyilega, inlustris, varied by more modern forms. 
The grammarians favoured the general assimilation, 
and the process went forward steadily, though modi- 
fied by personal caprice. 



229. Death of Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general in Spain ; 

Hasdrubal succeeds to his place. 
228. Boman treaty with Hasdrubal. 
221. Death of Hasdrubal. Hannibal takes the command in 

219. Saguntum taken by Hannibal. 

218. -Hannibal marches through Spain, crosses the Khone 
and passes the Alps. 

Battles of Ticinus and Trebia. 

Successes of Cn. Scipio in Spain. 
217. Defeat and death of C. Flaminius at L. Trasimene. 

Hannibal marches through Central Italy. 

The cautious policy of Q. Fabius Maximus. 

Hannibal winters in Apulia. 
216. Battle of Cannse. 

Bevolt of Italian allies. 


In parte operis mei licet milii prsefaxi, quod in 
principio surnmte totius professi plerique The mcmorabie 

.. . cliaracter of the 

sunt rerum scriptores, bellum maxime Second Funic war 
omnium memorabile, quoe unquam gesta sint, me 
scripturum, quod Hannibale duce Carthaginienses 
cum populo Ilomano gessere. Nam neque validiores 2 
opibus ullce inter se civitates gentesque contulerunt 
arma, neque his ipsis tantum unquam virium aut 
roboris fuit, et haud ignotas belli artes inter sese, sed 
expertas primo Punico conserebant bello, et adeo varia 
fortuna belli ancepsque Mars fuit, ut propius pericu- 
lum fuerint, qui vicerunt. Odiis etiam prope maiori- 3 
bus certarunt quam viribus, Eomanis indignantibus, 
quod victoribus victi ultro inferrent arma, Pcenis, 
quod superbe avareque crederent imperitatuin victis 
esse. Fama est etiam, Hannibalem annorum ferme 4 
novem, pueriliter blandientem patri Hamilcari, ut 
duceretur in Hispaniam, quum, perfecto Africo bello, 
exercitum eo traiecturus sacrificaret, altaribus admo- 
sacris, iure iurando adacturu, se, quum 
prim et, liustem forc populo Eomano. Ange- s 


bant iugentis spiritus virum Sicilia Sardiuiaque amissse: 
nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum con- 
cessam et Sardiniam inter motum Africse fraude Ro- 
manorum, stipendio etiam insuper imposito, intercep- 

2 tam. His anxius curis ita se Africo bello, quod fuit 
sub recentem Romanam pacem, per quiuque annos, 
ita deinde novem annis in Hispania augeudo Punico 

8 which waa post- imperio gessit, ut appareret, maius eum, 

b? n tue f °dwth hl of quam quod gereret, agitare in animo bel- 

lum, et, si diutius vixisset, Hamilcare duce 

Pcenos arma Italise illaturos fuisse, quse Hannibalis 

ductu intulerunt. 

3 Mors Hamilcaris peropportuna et pueritia Hanni- 
balis distuleruut bellum. Medius Hasdrubal inter 
patrem ac filium octo ferme annos imperium obtinuit, 

4 flore setatis, uti ferunt, primo Hamilcari conciliatus, 
gener inde ob aliam indolem profecto animi adscitus 
et, quia gener erat, factionis Barcinse opibus, quse apud 
milites plebemque plus quam modicse erant, baud sane 

s voluntate principum, in imperio positus. Is plura con- 
silio quam vi gerens, bospitiis magis regulorain con- 
iiasdrubni, his ciliandisque per amicitiam priucipum no- 

successor iii com- . . , i l i ■ 

mand, exteuded vis gentibus quam bello aut armis rem 

the influence of ~ - - .' , • , i-t i -i -i • 

6 carthage in Spain Cartuaginiensem auxit. Leterum ninno ei 
pax tutior fuit; barbarus eum quidam palam ob iram in- 
terfecti ab eo domini obtruucat ; comprensusque ab cir- 
cumstantibus haud alio, quam si evasisset, vultu, tor- 
mentis quoque quum laceraretur, eo fuit habitu oris, 
ut superante laetitia dolores ridentis etiam speciem 

7 prsebuerit. Cum hoc Hasdrubale, quia mirse artis in 
sollicitandis gentibus imperioque suo iungendis &££&*; 
fcedus renovaverat populus Eomanus, ut finis utriusquc 


imporii csset amnis Hibems, Saguntinisque mediis 
inter imperia duomm populorum libertas servaretur. 

In Ilasdrubalis locum haud dubia res fuifc, quin 3 
pnerogativa militaris, qua extemplo iuvenis Hannibal 
in prrctorium delatus imperatorque ingenti omniuni 
clamore atque assensu appellatus erat, * * favor plebis 
sequebatur. Hunc vixdum puberem Has- nndwa3Succecde d 3 
drubal litteris ad se accersierat, actaque H V aiulitei 5 whoi'iad 
res etiam iu senatu fuerat. Barcinis ni- SL ' ne uu er iua ' 
tentibus, ut assuesceret militioe Hannibal atque in pa- 
ternas succederet opes, Hanno, alterius factionis prin- 3 
ccps, "Et BBquum postalare videtur" inquit "Hasdrubal, 
et ego tamen non ccnseo, quod petit, tribuendum." 
Quum admiratione tam ancipitis sententise in se omnes 4 
convertisset, "Florern setatis" inquifc " Hasdrubal, 
quem ipse patri Hannibalis fruendum pnebuit, iusto 
iure eum a filio repeti censet ; nos tamen minime de- 
cet iuventutem no»tram pro niilitari mdimento assue- 
facere libidini prsetorum. An hoc timemus, ne Ha- 5 
milcax-is filius nimis sero imperia immodica et regni 
paterni speciem videat, et, cuius regis genero beredi- 
tarii sint relicti exercitus nostri, eius filio parum ma- 
ture serviamus 1 Ego istum iuvenem doml tenendum 6 
sub legibus, sub magistratibus, docendum vivere sequo 
iure cum ceteris censeo, ne quandoque parvus bic ignis 
incendium ingens exsuscitet." Pauci, ac ferme opti- 4 
mus quisque, Hannoni assentiebantur; sed, \\t plerum- 
que fit, maior pars meliorem vicit. 

Missoa Hannibal in Hispaniam primo statim ad- 
ventu omnem exercitum in se convertit ; Haimftntt popu- 

TT •> . , .., ... larity aud charac- 

Jdamilcarem luvenem redditum sibr ve- tor. 2 

teresmilitea credere; etmdcm vigorem in vultu vimque 



in oculis, habitum oris linearnentaque intueri. Dein 
brevi effecit, ut pater in se minirnum momentum ad 

3 favorem conciliandum esset. Nunquam ingenium idem 
ad res diversissimas, parendum atque imperandum, 
habilius fuit. Itaque haud facile discerneres, utrum 

4 imperatori an exercitui carior esset ; neque H asdrubal 
alium quemquam prseficere malle, ubi quid fortiter ac 
strenue agendum esset, neque milites alio duce plus 

5 confidere aut audere. Plurimum audaciae ad pericula 
capessenda, plurimum consilii inter ipsa pei-icula erat. 
Nullo labore aut corpus fatigari aut animus vinci po- 

6 terat. Caloris ac frigoris patientia par ; cibi potion- 
isque desiderio naturali, non voluptate modus finitus; 
vigiliarurn somnique nec die nec nocte discriminata 

7 tempora; id, quod gerendis rebus superesset, quieti 
datum ; ea neque molli strato neque silentio accersita ; 
multi sa?pe militari sagulo opertum liumi iacentem 
inter custodias stationesque militum conspexerunt. 

8 "Vestitus nihil inter sequales excellens ; arma atque 
equi conspiciebantur. Equitum peditumque idem longe 
primus erat ; princeps in proelium ibat, ultimus con- 

9 serto proelio excedebat. Has tantas viri virtutes in- 
gentia vitia sequabant, iuhumana crudelitas, perfidia 
plus quam Punica, nihil veri, nihil sancti, nullus deum 

io metus, nullum ius iui-andum, nulla religio. Cum hac 
irujole virtutuin atque vitiorum triennio sub Hasdru- 
bale imperatore meruit, nulla re, quse agenda viden- 
daque magno futuro duci esset, prajterrnissa. 

5 Ceterum, ex quo die dux est declaratus, velut Italia 
ei provincia decreta bellumque Romanum 

Vvitta a view to ■*■ * 

warwithRomehe mandatum esset, nihil prolatandum ratus, 

z n-auces the Olca- ' L 

dcs ne se quoque, ut patrem Hamilcarem, 


deinde Elasdrubalem, cunctantem casus aliquis oppri- 
merei, Saguntinis Lnferre bellum statuit. Quibus op- 3 
pugnandis quia hand dubie Romana arma movebantur, 
in Olcailum prius fines (ultra Hiberum ea gens in 
parte magia quam in dicione Carthaginiensium erat) 
induxit exercitum, ut non petisse Saguntinos, sed 
rerum serie, finitimis domitis gentibus, iungendoque 
tractus ad id bellum videri posset. Cartalam, urbem 4 
opulentam, caput gentis eius, expugnat diripitque; quo 
motu perculsa? minores civitates stipendio imposito 
imperium accepere. Victor exercitus opulentusque 
prseda Carthaginem Novain in hibeima est deductus. 
Ibi large particntlo prcedam stipendioque prseterito s 
cum fide exsolvendo cunctis civium sociorumque animis 
in se firmatis, vere primo in Vaccaaos promotum bellum. 
Hermandica et Arbocala, eorum urbes, vi , , „ 6 

and the Vaccsei 

captse ; Arbocala et virtute et multitudine 
oppidanorum diu defensa. Ab Hermandica profugi ex- 7 
sulibus Olcadum, priore sestate doniitse gentis, quum 
se iunxissent, concitant Carpetanos, adortique Han- 8 
nibalem regressum ex Vaccans haud procul Tago flu- 
mine, agmen grave prreda turbavere. Hannibal prcelio 
abstiquit, castrisque super ripam positis, quum prima 
quies silentiumque ab hostibus fuit, amnem vado tra- 
iecit, valloque ita producto, ut locum ad transgredien- 
dum liostes haberent, invadere eos transeuntes statuit. 
Equitibus prsecepit, ut, quum ingressos aquam vide- *° 
rent, adorirentur;impeditum agmen ; in ripa elephantos 
(quadraginta autem ei*ant) disponit. Carpetanorum « 
cum appendicibus Olcadum Vaccseorum- and crushes the 

resistance of tlm 

que centum millia fuere, invicta acies, si Carpetani 

a;quo dimicaretur campo. Itaque et ingenio feroces et ia 


multitudinc freti et, quod rnetu cessisse credebant hos- 
tem, id morari victoriam rati, quod interesset amnis, 
clamore sublato passim sine ullius imperio, qua cuique 
»3 proximum est, iu amnem ruunt. Et ex parte altera 
ripa? vis ingens equitum in flumen immissa, medio- 
que alveo haudquaquam pari certamine concursum, 

14 quippe ubi pedes instabilis ac vix vado fidens vel ab 
inerini equite, equo temere acto, perverti posset, eques 
corpore armisque liber, equo vel per medios gurgites 

15 stabili, cominus eminusque rem gereret. Pars magna 
flumine absumpta ; quidam verticoso amni delati in 

16 hostes ab elephantis obtriti sunt. Postremi, quibus 
regressus in suam ripam tutior fuit, ex varia.trepi- 
datione quum in unum colligerentur, priusquam a tanto 
pavore reciperent animos, Hannibal agmine quadrato 
amuem ingressus fugam ex ripa fecit, vastatisque agris, 
intra paucos dies Carpetanos quoque in deditionem ac- 

17 cepit; et iam omnia trans Hiberum prseter Saguntinos 
Carthaginiensium erant. 

6 Cum Saguntinis bellum nondum erat, ceterum iam 
s a! runtumfearing belli causa. Certamina cum finitimis sere- 

2 L" a ch k e f uvoys h to bantur, maxime Tui-detanis. Quibus quum 
. Kome adesset idem, qui litis erat satoi', nec cer- 

tamen iuris, sed vim_quajri appareret, legati a Sagun- 
tinis Komam missi auxilium ad bellum iam haucl 

3 dubie imminens orantes. Consules tunc Pomse erant 
P. Cornelius Scipio et Ti. Sempronius Longus. Qui 
quum, legatis in senatum introductis, de re publica 
rettulissent, placuissetque mitti legatos in Hispaniam 

^ ad res sociorum inspiciendas, quibus si videretur digna 
causa, et Hannibali denuntiarent, ut ab Saguntinis, 
sociis populi Romani, abstineret, et Carthaginem in 


Afrieam traiieorcnt ac sociorum populi Romani qucri- 
moniaa deferrent, hac legationo decreta Hithrfm-nnmiwt * 

. . gadorscnn l>.- MDt 

necclum missa, omnium spe celerius Sa- to wam H a nntta l 

i') rasped thu al- 
guntum oppugnari aliatum est. Tunc re- Uesofitome 6 

lata dc integro res ad senatum ; et alii provincias con- 

sulibus Hispaniam atque Africam decementcs terra 

marique rem gerendam censebant, alii totum iu His- 

paniam Hannibalcmque intendebant bellum ; erant, 7 

qui non temere movendam rem tantam exspectandos- 

que ex Hispania legatos censerent. Haec sententia, 8 

qua; tutissima videbatur, vicit, legatique eo maturius 

missi, P. Yaierius Flaccus et Q. Baebius Tampliilus, 

Saguntum ad Hannibalem atque inde Carthaginem, si 

non absisteretur bello, ad ducem ipsum in pcenam 

fcederis rupti deposcendum. 

Dum ea Romani parant consultantque, iam Sagun- 7 

tum summa vi oppugnabatur. Civitas ea „ ^ e of s a 2 

longe opulentissima ultra Hiberum f uit, e^ atuai * be sun 

sita passus mille ferme a mari. Oriundi a Zacyntho 

insula dicuntur, mixtique etiam ab Ardea Rutulorum 

quidam generis ; ceterum in tantas brevi creverant 3 

opes seu maritimis seu terrestribus fructibus seu mul- 

titudinis incremento seu disciplince sanctitate, qua 

fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. 

Hannibal infesto exercitu ingressus fines, pervastatis 4 

passim agris, urbem tripertito aggreditur. Angulus s 

muri erat in planiorem patentioremque, quam cetera 

circa, vallem vergens ; adversus eum vineas agere in- 

stituit, per quas aries mcenibus admoveri posset. Sed 6 

ut locus procul muro satis sequus agendis vineis fuit, 

ita haudquaquam prospere, postquam ad effectum 

operis ventum est, cceptis succedebat. Et turris in- 7 


gens irnminebat, et murus, ut in suspecto loco, supra 
ceterse modum altituclinis emunitus erat, et iuventus 
delecta, ubi plurimum periculi ac timoris ostendebatur, 
s ibi vi maiore obsistebant. Ac primo missilibus sum- 
movere hostem nec quicquam satis tutum munientibus 
pati; deinde iam non pro mcenibus modo atque turri 
tela micare, sed ad erumpendum etiam in stationes 

9 operaque bostium animus erat; quibus tumultuariis 
certaminibus baud ferme plures Saguntini cadebant 

io quam Pceni. Ut vero Hannibal ipse, dum murum 
incautius subit, adversum femur tragula gr*aviter ictus 
cecidit, tanta circa fuga ac trepidatio fuit, ut non 
multum abesset, quin opera ac vinere desererentur. 

8 Obsidio deinde per paucos dies magis quam oppugnatio 
fuit, du/m vulnus ducis curaretur ■ per quod tenlpus ut 
quies certaminum erat, ita ab apparatu operum- ac 

2 munitionum nihil cessatum. Itaque acrius de integro 
and pushed for- coortum est bellum, pluribusque partibus, 
«ard vigorousiy. y - lx acc ipi en tibus quibusdain opera locis, 

3 vinese cceptae agi admoverique aries. Abundabat mul- 
titudine liominum Pcenus ; (ad centum quinquaginta 

4 millia babuisse in armis satis creditur ;) oppidani ad 
omnia tuenda atque obeunda multifariam distineri 

5 ccepti sunt • non sufficiebant itaque. Iam feriebantur 
arietibus muri quassatseque multaa partes erant ; una 
continentibus ruinis nudaverat urbem; tres deinceps 
turres, quantumque inter eas muri erat, cum fragore 

6 ingenti prociderunt. Captum oppidum ea ruina cre- 
diderant Pceni, qua, velut si pariter utrosque murus 

7 texisset, ita utrinque in pugnam procursum est. Nihil 
tumultuarise pugnae simile erat, quales in oppugna- 
tionibus urbium per occasionem partis alterius con- 


seri solont, Bed iushe acies, velut patenti campo, inter 
ruinus muri teetaque urbis modico distantia intervallo 
eonstiterant. Hinc spes, liinc desperatio animos irritat, 3 
Pceno cepisse iam se urbem, si paulum annitatur, cre- 
dente, Saguntinis pro nudata moenibus patria corpora 
opponentibus nec ullo pedem refercnte, ne in relictum 
a se locum hostem immitteret. Itaque quo acrius et 9 
conferti magis utrinque pugnabant, eo plures vulner- 
abantur, nullo inter arma corporaque vano interci- 
dente telo. Phalarica erat Saguntinis missile telum 10 
hastili abiegno et cetera tereti prseterquam ad extre- 
mum, unde ferrum exstabat ; id, sicut in pilo, quad- 
ratum stuppa circumligabant linebantque pice; ferrum n 
autein tres longum habebat pedes, ut cum armis trans- 
figere corpus posset. Sed id maxime, etiamsi luesissct 
in scuto nec penetrasset in corpus, .pavorem faciebat, 
quod, quum medium accensum mitteretur conceptum- 12 
que lpso motu multo maiorem ignem ferret, arma. 
omitti cogebat nudumque militem ad insequentes ictus 
proebebat. Quum diu anceps fuisset certamen, et Sa- 9 
guntinis, quia prseter spem resisterent, crevissent animi, 
Tccnus, quia non vicisset, pro victo esset, clamorem 2 
rcpente oppidani tollunt hostemque in ruinas muri ex- 
pellunt, inde impeditum trepidantemque exturbant, 
postremo fusum fugatumque in castra redigunt. 

Interim ab Eoma legatos venisse nuntiatum est ; 3 
quibus obviam ad mare missi ab Hanni- _., „ 

1 Tlie Roman am- 

bale, qui dicerent, nec tuto eos adituros 5^m°HannibS 
inter tot tam effrenatarum gentium arma, rcfused t0 truat 
nec Hannibali in tanto discrimine rerum operae esse 
legationes audire. Apparebat, non admissos protinus 4 
Carthaginem ituros. Litteras igitur nuntiosque ad 


principes factionis Bai-cinse prsemittit, ut prsepararent 
suorum animos, ne quid pars altera gratificari populo 
10 Romano posset. Itaque, prseterquam quod admissi 
wcnt on to Car- auditique sunt, ea quoque vana atque ir- 
2 of n ti"est u ron n g s pro° rita legatio fuit. Hanno unus adversus 
testofUanno, senatuin causam foederis magno silentio 
propter auctoritatem suam, non cum assensu audien- 

3 tium egit, per deos fcederum arbitros ac testes sena- 
tum obtestans, ne Bomanum cum Saguntino susci- 
tarent bellum ; monuisse, prsedixisse se, ne Hamilcaris 
progeniem ad exercitum mitterent ; non manes, non 
stirpem eius conquiescere viri, nec unquam, donec 
sanguinis nominisque Barcini quisquam supersit, quie- 

4 tura Romana fcedera. " Iuvenem flagrantem cupidine 
regni viamque unam ad id cernentem, si ex bellis 
bella serendo succinctus armis legionibusque vivat, velut 
materiam igni praebentes, ad exercitus misistis. Alu- 

s istis ergo hoc incendium, quo nunc ardetis. Saguntum 
vestri circumsedent exercitus, unde arcentur foedere ; 
mox Cartbaginem circumsedebunt Romanse legiones, 
ducibus iisdem diis, per quos priore bello rupta fcedera 

6 sunt ulti. Utrum hostem an vos an fortunarn utrius- 
que populi ignoratis 1 Legatos ab sociis et pro sociis 
venientes bonus imperator vester in castra non ad- 
misit ; ius gentium sustulit; hi tamen, unde ne hos- 
tium quidem legati arcentur, pulsi, ad nos veneruut ; 
res ex fcedere repetunt ; ut publica fraus absit, auc- 

7 torem culpa? et reum criminis deposcunt. Quo lenius 
agunt, segnius incipiunt, eo, quum cceperint, vereor, 
ne perseverantius saeviant. JEgsctes insulas Erycem- 
que ante oculos proponite, quse terra marique per 

8 quattuor et viginti annos passi sitis. Nec puer hic 

LIBER XXI. • 11 

dux erat, sed pater Lpse Hamilcar, Mara alter, ut isti 
volunt. Bed Tarento, id eat Italia, non abstinuerar 

nnis ez ftsdere, sicut nnnc Sagunto non abstinemus; 
vicerunt ergo dii hominea et, id de quo verbis ambi- 9 
gebatur, utcr populus foedus rupisset, evcntus belli 
velut sequus iudex, unde ius stabat, ei victoriam dedit, 

thagini nunc Hannibal vincas turrcsque atlmovet ; 10 
Cartbaginis mcenia quatit ariete. Sagunti ruinse (fal- 
sus utinam vatcs sim) nostris capitibus incidcnt, sus- 
ceptumque cum Saguntinis bellum habendum cum 
Romanis est. Dcdemus ergo Hannibalcm 1 dicet ali- u 
quis. Scio nieam levem esse in eo auctoritatem prop- 
ter paternas inimicitias ; sed et Hamilcarem eo perisse 
latatus sum, quod, si ille viveret, bellum iam babc- 
remus cum Romanis, et bunc iuvenem tanquam furiam 
facemque buius belli odi ac detestor ;^nec dedendum 12 
solum ad piaculum rupti fcederis, sed, si nemo deposcat, 
devebcndum in ultimas maris terrarumque oras, able- 
gandum eo, unde ncc ad nos nomen famaque eius 
accidere neque ille sollicitare quietao civitatis statum 
possit. Ego ita censeo, legatos extemplo Romam 13 
mittendos, qui senatui satisfaciant ; alios, qui Han- 
nibali nunticnt, ut exercitum • ab Sagunto abducat, 
ipsumque Hannibalem ex fcedere Romanis dedant ; 
tertiani lcgationem. ad res Saguntinis reddendas de- 
cerno."l s Quum Hanno perorasset, nemini omnium 11 
ccrtare oratione cum eo necesse fuit ; adeo prope om- 
nis senatus Hannibalis erat, infestiusque t]]e genate of Car _ 
locutum,&i'guebant Hannonem quam Flac- *Jj*& thfactton o°f 
cum Valerium, legatum Homanum. Ee- tllc11 « eneral - 2 
sponsum inde legatis Roruanis est, bellum ortum ab 
Saguntinis, non ab Hannibale esse ; populum Ro- 


manum iniuste facere, si Saguntinos vetustissimre 
Cartliaginiensium societati prreponat. 

3 Dum Eomani tempus terunt legationibus mitten- 

dis, Hannibal, quia fessum militem prceliis 

The siege goes on .. 

operibusque habebat, paucorum ns die- 

rum quietem dedit, stationibus ad custodiam vinearum 

aliorumque operum dispositis. Interim animos eo- 

rum nunc ira in liostes stimulando, nunc spe prsemio- 

4 rum accendit ; ut vero pro contione prsedaru captae 
urbis edixit militum fore, adeo accensi omnes sunt, 
ut, si extemplo signum datum esset, nulla vi resisti 

5 videretur posse. Saguntini ut a prceliis quietem ha- 
buerant nec lacessentes nec lacessiti per aliquot dies, 
ita non nocte, Tion die unquam cessaverant ab opere, 
ut novum murum ab ea parte, qua patefactum op- 

6 pidum ruinis erat, l-eficerent. Inde oppugnatio eos 
aliquanto atrocior quam ante adorta est, nec, qua 
primum aut potissimum parte ferrent opem, quum 
omnia variis clamoribus streperent, satis scire pote- 

7 rant. Ipse Hannibal, qua turris mobilis, omnia mu- 
nimenta urbis superans altitudine, agebatur, liortator 
aderat. Quse quum admota, catapultis ballistisque 

8 per omnia tabulata dispositis, muros defensoribus 
nudasset, tum Hannibal occasionem ratus, quingentos 
ferme Afros cum dolabris ad subruendum ab imo 
murum mittit; nec erat difficile opus, quod camienta 
non calce durata erant, sed mterbta luto, structurae 

9 antiquse genere. > Itaque latius, quam qua csederetur, 
ruebat, perque patentia ruinis agmina armatorum in 

to urbem vadebant. Locum quoque editum capiunt, 
collatisque eo catapultis ballistisque, ut castellum in 
ipsa urbe velut arcem imminentem haberent, muro 


oircamdant j et Saguntini murum interiorem ab non- 
tlum capta parte urbia ducunt Utrinque summa vi n 
et muniunt et pugnant; sed intcriora tuendo mino- 
rem in dies urbem Saguntini faciunt. Simul crescit » 
inopia omnium longa obsidione et minuitur exspec- 
tatio externaB opis, quum tam procul Romani, unica 
spes, circa omnia hostium essent. Paulisper tamen 13 
affeotoa animos recreavit repentina profectio Hanni- 
balis in Oretanos Carpetanosque, qui duo though iiannibai 

is cfillcd nwriy 

populi, dilectus acerbitate consternati, re- by movementa a- 

.... n mong the Spaniall 

tentia conquisitoribus, metum detectionis tribus. 

quum pnebuissent, oppressi celeritate Hannibalis omi- 

serunt mota arma. Nec Sagunti oppugnatio segnior 12 

erat, Maharbale Himilconis filio (eum pra^fecerat Han- 

nibal) ita impigre rem agente, ut ducem abesse nec 

cives nec hostes sentirent. Is et prcelia aliquot se- 2 

cunda fecit et tribus arietibus aliquantum muri dis- 

cussit, strataque omnia recentibus ruinis advenienti 

Hannibali ostendit. Itaque ad ipsam arcem extemplo 3 

ductus exercitus, atroxque prcelium cum multorum 

utrinque csede initum et pars arcis capta est. 

Tentata deinde per duos est exigua pacis spes, 4 

Alconem Saguntinum et Alorcum His- A]c0 pi i va teiy 

panum. Alco uisciis Saguntinis, precibus, treats for peace * 

aliquid nioturum ratus, quum ad Hannibalem noctu 

transisset, postquam nihil lacrima? move- but la afraid to 
. . . report tlic terma 

bant condicionesque tnstes ut ab lrato ofHannibal; 

victore ferebantur, transfuga ex oratore factus apud 

hostem mansit, moriturum affirmans, qui sub con- 

dicionibus iis de pace ageret. Postulabatur autem, 5 

redderent res Turdetanis, traditoque omni auro atque 

argento egressi urbe cum singulis vestimentis ibi habi- 


6 tarent, ubi Fcenus iussisset. Has pacis leges abnuente 
Alcone accepturos Saguntinos, Alorcus, vinci aniraos, 
ubi alia vincantur, affirmans, se pacis eius interpretem 
fore pollicetur; erat autem tum miles Hannibalis, 

7 ceterum publice Saguntinis amicus atque hospes. Tra- 
dito palam telo custodibus bostium, transgressus mu- 
nimenta ad praetorem Saguntinum (et ipse ita iubebat) 

8 est deductus. Quo quum extemplo concursus omnis 
generis bominum esset factus, summota cetera multi- 
tudine, senatus Alorco datus est, cuius talis oratio 

13 fuit. " Si civis vester Alco, sicut ad pacem peten- 
dam ad Hannibalem venit, ita pacis condiciones ab 
mit Aiorcus urges Hannibale ad vos rettulisset, supervaca- 
subnussion. neuru boc mihi fuisset iter, quo nec 

a orator Hannibalis nec transfuga ad vos veni ; sed 
quum ille aut vestra aut sua culpa manserit apud 
hostem (sua, si metum simulavit, vestra, si periculum 
est apud vos vera referentibus), ego, ne ignoraretis, 
esse aliquas et salutis et pacis vobis condiciones, pro 
vetusto hospitio, quod mihi vobiscum est, ad vos veni. 

3 Vestra autem causa me nec ullius alterius loqui, qure 
loquor apud vos, vel ea fides sit, quod neque, dum 

4 vestris viribus restitistis, neque, dum auxilia ab Ro- 
manis sperastis, pacis unquam apud vos mentionem 
feci. Postquam nec ab Eomanis vobis ulla est spes 
nec vestra vos iam aut arma aut mcenia satis de- 
fendunt, pacem affero ad vos magis necessariam quani 

5 sequam. Cuius ita aliqua spes est, si eam, quemad- 
modum ut victor fert Hannibal, sic vos ut victi au- 
dietis, et non id, quod amittitur, in damno, quum omnia 
victoris sint, sed, quicquid relinquitur, pro munere 

c habituri estis. Urbem vobis, quam ex magna parto 


dirutam, captam fere totam habet, adimit, agros relin- 
qrait, locum assignaturus, \\\ quo novum o]>pidum 
adificetis. Aurum et argentum omne, j)ublicum pri- 
vatumque, ad se iubet deferri ; cor]>ora vestra, con- 7 
iugum ac liberorum vestrorum scrvat inviolata, si 
inermes cum biuis vestimentis velitis ab Sagunto ex- 
ire. Hcec victor bostis imperat ; boec, quanquam sunt 8 
gravia atque acerba, fortuna vestra vobis suadet. Equi- 
dem baud despero, quum omnium potestas ei facta sit, 
aliquid ex bis rebus remissurum; sed vel baac patienda 9 
censeo potius, quam trucidari corpora vestra, rapi 
trabique ante ora vestra coniuges ac liberos belli iure 

Ad bajc audienda quum circumfusa paulatim mul- 14 
titudine permixtum senatui esset populi ^^ capture of 
concilium, repente primores, secessione Sa s untum - 
facta, priusquam responsum daretur, argentum aurum- 
que omne ex publico privatoque in forum collatum in 
ignem ad id raptimfactum coniicientes, eodem. plerique 
semet ipsi prsecipitaverunt. Quum ex eo pavor ac 2 
trepidatio totam urbem pervasisset, alius insuper tu- 
multus ex arce auditur. Turris diu quassata proci- 
derat, perque ruinam eius cobors Poenorum impetu 
facto quum signum imperatori dedisset, nudatam sta- 
tionibus custodiisque solitis bostium esse urbem, non 3 
cunctandum in tali occasione ratus Hannibal, totis 
viribus aggressus urbem momento cepit, signo dato, ut 
omnes puberes interficerentur. Quod imperium cru- 
dele, ceterum prope necessarium cognitum ipso eventu 
est ; cui enim parci potuit ex iis, qui aut ioclusi cum 4 
coniugibus ac liberis domos super se ipsos concremave- 
runt aut armati nullum ante finem pugnae quam mori- 


p «da. Quanquara p^ ^ ^ .^^ stati3 

conupta erant, etm <**>» , { t tamen et 

. ira fecerat, et qH ™Utum P * 6 „, re . 

ex p retio -- ven« ^- am ^ m 


vestmnque missam 0^6"*^ oppugnari, eaptmn 

3 Oetavo mense, quam «1*-^» iJeCartha, 

,„_. -■ S ^ Dt XS t S- HanniWlem 

StSS 8me ™ £ qmnto deinde mense, quam , 
„,««*. concesms , q perTe msse. 

a „ Carthagine profectus s , iM> B 

, Qme si ita sunt, fien «on . » rt ■« j io op . 

Sempronius eonsuies to^ £ q ^ P ^ _ 

pugnatioms legati Sagunn ^ amncm> 

^istratu cnm ^f £^ ^crin, Aut 
ambo aliquanto port ml Sa „ untu rn prm- 

cmnia breviora ah quante ue, A J^ ^^ 

cipio anni, quo P. ComehuB, T,J ^ 

. fuerunt, non «■£ «£E£» Cm Servdii et 
excessisse pugna ad liem _ Flaminiu3 Anmim 

. Flaminii non potest qr u - . ^^ qui 

consulatum -nt, creat- a Tv^P ^^ 

«M - ttagm tS excidium nuntiatum est; 
*» - a„,. e e , et Saguntt c aoeiorum 

.tantusquesimulmcmm pa «sm ^. ^. ^ 

peremptorum inmgne et pudo ^ 

L Carthagimenses metusque de sum 


velut si iam ad portas hostis esset, ut tot uno temporo 
motibus animi turbati trepidarent magis quarn consu- 
lerent: nam neque hostem acriorem bellicosioremque 3 
secum congrcssum, nec rem Romanam tam desidem 
unquam fuisse atque imbellem. Sardos Corsosque et 4 
Histros atque Illp-ios lacessisse magis quam exerciusse 
Romana arma, et cum Gallis tumultuatum verius 
quam belligeratum ; Pconum hostem veteranum, trium 5 
et viginti annorum militia durissima inter Hispanas 
gentes semper victorem, duci acerrimo assuetum, re- 
centem ab excidio opulentissimae urbis, Hiberum trans- 
ire; trahere secum tot excitos Hispanorum populos; 
conciturum avidas semper armorum Gallicas gentes; .5 
cum orbe terrarum bellum gerendum in Italia ac pro 
mccnibus Romanis esse. 

ISTominata! iam antea consulibus provincise erant; 17 
tum sortiri iussi. Cornelio Hispania, Sem- Levies and prepa- 

.-. ~. .,. ., . rations for the 

pronio Atnca cum bicilia evenit. feex rn war. 2 

eum annum decreta? legiones et socium, quantum ipsis 
vidcretur, et classis, quanta parari posset. Quattuor 3 
et viginti peditum Eomanorum millia scripta et mille 
octingenti equites, sociorum quadraginta millia pedi- 
tum, quattuor millia et quadringenti equites; naves 
ducenta? viginti quinqueremes, celoces viginti de- 
ducti. Latum inde ad populum, vellent iuberent 4 
populo Carthaginiensi bellum indici ; eiusque belli 
causa supplicatio per urbem habita atque adorati dii, 
ut bene ac feliciter eveniret, quod bellum populus 
Pvomanus iussisset. Inter consules ita copia^ divisse : 5 
Sempronio data; legiones duae (ea quateima millia erant 
pcditum et treceni equites) et sociorum sedecim millia 
peditum, equites mille octingenti ; naves longse centum 
C. L. 2 


6 sexaginta, celoces duodecim. Cum his terrestribus 
maritimisque copiis Ti. Sempronius missus in Siciliaru, 
ita in Africam transmissurus, si ad arcendum Italia 

7 Pcenum consul alter satis esset. Cornelio minus 
copiarum datum, quia L. Manlius prartor et ipse cum 

8 haud invalido prsesidio in Galliam mittebatur; navium 
maxime Cornelio numerus deminutus; sexaginta quin- 
queremes datee (neque enim maii venturum aut ea 
parte belli dimicaturum hostem credebant) et du?e 
Romanse legiones cum suo iusto equitatu et quattuor- 
decim millibus sociorum peditum, equitibus mille sex- 

9 centis. Duas legiones Romanas et decem millia socio- 
rum peditum, mille equites socios, sexcentos Romanos 
Ga]lia provincia eodem versa in Punicum bellum liabuit. 

18 His ita comparatis, ut omnia iusta ante bellum 
Asecondembassy fierent, legatos maiores natu, Q. Fabium, 

issenttoCartliage; __._.. _ _-,.,. n -. . . , 

but without eflect, JM. Livium, J_. _i_milium, (J. Liicmmm, 
Q. Basbium, in Africam mittunt ad percontandos Car- 
thaginienses, publicone consilio Hannibal Saguntum 

2 oppugnasset, et, si, id quod facturi videbantur, fateren- 
tur ac defenderent publico consilio factum, ut indice- 

3 rent populo Carthaginiensi bellum. Romani postquam 
Carthaginem venerunt, quum senatus datus esset et Q. 
Fabius nihil ultra quam unum, quod mandatum erat, 
percontatus esset, tum ex Carthaginiensibus unus: 

4 "Praiceps vestra, Romani, et prior legatio fuit, quum 
Hannibalem tanquam suo consilio Saguntum oppug- 
nautem deposcebatis ; ceterum hsec legatio verbis adhuc 

5 lenior est, re asperior. Tunc enim Hannibal et insi- 
mulabatur et deposcebatur ; nunc ab nobis et confessio 
culpse exprimitur et ut a confessis res extemplo repe- 

6 tuntur. Ego autem non, privato publicone consilio 


Saguntum oppugnatum sit, quffirendum consoam, sed 
utrum iure an iniuria; nostra enim hrec qusestio atque 7 
ammadveraio in civem nostrum cst, quid nostro aut 
suo foccrit arbitrio ; vobiscum una disceptatio est, 
licueritne per fcedus fieri. Itaquo quoniam discerni 3 
placet, quid publico consilio, quid sua sponte impera- 
tores faciant, nobis vobiscum fcedus est a C. Lutatio 
consule ictum, in quo quum caverotur utrorumque 
sociis, nihil de Saguntinis (necdum enim erant socii 
vestri) cautum est. At enim eo fcedere. quod cum 9 
Ilasdrubale ictum est, Saguntini cxcipiuntur. Adver- 
sus quod ego nihil dicturus sum, nisi quod a vobis 
didici. Vos enim, quod C. Lutatius consul primo 10 
nobiscum fcedus icit, quia ncque auctoritate patrum 
nec populi iussu ictum erat, negastis vos eo teneri ; 
itaque aliud de integro fcedus publico consilio ictum 
est. Si vos non tenent fcedera vestra nisi ex auctori- » 
tate aut iussu vestro icta, ne nos quidem Hasdrubalis 
fcedus, quod nobis insciis icit, obligare potuit. Proinde 12 
omittite Sagunti atque Hiberi mentionem facere, et, 
quod diu parturit animus vester, aliquando pariat." 
Tum Romanus, sinu ex toga facto, "Hic" inquit 13 
"vobis bellum et pacem portamus ; utrum placet, 
sumite." Sub hanc vocem haud minus ferociter, 
daret, utrum vellet, succlaraatum cst ; et a nd war is de- J 4 
quum is itcrum, sinu effuso, bellum dare 
dixisset, accipere se omnes responderunt et, quibus 
acciperent animis, iisdem se gesturos. 

Hsec directa percontatio ac denuntiatio belli magis 19 
ex dignitate populi Itomani visa est quam it waa idie then to 

. e , . .... discusa tlie terms 

cle toederum lure verbis disceptai - e, quum of the oid treaties. 
ante, tum maxime Sagunto excisa. Nam si verborum 2 



disceptationis res esset, quid focdus Hasdrubalis cum 
Lutatii priore fcsdere, quod mutatum est, coniparan- 

3 dum erat, quum in Lutatii fcedere diserte additum 
esset, ita id ratum fore, si populus censuisset, in Has- 
drubalis foedere nec exceptum tale quicquam fuerit, et 
tot annorum silentio ita vivo eo comprobatum sit 
fcedus, ut ne mortuo quidem auctore quicquam muta- 

4 retur? Quanquam, etsi priore fcedere staretur, satis 
cautum erat Saguntinis, sociis utrorumque exceptis; 
nam neque additum erat "iis, qui tunc essent," nec, 

5 " ne qui postea assumerentur." Et quum assumere 
novos liceret socios, quis sequum censeret, aut ob 
nulla quemquam merita in amicitiam recipi aut recep- 
tos in fidem non defendi, tantum ne Carthaginiensium 
socii aut soUicitarentur ad defectionem aut sua sponto 
desciscentes reciperentur? 

6 Legati Poniani ab Cartbagine, sicut iis Ilonise im- 
The Rokim cn- peratum erat, in Hispaniam, ut adirent 

voys met with lit- _ . 

tieeucouragement civitates et in societatem pellicerent aut 

anionir tlie Span- 

7 isb triues, averterent a Pcenis, traiecerunt. Ad 
Bargusios primum venerunt, a quibus benigne excepti, 
quia taxlebat imperii Punici, multos trans Hiberum 

8 populos ad cupidinem novse fortunse erexerunt. Ad 
Volcianos inde est ventum, quorum celebre per His- 
paniam responsum ceteros populos ab societate Eoma- 
na avertit. Ita enim maximus natu ex iis in concilio 

grespondit: "Quce verecundia est, Pomani, postulare 
vos, uti vestram Carthaginiensium amicitia? prsepona- 
mus, quum, qui id fecerunt, crudelius, quam Pceims 
io hostis perdidit, vos socii prodideritis? Ibi qureratis 
socios censeo, ubi Sagimtina clades ignota est; His- 
panis populis sicut lugubre, ita insigne documentum 

Lir.ER XXI. 21 

■;nti ruinse crnnt, ne quis fidei Romanre aut socie- 
tati eonfidat." Inde extemplo abire finibus Volciano- " 
rum iussi, ab nullo deinde concilio Hispanire benigniora 
verha folem Ita nequicquam peragrata Hispania, in 
Galliam tr.-mseimt. +In his nova terribi- 20 

. . and noncin Gaul 

hsque species visa est, quod armati (lta 
mos gentis crat) in concilium venerunt. Quum verbis 2 
cxtollentes gloriam virtutemque populi Romani ac mag- 
nitudinem imperii petissent, ne Pceno bellum Italioa in- 
ferenti per agros urbesque suas transitum darent, tantus 
cum fremitu risus dicitur ortus, ut vix a magistratibus 3 
maioribusque natu iuventus sedaretur ; adeo stolida 4 
impudensque postulatio visa est censere, ne in Italiam 
transmittant Galli bellum, ipsos id avertcre in se 
agrosque suos pro alienis populandos obiicere. Sedato s 
tandem fremitu, responsum legatis est, neque Romano- 
rum in se meritum esse neque Cartiiaginiensium in- 
iuriam, ob qu?e aut pro Komanis aut adversus Poenos 
sumant arma; contra ea audire sese, gentis sure homi- 6 
nes agro finibusque Italire pelli a populo Pomano 
stipendiumque pendere et cetera indigna pati. Eadem 7 
ferme in ceteris Galliae conciliis dicta auditaque, nec 
hospitale quicquam pacatumve satis prius auditum, 
quam MassiKam venere. Ibi omnia ab 8 

..... „ . exceptatMassilia. 

socns mquisita cum cura ac fide cognita : 
praeoccupatos iam ante ab Hannibale Gallorum animos 
esse; sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore 
(adeo ferocia atque indomita ingenia esse), ni subinde 
auro, cuius avidissirna gens est, principum animi conci- 
lientur. Ita peragratis Hispanioe et Galliae populis, 9 
legati Eomam redeunt haud ita multo post, qiram con- 
sules in provincias profccti crant. Civitatem omnem 


exspectatione belli erectam iuvenerunt, satis constaute 
fama, iam Hiberum Pcenos transmisisse.> 
21 Hannibal Sagunto capto Cartliaginem Novam iu 
hiberna concesserat, ibique auditis, quse Romse qusequo 
iiannibai ninters Cartbagine acta decretaque forent, seque 

at CarthagoNuva, , . 

and seuds his non ducem solum, sed etiam causam esse 

Spanish troops , . , .... 

2 huuieonfuriough. belli, partitis divenditisque reliquns prse- 

dse nihil ultra differendum ratus, Hispani gencris 

3 milites convocat. "Credo ego vos" inquit, "socii, et 
ipsos cernere, pacatis omnibus Hispanise populis, aut 
finiendam nobis militiam exercitusque dimittendos 

4 esse aut in alias terras transferendum bellurn : ita enim 
Iise gentes non pacis solum, sed etiam victorise bonis 
florebunt, si ex aliis gentibus prsedam et gloriam quse- 

5 remus. Itaque quum longinqua a domo instet militia 
incertumque sit, quando domos vestras et qua3 cuique 
ibi cara sunt, visuri sitis, si quis vestrum suos invisere 

c vult, commeatum do. Primo vere edico adsitis, ut 
diis bene iuvantibus bellum ingentis gloriee prsedseque 

7 futurum incipiamus." Omnibus fere visendi domos 
oblata ultro potestas grata erat, et iam desiderantibus 
suos et longius in futurum providentibus desiderium. 

3 Per totum tempus biemis quies inter labores aut iam 
exbaustos aut mox exbauriendos renovavit corpora 
animosque ad omnia de integro patienda; vere primo 
ad edictum convenere. 

9 Hannibal quum recensuisset omnium gentium 
wiiiie mustering auxilia, Gades profectus Herculi vota ex- 

at Gades his fur- 

ces for the war he solvit, novisque se obligat votis, si cetera 

provides for the * ° 

I0 defence of Africa prospera evenisseut. Indepartiens curas 
simul in inferendum atque arcendum bellum, ne, 
dum ipse terrestri per Hiapaniam Galliasque itinere 


Italiani peteret, nuda apertaque Ronianis Africa ab 
Sicilia esset, valido prrcsidio firmare eam statuit; pro ti 
eo supplementum ipse ex Africa maxime iaculatorum, 
lcvium armis, petiit, ut Afri in llispania, Hispani in 
Africa, melior procul ab domo futurus uterque miles, 
vtlut mutuis pigneribus obligati, stipendia facerent. 
Tredecim millia octingentos quinquaginta pedites cse- ia 
tratoa misit in Africam et runditorea Baliares octin- 
gentos septuaginta, equites mixtos ex multis gentibus 
mille ducentos. Has copias partim Cartliagini preesi- 13 
dio 6886, partim distribui per Africam iubet. Simul con- 
quisitoribus in civitates missis, quattuor millia conscrip- 
ta delectse iuventutis, prsesidinm eosdem ct obsides, duci 
Caithaginem iubet. j^eque Hispaniam negligendam 22 
ratus, atque id eo minus, quod haud ig- 

. . . -r, . andSpain. 

narus ei*at, circumitam ab Komanis eam 
legatis ad sollicitandos principum animos, Hasdrubali 2 
fratri, ^iro impigro, eam provinciam destinat, firmat- 
que eam Africis maxime prsesidiis, peditum Afrorum 
undecim millibus octingentis quinquaginta, Liguribus 
trecentis, Baliaribus quiivjeatis. Ad hsac peditum 3 
auxilia additi equites Libyphcenices, mixtum Punicum genus, quadringenti quinquaginta et Kumidae 
Maurique accolae Oceain ad miile octingenti et parva 
Uergetum manus ex Hispania, ducenti equites, et, ne 
quod terrestris deesset auxilii genus, elephanti viginti 
unus. Classis prasterea data ad tuendam maritimam 4 
oram, quia, qua parte belli vicerant, ea tum quoque 
rem gesturos llomanos credi poterat, quinquaginta 
quinqueremes, quadriremes dme, triremesquiuque; sed 
aptae instructasque remigio triginta et duae quinquere- 
mes erant et triremes quinque. 


5 Ab Gadibus Carthaginem ad hiberna exercitus 
iiis vision onthe rediit; atque inde profectuspraeterOnusam 
wa, frun, Gades. urbem ad H iberum maritima ora ducit. 

6 Ibi fama est in quiete visum ab eo iuvenem divina 
specie, qui se ab Iove diceret ducem in Italiam Han- 
nibali missum ; proinde sequeretur neque usquam a se 

7deflecteret oculos. Pavidum primo, nusquam circum- 
spicientem aut respicientem, secutum ; deinde cura 
ingenii bumaui quum, quidnam id esset, quod respi- 
cere vetitus esset, agitaret animo, temperare oculis ne- 

8 quivisse; tum vidisse post sese serpentem mira mag- 
nitudine cum ingenti arborum ac virgultorum strage 

9 ferri, ac post insequi cum fragore cseli nimbum. Tum, 
quae moles ea quidve prodigii esset, quserentem audisse, 
vastitatem Italise esse; pergeret porro ire nec ultra 
inquireret sineretque fata in occulto esse. 

23 Hoc visu laetus tripertito Hiberum copias traiecit, 
He crosses the prremissis, qui Gallorum animos, qua tra- 
Hiberus, ducendus exercitus erat, donis couciliarent 

Alpiumque transitus specularentur. Nonaginta milba 
peditum, duodecim millia equitum Hiberurn traduxit. 

2 subduingtheSpan- Uergetes inde Bargusiosque et Ausetunos 

ish tribes on his _~ . . • -r. 

way, et Lacetaniam, quse subiecta Pyrenseis 

montibus est, subegit, orseque buic omni prsefecit Han- 
nonem, ut fauces, qure Hispanias Galliis iungunt, in 

3 potestate essent. Decem millia peditum Hannoni ad 
praesidiuin obtinendse regionis data et milie equites. 

4 Postquam per Pyrenaeum saltum traduci exercitus est 
cceptus, rumorque per barbaros manavit certior de bello 
Romano, tria millia inde Carpetanorum peditum iter 
averterunt. Constabat, non tam bello motos quam 
longinquitate viae inexsuperabilique Alpium transitu. 


Hannibal, quia revocare atrt vi retinere cos ancops s 
erat, oe oeterornm etiam feroeea animi andnndtnghoiiM 

unwWing contin- 

imtarentur, Bupra scptom millia homi- v 6 

num domos remisit, quos et ipsos gravari militia sense- 
rat, Carpetanoa quoque ab se dimissos simulans. Inde, nc 24 
mon atqne otium animos sollicitaret,cum rcliquis copiis 
Pyrenseum transgreditur ct ad oppidum ^^^ thePyre- 
lliberri castra locat. Galli quanquam "^ 83 ' 3 

Italiaj bcllum inforri audiebant, tamen, quia vi subactos 
trans Pyrcnanim Hispanos fama erat prresidiaque valida 
imposita, metu servitutis ad arma consternati Rusci- 
nonom aliquot populi conveniunt. Quod ubi Hanni- 3 
bali nuntiatum est, moram magis quam bellum metu- 
ens, oratores ad regulos eorum misit, colloqui semet 
ipsum cum iis velle; [et] vel illi propius Iliberrim 
accederent, vel se Euscinonem processurum, ut ex pro- 
pinquo congressus facilior esset ; nam et accepturum 4 
eos in castra sua se lretum nec cunctanter andexpiainsaway 

.. ... tlie fears of Gallic 

seipsum ad eos venturum; hospitem enim tribes. 
se Gallia?, non hostem advenisse, nec stricturum ante 
gladium, si per Gallos liceat, quam in Italiam venisset. 
Et ])er nuntios quidem haec; ut vero reguli Gallorum s 
castris ad Iliberrim extemplo motis haud gravanter ad 
Pcenum venerunt, capti donis cum bona pace exerci- 
tum per fines suos praeter Ruscinonem oppidum trans- 

In Italiam interim niliil ultra, quam Hiberum 25 
transisse Hannibalem, a Massiliensium „,, ., , . 

' Tlie outbreak m 

logatis Eomam perlatuni erat, quum, per- ^ 1 ^ bv*the 
inde ac si Alpes iam transisset, Boii solli- |^&andCre! 2 
citatis Insubribus defecerunt, nec tam ob mona- 
veteres in populum Romanum iras, quam quod nuper 


circa Padum Placcntiam Cremonarnque colonias in 

3 agrum Gallicum deductas segre patiebantur. Itaque 
armis repentc arreptis, in eum ipsum agrum impetu 
facto, tantum terroris ac tumultus fecerunt, ut non 
agrestis modo multitudo, sed ipsi triumviri Romani, 
qui ad agrum venerant assignandum, diffisi Placentiae 
mconibus Mutinam confugerint, C. Lutatius* C. Ser- 

4 vilius, M. Annius. Lutatii nomen haud dubium 
est; pro Annio Servilioque M'. Acilium et C. Heren- 
nium babent quidam annales, alii P. Cornelium Asi- 

5 nam et C. Papirium Masonem. Id quoque dubium 
est, legati ad expostulandum missi ad Boios violati 
sint, an in triumviros agrurn metantes impetus sit 

6 factus. Mutinoa quum obsiderentur et gens ad oppug- 
nandarum urbium artes rudis, pigerrima eadem ad 
militaria opera, segnis intactis assideret muris, simu- 

7 lari cceptum de pace agi ; avocatique ab Gallorum 
principibus legati ad colloquium non contra ius modo 
gentium, sed violata etiam, quaB data in id tempus 
erat, fide comprebenduntur, negantibus Gallis, nisi 

s obsides sibi redderentur, eos dimissuros. Quum hseo 
de legatis nuntiata essent et Mutina prsesidiumque in 
periculo esset, L. Manlius praator ira accensus effusum 

9 agmen ad Mutinam ducit. Silvae tunc circa viam 
erant, plerisque incultis. Ibi inexplorato profectus in 
insidias praacipitat, multaque cum caade suorum aegre 

jo in apertos campos emersit. Ibi castra communita et, 
quia Gallis ad tentanda ea defuit spes, refecti sunt 
militum animi, quanquam ad quingentos cecidisse satis 

,, constabat. Iter deinde de integro cceptum, nec, dum 
per patentia loca ducebatur agmen, apparuit hostis; 

12 ubi rursus silvse intratae, tum postremos adorti cum 


magna trcpidatione ac pavoro ornniuni scptingcntos 
militea occiderunt, scx aigna ademere. Finis et Gallis i 3 
territandi et pavendi fuit Romanis, ut o saltu invio 
atque Lmpedito evasere. Inde apertis locis facile tu- 
tantea agmen Bomani Tannetum, vicum p,vopinquum 
Pado, eontendere, Ibi se muuimcnto ad tempus com- 14 
nieatibusque fluminis et Brixianorum etiam Gallorum 
auxilio advcrsus crescentem in dies multitudinem 
hostiurn tutabantur. Qui tumultus repcns postquam 26 
est Romarn perlatus, et Punicum insuper Gallico bel- 
lum auctum patres accepcrunt, C. Atilium prsetorem 2 
cum una legione Itoniana et quinque milibus sociorum, 
dilectu novo a consule conscriptis, auxilium ferre Man- 
lio iubent; qui sine ullo certamine (abscesserant enim 
metu bostes) Taunetum pcrvenit. 

.Et P. Comelius, in locum eius, qure missa cum 3 
prsetore erat, scripta legione nova, profec- |2Sw£SwbmK 
tus ab urbe scxaginta longis navibus to^i.eck u.o ad" 
praeter oram Etruriae Ligurumque et inde l^° of Uanm ~ 
Salyum montes pervenit Massiliam, et ad proxiruum 4 
ostium Rhodani (pluribus enim divisus amnis in mare 
decurrit) castra locat, vixdum satis credens Hanniba- 
lem superasse Pyrenseos montes. Quem ut de Rho- 5 
dani quoque transitu agitare animadvertit, incertus, 
quonam ei loco occurreret, necdum satis rcfectis ab 
iactatione maritima militibus, trecentos interim delec- 
tos equites ducibus Massiliensibus et auxiliaribus Gallis 
ad exploranda omnia visendosque ex tuto hostes prae- 
mittit Hannibal, ceteris metu aut pretio pacatis, iam 6 
iu Yolcarum pervenerat agrum, gentis validaj. Colunt 
autem circa utramque ripam Phodani; sed diflasi, cite- 
riore agro arceri Poenum posse, ut flumen pro muni- 


mento haberent, omnibus ferme suis trans Rhodanum 
traiectis ulteriorem ripam amnis armis obtinebant. 

7 Ceteros accolas fluminis Hannibal et eorum ipsorum, 
quos sedes suse tenuerant, simul pellicit donis ad naves 
undique contrahendas fabricandasque, simul et ipsi 
traiici exercitum levarique quam primum regionem 

3 suam tanta hominum urgente turba cupiebant. Itaque 
ingens coacta vis navium est lintriumque temere ad 
vicinalem usum paratarum; novasque alias primum 

9 Galli inchoantes cavabant ex singulis arboribus, deinde 
et ipsi milites, simul copia materia?, simul facilitate 
operis inducti, alveos informes, nihil, dummodo imiare 
aquse et capere onera possent, curantes, raptim, quibus 
27 wiio forces tiie se suaque transveherent, faciebant. Iam- 
Riione m spite of que omnibus satis comparatis ad traii- 

tlie oppositiou of . . , 

theuatives, ciendum, terrebant ex adverso hostcs, 

2 onmem ripam equites virique obtinentes. Quos ut 
averteret, Hannonem Bomilcaris filiuin vigilia prima 
noctis cum parte copiarum, maxime Hispanis, adverso 

3 flumine ire iter unius diei iubet et, ubi primum pos- 
sit, quam occultissime traiecto amni, circumducere 
agmen, ut, quum opus facto sit, adoriatur ab tergo 

4 hostem. Ad id dati duces Galli edocent, inde millia 
quinque et viginti ferme supra parvae insulaa circum- 
fusum amnem latiore, ubi dividebatur, eoque minus 

5 alto alveo transitum ostendere. Ibi raptim csesa ma- 
teria ratesque fabricatae, in quibus equi virique et alia 
onera traiicerentur. Hispani sine ulla mole, in utres 
vestimentis coniectis, ipsi caetris superpositis incuban- 

6 tes flumen tranavere. Et alius exercitus ratibus 
iunctis traiectus, castris prope flumen positis, nocturno 
itincre atque operis labore fessus quiete unius diei 


;ito duce ad consilium opportune exsc- 
quendum. l\>stero dio profecti ex loco edito fumo 7 

ificant, trausisse, et baud procul abesse; quod ubi 
acccpit Ilannibal, ne tempori deessct, dat siguum ad 
traiieiendum. Iam paratas aptatasque babebat pcdcs 3 
lintres, eques fero proptcr equos naves. Navium 
agmen ad excipicndum adversi impetum fluminis partc 
superiore transmittens tranquillitatem infra traiicienti- 
bus liutribus praibebat; equorum pars magna nantes 9 
loris a puppibus trabebantur, proeter eos, quos instra- 
tos frenatosque, ut extemplo egrcsso in ripam equiti 
usui cssent, imposuerant in naves. Galli occm\sant in 28 
ripa cum variis uhilatibus cantuque moris sui, qua- 
tientes scuta super capita vibrantesque dextris teia, 
quanquam et ex adverso tcrrebat tanta vis navium 2 
cum ingenti sono fluminis ct clamore vario nautarum 
militurnque, et qui nitebantur perrumpere impetum 
fluminis et qui ex altera ripa traiicientes suos borta- 
bantur. Iam satis paventcs adverso tumultu terribilior 3 
ab tcrgo adortus clamor, castris ab Hannone captis. 
Mox ct ipse aderat, ancepsque terror circumstabat, et 
e navibus tauta vi armatorum in terram. evadente et 
ab tergo improvisa premente acie. Galli postquam 4 
utroquc vim facere conati pellebantur, qua patere visum 
maxime iter, perrumpunt, trepidique in vicos passim 
suos diffugiunt. Hannibai, ceteris copiis per otium 
traiectis, spernens iam Gallicos tumultus castra locat. 

Elepbantorum traiiciendorum varia consilia fuisse 5 
crcdo ; certe variat memoria actas rei. and of tho diffi- 
Quidam congregatis ad ripam elepbantis the elepbanta a°- 

. . .... 1 cross, which u 

tradunt ferocissimum ex iis lrritatum ab vanousiy dcscrii 

cd in our authori- 

rectore suo, quum rcfugientem in aquam tie* 


[nantem] seqneretur, traxisse gregem, ut quemque ti- 
mentem altitudinem destituerit vadum, impetu ip?o 

6 fluminis in alteram riparn rapiente. Ceterum magis 
constat, ratibus traiectos; id ut tutius consilium ante 

7 rem foret, ita acta re ad fklem pronius est. Ratem 
unam ducentos longam pedes, quinquaginta latam a 
terra in amnem porrexerunt, quam, ne secunda aqua 
deferretur, pluribus validis retinaculis parte superiore 
ripae religatam pontis in modum liumo iniecta constra- 
verunt, ut beluae audacter velut per solum ingrederen- 

s tur. Altera ratis peque lata, longa pedes centum, ad 
traiiciendum flumen apta, liuic copulata est; tum ele- 
phanti per stabilem ratem tanquam viam, praegredien- 
tibus feminis, acti ubi in minorem applicatam trans- 
9 gressi sunt, extemplo resolutis, quibus leviter annexa 
erat, vinculis, ab actuariis aliquot navibus ad alteram 
ripam pertrahitur ; ita primis expositis, alii deinde 

io repetiti ac traiecti sunt. Nihil sane trepidabant, donec 
continenti velut ponte agerentur; primus erat pavor, 

ii quum, soluta ab ceteris rate, in altum raperentur. Ibi 
urgentes inter se, cedentibus extremis ab aqua, trepi- 
dationis aliquantum edebant, donec quietem ipse timor 

12 circumspectantibus aquam fecisset. Excidere etiam 
ssevientes quidam in fiumen; sed pondere ipso.stabiles, 
deiectis rectoribus, quaerendis pedetentim vadis in 
terram evasere. 
29 Dum elephanti traiiciuntur, interim Hannibal Na- 
Mcanwiiii there ^idas equites quingentos ad castra Ho- 
is a sharp encoun- mana miserat speculatum, ubi et quautae 

tcr bctwecn some *■ ^ 

2 toreconnoitre on copise essent et quid pararent. Huic alse 
wther siJe. equitum missi, ut ante dictum est, ab 

ostio Rhodani trecenti Eomanorum equites occurrunt. 


Prt&lium atrocius quam pro numero pugnantium edi- 
tur; nam prseter multa vulnera canles etiam prope par 3 
utrinque fuit, fugaque et pavor Numidarum Romanis 
iani admodum fessis victoriam dedit. Victores ad 
centum sexaginta, nec omnes Iiomani, sed pars Gal- 
lorum, victi amplius ducenti ceciderilnt. Hoc prin- 4 
cipium simul omenqiie belli ut sumnue rerum prospe- 
rum eventum, ita haud sane incruentam ancipitisque 
certaminis vietoriam Romanis portendit. 

Ut re ita gesta ad utrumque ducem sui redierunt, 5 
nec Scipioni stare sententia poterat, nisi ut ex consi- 
liis cceptisque hostis et ipse conatus caperet, et Hanni- 6 
balem incertum, utrum cceptum in Italiam intenderet 
iter an cum eo, qui primus se obtulisset Romanus 
exercitus, manus consereret, avertit a prsesenti certa- 
mine Boiorum legatorum regulique Magali adventus, 
qui se duces itinerum, socios periculi fore affirmantes, 
integro bello, nusquam ante libatis viribus Italiam 
aggrediendam censent. Multitudo timebat quidem 7 
hostem, nondum oblitterata memoria superioris belli, 
sed magis iter immensum Alpesque, rem fama utique 
inexpertis horrendam, metuebat. Itaque Hanniba] rcsoivcs 30 
Hannibal, postquam ipsi sententia stetit in Us rear. 


pergere are atque Itaham petere, advocata army, 
contione, varie militum versat animos castigando ad- 
hortandoque : Mirari se, quinam pectora sernper im- -s 
pavida repens terror invaserit. Per tot annos vinccn- 
tes eos stipendia facere neque ante Hispania excessisse, 
quam omnes gentesque et terrse, quas duo diversa 
maria amplectantur, Carthaginiensium essent. Indig- 3 
natos deinde, quod, quicumque Saguntum obsedissent, 
vclut ob noxam sibi dedi postularct populus Romanus, 


Hibenim traiccisse ad delendum nomen Itomanorum 

4 liberandurnque orbem terrarum. Tum nemini visum 
id longum, quum ab occasu solis ad exortus intende- 

5 rent iter; nunc, postquam multo maiorem partem iti- 
neris emensam cernant, Pyrenseum saltum inter fero- 
cissimas geutes superatum, Phodanuin, tantum amnem, 
tot millibus Gallorum prohibentibus, domita etiam 
ipsius fluminis vi, traiectum, in conspectu Alpes ha- 

6 beant, quarum alterum latus Italiae sit, in ipsis portis 
hostium fatigatos subsistere, quid Alpes aliud esse 

7 credentes quam montium altitudines 1 Fingerent 
altiores Pyrenaei iugis; nullas profccto terras cselum 
contingere nec inexsuperabiles humano generi esse. 
Alpes quidem habitari, coli, gignere atque alere ani- 

8 mantes ; pervias fauces esse exercitibus. Eos ipsos, 
quos cernant, legatos non pinnis sublime elatos Alpes 
transgressos. Ne rnaiores quidem eorum indigenas, 
sed advenas Italia? cultores has ipsas Alpes ingentibus 
ssepe agminibus cum liberis ac coniugibus, migrantium 

9 modo, tuto transmisisse. Militi quidem armato, nihil 
secum prseter instrumenta belli portanti, quid invium 
aut inexsuperabile esse 1 ? Saguntum ut caperetur, quid 
per octo menses periculi, quid laboris exhaustum esse? 

I0 Romam, caput orbis terrarum, petentibus quicquam 

adeo asperum atque arduum videri, quod inceptum 

ii moretur 1 Cepisse quondam Gallos ea, quse adiri posse 

Pcenus desperet; proinde aut cederent animo atque 

virtute genti per eos dies toties ab se victae, aut itineris 

finem sperent campum interiacentem Tiberi ac mceni- 

bus Romanis. 

31 His adhortationibus incitatos corpora curare atque 

a ad iter se parare iubet. Postero die profectus adversa 


ripa Rhodani mediterranea Grallisa petit, non quia 
nvtior ad Alpes via esset, sed, quantuia a nn(1 niarchc3 up 
mari recessisset, uiinus obvium fore Ro- l„ L Jia" wLVVilo 
manum credena, cum quo, priusquam in [.,',' -, s ^^J&^ 3 

Italiam ventum foret, nou erat in aninio the Allubro k' es - 

niamis conscrere. Quartis ca.stris ad Insulam pcrvenit. 4 

Ibi Isara Rhodanusque amucs diversis ex Alpibus de- 

currentes, agri aliquantum amplexi confluunt in unum; 

mediis campis Insuke nomen inditum. Incolunt prope s 

Allobroges, gcns iam inde nulla Gallica gente opibus 

aut fama inferior. Tum discors erat. Regni certamine 6 

ambigebant fratres; maior et qui prius imperitarat, 

Brancofl nomine, minore ab fratre et ccetu iuniorum, 

qui iure minus vi plus poterat, pellebatur. Huius 7 

seditionis peropportuna disceptatio quum ad Hanni- 

balem reiecta esset, arbiter regni factus, quod ea sena- 

tus principumque sentcntia fuerat, imperium maiori 

restituit. Ob id meritum commeatu copiaque rerum 8 

omnium, maxime vestis, est adiutus, quam infames 

frigoribus Alpes preeparari cogebant. Sedatis Hanuibal 9 

certaminibus Allobrogum quum iam Alpes peteret, 

non recta regione iter instituit, sed ad lasvam in Tri- 

castinos flexit ; inde per extremam oram Vocontiorum 

agri tendit in Tricorios, haud usquam im- iir: then turna to 

,.. . . . _ ., the Tricastini and 

pedita via, pnusquam ad Druentiam flu- Tricorii towards 

. ... . t,ie fiver l)ruuu- 

men pervenit. Is et lpse Alpmus amnis »ias. 10 

longe omnium Galliae fluminum difficillimus transitu 

est; nam, quum aquse vim veliat ingentem, non tamen 

navium patiens est, quia nullis coercitus ripis, pluribus n 

simul neque iisdem alveis fluens, nova semper vada 

novosque gurgites (et ob eadem pediti quoque incerta 

via est), ad lioc saxa glareosa volvens, nibil stabile nec 

c L. 3 


12 tutum ingredienti prsebet ; et tum forte imbribus auc- 
tus irigentem transgredientibus tumultum fecit, quum 
super cetera trepidatione ipsi sua atque incertis clamor- 
ibus turbarentui-. 
32 P. CorneKus consul triduo fere post, quam Hanni- 
• . . L , bal aripa Rhodani movit, quadrato agmine 

Scipio lnstcau nf ' ' x ° 

pursuing iianni- a( j C astra hostium venerat, nullam dimi- 

bal sends most of 

2 undorTiis^biothcr can di nioram facturus ; ceterum ubi de- 
turns^to th" Xortii ser t a muninienta nec facile se tantum 
of ltaly * prsegressos assecuturum videt, ad mare ac 
naves rediit, tutius faciliusque ita descendenti ab Al- 

3 pibus Hannibali occursurus. Ne tamen nuda auxiliis 
Ronianis Hispania esset, quam provinciam sortitus 
erat, Cn. Scipionem fratrem cum maxima j^arte co- 

4 piarum adversus Hasdrubalem misit, non ad tuendos 
tantummodo veteres socios conciliandosque novos, sed 

5 etiam ad pellendum Hispania Hasdrubalem. Ipse cum 
admodum exiguis copiis Genuam repetit eo, qui circa 
Padum erat exercitus, Italiam defensurus. 

6 Hannibal ab Druentia campestri maxime itinere ad 
„ ., „ Alpes cum bona pace incolentium ea loca 

n.inmbal s army l l 

7 KeHn^the^passa-e Callorum pervenit. Tum, quanquam fama 
«L^osttie^mou™ P rius > °i ua incerta in maius vero ferri 
tameers solent, prsecepta res erat, tamen ex pro- 
pinquo visa montium altitudo nivesque caslo prope im- 
mixtae, tecta informia imposita rupibus, pecora iumen- 
taque torrida frigore, homines intonsi et inculti, ani- 
malia inanimaque omnia rigentia gelu, cetera visu 

8 quam dictu fcediora, terrorem renovarunt. Erigentibus 
in primos agmen clivos apparuerunt imminentes tu- 
mulos insidentes montani, qui, si valles occultiores 
insedissent, coorti ad pugnam repente ingentem fugam 


gemque dedissent. Hannibul consistere signa ius- 9 
sit ; Gallisque ad visenda loea pneniissis, postquam 
compcrit, transitum M Bon esse, castra w , 10bnrt , icirway 
inter confragosa orania pneruptaque, quam "'"' opi " forco 
extentissima potest valle, locat. Tum per eosdem Gallos, 10 
L-iudsane raultuiu lingua raoribusque abhorrentes,quura 
se iraraiscuissent colloquiis niontanorum, edoctus, in- 
terdiu tantum obsideri saltum, nocte in sua quemque 
dilabi tecta, luce prima subiit tumulos, ut ex aperto 
atque interdiu viin per angustias facturus. Die deinde n 
siraulando aliud, quam quod parabatur, consumpto, 
quum eodem, quo constiterant, loco castra comrnunis- 
sent, ubi primum degressos tumulis montanos laxa- 12 
tasque sensit custodias, pluribus ignibus quam pro 
numero manentium in speciem factis impedimentisque 
cum equite relictis et maxima parte peditum, ipse cum 13 
expeditis, acerrimo quoque viro, raptim angustias 
evadit iisque ipsis tuniulis, quos hostes tenuerant, con- 
sedit. Prima deinde luce castra mota et agmen reli- 33 
quum incedere ccepit. Iam montani signo dato ex 2 
castellis ad stationem solitam conveniebant, quura re- 
pente conspiciunt alios, arce occupata sua, super caput 
imminentes, alios via trausire hostes. Utraque simul 3 
obiecta res oculis animisque iramobiles parumper eos 
defixit ; deinde, ut trepidationem in augustiis suoque 
ipsum tumultu misceri agmen videre, equis maxime 
consternatis, quicquid adiecissent ipsi terroris, satis ad 4 
perniciem fore rati, transversis rupibus per iuxta invia 
ac devia assueti decurrunt. Tum vero simul ab hosti- 5 
bus, simul ab iniquitate locorum Pceni oppugnabantur, 
plusque inter ipsos, sibi quoque tendente, ut periculo 
prius evaderet, quam cum hostibus certaminis erat. 



6 Equi maxirae infestura agrnen faciebant, qui etclamori- 
bus dissonis, quos nemora etiam repercussseque valles 
augebani, territi trepidabant, et icti forte aut vulne- 
rati adeo consternabantur, ut stragem ingentem sinml 

7 hominum ac sarcinarum omnis generis facerent ; mui- 
tosque turba, quum praecipites deruptteque utrinque 
angustia3 essent, in immensum altitudinis deiecit, quos- 
dam et armatos ; sed ruinae maxime modo iumenta 

8 cum oneribus devolvebantur./ Quae quanquam fceda 
visu erant, stetit parumper tamen Hannibal ac suos 

9 continuit, ne tumultum ac trepidationem augeret ; de- 
inde, postquam interrumpi agmen vidit periculunique 
esse, ne exutum impedimentis exercitum nequicquam 
incolumem traduxisset, decurrit ex superiore loco et, 
quum impetu ipso fudisset bostem, suis quoque tumul- 

io tum auxit. Sed is tumultus momento temporis, post- 
quam liberata itinera fuga montanorum erant, sedatur, 
nec per otium modo, sed prope silentio mox omnes 

ii traducti. Castellum inde, quod caput eius regionis 
erat, viculosque circumiectos capit, et captivo cibo ac 
pecoribus per triduum exercitum aluit ; et, quia nec 
montanis primo perculsis nec loco magno opere irape- 
diebantur, aliquantum eo triduo viae confecit. 
34 Perventum inde ad frequentem cultoribus alium, 
ut inter montanos, populum. Ibi non 

or ambuscades. , 

bello aperto, sed suis artibus, fraude et 

2 insidiis, est prope circumventus. Magno natu prin- 
cipes castellorura oratores ad Pcenura veniunt, alienis 
malis, utili exemplo, doctos memorantes amicitiara 

3 malle quam vim experiri Pcenorum : itaque obedienter 
imperata facturos : commeatum itinerisque duces et 

4 ad fidem promissorum obsides acciperet. Hannibal 


ncc teraere credendum nee aspemandum ratus, ne re- 
pndiati aperte hostes fierent, benigne quum respon- 
disset, obsidibus, quos dabant, acceptis et commeatu, 
quem in viam ipsi detulerant, usus, nequaquam ut 
inter pacatos composito agmine duces eoium sequitur. 
Priinum agmen eleplianti et equites erant; ipse post s 
cum robore peditum circnmspectans sollicitus omnia 
incedebat. Ubi in angustiorem viam et parte altera 6 
subiectam iugo insuper imminenti vcntum est, urulique 
ex insidiis barbari, a fronte, ab tergo coorti, cominus, 
emiuus petunt, saxa ingentia in agmcn devolvunt. 
Maxima ab tergo vis hominum urgebat. In cos versa 7 
peditum acies haud dubium fecit, quin, nisi firmata ex- 
trema agminis fuissent, ingens in eo saltu accipienda 
clades fuerit. Tnnc quoque ad extremum periculi ac 8 
prope peruiciem ventum est ; nam, dum cunctatur 
Hannibal demittere agmen in angustias, quia non, ut 
ipse equitibus prsesidio erat, ita peditibus quicquam ab 
tergo auxilii reliquerat, occursantes per obliqua mon- 9 
tani, interrupto medio agmine, viam insedere, noxque 
una Hannibali sine equitibus atque impedimentis acta 
est. Postero die, iam segnius intercursantibus bar- 35 
baris, iunctae copise, saltusque haud sine clade, maiore 
tamen iumentorum quam hominum pernicie, supera- 
tus. Inde montani pauciores iam et latrocinii magis 
quam belli more concursabant, modo in primum, modo a 
in novissimum agmen, utcunque aut locus opportuni- 
tatem daret aut progressi morative aliquam occasionem 
fecissent. Elephanti sicut per artas praacipitesgtte vias 3 
raagna ruora agebantur, ita tutum ab hostibus, quacun- 
que incederent, quia insuetis adeundi propiua metus 
erat, agraen praebebant. 


4 Nono die in iugum Alpiuni perventum est per in- 
But at lencth the v * a pl erac l ue e ^ errores, quos aut ducen- 
the C pass' e and P are tium fraus aut, ubi fides iis non esset, te- 
th^ghtthatiuiy mere initae valles a coniectantibus iter 

5 1S m VIew " faciebant. Biduum in iugo stativa habita, 
fessisque labore ac pugnando quies data militibus ; iu- 
mentaque aliquot, quoe prolapsa in rupibus erant, se- 

6 quendo vestigia agminis in castra pervenere. Fessis 
tsedio tot malorum nivis etiam casus, occidente iaru 

7 sidere Vergiliarum, ingentem terrorem adiecit. Per 
omuia nive oppleta quum, signis prima luce motis, seg- 
niter agmen incederet, pigritiaque et desperatio in 

8 omnium vultu emineret, jiroegressus signa Hannibal in 
promuntorio quodam, unde longe ac late prospectus 
erat, consistere iussis militibus Italiam ostentat sub- 

9 iectosque Alpinis montibusCircumpadanos campos, moe- 
niaque eos tum transcendere non Italiie modo, sed etiam 
urbis Romanae ; cetera plana, proclivia fore ; uno aut 
summum altero pioelio arcem et caput Italiae in manu 

io ac potestate habituros. Procedere inde agmen ccepit, 

iam nihil ne hostibus quidem praeter parva furta per 

occasionem tentantibus. Ceterum iter multo, quam 

in ascensu fuerat (ut pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut 

n breviora, ita arrectiora sunt), difficilius fuit; omnis 

i2 enim ferme via prseceps, angusta, lubrica erat, ut ne- 

que sustinere se a lapsu possent nec, qui paulum titu- 

bassent, haerere afiixi vestigio suo, aliique super alios 

et iumenta et homines succiderent. 

36 Ventum deinde ad multo angustiorem rupem atque 

The descent is ** a rec ^ s sax J ;j } ut aegre expeditus miles 

much ajregw and tentabundus manibusque retinens virgulta 

greater, ac s ti lT)es c i rca eminentes demittere sese 


t. Natura locus iam anto prseceps reccnti lapsu 3 
beme in pedum mille admodum altitudinem abruptus 
erat. Ibi <iuum velut ad finem vi» equites eepecwij whena 

■ . ■ , x thetrackhadbeen 

coustitissent, mirauti Ilunnibali, qine rea carried awaj i>y 

1 a lniidshp nnd 

moraivtur agmea, nuntiatur, runein m- inasaeeofrceii en 

■ x co vered witn firesh 

viam esse. Digressus deinde ipse ad lo- suow - 

emn viaendum. Haud dnbia rea visa, quin per invia 4 

cirea nec trita antea, qnainvis longo ambitu, circum- 
duceret agmen. Ea yero via insuperabilis fuit ; nam 5 
quum super veterem nivem intactam nova modica? alti- 
tudinia esset, molli nee pra-altaj facile pedea ingredien- 
tium insistebant; ut vero tot hominum iumentorumque 6 
incessu dilapsa est, per nudam infra glaciem fluentem- 
que tabem liquescentis nivis ingrediebantur. Tsetra 7 
ibi luctatio erat, [ut a] lubrica glacie non recipiente 
vestigiurn et in prono citius pedes fallente, ut, seu 
manibus iu assurgendo seu genu se adiuvissent, ipsis 
adminiculis prolapsis iterum corruerent; nec stirpes 
circa radicesve, ad quas pede aut manu quisquam eniti 
posset, erant ; ita in levi tantum glacie tabidaque nive 
volutabantur. Iumenta secabant interdum etiam in- 8 
fimam ingredientia nivem, et prolapsa iactandis gravius 
in connitendo ungulis penitus perfringebant, ut ple- 
raque velut pedica capta haererent in dura et alte con- 
creta glacie. 1 Tandem, nequicquam iumentis atque 37 
hominibus fatigatis, castra in iugo posita, A road . g clearcd 
segerrime ad id ipsum loco purgato; tan- usiofv^egarind 
tum nivis fodiendum atque egerendum fire ' 
fuit. Inde ad rupem muniendam, per quam unam via 2 
esse poterat, milites ducti, quum casdendum esset sax- 
um, arboribus circa immanibus deiectis detruncatisque 
struem ingentem lignorum faciunt, eamque, quum et 

40 LIVIl 

vis venti apta faciendo igni coorta esset, succendunt, 

3 ardentiaqtie saxa infuso aceto putrefaciunt. Ita tor- 
ridam incendio rupem ferro pandunt molliuntque an- 
fractibus modicis clivos, tit non iumenta solum, sed ele- 

4 phanti etiam deduci possent. Quatriduum circa rupem 
consumptum, iumentis prope fame absumptis ; nuda 
nnd thev roach enim ^ ere cacumina sunt et, si quid est 

5 thaMeadinto^the P aDn li> obruunt nives. Inferiora valles 
i llains - apricosi/ite etiam colles habent rivosque 

6 et prope silvas et iam lnunano cultu digniora loca. Ibi 
iumenta in pabulum missa et quies muniendo fessis 
hominibus data. Triduo inde ad planum descensura, 
iam et locis mollioribus et accolarum ingeniis. 

38 Hoc maxime modo in Italiam perventum est, quinto 
mense a Carthagine Nova, ut quidam auctores sunt, 
The numhers of qninto decimo die Alpibus superatis. 
9 iiaimihais army Q uau t£e copise transgresso in Italiam Han- 
nibali fuerint, nequaquam inter auctores constat. Qui 
plurimum, centum millia peditum, viginti equitum 
fuisse scribunt ; qui minimum, viginti millia peditum, 

3 sex equitum. L. Cincius Alimentus, qui captum se ab 
Hannibale scribit, maxime rne auctor moveret, nisi 
confunderet numerum Gallis Liguribusque additis ; 

4 cum his octoginta millia peditum, decem equitum ad- 
ducta ; (in Italia magis affluxisse veri simile est, et 

s ita quidam auctores sunt;) ex ipso autem audisse Han- 
nibale, postquam Rhodanum transierit, triginta sex 
millia hominum ingentemque numerum equorum et 
aliorum iumentorum amisisse. Taurini Semigalli prox- 

6 and the pass hy ima g ens erat in Italiam degresso. Id 
a^matters^ofd^- <l uum inter omnes constet, eo magis mi- 
pute ror ambigi, quanam Alpes transierit, et 


vulgo credere, Pcenino (atque incle nomen ei iugo Al- 
pium inditum) transgressum, Cselium per Cremonis iu- 7 
gnm dicere tranedssej qui ambo saltus eum non in 

laurinos, Bed per alios montanos ad Libuos Gallos de- 
dusisseut. Nec veri simile cst, ea tum ad Galliam 8 
patuisse itinera ; utique, qiue ad Pceninum fenuit, ob- 

Baepta gentibus Semigermanis fuisseut. Neque bercule 9 
montibus his, si quem forte id movet, ab transitu 
Pienoruni ullo Scduni Vevagri, incolse iugi eius, nomen 
ferunt inditum, scd ab eo, quem in summo sacratum 
vertice Pceninum montani appellant. 

Peropportunead principia rerum Taurinis, proximse 39 
genti, adversus Insubres motum bellum nannibai rests to 
erat. Sed armare exercitum Hannibal, «*™»^«™r. 
ut parti alteri auxilio csset, in reficiendo maxime sen- 
tientem contracta ante mala, non poterat ; otium enim 2 
ex labore, copia ex inopia, cultus ex illuvie tabeque 
squalida et prope efferata corpora varie movebat. Ea 3 
P. Cornelio consuli causa fuit, quum Pisas navibus 
vcnisset, exercitu a Manlio Atilioque accepto tirone et 
in novis ignominiis trepido, ad Padum festinandi, ut 
cum hoste nondum refecto manus consereret. Sed quum 4 
Placentiam consul venit, iam ex stativis 

1 tt -i 1 rn • t\\ci\ attacks tlie 

inoverat Hanmbal laurmorumque unam Taortai,andmovea 

..... to uicct Scipio, 

urbem, caput gentis eius, qiua volentes m 
amicitiam non veniebant, vi expugnarat : et iunxisset s 
sibi non metu solum, sed etiam voluntate Gallos accolas 
Padi, ni eos circumspectantes defectionis tempus subito 
adventu consul oppressisset. Et Hannibal movit ex 6 
Taurinis, incertos, quse pars sequenda esset, Gallos prse- 
sentem secuturos esse ratus. Iam prope in conspectu 7 
erant exercitus convenerantque duces sicuti inter se 


g nondum satis noti, ita iara imbutus uterque quadain 

aclmiratione alterius. Nain Hannibalis ct apud Ro- 

manos iam ante Sagunti excidium celeberrimum no- 

men erat, et Scipionem Hannibal eo ipso, quod ad- 

versus se dux potissimum lectus esset, pi-sestantem 

9 virum credebat; et auxerant inter se opinionem, Scipio, 

quod, relictus in Gallia, obvius fuerat in Italiam trans- 

gresso Hannibali, Hannibal et conatu tam audaci traii- 

10 wh h d rossed c i en darum Alpium et effectu. Occupavit 

cllmpcd a by d ti"e tainen Scipio Padum traiicere, et ad Ti- 

Ticmus. cinum amnem motis castris, priusquam 

educeret in aoiem, adhortandorum militum causa talem 

orationem est exorsus. 

40 " Si eum exercitum, milites, educerem in aciem, 

quem in Gallia mecum habui, supersedis- 

Scipio cncourages . . 

lus soidiers by sem Ioqui apud vos ; quid enim adhortari 

2 dwelling on their , 

supeiiority to tiie referret aut eos equites, qui equitatum hos- 


who had refuscd tium ad Phodanurn fiumen egresrie vicis- 

to hghtm Gaul ° ° 

sent, aut eas legiones, cum quibus fugi- 
entem hunc ipsum hostem secutus confessionem ce- 
dentis ac detrectantis certamen pro victoria habui 1 

3 Nunc quia ille exercitus, Hispanise provinciae scriptus, 
ibi cum fratre Cn. Scipione meis auspiciis rem gerit, 
ubi eum gerere senatus populusque Romanus voluit, 

4 ego, ut consulem ducem adversus Hannibalem ac 
Pcenos haberetis, ipse me huic voluntario certamini 
obtuli, novo irnperatori apud novos milites pauca verba 

5 facienda simt. Ne genus belli neve hostem ignoretis, 
cum iis est vobis, milites, pugnandum, quos terra mari- 
que priore bello vicistis, a quibus stipendium per viginti 
annos exegistis, a quibus capta belli prseinia Siciliam 

6 ac Sardiniam habetis. Erit igitur in hoc certamine is 


vobia illisquc animus, qui victoribus ct victis esse so- 
iot. Nec nunc illi, quia audent, sed quia necesae est, 7 
pugnaturi sunt ; nisi creditis, qui cxercitu incolumi 
pugu&m detrectavere, eos, duabus partibus peditum 
equitumque in transitu Alpium amissis, [quum plurcs 
pauie pcrierint quam supersint,] plus spei nactos esse. 
At cnim pauci quidem sunt, sed vigentes 8 

., , ancl were worn out 

animis corponbusque, quorum robora ac by baidsliipa io 

,, ., ,,„ thc Alps, 

Yirea vix sustinere vis ulla possit. Jbf- 

figies immo, umbne hominum, fame, frigore, illuvie, 
squalore enccti, contusi ac debilitati inter saxa ru- 
pesque ; ad hoc pramsti artus, nive rigentes nervi, 
membi-a torrida gelu, quassata fractaque arma, claudi 
ac debiles equi. Cum hoc equite, cum hoc pedite pug- 10 
naturi estis ; reliquias extremas hostium, non hostem 
habebitis ; ac nihil magis vereor quam ne, quum vos 
pugnaveritis, Alpes vicisse Hannibalem videantur. Sed " 
ita forsitan decuit, cum fcederum ruptore duce ac populo 
deos ipsos sine ulla humana ope committere ac profli- 
gare bellum, nos, qui secundum deos violati sumus, 
commissum ac profligatum conficere. Non vereor, ne 41 
quis me hajc vestri adhortandi causa magnifice loqui 
existimet, ipsum aliter animo aflectum esse. Licuit 2 
in Hispaniam, provinciam meam, quo iam profectus 
eram, cum exercitu ire meo, ubi et fratrem consilii 
participem ac periculi socium haberem et Hasdruba- 
lem potius quam Hannibalem hostem et minorem haud 
dubie molem belli; tamen, quum prseterveherer navi- 3 
bus Galliae oram, ad famam huius hostis in terram 
egressus, prsemisso equitatu, ad Rhodanum movi castra. 
Equestri prcelio, qua parte copiarum conserendi ma- 4 
num fortuna data est, hostem fudi; peditum agmen, 


quod in modum fugientium raptim agebatur, quia as- 
sequi terra non poteram, regressus atl naves, quanta 
maxima potui celeritate, tanto maris terrammque cir- 
cuitu, in radicibus prope Alpium buic timendo bosti 

5 obvius fui. Utrum, quum declinarem certamen, im- 
provisus incidisse videor an occurrere in vestigiis eius, 

6 lacessere ac trabere ad decernendum ] Experiri iuvat, 

utrum alios repente Cartbaginionses per 

who liad bcforo • • ■• , ■%• t •. •• i ■ . 

humbiy sued for viginti annos terra ediderit, an ndem smt, 

qui ad .^Egates pugnaverunt insulas et 

quos ab Eryce duodevicenis denariis ajstimatos emi- 

7 sistis, et utrum Hannibal bic sit semulus itinerum Her- 
culis, ut ipse fert, an vectigalis stipendiariusque et 

8 servus populi Tiomani a patre relictus. Quem nisi 
Saguntinum scelus agitaret, respiceret profecto, si non 
patriam victam, domum certe patremque et fcedera 

9 Hamilcaris scripta uianu, qui iussus ab consule nostro 
prsesidium deduxit ab Eryce, qui graves impositas 
victis Cartbaginiensibus leges fremens mserensque ac- 
cepit, qui decedere Sicilia, qui stipendium populo Jto- 

io mano dare pactus est. Itaque vos ego, milites, non eo 
solum animo, quo adversus alios bostes soletis, pug- 
nare velim, sed cum indignatione quadam atque ira, 
velut si servos videatis vestros arma repente contra 

ji vos ferentes. Licuit ad Erycem clausos ultimo sup- 

plicio bumanorum, fame interficere ; licuit victi-icem 

classem in Africam traiicere atque intra paucos dies 

..... , , sine ullo certamine Cartbasrinem delere : 

tvlnch thoy had ° ' 

12 lessWbytheL^un- ven i am dedimus precantibus, emisimus 
provoked attack. ex obsidione, pacem cum victis fecimus, 
tutelse deinde nostra^ duximus, quum Africo bello ur- 

13 gerentur. Pro bis impertitis fmiosum iuvenem se- 


quentes oppugnatum patriam nostram vcniunt. Atque 
utinam pro decore tantum lioc vobis et non pro salute 

certamen ! ]Son de possessione Sicilia) ac Sar- u 
dinia\ de quibus quondam agcbatur, sed pro Italia 

- est pugnandum. Nec est alius ab tergo exer- i 5 
citus, qui, nisi nos viucimus, hosti obsistat, nec Alpes 
aliae sunt, quas dum superant, comparari nova pos- 
sint pnesidia; bic est obstandum, milites, velut si 
ante Romana mcenia pugnemus. Unusquisque se non 16 
corpus suum, sed coniugem ac liberos parvos armis 
protegere putet; nec domesticas solum agitet curas, 
sed identidem lioc animo reputet, nosrras nunc intueri 
manus senatum populumque Romanum : qualis nostra 17 
vis virtusque fuerit, talem deinde fortunam illius urbis 
ac Romani iinperii fore." 

Haec apud Romanos consul. Hannibal rebus prius 42 
quam verbis adbortandos milites ratus, circumdato ad 
spectaculum exercitu, captivos montanos 

,. . . L . /~. 1 Ilannibal lets liis 

vinctos in meuio statuit, aiTnisque (jral- Gaiiic captives 

,. . , ..... figlitinsinglecom- 

licis ante pedes eorum proiectis, mteiTo- bat for the pnze 

of freedoni, 

gare mterpretem lussit, ecquis, si ^incidis 
levaretur armaque et equum victor acciperet, decertare 
feiTO vellet. Quum ad unum omnes ferrum pugnam- 2 
que poscerent et deiecta in id sors esset, se quisque 
eum optabat, quem fortuna in id certamen legeret, 3 
et, ut cuiusque sors exciderat, alacer, inter gratulantes 
gaudio exsultans, cum eui moris tripudiis arma raptim 
capiebat. Ubi vero dimicarent, is babitus animorum 4 
non inter eiusdem modo condicionis bomines erat, 
sed etiam inter spectantes vulgo, ut non vincentium 
magis quam bcne morientium fortuna laudaretur. 
Quum sic aliquot spectatis paribus affectos dimi- 43 


sisset, contione inde advocata ita apud eos locutus 

2 " Si, quem animum in aliense sortis exemplo paulo 
ante habuistis, euudem mox in sestimanda fortuna 

vestra habueritis, vicimus, milites; neque 
diers that th"ir cuim spectaculum modo illud, sed quse- 

only chance of . , . . . •, . . - 

safety Ues in vic- clam veluti imago vestrse conclicionis erat. 

3 Ac nescio, an maiora vincula maioresque 
necessitates vobis quam captivis vestris fortuna cir- 

4 cumdederit. Dextra lsevaque duo maria claudunt, 
nullam ne ad eftugium quidem navem babentes ; circa 
Padus amnis, maior [Padus] ac violentior Rbodano, 
ab tergo Alpes urgent, vix integris vobis ac vigentibus 

s transitse. Hic vincendum aut moriendum, : milites, est 
ubi primum bosti occurristis. Et eadem fortuna, quse 
necessitatem pugnandi imposuit, prsemia vobis ea vic- 
toribus proponit, quibus ampliora bomines ne ab diis 

6 quidem immortalibus optare solent. Si Siciliam tan- 
tum ac Sardiniam parentibus nostris ereptas nostra 
virtute recuperaturi essemus, satis tamen ampla pre- 
tia essent; quicquid Romani tot triumpbis partum 
congestumque possident, id omne vestrum cum ipsis 

7 dominis futurum est ; in banc tam opimam mercedem, 

8 agite dum, diis bene iuvantibus arma capite. Satis 
adhuc in vastis Lusitanise Celtiberiseque montibus 
pecora consectando nullum emolumentum tot laborum 

9 periculorumque vestrorum vidistis ; tempus est iam 
opulenta vos ac ditia stipendia facere et magna operse 
pretia mereri, tantum itineris per tot montes flumina- 

io que et tot armatas gentes emensos. Hic vobis termi- 
,. , num laborum fortuna dedit : bic dignam 

which wnuld be ' ° 

IT giorious indced mercedem emeritis stipendiis dabit. Nec, 


quarn magni nominis bellum est, tam difficilem ex- 
istimaritis victoriam fore ; sscpe et conternptus hostis 
crucntum certamen edidit et incliti populi regesque 
perlevi momento victi sunt. Nam dempto hoc uno 12 
fulgore nominis Romani, quid est, cur illi vobis 
comparandi sint 1 Ut viginti annorum militiam ves- 13 
tram cum illa virtute, cum illa fortuna and shoul( j ha 
taceam, ab Herculis columnis, ab Oceano anf generai 'sucu 
terminisque ultimis terrarum per tot fero- as lcir3 ' 
cissimos Hispaniae et Gallise populos vincentes huc 
pervenistis ; pugnabitis cum exercitu tirone, hac ipsa 14 
sestate coeso, victo, circumsesso a Gallis, ignoto adhuc 
duci suo ignorantique ducem. An me in prsetorio 15 
patris, clarissimi imperatoris, prope natum, certe eduo 
tum, domitorem Hispanise Gallieeque, victorem eundem 
non Alpinarum modo gentium, sed ipsarum, quod 
multo maius est, Alpium, cum semestri hoc conferam 
duce, desertore exercitus sui ? cui si quis demptis 16 
signis Pcenos Roinanosque hodie ostendat, ignoratu- 
rum certum habeo, utrius exercitus sit consul. Non 17 
ego illud parvi sestirno, milites, quod nemo est vestrum, 
cuius non ante oculos ipse ssepe militare aliquod edi- 
derim facinus, cui non idem ego virtutis spectator ac 
testis notata temporibus locisque referre sua possim 
decora. Cum laudatis a me millics donatisque, alum- i3 
nus prius omnium vestrivm quam impei-ator, procedam 
in aciem adversus ignotos inter se ignorantesque. 
Quocunque circumtuli oculos, plena omnia video ani- 44 
morum ac roboris, veteranum peditem, generosissi- 
marum gentium equites frenatos infrenatosque, vos a 
socios fidelissimos fortissimosque, vos, Carthaginienses, 
quum pro patria, tum ob iram iustissimam pugnaturos. 

48 HVII 

3 Inferimus bellum infestisque signis descendimus in 
Italiam, tanto audacius fortiusque pugnaturi quam 

hostis, quanto maior spes, maior est ani- 

fircnl iis tliev wcto , . . . 

4 by the memory of nius luierentis vim quam arcentis. Ac- 
tlieir past wroiiys. . . . 

cendit prseterea et stimulat animos dolor, 
iniuria, indignitas. Ad supplicium depoposcerunt me 
ducem primum, deinde vos omne,s, qui Saguntuni op- 
pugnassetis ; deditos ultimis cruciatibus affecturi fue- 
s runt. Crudelissima ac superbissima gens sua omnia 
suique arbitrii facit ; cum quibus bellum, cum quibus 
pacem habeamus, se modum imponere sequum censet. 
Circumscribit includitque nos terminis montium flumi- 
numque, quos non excedamus, neque eos, quos statuit, 

6 terminos observat. Ne transieris Hiberum ; ne quid 
rei tibi sit cum Saguntinis. At non ad Hiberum est 

7 Saguntum. Nusquam te vestigio moveris. Parum 
est, quod veterrimas provincias meas, Siciliam ac 
Sardiniam, aclimis 1 Kfciam in Hispanias et, si inde- 
cessero, in Africam transcendes 1 Transcendes autem 1 
Transcendisse dico. Duos consules huius anni, unum 
in Africam, alterum in Hispaniam miserunt. Niliil 
usquam nobis relictum est, ixisi quod armis vindica- 

8 rimus. Illis timidis et ignavis esse licet, qui respec- 
tum habent, quos sua terra, suus ager per tuta ac 
pacata itinera fugientes accipient : vobis necesse est 
fortibus viris esse et, omnibus inter victoriam mor- 
temve certa desperatione abruptis, aut vincere aut, si 
fortuna dubitabit, in proelio potius quam in fuga mor- 

9 tem oppetere. Si hoc bene fixum omnibus [destina- 
tum] in animo est, iterum dicam, vicistis ; nullum 
contemptu mortis telum ad vincendum homini ab tlis 
immortalibus acrius datum est." 


His adhortationibus quum utrinque ad certamen 45 
accensi militum aniini cssent, Romani ThcKomansmove 
ponte Ticinum iungunt, tutandique pon- JSrer to lianiU- 
tis causa castcllurn insupcr iinponunt ; U1, 
Pceuus, Lostibus opere occupatis, Maharbalcm cum * 
ala Numidarum, equitibus quingentis, ad depopu- 
landos sociorum populi Romani agros mittit ; Gallis 3 
parci quam maxime iubet, principumque animos ad 
defectionem sollicitari. Ponte perfecto traductus Ro- 
manus exercitus in agrum Insubrium quinque millia 
passuum ab Ictumulis consedit. Ibi Hannibal castra 4 
habebat ; revocatoque propere Maharbale atque equi- 
tibus, quum instare certamen cei^neret, nihil un- 
quam satis dictum pramionitumque ad . , 

*■ i ^ who prepares for 

cohortandos milites ratus, vocatis ad con- u " r ai p"omTsesof 
tionem certa prsemia pronuntiat, in quo- bouut y tohi s m en. 
rum spem pugnarent : agrum sese daturura esse 5 
in Italia, Africa, Hispania, ubi quisque vellet im- 
munem ipsi, qui accepisset, liberisque ; qui pecu- 
niam quam agrum maluisset, ei se argento satis- 
mcturum ; qui sociorum cives Carthaginienses fieri 6 
vellent, potestatem facturum ; qui domos redire mal- 
lent, daturum se operam, ne cuius siiorum popularium 
mutatam secum fortunam esse vellent. Servis quoque 7 
dominos prosecutis libertatem proponit, binaque pro 
iis mancipia dominis se redditurum. Eaque ut rata 3 
scirent fore, agnum lseva manu, dextera silicem reti- 
nens, si falleret, Iovem ceterosque precatus deos, ita 
se mactarent, quemadmodum ipse agnum mactasset, 
secundum precationem caput pecudis saxo elisit. Tum 9 
vero omnes, velut diis auctoribus in spem suam quis- 
que acceptis, id morse, quod nondum pugnarent, ad 
C. L. 4 

50 LIVll 

potienda sperata rati, proelium uno animo et voce una 
46 .Apud Itomanos liaudquaquam tanta alacritas erat, 
Tiio nomans dis- sui)cr cetera recentibus etiam territos 

couraged by the 

2 omens prodigiis ; nam et lupus intraverat castra 
laniatisque obviis ipse intactus evaserat, et examen 

3 apum in arbore prsetotio imminente consederat. Qui- 
bus procuratis, Scipio cum equitatu iaculatoribusque 
expeditis profectus ad castra liostium ex propinquo 
copias^/e, quantae et cuius generis essent, speculandas, 
obvius fit Hannibali et ipsi cum equitibus ad ex- 

4 ploranda circa loca progresso. Neutri altei*os primo 
cernebant ; densior deinde incessu tot horninum equo- 
rum^we oriens pulvis signum propinquantium hostium 
fuit. Consistit utrumque agmen, et ad proelium sese 

i expediebant. Scipio iaculatores et Galios equites in 
fronte locat, Ptomanos sociorumque quod roboris 
fuit, in subsidiis. Hannibal frenatos equites in me- 

b dium accipit, cornua Numidis firmat. Vixdum clamore 
sublato, iaculatores fugerunt inter subsidia ad secun- 
dam aciem. Inde equitum certamen erat aliquamdiu 
anceps ; dein quia turbabant equos pedites intermixti, 
multis labentibus ex equis aut desilientibus, \ibi suos 
premi circumventos vidissent, iam magna ex parte ad 
pedes pugna venerat, donec Numidse, qui in cornibus 
crant, circumvecti paulum ab tergo se ostenderunt. 

7 Is pavor perculit Romanos, auxitque pavorem con- 
sulis vulnus periculumque, intercursu tum ])rimum 

8 are worsted in a pubescentis filii propulsatum. Hic erat 
ta wiuch^sdplols iuvenis, penes quem perfecti huiusce belli 

wounded, i , » e • i • ... 

laus est, Atncanus ob egregiam victonam 

9 de Hannibale Pcenisque appeUatus. Fuga tamen 


( tfusa iaculatorum maxime fuit, quos primos Numidse 
iuvaserunt ; alius confertus cquitatus consulem in 
mcdium acceptum, non armis modo, sed etiam cor- 
poribus suis protegens, in castra nusquam trepide 
neque effuse cedendo reduxit. Servati consulis decus «<» 
( 'alius ad servum natione Ligurem delegat ; malim 
cquidem de filio verum esse, quod et plures tradidcre 
auctores ct fama obtinuit. 

Hoc primum cum Hannibale prcelium fuit; quo 47 
facile apparuit, [et] equitatu meliorem Pcenum esse, 
et ob id campos patentes, quales sunt andrctiretoward3 
inter Padum Alpesque, bello gerendo Placeutia > 
Romanis aptos non esse. Itaque proxima nocte, iussis 2 
militibus vasa silentio colligere, castra ab Ticino mota 
festinatumque ad Padum est, ut ratibus, quibus iunx- 
erat flumen, nondum resolutis sine tumultu atque 
insectatione hostis copias fcraiiceret. Prius Placen- 3 
tiam pervenere, quam satis sciret Hannibal ab Ticino 
profectos ; tamen ad sexcentos moratorum in citeriore 
ripa Padi, scgniter ratem solventes, cepit. Transire 
pontem non potuit, ut extrema resoluta erant, tota 
rate in secundam aquam labente. Caelius auctor est, 4 
Magonem cum equitatu et Hispanis peditibus flumen 
extemplo tranasse, ipsum Hannibalem per superiora 
Padi vada exercitum traduxisse, elepbantis in ordinem 
ad sustinendum impetum fluminis oppositis. Ea pe- 5 
ritis amnis eius vix fidem fecerint ; nam neque equites 
armis equisque salvis tantam vim fluminis superasse 
veri simile est, ut iam Hispanos omnes inflati tra- 
vexerint utres, et multorum dierum circuitu Padi 
vada petenda fuerunt, qua exercitus gravis impedi- 
mentis traduci posset. Potiores apud me auctores 6 



sunt, qui biduo vix locum rate iungendo flumini in- 
ventum tradunt ; ea cum Magone equites Hispanorum 

7 cxpeditos prsemissos. Dum Hannibal, ch-ca flumen 
legationibus Gallorum audiendis moratus, traiicit gra- 
vius peditum agmen, interim Mago equitesque ab 
transitu fluminis diei unius itinere Placentiam ad 

8 foiiowcd by Uan- h° s t es contendunt. Hannibal paucis post 
nibaI ' diebus sex millia a Placentia castra com- 
munivit, et postero die in conspectu hostium acie di- 
recta potestatem pugnae fecit. 

48 Insequenti nocte csedes in castris Kornanis, tumultu 
tamen quam re maior, ab auxiliaribus Gallis facta est. 

2 who secures by Ad duo millia peditum et ducenti equites, 

treachery the ma- . .... . , . , . . _-_. 

gazines at- cias- vigilibus ad portas trucidatis, ad Hanni- 

tidium while the 

Romans strength- balem transfugiunt : quos Poenus benisme 

en their camp od . . 

the Trebia. allocutus et spe ingentium ac- 

censos in civitates quemque suas ad sollicitandos popu- 

3 larium animos dimisit. Scipio casdem eam signum 
defectionis omnium Gallorum esse ratus, contactosque 
eo scelere velut iniecta rabie ad amia ituros, quan- 

•* quam gravis adhuc vulnere erat, tamen quarta vigilia 
noctis insequentis tacito agmine profectus, ad Trebiam 
fluvium iam in loca altiora collesque impeditiores equiti 

5 castra movet. Minus quam ad Ticinum fefellit; mis- 
sisque Hannibal primum Numidis, deinde omni equi- 
tatu, turbasset utique novissimum agmen, ni aviditate 
prajdae in vacua Roinana castra Numidae devertissent. 

6 Ibi dum perscrutantes loca omnia castrorum nullo 
satis digno morae pretio tempus terunt, emissus bostis 
est de manibus; et quum iam transgressos Trebiam 
Bomanos metantesque castra conspexissent, paucos 

7 moratorum occiderunt citra flumen interceptos. Scrpio, 


nec vexationem vulneris in via iactati ultra patiens et 
collegam (iam enitn et revocatum ex Sicilia audierat) 
ratus exspectandum, locum qui prope flumen tutissiinus 
stativis est visus, delectum communiit. Nec procul 3 
inde Hannibal qumn consedisset, quantum victoria 
equestri elatus, tantum anxius inopia, quaa per bostium 
agros euntem, nusquam pmeparatis commeatibus, maior 
in dies excipiebat, ad Clastidium vicum, quo magnum 
frumenti numerum congesserant Eomani, mittit. Ibi 9 
quum vim pararent, spes facta proditionis; nec sane 
magno pretio, nummis aureis quadringentis, Dasio 
Brundisino proefecto proesidii corrupto, traditur Han- 
nibali Clastidiuni. Id borreum fuit Poenis sedentibus 
ad Trebiam. In captivos ex tradito praesidio, ut fama io 
clementise in principio rerum colligeretur, nihil ssevi- 
tum est 

Quum ad Trebiam terrestre constitisset bellum, in- 49 
teiim circa Siciliam insulasque imminen- , T ... „ 

1 Meanwlule a Pu- 

tes et a Sempronio consule et ante ad- jS5.5S.5Su} 
ventum eius terra marique res gestaa. Slclly 
Viginti quinqueremes cum mille armatis ad depopu- 2 
landam oram Italise a Carthaginiensibus missse; novem 
Liparas, octo ad insulam Vulcani tenuerunt, tres in 
fretum avertit sestus. Ad eas conspectas a Messana 3 
duodecim naves ab Hierone rege Syracusanorum missa^, 
qui tum forte Messanae erat consulem Romanum op- 
periens, nullo repugnante captas naves Messanam in 
portum deduxerunt. Cognitum ex captivis, praeter 4 
viginti naves, cuius ipsi classis essent, in Italiam mis- 
sas, quinque et triginta alias quinqueremes Siciliam 
petere ad sollicitandos veteres socios ; Lilybsei occu- 
pandi proecipuam curam esse ; credere, eadem tem- 5 


pestate, qua ipsi disiecti forent, eam quoque classem 

6 ad ^Egates insulas deiectami ILec, sicut audita erant, 
rex M. iEinilio prsetori, cuius Sicilia provincia erat, 
perscribit, monetque, ut Lilybseum firmo teneret prae- 

7 sidio. Extemplo et a prsetore circa civitates missi 
legati tribunique, qui suos ad curam custodiae inten- 

8 derent, et ante omnia Lilybaaum teneri apparatu belli, 
edicto proposito, ut socii navales decem dierum cocta 
cibaria ad naves deferrent, ut, ubi signum datum esset, 
ne quid moram conscendendi faceret, perque omnem 
oram, qui ex speculis prospicerent adventantem hostium 

9 classem, missis. y Itaque, quanquam de industria morati 
cursum navium erant Carthaginiensis, ut ante lucem 
accederent Lilybaaum, prsesensum tamen est, quia et 
luna pernox erat et sublatis armamentis veniebant. 

io Extemplo signum datum e speculis et in oppido ad 
arma conclamatum est et in naves conscensum ; pars 
militum in muris portaioimque stationibus, pars in na- 

ii vibus erant. Et Carthaginienses, quia rem fore haud 
cum imparatis cei'nebant, usque ad lucem portu se ab- 
stinuerunt, demendis armamentis eo tempore aptan- 

12 daque ad pugnam classe absumpto. Ubi illuxit, re- 
cepere classem in altum, ut spatium pugnae esset 
exitumque liberum e portu naves hostium haberent. 

13 Nec Eomani detrectavere pugnam, et memoria circa 
ea ipsa loca gestamm rerum freti et militum multitu- 

50 dine ac virtute. Ubi in altum evecti sunt, Eomanus 
isrontedoffLfly- con serere pugnam et ex propinquo vires 

2 baeum. conferre velle ; contra eludere Pconus et 
arte, non vi rem gerere, naviumque quam virorum aut 

3 armorimi malle certamen facere. Nain ut sociis na- 
valibus affatim instructam classem, ita inopem milite 


babebant, et, Bicubi conserta navis esset, haudquaquam 

par numerus armatorum ex ea pugnabat. Quod ubi 4 

auimadver.-nun est, et Romania multitudo sua auxit 

auimum et paucitafl illis minuit. Extemplo septem 5 

naves Punicffi circumventaa ; fugain ceterie ceperunt. 

Mille et septingenti fuere iu navibus captis milites 

nautsque; in his tres nobiles Carthaginiensium. Classis 6 

Romana incolumis, una tantuin perforata navi, sed ea 

quoque ipsa reduce, in portum rediit. 

Secundum hanc pugnam, nondum gnaris eius, qui 7 

MessansB erant, Ti. Sempronius consul Tiie consui Sem- 

. _. „ . . pfonlfta receivea 

Jiessauam venit. Ei iretum mtrauti piedgea of loyai 

. liotp from kiiij,' 

rex Hiero classem tnstructam orna- Hicro, 
taiiKjue ouviam duxit, transgressusque ex i"egia in 8 
prsetoriam navem, gratulatus sospitem cum exercitu 
et navibus advenisse, precatusque prosperum ac felicem 
in Siciliam transitum, statum deinde insulse et Car- 9 
thaginiensium conata cxposuit, pollicitusque est, quo 
animo priore bello poj)iilum Romanum iuvenis adiu- 
visset, eo senem adiuturum; frumentum vestimentaque 10 
sese legionibus consulis sociisque navalibus gratis prae- 
biturum; grande periculum Lilybaeo maritimisque civi- 
tatibus esse, et quibusdam volentibus novas res fore. 
Ob hsec consuli nihil cunctandum visum, quin Lily- „ 
bseum classe peteret. Et rex regiaque classis una pro- 
fecti. Navigantes inde, pugnatum ad Lilybseum fusas- 
que et captas hostium naves, accepere. A Lilyboeo 51 
consul, Hierone cum classe regia dimisso relictoque 
pra^tore ad tuendam Sicilite oram, ipse in insulam Meli- 
tam, quae a Carthaginiensibus tenebatur, traiecit. Ad- 2 
venienti Hamilcar Gisgonis filius, prsefectus prsesidii, 
cum paulo minus duobus millibus militum oppidumque 


cum insula traditur. Inde post paucos dies reditum 
Lilybamm, captivique et a consule et a prsetore, praeter 

3 insignes nobilitate viros, sub corona venierunt. Post- 
quam ab ea parte satis tutam Siciliam censebat consul, 
ad insulas Vulcani, quia fama erat stare ibi Punicam 
classem, traiecit ; nec quisquam bostium circa eas in- 

4 sulas inventus ; nam forte transmiserant ad vastandam 
. . „ , . Italise oram, depopulatoque Viboniensi 

but is recalleil m ' L L L 

5 liastetothescatof a m- urbem etiam terrebant. Pvepetenti 

J war m Italy while » ' L 

tfce th eruteers f of Siciliam consuli escensiobostium in agi-um 
Cai-thage. Viboniensem facta nuntiatur, litterseque 

ab senatu de transitu in Italiam Hanuibalis, et ut 
primo quoque tempore collegie ferret auxilium, missa? 

6 traduntur. Multis simul anxius curis exercitum ex- 
templo in naves impositum Ariminum mari supero 
misit, Sex. Pomponio legato cum viginti quinque 
longis navibus Viboniensem agruru maritimamque 

7 oram Italise tuendam attribuit. M. -^Ennlio preetori 
quinquaginta navium classem explevit. Ipse, com- 
positis Sicilioe rebus, decem navibus oram Italise legens 
Arimiuum pervenit. Inde cum exercitu suo profectus 
ad Trebiam flumen collegpe coniungitur. 

52 lnm ambo consules et quicquid Romananim virium 
erat, Hannibali oppositum, aut illis copiis defendi 
HejoinsScipioon posse Ptomanum imperium aut spem nul- 

2 urgent to ciieck lam aliam esse, satis declarabat. Tamen 

tlie ravages of ... 

Hannibai. consul alter, equestn proeho uno et vul- 

nex*e suo tminutus, trabi rem malebat ; recentis animi 
alter eoque ferocior nullam dilationem patiebatur. 

3 Quod inter Trebiam Padumque agri est, Galli tum 
xncolebant, in duorum prsepotentium populorum cer- 
tamine per ambiguum favorem baud dubie gratiam 


victoris spectantcs. Id Romani, modo ne quid move- 4 
rent, acquo satis, Pcenus periniquo animo ferebat, ab 
Gallis accitum so venisse ad liberandos eos dictitans. 
Ob eam iram, simul ut praeda militem aleret, duo millia s 
peditum et mille equites, Numidas plerosque, mixtos 
quosdam et Gallos, populari omnem deinccps agrum 
usque ad Padi ripas iussit. Egentes ope Galli, quum 6 
nd id dubios servassent animos, coacti ab auctoribus 
iniurise ad vindices futuros declinant, legatisque ad 
consules missis, auxilium Pomanorum terroe ob nimiam 
cultorum fidem in Eomanos laboranti orant. Cornelio 7 
nec causa nec tempus agendte rei placebat, suspectaque 
ei gens erat quum ob infida multa facinora, tum, ut 
alia vetustate obsolevissent, ob recentem Boiorum 
perfidiam; Sempronius contra continendis in fide sociis 8 
maximum vinculum esse primos, qui eguissent ope, 
dcfensos censebat. Collega cunctante, equitatum suum, 9 
mille peditum iaculatoribus fenne admixtis, ad defen- 
dendum Gallicum agmm trans Trebiam mittit. Sparsos 10 
et incompositos, ad boc graves prseda plerosque quum 
inopinato invasissent, ingentem terrorem csedemque 
ac fugam usque ad castra stationesque hostium fecere ; 
unde midtitudine effusa pulsi rursus subsidio suorum 
prcelium restituere. Varia inde pugna sequentes ce- u 
dentescp\Q quum ad cxtremum sequassent certamen, 
maior tamen hostium ccecles, penes Romanos fama vic- 
torise fuit. Ceterum nemini omnium maior iustiorque 53 
quam ipsi consuli videri ; gaudio efferri, Epbo]dcned by a 
qua parte copiarum alter consul victus g.^ d "he^o^r- 
foret, ea se vicisse : restitutos ac refectos ^' n l ™ oMii/coi! * 
militibus animos, nec quemquam esse ^ 5116 ' 
prseter collegam, qui dilatam dimicationem vellet ; 


eum, animo magis quam corpore segrum, memoria 

3 vulneris aciem ac tela horrere. Sed non esse cum 
segro senescendum. Quid enim ultra differri aut teri 
tempus? quem tertium consulem, quem alium exer- 

4 citum exspectari 1 Castra Cartliaginiensium in Italia 
ac prope in conspectu urbis esse. Non Siciliam ac 
Sardiniam, victis ademptas, nec cis Hiberum His- 
paniam peti, sed solo patrio terraque, in qua geniti 

s forent, pelli Jtomanos. " Quantum ingemiscant " in- 
quit " patres nostri, circa mcenia Carthaginis bellare 
soliti, si videant nos, progeniem suam, duos consules 
consularesque exercitus, in media Italia paventes intra 
castra, Poanum, quod inter Alpes Appenninumque 

6 agri sit, suoe dicionis fecisse V Hsec assidens segro 
collegfe, hsec in prtetorio prope contionabundus agere. 
Stimulabat et tempus propinquum comitiorum, ne in 
novos consules bellum differretur, et occasio iu se unum 

7 vertendas glorise, dum seger collega erat. Itaque, ne- 
quicquam dissentiente Cornelio, parari ad propinquum 
certamen milites iubet. 

Hannibal quum, quid optimum foret hosti, cerneret, 
and aiiows him- vix ullam spem habebat, temere atque 

self to be drawn , 

into a generai en- lmprovide quicquam consules acturos ; 

gasement by Uan- 

8 Ili5al > quum alterius ingenium, fama prius, de- 
inde re cognitum, percitum ac ferox sciret esse, fe- 
rociusque factum prospero cum prsedatoribus suis cer- 
tamine crederet, adesse gerendae rei fortunam haud 

9 diffidebat. Cuius ne quod prsetermitteret tenipus, sol- 
licitus intentusque erat, dum tiro hostium miles esset, 
dum meHorem ex ducibus inutilem vulnus faceret, dum 

i= Gallorum animi vigerent, quorum ingentem multitu- 
dinem sciebat segnius secuturam, quanto longius ab 


dorno traherentur. Quum ob luec taliaque speraret xx 
propinquum certamen et facere, si cessaretur, cuperet, 
Bpeculatoresque Galli, ad ea exploranda, quoe vellet, 
tutioroB, quia in utrisque castris militabant, paratos 
pugnea esse Romanos rettulissent, locum insidiis cir- 
cumspectare Pcenus ccepit. Erat in medio rivus prse- 54 
altis utrinque clausus ripis et circa obsitus whohad propared 
palustribuB herbis et quibus inculta ferme anainbu3h 
vcstiuntur, virgultis vcpribusque. Quem ubi equites 
quoque tegendo satis latebrosum locum circumvectus 
ipse oculis perlustravit, "Hic erit Iocua" Magonifratri 2 
ait, " quem teneas. Delige centenos viros ex omni 
pedite atque equite, cum quibus ad me vigilia prima 
venias ; nunc corpora curare tempus est." Ita praT- 3 
torium missum. Mox cum delectis Mago adei*at. "Ro- 
bora virorum cerno ; ' inquit Hannibal ; " sed uti 
numero etiam, non animis modo valeatis, singulis 
vobis novenos ex fairmis manipulisque vestri similcs 
eligite. Mago locum monstrabit, quem insideatis ; 
hostem caecum ad has belli artes habetis." Ita cum 4 
mille equitibus Magone, mille peditibus dimisso, Han- 
niba] prima luce Numidas equites transgressos Trebiam 
flumen obequitare iubet hostium portis iaculandoque 
in stationes elicere ad pugnam hostem, iniecto deincle 
eertamine, cedendo sensim citra flumen pertrahere. 
Haec mandata Numidis ; ceteris ducibus and k t hfa gol . 5 
peditum equitumque prjecepl um, ut pran- diersunderCJVer . 
dere omnes iuberent, armatos deinde instratisque equis 
signum exspectare. 

Sempronius acl tumultum Numidarum primum 6 
omnem equitatum, ferox ea parte virium, deinde sex 
millia peditum, postremo omnes copias, a destinato 


7 iam ante consilio avidus certaminis, eduxit. Erat 
forte brumse tempus et nivalis dies in locis Alpibus 
wiiiie the Romans Appenninoque interiectis, propinquitate 

waded through ,. _ . , ..,. 

theswoiienTrebia etiam numinum ac paludum prsegelidis. 

in pursuit of his ... . ..... 

8 skirmishers, Ad hoc raptim eductis hominibus at- 
que equis, non capto ante cibo, non ope ulla ad ar- 
cendum frigus adhibita, nihil caloris inerat, et quic- 
quid aurse fluminis appropinquabant, afflabat acrior 

9 frigoris vis. Ut vero refugientes Numidas insequen- 
tes aquam ingressi sunt (et erat pectoribus tenus 
aucta nocturno imbri), tum utique egressis rigere 
omnibus corpora, ut vix annoruin tenendorum po- 
tentia essent, et simul lassitudine et, procedente iam 

55 die, fame etiam deficere. Hannibalis interim miles, 
ignibus ante tentoria factis oleoque per manipulos, ut 
mollirent artus, misso et cibo per otium capto, ubi 
transgressos flumen hostes nuntiatum est, alacer ani- 
mis corporibusque arma capit atque in aciem procedit. 

2 Baliares locat ante signa ac levem armaturam, octo 
ferme millia hominum, dein graviorem armis peditem, 
quod virium, quod roboris erat ; in cornibus circum- 
fudit decem millia equitum, et ab cornibus in utram- 

3 que partem divisos elephantos statuit. Consul effuse 
sequentes equites, quum ab resistentibus subito Nu- 
midis incauti exciperentur, signo receptui dato revo- 

4 catos circumdedit peditibus. Duodeviginti millia Ro- 
mana erant, socium nominis Latini viginti, auxilia 
prseterea Cenomanorum ; ea sola in fide manserat 

s Gallica gens. Iis copiis concursum est. Proelium a 
Baliaribus ortum est ; quibus quum maiore robore 
legiones obsisterent, diducta propere in cornua levis 
armatura est, quse res eflbcit, ut equitatus Romanus 


extomplo urgeretur. Nam quum vix iam pcr se re- 6 
sisterent decem millibus equitum quattuor miilia et 
fessi integris plerisque, obruti sunt insuper velut nube 
iaculorum a Baliaribus coniecta. Ad hoc elephanti 7 
cnnuentes ab extremis cornibus, equis maxime non 
visu modo, sed odore insolito territis, fugam late facie- 
bant. Pedestris pugna par animis magis quam viribus 3 
erat, quas recentes Pcenus, paulo ante curatis corpo- 
ribus, in pi-celium attulerat ; contra ieiuna fessaque 
corpora Romanis et rigentia gelu torpe- tin ex i, auste d by 
bant. Restitissent tamen animis, si cum and^Tttackcd^on 
pedite solum foret pugnatum ; sed et 9 

Baliares, pulso equite, iaculabantur in latera, et ele- 
phanti iam in mediam peditum aciem sese tulerant, 
et Mago Numidseque, simul latebras eorum improvida 
prjpterlata acies est, exorti ab tergo ingentem tumul- 
tum ac terrorem fecere. Tamen in tot circumstanti- IO 
bus malis mansit aliquamdiu immota acies, maxime 
piteter spem omnium adversus elephantos. Eos ve- " 
lites ad id ipsum locati vei-utis coniectis et avertere 
et insecuti aversos sub caudis, qua maxime molli cute 
vulncra accipiunt, fodiebant. Trepidantesque et prope 56 
iam in suos consternatos e media acie in extremam 
ad sinistrum coi - nu adversus Gallos auxiliares agi 
iussit Hannibal. Ibi extemplo haud dubiam fecere 
fugam novusquc additus terror Bomanis, ut fusa 
auxilia svia viderunt. Itaque quum iam in orbem 2 
pugnarent decem millia ferme hominum, tiiey wcre routed 

. with preat 

quum alia evadere nequissent, media siaughter. 
AfroiTim acie, qua Gallicis auxiliis firmata erat, cum 
ingenti caxle hostium pemipere, et, quum neque in 3 
castra reditus esset flumine interclusis neque prse 


imbri satis decemere possent, qua suis opem ferrent, 
4 Placentiam recto itinere perrexere. Plures deinde in 
omnes partes eruptiones factse ; et qui flumen petiere, 
aut gurgitibus absumpti sunt aut inter cunctationem 
s ingrediendi ab hostibus oppressi ; qui passim per agros 
fuga sparsi erant, vestigia cedentis sequentes agminis 
Placentiam contendere ; aliis timor hostium audaciam 
ingrediendi flumen fecit, transgressique in castra per- 

6 venerunt. Imber nive mixtus et intoleranda vis 
frigoris et homines multos et iumenta et elephantos 

7 prope omnes absumpsit. Finis insequendi hostis 
Pcenis flumen Trebia fuit, et ita torpentes gelu in 
castra rediere, ut vix lsetitiam victorise sentirent. 

8 Itaque nocte insequenti, quum prsesidium castrorum 
et quod reliquum sauciorum ex magna parte militum 
erat, ratibus Trebiam traiicerent, aut nihil sensere 

9 obstrepente pluvia aut, quia iam moveri nequibant 
prse lassitudine ac vulneribus, sentire sese dissimu- 
The survivors larunt, quietisque Pcenis tacito agmine 

niade tlieir way , ■ 

to riaceutia, ab Scipione consule exercitus Placen- 
tiam est perductus, inde Pado traiectus Cremo- 
nam, ne duorum exercituum hibernis una colonia 
57 Romani tantus terror ex hac clade perlatus est, 
ut iam ad urberu Pomanain crederent infestis sig- 
nis hostem venturum, nec quicquam spei aut auxilii 
sempronius to esse, quo a portis mcenibusque vim ar- 

Home to hold the , i m- • • , 

eiections. cerent : uno consule ad licinum victo, 

alterum ex Sicilia revocatum ; duobus consulibus, duo- 
bus consularibus exercitibus victis, quos alios duces, 
3 quas alias legiones esse, quse arcessantur 1 Ita territis 
Sempronius consul advenit. ingenti periculo per eff- 

L //;/;/: XXL G3 

fusos paaaim ad praedandum hostium equites audacia 
magis qoam conailio aut spe fallendi resistendive, si 
non fallciet, transgressus. Id quod ununi niaxirne in 4 
paeeentia desiderabatur, comitiis consularibus habitis, 
in hiberna rediit. Creati consules Cn. Servilius et 
C. Flaniinius. 

Ceterum ne hiberna quidem Romanis quieta erant, 5 
vagautibus passini Numidis equitibus et, ut quaxuie iis 
impeditiora erant, Celtiberis Lusitanis- iiannibai scoured 

. . tlie country witli 

que. Omnes igitur undique clausi com- htocavalry, 
meatua erant, nisi quos Padonaves subveherent. Em- 6 
porium prope Placentiam fuit et opere magno mu- 
nittini et valido firmatum pi-oesidio. Eius castelli 
expugnandi spe cum equitibus ac levi armatura pro- 
fectus Hannibal, quum plurimum in wa3 bcatcn off 
celaudo incepto ad effectum spei habu- ta,ft *" ta * 
isset, nocte adortus non fefellit vigiles. Tantus re- 7 
pente clamor est sublatus, ut Placentise quoque audi- 
retur. Itaque sub lucem cum equitatu consul aderat, 
iussis quadrato agmine legionibus sequi. Equestre 8 
interim proelium commissum, in quo, quia saucius 
Hannibal pugna excessit, pavore hostibus iniecto, de- 
fensum egregie prseaidium est. Paucorum inde dierum 9 
quiete sumpta et vixdum satis percurato vulnere, ad 
Victumvias oppugnandas ire pergit. Id emporium 10 
Romanis Gallico bello fuerat ; munitum but forced vic- 

... tumvite to surren- 

nitle locum frequentaverant accolse mixti dcr, after making 

... liavoc of its iu- 

undique cx finitimis populis, et tum ter- haMtants. 
ror popidationum eo plerosque ex agris compulerat. 
Huius generis multitudo, fama impigre defensi ad n 
Placentiam pnesidii accensa, armis arreptis obviam 
Hannibali procedit. Magis agmina quam acies in 12 


via concurrerunt, et quum ex altera parte niliil prse- 
ter inconditam turbam esset, in altera et dux militi 
et duci miles fidens, ad triginta quinque millia homi- 

13 num a paucis fusa. Postero die deditione facta prae- 
sidium intra mcenia accepere ; iussique arma tradere 
quum dicto paruissent, signum repente victoribus 

m datur, ut tamquam vi captam urbem diriperent, ne- 
que ulla, quae in tali re memorabilis scribentibus 
videri solet, praetermissa clades est ; adeo omnis libi- 
dinis crudelitatisque et inhumanae superbiae editum 
in miseros exemplum est. Hse fuere hibernse expe- 
ditiones Hannibalis. 
58 Haud longi inde temporis, dum intolerabilia fri- 

2 He tried to cross gora erant, quies militi data est, et ad 

theApenninesinto . .... . » 

Etruria, but was pnma ac dubia sisrna veris profectus ex 

driven back by ' ° 

stress of weather. hibernis in Etruriam ducit, eam quoque 
gentem, sicut Gallos Liguresque, aut vi aut volun- 

3 tate adiuncturus. Transeuntem Appenninum adeo 
atrox adorta tempestas est, ut Alpium prope fcedi- 
tatem superaverit. Yento mixtus imber quum fer- 
retur in ipsa ora, primo, quia aut arma omit- 
tenda erant aut contra enitentes vertice intorti 

4 affligebantur, constitere ; dein quum iam spiritum 
includeret nec reciprocare animam sineret, aversi a 

5 vento parumper consedere. Tum vero ingenti sono 
caelum strepere et inter horrendos fragores micare 

6 ignes ; capti auribus et oculis metu omnes torpere ; 
tandem effuso imbre, quum eo magis accensa vis venti 
esset, ipso illo, quo deprensi eranfc, loco castra ponere 

7 necessarium visum est. Id vero laboris velut de in- 
tegro initium fuit ; nam nec explicare quicquam nec 
statuere poterant nec, quod statutiun esset, manebat, 

LIUKl: XXI. 68 

onmia perscindente vento et rapiente. Et mox aqua 8 
levata vento quum Bnper gelida montium iuga concreta 
esset, tantura oivoBB grandinia deieeit, ut omnibus 
ouiissis procurabereut honiines, tegminibus suis raagis 
obruti quam tecti ; tantaque vis frigoris insecuta est, 9 
ut ex illa miserabili hominum iumentorumque stragr 
quum se quisque extollere ac levare vellet, diu nequi- 
ivt, qtria torpentibus rigore nervis, vix flectere artus 
poterant. Deinde, ut tandem agitando sese movere 10 
ac recipere animos et raris locis igni3 fieri est coeptus, 
ad alienam opem quisque inops tendere. Biduum eo » 
loco velut obsessi manser - e ; midti homines, multa 
iumenta, elephanti quoque ex iis, qui prcelio ad Tre- 
biam facto superfuerant, septem absumpti. 

Degressus Appennino retro ad Placentiam castra 59 
movit, et ad decem millia progressus Retuming to- 
consedit. Postero die duodecim millia he had an inde- 

cisive encounter 

peditum, qninque equitum adversus hos- with sempronius, 
tem ducit ; nec Sempronius consul (iam enim re- 2 
dierat ab Roma) detrectavit certamen. Atque eo 
die tria millia passuum inter bina castra fuere ; pos- 3 
tero die ingentibus animis, vario eventu pugnatum est. 
Primo concursu adeo res Romana superior fuit, ut 
non acie vincerent solum, sed pulsos hostes rn castra 
persequerentur, mox castra quoque oppugnarent. Han- 4 
nibal, paucis propugnatoribus in vallo portisque posi- 
tis, ceteros confertos in media castra recepit, inten- 
tosque signum ad erumpendum exspectare iubet. Iam 5 
nona ferme diei hora eiat, quum Romanus, nequic- 
quam fatigato milite, postquam nulla spes eratpotiundi 
castris, signum receptui dedit. Quod ubi Hannibal 6 
accepit laxatamque pugnam et recessum a castris vidit, 

C. L. 


extemplo equitibus dextra leevaque emissis in bostem, 

7 ipse cum peditum robore mediis castris erupit. Pugna 
raro magis ulla** aut utriusque partis pemicie clarior 
fuisset, si extendi eam dies in longum spatium sivisset; 

8 nox accensum ingentibus anirais prcelium diremit. Ita- 
que acrior concursus fuit quam caedes, et, sicut sequata 
ferme pugna erat, ita clade pax-i discessum est. Ab 
neutra parte sexcentis plus peditibus et dimidium eius 

9 equitum cecidit ; sed maior Romanis quam pro nu- 
mero iactura fuit, quia equestris ordinis aliquot et tri- 
buni militum quinque et prsefecti sociorum tres aunt 

io interfecti. St-cundum eam pugnam Hannibal in Li- 
a/ter which both gures, Sempronius Lucam concessit. Ve- 
winter quarters. nienti in Ligures Hannibali per insi- 
dias intercepti duo qusestores Romani, C. Fulvius et 
L. Lucretius, cum duobus tribunis militum et quin- 
que equestris ordinis, senatomm ferme liberis, quo 
magis ratam fore cum iis pacem societatemque cre- 
deret, traduntur. 

60 Dum bsec in Italia gemntur, Cn. Cornelius Scipio 
„ . , in Hispaniam cum classe et exercitu mis- 

Cn. Scipio mean- r 

2 s^anun^tribes 1 ^ sus > °i uum aD ostl ° Hbodaui profectus 
hispoUcy, Pyrenseosque montes circumvectus Em- 

3 poriis appulisset classem, exposito ibi exercitu, orsus a 
Lseetanis ,omnem oram usque ad Hiberum flumen par- 
tim renovandis societatibus, partim novis instituendis 

4 Romanse dicionis fecit. Inde conciliata clementise 
fama non ad maritimos modo populos, sed in mediter- 
raneis quoque ac montanis ad ferociores iam gentes 
valuit; nec pax modo apud eos, sed societas etiam 
armomm parta est, validaeque aliquot auxiliomm co- 

s hortes ex iis conscriptse sunt. Hannonis cis Hibemm 

LTBEn XXI. 07 

ptovincia erat ; eum reliquerat Hannibal ad i'egionis 
t-ius pnesidiunL Etaque, priusquam alienarentur om- 
nia, nhviain eundum ratus, castris in conspectu hos- 
tium positis, in aciem eduxit. Nec Romano differen- 6 
dum certainen visum, quipj)e qui sciret, cum Hannone 
et Hasdrubale sibi dimicandum esse, malletque ad- 
versus singulos separatim quam adversus duos simul 
rem gerere. Nec magni certaminis ea dimicatio fuit. 7 
Sex millia hostium csesa, duo capta cum anddefca tedHan- 
prsesidio castrorum ; nam et castra ex- noindrawnbattie. 
pugnata sunt, atque ipse dux cum aliquot principibus 
capiuntur, et Cissis, propinquum castris oppidum, ex- 
pugnatur. Ceterum praeda oppidi parvi pretii rerum 8 
fuit, supellex barbarica ac vilium mancipiorum ; castra 9 
militem ditavere, non eius modo exercitus, qui victus 
erat, sed et eius, qui cum Hannibale in Italia milita- 
bat, omnibus fere caris rebus, ne gravia impedimenta 
ferentibiis essent, citra Pyrenseum relictis. 

Priusquam certa huius cladis fama accideret, trans- 61 
gressus Hiberum Hasdrubal cum octo Hasdrubai comes 

,...,. up too late, and 

millibus peditum, mule equitum, tanquam retiresagain after 

r -xi. cutting off the 

ad primum adventum Romanorum occur- straggiere, 
8urus, postquam perditas res ad Cissim amissaque 
castra accepit, iter ad mare convertit. Haud pro- 2 
cul Tarracone classicos milites navalesque socios va- 
gos palantesque per agros, quod ferme fit, ut secundae 
res negligentiam creent, equite passim dimisso cum 
magna cffide, maiore fuga ad naves compellit ; nec diu- 3 
tius circa ea loca morari ausus, ne ab Scipione oppri- 
meretur, trans Hiberum sese recepit. Et Scipio raptim 4 
ad famam novorum hostium agmine acto, quum in 
paucos praefectos navium auimadvertisset, prsesidio 



Tarracone modico relicto, Emporias cum classe rediit, 

s Vixdurn digresso eo, Hasdrubal aderat, et Hergetum 

, populo, qui obsides Scipioni dederat, ad 

and rousmg the l J. ' t- r 

iiergetestortvoit, defectionem impulso, cum eorum ipsorum 
iuventute agros fidelium Eomanis sociorum vastat. 

6 Excito deinde Scipione hibernis, toto cis Hiberura rur- 
sus cedit agro. Scipio relictam ab auctore defectionis 
Ilergetum gentem quum infesto exercitu invasisset, 
compalsis omnibus Atauagrum, urbem, quae caput eius 

7 pnpuli erat, circurnsedit, intraque dies paucos, pluribus 
quam ante obsidibus imperatis, Ilergetes pecunia etiam 

8 multatos in ius dicionemque recepit. Inde in Auseta- 
butsdpioreduees nos prope Hiberum, socios et ipsos Pceno- 

thera to submis- ... , . 

sion as weii as rum procedit, atque urDe eorum ob- 

tlie Ausetani and ... »»•.••«• 

Laeetani sessa, Lseetanos auxilium nnitimis terentes 

nocte, haud procul iam urbe, quum intrare vellent, 

9 excepit insidiis. Caesa ad duodecim millia ; exuti 
prope omnes armis domos passim palantes per agros 
diffugere ; nec obsessos alia tdla res quam iniqua op- 

io pugnantibus hiems tutabatur. Triginta dies obsidio 
fuit, per quos raro unquam nix minus quattuor pedes 
alta iacuit, adeoque pluteos ac vineas Romanorum 
operuerat, ut ea sola, ignibus aliquoties coniectis ab 

ii hoste, etiam tutanienturn fuerit. Postremo quum 
Amusicus princeps eorum ad Hasdrubalem profugisset, 
viginti argenti talentis pacti deduntur. Tarraconem 
in hiberna reditum est. 
62 Rornae aut circa urbem multa ea hieme prodigia 
At Rome the nu- facta aut, quod evenire solet motis semel 

merous portents . ,. . . . . . 

caiied for ceremo- m rehgionem animis, multa nuntiata 

nies nf unusual . . 

2 soiemii.iy. et temei'e credita sunt, rn quis, mge- 

nuum infantem semestrem in foro olitorio trium- 


phum elamasse, et in foro boario hovem in tertiam 3 
contiguationem sua sponte esceudisse atque inde tu- 
multu habitatorum fcerritnm Bese deiecisse, et navium 
specieiu de cado affulsisse, et anlem S])ei, quae est iu 4 
foro olitorin, fuhnine ictam, et Lanuvii bastam se com- 
movisse et corvum iu jedem Iunouis devolasse atque 
in ipso pulvinari, et in agro Amiterniuo 5 
uiultis locis hominum specie procul candida veste visos 
nec cum ullo congressos, et iu Piceno lapidibus plu- 
visse, et Csre sortes extenuatas, et in Gallia lupum 
vigili gladium ex vagina raptum abstulisse. Ob cetera 6 
prodigia libros adire decemviri iussi: quod autem lapi- 
dibus pluvisset in Piceno, novcndiale sacruin edictum 
et subinde aliis procurandis prope tota civitas operata 
fuit. Nam primum omnium urbs lustrata est hostise- 7 
que maiores, quilius editum est, diis csesse, et donum s 
ex auri pondo quadragiuta Lauuvium Iunoni portatum 
est et signum aeneum matrouae Iunoni in Aventiuo 
dedicaverunt, et lectisternium Ciere, ubi sortes attenu- 
atae erant, imperatum, et supplicatio Fortunse in Al- 
gido ; Romse quoque et lectisternium iuventuti et 9 
supplicatio ad sedem Herculis nominatim, deinde uni- 
verso populo circa omnia pulvinaria indicta, et Genio 
maiores hostiae csesse quinque, et C. Atiiius Serranus 10 
prsstoi vota suscipere iussus, si in decem anuos res 
publica eodem stetisset statu. Haec procurata votaque u 
ex libris Sibyllinis magna ex parte levaverant religione 

Consulum designatorum alter Flaminius, cui ese 63 
legiones, quse Placentia? hibernabant, sorte FHuntatafl tiie 

.. . consul designate 

evenerant, edictum et litteras acl consu- who was pecuiiar- 

. ,., ,„- .. 'y obnoxious to 

lem misit, ut is exercitus ldibus Martns tne patriciaBs, 


2 Arimini adesset in castris. Hic in provincia con- 
sulatum inire consilium erat memori veterum cer- 
taminum cum patribus, quse tribunus plebis et quse 

3 postea consul prius de consulatu, qui abrogabatur, dein 
de triumpho habuerat, invisus etiam patribus ob no- 
vam legem, quam Q. Claudius tribunus plebis adverso 
senatu atque uno patrum adiuvante C Flaminio tulerat, 
ne quis senator, cuive senator pater fuisset, maritimam 
navem, quse plus quam trecentarum amphorarum esset, 

4 haberet. Id satis habitum ad fructus ex agris vec- 
tandos ; qusestus omnis patribus indecorus visus. Res 
per summam contentionem acta invidiam apud nobili- 
tatem suasori legis Flaminio, favorem apud plebem 

5 ieft Rome before alterumque inde consulatum peperit. Ob 

lie fomially enter- ... _ 

ed upou office to ka?c ratus, auspiciis ementiendis Latin- 

escape possible in- 

trigues. arumque feriarum mora et consularibus 

aliis impedimentis retenturos se in urbe simulato 

6 itinere privatus clam in j)rovinciam abiit. Ea res 
ubi palam facta est, novam insuper iram infestis iam 
ante patribus movit : non cum senatu modo, sed iam 
cum diis immortalibus C. Flaminium bellum gerere. 

7 Consulem ante inauspicato factum revocantibus ex 
ipsa acie diis atque hominibus non paruisse; nunc con- 
scientia spretorum et Capitolium et sollemnem voto- 

3 rum nuneupationem fugisse, ne die initi magistratus 
Iovis optimi maximi templum adiret, ne senatum in- 
visus ipse et sibi uni invisum videret consuleretque, 
ne Latinas indiceret Iovique Latiari sollemne sacrum 

9 in monte faceret, ne auspicato profectus in Capitolium 
ad vota nuncupanda, paludatus inde cum lictoribus 
in provinciam iret. Lixse modo sine insignibus, sine 
lictoribus profectum clam, furtini, haud aliter quam si 


rxilii cansa solum rertuset Magis pro maiestate vi- 10 

delicet imperii Aiimini quam Romse magistratum ini- 
turum et in dcversorio hospitali quam apud penates 
suos praetextam sumpturum. Revocan- Thc jjjdi mant so- " 
dum universi retrahendumque censuerunt ggjj jfuV^thou'! 
et cogeiulum omnibus prius prsesentem succe8S - 
in deos hominesque fungi officiis, quam ad exercitum 
et in provinciam iret. In eam legationem (legatos »* 
enim mitti placuit) Q. Terentius et M. Antistius pro- 
fecti nihilo magis cum moverunt, quam priore consu- 
latu littene moverant ab senatu missae. Paucos ]>ost 13 
dies magistratum iniit, immolantique ei vitulus iam 
ictus e manibus sacrificantiuui sese quum proripuisset, 
multos circumstantes cruore respersit; fuga procul 14 
etiam maior apud ignaros, quid trepidaretur, et con- 
cursatio fuit. Id a plerisque in omen magni terroris 
acccptum. Legionibus inde duabus a Sempronio prioris 15 
auni consule, duabus a C. Atilio prsetore acceptis, in 
Etmriam per Appennini tramites exercitus duci est 


72 UVU 


Iam ver appetebat ; itaque Hatmibal ex hibernis mo- 
„ ., , . vit, et nequicquam ante conatus trans- 

ITannibal moved > * * 

turquartws whMe cendere Appenninum intolerandis frigor- 
rassed d by pioteof i° us et cum ingenti periculo moratus ac 
^theGauis. metu. Galli, quos pnedse populationum- 

que conciverat spes, postquam pro eo, ut ipsi ex alieno 
agro raperent agerentque, suas terras sedem belli esse 
premique utriusque partis exercituum liibernis videre, 

3 verterunt retro in Hannibalem ab Romanis odia; peti- 
tusque ssepe principum insidiis, ipsorum inter se fraude, 
eadem levitate, qua consenserant, consensum indican- 
tium, servatus erat, et mutando nunc vestem, nunc 
tegumenta capitis, errore etiam sese ab insidiis muu- 

4 ierat. Ceterum hic quoque ei timor causa fuit matu- 
rius movendi ex hibernis. 

Per idem tempus Cn. Servilius consul Romse idibus 

5 At Rorae metfs Martiis magistratum iniit. Ibi quum 
ed by the ominous de re publica rettulisset, redintegrata in 

self-assertion of . . .... 

Fiaminius, C. Flamimum mvidia est : duos se con- 

sules creasse, unum habere ; quod enim illi iustum 

6 imperium, quod auspicium esse 1 Magistratus id a 
domo, publicis privatisque penatibus, Latinis feriis 
actis, sacrificio in monte perfecto, votis rite in Capi- 

7 tolio nuncupatis, secum ferre ; nec privatum auspicia 


scijui, nec sino auspictis profectum in externo ea solo 
nova atque integra concipere posse. Augebant metum 8 
pxodigia ex pluribus siiuul locis nuntiata; in Sicilia 
inilitilms aliquot spicula, iu Sardinia autem in muro 
circumeunti vigilias equiti scipionem, and by the rcpcat . 
quem mauu tenuorat, arsisse, et litora ed P ortuIlt3 
crebris ignibus fulsisse, et scuta duo sauguine sudasse, 9 
et milites quosdam ictos fulminibus, et solis orbem 
uiiuui visuin, et Prameste ardentes lapides cselo ceci- 
disse, et Arpis parmas in caelo visas pugnantemque 
cum luna solem, et Capeiue duas interdiu lunas ortas, 10 
ei aquafi Cseretes sanguine mixtas fluxisse fontemque 
ipsum Herculis cruentis manasse respersum niaculis» 
et Antii metentibus cruentas in corbem spicas ceci- 
disse, et Faleriis cselum findi velut magno biatu visum^ n 
quaque patuerit, ingens lumen effulsisse ; sortes sua 
sponte attenuatas, unamque excidisse ita scriptam : 
" Mavors telum suum concutit," et per idem tempus 12 
Romae signum Martis Appia via ac simulacra luporum 
sudasse, et Capuse speciem caali ardentis fuisse lunseque 
inter imbreru cadentis. Inde minoribus etiam dictu i 3 
prodigiis fides habita : capras lanatas quibusdam factas, 
et galHnam in marem, gallum in femi- whfob were met 

. by great religioua 

naui sese vertisse. His, sicut erant nun- functions. M 

tiata, expositis auctoribusque in .curiam introduc- 
tis, consul de religione patres consuluit. Decretum, i 5 
ut ea prodigia partim maioribus hostiis, partim lac- 
tentibus procurarentur, et uti supplicatio per triduum 
ad omnia pulvinaria haberetur; cetera, quum decem- ,6 
viri libros inspexissent, ut ita fierent, quemadmodum 
cordi esse divis e carminibus profarentur. Decemvi- J7 
roriun monitu decretum est, Iovi primum donum ful- 

74 UVII 

men aureum pondo quinquaginta fieret, et Iunoni 
Minervaeque ex argento dona darentur, et Iunoni 
reginee in Aventino lunonique Sospitae Lanuvii ma- 
ioribus hostiis sacrificaretur, rnatronaeque pecunia col- 
■s lata, quantum conferre cuique commodum esset, donum 
Iunoni reginae in Aventinum ferrent, lectisterniumque 
fieret, et ut libertinse et ipsse, unde Feronise donum 
daretur, pecuniam pro facultatibus suis conferrent. 

19 Haac ubi facta, decemviri Ai-dese in foro maioribus bos- 
tiis sacrificarunt. Postremo Decembri iam mense ad 
aedem Saturni Romse immolatum est, lectisterniumque 
imperatum ([et] eum lectum seuatores straverunt) et 

20 convivium publicum, ac per urbem Saturnalia diem ac 
noctem clamata, populusque eum diem festum habere 
ac servare in perpetuum ivissus. 

2 Dum consul placandis Romse dis habendoque di- 
Qannibal makea lectu dat opei'am, Hannibal profectus 

liis wav withgreat . . . . . 

(iifficuity through ex hibernis, quia lam Jjlaminmm con- 

the marshes of the 

Aruo, sulem Arretium pervenisse fama erat, 

2 quum aliud longius, ceterum commodius ostende- 
retur iter, propiorem viam per paludem petit, quo 
fluvius Arnus per eos dies solito magis inundaverat. 

3 Hispanos et Afros (id omne veterani erat robur exer- 
citus) admixtis ipsorum impedimentis, necubi con- 
sistere coactis necessaria ad usus deessent, primos ire 
iussit ; sequi Gallos, ut id agminis medium esset ; no- 

4 vissimos ire equites ; Magonem inde cum expeditis 
Numidis cogere agmen, maxime Gallos, si tsedio laboris 
longseque viae, ut est mollis ad talia geus, dilaberentur 

s aut subsisterent, cohibentem. Primi, qua modo prae- 
irent duces, per prsealtas fluvii ac profundas voragines, 
hausti paene limo immergentesque se, tameu signa se- 


quebantur. CJalli neque sustinere se prolapsi neque 6 
aBBurgere ex voraginibua poterant, nec aut corpora 
animia aut animoa Bpe Bustinebant, aJii fessa aegre 7 
trahentes meinbra, alii, ubi semel victis taedio animis 
procubuissent, inter iumenta et ipsa iacentia passim 
morientes ; inaxiiueque omnium vigilise contieiebant 
per quatriduum iam et tres noctes toleratse. Quum, 8 
orania obtinentibus aquis, nihil, ubi in sicco fessa 
stemerent corpora, inveniri posset, cumuiatis in aqua 
sarcinis insuper incumbebant, aut iumentorum itinere 9 
toto prostratoruin passiin acervi tantum, quod exstaret 
aqua, quserentibus ad quietem parvi temporis neces- ^ 
sarium eubilc dubant. Ipse Hannibal aeger ocuiis ex IO 
venia primum iutemperie variante calores frigoraque, 
elephanto, qui unus superfuerat, quo altius ab aqua 
exstaret, vectus, vigiliis tamen et noctunio humore n 
palustrique ca^lo gravante caput, et quia medendi nec 
locus nec tempus erat, altero oculo capitur. 

Multis hominibus iumentisque fcede amissis quuui 3 
tandem de paludibus emersisset, ubi pri- and after grcat 

. loss of men and 

mum rn sicco potuit, castra locat, cer- beasts 
tuiuque per prsemissos exploratores habuit, exerci- 
tum Romanum circa Arretii mcenia esse. Consulis 2 
deinde consilia atque animum et situm regionum 
itineraque et copias ad commeatus expe- marcned 80ut i,. 
diendos et cetera, qua3 cognosse in rem m tn?us°after mui 
erat, summa omnia cum cura inquirendo from Arretlum ' 
exsequebatur. Regio erat in primis Italias fertilis, 3- 
Etrusci campi, qui Fsesulas inter Arretiumque iacent, 
frumenti ac pecoris et omnium copia rerum opulenti ; 
consul ferox ab consulatu priore et non modo legum 4 
aut patrura maiestatis, sed ne deorum quidem satis 


metuenaj hanc insitam ingcnio eius temeritatem for- 

tuna prospero civilibus bellicisque rebus successu alue- 

s rat. Itaque satis apparebat, nec deos nec homines 

consulentem ferociter omnia ac prsepropere acturum ; 

6 quoque pronior esset in vitia sua, agitare eum atque 
iriitare Poenus parat, et lseva relicto hoste Feesulas 
petens, medio Etruiise agro prsedatum profectus, quan- 
tam maximam vastitatem potest, caedibus incendiisque 

7 consuli procul ostendit. Flaminius, qui ne quieto qui- 
dem hoste ipse quieturus erat, tum vero, postquam res 
sociorum ante oculos prope suos ferri agique vidit, 
suum id dedecus ratus, per mediam iam Italiam vagari 
who disregarding Pcenum atque obsistente nullo ad ipsa 

8 prudent counseis R omana m03 nia ire oppugnanda, ceteris 
omnibus in consilio salutaria magis quam speciosa 
suadentibus : collegain exspectandum, ut coniunctis 
exercitibus, communi animo consilioque rem gererent, 

9 interim equitatu auxiliisque levium armorum ab effusa 
prsedandi licentia hostem cohibendum, iratus se ex con- 
silio proripuit, signumque simul itineris pugnseque 

ic quum proposuisset, " Immo Arretii ante moenia sedea- 
mus"inquit; " hic enim patria et penates sunt. Han- 
nibal emissus e mauibus perpopuletur Italiam vastan- 
doque et urendo omnia ad Romana mcenia perveniat, 
nec ante nos hinc moverimus, quam, sicut olim Ca- 
millum ab Veiis, C. Flaminium ab Arretio patres acci- 

ii verint." Hsec simul increpans quum ocius signa 
convelli iuberet et ipse in equum insiluisset, equus 
repente corruit consulemque lapsum super caput effudit. 

12 and unfavourabie Territis omnibus, qui circa erant, velut 
wgn3 ' fcedo omine incipiendse rei, insuper nun- 

tiatur, signum omni vi moliente signifero convelli ne- 


quire. Gonversus ad nuntium "Nura litteras quoquc" »3 
iin|uit w ab scu.itu affers, quae me reni gerere vetent? 
Abi, nunti.t, effodiant signum, si ad convcllendum 
raanus pne nietu obtorpuerunt." lncedere follow3 m , 10t n 
inde agmen ccepit, primoribus, superquam liaste 
quod dissenserant ab consilio, tcrritis etiam duplici 
prodigio, niilite in vulgus laeto ferocia ducis, quum 
spem magis ipsam quam causam spei intueretur. 

Hannibal, quod agri est inter Cortonam urbem 4 
Trasumennumque lacum, omni clade belli and bOa into ibe 

. . trap laid for liiin 

pervastat, quo magis lram hosti ad vin- between Lako 

, ... . Trasvmene and 

dicandas sociorum lmurias acuat ; et lam a» moantBfau. 2 
pervenerant ad loca nata insidiis, ubi maxime montes 
Cortonenses Trasumennus subit. Via tantum in- 
terest perangusta, velut ad id ipsum de industria 
relicto spatio ; deinde paulo latior patescit campus ; 
inde collcs insurgunt. Ibi castra in aperto locat, 3 
ubi ipse cum Afris modo Hispani.sque consideret ; 
Baliares ceteramque levem armaturarn post montes 
circumducit ; equites ad ipsas fauces saltus, tumulis 
apte tegentibus, locat, ut, ubi intrassent Romani, ob- 
iecto equitatu clausa omnia lacu ac montibus essent. 

Flaminius quum pridie solis occasu ad lacum per- 4 
venisset, inexplorato postero die vixduni His army sur- 

. .. . rounded "on all 

satis certa Juce angustns superatis, post- sfdes, and tokeii 

unawares, is mise- 

quam ln patentiorem campum pandi ag- rai.iy destroyed. 
men coepit, id tantum hostium, quod ex adverso 
erat, conspexit ; ab tergo ac super caput deceptae 
insidiae. Pcenus ubi, id quod petierat, clausum lacu 5 
ac montibus et circumfusura suis copiis habuit iios 
tem, signum omnibus dat simul invadendi. Qui * 
nlu', qu.-i cuique proximum fuit, decucurrerunt, eo magis 


liowanis subita atque improvisa res fuit, quod orta ex 
lacu nebula campo quam montibus densior sederat, 
agminaque hostium ex pluribus collibus ipsa inter se 
7 satis conspecta eoque magis pariter decucurrerant. Ro- 
mauus clamore prius undique orto, quam satis cerneret, 
se circumventum esse sensit, et ante in frontem latera- 
(jue pugnari cceptum est, quam satis instrueretur acies 

5 aut ezpediri arcna stringique gladii possent. Consul, 
perculsis omnibus, ipse satis, ut in re trepida, impavi- 
dus turbatos ordines, vei'tente se quoque ad dissonoa 
clamores, iustruit, ut tempus locusque patitur, et qua- 
cunque adire audirique potest, adkoi-tatur ac stare ac 

2 pugnare iubet : nec enim inde votis aut imploratione 
deum, sed vi ac virtute evadendum esse; per medias 
acies ferro viam fieri et, quo timoris minus sit, eo 

3 minus ferme periculi esse. Ceterum prae strepitu ac 
tumultu nec consilium nec imperiurn accipi poterat, 
tantumque aberatJ ut sua signa atque ordines et locum 
noscerent, ut vix ad arma capienda aptandaque pugnae 
competeret animus, opprimerenturque quidam onerati 
magis iis quam tecti. Et erat in tanta caligine maior 

4 usus aurium quam oculorum. Ad gemitus vulnera- 
torum ictusque corporum aut arrnorum et mixtos stre- 
pentium paventiumque clamores circumferebant ora 

s oculosque. Alii fugientes pugnantium globo illati 
hserebant; alios redeuntes in pugnam avertebat fugien- 

6 tium agmen. Deinde, ubi in omnes partes nequicquam 
impetus capti, et ab lateribus montes ac lacus, a fronte 
et ab tergo hostium acies claudebat, apparuitque, nul- 
lam nisi in dextera ferroque salutis spem esse, tum 
sibi quisque dux adkortatorque factus ad rem gerendam 

7 et nova de integro exorta pugna est, non illa ordinata 



per principee hastatosqne ao triarios, nec ut pro signis 
antrsignani, post signa alia pugnaret acies, nec ut in 
sua legione miles aut cohorte aut nianipulo esset ; fors 8 
conglobaliat et animus suus cuique ante aut post pug- 
nandi ordinem dabat, tantusque fuit ardor animorum, 
adeo intentus pugna? [animus], ut eum motum terrae, 
qui multarum urbium Italiae magnas partes prostravit 
avertitque cursu rapidos amnes, mare fluminibus in- 
vexit, montes lapsu ingenti proruit, nemo pugnantium 

Trea ferme horas pugnatum est et ubique atrociter; 6 
cu-ca consulem tamen acrior infestiorque Tiie consui hta- 

-^, . . self falls figliting 

pugna est. xLum et robora viroruin seque- braveiytotheiast, a 
bantur, et ipse, quacunque in parte premi ac laborare 
senserat suos, impigie ferebat opem, insignemque armis 
et bostes summa vi petebant et tuebantur cives, donec 3 
lnsuber eques (Ducario nomen erat) facie quoque nos- 
citans consulem, " JSn" inquit "hicest" popularibus 
suis, " qui legiones nostras cecidit agrosque et urbem 
est depopulatus ; iam ego hanc victimam manibus pei - - 
emptorum fcede civium dabo." Subditisque calcaribus 4 
equo per confertissimam hostium turbam impetum facit, 
obtruncatoque prius armigero, qui se infesto venienti 
obviam obiecerat, consulem lancea transfixit ; spoHare 
cupientem triarii obiectis scutis arcuere. Magnse partis 5 
fuga inde primum ccepit ; et iam nec lacus „ 

r L ' tlie rest are cut 

nec montes pavori obstabant ; per omnia downordispersed. 
arta pneruptaque velut caeci evadunt, armaque et viri 
super alium alii praecipitantur. Pars magna, ubi lociis 6 
fugse deest, per prima vada paludis in aquam pro- 
gressi, quoad capitibus humerisgwe exstare possunt, sese 
immergunt; fuere, quos inconsultus pavor nando etiam 

80 Lirn 

7 oapessere fogam impulerit ; quse ubi immensa ac sine 
spe erat, aut deficientibus animis hauriebantur gurgiti- 
bus aut nequicquam fessi vada retro aegerrime repete- 
bant, atque ibi ab ingressis aquam hostium equitibus 

e passim trucidabantnr. Sex millia ferme primi agminis, 
per adversos hostes eruptione impigre facta, ignari 
oiunium, quae post se agerentur, ex saltu evasere, et 
(juum in tuniulo quodam coustitissent, clamorem modo 
ac sonum armorum audientes, quse fortuna pugnse esset, 

9 neque scire nec perspicere prae caligine poterant. In- 
clinata denique re, quum incalescente sole dispulsa 
nebula aperuisset diem, tum liquida iam luce montes 
campique perditas res stratamque ostendere foede Ro- 

io manam aciem. Itaque ne in conspectos procul immit- 
teretur eques, sublatis raptim signis, quam citatissimo 

'i poterant agmine, sese abripuerunt. Postero die, quum 
super cetera extrema fames etiam instaret, fidem dante 
Maharbale, qui cum omnibus equestribus copiis nocte 

12 consecutus erat, si arma tradidissent, abire cum sin- 
gulis vestimentis passurum, sese dediderunt ; quse Pu- 
nica religione servata fides ab Hannibale est, atque in 
vincula omnes coniecti. 

7 Hajc est nobilis ad Trasumennum pugna atque inter 
paucas memorata populi Romani clades. Quindecim 
millia Pomanorum in acie csesa ; decem millia sparsa 
fuga per omnem Etruriam diversis itineribus urbem 

3 petiere ; duo millia quingenti hostium in acie, multi 
postea [utrinque] ex vulneribus periere. Multiplex 
ca^des utrinque facta traditur ab aliis ; ego pra?terquam 

4 quod nihil auctum ex vano velim, quo nimis inclinant 
ferme seribentium animi, Fabium, lequalem tempori- 

5 bus huiusce belli, potissimum auctorem habuL Hanni- 


bal, ca]>tivorum qui Latini nominis cssent, siue pretio 
(iiiiiissis, Romanis in viucula datis, segregata ex hostiuin 
coacervatorum cumulis corpora suorum quum sepeliri 
iussisset, Flaminii quoque corpus funeris causa magna 
cuin cora imjuisitum non invenit. 

Romai ad prinium nuntiuni clailis eius cmn ingenti 6 
terrore ac tumultu concursus in forum The tidings fiii 

t . <• , u , Rome with grief 

popuh est factus. Matronaa vagae per and constemation 7 
vias, quae repens clades allata quaeve fortuna exercitus 
easet, obvios percontantur ; et quum frequentis con- 
tionis modo turba in comitium et curiam versa magis- 
tratus vocaret, tandem haud multo ante solis occasum 
M. Pomponius praetor " Pugna " inquit " magna victi s 
sumus." Et quanquam nihil certius ex eo auditum 
est, tamen alius ab alio impleti rumoribus domos re- 
ferunt, consulem cum magna parte copiarum caesum ; 9 
superesse paucos aut fuga passim per Etruiiam sparsos 
aut captos ab hoste. Quot casus exercitus victi fuerant, 10 
tot in curas dispertiti animi eonim erant, quorum pro- 
pinqui sub C. Flaminio consule meruerant, ignoran- 
tium, quae cuiusque suoruni fortuna esset; nec quisquam 
satis certum habet, quid aut speret aut timeat. Postero n 
ac deinceps aliquot diebus ad portas maior prope mu- 
lierum quam virorum multitudo stetit, aut suorum 
aliquem aut nuntios de iis opperiens ; circumfunde- 
hanturque obviis sciscitantes, neque avelli, utique ab 
notis, priusquam ordine ornnia inquisissent, poterant. 
Tnde varios vultus digredientium ab nuntiis cerneres, w 
ut cuique laeta aut tristia nuntiabantur, gratulantesque 
aut consolantes redeuntibus domos circumfusos. Femi- 
naram praecipue et gaudia insignia erant et luctus. 
TJnam in ipsa porta sospiti filio repente oblatam in 13 
C. L. 6 

82 /,/17/ 

oomplexu eius exspirasse ferunt ; alteram, cui mors 
lilii talso nuutiata erat, nnestain sedentem doini, ad 
primum conspectmn redeuntis filii gaudio uimio ex- 

m animatam. Senatum prretores per dies aliquot ab orto 
usque ad occidentem solem in curia retinent, consul- 
tantes, quonam duce aut quibus copiis resisti victoribus 
Pcenis posset. 

8 Priusquam satis certa consilia esseut, repens alia 
and arc foiiowed nuntiatur clades, quattuor millia equitum 

liv tlie news of _, _, , , 

fiirther loss. cum (J. Centenio proprsetore missa ad col- 

legam ab Servilio consule iu Umbria, quo post pug- 
nam ad Trasumenuum auditam averterant iter, ab 

2 Hannibale circumventa. Eius rei fama varie homines 
affecit. Pars, occupatis maiore segritudine animis, levem 
ex comparatioue priorum ducere recentem equitum iac- 

3 turam ; pars non id, quod accidei-at, per se sestiruare, 
sed, ut in affecto corpore quamvis levis causa magis 

4 quam in valido gravior sentiretur, ita tum segrae et 
affectaB civitati quodcunque adversi incideret, non rerum 
luagnitudine, sed viribus extenuatis, quse nihil, quod 

5 aggravaret, pati posseut, sestimandum esse. Itaque 
_ _, ,. . r . ad remedium iam diu neque desideratum 

Q. Fabius Maxi- " 

.UctatoVTo°nfeet nec adhibitum, dictatorem dicendum, civi- 
the cnsis. .j. as con f U git • e t quia et consul aberat, a 

quo uuo dici posse videbatur, nec per occupatam armis 
Punicis Italiam facile erat aut nuntium aut litteras 
mitti, nec dictatorem populo non consitlto senatus 

6 creare poterat, quod nunquam aute eam diem factum 
erat, dictatorem populus creavit Q. Fabium Maximum 

7 et magistrum equitum M. Minucium Rufuui ; hisque 
negotium ab senatu datum, ut muros turresque urbis 
firmarent et prsesidia disponerent, quibus locis vide- 

LIBBR XX 11. 83 

ivtur, pontesque resdoderent fluininum : pro urbe ac 

[Mnatilnis dimicandum esse, quando Italiam tueri nc- 


Hannihal recto itinere per Uinbriam usqne ad Spo- 9 

letium venit Inde, quum perpopulato mm ^ ^ a * 

agro urbem oppugnare adortus esset, cum g^5£S£«S 

magna ca?de suorum repul.sus, coniectans i^hboSrtSodaa 

i • i j • • • far .i.i Luceria 

ex unius coloniae haud maximce minime v 

prospere tentata: viribus, quanta moles Bomanse urbis 

i , in agrum Picenum avertit iter, non copia solum 3 

omnis generis frugum abundantem, sed rcfertum prseda, 

quam effuse avidi atque egentes rapiebant. Ibi per 4 

dies aliquot stativa habita, refectusque miles hibernis 

itineribus ac palustri via proelioque magis ad eventum 

seeundo quam levi aut facili affectus. Ubi satis quietis 5 

datum praeda ac populatiouibus magis quam otio aut 

requie gaudentibus, profectus Prsetutianum Hadrian- 

umque agrum, Marsos inde Marrucinosque et Pelignos 

devastat circaque Arpos et Luceriam proximam Apulite 

regionem. Cn. Servilius consul, levibii3 wiiiie the consui 6 

... _ ,_. _ . . Serviliusretiresto 

prceliis cum Gallis iactis et uno oppicio Rome. 
ignobili expugnato, postquam de collegse exercitusque 
ca;de audivit, iam mosnibus patrise metuens, ne abesset 
in discrimine extremo, ad urbem iter Lntendit. 

Q. Fabius Maximus dictator iterum, quo die magis- 7 
tratum iniit, vocato senatu, ab diis orsus, Fabiusbeginswith 
quum edocuisset patres, plus negligentia reiigion; 
earimoniarum auspiciorum^we quam temeritate atque 
inscitia peccatum a C. Flaminio consule esse, quseque 
piacula ine deum essent ipsos deos consulendos esse, 
perviait, ut, quod non ferme decernitur, nisi quum 8 
tsetra prodigia nuntiata sunt, decemviri libros Sibyl- 



9 linos adire iuberentur. Qui, inspectis fatalibus libris, 
. „„ „. rettulerunt patribus, uuod eius belli causa 

has tlio SiDylline r * 

books consuited vo tum Marti foret, id non rite factum 

10 de integro atque amplius faciundum esse, et Iovi 

ludos magnos et ppdes Veneri Erycinse ac Menti vo- 

vendas esse, et supplicationem lectisterniurnque ha- 

bendum, et ver sacrum vovendum, si bellatum pros- 

pcre csset resque publica in eodem, quo ante bellum 

ii fuisset, statu permansisset. Senatus, quoniam Fabium 

belli cura occupatura esset, M. ^Emilium prsetorem ex 

collegii pontincum sententia, omnia ea ut mature fiant, 

10 curare iubet. His senatus consultis perfectis, L. Cor- 

nelius Lentulus pontifex maximus, consulente collegiuin 

prietore, omnium primum populum consulendum de 

vere sacro censet : iniussu populi voveri non posse. 

2 . Roeatus in hsec verba populus : " Velitis 

and a ver sacrum ° A x 

vowed witii the iubeatisne hffic sic fieri 1 Si res publica 

consent of tlie a 

pe0I " e populi Eomani Quiritium ad quinquen- 

nium proximivm, siout velim voveamque, salva servata 
erit bisce duellis, quod duellum populo Romano cum 
Cartbaginiensi est, quseque duella cum Gallis sunt, 

3 qui cis Alpes sunt, tum donum duit populus Romanus 
Quiritium, quod ver attulerit ex suillo, ovillo, caprino, 
bovillo gi'ege, quaeque profana erunt, Iovi fieri, ex qua 

4 die senatus populusque iusserit. Qui faciet, quando 
volet quaque lege volet, facito ; quo modo faxit, probe 

s factum esto. Si id nioritur, quod fieri oportebit, pro- 
fanum esto, neque scelns esto. Si quis rumpet occi- 
detve insciens, ne fraus esto. Si quis clepsit, ne populo 

6 scelus esto, neve cui cleptum erit. Si atro die faxit 
insciens, probe factum esto. Si nocte sive luce, si 
aervus sive liber faxit, probe factum esto. Si antidea, 


ae Benatus populusque iusserit fieri, faxitur, eo populus 
solutus liber esto." Eiusdera rei causa ludi magni 7 
voti efia trecentis trigiuta tribus millibus treceritis 
tri/jinta tribiis triente, prseterea bubus Iovi trecentis, 
raultLs aHis divis bubus albis atque ceteris hostiis. Vo- 8 
tis rite nuncupatis, supplicatio edicta ; and other golemn 
supplicatumque iere cum coniugibus ac ordinances - 
liberis non urbana multitudo tantum, sed agrestium 
etiam, quos in aliqua sua fortuna publica quoque con- 
tingebat cui'a. Tura lectisternium per triduum ha- 9 
bitum, decemviris sacrorum curantibus. Sex pulvi- 
naria in conspectu fuerunt, Iovi ac Iunoni unum, 
alterum Neptuno ac Minervse, tertium Marti ac Ve- 
neri, quartum Apollini ac Dianse, quintum Vulcano ac 
Vesta3, sextum Mercurio et Cereri. Tum aedes votse. 
Veneri Erycinse sedem Q. Fabius Maximus dictator 10 
vovit, quia ita ex fatalibus libris editum erat, ut is 
voveret, cuius maximum imperium in civitate esset ; 
Menti sedem T. Otacilius prsetor vo^it. 

lta rebus divinis peractis, tum de bello reque [de] 11 
publica dictator rettulit, quibus quotque He then procee( j 3 
legionibus victori hosti obviam eundum t0 levy tr00ps 
esse patres censerent. Decretum, ut ab Cn. Servilio 2 
consule exercitum acciperet ; scriberet prseterea ex 
civibus sociisque, quantum equitum ac peditum vide- 
retur ; cetera omnia ageret faceretque, ut e re publica 
duceret. Fabius duas legiones se adiecturura ad Ser- 3 
vilianum exercitum dixit. Iis per magistrum equitum 
scriptis Tibur diem ad conveniendum . , „. . 

r and to give ln- 

edixit. Edictoque proposito, ut, quibus SStt™ 4 
oppida castellaque immunita essent, uti tn e8eatofwar, 
commigrarent in loca tuta, ex agris quoque demi- 


grnrent omnes regionis eius, qua ituvus Hannibal esset, 
tectis prius incensis ac frugibus corruptis, ne cuius 

5 rci copia esset, via Flaminia profecfcus obviam 
consuli exercituque, quum ad Tiberim circa Ocriculum 
prospexisset agmen consulemque cum equitibus ad se 
progredientem, viatorem misit, qui consuli nuntiaret, 

6 ut sine lictoribus ad dictatorem veniret. Qui quum 
dicto paruisset, congressusque eorum ingentem speciern 
dictaturse apud cives sociosque vetustate iam prope 
oblitos eius imperii fecisset, litterse ab urbe allatse 
sunt, naves onerarias corameatum ab Ostia in His- 
paniam ad exercitum porfcantes a classe Punica circa 

7 portum Cosanum captas esse. Itaque extemplo consul 

. Ostiam proficisci iussus, navibusque, quse 

flect c tn s "uardtiie acl ^ em Romanam aut Ostise essent, 
^ * 1313 - completis milite ac navalibus sociis, per- 

8 sequi hostium classem ac litora Italiae tutari Magna 
vis hominum conscripta Pomae erat ; libertini etiam, 
quibus liberi essent et setas militaris, in verba iura- 

9 verant. Ex hoc urbano exercitu, qui minores quinque 
et triginta annis erant, in naves impositi, alii, ut urbi 
prsesiderent, relicti. 

12 Dicfcator, exercitu consulis accepto a Fulvio Flacco 
He then marci.ed legato, per agrum Sabinum Tibur, quo 
na.iuibars "rmy diem ad conveniendum edixerat novis 

2 «as pos e , militibus, venit. Inde Praeneste ac trans- 
versis limitibus iu viam Latinam est egressus, unde, 
itineribus summa cum cura exploratis, ad hostem ducit, 
nullo loco, nisi quantum necessitas cogeret, fortunse 

3 se commissurus. Quo primum die haud procul Arpis 
in conspectu hostium posuit castra, nulla mora facta, 
quin Prenus educeret in aciem copiamque pugnandi 


faoeret. Sed ul>i quieta omnia apud hostes nec castra 4 
ullo tuuiultu niota videt, increpans quideiu, victos 
fcandem [quos] Martios animos Romanis, debellatum- 
que et concessum propalam de virtute ac gloria esse, 
in castra rediit ; ceterum tacita cura animum incessit, 5 
quod cum duce haudquaquam Flaminii SemproniiqiH' 
simili futnra sibi res esset ac tum demum edocti malis 
Romani parem Hannibali ducem qusesissent. Et pru- 6 
di-ntiam quidem novi dictatoris extemplo tdniuitj con- 
stantiam Lauddum expertus, agitare ac tentare ani- 
mum movendo crebro castra populando- , . u 

* x kecping lt con- 

que in oculis eius agros socionim coepit, «tantiy to^w 
et modo citato agmine ex conspectu abi- |^Sig nt any 7 
bat, modo repente in aliquo flexu vise, si offer " f battla 
excipere degressum in a^quum posset, occultus subsis- 
tebat. Fabius per loca alta agmen ducebat, modico 8 
ab hoste intervallo, ut neque omitteret eum neque 
congrederetur. Castris, nisi quantum usus necessarii 
cogerent, tenebatur miles ; pabulum et ligna nec pauci 
petebant nec passim ; equitum levisque armaturse sta- 9 
tio, composita instructaque in subitos tumultus, et suo 
militi tuta omnia et infesta effusis hostium popula- 
toribus praebebat ; neque universo periculo summa 
reram committebatur, et parva momenta levium cer- 10 
taminum ex tuto cceptorum, finitimo receptu, assue- 
faciebant territum pristinis cladibus militem minus iain 
tandem aut virtutis aut fortunse paenitere suae. Sed u 
non Hannibalem magis infestum tam sanis consiliis 
habebat quam magistram equitum, qui nihil aliud, 
quam quod impar erat imperio, morae ad rem publi- 
cam pnecipitandam habebat, ferox rapidusque con- 
siliis ac lingua immodicus. Primo inter paucos, dein 12 


propalam in vulgus pro cunctatore segnem, pro cauto 
Liinidurn affingens vicina virtutibus vitia, compellabat, 
premendoque superiorem, cmse pessima ars niniis pros- 
peris multorum successibus crevit, sese extollebat. 
13 Hannibal ex Hirpinis in Samnium transit, Bene- 
_ _ . . ventanum depopulatur agrum, Telesiam 

Ilanmbal crossed r r o > 

into samniuui, ur bem capit, irritat etiam de industria 

andthenceinhope ** r > 

topux^movedta- ducem, si forte accensum tot indignitati- 
tocampania, ^ ac c i a( iibus sociorum detrahere ad 

2 sequum certamen possit. Inter multitudinem sociorum 
Italici generis, qui ad Trasumennum capti ab Han- 
nibale dimissique fuerant, tres Campani equites erant, 
multis iam tum illecti donis promissisque Hannibalis 

3 ad conciliandos popularium animos. Hi nuntiantes, 
si in Campaniam exercitum admovisset, Capuae po- 
tiendae copiam fore, quum res maior quam auctores 
esset, dubium Hannibalem alternisque fidentem ac 
diffidentem tamen, ut Campanos ex Samnio peteret, 

4 moverunt. Monitos etiam atque etiam, ut promissa 
rebus affirmarent, iussosque cum pluribus et aliquibus 

s principum redire ad se dimisit. Ipse imperat duci, 
.... ut se in agrum Casinatem ducat, edoctus 

but was guided by ° ' 

num ak Lstcad Si of a P er itis regionum, si eum saltum occu- 
Casmum. passet, exitum Romano ad opem feren- 

6 dam sociis interclusurum ; sed Punicum abhorrens ab 
Latinorum nominum pronuntiatione os, Casilinum pro 
Casino dux ut acciperet, fecit, aversusque ab suo iti- 
nere per Allifanum Callifanumque et Calenum agrum 

7 in campum Stellatem descendit. Ubi quum montibus 
fluniinibusque clausam regionem circumspexisset, voca- 

8 tum ducem percontatur, ubi terrarum esset. Quum is 
Casilin i eo die mansurum eum dixisset, tum demum 


oognitus est error, et Casdnum longe Lnde alia regione 
; rirgisque csbbo duce et ad reliquorum terrorem 9 

in crucein suMato, castris connnunitis, Maharbaleiu 

cum equitibns in agrum Falernum proedatum dimisit. 

Usque ad aquas Sinuessanas populatio ea pervenit. 10 

Ingentem cladem, fugam tamen terroremque latius 

Xumidie fecerunt ; nec tamen is terror, quum omnia n 

bello flagrarent, fide socios dimovit, videlicet quia 

iusto et moderato regebautur imperio nec abnuebant, 

quod unum vinculum fidei est, melioribus parere. 

Ut vero, postquam ad Vulturnum fiumen castra 14 

sunt posita, exurebatur amoenissimus Ita- „. ... 

r His ravagea of the 

liae ager villoeque passim incendiis fuma- ™ h txdted^the 
bant, per iuga Massici montis Fabio du- g££r" < &£" 
cente, tum prope de integro seditio accen- the 1 Horsef luim- 
saj quieverant enim per paucos dies, C1US ' 2 

quia, quum celerius solito ductum agmen esset, festi- 
nari ad prohibendam populationibus Campaniam cre- 
diderant. Ut vero in extrema iuga Massici montis 3 
ventum, et hostes sub oculis erant Falerni agri colo- 
norumque Sinuessae tecta urentes, nec ulla erat mentio 
pugna?, "Spectatum huc " inquit Minucius, " ut ad 4 
rem fruendam oculis, sociorum caedes et incendia ve- 
nimus ? nec, si nullius alterius nos, ne civium quidem 
horum pudet, quos Sinuessam colonos patres nostri 
miserunt, ut ab Samnite hoste tuta hsec ora esset, 5 
quam nunc non vicinus Samnis urit, sed Pcenus ad- 
vena, ab extremis orbis terrarum terminis nostra cunc- 
tatione et socordia iam huc progressus 1 Tantum, pro, ° 
degeneramus a patribus nostris, ut, prseter quam oram 
illi Punicas vagari classes dedecus esse imperii sui 
duxerint, eam nunc plenam hostium Numidarumque 


7 ac Maurorum iam &ctam videamus? Qui modo Sa- 
guntum oppugnari iudignando non homines tautum, 
Bed foedera et deos ciebamus, scandentem moenia Ro- 

8 mana3 coloniae Hannibalem lenti spectamus. Fumus 
ex incendiis villarum agrorumque in oculos atque ora 
venit ; strepunt aures clamoribus plorantium sociorum, 
ssepius nostram quam deorum invocantium opem ; nos 
hic pecorum modo per restivos saltus deviasque calles 

9 exercitum ducimus, conditi nubibus silvisque. Si hoc 
modo peragrando cacumina saltusque M. Furius re- 
cipere a Gallis urbem voluisset, quo hic novus Camil- 
lus, nobis dictator unicus in rebus affectis qusesitus, 

io Italiam ab Hannibale recuperare parat, Gallorum 
Rorna esset, quam vereor ne, sic cunctantibus nobis, 
Hannibali ac Pcenis toties servaverint maiores nostri. 

ii Sed vir ac vere Romanus, quo die dictatorem eum 
ex auctoritate patrum iussuque populi dictum Yeios 
allatum est, quum esset satis altum Ianiculum, ubi 
sedens prospectaret hostem, descendit in aequum atque 
illo ipso die media in urbe, qua nunc busta Gallica 
sunt, et postero die citra Gabios cecidit Gallorum 

12 legiones. Quid 1 post multos annos quum ad Furculas 
Caudinas ab Samnite hoste sub iugum missi sumus, 
utrum tandem L. Papirius Cursor iuga Samnii per- 
lustrando an Luceriam premendo obsidendoque et 
lacessendo victorem hostem depulsum ab Romanis 

13 cervicibus iugum superbo Samniti iniposuif? Modo 
C. Lutatio qua? alia res quam celeritas victoriam dedit, 
quod postero die, quam hostem vidit, classem graveni 
commeatibus, impeditam suomet ipsam instrumento 

i 4 atque apparatu, oppressit 1 Stultitia est sedendo aut debellari credere posse. Arma capias oportet 


et descendas in ivquum et vir ciim viro congrediaris. 
Audendo atque agendo res Rornana crevit, non his 
DOgn ibna consiliis, quffi timiili cauta vocant." Hsec 15 
vclut eontiouanti Minucio circumfuudebatur tribu- 
nonim equitumque Romanorum multitudo, et ad 
aures quoque militum dicta ferocia evolvebantur ; ac 
d militaris suffragii res esset, haud dubie ferebant, 
Minucium Fabio duci prselaturos. 

Fabius pariter in suos haud minus quam in hostes 15 
intentus, prius ab illis invictum animum Kabius guanis tiic 
preestat. Quanquam probe scit, non in BSSSbaFcameaa 
castris modo suis, sed iam etiam Romse we ** imnva 
infamem suam cunctationem esse, obstinatus tamen 
tenore eodein consiliorum sestatis reliquum extraxit, 
ut Hannibal destitutus ab spe smnma ope petiti cer- 2 
taminis iam hibernis locum circumspectaret, quia ea 
regio praesentis erat copise, non perpetuse, arbusta 
vineseque et consita omnia magis amcenis quam ne- 
cessariis fructibus. Hsec per exploi'atores relata Fa- 3 
bio. Quum satis sciret, per easdem angustias, quibus 
intraverat Falernum agram, i-editurum, Calliculam 
montem et Casilinum occupat modicis pra^sidiis, qute 4 
urbs Vulturno flumine dirempta Falernum a Cam- 
pano agro dividit ; ipse iugis iisdem exercitum re- 
ducit, misso exploratum cum quadringentis equitibus 
sociorum L. Hostilio Mancino. Qui, ex turba iuve- 5 
num audientium sajpe ferociter contio- but loses some of 
nantem magistram equitum, progressus lasimess^of^Man 
primo exploratoris inodo, ut ex tuto spe- cmus ' 
cularetur hostem, ubi vagos passim per vicos Numidas 
vidit et per occasionem etiam paucos occidit, extemplo 6 
occupatus certamine est animus, excideruntque prne- 


cepta dictatoris, qui, quantum tuto posset, progresswm 
prius recipere sese iusserat, quam in conspectuni hos- 

7 tiuni veniret. Nuniidse alii atque alii occursantes 
refugientesque ad castra prope ipsa cum fatigatione 

8 equorum atque hominum pertraxere. Inde Carthalo 
penea quem summa equestris imperii erat, concitatis 
equis invectus, quum prius, quam ad coniectum teli 
veniret, avertisset hostes, quinque ferme millia conti- 

9 nenti cursu secutus est fugientes. Mancinus post- 
quam nec hostem desistere sequi nec spem vidit effu- 
giendi esse, cohortatus suos in prcelium rediit, omni 

■c parte virium impar. Itaque ipse et delecti equitum 
circumventi occiduntur ; ceteri effuso [rursus] cursu 
Cales primum, iude prope inviis callibus ad dictatorem 

" Eo forte die Minucius se coniunxerat Fabio, missus 
He sends to hoid ad firmanduin prasidio saltum, qui super 

tlie pass above _ 

Tarracina, larracinam m artas coactus fauces lm- 

minet mari, ne ab Sinuessa Pcenus Appise limite per- 

12 venire in agrum Romanum posset. Coniunctis exer- 

citibus dictator ac magister equitum castra in viam 

deferunt, qua Hannibal ducturus erat; duo inde millia 

16 hostes aberant. Postero die Poeni, quod vise inter 

i bina castra erat, agmine complevere. Quum Romani 

sub ipso constitissent vallo, haud dubie aequiore loco, 

and occupies the successit tamen Pcenus cum expeditis 

mountain road . 

tiiroughwhichtiie eqnitibusque ad lacessendum hostem. 

enemy means to 

pas 3 - Carptim Pceni et procursando recipien- 

3 doque sese pugnavere ; restitit suo loco Romana acies : 
lenta pugna et ex dictatoris magis quam Hannibalis 
fuit voluntate. Ducenti ab Romanis, octingenti hos- 
tium cecidere. 


Inclusus inde videri Hanuibal, via ad Casilinum ^ 
obeesBa, qnnm Capna et Saninium et tantnm ab tergo 
divitum socioruru Romanis commeatus subveheret, 
Pcenus inter Formiana Baza ac Literni arenas stag- 
naque et per borridafl silvas hibernaturus esset; nec s 
liannibakm fefellit, suis se artibus peti. Itaque quum 
per Casffinnm evadere non posset peten- I[annibal outwita 
dique montes et iugum Calliculse super- st,?,"^" 3 b i»id 
andum esset, necubi Romanus inclusum passes the AoMvs ' 
vallibus agmt-n aggrederetur, ludibrium oculorum spe- 6 
cie terribile ad frustranduin hostem commentus, prin- 
cipio noctis furtim succedere ad montes statuit. Fallacis 
consilii talis apparatus fuit. Faces undique ex agris 7 
collectae fascesque virgarum atque aridi sarmenti prseli- 
gantur cornibus boum, quos domitos indomitosque 
inultos inter ceteram agrestem praedam agebat. Ad $ 
duo niillia ferme boum effecta, Hasdrubalique negotium 
datum, ut nocte id armentum accensis cornibus ad 
rnontes ageret, maxime, si posset, super saltus ab 
hoste insessos. Primis tenebris silentio mota castra ; 17 
boves aliquanto ante signa acti. Ubi ad radices mon- 2 
tium viasque angustas ventum est, signum extemplo 
datur, ut accensis cornibus armenta in adversos con- 
citentur montes ; et metus ipse relucentis flammse ex 
capite calorque iam ad vivum ad imaque cornuum ad- 
veniens velut stimulatos furore agebat boves. Quo 3 
repente discursu, haud secus quam silvis montibusque 
accensis, omnia circa virgulta visa ardere, capitumque 
irrita quassatio excitans flammam hominum passim 
discurrentium speciem praebebat. Qui ad transitum 4 
saltus insidendum locati erant, ubi in summis monti- 
bus ac super se quosdam ignes conspexere, circum- 

94 LIVIl 

rentOfl se rati pnusidio excessere. Qua minime 
densae micabant flammas, velut tutissimum iter petentes 
summa montium iuga, tamen in quosdam boves palatos 

5 a suis gregibus inciderunt. Et primo quum procul 
cernerent, veluti flammas spirantium niiraculo attoniti 

6 constiterunt ; deinde ut humana apparuit fraus, tum 
vero insidias rati esse, cum maiore tumultu concitant 
se in fugani. Levi quoque armaturae hostium incur- 
rere ; ceterum nox sequato timore neutros pugnam in- 

7 cipientes ad lucem tenuit. Interea toto agmine Han- 
uibal traducto per saltum, et quibusdam in ipso saltu 
hostium oppressis, in agro Allifano posuit castra. 

18 Hunc tumultum sensit Fabius : ceterum et insidias 
esse ratus et ab nocturno utique abhor- 


being especiaiiy rens certamine, suos munimentis tenuit. 

useful in tne 

2 mountains. Luce prima sub iugo montis prcelium 
fuit, quo interclusam ab suis levem arcnaturam faciJe 
(etenim numero aliquantum praestabant) Romani su- 
perassent, nisi Hispanoruui cohors ad id ipsum reniissa 

3 ab Hannibale supervenisset. Ea assuetior montibus et 
ad concursandum inter saxa rupesque aptior ac levior 
quum velocitate corporum, tum amtorum habitu, cam- 
pestrem hostem, gravem armis statariunique, pugnse 

4 genere facile elusit. Ita haudquaquam pari certamine 
digressi, Hispani fere omnes incolumes, Romani ali- 
quot suis amissis in castra contenderunt. 

5 Fabius quoque movit castra, transgressusque saltum 
Botharmiesmove super Ailifas loco alto ac munito consedit. 

through Samni- m o • -n , 

6 um into Apuiia, lum per feamnium Komam se petere 
simulans Hannibal usque in Pelignos populabundus 
rediit ; Fabius medius inter hostium agmen urbemque 
Romam iugis ducebat, nec absistens nec congrediens. 


\'.\ Pelignis Pcenus flrxit Lter, retroque Apuliaan re- 7 
petena Gereonrum pervenxt, nrbem metu, quia collapsa 
ruinis pars nueniuin erat, ab suis desertam ; dictator 8 
in Larinate agro castra coiuimuiiit. Iutle niH ,, nt , ie „,«,.„„, 
sacrorum causa Romarn revocatus, non Sa^fhS» u\'c"n\~- 
imperio niodo, sed consilio etiam ac prope 
preoibtu agens ciun magistro equitum, ut plus consilio 9 
quam fortuiue coufidat et se potius ducem quam Sem- 
pronium Flaminiumque imitetur : ne nihil actum cen- 
seret extracta prope sestate per ludificationem hostis ; 
medicos quoque plus interdum quiete quam movendo 
atque agendo proficere; haud parvam rem esse ab toties 10 
victore hoste vinci desisse et ab continuis cladiVjus re- 
spirasse, — ha3c nequicquam prajmouito magistro equitum 
Romam est profectus. 

Principio sestatis, qua hsec gcrebantur, in Hispania 19 
quoque terra marique cceptum bellum est. a CorOiagfamm 

_-_ iiii . tieet is surprised 

Masdrubal ad eum navium numerum, by tha Romans ln 2 

the mouth of the 

quem a fratre mstructum paratumque ac- mberus 
ceperat, decem adiecit ; quadraginta navium classem 3 
Himilconi tradit, atque ita Carthagine profectus naves 
prope teri-am, exercitum in litore ducebat, paratus 
confligere, quacunque parte copiaram hostis occurrisset. 
Cn. Scipio postquam movisse ex hibernis hostem audi- 4 
vit, primo idem consilii fuit; deinde uiinus terra propter 
ingentem famam novorum auxiliorum concurrere ausus, 
delecto milite ad naves imposito, quinque et triginta 
navium classe ire obviam hosti pergit. Altero ab Tar- 5 
racoue die ad stationem decem millia passuum dis- 
tantem ab ostio Hiberi amnis pervenit. Inde duse 
Massiliensium speculatoriae prsemissse rettulere, classem 
Punicam stare in ostio fluininis castraque in ripa posita. 


6 Itaque ut impro vidos incautosque universo simul effuso 
terrore opprimeret, sublatis ancoris ad hostem vadit.' 
Multas et locis altis positas turres Hispania habet, 
quibus et speculis et propugnaculis adversus latrones 

7 utuntur. Inde primo conspectis hostium navibus, 
datum signum Hasdrubali est, tumultusque prius in 
temi et castris quam ad mare et ad naves est ortus, 
nondum aut pulsu remorum strepituque aliq nautico 

» 8 exaudito aut ajierientibus classem promuntoriis, quum 
repente eques alius super alium ab Hasdrubale missus 
vagos in litore quietosque in tentoriis suis, nihil minus 
quam hostem aut proelium eo die exspectautes, con- 
scendere naves propere atque arma capere iubet : classem 
9 llomanam iam haud procul portu esse. Ha±c equites 
dimissi passim imperabant ; mox Hasdrubal ipse cum 
omni exercitu aderat, varioque omnia tumultu stre- 
punt, ruentibus in naves siniul remigibus militibusque, 
fugientium magis e terra quam in pugnam euntium 

to modo. Vixdum omnes conscenderant, quum alii reso- 
lutis oris in ancoras evehuntur, alii, ne quid teneat, 
ancoralia iucidunt; raptimque omnia ac praspropere 
agendo, militum apparatu nautica ministeria impedi- 
untur, trepidatione nautarum capere et aptare arma 

ii miles prohibetur. Et iam Romanus non appropin- 
quabat modo, sed direxerat etiam in pugnam naves. 
Itaque non ab hoste et proelio magis Pceni quam suomet 
ipsi tumultu turbati, tentata verius pugna quam inita, 

i2 in fugam averterunt classem, et quum adversi amnis 
os lato agmini et tam multis simul venientibus haud 
sane intrabileesset, in litus passim naves egerunt, atque 
alii vadis, alii sicco litore excepti, partim armati, par- 
tim inermes ad instructam per litus aciem suorum per- 


fagere; diua fcamen primo oonourgn capteeranl PuniosB 

naves, quattuor supprossic Kouiiuii, quanquain terra 20 
hostiiini armatamque aeiem fcoto praB *nd «rhoiiy oap- 

r . -, .. . turod 01 dostroy- 

icntam [mj htore oernebant, haud ouno- ed. 

banter insecuti trepidam hostium classem naves omnes, 

qtUB non aut perfregcrant proras litori illiaas aut 

carinaB ftxerant vadis, religataa puppibus in altum ex- 

traxerej ad quinque et viginti naves e quadraginta 


Neque id pulcherrimum eius victorise fuit, sed quod 

uiia lcvi pugna toto eius ora; mari potiti The Koman Beet 
. _^ . . . sweepa tiio coust 

erant. itaque ad Onusam classeprorecti; andukuida. 4 

10 ab navibus in terram facta. Quum urbem vi 5 

cepissent captamque diripuissent, Carthaginem inde 

petunt, atque omnem agrum ciroa depopulati postremo 

fceeta quoque iniuncta muro portisque incenderunt. 

Inde iam prajda gravis ad Longunticam pervenitclassis, r 

ubi vis magna sparti erat, ad rem nauticam congcsta 

ab Hasdrubale. Quod satis in usinn fuit, sublato, 

ceterum omne incensum est. Nec continentis modo 7 

prolecta est ora, sed in Ebusum insulam transuiissum. 

Ibi urbe, qua3 caput insulae est, biduum nequicquiim r 

suiiuno labore oppugnata, ubi in spem irritam frustra 

teri tempus animadversum est, ad populationem agri 9 

vorsi, direptis aliquot incensisque vicis, maiore quain 

ex continenti praeda parta quum in naves se recepissent, 

ex Baliaribus insulis legati pacem petentes ad Scipi- 

onem venerunt. Inde flexa retro classis rcditumquo to 

in i-iteriora provincise, quo omnium populorum, qui 

Hiberum accolunt, multorum et ultimae Hispani;c 

legati concurrerunt ; sed qui vere dicionis imperiique 11 

Koinani facti sint obsidibus datis,])Opuli amplius fuerunt 

C. L. 7 


12 centum viginti. Igitur terrestribus quoque copiis satis 

fidens Eomanus usque ad saltum Castulonensem est 

progressus ; Hasdrubal in Lusitaniam ac propius Ocea- 

num concessit. 

21 Quietum inde fore videbatur reliquum sestatis tem- 

2 pus, fmssetque per Poenum bostem ; sed prseterquam 
The iier etes are °i uo d ipsorum Hispanorum inquieta avi- 
i?lsd V ra?"ii ed whne d a( l ue m novas res sunt ingeuia, Man- 
them S is ay rcca»e§ donius Indibilisque, qui antea Ilergetum 

3 Mioug m the ei Cfel«- regulus fuerat, postquam Romani ab saltu 

recessere ad maritimam oram, concitis 
popularibus in agrum pacatum sociorum Romanorum 

4 ad populandum venerunt. Adversus eos tribuni mi- 
litum cum expeditis auxiliis a Scipione missi levi 
certamine, ut tumultuariam manum, fudere omnes, 
occisis quibusdam captisque magnaque parte armis ex- 

5 uta. Hic tamen tumultus cedentem ad Oceanum 
Hasdrubalem cis Hiberum ad socios tutandos retraxit. 

6 Castra Punica in agro Ilergavonensium, castra Ro- 
mana ad Novam classem erant, quum fama repens 

7 alio avertit bellum. Celtiberi, qui principes regionis 
suae legatos miserant obsidesque dederant Pomanis, 
nuntio misso a Scipione exciti arma capiunt provin- 
ciamque Carthaginiensium valido exercitu invadunt. 

8 Tria oppida vi expugnant ; inde cum ipso Hasdrubale 
duobus proeliis egregie pugnant ; ad quindecim millia 
bostium occiderunt, quattuor millia cum multis mili- 
taribus signis capiunt. 

22 Hoc statu rerum in Hispania P. Scipio in provin- 
p. Scipio as pro- ciam venit, prorogato post consulatum 

consul joins his ... '. . . 

brother m Spain. lmperio ab senatu missus, cum triginta 
longis navibus et octo millibus militum magnoque 


oommeatn advecto. Eaelassis ingens agmine oneraria- 3 
rum procul visa cum magna h>t itia civium sociorum- 
quc portum Tarraconis ex alto tenuit, Ibi miJite 3 
BTpoaito, profectaa Scipio rratri se couiungit, ac deinde 
communi animo consilioque gerebant bellum. Occu- 4 
patifl igitur Carthaginiensibus Celtiberico bello, haud 
cunctanter Hiberum transgrediuntur, nec ullo viso 
hoste, Saguntum pergunt ire, quod ibi obsides totius 
Hispania? traditos ab Hannibale fama erat modico in 
arce custodiri pnesidio. Id unuin pignus inclinatos ad s 
Romanam societatem omnium Hispanise populorum 
animos morabatur, ne sanguine liberum suorum culpa 
defectionis lueretur. Eo vinculo Hispauiam vir unus 6 
sollerti magis quam fideli consilio exsolvit. Abelux 
erat Sagunti nobilis Hispanus, fidus ante By the craft of 
Pojnis ; tum, qualia plerumque sunt bar- ith hostag^sal'"": 
barorum ingenia, cum fortuna mutaverat fJJ" 1 " t T,e Rmnans 
fidem. Ceterum transfugam sine magnae w ° 9ett em ree ' 7 
rci proditione venientem ad hostes nihil aliud quam 
unuin vile atque infame corpus esse ratus, id agebat, 
ut quam maximum emolumentum novis sociis esset 
Circumspectis igitur omnibus, quse fortuna potestatis 8 
eius poterat facere, obsidibus potissimum tradeudis 
laiimum adiecit, eam unam rem maxime ratus con- 
ciliaturam Romanis principurn Hispanise amicitiam. 
Sed quum iniussu Bostaris praefecti satis sciret nihil 9 
obsidum custodes facturos esse, Bostarem ipsum arte 
aggreditur. Castra extra urbein in ipso litore habebat 10 
Bostar, ut aditum ea parte intercluderet Roinanis. Ibi 
eum in secretum abductum, velut ignorantem, monet, 
quo statu sit res : metum continuisse ad eam diem tJ 
Hispanorum animos, quia procul llomani aheflsent ; 


100 LIVII 

nunc cis Hiberum castra Romana esse, arcem tutam 
perfugiumque novas volentibus res ; itaque, quos me- 
tus non teneat, beneficio et gratia devinciendos esse. 

12 Miranti Bostari percontantique, quodnam id subitum 

13 tantse rei donum posset esse, "Obsides" inquit "in 
civitates remitte. Id et privatim parentibus, quorum 
maximum momentum in civitatibus est suis, et pub- 

Im lice populis gratum erit. Vult sibi quisque credi, et 

\ habita fides ipsam plerumque obligat fidem. Minis- 

' terium restituendorum domos obsidum mihimet de- 

\ posco ipse, ut opera quoque impensa consilium adiu- 

vem meum et rei suapte natura gratse, quantam in- 

15 super gratiam possim, adiiciam." Homini non ad ce- 
tera Punica ingenia callido ut persuasit, nocte clam 
progressus ad hostium stationes, conventis quibusdam 
auxiliaribus Hispanis et ab his ad Scipionem perduc- 

16 tus, quid afferret expromit, et fide accepta dataque ac 
loco et tempore constituto ad obsides tradendos, Sa- 
guntum redit. Diem insequentem absumpsit cum 

■7 Bostare maudatis ad rem agendam aocipiendis. Di- 
missus, quum se nocte iturum, ut custodias hostium 
falleret, constituisset, ad compositam cum iis horam 
excitatis custodibus puerorum profectus, veluti ignarus 

18 in prseparatas sua fraude insidias ducit. In castra 
Rornana perducti ; cetera omnia de reddendis obsidi- 
bus, sicut cum Bostare constitutum erat, acta per 
eundum ordinem, quo si Carthaginiensium nomine 

19 sic ageretur. Maior aliquanto Rornanorum gratia 
— fuit in re pari, quam quanta futura Carthaginiensium 

fuerat. Illos enim graves superbos^we in rebus se- 
cundis expertos fortuna et timor mitigasse videri po- 

20 terat ; Ronianus primo adventu, incognitus ante, ab 


re clementi liberalique initium fecerat, et Abelux, vir 
prudens, haud frustra videbatur socios mutasse. Ita- »i 
que ingenti cousensu defectionein omnes spectare ; 
armaque extemplo mota forent, ni hiems, qua; Ro- 
niaiios quoque et Carthaginienses concedere in tecta 
coegit intervenisset. 

Haec in Hispania [quoquej secunda sestate Punici 23 
belli gesta, quum in Italia paulum inter- Fabius gpUs liis 
valli cladibus Romauis sollers cunctatio {*"£ g Pare d ''by 
Fabii fecisset; quaj ut Hannibalem non t^ranlm P for » 
mediocri sollicitum cura habebat, tandem Roman prisoners - 
eum rnilitise magistrum delegisse Romanos cernentem, 
qui bellum ratione, non fortuna gereret, ita contempta 3 
erat inter cives, armatos pariter togatosque, utique 
postquam absente eo temeritate magistri equitum lseto 
verius dixerim quam prospero eventu pugnatum fue- 
rat. Accesserant duse res ad augendam invidiam dic- 4 
tatoris, una fraude ac dolo Hannibalis, quod, quum a 
perfugis ei monstratus ager dictatoris esset, omnibus 
circa solo sequatis ab uno eo ferrum ignemque et vim 
omnem hostium abstineri iussit, ut occulti alicuius 5 
pacti ea merces videri posset, altera ipsius facto, primo 
forsitan dubio, quia non exspectata in eo senatus 
auctoritas est, ad extremum haud ambigue in maximam 
laudem verso. In permutandis captivis, quod sic pri- 6 
mo Punico bello factum erat, convenerat inter duces 
Romanum Pcenumque, ut, quse pars plus reciperet 
quam daret, argenti pondo bina et selibras in militem 
prsestaret. Ducentis quadraginta septem quum plures 7 
Romanus quam Pcenus recepisset argentumque pro eis 
debitum, seepe iactata in senatu re, quoniam non con- 8 
suluisset patres, tardius erogaretur, inviolatum ab 

102 LIVII 

ho.ste agrum, misso Romam Quinto filio, vendidit, 
fidemque publicam impendio privato exsolvit. 
9 Hannibal pro Gereonii moenibus, cuius urbis captae 
atque incensse ab se in usum horreorum 

Minucius gains T- 

o°™ e a Hann^1 P auca reliquerat tecta, in stativis erat 
■o aisp'tr.s<'u ki for rS for- lude frumentatum duas exercitus partes 
age ' mittebat ; cum tertia ipse expedita in 

statione erat, simul castris prsesidio et cfrcumspectans, 
24 necunde impetus in frumentatores fieret. Romanus 
tunc exercitus in agro Larinati erat ; praeerat Minu- 
cius magister equitum, profecto, sicut ante dictum est, 

2 ad urbem dictatore. Ceterum castra, quae in monte 
alto ac tuto loco posita fuerant, iam in planum defe- 
runtur ; agitabanturque pro ingenio ducis consilia ca- 
lidiora, ut impetus aut in frumentatores palatos aut in 

3 castra relicta cum levi praasidio fieret. Nec Hanni- 
balem fefellit, cum duce mutatam esse belli rationem 

4 et ferocius quam consultius rem bostes gesturos ; ipse 
autem quod minime quis crederet, quum hostis pro- 
pius esset, tertiam partem militum frumentatum, dua- 

5 bus in castris retentis, dimisit ; dein castra ipsa pro 
pius hostem movit, duo ferme a Gereonio millia, in 
tumulum hosti conspectum, ut intentum sciret esse 

6 ad frumentatores, si qua vis fieret, tutandos. Pro- 
pior inde ei atque ipsis imminens Romanorum castris 
tumulus apparuit ; ad quem capiendum si luce palam 
iretur, quia haud dubie hostis breviore via prseven- 

7 turus eiat, nocte clam missi Numidse ceperunt. Quos 
tenentes locum contempta paucitate Romani postero 

s die quum deiecissent, ipsi eo transferunt castra. [Tum 
ut] itaque exiguum spatii vallum a vallo aberat, et id 
ipsum totum prope compleverat Romana acies. Simul 


et per averaa a castris Hannibalis equitattua cum levi 
armatura einissus in frumentatores late cajdem fugam- 
que hostium palatorum fecit. Nec acie certare Han- 9 
nibal ausus, quia tanta pars exercitus aberat et iam 
1 l ]>;iucitate vix castra, si oppugnarentur, tutari po- 
terat ; iamque artibus Fabii sedendo et cunctando 10 
bellum gerebat, receperatque suos in priora castra, 
quae pro Gereonii mcenibus erant. Iusta quoque acie u 
et collatis signis dimicatum, quidam auctores sunt ; 
primo concursu Pcenum usque ad castra fusum ; inde 
eruptione facta repente versum terrorem in Romanos ; 
Numerii Decimii Samnitis deinde interventu proelium 
restitutum. Hunc priucipem genere ac divitiis non 12 
Boviani modo, unde erat, sed toto Samnio, iussu dic- 
tatoris octo millia peditum et equites quingentos du- 
centem in castra, ab tergo quum apparuisset Hanni- 
bali, speciem parti utrique prsebuisse novi prsesidii 
cum Q. Fabio ab Roma venientis. Hannibalem, in- 13 
sidiarum quoque aliquid timentem, recepisse suos ; 
Romanum insecutum adiuvante Samnite duo castella 
eo die expugnasse. Sex millia hostium caesa, quinque 14 
admodum Ronianorum ; tamen in tam pari prope clade 
vanam famam egregise victorise cum vanioribus litteris 
magistri equitum Romam perlatam. 

De his rebus persaepe et in senatu et in contione 25 
actum est. Quum, lseta civitate, dictator ... . - 

^ ' ' II 13 partisans at * 

unus nihil nec fainae nec litteris crederet succ&ss^^and^ d^! 
et, ut vera omnia essent, secunda se magis P reciate FaDlu s- 
quarn adversa timere diceret, tum M. Metilius tribunus 3 
plebis id enimvero ferendum esse negat, non pisesentem 4 
solum dictatorem obstitisse rei bene gerendse, sed ab- 
Bentem etiam gestse obstare, et in ducendo bello sedulo 

104 LIVIJ 

tempus terere, quo diutius in magistratu sit solusque 

s et Romae et in exercitu imperium habeat. Quippe 

consulum alterum in acie cecidisse, alterum specie 

classis Punicae persequendae procul ab Italia ablega- 

6 tum ; duos praetores Sicilia atque Sardinia occupatos, 
quarum neutra hoc tempore provincia prsetore egeat ; 
M. Minucium magistrum equituni, ne hostem videret, 
ne quid rei bellicae gereret, prope in custodia habitum. 

7 Itaque hercule non Samnium modo, quo iam tanquani 
trans Hiberum agro Pcenis concessum sit, sed Cam- 
panum Calenumque et Falernum agrum pervastatos 
esse, sedente Casilini dictatoi'e et legionibus populi 

8 Romani agrum suum tutante. Exercitum cupientem 
pugnare et magistrum equitum clausos prope intra 
vallum retentos ; tanquam hostibus captivis arma 

9 adempta. Tandem, ut abscesserit inde dictator, ut 
obsidione liberatos, extra vallum egressos fudisse ac 

io fugasse hostes. Quas ob res, si antiquus animus plebei 
. .... . , . , Rornanaj esset, audaciter se laturum fuisse 

A bill is brought ' 

o^uaTeUn^ower de abrogando Q. Fabii imperio ; nunc 
with Fabms, modicam rogationem promulgaturum de 

ti sequando magistri equitum et dictatoris iure. Nec 
tamen ne ita quidem prius mittendum ad exercitum 
Q. Fabium, quam consulem in locum C. Flaminii 

12 Dictator contionibus se abstinuit in actione miuime 
populari. Ne in senatu quidem satis requis auribus 
audiebatur [tunc], quum hostem verbis extolleret bien- 

t3 niique clades per temeritatem atque inscientiam ducum 
acceptas referret et magistro equitum, quod contra dic- 
tum suum pugnasset, rationem diceret reddendam esse. 

14 ^i penes se summa imperii consiliique sit, propediem 


effecturuni, ut sciant homines, bono imperatore haud 
magni fbrtunam momenti esae, mentem rationemque 
domiuari, et in tempore et sine ignominia servasse ij 
ex< rcitum, qnam multa millia liostium occidisse, ma- 
torem gloriam eese. Huius generis orationibus frustra 16 
habitis, et consule creato M. Atilio Regulo, ne pnesens 
de iure imperii dimicaret, pridie quam rogationis fe- 
rendae dies adesset, nocte ad exercitum abiit. Luce 17 
orta quum plebis concilium esset, magis tacita invidia 
dictatoris favorque magistri equitum animos versabat, 
quam Batia andebant bomines ad suadendum, quod 
vulgo placebat, prodire, et favore superante auctoritas 
fcamen rogationi deerat Unus Lnventusest suasor legis 18 
C.TerentiusVarro,quiprioreannopra3tor w?lich u passed 
fuerat, loco non humili solum, sed etiam rf^G^xwrenttaa 
sordido ortus. Patrem laniumfuisseferunt, arro ' , 9 

ipsum institorem mercis, filioque hoc ipso in servilia 
eiu8 artis ministeria usum. Is iuvenis, ut priuium ex 26 
eo genere quajstus pecunia a patre relicta animos ad 
spem liberalioris fortunse fecit, togaque et fomm pla- 2 
cuere, proclamando pro sordidis hominibus causisque 
adversus rem et famam bonorum primum in notitiam 
pqpnli, deinde ad honores pervenit, qusesturaque et 3 
duabus sedilitatibus, plebeia et curuli, postremo et 
prsetura perfuuctus, iam ad consulatus spem quum 
attolleret animos, haud parum callide auram favoris 4 
poj)ularis ex dictatoris invidia petiit scitique plebis 
unus gratiam tulit. 

Omnes eam rogationem, quique Romse quique in 5 
exercitu erant, eequi atque iniqui, prajter ipsum dicta- 
torem in contumeliam eius latam acceperunt. Ipse, 6 
qua gravitate animi criminantes se ad multitudinem 

106 LIVII 

inimicos tulerat, eadein et populi in se sajvientis iuiu- 
7 riam tulit ; acceptisque iu ipso itiuere litteris senatus 
de aequato imperio, satis fidens, haudquaquam cum im- 
perii iure artem imperandi aequatam, cum invicto a 
27 civibus hostibusque animo ad exercitum rediit. Mi- 
nucius vero quum iam ante vix tolerabilis fuisset se- 

2 Minucius wishes cundis rebus ac favore vulgi, tum utique 

to exert his newly . ... , TT ., . 

acquired powcr lmmodice nnmodesteque non riannibale 

3 magis victo ab se quam Q. Fabio gloriari. Illum in 
rebus asperis unicum ducem ac parem quoesitum Han- 
nibali, maiorem minori, dictatorem magistro equitum, 
quod nulla memoria habeat annalium, iussu populi 
aequatum in eadem civitate, in qua magistri equitum 
virgas ac secures dictatoris tremere atque horrere soliti 

4 sint ; tantum suam felicitatem virtutemque enituisse. 
Ergo secuturum se fortunam suam, si dictator in cunc- 
tatione ac segnitie deorum hominumque iudicio dam- 

5 nata perstaret. Itaque quo die primum congressus est 
cum Q. Fabio, statuendum omnium primum ait esse, 

6 quemadmodum imperio sequato utantur : se optimum 
ducere, aut diebus alternis aut, si maiora intervalla 
placerent, partitis temporibus alterius summum ius 

7 imperiumque esse, ut par hosti uon solum consilio, sed 
viribus etiam esset, si quam occasionem rei gerendse 

8 habuisset. Q. Fabio haudquaquam id placere : omnia 
fortunam eam habitura, quamcunque temeritas collega: 
habuisset ; sibi communicatum cum illo, non ademp- 

9 tum imperium esse ; itaque se nuuquam volentem 
parte, qua posset, rerum consilio gerendarum cessu- 
rum, nec se tempora aut dies imperii cum eo, exer- 
citum divisurum, suisque consiliis, quoniam omnia non 

to liceret, qnoe posset, servaturum. Ita obtinuit, ut legi- 


onvs, sicut consulibus mos esset, inter se . (i| ^, s , 
divideivnt, Prima et quarta Minucio, ^ ^^^ 
mcunda et tertia Fabio evenerunt. Item ■■■■•■«-* ,, 

cquites pari numero sociumque et Latini nominis aux- 

ilia diviserunt. Castris quoque se Beparari magistcr 

equitum voluit. 

Duplex inde Hanuibali gaudium fuit ; neque enim 28 

quicquani eorum, quse apod hostes agerentur, eum 

fallebat et perfugis multa indicantibus et iic faiia nito a 

. Bnare preparedfoT 

per suos explorantem : nam et liberam him i>y Hnmdba] ■, 

Minucii temeritatem se suo modo captaturum, et sol- 

lertise Fabii dimidium virium decessisse. Tumulus 3 

erat inter castra Minucii et Poenorum, quem qui occu- 

passet, haud dubie iniquiorem erat hosti locum facturus. 

Eum non tam capere sine certamine volebat Hannibal, 4 

quanquam id operse pretium erat, quam causam cer- 

taminis cum Minucio, quem procursurum ad obsis- 

tendum satis sciebat, contrahere. Ager omnis medius 5 

erat prima specie inutilis insidiatori, quia non modo 

silvestre quicquam, sed ne vepribus quidem vestitum 

habebat, re ipsa natus tegendis insidiis, eo magis quod 6 

in nuda valle nulla talis fraus timeri poterat ; et erant 

in anfractibus cavae rupes, ut qusedam earum ducenos 

armatos possent capere. In has latebras, quot quem- 7 

que locum apte insidere poterant, quinque millia con- 

duntur peditum equitumque. Necubi tamen aut motus 8 

alicuius temere egressi aut fulgor armorum fraudem in 

valle tam aperta detegeret, missis paucis prima luce ad 

capiendum, quem ante diximus, tumulum avertit oculos 

hostium. Piimo statim conspectu contempta paucitas, s 

ac sibi quisque deposcere pellendos inde hostes ac locum 

capiendum; dux ipse inter stolidissimos ferocissimosque 

108 LIVII 

»o ad arma vocat et vanis minis increpat hostem. Prin- 
cipio levem armaturam [dimittit], deinde conferto ag- 
mine mittit equites ; postremo, quum hostibus quoque 
subsidia mitti videret, instructis legionibus procedit. 

n Et Hannibal laborantibus suis alia atque alia incres- 
cente certarnine mittens auxilia peditum equitumque 
iam iustam expleverat aciem, ac totis utrinque viribus 

12 certatur. Prima levis armatura Romanorum, prseoc- 
cupatum ex inferiore loco succedens tumulum, pulsa 
detrusaque terrorem in succedentem intulit equitem 

i 3 et ad signa legionum refugit. Peditum acies inter per- 
culsos impavida sola erat videbaturque, si iusta ac 
directa pugna esset, haudquaquani impar futura ; tan- 
tum animorum fecerat prospere aute paucos dies res 

, 4 gesta ; sed exorti repente insidiatores eum tumultum 
terroremque in latera utrinque ab tergoque incursantes 
fecerunt, ut neque aniinus ad pugnam neque ad fugam 
29 spes cuiquam superesset. Tum Fabius, primo clamore 
paventium audito, dein conspecta procul turbata acie, 
" Ita est " inquit ; " uon celerius, quam timui, depren- 

2 dit fortuna temeritateim Fabio sequatus imperio Han- 
nibalem et virtute et fortuna superiorem videt. Sed 
aliud iurgandi succensendique tenipus eritj nunc signa 
extra vallum proferte ; victoriam hosti extorqueamus, 

3 confessionem erroris civibus." Iam magna ex parte 

... , csesis aliis, aliis circurnspectantibus fugam, 

and 13 only saved i o ' 

courof^iTiel^ous Fabiana se acies repente velut cselo de- 

4 of Fabiua. missa ad auxilium ostendit. Itaque pri- 
usquam ad coniectum teli veniret aut manum consere- 
ret, et suos a fuga effusa et ab nimis feroci pugna 

5 hostes continuit. Qui solutis ordinibus vage dissipati 
erant, undique confugerunt ad integram aciem ; qui 


plures simul terga dederant, eonverad in hostem vol- 
veutesque orbem nunc sensim referre pedem, nunc 
oonglobati restare. Ac iam prope una acies facta erat 6 
\ icti atque integri cxercitus, inferebantque signa in 
hostem, quum Poenus receptui cecinit, palam ferente 
Hannibale, ab se Minucium, se ab Fabio victum. 

Ita per variam fortunam diei maiore parte exacta, 7 
quum in castra reditum esset, Minucius, tms humbies the 

. -v.l-1 cc o i> • i. pride of Alinucius 

COnVOCatlS milltlliUS, " Saepe egO mquit who makes ample 8 
...... . . amends for his 

" audivi, nnhtes, eum pnmum esse virum, presumption. 
qui ipse consulat, quid m rem sit, secundum eum, qui 
licne monenti obediat ; qui nec ipse consulere nec 
alteri parere sciat, eum extremi ingenu esse. Nobis 9 
quoniam juima animi ingeniique negata sors est, se- 
cundam ac mediam teneamus et, dum imperare dis- 
cinius, parere prudenti in anhnum inducamus. Castra 10 
cum Fabio iungamus. Ad prsetorium eius signa quum 
tulerimus, ubi ego eum parentem appellavero, quod 
beneficio eius erga nos ac maiestate eius dignum est, 
vos, milites, eos, quorum vos modo arma ac dexterse " 
texerunt, patronos salutabitis, et, si nihil aliud, gra- 
torum certe nobis animorum gloriam dies hic dederit." 
Signo dato conclamatur inde, ut colligantur vasa. Pro- 30 
fecti et agmine incedentes ad dictatoris castra in ad- 
mirationem et ipsum et omnes, qui circa erant, con- 
verterunt. Ut constituta sunt ante tribunal signa, 2 
progressus ante alios magister equitum, quum patrem 
Fabium appellasset, circumfusosque lnihtum eius to um 
agmeu patronos consalutasset, " Parentibus " inquit i 
" meis, dictator, quibus te modo nomine, quod fando 
possum, sequavi, vitam tantum debeo, tibi quum meam 
suhitem, tum omnium horum. Itaque plebeiscitum, 4 

110 LTVTI 

quo oneratus sum magis quani honoratus, primus anti- 
quo abrogoque et, quod tibi niihique [quod] exercitibus- 
que his tuis, servato ac conservatori, sit felix, sub 
imperium auspiciumque tuum redeo et signa haec le- 

s gionesque restituo. Tu, quseso, placatus me magis- 
terium equitum, hos ordines suos quemque tenere 

6iubeas." Tum dextrae interiunctse militesque, con- 
tione dimissa, ab notis ignotisque benigne atque hos- 
pitaliter invitati, lsetusque dies ex adoiodum tristi 

7 paulo ante ac prope exsecrabili factus. Poma?, ut est 
perlata fama rei gestse, dein litteris non magis ipsorum 
imperatorum quam vulgo militum ex utroque exercitu 
affirmata, pro se quisque Maximum laudibus ad ceelum 

8 ferre. Par gloria apud Hannibalem hostesque Pcenos 
erat ; ac tum demum sentire, cum Eomanis atque in 

9 Italia bellum esse ; nam biennio ante adeo et duces 
Romanos et milites spreverant, ut vix cum eadem 
gente bellum esse crederent, cuius terribilem famam 

io a patribus accepissent. Hannibalem quoque ex acie 
redeuntem dixisse ferunt, tandem eam nubem, quse 
sedere in iugis montium solita sit, cum procella im- 
brem dedisse. 
31 Dum hsec geruntur in Italia, Cn. Servilius Gemi- 
Servjiius lauds on nus consul cum classe centum viginti na- 
forplnnder.butia vium circuinvectus Sardinise et Corsicae 

drivun back with . . . 

loss, oram, et obsidibus utrinque acceptis, rn 

2 Africam transmisit, et priusquam in continentem 
escensionem faceret, Menige insula vastata et ab in- 
colentibus Cercinam, ne et ipsorum ureretur diripere- 
turque ager, decem talentis argenti acceptis, ad litora 

3 Africae accessit copiasque exposuit. Inde ad popu- 
landum agrum ducti milites navalesque socii iuxta 


offusi, ac si in insulis cultorum egentibus preedarentur.l^ 
Itaque in insidias temere illati, quum a frequentibus * 
palantes, ab locorum gnaris ignari circumvenirentur, 
cum multa csede ac foeda fuga retro ad naves com- 
puisi sunt. Ad mille hominum, cuin iis Sempronio s 
Blaeso quaestore amisso, classis ab litoribus hostium 
plenis trepide soluta in Siciliam cursum tenuit, tradi- 6 
taque Lilybaei T. Otacilio praetori, ut ab legato eius 
P. Sura Romam reduceretur. Ipse per and returns t0 7 
Sieiliain pedibus profectus freto in Ita- [£ e c ^™» d $ 
liam traiecit, litteris Q. Fabii accitus et a 1US ' 
ipse et collega eius M. Atilius, ut exercitus ab se, ex- 
acto iam prope semestri imperio, acciperent. 

Omnium prope annales Fabium dictatorem adver- 8 
sus Hannibalem rem gessisse tradunt ; 
Cselius etiam eum primum a populo crea- tatorintheannais 

. thoii|;h he could 

tum dictatorem scribit. Sed et Caalium not have beeu re- „ 


et ceteros fugit, uni consuli Cn. Ser- 
vilio, qui tum procul in Gallia provincia aberat, ius 
fuisse dicendi dictatoris ; quam moram quia exspec- io 
tare territa iam clade civitas non poterat, eo decursum 
esse, ut a populo crearetur, qui pro dictatore esset ; 
res inde gestas gloriamque insignem ducis et augentes « 
titulum imaginis posteros, ut, qui pro dictatore fuisset 
dictator crederetur, facile obtinuisse. 

Consules Atilius Fabiano, Geminus Servilius Mi- 32 
nuciano exercitu accepto, hibernaculis The Homana 

... , , . liarass Hannihal 

mature commumtis, quod reaquum au- at Gereonium 

„ . .. ... without acceptiiiK' 

tumni erat, rabn artibus cum summa battie. 
inter se concordia bellum gesserunt. Frumentatum 2 
exeunti Hannibali diversis locis opportuni aderant, 
caiT>entes agmen palatosque excipientes ; in casum uni- 

112 LIVII 

versse dimicationis, quam omnibus artibus petebat 
3 hostis, non veniebaut, eoque inopiae est redactus Han- 
nibal, ut, nisi cum fugse specie abeundum ei fuisset, 
Galliam repetiturus fuerit, nulla relicta spe alendi 
exercitus in eis locis, si insequentes consules eisdem 
artibus bellum gererent. 
. Quum ad Gereonium iam hieme impediente con- 
Neapoiis sends stitisset belluin,Neapolitani legatiPomam 

gifts and promises 

of loyai heip. venere. Ab iis quadragmta paterse au- 
rese magni ponderis in curiam illatse atque ita verba 
sfacta, ut dicerent, scire sese, populi Romani serarium 
bello exhauriri, et, quum iuxta pro urbibus agrisque 
sociorum ac pro capite atque arce Italise, urbe Romana, 

6 atque imperio geratur, sequum censuisse Neapolitanos, 
quod auri sibi quum ad templorum ornatum, tum ad 
subsidium fortuna? a maioribus relictum foret, eo iu- 

7 vare populum Romanum. Si quam opem in sese cre- 
derent, eodem studio fuisse oblaturos. Gratum sibi 
patres Romanos populumque facturum, si omnes res 

s Neapolitanorum suas duxissent, dignosque iudicaverint, 
ab quibus donum animo ac voluntate eorum, qui li- 
bentes darent, quam re maius ampliusque acciperent. 
9 Legatis gratiae actae pro munificentia curaque ; patera, 
quae ponderis minimi fuit, accopta. 
33 Per eosdem dies speculator Carthaginiensis, qui 
Rome is.not too P er biennium fefellerat, Romse deprensus 

2 bythe war uftlke praecisisque manibus dimissus, et servi 
wSds nt the tl0 Uugs quinque et viginti in crucem acti, quod 
iilyria, and aiso m campo Martio coniurassent ; indici 

data libertas et a^ris gravis viginti millia. 

3 Legati et ad Phikppuni Macedonum regem missi ad 
deposcendum Demetrium Pharium, qui bello victus 


ail cuin fugisset, et alii in Ligures ud expostulanduui, 4 
qaod Ptvnum opibus auxiliisque suis iuvissent, simul 
ad visenduni ex propinqno, quse in Boiis atque Insubri- 
bus gercrentur. Ad Pineum quoque regem in Illyrios 5 
LegatJ missi ad stipendium, cuins dies exierat, poscen- 
dum aut, si diem proferri vellet, obsides accipiendos. 
Adeo, etsi bellum ingens in cervicibus erat, uullius 6 
usquam teriarum rei cura Romanos, ne longinquse 
quidem, effugiebat. In religionera etiam venit, sedem 7 
Conoordisa, quam per seditionem militarem biennio 
ante L. Manlius prsetor in Gallia vovisset, locatam ad 
id tempus non esse. Itaque duumviri ad eam rem 8 
creati a M. ^Emilio prsetore urbano, C. Pupius et 
Cseso Quinctius Flamininus, sedem in arce faciendam 

Ab eodem prsetore ex senatus consulto litterse ad 9 
consules missse, ut, si iis videretur, alter tiio consuis can- 

. . _ not retum for the 

eorum ad consules creandos Komam ve- eiectionsandadic- 


niret; se in eam diem, quam mssissent, audafterwardsin- 

1 / terreges for the 

coinitia edicturum. Ad hsec a consuli- purpose. IO 

bus rescriptum, sine detrimento rei publicse abscedi 
non posse ab hoste ; itaque per interregem comitia 
habenda esse potius, quam consul alter a bello avocare- 
tur. Patribus rectius visum est, dictatorem a consule n 
dici comitiorum habendorum causa. Dictus L. Vetu- 
rius Philo M'. Pomponium Mathonem magistrum 
equitum dixit. Iin vitio creatis iussisque die quarto t2 
decimo se magistratu abdicare, ad interregnum res 
rediit. Consulib\is prorogatum in annum imperium. 34 
Interreges proditi sunt a patribus C. Claudius App. 
filius Cento, inde P. Cornelius Asina. In eius inter- 
regno comitia habita magno certamine patrum ac 
n t R 

114 LTVTl 

2 plebis. C. Terentio Varroni, quem sui generis homi- 
nem, plebi insectatione principum popularibusque 
.artibus conciliatum, ab Q. Fabii opibus et dictatorio 
imperio concusso aliena invidia splendentem, vulgus 
cxtrahere ad consulatum nitebatur, patres summa ope 
obstabant, ne se insectando sibi sequari assuescerent 

3 homines. Q. Baebius Herennius tribunus plebis, cog- 
Discontentamong natus C. Terentii, criminando non sena- 

tln- lower orders - , i v 

is fostered by the tum modo, sed etiam augures, quod mc- 

tribuue Ileren- .... ... n 

uius, tatorem prohibuissent comitia perncere, 

per invidiam eorum favorem candidato suo concilia- 

4 bat f Ab hominibus nobiUbus, per multos annos bellum 
quau-entibus, Hannibalem in Italiam adductum ; ab 
iisdem, quum debellari possit, fraude bellum trahi. 

5 Quum quattuor legionibus universis pugnari possc 
apparuisset eo, quod M. Minucius absente Fabio pros- 

6 pere pugnasset, duas legiones, hosti ad caedein obiectas, 
deinde ex ipsa csede ereptas, ut pater patronusque 
appellaretur, qui prius vincere prohibuisset Romanos 

7 quam vinci. Consules deinde Fabianis artibus, quum 
debellare j^ossent, bellum traxisse. Id fcedus inter 
oinnes nobiles ictum, nec finem ante belli habituros, 
quam consulem vere plebeium, id est, hominem novum 

8 fecissent ; nam plebeios nobiles iam eisdem initiatos 
esse sacris et contemnere plebem, ex quo contemni a 

9 patribus desierint, ccepisse. Cui non apparere, id 
actuin et qusesitum esse, ut interregnum iniretur, ut 

io iu patrum potestate comitia essent 1 ' Id consules 
ambos ad exercitum morando qusesisse; id postea, quia 
invitis iis dictator esset dictus comitiorum causa, ex- 
pugnatum esse, ut vitiosus dictator per augures fieret. 

»i Habere igitur interregnum eos; consulatum unum 


L-riti' plebis Komanae esse ; populum libernm habi- 
turuin ac daturum ei, qui mature vincere quam diu 
imperare malit. 

Quuin his orationibus acceusa plebs esset, tribus 35 
patrioiu pete&tibus, P. Conielio Me- and c Tcrcntius 
renda, L. Manlio Vulsone, M. ^Emilio «»etoctedoon«uli 
Lepido, duobus nobilibus iam familiarum plebei, C. 2 
Atilio Berrano et Q. JEAio Paeto, quorum alter ponti- 
fex, alter augur erat, C. Terentius consul unus creatur, 
ut iu manu eius essent comitia rogando collegse. Tum 3 - 
experta nobilitas, parum fuisse virium in competitori- 
Ijus eius, L. ^Emilium Paulum, qui cum M. Livio 
cousul fuerat et danmatione collegse et aftenvar(1 , L- & 
sua proj>e ambuetus evaserat, infestum millu8 1>aulus - 
plebei, diu ac multum recusantem ad petitionem com- 
pellit. Is proximo comitiali die, conceflentibus om- 4 
nibus, qui curn Varrone certaverant, par magis in 
adversaudum quam collega datur considi. Inde prae- 
torum comitia habita, Creati M'. Pomponius Matho 5 
et P. Furius Pldlus; Philo Romse iuri dicundo urbana 
sors, Pomponio inter cives Romanos et peregrinos 
evenit ; additi duo prsetores, M. Claudius Marcellus 6 
in Siciliam, L. Postumius Albinus in Galliam. Omnes 7 
alisentes creati sunt, nec cuiquam eorum, prseter Te- 
rentiura consulem, mandatus honos, quem non iam 
antea gessisset, praeteritis aliquot fortibus ac strenuis 
viris, quia in tali tempore nulli novus magistratus 
videbatur mandandus. 

Exercitus quoque multiplicati sunt ; quantse autem 36 
copiae peditum equitumque additae sint, Larger armics arf , 
adeo et numero et genere copiarum va- i^pe^PbVmtfnic 
riant auctores, ut vix quicquam satis the war to a ^ 1030 - 


116 LIVH 

* certum aifirmare ausus sim. Deceru niillia novorutu 
militum alii scripta in supplementum, alii novas quat- 

3 tuor legiones, ut octo legionibus rem gererent; nuniero 
quoque peditum equitumque iegiones auctas, millibus 
peditum et centenis equitibus in singulas adiectis, ut 
quina millia peditum, ti'eceni equites essent, socii 
duj)licem numerum equitum darent, peditis sequarent, 

4 septem et octoginta millia armatorum et ducentos in 
castris Romanis /uisse, quiun pugnatum ad Cannas est, 

5 quidam auctores sunt. lllud haudquaquam discrepat, 
maiore conatu atque impetu rem actam quam prioribus 
annis, quia spem, posse vinci hostem, dictator pise- 

6 Ccteraru priusquam signa ab urbe novas legiones 
and the sibyiiine moverent, decemviri libros adire atque 

books again con- .... . , , 

suited. mspicere iussi propter teriitos vuigo no- 

7 mines novis prodigiis. Nam et Romae in Aventino 
et Ariciae nuntiatum erat sub idem tempus lapidibus 
pluvisse, et multo cruore signa in Sabinis sudasse et 

8 aquas fonte calido gelidas manasse ; id quidem etiam, 
quod sajpius acciderat, magis terrebat ; et in via for- 
nicata, quse ad campum erat, aliquot homines de caelo 
tacti exanimatique fuerant. Ea prodigia ex libris 

„ procurata. Legati a Paesto pateras aureas Romam 
attuleriuit. Iis, sicut Neapolitanis, gratiffi actae, aurum 
non acceptum. 
37 Per eosdem dies ab Hierone classis Ostia cum 

2 King Hiero sends magno commeatu accessit. Legati in se- 

large supplies of 

com and a force natum rntroducti nuntiarunt, casdem C. 

of archers and . .. 

siingers. Jblaminu consuiis exercitusque allatam 

adeo aegre tulisse regem Hieronem, ut nulla sua pro- 

3 pria regnique sui clade moveri magis potuerit. Ita- 

LIBBIt XX 11. 117 

que, quamquam probe sciat, magnitudinem populi 
Romani admirabiliorem prope adversis rebus quam 
Mcandis esse, tamen se omnia, quibus a bonis fideli- 4 
busque sociis bella iuvari soleant, misisse ; quae ne 
Booipere abnuant, magno opere se patres conscriptos 
orare. Iam omnium primum ominis causa Victoriam 5 
auream pondo ducentum ac viginti afferre sese. Ac- 
ciperent eam tenerentque et baberent propriam et 
perpetuam. Advexisse etiam trecenta millia modium 6 
tritici, ducenta bordei, ne commeatus deessent, et 
quantum praeterea opus esset, quo iussissent, subvec- 
turos. Milite atque equite scire nisi Romano La- 7 
tinique nominis non uti populum Romanum ; levium 
armomm auxilia etiam externa vidisse in castris 
Romanis. Itaque misisse mille sagittariorum ac fun- 8 
ditorum, aptam mauum adversus Baliares ac Mauros 
pugnacesque alias missili telo gentes. Ad ea dona 9 
consilium quoque addebant, ut prsetor, cui provincia 
Sicilia evenisset, classem in Africam traiiceret, ut et 
hostes in terra sua bellum haberent, minusque laxa- 
menti daretur iis ad auxilia Hannibali summittenda. 
Ab senatu ita responsum regi est, virum bonum egre- 10 
giumque socium Hiei'onem esse atque uno tenore, ex 
quo in amicitiam populi Romani venerit, fidem co- 
luisse ac rem Romanam omni tempore ac loco munifice 
adiuvisse. Id perinde, ac deberet, gratum populo 
Romano esse. Auram et a civitatibus quibusdam n 
allatum, gratia rei accepta, non accepisse populum 
Romanum ; Victoriam omenque accipere, sedemque ei 1* 
se divse dare dicare Capitoliuni, templum lovis optimi 
maximi. In ea arce urbis Romause sacratam volentem 
propitiamque, firmam ac stabilem fore populo Romano. 

118 LIVII 

13 Funditores sagittariique et frumentum traditum coji- 
sulibus. Quinqueremes ad centum viginti navium 
classem, quae cum T. Otacilio propraetore in Sicilia 
erat, quinque et viginti additae, permissumque est, ut, 
si e re publica censeret esse, in Africam traiiceret. 
38 Dileetu perfecto consules paucos morati dies, dum 
a ab sociis ac nomine Latino venirent milites. Tum, 
The levies are-quod nunquam antea factum erat,- iure 

raised with un- . ... ... . 

usuai soiemnities. mrando ab tribums mihtum adacti mi- 
3lites; nam ad eam diem niliil praeter sacx-amentuni 
fuerat, iussu consulum conventuros neque iniussu 
abituros, et ubi ad decuriandum aixt centuriandum 
convenissent, sua voluntate ipsi inter sese decuriati 

4 equites, centuriati pedites coniurabant, sese fugae atque 
formidinis ergo non abituros neque ex ordine reces- 
suros nisi teli sumendi aut petendi [et] aut hostis feri- 

5 endi aut civis servandi causa. Id ex voluntario inter 
ipsos foedere ad tribunos ac legitimam iuris iurandi 
adactionem translatum. 

6 Contiones, priusquam ab urbe signa moverentur, 

. consulis Varronis multae ac feroces fuere, 

The partmg words 

°J Y arr ? f a , re fu " denuntiantis, bellum arcessitum in Ita- 

of boastful arro- ' 

gance - liam ab nobilibus mansurumque in visce- 

7 ribus rei publicse, si plures Fabios imperatores haberet, 

8 se, quo die hostem vidisset, peifecturum. Collegae eius 

Paulusisinadiffe- Pauli UUa ' P ridie _<l uam eX urbe Proficis- 

rentmood ceretur, contio fuit, verior quam gratior 

populo, qua nihil inclementer in Varronem dictum 

9 nisi id modo, mirari se, [quod ne] qui dux, priusquam 
aut suum aut hostium exercitum, locorum situm, 
naturam; regionis nosset, iam nunc togatus in urbe 

io sciret, quae sibi agenda armato forent, et diem quoque 


pradicere posset, qua cum hoste signis collatis esset 
diraicaturus ; se, qiue consilia magia res dent homini- u 
bus quara homines rebtts, ea ante tenipus immatura 
non praecepturum ; optare, ut, quse caute ac consulte 
gesta essent, satis prospere evenirent ; temeritatem, 12 
prjeterquam quod stulta sit, infelicera etiain ad id lo- 
connu fuisse. Et sua sponte apparebat tuta celeribus i 3 
eonsiliis praepositurum, et, quo id constantius perse- 
veraiet, Q. Fabius Maximus sic eum proficiscentem 
allocutus fertur. 

11 Si aut collegam, id quod mallem, tui similem, 39 
L. ^Emili, haberes aut tu colle£Pe tui .... . .. 

° and hstens to tlie 

- sirailis, supervacanea esset oratio ^f™.^*,^"'"',""^;! 
mea ; nam et duo boni cousules, etiam ° autl0US > 2 

rae indicente, omnia e re publica fide^e vestra face- 
retis et mali nec mea verba autibus vestris nec consilia 
animis acciperetis. Nunc et collegam tuum et te 3 
Uilem viriun intuenti mihi tecum omnis oratio est, 
quem video nequicquam et virum bonum et civem 
fore, si, altera parte claudente re publica, malis con- 
siliis idem ac bouis iuris et potestatis erit. Erras 4 
enim, L. Paule, si tibi minus certaminis cura C. Te- 
rentio quara cum Hannibale futurum censes; nescio 
an infestior hic adversarius quam ille hostis maneat te. 
Cum illo in acie tantum, cum hoc omnibua locis ac 5 
temporibus certaturus es ; adversus Hannibalem le- 
gionesque eius tuis equitibus ac peditibus pugnandum 
fcibi erit, Varro dux tuis militibus te est oppugnaturus. 
Ominis etiam tibi causa absit C. Flaminii memoria. 6 
Tamen ille consul demum et in provincia et ad exerci- 
tum ccepit furere ; hic, priusquam peteret consulatum, 
deinde in petendo consulatu, nunc quoque consul, 

120 LIVII 

7 priusquam castra videat aut hostem, insanit. Et qui 
tantas iam nunc procellas proelia atque acies iactando 
inter togatos ciet, quid inter armatam iuventutem 
censes facturum et ubi extemplo res verba sequitur 1 

8 Atqui si hic, quod facturum se denuntiat, extemplo 
pugnaverit, aut ego rem militarem, belli hoc genus, 
hostem hunc ignoro, aut nobilior alius Trasumenno 

9 locus nostris cladibus erit. Nec gloriandi tempus ad- 
versus unum est, et ego contemnendo potius quam 
appetendo gloriam modum excesserim ; sed ita res se 
habet : una ratio belli gerendi adversus Hannibalem 

io est, qua ego gessi. Nec eventus modo hoc docet 
(stultorum iste magister est), sed eadem ratio, quse 
fuit futuraque, donec res eaedem manebunt, immuta- 

ix bilis est. In Italia bellum geximus, in sede ac solo 
nostro ; omnia circa plena civium ac sociorum sunt ; 
armis, viris, equis, commeatibus iuvant iuvabuntque : 

12 id iam fidei documentum in adversis rebus nostris 
dederunt; meliores, prudentiores, constantiores nos 

i 3 tempus diesque facit. Hannibal contra in aliena, in 
hostili est terra inter omnia inimica infestaque, procul 
ab domo, ab patria ; neque illi terra neque mari est 
pax ; nullse eum urbes accipiunt, nulla mcenia ; nihil 

14 usquam sui videt, in diem rapto vivit ; partem vix 
tertiam exercitus eius habet, quem Hiberum amnem 
traiecit ; plures fame quam ferro absumpti ; nec his 

15 paucis iam victus suppeditat. Dubitas ergo, quin se- 
dendo superaturi simus eum, qui senescat in dies, non 
commeatus, non supplementum, non pecuniam habeat 1 ? 

16 Quamdiu pro Gereonii, castelli Apulise inopis, tan- 
i 7 quam pro Carthaginis mcenibus sedet 1 Sed ne ad- 

versus te quidem de me gloriabor. Cn. Scrvilius atque 


Atilius, proxirni consulea, vide, quemadrnodum eum 
liulincati sint. Hsec una salutis est via, L. Paule, 
quam difficilem infestamque cives tibi magis quam 
hostes facient. Idem enim tui, quod hostium milites 18 
volent; idem Yarro consul Pomanus, quod Hannibal 
Pcenus imperator cupiet. Duobus ducibus unus re- 
sistas oportet. Resistes autem, $i adversus famam 
rmnoresque hominum satis firmus steteris, si te neque 
collegse vana gloria neque tua falsa infimia moverit. 
Veritatem laborare nimis saepe aiunt, exstingui nun- 19 
quam. Vanam gloriam qui spreverit, veram habebit. 
Siue, timidum pro cauto, tardum pro considerato, im- 20 
hellem pro perito belli vocent. Malo, te sapiens hostis 
tnetaat, quarn stulti cives laudent. Omnia audentem 
contemnet Hannibal, nihil temere agentem metuet. 
Nec ego, ut nihil agatur, suadeo, sed ut agentem te 21 
ratio ducat, non fortuna ; tuse potestatis semper tu 
tuaque omnia sint ; armatus intentusque sis ; neque 
occasioni tu« desis neque suam occasionem hosti des. 
Omnia non properanti clai-a certaque erunt ; festinatio 22 
improvida est et cseca," 

Adversus ea oratio consulis haud sane lseta fuit, 40 
magis fatentis ea, quse diceret, vera quam butisnotsanguine 
facilia factu esse. Dictatori magistnim ofsuccess - 2 

equitum intolerabilem fuisse ; quid consuli adversus 
collegam seditiosum ac temerarium virium atque auc- 
toritatis fore 1 Se populare incendium priore consulatu 3 
semustum effugisse ; optare, ut omnia prospere eveni- 
rent ; sed si quid adversi caderet, hostium se telis 
potius quam suffragiis iratorum civium caput obiec- 

Ab hoc sermone profectum Paulum tradunt, pro- 4 

122 LIVII 

sequeutibus primoribus patrum ; plebeium consulem 

sua plebes prosecuta, turba conspectior, quum diguitas 

. _ „ ,. . deesset. Ut in castra venerunt, permixto 

-> Hannibal hopesto ' L 

teniptthuRouians novo exercitu ac vetere, castris bifariam 

to a general eu- ' 

gagement, factis, ut nova minora essent propius 

Hannibalem, in veteribus maior pars et omne robur 

6 virium esset, consuluni anni prioris M. Atilium, seta- 
tem excusantem, Romam miserunt, Geminum Ser- 
vilium in minoribus castris legioni Rornanse et socium 

r peditum equitumque duobus millibus praeficiunt. Han- 
nibal quanquam parte dimidia auctas hostium copias 
cernebat, tamen adventu consulum mire gaudere. 

8 Non solum enim nihil ex raptis in diem commeatibus 
superabat, sed ne unde raperet quidem, quicquam 
reliqui erat, omni undique frumento postquam ager 

9 parum tutus erat, in urbes munitas convecto, ut vix 
decem dierum, quod compertum postea est, frumentum 
superesset, Hispanorumque ob inopiam transitio parata 
fuerit, si maturitas temporum exspectata foret. 

41 Ceterum temeritati consulis ac pr?epropero ingenio 
materiam etiam fortuna dedit, quod in pro- 

especially after ' ~ l 

they had gained hibendis prsedatoribns tumultuario prcelio 

some successes m r r 

skirmisiung. ac p rocursu magis militum quam ex prae- 

parato aut iussu imperatorum orto haudquaquam par 

2 Poenis dimicatio fuit. Ad mille et septingenti caesi, 
non plus centum Romanorum sociorumque occisis. 
Ceterum victoribus effuse sequentibus metu insidiarum 
obstitit Paulus consul, cuius eo die (nam alternis im- 

3 peritabant) imperium erat, Varrone indignante ac 
vociferante, emissum hostem e manibus debellarique, 

4 ni cessatum foret, potuisse. Hannibal id damnum 
haud aegerrime pati; quin potius credere, velut ines- 


catam teiiievitatem fcrocioris cousulis ac novorum 
maxinic inilitum esse. Et oninia ei hostium haud 5 
secus quam sua nota eraut : dissimiles discordesque 
imperitare, duas prope partes tironum militum in ex- 
civitu esse. Itaque locum et tempus insidiis aptum 6 
se habere ratus, nocte proxima, nihil pra> „ c lays a trap for 
ter arma ferente secum milite, castra tlle ' I1 • 
plena omnis fortunaj publicre privataeque relinquit, 
transque proximos montes lseva pedites instructos 7 
condit, dcxtra equites, impedimenta per convallem 
mediam traducit, ut diripicndis velut desertis fuga 8 
dominorum castris occupatum impeditumque hostem 
opprimeret. Crebri relicti in castris ignes, ut fides 9 
ficrct, dum ipse longius spatium fuga pra^ciperet, falsa 
imagine castrorum, sicut Fabium priore anno frus- 
tratus esset, tenere in locis consules voluissc. Ubi 42 
illuxit, subductse primo stationes, deinde propius ade- 
untibus insolitum silentium admirationem fecit. lam 2 
satis comperta solitudine in castris, concursus fit ad 
pratoria consulum nuntiantium fugam hostium adeo 
trepidam, ut tabernaculis stantibus castra reliquerint, 
quoque fuga obscurior esset, crebros etiam relictos 
ignes. Clamor inde ortus, ut signa proferri iuberent 3 
ducerentque ad persequendos hostes ac protinus castra 
diripienda. Et consul alter velut unus int0 wllich tney 
turbae militaris erat; Paulus etiam at- ^ «Ltiofrf 4 
que etiam dicere providendum prsecaven- au U8 ' 
dumque esse ; postremo, quum aliter neque seditionem 
neque ducem seditionis sustinere posset, Marium Sta- 
tilium prsefectum cum turma Lucana exploratum 
mittit. Qui ubi adequitavit portis, subsistere extra 5 
munimenta ceteris iussis, ipse cum duobus equitibus 

124 LIYH 

vallum intravit, speculatusque omnia cum cura re- 

6 nuntiat, insidias profecto esse ; ignes in parte castro- 
rum, quse vergat ad hostem, relictos ; tabernacula 
aperta et omnia cara in promptu relicta ; argentum 
quibusdam locis teinere per vias velul obiectum ad 

7 praedam vidisse. Quse ad deterrendos a cupiditate 
animos nuntiata erant, ea accenderunt, et clamore orto 
a militibus, ni signum detur, sine ducibus ituros, haud- 
quaquam dux defuit ; nam extemplo Varro signuin 

8 dedit proficiscendi. Paulus, quum ei sua sponte cunc- 
tanti pulli quoque auspicio non addixissent, nuntiari 

9 iam efferenti porta signa collegpe iussit. Quod quan- 
quam Varro segi;e est passus, Flaminii tamen recens 
casus Claudiique consulis primo Punico bello memo- 

io rata navaHs clades religionem animo incussit. Di 
prope ipsi eo die magis distulere quam prohibuere 
imminentem pes,tem Romanis ; nam forte ita evenit, 
ut, quum referri signa in castra iubenti consuli milites 

ii non parerent, servi duo, Formiani unus, alter Sidicini 
equitis, qui Servilio atque Atilio consulibus inter 
pabulatores excepti a Numidis fuerant, profugerent 
eo die ad dominos ; deductique ad consules nuntiant, 
omnem exercitum Hannibalis trans proximos montes 

12 sedere in insidiis. Horum opportunus adventus con- 
sules imperii potentes fecit, quum ambitio alterius 
suam primum apud eos prava indulgentia maiestatem 
43 Hannibal postquam motos magis inconsulte Ro- 
want of suppiies manos quam ad ultimum temere evectos 
tire to Cauuae, vidit, nequicquam detecta fraude in cas- 

8 tra rediit. Ibi plures dies propter inopiam frumenti 
manere nequit, novaque consilia in dies non apud 


militea Bolam mixtos ex colluvione omnium gentiam, 
■ed etiam ajtud duceni ipsum oriebantur. Nam quuni 3 
iuitio freruitus, deiude aperta vociferatio fuisset ex- 
poaoentium atipendium debitum quereutiumque an- 
nonaui jtrimo, postreino famein, et niercenarios milites, 
inaxime Hisj>ani generis, de transitione cej)isse eou- 
siliuui fama esset, ipse etiam interdum Hannibal de 4 
fuga in Galliam dieitur agitasse, ita ut, relicto jteditatu 
oiiiiii, cum equitibus se proriperet. Quum haec con- s 
siiia atque hic habitus auimorum esset in castris, 
movere inde statuit in calidiora atque eo mattiriora 
ines-ibus Apuliae loca, simul ut, quo longius al> hoste 
recessisset, transfugia impeditiora levibus ingeniis es- 
sent. Profectus est nocte iguibus similiter factis ta- 6 
bernaculisque paucis in sjjeciem relictis, ut insidiarum 
par priori metus contineret Romanos. Sed per eun- 7 
dem Lucanum Statilium omnibus ultra castra transque 
montes exploratis, quum relatum esset, visum procul 
hostium agmen, tum de insequendo eo consilia agitari 
cojptu. Quum utriusque consulis eadem, quse aute 8 
Bemper, fuisset sententia, ceterum Varroni fere omnes, 
Paulo nemo praeter Servilium, prioris anni consulem, 
assentiretur, maioris partis sententia ad nobilitandas 9 
clade Pomana Cannas urgente fato profecti sunt. Pro- 10 
pe eum vicum Hannibal castra posuerat aversa a Vul- 
turno vento, qui cainjris torridis siccitate nubes jmlveris 
vehit. Id quum ipsis castris percommodum fuit, tum n 
salutare praecipue futumm erat, quum aciem dirigerent, 
ipsi aversi, terga tantum afflante vento, in occoecatum 
pulveie offuso hostem pugnaturi. 

Consules, satis exploratis itineribus, sequentes 44 
Pcenum, ut ventum ad Cannas est et in conspectu 

126 LIVll 

Pccnum habebaut, bina castra connnuniunt, eodem 
ferme intervallo, quo ad Gereoniuni. sicut 

wlntlar tlic BO- ' 1 

- Smii^wiui'''.!!' ai ite, copiis divisis. Aufidus amnis, utris- 
videffcounsels. que castris affluens, aditum aquatoribus 
ex sua cuiusque opportunitate liaud sine certamine 

3 dabat ; ex minoribus tamen castris, quae posita trans 
Auiidum erant, liberius aquabantur Romani, quia ripa 

4 ulterior nullum habebat hostium prsesidium. Hanni- 
bal spem nanctus, locis natis ad equestrem pugnam, 
qua parte virium invictus erat, facturos copiam pug- 
nandi consules, dirigit aciem lacessitque Numidarum 

5 procursatione hostes. Inde rursus sollicitari seditione 
niilitari ac discordia consulum Romana castra, quum 
Paulus Semproniique et Flaminii temeritatem Varro- 
ui, Varro Paulo speciosum timidis ac seguibus ducibus* 

6 exemplum Fabiuni obiiceret, testareturque deos homi- 
nesque hic, nullain penes se culpam esse, quod Hanni- 
bal iam velut usu cepisset Italiam; se constrictum a 
collega teneri; ferrum atque arma iratis et pugnare 

7 cupientibus adimi militibus; ille, si quid proiectis ac 
proditis ad inconsultam atque iuiprovidam pugnam 
legionibus accideret, se omnis culpse exsortem, omnis 
eventus participem fore diceret ; videret, ut, quibus 
lingua tam prompta ac temeraria, seque in pugna 
vigerent manus. 

45 Dum altercationibus magis quam consiliis tempus 
Tiic Punic skir- teiitur, Hanuibal ex acie, quam ad mul- 


Romans, tum diei tenuerat instructam, quum in 

a castra ceteras reciperet copias, Numidas ad invadendos 

ex minoribus castris Romanoruin aquatores trans flu- 
3 men mittit. Quam inconditam turbam quum vixdum 

in ripam egressi clamore ac tumultu fugassent, vn 


statianem quoque pro vallo Locatam atque ipsaa prope 
portaa evecti suut. I<1 vero adeo Lndignum viaum, ab 4 
tumultuario auxilio iam etiam castra Romana terreri, 
ui ea modo nna cauaa, ne extemplo tranairent flumen 
dirigerentqne aciem, tenuerit Romanos, quod Bumma 
imperii eo die penea Paulum fuerit. Itaque postero 5 
«lic Varro, cui sors eius diei imperii erat, .„„, Varro insists 
nihil consulto collega aignum proposuit on affering ba * ae 
instiuctasque copias fluruen traduxit, sequente Paulo, 
quia magis 11011 probare quaru non adiuvare consilium 
poterat. Tranagresai flumen eas quoque, quas in cas- 6 
tris minoribna habuerant, copias suis adiungunt atque 
ita instruunt aciem : in dextro cornu (id erat flumini 
propius) Romanos equites locant, deinde peditesj 1*- 7 
vuin cornu extremi equitcs sociorum, intra pedites, ad 
Diedium iuncti legionibus Romanis, tenuerunt; iacu- 
latores cum ceteris levium armorum auxiliis prima 
acies facta. Cousules cornua tenuere, Terentius kevuni, 8 
.Kuiilius dextrum 5 Gemino Servilio media pugna 
tucnda data. 

Hannibal luce prima, Baliaribua levique alia arma- 46 
tura prsemissa, transgressus flumen, ut for wllich Hanui . 
quosque traduxerat, ita in acie locabat, bal w P re P ared - 
Galios Hispanosque equites prope ripam Isevo in cornu 3 
adversus Eomanum equitatum ; dextrum cornu Numi- 3 
dia equitibua datum, media acie peditibus firmata, ita 
ut Afrorum utraque cornua essent, interpouerentur bis 
medii Galli atque Hispani. Afros Romanam niagna 4 
ex parte crederes aciem; ita armati erant armis et ad 
Trebiam, ceterum magna ex parte ad Trasumennum 
captis. Gallis Hispanisque scuta eiusdem formse fere 5 
erant, dispares ac dissimiles gladii, Gallis prselongi ac 

128 LIVII 

sine mucronibus, Hispano, punctim niagis quam csesim 
assueto petere bostem, brevitate habiles et cum mucro- 
nibus. Ante alios habitus gentium harum quiun mag- 

6 nitudine corporum, tum specie terribilis erat : Galli 
super umbilicum erant nudi; Hispani linteis praetextis 
purpura tunicis, candore miro fulgentibus, constiterant. 
Numerus omnium peditum, qui tum steterunt in acie, 

7 millium fuit quadraginta, decem equitum. Duces 
cornibus prseerant sinistro Hasdrubal, dextro Mahar- 
bal ; mediam aciem Hannibal ipse cum fratre Magone 

8 tenuit. Sol seu de industria ita locatis, seu quod 
forte ita stetere, peropportune utrique parti obliquus 
erat, Romanis in meridiem, Pcenis in septentrionem 

9 versis ; ventus (Vulturnum regionis incolse vocant) 
adversus Romanis coortus multo pulvei-e in ipsa ora 
volvendo prospectum ademit. 

47 Clamore sublato, procursum ab auxiliis et pugna 
The Romans are levibus primum armis commissa; deinde 

outmanoeuvred at . _, „ T . , 

Cannae, equitum Gallorurn Hispanorumgwe laevum 

cornu cum dextro Romano concurrit, minime equestris 

2 more pugnse ; frontibus enim adversis concurrendum 
erat, quia, nullo circa ad evagandum relicto spatio, 

3 hinc amnis hinc peditum acies claudebant. In directum 
utrinque nitentes, stantibus ac confertis postremo turba 
equis, vir virum amplexus detrahebat equo. Pedestre 
magna iam ex parte certamen factum erat; acrius tamen 
quam diutius pugnatum est, pulsique Romani equites 

4 terga vertunt. Sub equestris finem certaminis coorta 
est peditum pugna, primo et viribus et animis par, 

s dum constabant ordines Gallis Hispanisque ; tandem 
Romani, diu ac ssepe connisi, obliqua fronte acieque 
densa impulere hostium cuneum nimis tenuem eoque 


p&rum validum, a cetera ^rominentern acie. Impulsis 6 
ileinde ac trepide refercntibus pedein institere ac tenore 
uno per praeceps pavore fugientium agmen in mediam 
primum aciem illati, postremo nullo resistente ad sub- 
sidia Afrorum pervenerunt, qui utrinque reductis alis 7 
constiterant, media, qua Galli Hispanique steterant, 
aliquantum promiuente acie. Qui cuneus ut pulsus 3 
requavit frontem primum, dein cedendo etiam sinum 
in medio dedit, Afri circa iam cornua feceraut, irruen- 
tibusque iucaute in medium Iiomanis circumdedere 
alas ; mox cornua extendendo clausere et ab tergo 
hostes. Hinc Roinani, defuncti nequicquam prcelio 9 
uno, omissis Gallis Hispanisque, quorum terga ceci- 
derant, adversus Afros integram pugnam ineunt, non 1° 
tantum eo iniquam, quod inclusi adversus circumfusos, 
sed etiam quod fessi cum recentibus ac vegetis pug- 

Iam et sinistro cornu Itomano, ubi sociorum equites 48 
adversus Numidas steterant, consertum prcelium erat, 
segne primo et a Punica coeptum fraude. Quingenti 2 
ferme Numidae, prseter solita arma telaque gladios oc- 
cultos sub loricis habentes, specie transfiigarum quum 
ab suis pai*mas post terga babentes adequitassent, re- y 
pente ex equis desiliunt, parmisque et iaculis aute 
pedes hostium proiectis, in mediam aciem accepti rluc- 
tique ad ultimos considere ab tergo iubentur. Ac dum 
prcelium ab omni parte conseritur, quieti manserunt ; 
postquam omnium animos oculosque occupaverat ccr- 4 
tamen, tum arreptis scutis, quce passim inter acervos 
csesorum corporum strata erant, aversam adoriunhir 
Romanam aciem, tergaque fetientesac poplites csedentes 
stragem ingentem ac maiorem aliquanto pavorem ac 
C. L. 9 

130 LIVII 

5 tuniulturu feceruut. Quum alibi terror ac fuga, alibi 
pertinax in niala iarn spe proelium esset, Hasdrubal, 
qui ea parte praeerat, subductos ex media acie Numidas, 
quia seguis eorum cum adversis pugna erat, ad per- 

6 sequendos passiru fugientes mittit, Hispanos et Gallos 
equites Afris prope iam fessis csede magis quam pugna 

49 Parte altera pugme Paulus, quanquam primo statim 

2 and compieteiy prcelio funda graviter ictus fuerat, tamen 

defeated with tlie . i> ,• -n- >i i ■ 

losaofPauiusand et occuiTit seepe cuin contertis xianmbali 

nearly all the , , . . . 

army. et aliquot locis prcehum restituit, prote- 

3 gentibus eum equitibus Romanis, omissis postremo 
equis, quia consulem et ad regendum equum vires defi- 
ciebant. Tum renuntianti cuidam, iussisse consulem 
ad pedes descendere equites, dixisse Hannibalem fe- 

4 runt : " Quam mallem, vinctos mihi traderet." Equi- 
tum pedestre prcelium, quale iam haud dubia hostium 
victoria, fuit, quum victi mori in vestigio mallent quam 
fugere, victores morantibus victoriam irafci trucidarent, 

5 quos pellere non poterant. Pepulerunt tamen iam 
paucos superantes et labore ac vulneribus fessos. Inde 
dissipati omnes sunt, equosque ad fugam, qui poterant, 

6 repetebant. Cn. Lentulus tribunus militum quum 
prsetervehens equo sedentem in saxo cruore oppletum 

7 consulem vidisset, " L. ^Emili " inquit, " quem unum 
insontem culpre cladis hodiernse dei respicere debent, 
cape hunc equum, dum et tibi virium aliquid superest 

8 et comes ego te tollere possum ac protegere. Ne funes- 
tam hanc pugnam morte consulis feceris ; etiam sine 

9 hoc lacrimarum satis luctusque est." Ad eaconsul: "Tu 
quidem, Cn. Corneli, macte virtute esto ; sed cave, 
fiTstra miserando exiguum tempus e manibus hostium 


evadendi absumas. Abi, nuntia publice patribus, ur- 10 
bem llomanam mimiant ac, piiusquam hostis victor 
advenit, prsesidiia firmcnt ; privatim Q. Fabio, L. 
^Emilium preceptoram eius mumorem et vixisse adlmc 
et mori. Me in bac strage miiitum meorum patere ex- n 
Bpirare, ne aut reua iterum e consulatu sim aut accu- 
sator collegce existam, ut alieno crimine innocentiam 
meam protegam." Hoec eos agentes prius turba fu- :: 
gientium civium, deinde hostes oppressere ; consulem 
ignorant. s, quis esset, obruere telis, Lentulum inter 
tumultum abripuit equus. Tum undique effuse fugi- 13 
unt. Septem millia hominum in minora castra, decem 
in maiora, duo ferme in vicum ipsum Cannas perfu- 
gerunt, qui extemplo a Carthalone atque equitibus, 
nullo munimento tegente vicum, circumventi sunt. 
Cousid alter, seu forte seu consilio nulli fugientium M 
insertus agmini, cum quinquaginta fere equitibus Ve- 
nusiam perfugit. Quadragiuta quinque millia quin- IS 
genti pedites, duo millia septingenti equites, +et tauta 
prope civium sociorumque pars, csesi dicuntur ; in his 
ambo consulum quoestores, L. Atilius et L. Furius 
Bibaculus, et undetriginta tribuni militum, consulares 16 
quidam prsetoriique et sedilicii (inter eos Cn. Servilium 
Geminum et M. Minucium numerant, qui magister 
equitum priore anno, aliquot annis ante consul fuerat), 17 
octoginta prreterea aut senatores aut qui eos magis- 
tratus gessissent, unde in senatum legi deberent, quum 
sua voluutate milites in legionibus facti essent. Capta 18 
eo proelio tria millia peditum et equites mille et quin- 
genti dicuntur. 

Ilsec est pugna Cannensis, Aliensi cladi nobilitate 50 
par, ceterum ut illis, qua3 post pugnarn accidere, levior, 2 


132 LIYII 

quia ab hoste est cessatum, sic strage exercitus gravior 

3 fcediorque. Fuga namque ad Aliam sicut urberu pro- 
didit, ita exercitum servavit ; ad Cannas fugientem 
consulem vix quinquaginta secuti sunt, alterius mori- 
entis prope totus exercitus fuit. 

4 Binis in castris quum multitudo semiermis sine 
Rome of tiie sur- ducibus esset, nuntium, qui in maioribus 

vivors raake thuir , . , , , , . , . , 

way to cauusiuiu, erant, mittunt, dum prceho, demde ex 
lsetitia epulis fatigatos quies nocturna hostes premeret, 
ut ad se transirent : uno agmine Canusium abituros 
s esse. Eam sententiam alii totam aspernari ; cur enim 
illos, qui se arcessant, ipsos non venire, quum seque 
coniungi possent 1 quia videlicet plena bostium omnia 
in medio essent, et aliorum quam sua corpora tanto 

6 periculo mallent obiicere. Aliis non tam sententia 
displicere quam animus deesse. P. Sempronius Tudi- 
tanus tribunus militum " Capi ergo mavultis " inquit 
"ab avarissimo et crudelissimo boste, sestimarique 
capita vestra et exquiri pretia ab interrogantibus, Ro- 
manus civis sis an Latinus socius, ut ex tua contu- 

7 melia et miseria alteri honos quseratur ? Non tu, si 
quidem L. ^Emilii consulis, qui se bene mori quam 
turpiter vivere maluit, et tot fortissimorum virorum, 

8 qui circa eum cumulati iacent, cives estis. Sed ante- 
quam opprirnit lux maioraque hostium agmina obsoe- 
piunt iter, per hos, qui inordiuati atque incompositi 

9 obstrepunt portis, erumpamus. Ferro atque audacia 
via fit quamvis per confertos hostes. Cunto quidem 
hoc laxum atque solutum agmen, ut si nihi) obstet, 
disiicias. Itaque ite mecum, qui et vosmet ipsos et 

io rem publicam salvam vultis." Haec ubi dicta dedit, 
stringit gladium, cuneoque facto per medios vadit hos- 


• f, quum in latuB dextrum, quod patebat, Numidse ii 
iacularentur, translatia in dextrum scutis, in maiora 

ra ad sexcentos evasernnt, atque inde protiuus, 
alio magno agmine adiuncto, Canusium incolumes per- 
veniunt. Hcec apud victos magis impetu animorum, ia 
qnem ingenium suum cuique aut fors dabat, quam ex 
consilio ipsoram aut imperio cuiusquam agebantur. 

Hannibali victori quum ceteri circumfusi gratula- 51 
rentur suaderentque, ut, tanto perfunctus whiie tiie con- 

. . . querors ri/st altcr 

bello, diei quod rehquum esset noctisque their Uboar. 
insequentis quietem et ipse sibi sumeret et fessis daret 
militibus, Maharbal praefectus equitum, minime ces- 2 
sandum ratus, " Immo ut, quid bac pugna sit actum, 
scias, die quinto," inquit " victor in Capitolio epula- 
beris. Sequere ; cum equite, ut prius venisse quam 
venturum sciant, praecedam." Hannibali nimis la^ta 3 
res est visa maiorque, quam ut eam statim capere auimo 
posset. Itaque voluntatem se laudare Maharbalis ait; 
ad consilium pensandum temporis opus esse. Tum 4 
Maharbal : " Non omnia nimirum eidem di dedere. 
"Vincere scis, Hannibal ; victoria uti nescis." Mora 
eius diei satis creditur saluti fuisse urbi atque imperio. 

Postero die, \ibi primum illuxit, ad spolia legenda s 
fcedamque etiam bostibus spectandam stragem exeunt. 
Iacebant tot Romanorum millia, pedites passim equi- 6 
tesque, ut quem cuique fors aut pugna iunxerat aut 
fuga ; assurgentes quidam ex strage media cruenti, 
quos stricta matutino frigore excitaveraut vulnera, ab 
hoste oppressi sunt ; quosdam et iacentes vivos succisis 7 
feminibus poplitibusque invenerunt, nudantes cervi- 
cem iugulumque et reliquum sanguinem iubentes hau- 
rire ; inventi quidam sunt meraifl in effossam terram 8 

134 LIYIl 

capitibus, quos sibi ipsos fecisse foveas obruentesque 
ora superiecta humo interclusisse spiritum apparebat. 
9 Prsecipue convertit omnes substratus Numida mortuo 
superincubanti Romano vivus, naso auribusque lacera- 
tis, quum, manibus ad capiendum telum inutilibus, in 
rabiem ira versa, laniando dentibus hostem exspirasset. 
52 Spoliis ad multum diei lectis, Hannibal ad minora 
Some surrcnder ducit castra oppugnanda, et omnium pri- 
their camp «iicre mum brachio obiecto flumine eos exclu- 

tliev Uad takun ..... 

2 refuge. dit \ ceterum ab omnibus labore, vigims, 
vulneribus etiam fessis maturior ipsius spe deditio est 
facta. Pacti, ut arma atque equos traderent, in capita 
Ptoniana trecenis nummis quadrigatis, in socios duce- 

3 nis, in servos centenis, et ut eo pretio persoluto cum 
singulis abirent vestimentis, in castra hostes accepe- 
runt, traditique in custodiam omnes sunt, seorsum 

4 cives sociique. Dum ibi tempus teritur, interea quum 
ex maioribus castris, quibus satis virium et animi fuit, 
ad quattuor millia hominum et ducenti equites, alii 
agmine, alii palati passim per agros, quod haud minus 
tutum erat, Canusium perfugissent, castra ipsa ab sau- 
ciis timidisque eadem condicione, qua altera, tradita 

s hosti. Praeda ingens parta est, et prseter equos viros- 
que et si quid argenti (quod plurimum in phaleris 
equonim erat ; nam ad vescendum facto perexiguo, 
utique militantes, utebantur) omnis cetera prseda diri- 

6 pienda data est. Tum sepeliendi causa conferri in 
unum corpora suorum iussit; ad octo millia fuisse 
dicuntur fortissimorum virorum. Consulem quoque 
Eomanum conquisitum sepultumque, quidam auctores 

7 Eos, qui Canusium perfugerant, mulier Apula 


nomine Busa, genere elara ac divitiis, mcenibus tan- 
tum tectisque a Canusinis acceptos, frumento, veste, 
viatico etiam iuvit, pro qua ei munificentia postea, 
bello perfecto, ab Senatu bonorcs habiti sunt. Cete- 53 
rum quum ibi tribuni militum quattuor essent, Fabius 
Maximus de legione prima. cuius pater Proiects of emi- 

... . i. i i • grationamongthe 

priore anno dictator fuerat, et de lcgione young nobies at i 
secunda L. Pubiicius Bibulus et P. Cor- ciieckcd by tiie 

_. . . energy of 1\ Cor- 

nelius Scipio et de legione tertia App. neUnsSdptai 
Claudius Pulchei", qui proxime redilis fuerat, omnium 3 
consensu ad P. Scipionem admodum adolescentem et ad 
App. Claudium summa imperii delata est. Quibus 4 
consultantibus inter paucos de summa rerum nuntiat 
P. Furius Philus, consularis viri filius, nequicquam 
eos perditam spem fovere; desperatam comploratam- 
que rem esse publicam ; nobiles iuvenes quosdam, s 
quorum principem L. Caecilium Metellum, mai-e ac 
naves spectare, ut descrta Italia ad regum aliquem 
transfugiant. Quod malum, prseterquam atrox, super 6 
tot clades etiam novum, quum stupore ac miraculo 
torpidos defixisset, qui aderant, et consilium advocan- 
dum de eo censerent, negat consilii rem esse Scipio 
iuvenis, fataiis dux huiusce belli. Audendum atque 7 
agendum, non consultandum ait in tanto malo esse. 
Irent secum extemplo armati, qui rem publicam sal- 
vam vellent ; nulla verius, quam ubi ea cogitentur, 8 
hostium castra esse. Pergit ire sequentibus paucis in 9 
hospitium Metelli et, quum concilium ibi iuvenum, de 
quibus allatum erat, invenisset, stricto super capita 
consultantium gladio, " Ex mei animi sententia" in- I0 
quit, " ut ego rem publicam populi Pomani non dese- 
ram neque alium civem Romanum deserere patiar ; si n 

136 LIYII 

sciens fallo, tum me, Iuppiter optime maxime, domum, 

12 familiam remque meam pessimo leto afficias. In liajc 
verba, L. Csecili, iures postulo ceterique, qui adestis. 
Qui non iuraverit, in se liunc gladium strictum esse 

13 sciat." Haud secus pavidi, quam si victoreni Hauni- 
balem cernerent, iurant omnes custodiendosque semet 
ipsos Scipioni tradunt. 

54 Eo tempore, quo hsec Canusii agebantur, Yenusiam 

varro and tlie ad consulem ad quattuor millia et quin- 
stragglers at Ve- . -. . . 

misia rejoin their genti pedites equitesque, qui sparsi iuga 

comrades at <Ja- 

2 nusium. per agros fuerant, pervenere. Eos omnes 
Yenusini per familias benigne accipiendos curandosque 
quum divisissent, in singulos equites togas et tunicas 
et quadrigatos nummos quinos vicenos, et pediti denos, 

3 et arma, quibus deerant, dederunt, ceteraque publice 
ac privatim hospitaliter facta certatumque, ne a mu- 
liere Canusina populus Yenusinus officiis vinceretur. 

4 Sed gravius onus Bus?e multitudo faciebat ; et iam ad 

5 decem millia hominum erant, Appiusque et Scipio 
postquam incolumem esse alterum consulem accepe- 
runt, nuntium extemplo mittunt, quantse secum pedi- 
tum equitumqiie copise essent, sciscitatumque simul, 
utrum Yenusiam adduci exercitum an manere iuberet 

6 Canusii. Yarro ipse Cauusium copias traduxit; et 
, iam aliqua species consularis exercitus erat moenibus- 

que se certe, si non armis, ab hoste videbantur defen- 

7 Eomam ne has quidem i*eliquias superesse civium 
TiiepanicatRome sociorumque, sed occidione occisum cum 
was unexampied. duoblls cmumUbus exercitum deletasque 

8 omnes copias allatum fuerat. Nunquam salva mbe 
tantum pavoris tumultusque intra mcenia Komana 

Lir,i:n xxn. 137 

fuit. Itaque succumbam oneri nequc aggrediar nar- 
rare, cra» edi&sertando minora vero faciam. Consule g 
exercituque ad Tiasumennum priore anno amisso, non 
vulnus Buper vulnus, scd multiplex clades, cum duo- 
bus consulibus duo consulares exercitus amissi nuntia- 
bantur, nec idla iam castra Romana nec ducem nec 
militem esse; Hannibalis Apuliam, Samnium ac iam 10 
piope totam Italiam factam. Nulla profecto alia gens 
tanta mole cladis non obruta esset. Compares scilicet " 
cladem ad iEgates insulas Cartbaginiensium prcelio 
navali acceptam, qua fracti Sicilia ac Sardinia cessere 
et vectigales ac stipendiarios fieri se passi sunt, aut 
pugnam adversam in Africa, cui postea bic ipse Han- 
nibal succubuit ; nulla ex paite comparandse sunt, nisi 
quod minore animo latse sunt. 

P. Furius Philus et M'. Pomponius prcetores sena- 55 
tum in curiam Hostiliam vocavervmt, ut The senate de- 

liberates in tlie 

de urbis custodia consulerent ; neque midst of universai 2 

1 niourmng and 

enim dubitabant, deletis exercitibus bos- confusion, 
tem ad oppugnandam Romam, quod unum opus belli 
restaret, venturum. Quum in malis sicuti ingentibus, 3 
ita ignotis ne consilium quidem satis expedirent, ob- 
streperetque clamor lamentantium mulierum et, non- 
dum palamfacto, vivi mortuique per omnes psene domos 
promiscue comploraventur, tum Q. Fabius Maximus 4 
censuit, equites expeditos et Appia et Latina via mit- 
tendos, qui obvios percontando (aliquos profecto ex 
fuga passim dissipatos fore) refei - ant, quse fortuna con- 
sulum atque exercituum sit et, si quid dii immortales, 5 
miseriti imperii, reiiquurn Romani nominis fecerint, 
ubi ese copise sint; quo se Hannibal post prcelium 
contulerit, quid paret, quid agat acturusque sit. Hsec 6 

138 LIYII 

exploranda noscendaque per impigros iuvenes esse ; 
illud per patres ipsos agendum, quoniam magistratuum 
parum sit, ut tumultum ac trepidationem in urbe 
tollant, matronas publico arceant continerique intra 

7 suum quamque limen cogant, comploratus familiarum 
coerceant, silentium per urbem faciant, nuntios rerum 
oranium ad prsetores deducendos curent, suse quisque 

8 fortunse domi auctorem exspectent, custodesque prse- 
terea ad portas ponant, qui proliibeant quemquam 
egredi urbe, cogantque liomines nullam nisi urbe ac 
mcenibus salvis salutem sperare. Ubi conticuerit 
tiimultus, tum in curiam patres revocandos consulen- 
dumque de urbis custodia esse. 

56 Quum in hanc sententiam pedibus omnes issent, 
and receives let- summotaque foro per magistratus turba, 

ters from Varro , . , , , ,, , . 

and news of dan- patres diversi ad sedandos tumultus dis- 

ger and distress . _. _ 

from siciiy. cessissent, tum demum litterse a C. le- 

2 rentio consule allata) sunt : L. _._milium consulem ex- 
ercitumque caesum ; sese Canusii esse, reliquias tanta? 
cladis velut ex naufragio colligentem • ad decem millia 
militum ferme esse incompositorum inordinatorumque ; 

3 Pcenum sedere ad Cannas, in captivorum pretiis prse- 
daque alia nec victoris animo nec magni ducis more 

4 nundinantem. Tum privatse quoque per domos clades 
vulgatse sunt, adeoque totam urbem opplevit luctus, ut 
sacrum anniversarium Cereris intermissum sit, quia 
nec lugentibus id facere est fas nec ulla in illa tem- 

5 pestate matixma expers luctus fuerat. Itaque ne ob 
eandem causam alia quoque sacra publica aut privata 
desererentur, senatus consulto diebus triginta luctus 

6 est finitus. Ceterum quum, sedato urbis tumultu, re- 
vocati in curiam patres essent, alise insuper ex Sicilia 


littora allata sunt ab T. Otacilio proprsetore, regnum 
Hieronia classe runica vastari ; cui quum opem im- 7 
ploranti ferre vdlct, nuntiatum sibi esse, aliam classem 
ad A isulas stare paratam instructamque, ut, 

ul>i se versum ad tuendam Syracusanam oram Peeni 3 
sensissent, Lilybceum extemplo provinciamque aliam 
Romanam aggrederentur j itaque classe opus esse, si 
regem socium Siciliamque tueri vellent 

Litteris consulis prcetorisquc lectls, censuerunt proe- 57 
torem M. Claudium, qui classi ad Ostiam under the prea- 

. . sure of religioua 

stanti prseesset, Canusium ad exercitum fear tiiey rcsort 

to huuKni sacri- 

mittendum, scribendumque consuli, ut, fice. 
quum pratori exercitum tradidisset, primo quoque 
tempore, quantum per commodum rei publicsa fieri 
posset, Romam veniret. Territi etiam super tantas 7. 
clades quum ceteris prodigiis, tum quod duye Vestales 
eo anno, Opimia atque Floronia, stupvi compertse et 
altera sub terra, uti mos est, ad portam Collinam necata 
fuerat, altera sibimet ipsa mortem consciverat ; L. 3 
Cantilius scriba pontificis, quos nunc minores pontifices 
appellant, qui cum Floronia stuprum fecerat, a pontifice 
maximo eo usque virgis in comitio csesus erat, ut inter 
verbera exspiraret. Hoc nefas quum inter tot, ut fit, 4 
clades in prodigium versum esset, decemviri libros 
adire iussi sunt, et Q. Fabius Pictor Delphos ad oracu- 5 
lum missus est sciscitatum, quibus precibus suppliciis- 
que deos possent placare, et quamarn futura finis tantis 
cladibus foret. Interim ex fatalibus libris sacrificia s 
aliquot extraordinaria facta, inter quae Gallus et Galla, 
Graecus et Grseca in foro boario sub terram vivi de- 
missi sunt in locum saxo consa^ptum, iam ante hostiis 
humanis, minime Romano sacro, imbutura. 

140 LITII 

7 Placatis sati?, ut rebantuv, deis M. Claudius Mar- 

M. OaudiusMar- CellllS aD ° Stla mule et <T- un g entos milites, 
m&nd at^Canusi- °i nos U1 classem scriptos habebat, Romam,- 

s UU1; ut urbi praesidio essent, mittit ; ipse, 

legione classica (ea legio tertia evat) cum tvibunis mili- 
tum Teanum Sidicinum pramiissa, classe tvadita P. 
Fuvio Pliilo collcgre, paucos post dies Canusium magnis 

9 itineribus contendit. Inde dictator ex auctovitate pa- 

tvum dictus M. Iunius et T. Sempvonius magistev equi- 

tum, dilectu edicto, iuniores ab annis sep- 

a dietator raiscs 

fresii levies, in- tendecirn et quosdam prcetextatos scri- 

cludm^ m tliem >■ l 

even siaves. bunt ; quattuor ex liis legiones et mille 

io equites effecti. Item ad socios Latinumque nomen 

ad milites ex fovmula accipiendos mittunt. Avma, tela, 

alia parari iubent et vetera spolia hostium detralmnt 

ii templis porticibusque. Et aliam formam novi dilectus 

inopia liberorum capituni ac necessitas dedit; octo mil- 

lia iuvenum validorum ex servitiis, prius sciscitantes 

singulos, vellentne militare, empta publice armavemnt. 

12 Hic miles magis placuit, quum pretio minore redimendi 

captivos copia fieret. 
58 Namque Hannibal secundum tam prosperam ad 
Hannibai offers Cannas pugnam victoris magis quam bel- 

terms of ransom . ... 

2 to the prisouers lum geventis mtentus cims, quum, cap- 
tivis productis segregatisque, socios, sicut ante ad Tve- 
biam Tvasumennumque lacum, benigne allocutus sine 
pvetio dimisisset, Pomanos quoque vocatos, quod nun- 

3 quam alias antea, satis miti sevmone alloquitur : non 
internecivum sibi esse cum Romanis bellum ; de dig- 
nitate atque imperio certave. Et patves vivtuti Eo- 
manae cessisse et se id anniti, ut suse in vicem simul 

« felicitati et vivtuti cedatuv. Itaque redimendi se cap- 


tivis copiam facerc; pretium fore incapita equiti quin- 

genos quadrigatos nummos, treoenoa pediti, servo cen- 

tenos. Quanquam aliquantum adiiciebatur equitibus s 

ad id pretiuin, quo pepigerant dedentea se, lreti tamen 

quamounque condicionem paciscendi aoceperunt. Pla- 6 

cuit suffragio ipsoruni decem deligi, qui and icts tcn go to 
. . Rome to ask for 

Komani ad senatum lreut, nec pignus ftrads, 

aliud fidei, quam ut iurarent se redituros, acceptum. 

Missus cum his Carthalo, nobilis Carthaginiensis, qui, 7 

si forte ad pacem inclinaret animus, condiciones ferret. 

Quum egressi castris essent, unus ex iis, minime Eo- 8 

mani ingenii homo, veluti aliquid oblitus, iuris iurandi 

solvendi causa quum in castra redisset, ante noctem 

comites assequitur. Ubi Romam venire eos nuntiatum 9 

est, Carthaloni obviam lictor missus, qui dictatoris 

verbis nuntiaret, ut ante noctem excederet finibus Ro- 

manis. Legatis captivorum senatus ab m nf w|om M 59 

dictatore datus est, quorum princeps M. SS^wSS^toi 

Iunius "Patres conscripti" inquit, "nemo "■ 

nostrum ignorat, nulli unquam civitati viliores fuisse 

captivos quam nostrae ; ceterum, nisi nobis plus iusto 2 

nostra placet causa, non alii unquam minus negligendi 

vobis quam nos in hostium potestatem venerunt. Non 3 

enim in acie per timorem arma tradidimus, sed, quum 

prope ad noctem superstantes cumulis csesorum cor- 

porum prcelium extraxissemus, in castra recipimus nos; 

diei reliquum ac noctcui insequentem, fessi labore ac 4 

vulneribus, vallum sumus tutati ; postero die, quum s 

circumsessi ab cxercitu victore aqua arceremur, nec 

ulla iam per confertos hostes erumpendi spes esset, nec 

esse nefas duceremus, quinquaginta millibus hominuin 

ex acie nostra trucidatis, aliquem ex Cannensi pugna 

142 LIVII 

6 Romanum militem restare, tunc demum pacti sumus 
pretium, quo redempti dimitteremur, arma in quibus 

7 nihil iam auxilii erat, liosti tradidimus. Maiores quo- 
que acceperamus se a Gallis auro redemisse^ et patres 
vestros, asperrimos illos ad condiciones pacis, legatos 
tamen captivorum redimendorum gratia Tarentum 

3 misisse. Atqui et ad Aliam cum Gallis et ad Hera- 
cleam cum Pyrrho utraque non tam clade infamis 
quam pavore et fnga pugna fuit. Cannenses campos 
acervi Roinanorum corporum tegunt, nec supersumus 
pugnse, nisi in quibus trucidandis et ferrum et vires 
9 hostem defecerunt. Sunt etiam de nostris quidam, qui 
ne in acie quidem fuerunt, sed prsesidio castris relicti, 
quum castra traderentur, in potestatem hostium ve- 

IO nerunt. Haud equidem ullius civis et commilitonis 
fortunae aut condicioni invideo, nec premendo alium 
me extulisse velim : ne illi quidem, nisi pernicitatis 
pedum et cursus aliquod praemium est, qui plerique 
inermes ex acie fugientes non prius quam Venusise aut 
Canusii constiteruut, se nobis merito praetulerint glori- 
atique sint, in se plus quam in nobismet preesidii rei 

ii publicse esse. Sed et illis bonis ac fortibus militibus 
utemini et nobis etiam promptioribus pi'0 patria, quod 
beneficio vestro redempti atque in patriam restituti 

12 fuerimus. Dilectum ex omni setate et fortuna habetis; 
octo millia servorum audio armari. Non minor nu- 
merus noster est, nec maiore pretio redimi possumus, 
quam ii emuntur ; nam si conferam nos cum illis, iniu- 

13 riam nomini Roinano faciam. Illud etiam in tali con- 
silio animadvertendum vobis censeam, patres conscripti, 
si iam duriores esse velitis, quod nullo nostro merito 

.4 faciatis, cui nos hosti relicturi sitis. Pyrrho videlicet, 


qui hospitum nmncro captivos liabuit 1 An barbaro 
ac Poeno, qui utrum avarior an crudclior sit, vix exis- 
timari potest? Si videatis catenas, squalorem, defor- 15 
mitateni civium vestrorum, non minus profecto vos ea 
species moveat, quam si ex altera paxte ccrnatis stratas 
Cannensibus campis legiones vestras. Intueri potestis 16 
sollicitudinem et lacrimas in vestibulo curiaB stantium 
cognatorum nostrorum exspectantiumque responsum 
vcstrum. Quum ii pro nobis proque iis, qui absunt, 
ita suspensi ac solliciti sint, quem censetis animum ip- 
sorum esse, quorum in discrimine vita libertasque est 1 ? 
Si, mediusfidius, ipse in nos mitis Hannibal contra na- 17 
tui-am suam esse velit, niliil tamen nobis vita opus esse 
censeamus, quum indigni ut redimeremur [a] vobis 
visi simus. Kediere Romam quondam remissi a Pyrrho 13 
sine pretio capti ; sed rediere cum legatis, primoribus 
civitatis, ad redimendos sese missis. Pedeam ego in 
patriam trecentis nummis non restimatus civis 1 Suum 
quisque habet animum, patres conscripti. Scio, in dis- 19 
crimine esse vitam corpusque meum ; magis me famae pe- 
riculum movet, ne a vobis damnati ac repulsi abeamus; 
neque enim vos pretio pepercisse homines credent." 

TJbi is finem fecit, extemplo ab ea turba, quse in 60 
comitio erat, clamor flebilis est sublatus, manusque 
ad curiam tendebant orantes, ut sibi liberos, fratrcs, 
coguatos redderent. Feminas quoque metus ac neces- 3 
sitas in foro turbaa virorum immiscuerat. Senatus sum- 
motis arbitris consuli cceptus. Ibi quum sententiis 3 
variaretur, et alii redimendos de publico, alii nullam 
publice impensam faciendam nec prohibendos ex pri- 
vato redimi ; si quibus argentum in prresentia deesset, 4 
dandam ex aerario pecuniam mutuam proedibusque ac 

144 LIYII 

s prsediis cavendum populo censerent, tura T. Manlius 
Uut T. Manllua Torquatus, priscte ac niinis dune, ut pleris- 
test?HBalnst bd- que videbatur, severitatis, interrogatus 

6 had^so^tamely sententiam ita locutus fertur: Si tantum- 

surrenderedwlien , , . .. . . 

others cut tiieir modo postulassent legati pro ns, qui ln 
camp. hostium potestate sunt, ut redimerentur, 

sine ullius insectatione eorum brevi sententiam pere- 

7 gissem ; quid enim aliud quam adinonendi essetis, ut 
moreni traditum a patribus necessario ad rem mili- 
tarem exemplo servaretis 1 Nuuc autem, quum prope 
gloriati sint, quod se hostibus dediderint, prseferrique 
se non captis modo in acie ab hostibus, sed etiam iis, 
qui "Venusiam Canusiumque perveneruDt, atque ipsi 
C. Terentio consuli aequurn censuerint, nihil vos eorum, 
patres conscripti, quee illic acta sunt, ignorare patiar. 

8 Atque utinam hpec, qua? apud vos acturus sum, Canusii 
apud ipsum exercitum agerem, optimum testem igna- 
vise cuiusque et virtutis, aut unus hic saltem adesset 
P. Sempronius, quem si isti ducem secuti essent, milites 
hodie in castris Romauis, non captivi in hostium potes- 

9 tate essent. Sed quum, fessis pugnando hostibus, tum 
victoria lsetis et ipsis plerisque regressis in castra sua, 
noctem ad erumpendum liberam habuissent, et septem 
millia armatorum hominum erumpere etiam per con- 
fertos hostes possent, neque per se ipsi id facere conati 

i° sunt neque alium sequi voluerunt. Nocte prope tota 
P. Sempronius Tuditanua non destitit monere, adhor- 
tari eos, dum paucitas hostium circa castra, dum quies 
ac silentium esset, dum nox inceptum tegere posset, se 
ducem sequerentur: ante lucem pervenire in tuta loca, 

ii in sociorum urbes posse. Si, ut avorum memoria P. 
Decius tribunus militum in Samnio, si, ut nobisadoles- 


ccntibus priore Punico bello Calpurnius Flamma tre- 
centis voluntariis, quum ad tuniulum cos capiendum 
situm inter medios duccret hostes, dixit ' Moriamur, 
milites, et morte nostra eripiamus ex obsidione circum- 
ventas legiones/ si hoc P. Scmpronius diccret, nec 12 
viros equidem nec Romanos vos ducerem, si nemo 
tantae virtutis exstitisset comes. Viam non ad gloriam 13 
magis quam ad salutem ferentem demonstrat ; reduces 
in patriam ad parentes, ad coniuges ac liberos facit. 
Ut servemini, deest vobis animus : quid, si moriendum 14 
pro patria esset, faceretis 1 Quinquaginta millia civium 
sociorumque circa vos eo ipso die csesa iacent. Si tot 
exempla virtutis non movent, nihil unquam movebit ; 
si tanta clades vilem vitam non fecit, nulla faciet. 
Liberi atque incolumes desiderate patriam; immo desi- 15 
derate, dum patria est, dum cives eius estis ! sero nunc 
desideratis, deminuti capite, abalienato iure civiura, 
servi Carthagiuiensium facti. Pretio redituri estis eo, 16 
unde ignavia ac nequitia abistis 1 ? P.Sempronium civem 
vestruin non audistis arma capere ac sequi se iubentem; 
Hannibalem post paulo audistis castra prodi et arma 
tradi iubentem. Quanquam ego ignaviam istorum ac- 17 
cuso, quum scelus possim accusare. Non modo enim 
seqxu recusarunt bene monentem, sed obsistere ac re- 
tinere conati sunt, ni strictis gladiis viri fortissimi 
inertes summovissent. Prius, inquam, P. Sempronio 
per civium agmen quam per hostium fuit erumpendum. 
Hos cives patria desideret, quorum si ceteri similes 18 
fuissent, neminem hodie ex iis, qui ad Cannas pug- 
naverunt, civem haberet ? Ex millibus scptem arma- 19 
torum sexcenti exstiterunt, qui erumpere auderent, qui 
in patriam liberi atque armati redirent, neque his sex- 
C. L. 10 

146 LFVI7 

ao centis hostes obstitere; quam tutum iter duaruiu prope 
legionum agmini futurum censetis fuisse? Haberetis 
hodie viginti millia armatorum Canusii fortia, fidelia, 
patres conscripti. Nunc autem quemadmodum hi boni 
fidelesque (nam 'fortcs' ne ipsi quidem dixerint) cives 

11 esse possuut 1 Nisi quis credere potest, aut favisse 
erumpentibus, qui, ne erumperent, obsistere conati 
sunt, aut non invidcre eos quum incolumitati, tum 
glorioe illorum per virtutem parta?, quum sibi timorem 
ignaviamque servitutis ignominiosse causam esse sciant. 

22 Maluerunt in tentoriis latentes simul lucem atque hos- 
tem exspectare, quum silentio noctis erumpendi oc- 
casio esset. At ad erumpendum e castris defuit animus, 

23 ad tutauda fortiter castra animum habuerunt; dies noc- 
tesque aliquot obsessi vallum armis, se ipsi tutati vallo 
sunt ; tandem ultima ausi passique, quum omnia sub- 
sidia vita? deessent affectisque fame viribus arma iam 
sustinere nequirent, necessitatibus magis humanis quam 

24 armis victi sunt. Orto sole hostis ad vallum accessit; 
ante secundam horam, nullam fortunam certaminis ex- 

25 perti, tradiderunt arma ac se ipsos. Hsec vobis istorum 
per biduum militia fuit. Quum in acie stare ac pug- 
nare decuerat, tum in castra refugerunt; quum pro 
vallo puguandum erat, castra tradiderunt, neque in 

26 acie neque in castris utiles. Et vos redimam ? Quum 
erumpere e castris oportet, cunctamini ac manetis ; 
quum manere et castra tutari armis necesse est, et cas- 

27 tra et arma et vos ipsos traditis hosti. Ego non magis 
istos redimendos, patres conscripti, censeo, quam illos 
dedendos Hannibali, qui per medios hostes e castris 
eruperunt ac per summam virtutem se patrise resti- 


PoBtqttam Manliua dixir, quanquam patrum quo- 61 
que plerosque captivi cognatione attinge- ,„,, gona(0 ro . 
bant, pneter exemplum civitatis minime {i!e ransorfof t f ii'o 

in captivos iam inde antiquitus indulgen- ca '' tnes - 
tis, pecunuB quoque sunima Lomines movit, quia nec 2 
serarium exhaurire, magna iam summa erogata in scr- 
vos ad militiam emendos armandosque, nec Hanniba- 
lem, maxime huiuscc rei, ut fama erat, egentem, locu- 
pletari volebant. Quum triste responsum, non redimi 3 
captivos, redditum esset, novusque super veterem luc- 
tus tot iactura civium adiectus esset, cum magnis 
fletibus questibus^we legatos ad portam prosecuti sunt. 
Unus ex iis domum abiit, quod fallaci reditu in castra 4 
iure iurando se exsolvisset. Quod ubi innotuit rela- 
tumque ad senatum est, omnes censuerunt compreben- 
dendum et custodibus publice datis deducendum ad 
Hannibalem esse. 

Est et alia de captivis fama: decem primos venisse; 5 
de eis quum dubitatum in senatu esset, but the detaiis of 

, . , the story are vari- 

admitterentur m ui'bem necne, ita admis- ousiy described. 
sos esse, ne tamen iis senatus daretur ; morantibus 6 
deinde longius omnium spe, alios tres insuper legatos 
venisse, L. Scribonium et C. Calpumium et L. Man- 
lium ; tum demum ab cognato Scribonii tribuno plebis 7 
de redimendis captivis relatum esse, nec censuisse 
redimendos senatum ; et novos legatos tres ad Hanni- 
balem revertisse, decem veteres remansisse, quod per 8 
causam recognoscendi nomina captivorum ad Hanni- 
balem ex itinere regressi religione sese exsolvissent ; 
de iis dedendis magna contentione actum in senatu 
esse, victosque paucis sententiis, qui dedendos censu- 
erint; ceterum proximis censoribus adeo omnibus notis 9 



ignominiisquo confcctos esse, \\t quidam eorum mortem 
sibi ipsi extcmplo consciverint, ceteri non foro solum 
omni deinde yita, sed prope luce ac publico carucrint. 
10 Mirari magis, adeo discrepare inter auctores, quam, 
quid veri sit, discernere queas. 

Quanto autem maior ea clades superioribus cladi- 

ThoKomanshcar bllS ****** Vel ea reS iudici ° est > <I Uod 

tiiei^aiiL'""''"^ M es sociorwm, quae ad eam diem firma 
UHnk b of maVing steterat, tum labare ccepit, nulla profeoto 
peace ' alia de re quam quod desperaverant do 

u impcrio. Defecere autem ad Pcenos hi populi: Ateliani, 
Calatini, Hirpini, Apulorum pars, Samnites praeter 

i 2 Pentros, Bruttii omnes, Lucani, prreter hos Uzentini, 
et Graecorum omnis ferme ora, Tarentini, Metapontini, 

13 Crotonienses Locrique, et Cisalpini omnes Galli. Nec 
tamcn eoe clades defectionesque sociorum moverunt, ut 
pacis usquam mentio apud Romanos fieret, neqiie ante 
consulis Romam adventum nec postquam is rediit 

14 rcnovavitque memoriam acceptse cladis ; quo in tem- 
pore ipso adeo magno animo civitas fuit, ut consuli 
varro on his rc- ex tanta clade, cuius ipso causa maxima 

tnrn is met, not . 

with reproaciies, fiusset, redeunti et obviam ltum frequen- 
but with thanka , . , . 

for not despniring ter ab omnibus ordimbus sit et gratite 

of tlie comuiou- 

wealth. actas, quod de re publica non desperasset; 

i S qui si Cartbaginiensium ductor fuisset, niliil recusan- 
dum supplicii foret. 



P. 1, c. i. § 1. In parte operis. Livy's work in nearly 150 
books covered tke vdiole kistory of Eepublican Eome ; books 
xxi. — xxx. dealt witk tke Second Punic War. 

summae totius = T?}s SXtjj owra^eois of Polybius. Cf. Lucr. 
i. 9S3, spatium summai totius omne. Cic. Qu. fr. m. 5. 5, in 
omni summa. Summa is often used substantivcly iu Livy, 
aud witk a genitive as summa rerum, impcrii, sj)ei, rei bellica, 
rci publicce. Cf. Vita summa brcvis, Hor. Carrn. i. 4. 15, and 
hodiernce sumnuc, iv. 7. 17. 

rerum scriptores. For tke kistorians vcko -wrote specially 
on tkis war see tke Introduction on tke Autkorities, but cf. also 
tke begiumng of Tkncydides, wko calls tke Peloponnesian "War 
fxiyav T£ Kal ai;io\oywTaTov tQv irpoyeyevi]iu.4vciiv. 

unquam, tkougk properly nsed in negative sentences, is 
employed at times with si to increase tke indefiniteness of tke 
statement, and even absolutely wken tke indefiniteness is to 
be made still more empkatic. Cf. use of qui.<quam Seneca 
de tranquih 11, cuivis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest. 

Hannibale. Tke name meant in Punic ' favonr of Baal,' 
Bchroder Pkoen. Spracke p. 87. Tke 2nd a was long in En- 
nius and in tke speeck of tke earlier Eomans (Aul. Gell. iv. 7) 
as in Hasdrubal, Hamilcar, but became skorteued in familiar 
use, just as tke aspirate whick kad at first tke Punic sound of 
ch, was softened, and often dropped completcly, as in tke 
Grcck, 'Awlj3as. Corssen Ausspracke der Lat. Spr. i. 99. 

§ 2. vlrium aut roboris, ' resources or endurance.' Polyb. 
ii. 24 estimates tke armies wkick Eome could raise witk tke 

150 NOTES. XXI. c. i. §§ 2—4. 

Italian contingents as 700,000 foot and 70,000 horse. He 
asks the question i. 64 why in later days of empire she could 
no longer put such forces on the field. 

lnter sese, sed. Heerwagen notes that the alliteration was 
in such cases less displeasing to Eoman than to modern ears, 
cf. Cic. opt. gen. or. 2. 6, nec generibus inter sese sed facultati- 
lus diffcfknt. 

artes conserebant is formed on the analogy of pugnam or 
manus conserere. The reading conferebant found in some MSS. 
is approved by Euperti and by Madvig as a more natural 

expertas primo Punico, i.e. each of the combatants had 
leamt its rivaPs skill by the experience of the first war. Yet 
the naval skill of Carthage was comparatively little used in 
the 2nd war, probably because the Barcine party had neglected 
tbe fleet. But Hamilcar had given proof of a genius like that 
of Hannibal in his power of welding into unity a motley host 
of various nationalities. 

propius p. ... q. vicerunt. Eome, though victorious, was 
brougbt to the brink of ruin by the early successes of Han- 
nibal. Muretus notes that Sihus Italicus in the corresponding 
passage writes propiusque fuere periclo | queis superare datum. 
Livy elsewbere often uses the acc. as xxn. 40. 5, propius Han- 
nibalem, iv. 17. 3, propius Jidem, xxiii. 12. 4, quo propius spem. 
vicerunt here used absolutely, cf. xxin. 13. 4, quam (pacem) 
quum vincimus, dat ncmo. 

§ 3. ultro inferrent a. 'should presume to attack.' Cf. 
i. 5. 2, ultro accusantes; of the robbers who accused Eomulus 
of thef t. 

superbe, in threatening war and taking Sardinia ; avare in 
raising the war indemnity by 1200 talents. Polyb. iii. 10. 

crederent does not properly balance inferrent, as it rather 
repeats than justifies tbe idea of tbe word indignantibus, and 
tbe subj. is due to a looseness of style as in Cic. Phil. ii. 4, 
at ctiam literas, quas me sibi misisse diceret, recitavit homo. 

imperitatum. Livy has a special affection for frequenta- 
tive forms, aud often uses this one. 

§ 4. Fama est. Polyb. iii. 11 says that H. himself told 
this story to Antiochus in later days. Cf. Livy, xxxv. 19. 

annorum novem. The gen. of the quality is here imme- 
diately connected with a proper name as in iii. 27. 1, L. 
Tarquinium patricice gentis ; xxn. 60. 5, Torquatus prisca sc- 
veritatis. Fabri. 

NOTES. XXI. c. i. § i— c. ii. § 1. 151 

blandientem, used in pregnant sense with ut, ' coaxingly 
entreating.' Blandus is connected by Bopp and Curtius with 
fiftXiXos and u4\t, mla passing into bla, cf. the like change in 
the formation of ^KLttuv, /3/jot<5s. 

Hamilcarl, a name meaning ' friend of Melcart.' Schroder, 
p. 87. 

altaribus, a word used almost exclusivcly in the plural, 
though of a single altar (ara). 

P. 2, § 5. amissse, 'the loss of Sicily and S.' Cf. 16. 2, 
pudor uon lati auxilii, and xxu. 3-4. 2, ex dictatorio imperio 
coneusso. It is a form not used by Cicero, but very common 
in Tacitus, as Ann. i. 8, Occisus Casar aliis pessimum, aliis 
pulcherrimnm facinus visum. 

Sardinia said by Polybius to be vrjaos t<£ ueyidei ical tto\v- 
avdpuwLa Kal rots yevvrj,uacri diacptpovaa. It seems never to have 
recovered its prosperity after its change of masters. On this 
and the following points referred to see the Introduction. 

nam et Siciliam ' for he felt that S.' For the acc. in con- 
nexion witb angebant Fabri compares i. 46. 6, angebatur ferox 
TulUa, nihil materia in viro...esse. His successes seemed to 
justify unwillingness to accept the terms of peace, yet Polyb. 
i. 62 says that Hamilcar felt the need of submission and con- 
ducted the negotiations. 

desperatione r. It is common with Latin writers to 
add rerum where no equivalent is wanted in English, thus, 
exitus, motus, inopia, ignoratio rerum. 

inter motum Afr. These are weak words for the for- 
midable war of mercenaries which nearly ruined Carthage. 

stipendio, the indemnity, cf. 3. 3. Stipendium seems to be 
put for stipi-pendium (stips), like pauper for pauciper, anceps 
for ambiceps, cf. amputare, amplecti, selibra (semi), prudens 

insuper imposito, a poetic form; so 45. 1, castellum insuper 
imponunt, Verg. yEn. i. 61, montes insuper altos imposuit. Cf. 
Liry's use of compounds such as superincubare, superinsternere. 

c. ii. § 1. anxius, as explained by the angebant of i. 5. 

sub recentem. Sub is used with the accus. for ' just after,' 
cf. vii. 31. 4, sub hcec dicta omnes — procubuerunt. So sub 
vocem. But sub galli cantum, sub vesperum, and sub idem 
tempus are less definite, and may be ' just before.' The passage 
in Verg. Georg. n. 211, usque sub extremum bruma intractabilis 

152 NOTES. XXI. c. n. §§ 1—3. 

imbrem, is decisive for 'just before.' The mercenary war 
" which followed closely on the treaty with Eome," lasted 
three years aud four months, Pol. i. 88. The five years of 
Livy probably cover the warlike movements against the Nunii- 
dians mcntioncd by Diodorus. 

novem annis, from 236 to 227 b.c. Note the change to the 
abl. after quinque aivios. 

ln Hispania. The Phcenicians had in remote ages planted 
colonies on the coast of Spain, which fell in time under the 
infiuence of Cartbage. Tbe wealth of the mines tempted her 
to push her way furtber inland, but no great progress had been 
made till Hamilcar annexed much of the South, and changed 
the imperial policy of Carthage. The vast revenues of the 
mines and the hardy material for soldiers were the chief ob- 
jects in view ; like Cresar, he went to conquer a province, and 
organize an army for future uses. It is curious to contrast the 
speedy conquests made by these generals with the slow progress 
of Roine in finally subduing Spain. In a later age tbe Arabs, 
of Semitic race(possibly Oakin to that of Carthage, possessed 
themselves of Southem Spain, and attained to a high degree 
of power and culture, in the Moorish kingdoms of Cordova 
and Granada. 

§ 2. quse. Weissenborn and Fabri adopt the qui of the 
MSS. but it is a less probable reading. 

ductu. The modal abl. of one of the verbal forms in the 
4th decl. which are of frequent use in Livy. It is here em- 
ployed to vary the H. duce of the line before. 

§ 3. Mors H. He died in war with the Spanish tribes. 
Pol. II. 1. 

peropportuna. Cf. vi. 1. 5, mors adeo opportuna ut volun- 
tariam magna pars crederct. 

distulemnt. For the use of this word Fabri compares 
xliii. 1. 12, metus de consule atque exercitu distulit muniendce 
AquHeicc curam. 

Hasdrubal means ' help of Baal,' Schroder, p. 100. 

flore setatis. Scandalous gossip probably circulated among 
the partisans of Hanno, the rival faction to that of the Barca 
family, so styled from the persoual name, meaning Ughtning, 
of the great Hamilcar. 

conciliatus, for this use cf. xxn. 34. 2, hominem plebi in- 
scctatione principum conciliatum. 

NOTES. XXL c. ii. §§ 4— G. 153 

§ 4. plus quam niodlcsB. Fabius Pictor (ap. Polyb. m. 
8) stated that Hasdrabal retained to Carthage from Spain, 
^ith tho design of iuaking liimself despot, but being opposed 
by tho d£t6\oyoi. dvSpet, ke roturned to Spain, disregarding 
henceforth tho authority of tho senato, as did his successor 
Hannibal. This Polyb. regards as an idle effort of faction to 
throw all the odium of tho war on the Barcine faction, whieh 
later history reflecting such jealousies of party calls an haipla 
tQv TovrjpoTdruv dv6ptl>jruv. 

plebem...prlncipuni. Sec the Introduction for a sketch. of 
the gOTernment of Carthage. Livy here, as elsewhere, employs 
technical Eoman terms, as if the constitutional usages wero 
thc same. 

haud sane. Cf. xxn. 19. 12. Livy docs not seem to nse 
non sanc. Fabri. 

§ 5. hospitils. Formal contracts of friendly alhance were 
often eutered into in the old world between persons, families 
and tiibes, pledges of which were interchanged as Zv/xftoXa or 
teetera. Docunients are still preserved in the inscriptions in 
which engagements of this kind are entered into or formally 
renewed, as in one where two Spanish clans (gcntilitates) of the 
same tribo hospitium vctustum antiquom renovaverunt eique 
omncs alis alium in fidem clicntelamque suam suorumque libero- 
rum posterorumque rccepit. One formlasted on in Greece in the 
vpo^tvla. which was largely used in cornniercial and religious 
intercourse. Corssen i. 796 explains hospes as a shortened 
form of hosti-pe(t)s = stranger-protecting from root patis = 
irocris. As to the root glias- from which he derives hostis, 
Mommsen, R. F. 326, regards it as simply='to eat.' Corssen 
says it is to 'tear' or 'wound.' 

conciliandis. Hasd. according to Diodorus, 25. 17, married 
himself the daughter of one of the Sp. chieftains ; principes 
may be distinguished from reguli as nobles from kings, as 
Weissenborn suggests. 

§ 6. nlhilo tutior. For the form of the phrase Fabri 
cornpares nihilo accuratior v. 37. 1, nihilo quietior, ix. 37. 1, 
nildlo facilior, xxsi. 26. 5. 

ridentis speciem. Here as often Livy employs a partic. 
absolutely, where we should use a subst. Compare the Stoic 
hrmness of some uncivilized races with the sensibilities of the 
Greeks of Homer. 

praebuerit. The frequency of the subjunc. perf. in depen- 
dent sentences after ut is a peculiarity of Livy's style, as reali- 
zing more vividly the completed result 

154 NOTES. XXI. c. n. § 7-c. m. § 1. 

§ 7. Cum hoc Hasd. To imply kis practical independence 
of the governrnent at Cartliage. 

sollicitandis. Connected with Oscan sollus = totus, o\os and 
salvus, so sollistimus, sollcmnis, &c. Corssen, i. 486. 

fcedus renov. Polyb. n. 13 gives details of the disquietude 
at Bome, and of the wish to attuck the growing power in Spain, 
which was delayed only by the pressure of the Gallic war. As 
the Eomans had no possessions in Spain, to define the limit 
of tbe Hiberus, and to stipulate for Saguntum, was in fact an 
insult to the sovereign power of Carthage. Fcedus =foidus is 
connected with fides, like triiroi.da with iricrTis. Curtius, Gr. 
Etym. p. 236, rejects Mommsen's explanation from fundere, 
like cnrovof), spondeo. 

ut, 'on condition that' = ^>' y, cf. Polyb., as it was a new 
stipulation added to the treaty of 241 b.c, but Pol. does not 
mention any provision for Saguntum. 

P. 3, c. iii. § 1. In Hasdruoalis locum. There is nothing 
in the sentence to correspond to these words. Something may 
have dropped out which referred to tbem, but more probably 
it is one of those cases of which Madvig speaks in his Kleine 
Pbil. Schr. p. 359, where there is a want of balance and con- 
nexion in Livy's artificial periods. He specifies as examples 
i. 7. 7 and i. 46. 1. Fabri quotes as an example of Livy's 
anacolutha, xxviii. 31. 1, Lcelius . . .auditis qucs acta Gadibus 

erant nuntiis adL. Marcium missis...redeundum ad impera- 

torem esse, adsentiente Marcio paucos post dies ambo Cartha- 
ginem rediere. 

quin...sequebatur. The MS. reading is here quite corrupt, 
especially in quam, where oniy qua is possible, and in the 
omission of the apodosis after erat. Drakenborch's reading 
prarogativam...sequeretur makes fair sense, but lays great 
stress on tbe popularity of Hannibal, who could hardly bave 
been much known by the plcbs, altbough the wealth of Spain 
may have been used to secure adherents at home, and Polybius 
says, 6 5r)/ios fiicf yvufxr] Kvplav i-Koit]cst ttjv tw OTpaToniSuv 
aXpeeiv, Iii. 13. 

prserogativa. A metaphor taken from the usage of the 
Eoman comitia. The tribe on which the lot fell to vote first 
often influenced the vote of the wavering, and so the term 
carried associations of authority. Cf. m. 51. 5, ne comitiorum 
militarium prcerogativam sequerentur urbana comitia, add Cic. 
Mur. 18. 38, tanta illis comitiis religio est ut adhuc semper omen 
valuerit prcerogativum. 

prjetorium. The tent of the Eoman general, and so the 
head-quarters of the legion ; hence applied to the palace of a 
governor, Ev. Matt. xxvii. 27, as also to the quarters of the 

NOTES. XXI". c. iii. §§1— 5. 155 

prmtorian cohorts, Ep. a<l Philipp. i. 13. pi\etor-pia:itor, ' first 
iu rank,' is tbo oldcst titlo of the chief mngistrato of tbe republic. 
Cf. Ascon. in Cic. Verr. i. 11, vetercs omnem magistratum, cui 
pareret exercitu*, prcetorem appeUavcruiit. Umle et prcetorium 
tabernaculum ejus dicitur, et in eastris porta pnetoria, et hodie 
quoque Prcefectus JPnetorio. Tbe term is bere extended to 
1'unic usage. 

favor is said by Quintilian to bave been tbougbt a new 
word by Cicero, favorem et urbanum Cicero nova credit, n. 20. 
10, tbougb it was used by Lucretius, vi. 47. It was first pro- 
bably applied to applause in tbe tbeatre, and Cicero speaks 
apologetically of bis use of it. Or. pro Sestio 51, oui rumore 
et, ut ipsi loquuntur, favore populi tenetur. 

§ 2. vtxdum puberem. He was bowever about 23 years okl, 
for be was nine wben bis fatber went to Spain for nine years, 
and be joined Hasdrubal aftcr five of bis eigbt years of rule 
were over. Cf. 2. 3 and 4. 10. 

ad se accers. Yet 1. 4 implies tbat be went to Spain witb 
Hamilcar. Probably bere, as elsewbere, Livy reproduces dis- 
tiuct traditions. Caslius Antipater, in a passage quoted by 
Priscian, viu. 960, seems to refer to H., antequam Barca peri- 
erat alii rei causa in Africam est missus. Yet Livy xxx. 37. 9 
makes bim say, novem annorum a vobis profcctus post sextum 
et tricesimum redii. In that case be wculd havo had little 
chance of learning statesinanship at home. 

§ 3. Hanno. Probably the cbief rival of Hamilcar after 
the lst war, the feud and reconciliation between whom were so 
important in the struggle with the mercenaries. It was how- 
ever, like otber Punic name3, a common ona with leading men 
at diilerent periods. 

§4. admiratione...convertisset. For the form of the 
phrase cf. xxn. 30. 1, admirationem...converterunt. 

pro...rudimento. For this use of pro = ( as if that were' 
Fabri compares xxin. 33. G, hostes pro hospitibus comiter ac~ 
cepti. xxiv. 25. 3, domino possederit. 

§ 5. regrnl paternl sp. ' Tbe show of monarchy whicb his 
father assumcd.' Cf. the charges of Fabius in Polyb. m. 8 
against Hasdrubal, iinpaKiaOat. ets p.ovapx<-"-v irepiaTr\aa.i. t6 

hereditaril. Cf. the power of associations, coupled with a 
name, over the veterans of Caisar and the countrymen of 

15G NOTES. XXI. c. m. § 6— c. iv. § 3. 

§ 6. Ego. Cf. Donatus ap. Drakenb. semper gravis inceptio 
orationis quce exordium sumit a pronomine ego. 

quandoque is commonly used by Livy in tbe sense of 
' since,' or ' whenever.' Here tbe indefmite meaning ' at some 
time or otber ' grows out of tbe elliptical use ' whenever it may 
be,' following ne as it follows quoad in Cic. Fam. 6. 19 quoad 
ille quandoque vcniat. Tacitus bowever, Ann. vi. 20, uses 
it in tbis indefinite sense by itself, et tu Galba quandoque de- 
gustabis imperium. 

c. iv. § 1. maior pars. Note tbe adinission tbat tbe 
partisans of H. were tbe majority in tbe senate. It was not 
tberefore merely a popular party, supported by tbe army, 
wbicb dragged tbe country against its will into a war witb 
Eome, according to tbe tbeory maintained by Fabius Pictor, 
and refuted by Polyb. m. 8, tbougb in later days H. may bave 
been accused bj bis political opponents as responsible for all 
tbe losses of tbe war, and Livy puts tbis cbarge into tbe moutb 
of tbe ambassadors of Cartbage, xxx. 22. i, eum injussu seiiatus 
non Alpes modo sed Iliberum quoque transgressum. 

In optimus, meliorem, we bave traces of tbe old confusion 
so common in classical literature, by wbicb moral terms are 
used to distinguisb political parties. Cf. tbe use of eirteiKeTs, 
ftfXTHTTot, ootpoi, vo\tT€veii> trutppoviffTepop in Tbucydides, wbo 
epeaks of tbe unscrupulous Antipbon as apeT-fj ovbevi varepos. 

§ 2. Hamllc. iuvenem. Hamilcar was very young in tbe 
lst Punic war, and died in tbe prirne of bfe. Cf. Sopb. 
Pbiloct. k&ii evuvs iv kvkXi^j ffrparbs | eK^dvra 7ras r)<nvd^eT 
6/J.vvvTes fiXiiretv \ rbv ovk It' 6vra ££>vt 'A%tX\^a TrdXtv. 

credere...intuerl. Tbe bistoric infinitives bere give vigour 
and liveliness to tbe passage. 

P, 4. lineamenta. Linea is connected witb littera, lino, 
from a root sli = smcar, found in our slime, Corssen i. 383. 

pater in se . . . ' His f atber's memory was but bttle needed 
to gain tbe popular good will,' or, 'bis likeness to bis fatber 
was b\it tbe least influence,' &c, i. e. was only the least among 
many infiuences. For use of momentum cf. i. 47. 4, ipsa regio 
seminc orta nullum momentum in dando adimendoque regno 
faceret. From tbe early meaning of tbe 'weigbt whicb turned 
tbe scale,' movimentum, came secondary meanings, as in the 
parallel cases of gravis, serius, botb of which first denoted 
physical weigbt, and then moral. 

§ 3. discerneres, a use of the imperf. subj., frequent 
in Livy, where tbe pluperf. would seem more natural to us, as 
ii. 43. 9, crederes victos. The earlier part of tbis description 
Beems too enthusiastic to bave come from a rioman anualist ; 

IfOTES. XXI. c. iv. §§ 3—9. 157 

!y it may bc traced to Philinus, who wrote in the Puuic 
interest. Here again Livy seems to have combined two dis- 
tinct aecounts, for the latter part is purely Koman. It ha3 
been thought that Sallusfs description of Catiline sugge3ted 
some of tho language here used, but the resemblance is not 
very close. The early part of it is repeated by Livy xxvi. 41. 
25, of the young Scipio Africanus. 

§ 4. praBficere is used absolutely, a common feature of 
Livy's style. 

fortiter ac strenue, epithet3 frequently combined. Fabri 
quotes Cic. Phil. n. 32, si miiius fortem, attamen strenuum. 
Strenuus is probably connected with crepebs, ffrpnvqs, sterilis, 
starr, Curtius 193. 

§ 7. id, i. e. temporis. The nse of superessc with the dative 
of the gerundive is unusuah ' Leisure from active work.' 

custodias, sentinels on guard on the ramparts of the camp. 

statlones, ' outposts ' or pickets at outlying points. 

§ 9. Polyb. is. 24 says that the Komans thought craclty 
the special vice of H., but that his namesake, Monomachus, 
was the real author of much that was complained of. In any 
case, the sufferings imposed on Italy by so desperate and long 
a stmggle, the requisitions for the troops, and the outrages of 
camp followers, must have associated the name of H. in 
popular memory with deeds of terrible oppression. Polyb. 
regards the charge of avarice as best supported by the evidence 
of the Carthaginians themselves, and of Masinissa, who knew 
him welL 

perfidia...Punica. Cf. xxn. 6. 12, Punica rellgione servata 
fidcs ab Hannibale est. On this popular senthnent, cf. Horace, 
Carm. rv. 4. 45, dixitque tandem perfidus Hannibal, and43, impio 
| vastata Poznorum tumultu \ fana. As to the Punic character, 
cf. Cic. de leg. agr., Cartliaginienses fraudulenti et mendaces, 
non genere sed natura loci, quod propter portus suos, m^dtis et 
variis mercatorum e.t advenarum sermonibus, ad stndium fallcndi 
studio qu&stus vocabantur. It was like the 'perfklious Albion' 
as used of England. The Eomans had little right to make 
such a charge. Their treatment of Carthage had been strangely 
wanting in good faith, and the foreign policy of the Eoman 
Senate was too often a course of unscrupulous craft and 
egotism, for the religious reverence for which Polybius praises 
them so highly was LUtle shown in international dealings. 

nihil ... The Latin writers have recourse to nihil with the 

158 KOTES. XXI. c. iv. § 9— c. v. § 3. 

partitive genitive, or to nullus, to express ideas for which no 
abstract negatives existed, such as ' irreverence,' ' irreligious.' 
See Niigelsbach, Stilistik, p. 61. 

religio is the sense of the unseen world as a binding or 
constraining force (whether frorn religare, as in Lucretius, 
rcligionum nodis exsolvere, or from relegere, as Cicero N. D. 
ii. 28). It is wider than deum metus, which refers only to 
the fear of divine punishruent. Fabri quotes as a limitation 
of this Pliny, Nat. H. xvi. 40, cui (templo) pepercit religione 
inductus Hannibal. But it is needless to discuss seriously the 
extreme language of national antipathy. 

§ 10. meruit, used properly with stipendia, then abso- 
lutely = ' served.' 

agenda . . . , ' which one who hoped to be sorne day a great 
general could do for himself or learn from others.' 

c. v. § 1. provincia decreta. A metaphor taken from the 
Eoman usage by which special departments were assigned to 
the consuls and prator. Cf. 17. 1. 

§ 2. ne se quoque. But the time may have seemed aus- 
picious while Borne had the Gauls upon her hands. 

P. 5- cunctantem. Notwithstanding the similarity in form 
the root of cunctor (connected with oKveiv) is probably distinct 
from that of cunctus ( = covincius or cojunctus), or percontor 
(from contus, a punt-pole). Cf. Curtius, 638. 

§ 3. Quibus oppugnandis... ' as by an attack on them Eome 
was sure to be provoked to war.' 

Olcadum, a people to the S. W. of Saguntum, mentioned 
also in Polyb. iii. 13, in connexion with this campaign, but 
otherwise unknown. 

nltra, i.e. from the point of view of Livy or a Roman 

in parte magis, i.e. on the side of the Hiberus which was 
left to Carthage by the treaty with Hasdrubal, though not as 
yet conquered. 

rerum serie... 'by the course of events, the conquest that 
is of neighbouring tribes, and the annexation of their territory.' 
The absolute use of jungendo seems very awkward, and Usener 
suggests aliud agendo quasi tractus, but Fabri illustrates this 
use of jungcre from Pliny, Ep. iii. 19, Preedia agris meis vi- 
cina atque etiam inscrta venalia sunt...sollicitat primum ipsa 
pulcliritudo jungendi. For the combination of subst. and 

KOTES. XXI c v. §§ 4— 12. l. r >0 

Rorund. in appos. terie...jungendo, cf. m. 40. ], nee ira nec 
ig n e t emii modum, vi. 13. 6, fuga sequendique jinis. 

§ 4. Cartala, cnllod 'A\0ala by Polyb. m. 13. The first 
syllable is probably Carth or Kiriath as in Cartbago, Carteia. 

Carthaglnem Novam. Noto tbe pleonasm in tbe name, 
for Carthage itself = Carthada a shortened form of Carth-had- 
(asU = new town, so Serv. i£n. i. 3G6, Carthago est lingua 
Peenorum nova civitas, ut docet Livius. Schroder, p. 85. Cf. 
like formations in Hampton-wick, Wansbeck-water. 

Carth. Nova bad been bnilt by Hasdrnbal with regal splen- 
dour, and chosen as a naval base for aggressive operations, 
baving a spacious barbour sheltered by an island at tbe moutb, 
and being protected by marsbes. Strabo speaks of its great 
natural strength, and the revenue from its mines, fisberies 
and commerco (m. 4. G). Pliny (33. 6) mentions a single 
mine wbich brougbt in to Hannibal 300 pounds of silver daily. 
A full description of the site is given in Polyb. x. 10, an eye- 
witness, in connexion with its memorable capture by Scipio. 

§ 5. partlendo ... Note tbe awkwardness of so many abl. 
forms in tbis senteuce. It is one of the peculiarities of Livy's 
style to employ the abl. so often without a prepos. 

prseda for pra-henda. Cf. pradium (prahendium), prabere 
(prahibere), debere (dehibere). Corssen, i. 108. 

§ 6. Hermandica. Polyb. 'EX/uurtKi}, possibly the Sala- 
manca of later days, W. 

§ 7. Carpetanos. Kapir^crioi, described by Polyb., iii. 14, 
as one of tbe strongest tribes in tbe neighbourhood of the 
Tagus, where Madrid aud Toledo afterwards were built. 

§ 9. ab hostibus, ' on the side of .' Cf. xxii. 16. 3, and 
i. 50. 6, ne id quidem ab Turno tulisse tacitum ferunt. 

lta, 'only so far,' Fabri ; but perhaps not necessarily ' only,' 
as Hannibal may have thrown his camp forward beyond the 
crossing place. 

§ 10. lmpedltum, the acute suggestion of Heerwagen for 

§ 11. appendicibus, ' contingents.' 

lnvlcta contains elliptically the protasis to si = ' which would 
have been unconquerable.' 

P. 6, § 12. id morarl... 'that their victory was dclayed 
only by the river which fiowed between them.' 

160 NOTES. XXI. c. v. § 14— c. vi. § 3. 

§ 14. instabilis ac vlx vado f. i. e. could hardly be sure 
of liis footing even where tbe stream was fordable. 

§ 16. a tanto pavore. To justify insertion of a cf. n. 50. 
7, recipiendi apavore tanto animum. 

agmine quadrato, properly formed in square, so as t,o 
sbow a line of battle on every side, afterwards more generally 
of an army in fighting order, cf. n. 6. 8. Sen. Ep. 59, in 
quadrato agmine exercitum, ubi hostis ab omni parte suspectus 
est, pugna paratum. Tibull. iv. 1. 101, seu sit opus, quadra- 
tum acies consistat in agmen \ rectus ut azquatis decurrat fron- 
tibus ordo. 

fugam ex r. f. ' drove them in flight from the bank.' 

c. vi. § 1. "War with S. was not yet declared, but thero 
were already grounds for war. The neighbouring tribes were 
made to pick a quarrel with them, especially the Turdetani. 
As he who had stirred them to arms also espoused their cause, 
and it was clear that the intention was to appeal, not, to ar- 
bitration, but the sword," &c. Fabri and W. leave out tho 
stop after causa, and make it an abl. explanatory of sere- 

Turdetani. These, according to Strabo m. 2, lay on the 
Baetis near Gades ; the Edetani may be meant, for they were 
on the coast between Carthago Nova and the Hiberus, Str. m. 
4. 1. 

§ 3. Consules tunc. Yet see the doubts expressed by Livy 

de re publ. rettul. The position of the consul who presided 
in the Senate was unlike that of Speaker or of Leader in a 
modern Parliament. He did not commonly keep order merely 
in debate, or move a distinct resolution, but stated the subjects 
for discussion, and appealed to the senators to speak de re 
publica. As to this expression Fabri quotes from Gell. xiv. 7 
Varro's description of the customary usage, de rebus quoque 
diuinis piius quam humanis ad senatum referendum esse, tum 
porro referri oportere aut infinite de republica aut de singulis 
rebus finite. 

Legatus is used for a commissioner entrusted with a special 
function, and is not a definite name for official rank, and 
hence it retains its participial meaning, as 'bound,' or 'des- 
patched.' (Cf. lex, collega, ligare, Corssen, n. 444.) The 
fetiales in early days had been the regii nuntii to discharge 
formalities of international intercourse. This was however a 
priestly corporation, and filled by co-optation : its duties were 

FOTES. XXI. c. vi. § 3—o. vii. § 1. 161 

gradually uarrowed to cerernonial details when war was 
actnally declared. For previous negotiations the Seuate de- 
oided in each case to have commissioners (legati), leaviug their 
choice commonly to the Executive, but fixing their number 
and qualifications, and giving them definite instructions. In 
later days for foreign wars the commander-in-chief was allowed 
to nominate legati, who should represent the Senate in his 
council of war, and undertake any functions, military or ad- 
mimstrative, to which he niight depute them. Like prcefectus, 
the name implied only delegated functions, and required other 
adjuncts to make it definite. 

ad res inspic. A usual phrase in Livy for the duties of 
special commissioners. Cf. iv. 36. 2, xxvi. 35. 8 

§ 4. quibus si v., for qui si videretur iw...according to 
a frequent usage of attraction. 

denuntiarent. To be written with a t like all compouuds 
of nuntius, wbich= noventius, from novus, like nundince from 
novem, contio from conventio. So the inscriptions and best 
MSS. Corssen, i. 51. 

P. 7, § 5. hac legatione...resumes the whole series of 
clauses which form the protasis of the sentence. 

necdum missa. This ia hardly consistent with the account 
of Polyb. iii. 14, who makes the Eoman envoys treat with H. 
at Carth. Nova, aud spreads the whole over a longer time. 
The conjunction dum, which is also found as an affix of many 
words, as in nedum, vixdum, nihildum, interdum, &c, seems 
to proceed from -dium, the accus. form of -dius, -diu, found in 
perdius, interdiu, and to mean ' the day through,' ' the while.' 
Corssen, ii. 856. 

spe celerius. Gf. dicto citius, spe serius, solito magis. Spe 
is constantly used for ' expectation,' rather than ' hope.' 

§ 6. alii prov. ' Some were for assigning at once to the 
consuls the departments of,' &o. Cf. 17. 1. As Pabri re- 
marks, decerno is often used for decerni volo. Cf. 10. 13, n. 

alii totum. ' Others were for limiting the range of war 
to'... Fabri and Weiss. read intenderant with most of the 
MSS., i.e. ' they had aheady at the first discourse,' &o. This 
is an awkward change of tense, but not unexampled in Livy. 

o. vii. § 1. Saguntum lay in the midst of a rich and fertile 
country, Polyb. in. 17. It was afterwards rebuilt, and famous 
for its red pottery, the calices Saguntini of Martial, and 
though Moor and Goth have built with the materials of the 

C. L. 11 

162 NOTES. XXI. c. vii. §§ 1—5. 

past, its muri veteres have given it the modern name of Mur- 
viedro, as tho urbs vetus of central Italy became Orvieto. The 
old castle, crowned by Moorish walls and towers, is still a 
fortress which is the key of Valencia. 

§ 2. passus mille. The sea has since retired to three 
times this distance from the site of the old town. 

Oriundi. For the constr. ad synesim, civitas...oriundi, cf. 
xxvi. 19. 11, Emporiis urbe Grceca {oriundi et ipsi a Phoccea sunt) 
copias exposuit. With tbe participial use of oriundi compare 
that of volvendus as used by Lucr. v. 514, 1276 with sidera, 
cBtas, the volvenda dies of Vergil, and volvendus clamor of 

a Zacyntho. The ideutity of the names becomes apparent 
if we remember that in early Latin there was no distinction 
of C and G, and that Z, T and 9 were all letters of late intro- 
duction. The termination um may be paralleled by Epidam- 
num, Ilinm, Pergamum, formed from Greek words in -os. 
Early coins clearly point to the fact of Greek inhabitants, and 
are very like those of Massilia. Cf. C. I. L. u. p. 511. 

§ 3. tantas. There is no relative to balance this, but it 
may refer to the proofs drawn from the siege. 

fidem socialem. This is a bit of false sentiment, as Sa- 
guntum fought for itself, though it asked help from Eome. 

§ 4. infesto. A word constantly used with exercitu, signis, 
agmine, &c, of any aggressive movement. 

§ 5. Polybius omits all details of the siege, but he states 
the motives of H., his wish to strike terror into Spain, and to 
leave no elements of danger behind him in his march for 
Italy, as also his need of funds to secure adherents at Car- 

cetera circa. This use of the adverb for the adj. or el- 
lipse for quce circa erant, where the Greeks would put an 
article before the adverb, is common in Livy, especially in the 
case of circa. Cf. xxii. 23. 4, omnibus circa solo cequatis, i. 58. 
2, postquam satis tuta circa...videbantur. 

vineas. These were an important part of a Eoman siege 
train, covering as they did the men who were trenching, un- 
dermining, or bringing up the battering rams. They are 
described by Vegetius iv. 15 as eight feet high, seven broad, 
and sixteen long, covered above with planks and hurdles, and 
at the sides with a screen of osiers, coated with raw hides at 

NOTES. XXI. c. vii. § 5— c. viii. § 2. 1G3 

tlie surface. Tbcy wero then lockcd togothcr to forrn oiic con- 
tinuous defcnco, under which the assailants could work. 

§ 6. ut ..., ' altbough ... yet Uttle progress was made when 
they came to press tbe siege in earnest.' 

efifectum is one of Livy's favourite verbals in us, of whicb 
he uses more than most writers, and in cases elsewbere less 
famibar, as spe ejfectus for Cicero's spe efficiendi. 

succedebat, often used impersonally by Livy. Fabri quotes 
xxrv. 38. 3, cui (fraudi) quoniam parum succedit ; xxv. 37. 19, 
si successisset cceptis. 

P. 8, § 7. ut ln suspecto, i. e. as was natural in. Cf. 
12. 4, ut ab irato victore, and vin. 30. 7, multis potitus spoliis 
ut ex tanta ccede, where the Greeks might use ota elicds. At 
other times tbe ut is used in a restrictive sense, as vir ut inter 
&tolos facundus, xxxn. 33.9. 

ceterse alt., briefly put for tbe beight of tbe wall in otber 
places, constr. prcegn. 

obsistebant. Tbe plural verb witb iuventus is common in 
Livy, cf. rv. 56. 6, omnium populorum iuventus Antium con- 
tracta, ibi castris positis hostem opperiebantur, so vn. 2. 5. 

§ 8. nec quicquam ..., ' did not allow tbe besiegers to ap- 
proacb anywbere in safety,' a favourite form of Sallust. Jug. 
66, nihil intactum neque quietum pati ; also 88. Fabri. 

§ 9. tumultuariis, often used by L., as 8. 7 of pugna, and 
extended even to miles i. 37. 6, castra xxviii. 16. 7, and opus 
xlii. 63. 4. 

§ 10. tragmla, so xxiv. 42. 2, femur tragula confixum, and 
Csesar, Bell. Gall. v. 35. 6, utrumque femur tragula trajicitur. 
Varro, L. Lat. iv. 24, derives it from trajicere. Tbe construc- 
tion of tbe acc. of the part affected is more frequent in poetry 
than prose. 

c. viii. § 1. curaretur. Tbe subj. expresses tbe purpose 
of tbe delay. 

§ 2. pluribus p. , a local abl. constantly used by Livy witb- 
out a prepos. 

cceptse agi. Livy varies in bis use of tbe word cozpi. 
Often as here be says, like Cicero, agi ccsptum, impediri capta 
res, and nearly always witb fieri, using a double passive, but at 


164 NOTES. XXI. c. vm. §§ 3—10. 

times he has plirases like templum cedificari ccepit. Cf. Madvig 
Kleine PhU. Schr. p. 364. 

§ 3. Abundabat multitudine. Cf. vi. 24. 2, multitudo sup- 
peditabat, and v. 38. 4, tantum superanti multitudine. 

§ 4. itaque is generally taken with the next sentence, but 
the asyndeton of ccepti sunt, non sufficiebant would be very 
abrupt. W. proposes to omit sunt, and thinks the passage 
unfinished or corrupt. It is not satisfactory as it stands. 
Sufficere is used by Livy both with a case, as x. 18. 7, quum 
bello tuo forsitan vix siifficias, and absolutely as xxxvi. 45. 2, 
quoad remiges sufficere potuerunt. 

§ 5. una..., "one side (pars), where a wide breach was 
inade, had exposed the city to assault." The form of the sen- 
tence is somewhat bold, for ' the city -was exposed on one side 
by,' &c. 

deinceps, 'one after the other,' explr.natory of the fore- 
going clause. It seems to be an old nominative form, used 
adverbially, such as princeps, manceps, terticeps, anceps, inceps 
(Festus), so 'taking the place from there,' de-in-ceps. Corssen, 
n. 591. 

§ 6. velut si, i. e. besiegers and besieged showed equal 
readiness in their advance, as if the wall had been before a 
screen to both alike. 

§ 7. tumultuarise pugnse, explained in xxv. 34. 9 by ag- 
mina magis quam acies pugnabant ...ut in tumultuaria pugna. . . 

per occasionem, i.e. when either side gave or seized a 
chance of attack. 

alterius is here, as elsewhere, nearly equivalent to alterius 
utrius. Heerwagen compares xxrv. 3. 17, inter eos levia praelia 
ex occasione aut opportunitate hujus aut illius partis orieban- 

conseri, a more graphic phrase for a number of petty con- 
flicts than conciri, adopted by Heerwagen for the consciri of 
most MSS. 

P. 9, § 10. Phalarica, genus teli missile, quo utuntur ex 
falis, ioi est, locis exstructis, vel ut ait Nonius, ex turribus 
ligneis dimicantes, Festus ap. Drakenb. 

cetera. Heerwagen notes that Cicero does not use tbifl 
neut. plur. absolutely as Livy and Horace often do. 

NOTES. XXI. o. vni. § 12- o. ix. § 1. 165 

§ 12. conceptumque . . . . 'and the flame which it carried 
was f anned by the mero motiou to a ficrcer heat. ' 

nudum, often used like yvuvbs, of anyono unarmed or 
defenceless. Cf. m. 19. 6, arrnu vobis ademit nudosque servis 
vestris ... objccit. 

c. rx. §1. Saguntinis...Pcenus. The chango in number is 
abrupt, but the latter word is used of the army, and not as 
sometimes of the general, cf. xxxv. 40. 6. 

qula resisterent is properly in the conj., as the thought 
of the S. , and ground of their confidence : unlike the quod cre- 
derent of 1. 3, which is irregular. 

§ 2. in ruinas muri. The battle had takon place in the 
clt ar ground between the walls and the houses inside, an- 
swt ring probably to the pomozrium of Eoman towns, or to the 
space left for the way which ran inside the walls, by which the 
garrison could pass to any point. 

§ 3. tot tam. For the asyndeton Fabri compares v. 54. 3, 
tot tam valida oppida, xxv. 24. 14, tot tam opulenti tyranni. 

Hannibali... 'H. had no leisure for negotiations at so 
critical a moment,' cf. in ipso discrimine periculi, vi. 17. 1 ; 
and on the use of rerum 1. 5. Polyb. m. 15 says that the 
envoys were admitted, but answered scornfully. Note the hexa- 
meter, arma, nec Hannibali in tanto discrimine rerum. On the 
tendency to let such verses slip into prose style, Cic. in Orat. 
lvi. Versus scepe in oratione per imprudentiam dicimus : quod 
vehementer est vitiosum. . .scnarios vero et hipponacteos effugere vix 
possumus ; magnam enim partem ex iambis nostra constat oratio 
...inculcamus autem...sape etiam minus usitatos. Quintilian 
notices, Inst. ix. 4, T. Livius hexametri exordio cazpit, 'factu- 
rusne opera pretium sim.' So Tacitus Ann. 1. 1, Urbem Eomam 
a principio reges habuere. Livy vii. 11, Pugnatum haud pro- 
cul | Porta Collina est totius viribus urbis, and xxn. 50. 10, 
Juec ubi dicta dedit stringit gladium cuneoque facto per mcdios 
vadit. In Greek writers also the same tendency may be noted 
at times, as in Thuc. n. 49, <p\vKT<xlvais uiKpats Kal ZXKecnv 
i^-qvOr^KOS. And Ep. Iacob. i. 17, iraca Socis dyadij Kal irdv Sw- 
prj/xa rk\eiov. Cf. Drakehborch, Livy, Prasf. i. 

P. 10, § 4. ne quid... ' That the rival party might take 
no steps in deference to Eome,' this is the reading of Perizo- 
nius for pro R., which is opposed to the common construc- 
tion of gratificari. 

o. x. § 1. prseterquam qualifies vana atque irrita, and is 
not related to quoque as usually in sentences of this form. W. 

106 NOTJSS. XXI. c. x. §§ 2—7. 

§ 2. adversus senatum. Tbo reading of most MSS. is 
adverso scnatu 'contrary to the wishes of the senate,' in which 
H. had a majority, as adversa nobilitate, vi. 42. 6. The non 
is omitted in the MSS. before cum adsensu, but is required 
by the facts of the case, and there will be no repetition if we 
take adversus in the sense of ' urged before the senate.' 

causam...egit, ' pleaded for the maintenance of the treaty.' 

§ 3. monuisse, praed. For this asyndeton Fabri compares 
ii. 10. 1, itaque monere prcedicere, ut pontem...interrumpant. 

manes means properly the ' good f olk, ' oppoBed to immanis. 
Corssen, i. 43, couuects both with manus, metari, mensura, 
from the root ma=measure. 

quietura, 'would rest...undisputed,' for this negative sense 
of q. cf. xxii. 18. 9, medicos plus quiete quammovendo proficere. 

§ 4. fiagrantem cup. r. This was a charge frequently 
used with dangerous effect in the civil struggles of Eome. 
The examples of J. Cassar would be fresh in the minds of Livy 
and his readers. 

ex bellis oella serendo. Cf. n. 18. 10 and xxxi. 6. 4. 

legio, properly ' a gathering ' from legere, like legumcn, 
spicilegium, sacrilegus, &o. 

§ 5. rupta foedera. Cf. § 8. ulti agrees with Eomani 
understood to R. legiones by a constr. ad syncsim. 

§ 6. ius gentium sust., 'made hght of international law;' 
this insisted on respectful treatment of ambassadors, but H. 
was justified in referriug them to his own government. Cf. 
jure gentium agunt, i. 14. 1. 

res repetunt, ' demand compensation, ' answers to res red- 
dendas of § 13. Cf. iv. 58. 1, per legatos fetialesque res repeti 

ut publica, i. e. as a proof that, or assuming that the state 
was not at fault they demand the surrender of the guilty cause 
of the offence. For this sense of publica fraus cf. xxx. 25. 4, 
seu Hasdrubale...sine publica fraude auso facinus. Cf. v. 36. 7, 
postulatum ut pro jure gentium violato Fabii dederentur. 
Most MSS. omit the ut which Perizonius inserted. 

§ 7. .ffigates. The decisive defeat of Carthage off these 
islands brought the first war to a close, b.c. 241. They were in 
front of Lilybseum. 

NOTES. XXI. c. x. § 7— c. xi. § 1. 167 

^ Erycem, now Monte di San Guiliano, the scene of Hamil- 
car's gallant stand for years aguinst the Roman forces. 

P. 11, § 8. Mars alter. Cf. Cato tertius, Juv. n. 40. 

istl, i. e. the Barcine party ; iste is often used of an op- 
poneut in a lawsuit, and with implicd dislike. 

Tarento. The appearance of a Funic fleet off Tarentum 
had been urged as a ground for tho first war, cf. Epit. Liv. 
: xiv., but Polyb. iii. 26 gives at length the early treaties be- 
tween Eome and Carthage, and exposes the error of those 
writers who hold that R. was bound to abstain from Sicily, 
and C. from Italy. 

§ 9. homines. Madvig omits the que usually added to 
this word in order to emphasize the divine intervention, and 
makes vicerunt used absolutely ; but dii hominesque is a very 
cominon phrase, and the change seems needless. 

id de quo is used absolutely, not in appos. to a followirg 
sentence. It may be explained as referring to judex, as if it 
were ejus de quo — ' tho subject of debate.' 

unde, for ' on whose side,' as above, § 6, unde ne hostium 
q. I. Cf. iv. 43. 9, unde (i.e. ab ^Equis) si quid increparet 

§ 11. ln eo, 'in the case of,' H. eo...quod 'for this rea- 
son.' ec.unde, 'thither.' Note the different senses in which 
eo ia used in following lines. 

§ 12. dedendum. We must supply censeo from the next 

ad piaculum... 'to atone for...' as xlv. 10, ad piaculnm 
nox<B. Some MSS. have id p., and piaculum is often used by 
Livy as 'victim,' cf. vi. 21. 7, nepiacula dcderentur. 

accidere. Cf. 61. 1. So in L. vox, clamor, strepitus ae- 
cidit ; the common reacling was accedere. 

quietae civ. st. Hypallage for quietum civitatis statum, 
as 11. 8, structura antiquce gcncre for antiquo. 

c. xi. § 1. perorasset. The peroratio which brought a 
speech to a close was of special rhetorical importance. 

adeo prope omnis. Cf. 57. 14 the still stronger form adeo 

omnis...Hannibalis erat. Cf. iii. 36. 10, hominum non cau- 
sarum toti erant. 

Flaccus Valeriu8. Fabri notes that the usual order of 
pramomen, nomen and cognomen, is often neglected by Livy, 
sometimes in putting the prajnomen last as 1'abius Quintus, 

168 NOTES. XXI. c. xi. §§ 1—7. 

more often in putting nomen after cognomen as Crassus 
Licinius, Antias Valerius. 

§ 2. ortum ab S. Polyb. in. 15 refers to a despatch from 
H. to Carthage complaining of aggressions of the Saguntines 
oii the Carthaginian subjects. Saguntinos short for Sagunti- 
norum societatem. Cf. rx. 10. 1, Postumium...devotione P. 
Decii...<equabant, and many like examples in Livy. 

P. 12. vetustissimse. The earliest treaty of E. with C. 
dated from 508 b. c. 

§ 3. fessum habebat. The verb habere, besides its auxi- 
Hary use, implies the continuance of the result. Cf. Cic. Eep. 
iii. 14. 24, quum qucereretur ex eo quo scelere impulsus mare 
haberet infestum uno myoparone. Fam. 14. 7. 1, sollicitudines 
quibus te miserrwiam habui. So Lucr. i. 1068 amplexi quod 
habent perverse prima viai. 

ira...stimulando. The abl. accompanied by the gerund is 
awkward. The MSS. do not vary, though G-ronovius reads 
stimulanda, but Fabri observes that Livy does not use stimu- 
lare iram, but st. aliquem or animum, in other jilaces. XJsener 
supposes promittendo to have slipped out of the second half of 
the sentence, in which there is a want of balance. 

§ 4. contio for conventio is used for an assembly in the 
city, or the camp, as also for an harangue pronounced on such 
occasions, so pro contione = ' publicly.' 

extemplo. Adverb formed of prepos. and noun like in- 
primis, perviam, illico, obviam, &c. Templo connected with 
tempus and riixvuv. 

§ 7. turris. The moveable tower (t. ambulatoria) of later 
times is described by Vegetius, iv. 17, as 30 to 50 feet square, 
and so high as to overtop, not the walls only, but the towers of 
the besieged city. It was covered with raw hides to be 
screened from fire, and was moved along on roliers to the 
point of attack. In the lowest story was contained a battering 
ram, in the middle was a drawbridge, which might suddenly 
be lowered and secured with grappling irons to the walls for a 
boarding party, while the higher stories were filled with men 
who poured a shower of missiles of every kind upon the 

catapultis. Latinized form of KaTairiXrris from irdXKw. 
With it we may possibly connect pilum. Corssen, n. 157. 

ballistis. See the description in Vegetius iv. 22, Ballista 
funibus nervinis tenditur, qu& quanto prolixiora brachiola 
habuerit, hoc est, quanto major fuerit, tanto spicula longius 

NOTES. XXI. c. xi. § 8— c. xn. § 4. 109 

S 8, caementa. The small stones used in rainbling work, 
or for foundations, or piers. Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 1. 34, camenta 
d ev Uttit redemptor. Corsseu connects it with ccespes, lapicida, 
scindo, and the root skid = cut. 

lnterlita luto, ' with layers of mud between the courses.' 

§ 9. patentia ruinis, ' the breach.' L. often uses neut. 
participles substautively, like aversa urbis, extrema agminis, 
but the constr. with an abl. is still bolder. 

P. 13, § 10. murum interiorem ducunt. A wall crossing 
the other at points where the old work was firm. This was 
sometimes called brachium. Cf. iv. 9. 14, consul muro Ardece 
brachium injunxerat, xxn. 52, brachio objecto flumine eos ex- 

§ 13. affectos. Frequently used by L. in the sense of 
'niorbid,' affectae vires, v. 106, corpus, xxn. 8. 3. 

Oretanos. Described by Strabo m. 1 as South of the Car- 
petani, and on the mountain range now called the Sierra 

dilectus. This is the proper form of the word, not de- 
lectus, as the Eoman idea was not so much that of choosing 
from the mass (de), as of distributing (di) among the 4 legions 
the conscripts of each tribe, as described by Polyb. vi. 20. 

consternati. Here used for excitement, rather than fear. 
Cf. vii. 42. 1, ad arma consternari, xxvin. 25. 1, causa irae con- 

c. xii. § 1. cives. The term could strictly be applied to \ 
only few in H.'s army, which was mainly composed of the 
subject races. 

§ 2. arietibus. In the 16th century large fragments of a 
battering ram were still shown at Saguntum (Murviedro) iu 
the castle, which were of great antiquity, and traditionally 
described as part of the siege train of H., and as such copied 
in the works of early travellers. Cf. Hermes n. 450. 

§ 4. Tentata. ' Slight as was the hope of peace, efforts 
were made to gain it.' Cf. xxviii. 38. 4, tentata est spes 
triumphi. On the spelling of tentare Eitschl says in his Pro- 
legomena, nec de temptare forma post Bentleium hodie fere 
dubitatur, referring to Bentley's remark, Hoc in omne genus 
MSS. animadverti, tam veterrimis mille et ducentorum annorum, 
quam recentioribus, vel temptare scribi, vel rarius temtare; 
nunquam quod hodie obtinet, tentare. Some of the best in- 
scriptions also give temptare. It was however an etymolo- 

170 NOTES. XXI. c. m. § 4— c. xni. § 3. 

gical blunder, by which the< tentare from tentus, tendere was 
assimilated to the temptus from temnere, m whioh the p was 
ixiserted for euphony between m and n. 

Hispanum. Either generally, or in distinction to the 
Saguntines who were said to be of foreign race. 

movebant. Fabri remarks on the frequent use of the 
imperf. with postquam, in cases where the action is supposed 
still to continue. Cf. iii. 60. 8, postquam jam multa dies erat, 
veque movebatur quicquam. 

condlclones. ' Harsh conditions were named as might l>e 
expected from an implacable enemy.' This spelling of con- 
dicio is almost invariably found in the best MSS. and inscrip- 
tions; the derivation from condere must therefore be given up 
in favour of that which connects it with dicio,judicare, SIki), 
and the root dik. On the use of ut, cf. 7. 7. 

transfuga ex or. ' Turned deserter instead of advocate.' 

sub condic. The sub is very rarely used in this connexion, 
as condicio is used absolutely in the abl. Heerwagen thinks 
that it emphasizes the dependent condition of the Sagun- 

P. 14, § 6. lnterpretem. For the use of the word cf. u. 
33. 14, huic interpreti arbitroque concordice civium. Curtius 
connects interpres with S. prat, and <ppa8, <ppa.<j<ju. 

publice S. 'Kecognized by the State of Saguntum as,' &c. 

§ 8. senatus datus. ' Audience was given in the senate 
to.' This sense suits most of the passages in which the 
phrase is used in Livy, but in some it can only refer to a 
special meeting convened for the purpose, as in xxvi. 21. 1, 
where the praetor calls the senate together to discuss the 
claims of an applicant for a triumph. So too of the corres- 
ponding expressions, xxni. 7. 11, senatum extemplo postulat, 
where the demand is for a special meeting. 

c. xiii. § 1. veni. The subj. venissem of the MSS. here 
seems out of place in reference to the definite hoc iter, and 
Madvig reads veni. sed, thinking that this was written veni 
set, then changed to venisset, and afterwards as a mistake in 
the person to venissem. 

§ 2. pro. 'In the name of,' 'out of regard for.' 

§ 3. loqui, quse loquor. A sort of repetition constantly 
occurring in Latin writers. Fabri compares Quintil. ix. 3. 80, 
accedit et ex illafigura gratia, qua nomina dixi mutatis casibus 
repeti ' non minus cederet quam cessit.' 1 

vel ea fides sit. ' Evidence may be found in the fact that.' 

NOTES. XXI. c. xiii. § 4— c. xiv. § 3. 171 

§ 4. Postquam.est. 'Now that there is.' A rare se- 
of teuso, as the est is not the historical present. It 
should he postquam eo vcntttm est ut, Heerwagen compares 30. 
5, pottquam multo majorem parttm itineri» ememam eernant. 

i 5 . Culus ita. ' Bome slight hope of which is left pro- 
vided that you accept its terms as conquered men, seeing that 
H. dictates them as a conqueror, and do not think of what you 
forftit as a loss, but of what you are allowed to keep as a free 
gift, seeing that all you have is at your conqueror's mercy.' 
The change of mood from the audiatis of the MSS. which 
most editors retain, to habituri estis, can haidly he explained 
on any principle, so Madvig reads audietis after Gronovius. 

P. 15, § 6. captam habet. A strong form of the perfect 
for a completed act, &a fessum militem habebat, 11. 3. 

§ 7. binis. Why this instead of singuiis, 12. 5, we do not 
know, and Lipsius therefore suggested privis as privis tunicis 
donati, vii. 37. 2. 

§ 8. Equidem. The e seems to be an intensifying particle 
as in edepol (e. deus. Pollux), equirine, ecastor, edius Fidius, 
another form of medius Fidius. Corssen, n. 857. 

§9. patienda...sinatis. Note the change of construction, 
patiamini being understood in paticnda. 

trucidari. Derived by Corssen from truncum cadere, as if 
shortened from truci-cidare like stipendhnn for stipi-pendium, 
u. 581. 

c. xiv. § 1. paulatim. Like raptim, confestim, this adverb 
seems to be an accusative form of an abstract substantive 
otherwise lost. Corssen n. 532 explains paulus, or paullus the 
older form, as a diminutive paurulus from a root pauro, pre- 
served in iravpos, like misellus, tenellus, &c. for miserulus, 
tenerulus. So the name Paulus means 'the little man' as 
Crassus ' the fat man.' 

argentum aurumque omne. Livy seems in this chapter to 
combine two accounts of the event, one of which emphasized 
the tragic despair of the S., while another reported ingens 
prada and captivi. Polyhius m. 17 after a veiy short ac- 
count of the siege dwells on the booty gained. Like stories 
of the self-destruction of the inhabitants were told in the case 
of other Spanish towns in later tirues. Cf. xxviii. 23, Juv. xv. 
93. Compare also the sieges of Numantia and Zaragoza. 

§ 3. momento. More frequently with temporis, or horce, 
not absolutely, as here and in iii. 63. 1, xxiv. 22. 9. 

crudele. Eequires fuit to balance cognitum est, but Livy 
often omits in like cases. 

172 NOTES. XXI. c. xiv. § 4— c. xvi. § 1. 

§ 4. nullum ante flnem. The long delay and heavy losses 
of the siege may well have disgusted Hannibal with operations 
which gave so little scope for his genius for strategy. We find 
therefore that in Italy he rarely persevered in the siege of any 
of the fortresses by which he passed in his campaigns. He 
marched too rapidly through hostile country to carry with him 
the heavy materials of a siege train. 

P. 16, c. xv. § 2. supellectilem. We may explain supellez 
as a contracted form of superlectus, though we read Labeo ait 
originem fuisse supelleetilis quod olim his qui in legionibus 
proficiscerentur locari solerent quce sub peUibus usui forent. 
Dig. 33. 10. 7. 1. 

§ 3. Octavo mense. Eome had therefore ample time to 
send the needful succour to Saguntum, and by her long delay 
she not only deserted an ally, but brought invasion upon Italy. 

Octavo...quam. The post is here omitted before quam, as 
in iv. 47. 5, die octavo quam creatus erat, and other places. 

coeptum. Note the omission of sit after this word, and of 
esse after captum. 

quldam scripsere, as Polyb. iii. 17. 

§ 4. fieri non p. The chronological dif&culty existed only 
in the authorities which Livy followed. The account of Poly- 
bius is clear and consistent, agreeing only with L. in the eight 
months for the siege, and the five for the march to Italy. He 
makes the Eoman envoys reach H. at Carthago Nova before 
the siege begins, and throws back the embassy of Saguntum to 
the year before the consulship of Scipio and Sempronius. 

§ 5. coeptum. Weissenborn remarks that Livy forgets 
that the consuls entered office on the 15th of March, and that 
the army which took Sag. could not then be returning in 

§ 6. excessisse. ' The battle on the T. cannot have fallen 
so late.' As for the phrase Pabri compares xxx. 26. 1, inse- 
quentia excedunt in eum annum quo. 

pugna ad Trebiam. So xxii. 7. 1, ad Trasumennum pugna, 
54. 11, clades ad JEgates insulas. 

C. Flaminius Ar. Cf. 63. 1. 

creatus a T. S. The magistrate presiding at the elections 
must be of like or higher rank, i. e. dictator, consul, or inter- 
rex. He was said creare, that is, to declare the candidate 
elected, though the phrase populus creat is also used. 

c. xvi. § 1. Sub idem tempus, ' about the samo time. ' Cf . 

NOTES. XXI. c. xvi. §§ 1—6. 173 

qul redierant. The delay of the envoys seems unreason- 
able according to Livy's dates, still more so if we aocept those 
of Polybius. 

§ 2. pudor non latl aux. , ' shame at the neglect to send,' 
cf. on 1. 5. 

summa r., 'the safety of the state,' cf. xxn. 12. 10, and 
note on 1. 1. 

P. 17, § 3- nam neque hostem, thrown into the acc. of 
the oblique narration, giving the reason of metus. Cf. 'namet 
Siciliam, , i. 5. 

§ 4. Sardos. These hostilities took place just after the 
lst, and before the 2nd Punio war. Sardinia, which Roine 
had wrested from Carthage at the end of the lst Punic war, 
rebelled shortly afterwards and made common cause with the 
Corsicans, whose indignation had been roused by the refusal of 
the Roman government to recognize the treaty of peace just 
concluded without its sanction, nor would they accept the person 
of M. Claudius Glicia, the author of the obnoxious treaty. The 
unhealthy climate stayed awhile the progress of the Roman 
arms, but both islands were finally subdued by Sp. Carvilius, 
b.c. 234. 

The Illyrians, b. c. 230, under the queen-regent Teuta pro- 
voked hostilities by their piracies on Italian traders and mur- 
der of the R. envoys, but they were speedily defeated, as were 
also the Histrians who followed their example. 

tumultuatum. These passive forms of neuter verbs are 
especially frequent in historical writers, e. g. discursum, pro- 
cursum, consensum, desperatum, introitum, transcensum. The 
term is justified by the old phrase often used of Gallicus tumul- 
tus which Cicero thus explains, tumultum majores nostri Itali- 
cum quod erat domesticus tumultus, Gallicum quod erat Italice 
finitimus, praterea nullum tumultum nominabant. Phil. 8. 1. 
But the alarm at Rome as described by Polybius, n. 24, and 
the care with which the muster-rolls of the Italian contingents 
were reviewed, show how real the danger was then thought 
to be, though the great victory at Telamon soon put an end 
to it. As to form of the sentence cf. n. 26. 1, tumultus fuit 
verius quam bellum. 

§ 5. trium et vig. includes the whole period between the 
two Punio wars, 241 — 218 b.c, though the conquest of Spain 
was not begun so early. 

§ 6. bellum ln Italla. Pol. m. 15 states that the Ro- 
mans did not expect lo wage war in Italy but in Spain, and 

174 NOTES. XXI. c. xvi. § 6— c. xvn. § 3. 

there is no reason to suppose that the plans of Hannibal could 
have been foreseen. 

c. xvn. § 1. The term provincia is strictly used only in con- 
nexion with the imperium of a Eonian magistrate, that is with 
ruilitary and judicial functions. For this reason, as for others, 
we must reject the derivation from providentia which is often 
given for it, together with that from proventus of Niebuhr, and 
accept the old derivation f rom provincere ('to be the mightiest') 
of Festus, though his words vinciam dicebant continentem,... 
provincia quod eas pop. Rom. provicit seem wrongly to restrict 
the use of the term to land beyond the seas, and to point to 
the conquest rather than the rule. The Annalists employed 
it early for the limits of each consuTs sphere of mihtary action. 
Thus Livy n. 40. 14, ^quilio Hernici provincia evenit ; for 
some such division of functions must have been needful from 
the first, though not constitutionally binding. As the senate's 
infiuence increased, it claimed more right to define the work 
of the executive from year to year, or nominare provincias, or 
in less appropriate terms decernere (c. 6. 6) ; but the several 
departments were decided by lot (sortiri) or by agreement (com- 
parare inter se provincias,...extra sortem concedente collega). 

The principle of division was extended to the prastorship 
when two forms of jurisdiction were distinguished, and with the 
conquest of Sicily a precedent was set for the new system of 
departments locally distinct from the executive centralized at 
Eome. Each of these provinces in the latter sense was ruled 
by a governor invested with an imperium which covered mili- 
tary and judicial functions. 

§ 2. socium, quantum i. v. Such discretionary power 
was not commonly vested in the consuls, unless by special 
commission as in this case. The policy of Eome was to throw 
more and more of the military burdens upon the alhes, who 
had been gradually brought closer to E. , and severed from each 
other by distinct ties of relationship to the central city. 

Note the contracted form of the gen. plur. which is fre- 
quently used in this word as in deum, modium, jugerum, de- 
narium. Cf. Cic. Orat. 157, alias ita loquor ut concessum est, 
ut hoc vel ' pro deum' dico vel ' pro deorum', alias ut necesse 
est, cum ' trium virum' non virorum, cum ' sestertium nummum' 
non nummorum, quod in his consuetudo varia non est. 

ipsis, i. e. consulibus. 

§ 3. scripta, enrolled. The verbal copula is omitted 
throughout the chapter. 

celoces = k A^re s or hght galleys, commonly feminine. A 
large fleet was ready in consequence of recent operations in 

NOTES. XXI. c. xvii. §§ 3—9. 175 

deductl. The fniler form is given xli. 9. 1, nave» si de- 
ducere ex navalibus vcllet. Gr. KaOi\Kea>. 

§ 4. Latum. ' The question was brought heforo the com- 
mons (i. e. the Coni. Centuriata to which all questions of war 
were constitutionally referred) whether it was their will aud 
pleasure.' populus is used of the general assembly of the 
whole people, as distinct from the plebs ; the asyndeton is 
i-1'icially commonin technical phrases like these terms for tlie 
resolution on which the vote was taken. 

supplicatio. V. Excursus on Eoman rehgion. 

bellum is here inserted in tho relative sentence, though 
the subject of the principal clause. Cf. Hor. Sat. i. 4. 2, alii 
quornm comccdia prisca virorum est. 

§ 5. quaterna millia. Polyb. n. 24 gives the full strength 
of the legion as 5200 foot with 300 horse attached. 

naves longse = p.aKpa irXota of Polyb. These were triremes 
or quinqueremes, or rostratce as distiuct from the onerariae 
which carried only the supplies. 

P. 18, §6. Polyb. in. 41 speaks of 
the preparations of S. in Sicily, and of his confidence of taking 
Carthage as it were by a coup de main. 

. transmissurus. The future participle imphes the com- 
mission given conditionally. Livy uses this participle with 
more shades of meaning than earlier writers, not merely to 
imply a future act, a determination or destiny, but hypothetical 
statements such as vi. 38. 10, haud sine pudore fractum priore 
uniio in se imperium repetiturum. Cf. Nagelsbach, Stil. 314. 

§ 7. et ipse. This combination is very rare in Cicero, 
who used ct for etiam sparingly. 

§ 8. cum suo iusto, 'with their proper complement of,' 
i. e. 300 in each, yet suo seems enough by itself, as Cic. Ver. v. 
51, Si suum numerum naves haberent. Usener suggests that 
justo may have shpped in from the beginning of the next chap- 

§ 9. Duas legiones. This sentence explains the haud in- 
valido presidio of § 7, W. Polyb. ni. 40 imphes that only one 
legion was sent. 

eodem versa. The reading, if genuine, is haxsh ; versa 
must be taken to agree with millia or be under6tood absolutely 
of all the forces specified. 

eodem is further explained by in Pun. bellum, i. e. the pro- 
viuce had forces sent with the same object (or in the same 

176 NOTES. XXI. c. xvn. § 9— c. xvm. § 10. 

direction) to meet the coming war with Carthage. But as a 
matter of fact they were sent mainly to keep the Gauls in 
check. The old reading is eodem anno, which has little MS. 
authority. It would seem as if some word had dropped out, 
like missa, after eodem, and that Livy meant that the forces 
sent to keep watch over the Gauls were diverted to the war 
with Hannibal (versa habnit). 

c. xviii. § 1. omnia iusta. So ix. 8. 5, nec prius ingredi 
hostiumfines quam omnia justa . . .perfecta erunt. Itwas charac- 
teristic of the Romans to ohserve scrupulously the diplomatic 
forms preceding war, and it was the special duty of the fetiales 
to watch over them that it might be a pium justumque bellum. 
On the use of the termjustus cf. i. 4. 4 adjusti cursum amnis; 
xxiv. 14. 4 justus miles as opposed to volunteers, justa arma of 
the legionaries compared with those of the skirmishers. 

mittunt ad perc. . ..ut ind. Note the change of constr. from 
ad to ut. On derivation of percontor, see note on 5. 2 ; it is some- 
times spelt percunctor from a mistaken analogy. Corssen, i. 36. 

§ 2. publico consilio, 'with the sanction of the state,' cf. 
9. 6 publicafraus. 

§ 4. Prsaceps... 'The language of your eariier embassy was 
peremptory enough . . . but your present ultimatum &c.' 

adhuc 'so far' (at least) Polybius had mentioned an earlier 
embassy to Carthage, but had said nothing of bo improbable 
a demand as the surrender of H. before the siege of S. 

P. 19 f § 6. censeam. The use of the subj. in courtesy, or 
irony as here, is more common in Greek (opt. with <xe) than 
Latin ; cf. use of crediderim, ausim. 

§ 7. una discept. 'With you there is one question only 
for debate. ' 

§8. quoniam...placet,...nobis...est. In the apodosis there 
is an ellipse of 'we say,' 'answer,' as frequently in Livy. 

C. Lutatio. The consul who drew up the terms of peace at 
the end of the lst Punic war. 

quum caveretur. ' Though the interests of allies on both 
sides were stipulated for.' 

§ 9. At enim. Only used in the speeches as a reply to a 
supposed objection 'but that matters not, you will say, for,' 
so sed enim, verum enim, immo enim, and sometimes without 
another particle as quid enim, id enim. 

§ 10. lcit, the old preterite of ictum, of very rare use. The 
MSS. read iecit, possibly as W. suggests, for fecit. The form 

NOTES. XXI. c. xvi ir. § 10— 0. nx. § 3. 177 

fadus ictum or fcrire is to bo explaincd perhaps froui the 
ancient custoin of slaughtering au animal (porcus) as au ini- 
pressive Bymbol. 

auctoritate patrum. This phrase is here used in its most 
general sense as the sanetion of tlie senate, as the great govern- 
ing power in the state. But it has also more specific sensea. 

(1) Iu early timea possibly the patrician rneinbors of the Benate 
had the right of voto on any popular vote of the comitia; their 
sanction or patnm auctoritat was expressed by the formula 
patret auctores Jiunt. Their action was gradually confined to 
questions of procedure and ceremonial usage, and by the Pub- 
lilian law 338 b.c, their assent was required before the result 
of the voting was known, i. 17. 9, in incertum comitiorum even- 
tum patres auctores fiunt, vin. 12. 16, ante initum suffragium. 

(2) The action of the senate was subject to tho veto of the 
tribunes, but in such case of interference, the resolution come 
to, though it could not technically rank as a senatus consul- 
tum, was protocolled, and quoted as a patrum auctoritas, as 
the old sense of the term patres became fainter. Cf. Momm- 
sen, Kbmische Forschungen, 233 — 249. 

§ 12. quod dlu p. Cf. Cic. Phil. n. utinam aliquando 
dolor populi Eomani pariat, quodjam diu parturit. 

§ 13. sinu facto. This kind of symbolic act was of fre- 
quent occurrence in the ceremonial usage of Eoman law and 
diplomacy, as in the contracts of marriage and sale. Compare 
its use also by the Hebrew Prophets. Sinus, a fold in the dress 
which might serve as a pocket. 

§ 14. iterum 'in reply,' not qualifying sinu effuso, but the 
whole sentence. 

c. xrx. § 1. ante...Sagunto. We should naturally expect 
post Saguntum excisam to balance the ante. The feminine 
participle seems used per synesim of urbem understood with Sa- 
guntum as Mela n. 6. 92 S.fide inclitam and an Inscr. C. I. L. n. 
3836, ob restittitam Saguntum. The feminine form Saguntus 
is only known in later writers Juv. xv. 114, Florus i. 22. Discep- 
tare varies the form of the phrase for disceptatio, which would 
correspond to percontatio. 

§ 2. Nam si. There is here an ellipse 'though the Komans 
had arguments to urge, for &c.' Fabri. 

P. 20. quid. ' To what purpose,' ' in what respect.' 

§ 3. diserte additum. 'It had been expressly provided 

that it was to be binding only subject to the approval of the 

commons.' Polyb. m. 22 inserts a full account of the various 

treaties between Kome and Carthage, as copied by him from 

C. L. VI 

178 NOTES. XXI. c. xix. §§ 3— 9. 

old documents at Roine, the very language of which had be- 
come obsolete, aud as such they were probably distasteful to 
Livy, who had httle love for monumental evidence, and seldom 
consults it. For diserte Cicero uses dilucide, aperte, plane, 
definite, nominatim, v. Nagelsbach, p. 235., as 17. 6 and 19. 4 'on condition that.' 

censuisset, a word not commonly used of the commons. 
Fabri quotes xxxi. 7. 14, quae patres censuerunt vosjubete. 

tot annorum... i.e. 8 or 9 years. 

§ 5. receptos in fidem, i.e. where the honour of the state 
was pledged to them. It may be convenient to quote from 
Nagelsbach p. 165 the analysis of the differeut shades of mean- 
ing oifides. It seems to pass through an active, neuter, and 
passive sense, both as (1) a state of mind, and (2) a quality of 

(1) a. 'trust' cf. eaperitis amnis vix fidem fecerint, xxi. 47. 5. 

b. 'trustworthiness.' dubicsfidei videbatur, i. 54. 5. 

c. 'credit.' fides nuntiantibus fuit, iii. 43. 6. 

(2) a. 'guarantee. vestra causa mc.loqui vel ea fides sit, 

xxi. 13. 3. 
/3. 'certainty.' plus famce habiturum quamfidei, II. 10. 11. 
y. ' pledged troth.' receptos infidem. 

tantum ne. Au elliptical expression, in which we may sup- 
ply cequum censeret f rom above, or ' on the understauding that.' 
Fabri quotes Ovid Eem. 714 nec solum faciem, mores quoque 
confer et artes, tantum judicio ne tuus obsit amor. Cf. 52. 4 
modo ne quid moverent. 

§ 6. ut adirentet... The MSS. have ut repeated, in which 
case the second ut would explain the object of the visit (adirent), 
but it is awkward in form, and Madvig's correction is probably 

§ 7. Bargusil. Perh. to be identified with the Bergistani 
of xxxiv. 21. 6. 

quia tsedebat. This cannot refer to the Bargusii, as they 
lived too far north to be subject to Carthage. The clause must 
refer to the trans Hiberum pop. W. 

§ 8. Volciani. The exact position of this people is un- 

§ 9. Quse verecundia. ' What a modest request this is.' 
postulare is in appos. with verecundia like xxii. 14. 14 etultitia 
est sedendo aut votis debellari credere posse. All the MSS. have 
Saguntini after fecerunt instead of Saguntinos which some 

NOTBS. XXI. c. xix. § 9— c. xx. § 6. 179 

editors prefer. In 17. 4 bellum the subject of tbe obief clause 
is iuserted in the relative seutence, but it is mucb bolder to 
turn tbe object of tbe verb into a nominative attracted to tbe 
relative. Madvig regards tbe word as a gloss wbicb bas slipped 
iuto tbe text from tbe margin. 

§ 10. documentum, 'warniug.' Cf. v. 51. 7, tantumpcena- 
nim dedimus ut terrarum orbi documento esseinus, and Praf. 7, 
omnis exempli doaanenta. 

P. 21, c. xx. § 1. gentis. Tbe early commentators noticed 
that some tribal name bad probably dropped out, as venerunt 
hnpbes a defiuite subject, and in ceteris conciliis, of § 7, iru- 
plies a definite locality. Dion Cassius says TXapfiwvqalow; 'P. 
iicd\ovi>. Gronovius suggested Euscinone for in his, Heusinger 
proposed Arverni before armati. For the usage, cf. Caesar, 
Bell. Gall. v. 5-1, Armalum concilium indicit. Hoc more Gal- 
lorum est initium belli, quo lege communi omnes puberes armati 
convenire coguntur. 

§ 2. Poeno b. inf. Here, as elsewhere, Livy imphes tbat 
the Komans were fully aware of HaunibaFs intended marcb, 
yet their own inadequate preparations show that they had not 
realized the danger. 

§ 3. cum fremitu. ' Noisy.' lt is put instead of another 
adjective after tantus. 

§ 4. stolida. 'Absurd,' another form of stultus, from 
which it was commonly distinguished in sense as ' rude, ' 
' boorish,' e. g. stolidum genus JEacidarum \ Bellipotentes sunt 
niagis quam sapientipotentes, and also sues stolidi in Ennius. 
Corssen derives from star, cf. a-repeds, sterilis, stare, still, n. 

censere. This is an awkward pleonasm if it is explanatory 
of postulatio 'request which proposed that' &c, hke the Greek 
a£iovv. It migbt be taken, though less probably, with ipsos 
' that the Gauls should vote ' &c. 

avertere is most common, though the reading of the MSS. 
is advcrtere, which W. adopts. 

§ 6. agro pelli. Eefers to the E. colonies in Cisalpine 
Gaul which roused such resentment at Cremona and Pla- 

Btipendium. Here the ordinary taxes or tribute, not as 

cetera ind. ' The other indignities' practised by a dominant 


180 NOTES. XXI. c. xx. § 7— c. xxi. § 11. 

§ 7. Massillam. Eome had long since formed alliance 
with this colony of the Phocaaans, whose rising power had of 
old excited the jealousy of her neighbours on the mainland, 
and of her Phoenician rivals in the trade of those waters. Her 
alliance with Bome brought advantage to both sides, and was 
long honourably maintained. 

§ 8. inquisita cum cura ac fide is the subject and cognita 
the predicate of the sentence ; the relative is omitted with the 
former, as often by Livy. 

praeoccupatos iam ante. This pleonasm is in Livy's style. 
Cf. xlii. 47. 3, ut omnia opportwna loca prmoccupari ante ab eo 
potuerint,xxxvj. 17. 12, satis undique provisum, antcque prcecau- 
tumest. So xx.i.32.7, prius prcecipere, x.41.5, ex ante prceparato. 

cuius...est must be taken parenthetically as a remark of 
the writer. Otherwise it should be in the subj., as part of an 
orat. obbq. 

§ 9. haud ita. Fabri observes that Livy prefers this to 
the non ita, used exclusively by Cicero. 

P. 22. transmisisse. The verb is often used absolutely 
of the crossing of the sea, and here of a river. Cf. 17. 6, 

c. xxi. § 1. seque non ducem. This sentence is made to 
follow auditis, as the news from Carthage included the demand 
for his surrender, hence causam belli. Cf. i. 13. 1, nos causa 

§ 3. socii, the term applied in Eoman usage to the 
Itahan races, is here employed of the conquered dependents of 

pacatis. ' Eeduced to submission,' in the sense in which 
pax Eomana was spoken of. 

§ 8. ad edictum, i. e. diem or locum. Cf . diem edicere ad 

§ 9. gentium. The Spanish tribes. 

Herculi. Gades was an early colony of the Phcenicians, 
which had fallen into the hands of Carthage after the capture 
of Tyre. Here was a famous shrine of the Hercules, or 
Melcarth, whose fabled wanderings reflected the enterprising 
spirit of the Pboenician traders. Like the Hague='sGraven- 
hage, the name meant ' a fence.' Cf . Avien. 0. M. 267, Puni- 
corum lingua conseptum locum Gaddir vocabat. 

§ 10. partiens curas. Cf. xxii. 7. 10, tot in curas dispertiti 
eorum animi erant. 

P. 23, § 11. ab Sicilia. ' From the side of Sicily.' See 
the instructions of Sempronius, 17. 6. On the form of the 

NOTES. XXI. c. xxr. g 11— c. xxrr. § 2. 181 

phra8e cf. xxviii. (i. 9, oppidtm ub terra munitum, viii. 17. 7, 
$eeen$i<mtm m Peuto faeimtem. 

mutuls pigneribus. This has hccu evcr the military policy 
<>f tiupires douhtfui of the loyalty of their various nation- 
alitits. Pignu» eounected with pangere, pacit, pacisci,pax. 

stlpendia facere for mereri. Stipendia passed from tho 
sense of ' pay ' to that of ' servico,' somewhat as ' campaign ' 
WU tnmsferred from the 'open field' to ' servico in the field.' 

§ 12. caetratos. Nearly equivalent to the irfKTao-Tai. of 
Greek writers. The catra was a leathern buckler used by tho 
Spaniards. Verg. ^En. xn. 732, lavas ccetra tegit. 

funditores. The Roman funda was probably borrowed 
from Greece with tho name itself (a<pev86vy), thus against 
these Baliaric shngers they used Sicilian sxii. 37. 3, and after- 
wards Achajan xxxvni. 29. 4. They seem to have been most 
useful in sicges, and the glandes which they hurled are now 
found on the scenes of memorable sieges. They are leaden 
globes pointed, and sometimes inscribed with contemptuous 
words. C. I. L. i. p. 188. 

Baliares. Polyb. iii. 33 says the islands and the inha- 
bitants received their name from their skill as slingers. Diod. 
v. 17, BaWiaptts dwb tov fiaWeiv rais cr<peu56uais Xldovs fjieyaXovs. 
But the name is more likely to be Phcenician than Greek. 

§ 13. conquisitoribus. 'Recruiting officers.' Cf. 11. 13, 
xxv. 22. 4, conquisitio volonum. 

civitates. These were very numerous near Carthage, 300 
being mentioned in Zeugitana alone. But Polybius, while 
agreeing with the numerical data in the text, refers these 
civitates to tCjv ~M.eTay<jjvLTO}v KaXovfjiivwv. He gives his au- 
thority for these muster-rolls in a bronze tablet which he had 
seen in the temple at Lacinium, near Croton, set up there by 
order of H. himself, on a promontory which is stili called Capo 
delle Colonne, from the remains of the great temple. Livy's 
account is probably taken from an anualist, not from a monu- 
ment, which he would certainly not have gone far to inspect. 

eosdem, taken with millia by constr. ad synesin, as xxvii. 
16. 4, millia triginta servilium capitum dicuntur capti. 

c. xxii. § 1. atque id eo. D6ring's correction for atque 
ideo from the adque haud ideo of all MSS. Cf. Caes. B. G. v. 
1. 2, atque id eo magis. 

§ 2. vtro impigro. Diodorus speaks of Hasdrubal as, 
without dispute, the best general of his time, aftcr HaunibaL 

182 NOTES. XXI. c. xxn. §§ 2—5. 

Liguribus. They liad been several centuries before en- 
listed in the arniies of Carthage, Herod. i. 165, and joined H. 
in force on his arrival in Cisalpine Gaul. The Roman writers 
speak of them as hardy peasants assueti malo, cf. Vergil 2En. 
xi. 700, and they held out stoutly long after the rest of Italy 
had been subdued. 

quingentis, like the quinquaginta in the next section, is 
supplied from the paraUel account of Polybius. 

§ 3. Libyphcenices. The Phoenician settlers who had 
many centuries before settlod in the interior of Africa, were 
supposed to have come through Sidon, and to be agricultural 
tribes dispossessed perhaps by Joshua from Palestine. As such 
they betook themselves not to trade but husbandry in their new 
homes, and by their mixture with the natives gave rise to a, 
new race, whose name imphes this fusion, like the Celtiberi, 
or the mixed race in the South of Spain, where the Carthagi- 
nians continued the system of colonies near the coast. Diod. 
xx. 55. 

ad mille octingenti. Ad has come to be used adverbially 
—fere, without affecting the case of the numeral, as rv. 59. 9, 
quorum ad duo millia et quingenti vivi capiuntur, or viii. 18. 6, 
ad viginti matronis accitis. 

Ilergetum ex Hisp. This seemed suspicious to Schweig- 
hseuser, who noted (ap. Polyb. m. 33) that they are the only 
force here ascribed to Spain, which must have furnished a 
larger contingent, and that there is no such addition as ex 
Hispania in the corresponding passago of Polyb., where the 
MSS. have Aepyerwv. He believed therefore that in both 
texts the name of some unknown African tribe must have been 
changed by mistake for that of a known Spanish one. 

§ 4. qua parte taellL A phrase used by Livy (cf. 17. 8) 
for qua parte copiarum of 41. 4 and 53. 1. Contrast the petty 
naval forces here specified with the immense fleets which 
fought in the lst war. There is an ellipse of tantum before 
triginta, somewhat as in ita producto, 5. 9. 

aptse remigio. Cf. ccelum stellis aptum, Verg. 2En. iv. 482. 

P. 24 § 5. Onusam. A very uncertain reading taken from 
xxii. 20. 4. The MSS. have omissa. Gronovius proposed to 
read Etovissa, which Ptolemy n. 6 mentions as an inland city 
of the Edetani. 

maritima ora. The MSS. commonly have the acc. Heer- 
wagen compares the use of the abl. in xxii. 18. 6, Fabius... 
agmen...jugis ducebat. 

NOTES. XXI. «■. xxii. § G— c. xxiii. 2. 183 

§ 6. ducem in It. Folyb. m. 47 protcsts at the folly of 
the writers who introduce such inarvellous incidents into the 
stury of the war. Sonie spoke of a God, or Hero, actually 
guiding H. through the inountains. The accouut of the 
vision in the test is probahly derived from Caehus Antipater. 
Cf. the like account in Cic. de divin. i. 24. 49. Por ominous 
dreams, cf. Tac. Ann. i. 65, n. 14. 

prolnde seq. Cf. 30. 11. Proinde is almost always used 
by Livy, either \vith the imperative in orutio dir., or the cor- 
responding subj. in orat. obl. Yet in m. 57. 4 it is used with 
an innnitive, judicem illi ferre. 

§ 7. cura ingenii h. ' From the curiosity natural to man.' 
Fabri compares xlii. 39. 1, inerat cura insita mortalibus vi- 
dendi congredientes regem et legatos. 

§ 8. serpentem. The serpent plays a great part in the 
marvellous machinery of ancient poetry, as well as in the old 
religions of the world. 

cum fragore. Equivalent to an adjective, ' thunderstorm.' 

§ 9. pergeret porro ire. Cf. i. 37. 6, pergit porro (excrci- 
tum) in agrum Sabinum inducere. 

c. xxm. § 1. praemissis. These precautions were taken, 
according to Polybius, before Hannibal's plans were formed, 
and he was probably determined in his route by the envoys 
from Gaul. 

transitus. Used by Livy both for the passes or roads (cf. 
xxxvm. 2. 10, transitus insedere) and for the passage over 
them, xxxvii. 7. 13, vice ubi transitus difficile*. Fabri. 

nonaglnta. Polyb. agrees with this estimate, and makes 
him leave 11,000 with Hanno, and dismiss as many more. 
His losses on the way further reduced his numbers to 59,000 
when he crossed the Ehone, and to 20,000 foot and 6,000 horse 
after the passage over the Alps. 

§ 2. Ilergetes. Livy had spoken of them in the last 
chapter, as if ahready subject to Carthage. Pliny mentions 
them as on the coast about Subur, and the river Rubricatus, 
the present Llobregat. Their town (Atanagmm, 61. 6) was 
probably destroytd and disappeared. 

Ausetani. Whose town Ausa mentioned by Ptolemy sunk 
to a mere vicm, and so became Vich de Osona in Upper 

184 NOTES. XXI. c. xxm. § 2— c. xxiv. § 3. 

Lacetania. Tbe MSS. have Aquitania, but as tbis lay 
nortb of tbe Pyrenees, Sigonius corrected it to Lacetania, tbe 
Beat of a devia et silvestris gens, mentioned in xxvm. 24. 4, 
and in 3 places of xxxiv. 20, as also in Pliny m. 22 and 
Sallust Hist. ii. 5. Strabo speaking seemingly of tbe same 
tribe as yvwpifiibTaTov, m. 4. 10, on tbe slope of tbe Pyrenees 
towards Osca and Ilerda, calls tbem 'laKK-qTavol, as also does 
Ptolcmy, n. 6. 72. Mommsen suggests tbat tbe name began 
witb a consonant wbicb was between I and L, sometbing bke 
tbe Spanisb ll=lj, and tbat tbe Eomans took one part and 
tbe Greeks anotber of tbe composite sound. We sbould pro- 
bably distinguisb from tbis tribe tbe one referred to in 60. 3. 
Cf. Hubner in Hermes i. 337. 

orse. Tbe strip of coast tbrougb wbicb tbe roads must 

§ 4. inexsuperabili Alp. As if tbe Spaniards were likely 
to know mucb of tbe Alps, or of HannibaPs plans. Tbrougb- 
out Livy assumes tbat all was patent beforeband. 

P. 25 § 5. revocare aut... ' It would be bazardous to 
siunmou tbem to return, as be migbt bave to use force to 
detain tbem.' On tbis use of aut cf. xxn. 39. 8. 

§ 6. remisit. In sending so many bome H. sbowed bis 
reliance on moral forces as distinct from numbers, like Gideon 
at tbe well of Harod. 

et ipsos. Altered by Madvig and otbers from tbe et ipse of 
all MSS. Fabri bowever defends tbe MSS. reading by a 
niunber of passages from Livy in wbicb et ipse is used to mark 
a coutrast uot expressed but implied, as bere it migbt refer to 
tbe Carpetaui, wbose impatience H. bad not noticed. 

c. xxiv. § 1. Iliberri. Tbe modern Elne, so called from 
Helena, tbe motber of Constantine. It is bere indeclinable, 
tbougb tbe form Hiberrim is used below, as if from Ibberris, 
and otber Spanisb towns bave like ending, as Iliturgis, Cissis, 
Bacasis. Strabo speaks of river and town botb 'IXt^ippis. 
Tbere was also a towu of tbe same name in tbe South of 
Spain, near tbe site of Granada, wbence probably tbe Sierra 
d' Elvira. 

§ 2. Euscinonem. La tour de Eoussillon. 

§ 3. misit, colloqui. Tbe oratio obl. often follows directly 
on mittere oratores, literas, &c. Cf. vm. 19. 10, literis Bomam 
missis, in Fundanos esse. Fabri. 

NOTES. XXI. c. xxiv. § 3— c. xxv. §2. 185 

[et]. ' And thexefore he propoled,' W. Madvig regards it 
as out of plaee, as the orat. dir. would run colloqui vobis- 
cum volo ; vcl VOt fTOpiui acccdite, vel... 

§4. hospitem . non hostem. Livy much affects the paro- 
nomatia, i. 58. 10, hostis pro hotpite, vi. 2G. 1, hospitaliter magis 
<]u<im hottiliter, 

§ 5. hsec. For omission of verb cf. 42. 1, hatc apud 
Romano» consul. 

gravanter. Livy more often uses gravate, also gravatim. 

cum bona pace. ' Quite unmolested.' In 32. 6 the phrase 
is coupled with a gen. Gallorum. 

c. xxv. § 1. In Italiam. These words if taken with trans- 
miterunt may seem too remote an object for the safe-conduct 
of the Gallic chieftains. They should probahly be taken with 
perlaium erat, and are further defined by the repetition of 

§2. quum...defecerunt. Quum is used with the historical 
perfect to imply simultaneous occurrenee. Livy even employs 
the historical infinitive, though rarely, in this sense with 

perinde ac si. Polyb. ni. 34 explains that the Cisalpine 
Gauls had already sent to Hannibal, and encouraged him to 
cross the Alps by promises to guide him thither, and rise 
against Rome. The late war had left ranlding memories 
behind it. 

The Boii are represented by Livy v. 35 as making their 
way across the Alps with the Lingones, and finding the 
North already occupied with Gallic settlers. They crossed the 
Po therefore, aud spread south of the ^Emilian way under the 
Apennines, towards the Hadriatic. So restless were they to 
the last that the Eomans found it needful to remove them to 
the borders of Pannonia, where they perished utterly in wars 
with the neighbouring Dacas. Strabo v. 1. 6. 

The Insubres were the most numerous and powerful tribe 
of the Cisalpine Gauls, Polyb. n. 17. They were formed 
of a number of distinct tribes, described by Livy v. 34 as 
crossiug the Alps in early times, and foimding Mediolanum 
(Milan), after the name of a city of the iEdui in Gaul. 

P. 26. colonias. These illustrate the Roman system of 
colonization which did so much to consolidate their empire, 
and which marked from time to time each successive wave of 
conquest. They were of two classes, the Roman strictly so 

186 NOTES. XXI. c. xxv. §§ 2—8. 

caUed, consisting entirely of citizens, and planted especially 
upon the coast, or on the great roads, to bar tbe way of an 
invader ; and tbe Latin, in which tbe peoples of Latium, and 
of otber allied races, were invited to take part, wbicb were 
settled on ground lately won, and served as garrisons on a 
disputed frontier. Tbese were tberefore doubly useful, as 
bolding in cbeck dangerous enemies, and as pledges for tbe 
fidelity of old allies, wbo could look only to Eome for belp in 
tbeir distant bomes. 

§ 3. triumviri. Commissioners were commonly appointed 
to direct tbe work of thd agrimensores, wbicb was carried out 
with scrupulous nicety on traditional principles, and to assign 
the allotments, the size of wbich was determined by the 
senate or commons. Polyb. m. 40 says that there were 6000 
colonists in each, and that tbey were directed to be on the 
spot within 30 days. Note the anomaly of tbe form triumviri, 
duumviri, wbich grew probably out of the use of the singular 
triumvir, as one of a board of three. 

Mutina was itself a Eoman colony, Polyb. iii. 40, tbough 
Livy states that it was colonized witb Parma in 184 b. c. 
(L. xxxix. 55). That the Eomans chose well tbe sites of their 
colonies is illustrated by the importance of the towns of 
Modena, Piacenza and Cremona. 

§ 5. Id quoque dubium. As tbe walls were already built, 
there seems reason to doubt whetber the commission was not 
sent for some otber purpose tban to assign the allotments. 

§ 6. ad artes rudis. Cf. xxn. 2. 4, mollis ad talia gens, 
i. 9. 6, ad muliebre ingenium efficaces preees, Cic. Fam. 10. 17. 2, 
ad omnia pericula princeps, and other cases where the gerun- 
dive, sucb as subeunda in the last example, is constantly 
oruitted. Cf. Nagelsbach, p. 339. 

pigerrima... Tbe Latin writers usually deseribe the Gauls 
as formidable in the first onset, but as incapable of sustained 
effort. Cf. x. 27. 3, G. primo impetu feroces esse.. Gallo- 
rum corpora intolerantissima laboris atque cestus fiuere. 

§ 7. obsides. Tbese hostages had been given at the close 
of the late war with tbe Gauls. 

§ 8. esset. The singular verb used for the compound 
subject Mutina prasidiumque. 

ad Mutinam, ad=to the neighbourhood of, cf. above § 3 
Mutinam confugcrint, i.e. inside of. 

L. Manlius. Cf. 17. 7. 

effusum. 'In loose order,' opposed to quadratum of 5. 16. 
Cf. 46. 9, effuse cedendo. 

NOTES. XXI. a xxv. § 9— o. xxvi. §5. 187 

§ 9. lnexplorato. This absolute use of neut. participle is 
eommon in Livy, as edicto x. 36. 7, sublato xxn. 20. 6, explo- 
rato xxm. 42. 9, comperto, cognito, audito, palamfacto, &c. 

praecipitat. Some read the pres. pass. instead of the neut. 
which is most usual as Cic. p. P. Sulla, pracipitante repub- 
lica, and Verg. xEn. n. 8, nox humida ccclo pracipitat. The 
MSS. have pracipitatus, oinitting the est. 

emersit. For tho use of this verb to express the passage 
from darkness to light, or difficulty to safety, Heerwagen 
quotes ix. 10. 1, emersisse civitatem ex obnoxia pace, xxv. 38. 
10, ex omni savitia fortuna emersuram. 

P. 27, § 13. Gallis territandi et p. R. Note the chiasmus 
which is so common in Livy. 

Tannetum. Somewhat loosely described as propinquum 
Pado. It was a few miles from Parma, on a little tributary of 
the Po. 

contendere. Probably the perfect, though its form in cre 
made it liable to confusion with the hist. inf. 

§ 14. Brixia (Brescia) was the capital of the Ceno- 
mani (Livy xxxii. 30), which was the only Gallic tribe which 
sided with Eome in this war. Cf. 55. 4. 

c. xxvi. § 1. tumultus. Cf. tinnultuatum, 16. 4. 

§ 2. una leg. The scanty forces scarcely bear out Livy's 
account of the alarm at Eome, and the delay of Scipio in 
marching to meet Hannibal shows how little the Komans 
reahzed their danger, and with what neglect they moved in 
the early stages of the war. 

§ 3. Salyum. These occupied the coast between Anti- 
polis and Massilia, and were a Ligurian tribe, Strabo iv. 1. 

pervenlt. More definitely rjice Treiiirrauos, on 5th day, Poly- 
bius iii. 41. 

§ 4. ad proximum. rb MaaaaXturiK^v, Polyb. m. 41. 

pluribus. Strabo iv. 1. 8 counts five mouths as given by 
Timseus, two by Polybius, seven by others. 

§ 5. necdum satis, i.e. as his soldiers had hardly yet 
recovered from the sea-sickness caused by the tossing on the 
sea. There seems to have been much neglect on Scipio's 
part, for his first care should have been to prevent the passage 

188 NOTES. XXI. c. xxvi. § 5— c. xxvn. § 4. 

of tlic Ehone, and bar the road to Italy, or by hanging on his 
rear to cripple H. before he arrived upon the scene of his 
intended operations. 

auxiliaribus G. These served as mercenaries with the 
Massihans. Polyb. 

§ 6. Volcarum. Strabo (iv. 1. 12) distinguishes the Volcae 
Tectosages, whose centre was Tolosa (Toulouse), from the V. 
Arecomici, round Nemausus (Nismes). The route of H. is 
here left indefinite, but probably he made for Nemausus, 
from Kuscino. Polyb. m. 42 marks the point of the crossing 
the Ehone as four days' march from the mouth, where the 
eharmel was not broken by islands. This was probably Roque- 

P. 28, § 7. eorum ipsorum. The gen. govemed by quos, 
i. e. such even of the same tribe, as had not been able to tear 
themselves from home. Cf. iv. 33. 7, Fidenatium qui supersunt 
ad urbem Fidenas tendunt. 

sedes suse. Used like the ofoos <pl\os of the G. This is 
more characteristic than to assume an inversion of constr. for 
qui sedes suas. For the use of tenere Heerwagen compares 
v. 54. 1, adeo nihil tenet solum patrice. 

§ 8. lintriumque. More definitely put in Polybius, who 
rcfers to the carrying trade from the ports on the lower Bhone, 
in which these tribes took an active part. Corssen connects 
linter with irXwrrip, like lanx with 7rXd£, latus with ir\&Tvs, 
later with ir\ivdos. 

§ 9. nihil dummodo. For this equivalent for nihil nisi ut 
Fabri compares i. 34. 6, oblita ingenitce erga patriam caritatis, 
dummodo virum honoratum videret. 

c. xsvii. § 1. Iamque. Polyb. says ' in two days.' 

viri. Foot-soldiers. Usually opposed to equi, not equites, 
but Silius It. ix. 569 has magna voce trahens equitemque vi- 

§ 2. Bomilcaris. In Polyb. Bocl/jIXkov tov /SactX^ws. 

vigiHa prima. The first three hours of the night, which 
was divided hito four such watches. 

§ 4. Ad id. ' The Gallic guides provided for the purpose 
iuformed him that about five and twenty miles higher up, the 

NOTES, XXI. o. xxvn. 8 4— c. xxvm. §2. 189 

river, as it flowed round a little island, oflered a crossing-place 
wlm-h was broader where the stream parted, and for that 
reason shallower.' 

ostendere is used somewhat boldly with amncm as subject, 
but the nasons specified serve to justify the tense. 

§ 5. Hlspanl. This detail is peculiar to Livy, who in 
other respects agrees closely with Polybius m. 42. 

mole. 'Tronble.' So for moral importance, vi. 14. 1, 
vfijvr domi exorta moles coegit acciri Jiomam dictatorem, vi. 
19. 1, de immitwnti mole libertatis. Cf. 22. 9. 

caetris incubantes. ' On their bucklers.' Here as. often 
the Latin participle takes the place of the English preposition, 
as manu tenens perducit, phalangis subjcctis admovent, which 
Nagelsbach compares with it, p. 329. 

§ 6. alius, for reliquus. Cf. i. 12. 10, alia Romana acies 
audacia regis accensa fundit Sabinos. 

P. 29, § 7. temporl deesset. So occasioni, fortunce, liber- 
tati, legi deesse, in the sense of ' neglect,' or ' fail in duty.' 

• §8. Iam. In Polyb. more definitely 'on the 5th night.' 

naves. Madvig's suggestion for the nantes of all MSS. 
which was hard to translate; they answer to the Xt/ipoL, while 
lintres corresponds to the /xovb^vka of Polyb. whose description 
is here clear and definite ; the fere implies that all the naves 
were not appropriated to their use. 

Navium agmen. ' A line of vessels crossed higher up the 
stream to break the force of the current, and secured still 
water for the punts which crossed below.' 

transmittens is used intrans. as 20. 9. 

§ 9. pars magna nantes. The close connexion of singu- 
lar and plural for the samo subject is an awkward constr. ad 
synesim, though not unfrequent in Livy. Cf. iv. 33. 7, Vciin- 
tium maxima pars Tiberim ejfusi petunt. 

c. xxviii. § 2. nautarum militumque. The copula here is 
often omitted in the MSS., and some editors think that the 
hurry of the scene is reflected in the phrase. 

et qui. Eeferring to the two sets naut. mil. 

190 NOTES. XXI. c. xxvni. §§ 3—10. 

§ 3. adverso...repeats the ex adverso of § 2, which is here 
balanced by ab tergo. 

§4. utroque vim facere. 'To offer battle on both sides.' 

§ 5. variat. Madvig's correction of variata of MSS., as 
precipitat for precipitatus, 25. 9. Cf. fama variat, xxvn. 27. 
13. • Some say that the elephants were crowded together on 
the bank, and that the most spirited of them being provoked 
by its driver, foUowed him as he retreated into the water (and 
at last took to swimming) and drew the whole herd after it, 
and that as each grew frightened at the depth and lost its foot- 
hold, the force of the current swept it to the opposite bank.' 
The construction and the thought seem equally confused, 
tbere is no MSS. authority for the inde inserted before nantem 
by W., yet without it nantem is very harsh, and is therefore 
considered as a gloss by Madvig and Euperti, the abl. also 
seems out of place for the clause which states the final result. 
Why the current should carry them across and not down the 
stream is unexplained. 

P. 30. timentem altitudinem. As to the belief tbat ele- 
phants could not swim, cf. Plin. Nat. Hist. viii. 10. 28, gaudant 
amnibus (elephanii) maxime et circa fluvios vagantur, quum 
alioquin nare propter magnitudinem corporis non possint. 

§ 6. ad fidem pronius, ' more credible.' 

§ 7. secunda aqua, ' down the stream.' 

§ 8. The reading of the MSS. ut cum before 'elephanti' is 
hopeless : Madvig regards it as a corruption which grew out of 
est tum. Others less probably read et for ut and expunge ubi, 
Usener suggests tuto jam. ' The elephants were driven, 
females in front, along the stationary raft as if it were a high- 
way, and when they crossed into the smaller raft which was 
moored to it, the hawsers with which this was temporarily 
fastened were suddenly untied, and it was towed to the opposite 
bank by a number of hght craft. ' A like expedient is said to 
have been tried at Messana in the lst Punic war. 

§ 9. actuariis so called from their speed — thus the 'Actu- 
ary ' was the quick writer. 

§10. donec.agerentur. This use of the subjunctive for 
a simple fact occurs chiefiy in later writers as Tac. Hist. rv. 35, 
pugnatum...donec prcelium nox dirimeret. But it may possibly 
be here explained as giving the reason of the nihil trepidabant. 

ceteris, 'all its surroundings.' Polyb. says that there were 
several such rafts, but Livy probably does not imply this. 

NOTBS. XXI. a wnn. § 10— c. xxix. §6. 191 

in altum, often used for tho sea, but seldom of a river. 

§ 12. deiectis rect. Polyb. ni. 46 says that the Indian 
drrrera of these were drowned. Ee givea a lively picture of 
them making their way across, each with its proboscis raised 
aloft abore thc surfaee of the water: the rest of his narrative 
agrees with that ot Livy, but he is clearer in the details, and 
he reserves the passage of the elephants till H. continues his 

c. xxrx. § 1. traliciuntur . . . miserat. The sequence of 
tenses is harsh. Fabri compares rx. 32. 1, dum hac geruntur 
in Smnnio, jam omnes Etrurice populi ad arma ierant. 

P. 31, § 2. atrocius quam pro numero. A form often used 
by Livy, cf. 59. 9, major quam pro numero jactura, xxxvi. 10. 
12, latius qunm pro copiis, where pro has the meaning of 'in 
proportion to.' 

§ 3. amplius ducenti. The omission of quam between 
amplius, minus, plus and the numeral in the nominative is a 
common feature of Livy's style. 

§ 4. anc. cert. vict. is a bold construction formed on the 
analogy of magni certaminis res erat which Livy uses. 

§5. suus is not unfrequently used with ref erence to a casus 
obliquus, cf. 43. 17, cui...sua decora, 44. 8, quos sua terra suus 
ager acceperat. 

nec Scipioni. 'S could not' decide on any plan, save that 
of,' &c. 'and H. was,' &c. Cf. 30. 1, Hannibal, postquam ipsi 
fcntentia stetit. Polyb. makes him start at once in pursuit of 
H. after his cavalry return from reconnoitring the camp of H. 

§ 6. cum eo qui...exercitus. Note the attraction of subject 
to the relative clause as Hor. Sat. i. 4. 2, alii quorum Comcedia 
prisca virorum. 

avertit ... In Polyb. there is a graphic picture of the 
appearance of the Gauls at the camp of H.,but their arguments 
seem addressed rather to the soldiers than their general, whose 
mind was long made up to push on with all speed for Italy, 
especially as the season was advanced. He sends his cavalry 
down the river to hold the Eomans in check while his elephants 
crossed, and the infantry pushed on. Great as might be the 
risk of the passage through the Alps, and Hannibal could 
scarcely have foreseen it all, yet Cisalpine Gaul was the only 
side from which Italy was vulnerable, now that Rome was 
nriatress of the sea. There was a population aMn in race to 

192 NOTES. XXI. c. xxix. § 6— c. xxx. § 6. 

tbe Spanish Celts in his own army, and bitterly opposed to 
Rome who was fastening on them the grip of her frontier 

reguli. Magali. Polyb. m. 44 speaks of roiis fiao-Cklo-Kovs 
tovs wepl Mdyi\ov ; a and i are often interchanged in foreign 
names lilie Masmissa, Mithridates, Mass/lia. 

integro fcello aggr. ' To open the war with the attack on I.' 
The words n. a. libatis, &c, further explain integro b. with 
which cf. res integra, n. 5. 1, spes integra, iv. 24. 2, and fonti- 
bus integris, Hor. Od. i. 26. 6. 

§ 7. iter Alpesque. Hendiadys for 'march across the 
Alps,' to which rem refers. Cf. i. 11. 1, per occasionem ac soli- 

utique is frequently used by Livy. The -que gives indefi- 
niteness to the meaning of uti, and the compound = 'anyhow,' 
'at all events,' and hence 'especially,' 'certainly,' cf. 38. 8, 
48. 5, 54. 9. 

c. xxx. § 1. ipsi sent. stetit corresponds to Scip. stare sent, 
of 29. 5. 

versat an. Cf. i. 58. 3, versare in omnes partes muliebrem 

§ 2. Mirarl. The infinitives in this speech are differently 
introduced, most of them only as oratio obl., some indignantis 
as subsistere § 6, and cepisse § 11, some interrog. as § 9 and § 10. 

§ 3. quicumque. There had been no such demand except 
in the case of Hannibal, but it is a rhetorical exaggeration. 

velut ob noxam, 'as criminals.' 

P. 32, § 5. multo maiorem. According to Polybius they 
had marched from the strait 8800 stadia, and had 2600 before 
them; but this as much of the speech only apphes to the 
Africans in the army. H., or rather Livy, identifies all the 
nationalities with Carthaginians in the feeling which he as- 
sumes in the army. Notice in our author the absence of such 
definite details as to distance and time as occur frequently in 

emensam. One of the deponent partic. in pass. sense 
which Livy uses. 

Italise. The partitive gen. 'belonged to Italy.' Cf. xxn. 20. 
11, dicionis imperiique R. facti sint. 

§ 6. quid credentes. The constr. of the inter. part. here 

NOTES. XXI. v. \w. § G— c. xxxi. §4. 193 

is more Greek thau Latin, = 'and what else could tbey suppose 
tbe Alps to be' dto. Fabri coinpares xxiv. 26. 7, cortfugem 
ae Ubi rot </< vita dimicare quid obttantet Ubertati. 

§ 7. Fingerent. Tbe equivalent in orat. obl. for tbo iuipor. 
iu or. dir. 

fauce8. A suggestion of Heerwagen for tbe paucis of tbo 

§ 8. Ne mai. q. eorum. Livy v. 34 gives at some lengtb 
an account of tbe passage of the Gallic tribes across tbe Alps 
in tbe reign of Tarquinius Priscus, and of tbe various settle- 
ments about tbe Po. 

§9. quid...esse. Tbe constr. implies tbat a negative idea, 
mtkU...ette, is wrapped up in tbe interr. form. 

§ 10. caput o. t. is an anacbronism of tbe writer or pro- 
lepsis rhetorically, and is somewbat out of place in tbe moutb 
of Hannibal. 

§ 11. ea. Niigelsbacb notes tbat hcec is often used com- 
prebensively by Iiomans of tbe Eoman state and empire. Si 
modo hcRC stabunt, Cic. Attic. xii. 19. 1. So probably ea in tbis 

cederent...sperent. Tbe difference in tense probably points 
to tbe confidence of Hannibal tbat tbe latter alternative would 
be reabzed. 

campum int. Tbe campus Martius. Cf. Juv. x. 155, actum 
inquit nihil est nisi Pceno milite portas | frangimus, et media 
vexillum pono Suburra. 

c. xxxi. § 1. adversa ripa. Formed on tbe analogy of 
adverso fiumine 'up tbe stream.' 27. 3. 

P. 33, § 2. non quia rectior. Tbe sbortest round by tbe 
coast must bave brougbt H. at once into conflict with tbe 
Romans. There can be little doubt that his route had been 
planned before with tbe envoys from Gaul, and that tbe longer 
road was partly chosen to bring him into friendly country as he 
issued from the mountain pass. 

§ 3. minus obviam. The tanto to answer to the quantum 
is here as often omitted. 

§ 4. Quartis castris. After 4 days' march, at the 4th time 
of encamping. 

Insulam. This was of course the Insula A llobrogum, but 
various attempts have been made to fix it elsewhere, and all 

C. L. ] 3 

194 NOTES. XXI. c. xxxi. §§ 4—9. 

the rivers near have been pressed into the service by the advo- 
cates of the varions routes. 

Ibi Isara. Most MSS. read Arar, and as Fabri and others 
note, Silius Italicus seems to have had this reading before hirn 
m. 452. Yet H. could not have reached it in 4 days' march. 
Two MSS. have bisarar and ibisarar, which suggests the read- 
ing of the text. It is curious that the corresponding passage 
in Polyb. in. 49 has S/tapas as the reading of most MSS., for 
which Casaubon proposed "Apap and Schweighasuser 'Icrdpas. 
The description of the insula in the latter is that of an eye- 
witness who was struck by its fertility and population, and 
compared it with the Delta of the Nile. 

diversis ex Alp. The Ehone from the Saint Gothard, the 
Isere from Mont Iseran. 

§ 5. Incolunt prope. In itself a strange expression as 
applied to the ins. Allob., but Livy probably is thinking of the 
point on the Ehone at which H. had arrived, and the prope 
refers to the neighbouring country. Efforts have been made 
however to prove that the Allobroges were then south of the 
Isere, and not until later in the insula. The term 'proj^e' does 
not go far to prove this, and it has little evidence to rest on. 
Incolunt is used absolutely as i. 1. 3, qui inter mare Alpesque 

gens iam inde. The Allobroges were already a powerful 
tribe, though their relations with Eome began at a much later 
date. The account of Pol. m. 49 seems to distinguish between 
them and the subjects of Braucus, but perhaps does not really 
do so. 

§ 6. ambigebant. More commonly used with de, as 10. 9, 
xl. 15. 3. 

poterat. The subject to this is the compound notion, 
frater et catus juniorum. Cf. 25. 8, Mutina prcesidiumque in 
periculo esset. 

§ 7. Huius sed. • As this civil feud was very opportunely 
referred to H. for arbitration.' 

peropportuna. Used adverbially. Rem rejicere is a phrase 
often used by Livy in like cases, like the causam ad senatum 
remittere of Tac. Ann. m. 10. 

§*8. adiutus. Not only so, but according to Polybius, 
escorted by the chieftain to the foot of the pass. 

§ 9. From this point onwards it is hopeless io reconcile 
the acoounts of the march in Polybius and Livy, who while 

NOTBS. XXX o. \\\i. §59—11. 195 

agreeing in much of the description, ospecially in the details 
which adinit of rhetorical treatiuent, yet widely diverge in 
local data. The former traces the route almost certainly over 
the little St Bernard, the latter probably over Mont Genfivre. 
Ammianus Marcellinus xv. 10 closely follows Livy, as also does 
Silius Italicus iu the linea 111. 4G6 : 

Jamque intendit finibm agmen, 
Jamfaeiles campos,jam rura Vocontia carpit; 
Turbidus hic truncis saxisque Druentia lcetum 
Ductoris vastavit iter. 

Cf. The Appendix ' ou the Eoute of Hannibal.' 

recta reglone. 'In direct course.' Cf. Lucr. 11. 249, and 
Cic. Verr. v. 170, ri qtiis tantulum de recta regione deflexerit. 

ad laevam. These words have given much trouble to the 
interpreters. They have been explained as ' the left hand of 
Livy sitting in his study,' or 'the left of au army in retreat, 
which would be equivalent to the ordinary right,' or ' the left 
bank of the Isere,' or they have been regarded as a mistake for 
the right hand. They seem to imply Livy's belief that after the 
proceedings in the island, H. marched down the stream a little 
way, hearing possibly of Scipio's withdrawal, and then turned 
off to what was later Augusta Tricastinorum (Aoste). 

Vocontiorum. They are localizedby Strabo, iv. 6. 4, in the 
mountain woodland between the Allobroges and Salyes. The 
Tricorii are placed by Strabo to the east of the Vocontii, or 
between the Drac and the Durance. 

haud usquam impedita. A most unfitting description for 
the tangled country between the Isere and the Durance. 

Druentia. Attempts have been made to identify this with 
the Arve, the Dranse, or the Drac. It is of course the Druen- 
tius of Strabo who calls it iroranbs x a P a 5pu8yi, the modern 
Durance. It is true that it would have been out of tbe 
natural course from the Lisula, nor would H. in that case 
have come across the AUobroges. Also Livy's description may 
suit the lower, but not the upper stream along which the 
army must have travelled, if at all. He probably took it 
from some topographer's account, and Lavallee calls it 'la 
riviere la plus desordonn^e de la France,' Geogr. Phys. 186. 

§11. vada...gurgites. These acc. may depend on prcebet, 
but more probably on volvens, which by zeugma is used in a 
somewhat different sense with them and with saxa. 

glareosa is an awkward epithet for saxa, unless we take it 
to mean that the bed was full of rocks and gravel mixed. 


19G NOTES. XXI. c. xxxn. §§ 1—7. 

P. 34, c. xxxn. § 1. triduo. The crossing-place was four 
days' niarch frorn the mouth, we are not told how far from 
Soipio's camp. 

movit, as often, absolutely for se movit, or castra. 

quadr. agmine. Cf. 5. 16, where the words are transposed. 

§ 2. videt. Here, as 33. 3, two distinct uses of the verb 
are cbmbined, physical and mental vision. 

tutius ita. Because his own troops would be fresh, and 
those of H. exhausted or thinned by the long march. Ita 
carries a good deal of meaning by implication. 

§ 3. nuda auxiliis. This policy was aimed at the real 
base of H's operations, and the source to which he looked for 
reinforcements. Arnold says, " Had Scipio, at this critical 
juncture, not sent his army to Spain..., his son would in all 
probability never have won the battle of Zama." Yet had 
Scipio been ready with a larger army to attack the wearied 
troops of H. as they issued from the mountain-pass — and 
there was nothing to prevent him, — it might have fared ili 
with the invaders. 

§ 4. ad pell. Hasd. Scipio can hardly have known as yet 
the "arrangement made by Hannibal before he left Spain. 

§ 6. Genua. Nothing is known of Genua before this time. 
It was destroyed by Mago, Livy xxvin. 46. 8, and rebuilt as 
a municipium by Bome, xxx. 1. 10. 

eo...exercitus. Cf. on 29. 6. 

§ 6. ab Druentia. His course would be rather ' along ' 
than ' from ' the river, and would certainly not have been 
' campestri it.\ for though the route of Polyb. admits for a 
time of this description, it is out of place in Livy's. 

pace incolentium. For the gen. cf. the expression Lucr. 
v. 1229, Divom pacem votis adit. 

§ 7. The following description is somewhat absurd as 
applied to the lower Alpine vaUeys, ahd is a bit of fine writing 
in which Livy gives full scope to his rhetorical taste, working 
upon the description of some traveller, who exaggerated the 
horrors of l ' journey. Note the absence of any sense of the 
grandeur Oi. puntain scenery, which was possibly, as Macaulay 
suggests, ovtrpowered by the sense of danger. In general the 
sense of the picturesque is of modern growth. Polybius, who 
had himself travelled over the ground, is much more guarded 
in his language, and guilty of no such exaggerations as Livy. 

NOTES. XXI. c. xxxn. S 7— c. xxxm. § 2. 197 

prius is a pleonasm with pracepta, liko praoccupatos ante 
in 20. 8. 

torrida frigore. Cf. 40. 9, prenuti artus...torrida gelu*, xl. 
45. 1, a rbo re t deusserat hienu. 

§ 8. Erigentibus. " As the vanguard was climbing the 
lower heights. " This incident, like most others on the march, 
occurs also in Polybius, though the localities are quite dis- 

P. 35. stragem dedissent. Cf. use of dare in such 
phrases as Verg. iEn. xii. 575, dant cuneum, vi. 76,fincm dedit 
ore loqxiendi, and iu Luer. dare jmusam, dare motus. " One is 
tempted to look at it as a half-conscious reminiscence of the 
do which survives in credo, abdo, condo, &c, aud has the 
same origin as ti8ij/j.i and S. dadhdmi." Munro, Lucr. iv. 41. 

§ 9. inter confragosa omn. is a bold construction of which 
Livy is fond. Cf. ix. 13. 5, per omnia pacata, xxm. 2. 1, 
inter corrupta omnia, xxn. 6. 11, super cetera extrema. 

§ 10. Tum per eosdem. "But when the friendly Gauls had 
managed to engage the mountaineers in friendly talk, as there 
was but little difference in their patois, or in manners, they 
informed him," &c. Strictly we must uuderstand a montanis 
with abhorrentes. 

dilabi. Often used of soldiers deserting. Cf. xxn. 2. 1, 
Gallos si tcedio laboris...dilaberentur. 

ex aperto. ' Openly.' For the form cf. § 7, ex jwopinquo, 
xxn. 7. 4, ex vano, ex cequo, ex publico, ex antiquo, ex com- 
posito, ex improviso. So also with in and pro. 

§ 12. laxatas. ' Vigilance relaxed,' or more probably 
' the outposts thinned.' laxare is a favourite word with Livy 
in metaphorical uses, as n. 34, laxare annonam, 59. 6, laxare 
pugnam, ix. 16. 10, laxare aliquid laboris, lacior locus, laxa- 

§ 13. angustias evadit. Polyb. StTjVi/e rds 5u<rxwp/os, m. 

tumulis. Livy prefers the abl. without a preposition, with 
consedit, and like verbs. 

c. xxxiii. § 2. arce. Often used for a na' ral stronghold 
as well as a fortified post. 

via transire. This use of a modal or local abl. without a 

198 NOTtiS. XXI. c. xxxiii. §§ 2—7. 

preposition is frequeut in Livy, but the expression is bald in 
lts brevity. 

§ 3. lmmobiles defixit. A strong pbrase in frequent use. 
Cf. xxn. 53. 6, quum stupore ac miraculo torpidos defixisset, 
where also tbe adjective bas a proleptic sense. We need not 
accept tbe fanciful explanation proposed, tbat it is a figure 
suggested by tbe magical use of little images pierced to repre- 
sent tbe persons on wbom tbe cbarms were to be tried. 

suo ipsum tumultu agmen. Tbis construction of ipse 
agreeing witb tbe subject, or tbe object of tbe sentence, is 
nearly always preferred to tbe gen. ipsius following suus, 
wbere tbe form of tbe period allows it. Fabri. 

§ 4. quicquid adi. ' Tbinking tbat any panic occasioned 
by tbemselves would be enougb to rout tbem utterly.' 

transversis rupibus. The MSS. commonly read perversis 
rupibus juxta invia, &c. Tbis is rejected by Madvig on tbe 
ground tbat perversa rupes is obscure, and invia decurrere an 
unusual construction. He thinks tbat per bas slipped out of 
its place, and dislodged tbe trans of transversis. Some editors 
read diversis after a late MS. 

§ 5. simul...simul. ' Were bard pressed not merely 
owing to tbe onset of tbe enemy, but also to tbe rougbness of 
the ground.' Ab is unusual with a modal abl. hke iniquitate, 
especially in Livy. 

sibi quoque tendente. 'As each man struggled selfishly 
to get sooner out of danger.' For the constr. of sibi compare 
Cic. in Verr. n. 8. 22, Veneri absolvit, sibi condemnat, Tac. Ann. 
i. 65, sibi quisque properus. 

evaderet. Note the different constr. with this verb here 
and in 32. 13. 

P. 36, §6. infestum. 'Endangered.' Cf. n. 11. 1, infes- 
tum Roma7ium agmen reddidit. 

repercussse. 'Ee-echoing.' Properly an epithet of cla- 
mores, not of valles. 

% 7. turba. 'The crowding.' 

in lmmensum altitudinis. This use of the neut. sing. with 
a genitive is less common than the neut. plur., except in later 
writers, but Livy has, x. 32. 6, muUum diei, v. 37. 5, immensum 
loci, vii. 8. 5, serum diei, xlv. 9. 2, plerumque Europce. 

deiecit. Constr. praagn. ' caused to fall.' 

NOTES. XXI. c xxxiii. § 7— c. xxxiv. § 7. 199 

maxlme modo is a favourite phrase with our author. Cf. 
38. 1, hoe maximc modo, xxxv. B4. 1U, itineris maxime modo. 

§ 8. 8uos continult. ' Kept his men from going to tiie 

§9. lnterrumpl. ' A break in the line.' 

exutum. ' If the baggago-train were lost.' Used prolcpti- 

§ 11. cibo is supplied without MS. authority, but cap- 
tii-us is often used with inanimate objects, as with arma, 
navifiia, pccunia, tolum, by Livy, and with vestis by Vergil, and 
it cannot here make sense without a subst. 

c. xxxiv. §1. frequentem. 'Densely peopled.' Cf. xxxi. 
23. 5, frc/uentia ccdijiciis loca, and xxxv. 1. 6, acies frequens 
armatis. More commonly the abl. is omitted, as fonim fre- 

populum = canton, or district. Ut, qualifies frequentcm, 
which should naturally come nearer to it. Cf. xxxii. 33. 9, 
Alexander, ut inter sEtolos, facundus. 

suis artibus. Also used of Hannibal, xxii. 16. 5. 

. § 2. oratores veniunt. The account of Polybius m. 52 
is more graphic in its details of the garlands and olive 
branches which they bore. tovto ydp ax^ov 7racri rols /3a/i/3d- 
pois ovvdrjfia. (piXtas KaO&irep rd KijpvKeiov tois "EXXTjat. 

§ 3. ad fidem. ' As a guarantee. ' Cf . on 19. 5. 

P. 37, § 4. composito agmine. Drakenborch explains this 
passage ' not at all as if they were marching through a friendly 
country, but in fighting order,' as if sed were omitted. Fabri 
reads incomposito after one MS. It is more probably ' in line 
of march not at all arranged for passage through friendly 

§ 5. robore. ' Tne main body.' 

circumsp. sollicitus. ' Anxiously reconnoitring,' or omnia 
may be taken with soll. as cetera in virum cetera egre- 
gium i. 35. 3. Fabri however notes that in Livy we only find 
vicem coupled with soll., as in passages like xxviii. 19. 17, ab 
sollicitis vicem imperatoris militibus. 

§ 7 In eos versa. ' The line of infantry faced towards 
tbem, and clearly proved (i.e. by its losses or hard fighting) 
tbat if the rear-guard had not been strengthened they must 
hav6 met with a terrible disaster in that pass.' The use of 

200 NOTES. XXI. c. xxxiv. § 7— c. xxxv. § 6. 

fecit after acies is awkward : it connects two distinct state- 
rnents, of the manceuvre of the infantry, and the experience of 

accipienda fuerit. Cf. the use of the participle in -urus 
vfithfuerit, as iv. 38. 2, nec clubium fuit quin si...terga daturi 
hostes fuerint. 

§ 8. ad extremum periculi. Cf. acl ultimum dimicationis, 
ad inopice ultimum, ad extremum spei, and like phrases com- 
mon in Livy. 

demittere. ' Risk sending.' Cf. iii. 35. 1, demissa jam in 
discrimen dignitas. 

c. xxxv. § 1. latrocinii. Often contrasted with bellum, or 
justum bellum, as xxix. 6. 2, latrociniis magis quam iusto bello 
gerebatur res. Latro, like laverna, from the root Xa (\wis) 
Xarpis, became naturalized on Italian soil, and gained an 
unfavourable meaning, Curtius, 326. 

§ 2. novissimum ag. = rear = extrema agminis. 
progressi morative. ' Stragglers in front or rear.' 

§ 3. sicut...ita = 'indeed'...'but.' Cf. § 11, sicut brcviora 
ita arrect. 

P. 38, § 4. Nono die. So Polyb. ni. 53, who however 
fixes the point from which he reckons, and gives intermediate 
dates, while Livy does neither. In fact, all his incidents and 
particulars of time are taken from another ronte, and do not 
suit his own ; his reference to errores is probably to exjdain 
the length of time which did not seem needful for the shorter 
pass which he had chosen. 

per invia pleraque. Cf . 32. 9, confragosa omnia. 

ducentium. ' Absolutely for ' guides.' Ducentium fraus is 
hardly consistent with the promise of the friends from Cisal- 
pine Gaul to be duces itinerum, 29. 6. 

initse valles. Cf. 1. 5, Sicilia S. amissa. 

§ 5. stativa, sc. castra. 

§ 6. occid. sidere Verg. ' As the constellation of tho 
Pleiads was near its setting,' i.e. towards October. Polyb. iii. 
54, Bia rb ffvvawTeiv ttjv tt)s IlXeiaSos 86<riv. Pliny n. 47. 125, 
post id (autumni) cequinoctium diebus fere xliv. Vergiliarum 
occasus hiemem inchoat, quod tempus in m. Idus Novembres 
incidere consuevit. 

N0TB8. xxi. a xxxv. § 7— o. xxxn. § 1. 201 

§ 7. nlve oppleta The cliuiate was probably oven moro 
severe than at prescnt, o\ving to tbe thick forests which thon 
oo re re d groat part of Germany. 

§ 8. prospectus. A fanciful picture, whicb is hardly 
borne out by facts, as no such view can be obtained near the 
summit of tho Mont Geucvre, nor indeed of any other of the 
The description of Polybius docs not imply any sucb 
actual view of the plains of Lombardy, for his word ivdpyeia 
may mean ' evidence ' or ' proof ' addressed to the reason, and 
not to the sight. Many unsuccessful attempts have been made 
to find a likely sceue for tbis speech. 

§ 9. mcenia It. Cf. Polyb. m. 54, aKpoirdXew <paivovrai 
5tddeaiv fx eii ' a ^ "AX7rets ttjs 0X775 'IraXfas. 

transcendere. Infin. after a verb like dicit, implied in 

sunimum. ' At most.' Adverbially as xxxm. 5. 8, duo aut 
summum tret juvenes. 

§ 10. furta. ' Stealthy ambuscades,' as Polyb. ibicL 7rX?> 
tQv \ddpa KaKOTTOiovvTiov. Fabri compares ix. 31. 10, hostem 
ultimam spemfurto insidiarum temptantem. 

sicut breviora. This geueralization is not found in Polyb., 
and indicates increased kuowledge of the Alps since the 
conquest of Gaul. 

§ 12. neque sustinere se a lapsu. Cf. xxn. 2. 6. 

nec, qui paulum... The reading of the MSS. is here af- 
Jlicti, which is harder. With it the passage would mean ' and 
if they stumbled but a httle, down they fell and could not 
help slipping further ' (lit. ' could not cling to the place wbere 
they weie dashed to the ground/ cf. Cses. B. G. vi. 27, neque si 
quo affiictce casu conciderint, erigere sese possunt). But as their 
effort would be chiefly to save themselves from falling, Madvig 
reads affixi (as suggested by Drakenborch, cf. m. 68. 8, harete 
affixi contionibus) as a strong term to express the attempt to 
keep their footing. Affiigere and affigere are elsewhere con- 
fused in the MSS. 

vestigium. Perhaps from ve-, o-tix; areixu, crroixos, Cur- 
tius, 178. 

succiderent is a more questionable change for occiderent. 

c. xxxvi. § 1. angnstiorem. ' A narrower pass, with 
wahs of rock so steep that.' 

202 NOTES. XXI. c. xxxvi. §§ 1- 6. 

ut segre... This would be absurdly exaggerated if it referred 
to the ordimiry state of the pass. If however we understand 
it as caused by a recent landslip or avalanche, it would be 
consistent with experience. There is one spot especially on 
the Littlo St Bernard exposed to such casualties, and to this 
the description of Polybius well applies. He speaks however 
of the road being carried away, crx^Sbv iirl rpia y)p.iardha, but 
Livv mistaking this, or the language of their common au- 
thority, converts it into a precipice of a 1000 feet in depth (if 
we accept, that is, Valla's almost certain corrections of the 
meaningless readings of the MSS.). 'This,' says Niebuhr, 'is 
uonsense, as all must see.' 

expeditus. Cf. vn. 34. 3, collem aditu arduum impedito 
agmini, expeditis haud dijficilem. So expediti equites ' light 
troops.' Expedita classis, agmen, venatores, &c. in Livy. 

P. 39, § 2. admodum = maxime,fere, p.a\i<rra. 

§ 3. miranti = cum admiratione qucerenti by pregnant use. 
Cf. i. 41. 1, mirantium quid rei esset, iii. 35. 5. Nagelsbach, 
p. 279, illustrates this by such cases as dodrantem complere = 
complementi causa adiicere, triarii postremos claudebant for 
claudentes postremi ibant. 

§ 4. circa. On use of the adverb cf. note on 7. 5. 

circumduceret = must take round. On this use of the subj. 
for circumducere deberet, v. Madvig, De Finibus ii. 35, who 
quotes various passages from Cicero and Livy, xl. 37. 3, non 
triumphum impedire debuit...sed postero dic.nomen deferret. 
Cf. also Verg. iEn. ix. 643, at tu dictis Albane maneres. Ovid, 
Tristia iv. 3. 34, Tristis es : indignor, quod sim tibi causa 
doloris ; non es ; at amisso conjuge digna fores. 

§5. super veterem... ' Over the snow of tbe last season, 
which had not melted.' A mass of snow often falls into a 
ravine or valley, where it is sheltered from the sun's heat, and 
remains through a whole summer, forming sometimes a great 
natural bridge, through which a river tunnels for itself a 
channel. Probably the early historians referred to some such 
mass which blocked up the spot where H. tried to force a 
passage. Livy's account would be more natural in the case of 
a glacier, which was not likely to be met with in their way. 

§ 6. fiuentem... ' The liquid mud formed by the melting 

tabem is the correction of Gronovius for the labem of the 
MSS. It is especially used of any melting substance. 

NOTES. XXI. c. xxxvi. § 7— c. xxxvn. §4. 203 

§ 7. [ut a] lub. The MSS. read ut a lubrica, where the 
preposition would seem out of place. Sanppe and W. change 
this to via. ' On the slippery track where the ice gave no foot- 
hold, but let the feet slide over it all the easier, as it was a 
8teep incline.' Madv. needlessly quarrels with via on tlie 
ground that thore was no road, cf. § 5, but it seems better to 
omit it as an awkward addition. 

adminiculum. Formed from ad and manus on the analogy 
of cubiculum, t-ediculum. Corssen n. 416. 

in levl tantum. ' Rolled in what was only smooth ice or 
slush of snow.' ' Only,' because no virgulta, &c. 

§ 8. connitendo. T. Faber's correction for the continendo 
of the MSS. 

alte concr. 'Frozen to a great depth.' 

c. xxxvii. § 2. ad rupem m. 'To cut a way through the 
rock.' Cf. ix. 29. 5, viam munivit, of rnaking the Appian way. 
Polyb. i^otKoSo/xftv rcv Kprjfj-vov. Munitores are the sappers and 

arboribus circa. Whence these came it is hard to say, 
cf. 36. 7, as also the vinegar, unless it was the soldiers' 
drink or posca, Pliny, xxin. 1. 57, says acetum saxa rumpit in- 
fusum, qucB non ruperit ignis antecedens, cf. Juv. x. 153, Didu- 
cit scopulos et montem rumpit aceto. The details in this section 
do not occur in Polyb. 

P. 40, § 3- molliunt anfr. 'Relieve the steep gradients 
by winding tracks of gradual descent.' Cf. Verg. Georg. iii. 
293, clivus mollis. Caes. B. G. vii. 46, quidquid circuitus ad 
tnolliendum clivum accesserat, also locis mollioribus below. 

anfractus, from ambi and frag (jrango). To the objection 
to this derivation made by Zeyss, that anfractus means a 
'bend' rather than a 'break,' Corssen, i. 397, quotes Cic. Nat. 
D. ii. 18, of the sphere, ea figura.. qua...habere...potest nihil 
incisum angulis, nihil anfractibus, nihil eminens, nihil lacuno- 

§4. prope fame abs. They might have been quite starved 
according to Livy's account. Polyb. makes the horses get 
over after one day's delay, the other three being spent in mak- 
ing a broader path for the elephants. 

si quid est... ' All the herbage, such as it is ..' Cf. Cic. 
in Caec. 15, ipse Allienus ex ea facultate, si quam habet, ali- 
quantum dctracturus est. Cf. Lucr. n. 16, Iwc avi quodcum- 

204 NOTES. XXI. c. xxxvn. § 4 — c. xxxvm. §5. 

obruunt nives. This might easily be tbe case so late in 
the season. 

§ 5. apricosque etiam. The MSS. have apricos quosdam, 
but the asyndeton is harsh. W. reads apricosque quosdam, 
which is ugly and unusual. 

et prope silvas = and almost forests. Madv. inserts the et 
as rivos p. s. seems to him uunatural. 

§ 6. loeis mollior. This is an abl. absol., and thecompar. 
stands for a partic. 

c. xxxviii. § 1. quinto mense a. Cf. xxn. 19. 5, altero ab 
Tarracone die, an elliptical expression ; the 5th month only is 
qualified by the 'ut quidam^ the 15th day is accepted by Livy, 
as by Polyb. But it is not easy to make their detailed state- 
ments agree with tbis number, as both reckon 9 days to the 
ascent, 2 at the top, 4 by the landslip, and 3 in the descent. 
Probably however Polybius meant tbe last 3 to be counted as 
part of the 4 just mentioned, in which the cavalry reached the 
lower valleys while the road was being widened for the ele- 
phants, and then we should get only 15 for the whole. There 
is no hint of this however in Livy, who is hopelessly inconsist- 

§ 2. qui irtinirmim, e.§. Polybius iii. 56, on the authority 
of the tablet at Lacinium. We may note that with the excep- 
tion of a few Ligurians there were no mercenaries in this army, 
only Spaniards and Libyans, not like the motley aggregates 
of earlier days. 

§ 3. Cincius, v. Introduction on the authorities. 

maxime... 'Would be a most weighty authority.' 

§ 4. adducta. 'Brought with him through the Alps,' 
most unlikely when there was a promise of more faithful alhes 
on the other side, who had more to gain from the Punic cause. 

magis, take with veri simile ; adducta and audisse after 
scribit, to be understood after additis. 

auctores sunt, so xxiii. 16. 15, quod quidam auctores sunt, 
ii. 58. 1, Piso auctor est, xxx. 3. 6, ita pars major avctores 

§ 5. Taurini Semigalli. This is a very bold correction by 
Madvig of the corrupt readings of the MSS. : Taurinisnegalli, 
Taurinis quce Gallice, Taurinisne Gallis, <&c, on the ground 
that Strabo connects the Taurini with the Ligures, and yet dis- 
tinguishes them as if they were half Celts. The conjecture of 
W. Taurini Gallice seems preferable. 

NOTES. XXI. cl xxxvii i. §§ 5— 7. 205 

degTesso (Harmihali), cf. i. 8. 4, Zocim qui nunc scrptus de- 
sccndcntilius intcr duot UiCOt est. 

§ 6. Id quum, &c. This is dillicult, for Polyb. asscrts that 
II. descended among the Insabres, ns indeed it was likely that 
he wonld do, since they and their allies had invited hirn to 
cross into Italy. It ruay be that Livy only meant that the 
anualists all spoke of his attack on the Taurini as his first 
movement in Italy, and as the Taurini were, strictly speak- 
ing, a Ligurian uot a Gallic tribe (Strabo iv. 6), possibly tho 
passage, whose readiug is so doubtful, brought out tho close 
neighbourhood of the hostile T. to the frieudly Iusubres. 

ambigi, quanam. No official account was likely to reach 
Eome from the time wheu H. disappeared from ScipkVs sight, 
till he was heard of near the Po. The Alps were till long 
after a terra incognita, and few like Polybius cared to travel 
so far to gather up the local traditions. 

P. 41. credere, the transition from the passive ambigi to 
an active is marked, but not unusual in Livy. In orat. directa 
he would naturally say vulgo credunt (sc. homines). 

Pcenino. This was the pass of the Great St Bernard. Its 
name is thought to be derived from the Celtic deity Penn 
(Zeuss, die Deutschen, p. 5). Jupiter Pceninus was worskip_ped 
on the summit, and the name has been found on 30 ex voto 
tablets which have been discovered uear the top. It was also 
called Mons Jovis, which survives iu the names Mout-Joux, 
Plan-de-Joux which are still localized on the height. It was 
by this pass that Livy, v. 35, brought the Boii aud Lingones 
into Italy in the 5th century b.c. The fanciful derivatiou of 
the name referred to in the text was an argument likely to 
be urged in early times. 

Cremonis iug. It is tempting to iclentify this with the 
Cramont, between la Thvule aud Entreves, beside the little 
St Bernard, but the attempt rests on grounds of etymology as 
insecure as the case just specified. It is probable that only 
one route was then kuown across the Alpes Graiae, that of 
which Strabo speaks, iv. 67, 'the road from the Salassi parts 
into two branches, the one rough aud inaccessible for beasts of 
burden over the Pceninus, the other more westerly through the 
Centrones. ' 

§ 7. per alios. Madvig's conjecture for per saltus mont. 
which is obviously corrupt. Lipsius and others whom W. 
follows read per Salassos, which is inviting, but the addition 
of montanos would be needless, as Madvig points out. The 

20G NOTES. XXI. c. xxxvm. § 7—c. xxxix. § 4. 

Salassi of the common reading were the tribe on the Doria 
Baltea, better known in the days of Augustus for their 
resolute though hopeless stand for independence against 
Terentius Varro, who sold 42,000 of them into slavery, Strabo 
iv. 6. 7. 

Libuos, otherwise called Lai, Lehecii, Libici, Lsevi; proba- 
bly petty tribes between the Orgus and Ticinus under the 
supremacy of the Insubres. Their chief city was Vercelhe, 
(Libicorum ex Salluviis ortce, Pliny iii. 16). 

§8. Semigermanis. Thisobjectionmight apply to thegreat 
St Bernard, but could have little force after the description 
of the resistance which H. met with on his way from the moun- 
taineers, whoever they were. The form Semigermanis probably 
suggested Madvig's reading Semigalli above. 

The answer to the etymological theory serves to show that 
no local traditions of H. lingered on the great St Bernard, but 
proves nothing as to the little St B. 

§ 9. Seduni Veragri. Tribes about Martigny on the lake of 
Geneva. They are coupled together by Cassar, B. G. iii. 1, in 
Veragros Sedunosque—qui ajinibus Allobrogum, et lacuLemano 
etjlumine Rhodano ad summas Alpes pertinent, as also by Pliny, 
iii. 20. Strabo, rv. 6. 6, speaks of the Oudpaypoi near the Leman 
Lake, whose town Octodurus was near the site of Martigny. 
The names were restored in the text by Lipsius and Gronovius 
from the corrupt sed uno vel acri of the best MSS. 

c. xxxix. § 1. ad principia r., 'for the opening of the war.' 

armare, 'prepare for action.' Napoleon passed the great 
St Bernard in 5 days, but waited 20 more before his army was 
ready to fight. 

§ 2. tabe. Fabri compares n. 32. 11, totum corpus ad 
extremam tabem venisse. 

§3. a Manlio, v. 25. 8. Atilioque, 26. 2. 

tirone et..., ' disheartened as the raw levies were.' tiro 
connected with — tar, riprjv, terenus, nux terentina (quce mollis 
est, Macrob. ), trio. Corssen, i. 511. 

novis ignominiis, i.e. the rout by the Gauls, 25. 9. 

§ 4. caput. Possibly, but not certainly, on the site of 
Turin, or what was afterwards Taurasia and Augusta Taurino- 

volentes, i.e. the citizens by constr. ad synesim. 

NOTI.s. YYT q x.xxix. §4— xl. §2. 207 

§ 5. oppressisset, ' surprised,' used with the additioual 
seuse of arrestiug the movement. 

§ 6. quae pars. Fabri gives other examples of the fre- 
queut use of quis or qui for uter. 

P. 42, § 8. eo lpso, quod... This is an afterthought of 
history. Livy forgets that H. had no great name as yet, and 
that the consuls were not specially elected for mihtary skill, 
except in times of crisis. 

§ 9. lnter se opinlonem, 'their estimate of each other,' as 
inter se is often used for reciprocal action, as also alii alios, &c. 
Sallust combines both. Cat. 22. 2, quo inter se magis fidi 
forent alius alii tanti facinoris conscii. Later writers, like 
Tacitus, use invicem. 

quod, relictus in Gallia. Polyb. , m. 60, says wporepov 6\tyais 
rjp.tpais, and makes Hanuibal marvel at the promptitude of 
Scipio, though at least a month must have elapsed, and the 
Eoman forces might have been brought round to meet H. at 
the foot of the Alps before he had recruited his strength. It is 
probable that iu these phrases we may trace the influence of 
the Scipionic circle in giving a favourable colour to what was 
really questionable generalship. 

§ 10. Occupavit, 'took the initiative by.' Cf. i. 14. 6, 
occupabant bellum facere ; Hor. Carm. i. 14. 2, interdum rapere 
occupat; still stronger iv. 30. 4, ipsi praoccupaverunt ferre. 

educeret, sc. exercitum. Often used absolutely by Livy in 
this connexion. 

c. xl. § 1. supersedissem 1. ' I should have thought it 
needless to harangue you. ' The speech of the general to his 
soldiers is a characteristic of Greek and Koman warfare, and of 
citizen soldiers. 

§ 2. vlcissent. Note the sudden change from the subj. 
which expresses the speaker's thought to the ind. habui which 
states only a matter of fact. 

confessionem... 'I regarded as a victory the admission of 
(inferiority) implied in the enemy's flight and refusal to engage.' 
This is, of course, a mere rhetorical boast. 

§ 3. meis auspiciis. In the technical system of Eome the 
auspicia were taken by the legati or deputy commanders in the 
name of the general in chief. Cf. Tac. Ann. i. 41, ductu Ger- 
manici auspiciis Tiberii. Monum. Ancyr. res aut a me aut per 
legatos meis auspiciis gestas. Horace says, Carm. i. 7. 27, with 
less propriety, Teucro duce et auspice Teucro. 

208 NOTES. XXI. c. xl. § 3— c. xli. § 5. 

populus Romanus. The commons only indirectly in- 
fluenced the choice of a commander hy giving consular rank ; 
the choice of the province rested partly with the senate, partly 
with the lot. 

voluit agrees with the unity implied in sen. pop. R. 

§ 5. stipendium. At first it was arranged that the indem- 
nity of 3200 talents should he paid off in 20 years; the term 
was aftcrwards reduced to 10. 

Sardiniam. It was hardly ingenuous to speak of S. as belli 
prcemium, since it was taken by Bome some time after. 

P. 43 § 7. audent, i.e. pugnare or absolutely as often in 

duabus partibus. Scipio is supposed to know the numbers 
and losses in Hannibal's army. The fractions -|, £, £ are ex- 
pressed by duce, tres, quattuor partes respectively. Cf. viii. 
1. 1. 

§ 8. At enim. An idiomatic ellipse as 18. 9. 

§ 9. prseusti artus, 'frost-bitten limbs." 

§ 11. qui secundum... ' Who next to the Gods have been 
sinned against.' Cf. 45. 8. 

commissum... For this use of the three verbs, cf. Florus n. 
15, Si quis trium temporum momenta consideret, primo commissum 
bellum, profligatum secundo, tertio vero confectum est, also Livy 
iii. 50. 6. 

c. xli. § 1. vestri adhort. So Cicero uses sui conservanai 
causa. Ovid. Heroid. xx. 74, copia placandi sit ynodo parva tui, 
neuter forms of the possessive being in both cases used. 

§ 3. ad famam. But 26. 4, he is said to have landed by 
the Ehone, thinking Hannibal far away across the Pyrenees. 

§ 4. qua parte. Constr. ad synesim, equitibus being under- 
stood in equestri. 

P. 44. regressus. The MSS. reading of this passage with 
neque before regr. makes no sense, and is corrected by Madvig. 
Weiss. marks it as hopeless. 

§ 5. improvisus. Madvig retains this reading of the 
MSS. , though improvidus seems more in accordance with Livy's 

decernendum, sc. armis or ferro. 

NOTHS. XXI. a joj. §§6— 17 209 

§ G. aestiruatos. Tbe suin paid for each prisoner at the 
capitulation of 1-'. rvx, but whioh is not mentioned elsewhere. 

ccstimare is ht. ' to reckon in bronze ' from ces and tima, 
Tlfii)fxa, the earhest coin beiug in ces. Corssen, n. 424. 

§ 7. Herculls. Referriug to the fancy which connected the 
narue of the Graian Alps (or httle St Bernard) with tlie 
Hercides Graius, wbo was fabled to have crossed theru after 
his victory over Geryon, cf. v. 34. 7. Nep. Hanu. m. 4, 
Alpes.,.nulladum via...nisi de Hercule fabulis credere licet... 

ut ipse fert. Ferre is here as of teu in Livy for pra se ferre. 

vectlgalls. Strictly speaking, Cartbage was only stipen- 
diaria, since she paid a definite sum by way of indemnity, 
cf. stipendia Carthaginis impice, Hor. The stipend. civitules 
of later days were those whose contributions to tho imperial 
treasury were of fixed amount, or proceeded from a tax of fixed 
percentage. The vectigalia paid by tbe greater part of the 
empire were tithes or other imposts varying with the pro- 
ductiveness of tbe soil. 

§ 8. Quem nlsi. ' If he were not maddened by tbe sense 
of guilt.' Cf. Cic. Eosc. Am. 24, suum quemque scelus agitat. 

§ 9. consule. Lutatius. 

§ 11. ultimo, 'extreme,' as 44. 4, ultimi cruciatus, m. 58. 
11, ultitna pana. 

sine ullo cert. This is all extravagant rhetoric, thougb tbe 
dauger was a real one to the Cartbaginian army at Eryx. But 
the Bomans gladly ofiered terms of peace, for their losses had 
been eveu more severe tban those of tbe enemy, 700 sbips as 
agaiust 500, according to Polyb. i. 61. 

§12. tutel», gen. of quality after duximus, 'regardedas 
under our protection,' cf. 44. 5, sui arbitrii fecit, vu. 18. 3,Jidci 
sua non solum virtutis ducebant esse. 

The Bomans had little to be proud of in the memory of 
their conduct to Cartbage in the great crisis of the mercenary 

§ 13. Pro his impert. ' In return for these boons.' 

P. 45, § 15. obsistat...obstandum, 'bar the way.' Dbder- 
lein remarks upon this verb as a prouder phrase than resistat. 

§ 16. non, ' not only.' 

§ 17. illius urbis, 'our city yonder,' as contrasted with vis 
nostra, ' our valour here.' 

C. L. 14 

210 NOTES. XXI. c. xlii. § 1— c. xliii. § 6. 

c. xlii. § 1. ad spectaculum. A pkrase often used by 
Livy. Ci. xxiii. 43. 1, ad spectaculum pugnce frequentes exi- 

si vinculis. 'On condition of being set free from his 
bonds, and receiving if victorious, &c.' 

§ 2. deiecta in id, 'thrown for tbat purpose,' i. e. into tbe 
belrnet or urn, so conjicere sortem in urnam, sitellam, or 

§3. et, ut cuiusque. Tbe MSS.baveno ?/f,but it seems to 
be required, and may bave been oruitted after tbe et, from tbe 
similarity of tbe words. W. notes tbat only one pair of com- 
batants is mentioned by Polyb., and tbinks tbat tberefore tbe 
et cujus of some MSS. is better, but tbe vincentium of tbe last 
line points to several pairs fighting togetber. 

exciderat. So 6 KXijpos iKwlTTTei.. Cf. xxiu. 3. 7, nominibus 
in wrnam conjectis citari, quod primum sorte nomen excidit, 

sul moris. Cf. x. 26. 8, ovantes moris sui carmine. 

tripudiis. Tbis word is explained by tbe Latin writers as 
strictly applied to tbe action of tbe sacred cbickens, cernitur 
in auspiciis tripudiantium pullorum dictum a terra pavienda. 
Festus. So too Cicero, div. u. 34. Tbe root pu is traced by 
Corssen, i. 359, in repudium, and possibly pudet, as well as 
in pavire (strike), pavimentum, iraieiv. tri is not for terra, wbicb 
is uncbanged in compositiou, but as in trifolium, triclinium, 
trianum, from tbe tbreefold beat. Tbe word is also used of 
tbe ceremonial dances of tbe Eomans, as of tbe Salii, cum 
tripudiis solemnique cantu, i. 20. 3, and of tbe Fratres Arvales 
in tbe inscriptions. 

§ 4. is habitus animorum. Cf. 2. 6, eo fuit habitu oris. 

eiusdem cond., i. e. prisoners. 

spectantes, i. e. tbe arrny. 

P. 46, o. xliii. § 2. vicimus. Tbe past put for tbe future 
to express tbe certainty of tbe result, and give bfe to tbe 

§ 4. habentes. Tbe MSS. have habentibus, and W. retains 
it, but it seems equally awkward to regard it witb Fabri as an 
abl. abs., or as dative agreeing witb vobis while understanding 
l fugam ' with claudunt as W. suggests. 

§ 6. possident. ' The port ' which corresponds to wpoTi, 
wp6s appears in various forms in possideo, pollingo, porricio, 
pono {po. sino). Corssen, Beitrage 87. 

NOTSS. XXI. c. xliii. § 7— c. xliv. § 6. 211 

§ 7. agite dum, plural forni of interjectional agedum : for 
dum the MSS. read 'cum.' 

§ 10. emerltis stip. Lit. ' when yon have earned your 
pay.' So apphed to the veteran whose term of sorvice has 
expired and who looks for pension or land as in later days at 
Bome. So m. 57. 10, uon juniores modo, sed emeritis etiam 
stinundiis, pars magtia voluntariorum. 

P. 47, §11. momento. Here in original sense ' impulsc ' 
(movere). Cf. xxiv. 34. 2, quicquid hostes ingenti mole agerent, 
ipse perlevi momento htdincaretur. 

§ 12. Nam refers to nec tam difficilem of § 11. 

§ 13. Ut vigintl. ' To say nothing of the 20 years of 
service when you fought with your well-known valour and 
success,' i. e. during the conquest of Spain, rhetorically for 
18 years. 

illa...illa. Cf. rx. 17. 4, cessisset Papirius Cursor illo cor- 
pore robore illo animi. 

Herculis columnis, i. e. Calpe and Ahyla at Gihraltar. 

§ 14. cseso, &c. Cf. c. 25. Livy often uses the asyndeton 
in rhetorical passages, cf. 44. 4, dolor injuria indignitas. 

§ 15. semestrl. Scipio had taken offii-e in March. H. 
touches here on the weak point of the military system of 
Eome, the constant change of generals, yet Livy's age had seen 
the danger to civil hherties of a long tenure of command. 

§ 17. notata, &c. ' Eecall to mind your several distinc- 
tions with the appropriate date and scene of each.' 

§ 18. laudatis donatisque. A phrase frequently repeated 
by L. Cf. xxv. 18. 15. 

c. xliv. § 1. infrenatos, i. e. the Numidians, who are often 
specified as using no bridle. Cf. 46. 2. 

§ 2. socios. Used of all the various nationalities to the 
exclusion of the citizens of Carthage. 

§ 4. lndignitas, perhaps 'a sense of the heinousness.' 

P. 48, § 5. se modum, ctc. 'Thinks it her right to dic- 
tate to us the nations with whom we may be at peace or war. ' 

neque, for 'but not. ' Cf. rv. 30. 14, missi tamen feciales, 
nec eorum...verba sunt audita. 

§ 6. The MSS. read ad contrary to the fact, Madvig 
inserts the non, but W. prefers cis 'on our side of,' which 


212 NOTES. XXI. c. xliv. §§ 6—9. 

seems a better retort, though less near the MSS. Krauss 
suggests at liberum est Saguntum, referring to the treaty with 
Hasdrubal, 2. 7, which provided Sag. mediis inter imperia 
duorum populorum libertas servaretur. This was followed, 
however, by a compact between Rome and Saguntum, Pol. m. 
30, which Carthage ignored when Hannibal accused Eome of 
meddling with the autonomy of S., and when just above he 
says neque eos quos statuit terminos observat. (Ehein. Mus. 

§7. meas. As if Carthage were speaking bj prosopopceia. 

Etiam (in) Hisp. There is much doubt as to the reading of 
the whole sentence. Madv. inserts the in. and separates the 
clause from the foregoing, because he thinks that Spain which 
the Eomans had not yet attacked should be coupled with 
Africa. W. inserts adimis again before etiam and does not 
accept in. 

The common reading, transcendes autem dico, is rejected by 
M. , on the ground that either autem or dico would be superfiu- 
ous, and he therefore inserts transcendisse, which W. objects to 
with some reason as weak, when followed by duos consules, &c. 

unum in Afr. H. naturally omits to note that this was a 
measure of defence though offensive in form. 

vindicarimus, is Madvig's correction for the vindicaremus 
of the MSS., which Heerwagen supports by like passages as 
xxiii. 5. 6, nihil ne quod suppleremus quidem nobis reliquit 

§ 8. qui respectum habent, ' who have something to fall 
back on.' 

respectus, used elsewhere by Livy in this sense of ' chance 
of safety or retreat.' Cf. iii. 23. 5, nos omnium rerum respec- 
tum, praterquam victorioe, nobis abscindamus. So Cic. Phil. v. 
18, quum respectum ad senatum et bonos non haberet. 

omnibus inter, &c. ' Assured that you must tear out of 
your hearts all hopes of any alternative save victory or 

dubitabit, is euphemistic for adversa erit. 

§ 9. destinatum. W. inserts si before this. Madv. would 
expunge it as a needless repetition, and because dest. in an. is 
less natural th.&nfixum in an.\ yet we find the phrase, vi. 6. 6, 
sibi destinatum in animo esse, and possibly destinatum consilio, 
54. 6. 

XOTES. XXI. o. ttv. §§ 1—8. 213 

P. 49, 8. xi.v. § 1. ponte Ticinum. They had already 

i the P<> from Placentia, 39. 10, and were marching 

along the left bank. Tbe pons over the Ticinus, probably neai 

Pavia, waa a fixed one, with a eeutelUtm oi tSU <lu pont, dis- 

tinguished from tbe bridge of boats (rates) over tbe Po. 

§ 3. Bollicitaxi. Used absolutely 25. 2, without in defect. 

Ictumulis. The text points to a place near the month of 
the Ticinus, about the niodern Carbonara, wbich agrees also 
with the situation of the place of liko name referred to 57. 9. 
But Pliny, 32. 21, and Strabo, v. 1. 12, speak of the gold mines 
of Victumulffi or Ictumuli in the district of Vercellae, and there 
are stili traces of thera near Biella to the north of Verceliffi, 
while there were none near the mouth of the Ticinus. In 
later times the Romaus found a pretext for a war with the 
Salassi, and despoiled tbera of tbe miues in question, and it 
is probable that the contractors who farmed them afterwards 
and employed some 5000 workmen in them brougbt the 
produce to Ictumuli, which served as the chief emporium for 
the whole neighbourbood until the colony of Eporedia was 
planted in the centre of the mining district. C. I. L. v. 2, p. 715. 

§ 4. pronuntiat, 'offers,' like proponit below; so declarare 
munera, indicere prcemia. 

in quorum spem. The use of the prepos. is singular, 
as spes is not the object, but the cause of the action, which is 
however confounded witb it. Heerwagen compares v. 30. 4, 
vellent in eam spem liberos tollere. 

§ 5. immunem, i.e. free of all payments to the state. 

§ 6. potestatem fact. H. here claims a power which 
Roman generals at times exercised, of bestowing the civitas 
or franchise. 

§ 7. mancipium, the 'taking by the hand,' was a symbol 
of purchase, and thus the term was used alike for tbe right 
of ownership (e.g. vitaque maiicipio nulli datur), as also for the 
slave as the property of his master. 

§ 8. silicem retinens. The knife of flint was used for 
sacrificial purposes till late in the days of the Empire, as we 
see from the Acta fratrum Arvalium. It was probably a 
custom of immemorial antiquity, retained from the ages which 
had little use of metals, by a religious conservatism which 
feared to change its forms, cf. the proverb inter sacrum saxum- 
que, Plaut. Capt. m. 4, like our ' between hammer and anvil.' 

falleret, ' forswear himself.' Cf. Hor. Carm. n. 8. 10, ex- 
pedit matris cineres opertos \ fallere. 

214 NOTES. XXI. c. xlv. § 8— c. xlvi. § 3. 

Iovem, named by Livy with characteristic carelessness for 
the Baal of Carthage. 

mactasset. Connected by Curtius, 293, with macellum, 
ixaxa-i-pa, fJ-a-XV- Cf. Lucr. v. 1339, boves Lucce ferro male 
macta, and the fragment of Namus restored by Miiller, Festus 
p. 397, vullum peius macit hominem quamde mare scevum. 

The MSS. have et before secundum prec. Madvig rejects 
this on the ground that the omission of est after precatus 
would be indefensible, as in the reading prcecipitatus, 25. 8. 

§ 9. velut diis auct. ' As if each were assured that the 
gods sanctioned his hopes.' The quisque is not merely used 
distributively with the collective rati, but is made an integral 
part of the abl. abs. in which it is introduced as a subject. 
Livy does this elsewhere with quisque as xxxn. 24. 4, relictis 
suis quisque stationibus in...locum concurrerunt, and with ipse 
as iv. 44. 10, causa ipse pro se dicta damnatur, xxxviii. 47. 7, 
causam apud vos accusantibus meis ipse legatis dico, and with 
plerique, as xxxiii. 9. 11, deinde omissis plerique armis 
capessunt fugam. He does the hke in constructions with a 
gerund as xxv. 23. 11, astimando ipse secum. n. 38. 6, insti- 
gando suos quisque jwpulos effecere. ix. 29. 8, gerendo solus 
censuram obtinuit. xlii. 53. 3, ad pecuniam pro facultatibus 
quaque suis pollicendum. On this peculiarity of Livy's style 
see Madvig Kleine Philol. Schr. p. 367. 

id morae, quod. Cf. 5. 12, id morari quod. 

P. 50, o. xlvi. § 1. territos p. The portents, as seen of 
old, commonly reflected the prevailing temper whether san- 
guine or foreboding. Cf. what Bagehot says of such forms of 
superstition as a source of national weakness. "In historical 
times, as we know, the panic terror at eclipses has been the 
ruin of the armies which have felt it ; or has made them delay 
to do something necessary, or rush to do something destruc- 

tive A rehgion full of omens is a mUitary misfortune." 

Physics and Pohtics, p. 132. 

§ 2. examen, for exagimen, as ala for axilla, mala for 

§ 3. procuratis. The technical term for the religious 
ceremonies adopted to propitiate the powers whose displeasure 
had been shown by natural signs. 

obvius fit. Polyb. who gives the clearest account of these 
operations describes Scipio as crossing first over the Po 
(probably near Placentia), and then across the Ticinus (pro- 
bably near Pavia) over the bridge specially built for him, iii. 

NOTES. XXI. «■:. xi,vi. §§3—10. 215 

C,u. He thon, c. 65, describes the two armies marching along 
the river (which was doubtless the Po), along the bank which 
faoed the Alps (i. o. the left), the liomana having the river on 
thoir left, tln' Carthaginians on the right. 

The account of Livy, though less defiuite, can be har- 
monized with this. Somo have supposed the river of Polyb. 
along which both armies marched to be the Ticinus, but 
the Romans could only have had this on their left if they had 
tirst marched up one bank, crossed it higher up, and then 
marched down the other bank — a most improbable manoeuvre. 
It is strange however that no notice should be taken of the 
other rivers in the way of the two armies. 

§ 4. expediebant, constr. ad synesim, the plural referring 
to the soldiers of the agmen. 

§ 5. sociorumq. r. ' The regular cavalry of the allies,' 
like our ' heavy dragoons.' Cf. 34. 5, cum robore peditum. 

in subsidiis, ' in reserve,' but not used in the technical sense 
of the triarii who formed properly the reserves. 

frenatos. Cf. 44. 2. 

§6. labentibus, 'falling from their horses' or 'thrown,' 
prpbably from the horses taking fright at the skirmishers. 

§ 7. intercursu, a word peculiar to Livy. Cf. n. 29. 7, 
xxx. 11. 9. 

pubescentis, in his 17th year, according to Polyb. 10. 3. 

§ 8. Africanus. Cf. Livy xxx. 45. 7, primus certe hic 
imperator nomine victce a se gentis est nobilitatus. Hor. Carm. 
rv.8. 18, Ejus qui domitanomenab Africa | Lucratus rediit, and 
early traditions ascribed a like origin to names such as Corio- 
lanus, but they may have been derived from the origo of the 
gens, or from later relations of patrocinium. 

P. 51, § 9. alius, ixsed almost as ceteri 'the remaining 
force ' which was cavalry. Cf. n. 17. 6, principes securi per- 
cussi, sub corona venierunt coloni alii. xxrv. 44. 8, Et alia 
ludibria oculorum credita pro veris. 

§ 10. malim eq. Livy prefers to attribute the credit to 
the son, not as being best attested, but as most creditable to 
Africanu8. Polyb. refers to the evidence of C. Laslius the 
friend of Scipio. 

et fama. We may takefama in the abl. as a modal, which 
is however hazardous, or if we understand fama as the nom., 
as is much more in accordance with Livy's usage, we may 

216 NOTES. XXI. c. xlvi. § 10— c. xlvii. § 8. 

snppose a break in the construction, or cujus supplied from 
quod, i. e. ' as to which the report holds its ground.' Cf. 
i. 4. 5, tenetfama lupam cursum flexisse. 

c. xlvii. § 2. vasa silentio coll. So xxvn. 47. 8, exlinctis 
ignibus vigilia prima dato signo ut taciti vasa colligerent. The 
signal was not in such cases given, as usually, by the sound of 
a trumpet. 

castra ab T. Livy does not explicitly notice the crossing 
the Ticinus, but that is implied in the withdrawal to the 
rates over the Po, and in the advantage of falling back upon 

§ 3. Prius...quam...sciret H. Polyb. explains the delay 
of H. as due to a belief that the Eoman infantry would attack 

sexcentos mor. Polyb. makes H. march up to the bridge 
on the Ticinus (?us tov irpwrov woTatxov) and capture the 600 
who were left behind to break the bridge by taking up the 
planks (cravloes) which stretched from pier to pier. H. then 
retires eh Tavavria irapd rbv iroTafiov, that is higher up the 
Po to find a suitable spot for crossing. Livy clearly implies 
that H. crossed the Ticinus, and found the 600 engaged in 
loosing the bridge of boats over the Po, which floated down 
the stream (in secundam aquam) when its end was untied. 

in citeriore ripa. 'The left bank,' HannibaTs position 
being the main idea. 

§ 5. Ea peritis. The scruples of Livy seem well founded, 
and all probability is against such a mode of crossing. Poly- 
bius does not notice it. 

fidem fecerint. 'Inspire confidence.' Cf. i. 16. 8,factaflde 
immortalitatis. Cassar Bell. Gall. vi. 41. 2, ut...Volusenus... 
fidem non faceret adesse Ccesarem. 

ut iam. 'Even allowing that.' Cf. Hor. Epod. i. 21, non 

ut adsit auxili \ latura plus prcesentibus. 

P. 52, § 8. sex millia a Placentia. Nothing is here 6aid of 
either army crossing the Trebia on its way to Placentia, and 
the language of both Livy and Polybius is general enough for 
any position in the neighbourhood. Niebuhr and others have 
assumed that Scipio retreated to the east of Trebia, and that 
Hannibal following him thither cut him off from his com- 
munications with Eome. This view seems quite untenable for 
the following reasons : 

(1) We hear afterwards of Scipio crossing the Trebia and 
taking up his position on hilly ground near it. If this new 

N0TE8. XXI. o.xlvii. § S— c. xlviii. §8. 217 

position had been ou the left bank, he would havc been isolated 
from his allies tho Ceuomani to the North, from the Koad to 
Rome on the East, and from Placentia, which was his natural 
base, and a fortified town with a garrison of 6000 colouists. 

(2) The uniou between Sempronius and himself would 
have been endangered, yet we hear of no conflict as if H. 
stood between the two armies. 

(3) The Trebia was between H. and Scipio, and the 
attempt made to gain possession of Clastidium which lay on 
the West naturally though not necessarily poiuts to H. being 
also to the West. 

It would seem therefore on the whole most probable that 
Scipio's camp was at first to the West of the Trebia, and that 
he crossed at last to get nearer his base and put the river 
between himself and H. It is doubtful however whether Livy 
intended this, and had he been careful of geography he might 
have expressed himself more clearly. 

The language of Polybius is also vague, irepl iroXiv IlXa- 
Kevrlav, but may point to the conclusion adopted, wliich is 
opposed however to the view of Niebuhr, Aruold, Liddell and 
Weissenbom, but has been adopted by Mommsen. 

c. xlyiii. § 3. slgnum defectionis. Scipio therefore fell 
back nearer to the road to Piome and to Ariminum, without 
quite giving up his communications with Placentia. But he 
removed as far as possible from the country of the Gauls. 

contactos. 'Tainted, implicated.' This word is often used 
by Livy in derivative senses as contactos rabie, societate belli, 
vioUitione templi, regia prceda, funebribus diris aud then ex- 
tended to things, as unlucky days, and auspicia. 

adhuc. Here and often by Livy used for etiam tum, strictly 
it should mean ' up to now.' Cicero seldom uses it except of 
the present. 

§ 6. citra, as 47. 3, ' on their side' of the agent, uot the 

P. 53, § 7. iactati, ' irritated,' so we read of jactationem 
cicatricis, xxix. 32. 12, and vulneris, xxx. 19. 5. Some MSS. 
have jactanti agreeing with via, with which less probable 
reading ci.jactatio maritima, 26. 5. 

ratus exspectandum. It would have been a strange way of 
waiting for reinforcements to allow the enemy to occupy the 
road by which they must come. See above, on 47. 8. 

§ 8. anxlus inopia. This is not very likely as many of 
the Gauls behind were friends and the country was very rich. 

218 NOTES. XXI. c. xlviii. § 8— c. xlix. § 1. 

Polyb. ii. 15 in another part of his history dwells in emphatic 
terms on the fertility of Cisalpine Gaul, which evidently 
surprised him by its contrast to the poor and exhausted soil of 
Greece. The innkecper, he says, does not care to enter the 
details of his guesfs food, but boards him for the whole day 
for half an as. 

excipiebat. For this secondary sense cf. v. 42. 3, nec tran- 
rjiiiUior nox diem tamfcede actum excepit. 

Clastidium was the scene of the victory of M. Claudius 
Marcellus over the Gallic chief Virdumarus in the late war 
(Pol. ii. 34), and a play of Naevius was called after its name. 
It was a principal station on the road between Genua and 
Cremona, though afterwards only a vicus dependent on Pla- 
centia. On its site at Casteggio, an inscription has been found 
in which a guild of cobblers of Placentia who were living 
at Clastidium were made trustees of a sum to be spent in 
honour of the dead rosa et amarantho et epulis perpetue co- 

numerus, often used for quantity. Cf. Cic. Phil. n. 27. 
66, maximus vini numerus. 

§ 9. nummis aureis. There was as yet no gold coinage 
in Italy, Spain, or Africa. Mommsen, B. Miinzwesen, 671. 
For Spain and Italy there is only negative evidence, for Kome 
Pliny 33. 8. 47 tclls us that gold was coined 51 years (or 62 
in most MSS.) after silver, and that was begun b.c. 267, Liv. 
Epit. 15. Livy therefore as usual adopts the terms of alater age. 

prsefecto. This term is always used to refer to the delegate 
of a higher official, whether civil or military : not to the elect 
of an assembly. It was one of frequent use under the empire, 
and passed into modern language as prefet. 

Id horreum. Convenient enough if H. was on the W. 
of the Trebia : less so if all the supplies had to cross the 

§ 10. saevltum. A bold example of the pass. form of neut. 
verbs, which Livy often uses. 

c. xlix. § 1. constitisset. ' Was at a standstill. ' 

imminentes. 'Close to.' Cf. xli. 1. 2, imminet mari is 

et ante adventum. 'As well as before.' These words are 
inserted as an afterthought, without reference to the interim, 
which they are not consistent with. 

NOTBS. XXI. Q xi.ix. §§2—8. 219 

§ 2. novem L. ' 9 reached L.' It seems better to onder- 
staud some verb sucb as attigenmt, ratber than assume a dif- 
ferent eonstruction in two clauses with tenucrunt (curiuw) with 
and without <id, though botb constructious are freely used by 
Livv, as i. 1. 3, xxn. 88. '_'. Btravbo, iv. 3. 10, speaks of the seven 
Liparaean islands, of which the greatest was Lipara. The 
plural may be used for the town as W. suggests, or be used 
for the islands generally. Cf. v. 28. 2. 

insulam Vulc. Its name was Thermessa, i\v vvv kpdv 
'H.<pal<TTov KaXovai. Strabo gives a long account of volcanic 
action visible on the island, which lay between Sicily and the 
Liparae group. 

§ 3. Hierone. Like Hanno at Carthage, Hiero of Syra- 
cuse lived to remember the lst Puuic war, in which he had 
borne an important part. At first an ally of Carthage he 
transferred himself soon to the winning side, to which he was 
uniformly faithful. 

nullo repugnante. ' Without resistance.' 

§ 4. veteres socios. A great part of Sicily once belonged 
to Carthage, but they were gradually driven to the Western 
Coast, and held only Motye Solois and Panormus. In the 
iivalries of the Greek republics they found frequent occasions 
of interference, as the weaker party in the struggle turned to 
them for help. The lst war however put an end to that, and 
secured the island to Rome. 

P. 54, § 6. Sicilia prov. It was strictly speaking assigned 
to Sempronius, but as he was possibly to cross into Africa, 
the Praetor iEmilius was also appointed to it. 


§ 7. legati. Besides the envoys so called, who were sent 
on extraordinary missions, there were regular officers, attached 
to the consular arrny, or the legion, as lieutenant-generals. 

tribuni. Attached to each legion, six in number. 

§ 8. The whole passage is very corrupt in the MSS., but 
the corrections of Madvig have been generally received. His 
earlier suggestion of strepere for teneri has not been admitted 
into the text. Tbe cbange of form from missi (sunt) to teneri 
is in itself awkward, the MSS. read et ubi... ne quis moram, 
to which Madvig objects that the terms of the edict would be 
general, and not addressed to the sailors individually, and he 
tberefore corrects it to ne quid, which would explain the 
object of the foregoing direction. The et he changes to ut, 
but this seems questionabie. Ut ne is a pleonasm used by 
Cicero, but rarely by later writers, and Drakenborch doubts 
whether Livy wrote it in the three passages in which the MSS. 

220 NOTES. XXI. c. xlix. § 8— c. l. § 3. 

have it, xxxiv. 17. 8, xlii. 41 . 10, and xlv. 23. 4, in all of wbich 
moreover the ut ne are found close together. It seems hetter to 
omit the et or ut. For the unmeaning word simili of the MSS. 
he reads missis, as an abl. abs. like edicto prop. W. prefers 
missi, with the sunt omitted, like the missi legati above. 
Hasenmuller suggests missi milites, which includes many of 
the letters found in the simili of the best MS. (Ehein. Mus. 

socil navales. In early days the Eornan fleet was of little 
importance, and service in the navy ranked far lower than 
in the army. The ships were partly manned from the allies, 
and the coast towns were especially required to furnish their 
contingents of marines aud rowers. Hence the term socii 
navales, though Bomans of narrow means and libertini were 
also called upon to serve. This lower status lasted on even 
under the empire, as may be proved from the official careers 
indicated in the Inscriptions. 

§ 9. luna pernox. Cf. v. 28. 10, and alea pernox, Juv. 
viii. 10. 

§ 10. conclamatum, conscensum, prasensum, v. 48. 10, 

§ 11. demendis arm. Cf. Drakenb., dicuntur demi arma- 
menta quum vela coutrahuntur, mali iiicWiantur, antennai 
componuntur ; quod in pugna navali solemne erat. 

§ 13. memoria... There had been much hard fighting 
about Lilybseum in the lst war. It was the scene of an ob- 
stinate siege, conducted by the Eomans with great pertinacity, 
as well as of a disastrous storm which wrecked their fleet. 

c. l. §4. conserere p. 'To come to close quarters.' 

§ 2. eludere, ' mancsuvre,' ' avoid the shock.' Cf. n. 48. 
7 and xxn. 18. 3, hostem. . .statarium pugnce genere facile elusit. 
The Carthaginians had been much the more skilful in the lst 
war, and the great victories of Eome were mainly gained by 
devices which paralysed the pilofs skill, and reduced matters 
to a trial of strength, as by the machine of Duilius, which 
locked the vessels together and enabled the Eornans to board 
the enemy's ships. 

§3. affatim = ad fatim, 'to weariness,' or 'satiety.' Usque 
a.d,fatim, Plaut. Pcen. m. 1. 31. Cf. fatiscere, fatigare, which 
Corssen i. 430 connects with the root of fanus, hiscere, hau- 
stum, xo-ivu. Iu form the adverb is like obviam, illico, perviam, 
extempk), propemodum, &c, as combination of prepos. and case. 

NOTBS. XXI. o. ... §3— cu. §2. 22] 

P. 55. sicubl conserta. ' Whenever a sbip was laid 
alongside of an enemy.' 

§ 4. sua ia used with reference to R., which though not a 
nominative is the real subject of the thought. ' The R. were 
encouraged by their numbers.' 

§ 5. tres nobiles. Note the small number of Carthagi- 
nians of good family who were serving on board ; the size of 
the fleet too was quite inadequate to its work, and indicates a 
growing neglect of the navy at Carthage. 

§ 6. perforata. ' Stove in. ' 

§ 7. classem ornare is to iit out with tackle, sails, oars, 
&c. Cf. ix. 30. 2, duumviros navales classis ornandce refici- 
endceque causa. 

lnstructam. Some epithet must have dropped out here, 
and this one supplied by Madvig is as likely as any. 

§ 8. prsetoriam. Note the use of the adj. as in prcetorium 
for general's tent, and prator. cohors, though the consul was 
higher in military rank. But ' consul ' was later in Italian 
usage, and pointed in its form to the dual office, rather than to 
the high rank. 

§ 10. qulbusdam volentibus. Livy here seems to copy a 
famihar Greek idiom, and to make volentibus a sort of dativus 
comm. with fore. ' Some would be well pleased with a revo- 
lution.' Cf. Sall. Jug. 84. 3, neque plebei militia volenti 
putabatur, Tac. Ann. I. 59, ut quibusque bellum invitis aut 
cupientibus erat. Yet the constr. is not found elsewhere in 
Livy, and it is possible to take volentibus as an abl. abs., and 
the position of the words agrees best with this view. 

c. li. § 1. Melitam. Malta, 88 miles from the Sicilian 
Pachynus. Strabo speaks only of the Maltese dogs in con- 
nection with it. It was an early Phcenician settlement, and 
the httle island Gaulus close by has some remarkable remains 
of Phcenician art. On the question whether it was the same 
as the Mehta of Acts xxviii. see J. Smith on the Voyage and 
Shipwreck of St Paul, p. 160. 

P. 56, § 2. sub corona venierunt. ' Were sold by auction.' 
Aul. Gell. vii. 4 explains the phrase as derived from the 
garland put on the head of the slave offered for sale, or from 
the circle of soldiers or bystanders (vulgi stante corona) gathered 
round the captives. He prefers the former explanation. A 
like phrase is ' sub hasta ven.' from the spear, as a symbol of 
the force on which the slavery rested. This has lasted on in 
the Subasta = auction in modern Itahan. 

222 NOTES. XXI. c. li. § 3— c. lii. § 2. 

§ 3. insulas Vulcani. Here used as a general expression 
for the whole group of the Liparae, of which Thermessa was 
specially ins. Vulc. 

§ 4. nam forte is a probable correction of Madvig for jam 
forte, which is abrupt and unusual. 

Viboniensi agTO. In the west of Bruttium. The Locrian 
colony of Hipponium was taken by Eome and called Vibo 
Valentia. Strabo vi. 1. 5. 

§ 6. mari supero. The terms superum and inferum are 
cornmonly used of the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian seas respec- 
tively. Polybius says, m. 61, that the legionaries were told to 
make their way as they could to Ariminum at a fixed date, 
probably because the transports were not sufficient for so large 
a force. It will be seen that the E. generals did not spare the 
marching powers of the soldiers, if, as Polyb. states, they 
reached Ariminum in 40 days from Lilybasum, iii. 68. 

§ 7. oram legens. So litora legens, xxxv. 27. 6. The 
shorter road across the Apennines from Genoa was avoided, 
as the Ligurians could not be depended on to allow the army 
a safe passage, while on the great road, which was afterwards 
the Via iEmilia, they were nearer to the colonies and magazines 
on the Po. 

profectus ad Tretoiam. Nothing is said of the route of 
Sempronius, or of any attempt of Hannibal to prevent a 
junction of the two consular armies, yet we should expect to 
hear of this, if H. had been between the two, as most critics 
have believed. 

c. lii. § 1. The subject to declarabat is the sentence ambo 
cons. et q., which in English we should make an independent 
clause, 'as both consuls, &c. ...itwas clear.'... This is a feature 
of Livy's involved style, as is also the use of the past part. 

oppositum, for an abstract subst. opiwsitio. 

spem nullam al. This is absurd, for Italy could raise 
many armies, as was proved by the muster-rolls given by 
Polyb. just before in the Gallic war. 

§ 2. The et minutus of the MSS. is no doubt corrupt; even 
if some word has dropped out minutus, though not impossible, 
is harsh for ' dispirited,' for the Homeric /javvdeiv quoted in 
illustration does little to support the reading. Madv. doubt- 
fully suggests admonitus instead. 

trahi rem. Used also n. 61. 5, like the colloquial ' drag 
along/ so trahere bellum, comitia, &c, and extrahere, pro- 

NOTBS. XXI. o, i.u. §§2—11. 228 

recentis animl. A common form in Livy. Cf. m. 38. 8, 
. oeu diiimi, xxii. 89. 8, injimi ingenii. 

§ 3. inter Trebiam. These were most likely to the east 
of the Trebia, for ou the west lay tho Ligures, and the Gallic 
allies of H., as the Insubres. § 9 implies that some at least 
were to the west, if the R. were on the east of the T. 

per ambiguum, i.e. maintaining friendly attitude to both 
sides, and so doubtless intending to gain the good will of the 

P. 57, § 4. modo ne quid. ' Provided only that they did 
not.' Cf. tantum ne, 19. 5. 

§ 6. ad id dubios. ' Up to that time undecided.' 

ab auct. To be taken with declinant. ' Turn from the 
authors of the outrage to those who they hoped would 
avenge it. ' 

§ 7. infida...perfidia. The Eomans used these epithets 
very freely of any races who made a bold stand for their in- 

ut alia v. ' If other memories of the past could be for- 
gotten.' Cf. ii. 38. 2, ut omnia obliviscamini alia, hanc con- 
tumcliam quo tandem animo fertis. 

§ 8. ' S. urged that the best ties to strengthen the loyalty 
of their allies (dat. of the aim of the action) would be found 
in the defence of the first who claimed their help. ' The use 
of defensos for an abstract substantive is a bold construction, 
like oppositum in § 1. 

§ 9. Coll. cunctante is Madvig's correction for the reading 
cum collegam cunctantem, with no verb to complete it. Corsserj 
derives collega, not from legere, but from the same root as 
lex, legatus, ligare, privilegium, in the sense of ' bound to- 
gether with,' like conjuges. 

§ 10. ad hoc. Often used by Livy like Greek vpbs toutols. 
Cf. 54. 8, 55. 6. 

inopinato. Madvig's correction for inopinatos, which is 
not used for inopinantes. 

§ 11. The MSS. gave sequentesque cunqur, which was 
probably corrected by Gronovius to the present text. The 
words ccedes penes in itahcs are a suggestion of Madvig to com- 
plete what would be else a hopeless passage. W. has done 
well to withdraw his earher conjecture of liomano, under- 
standing fama vict. with hostium. 

224 NOTES. XXI. c. liii. § 1— c. liv. § 1. 

c. liii. § 1. maior, i. e. victoria, from the last line. 

P. 58, § 3. senescendum. This is a favourite metaplior 
with Livy. 'Dotage,' cf. i. 22. 6, senescere civitaUm otio ratus, 
v. 21. 7, senescit pugna. 

Quid. ' To what purpose.' 

aut. ' Or rather.' Cf. v. 52. 6, quid alia...cui oblivioni 
aut negligentice damus. 

§ 4. Siciliam S. Eeferring probably to the Carthaginian 
fleet sent to ravage the coast of Sicily, &c, c. 51. 

§ 5. ingemiscant. The pres. subj. implies that the shades 
of their ancestors were actually conscious of the disgrace. 

bellare soliti. A rhetorical extravagance in generahzing 
from the campaign of Kegulus, itself disastrous. 

§ 6. contionabundus. ' As if haranguing the soldiery.' 
The forai in -bandus is a favourite one with Livy. Cf. in. 47. 
2, Incc prope contionabundus circumibat homines, n. 38. 2, ibi in 

contionis modum orationem exorsus. 

comitiorum. Here put for 'elections,' though the Comitia 
met for legislative as well as elective ends. 

ne in novos cons. ' To another year.' For the common 
idiom of putting the consuls for the year, cf. xli. 8, legati ad 
novos magistratus dilati. They took office on the Ides of 
March, and it was now winter. This jealousy of successors 
in office had often a sinister infiuence on Eoman policy. 
Campaigns were rashly undertaken to gain speedy victories, 
and important measures neglected because they would not 
produce their results until a rival's turn came to profit by 

§ 8. haud diffidebat. Livy's use of haud instead of noti 
is commonly confined to those verbs which imply some sort of 
negative meaning like dubito, pcenitet, aspernor, displicet, 
abnuo, &c. Cf. Fabri. 

P. 59, § 11- facere, si cess. ' To force an engagement, if 
hesitation were shown.' 

c. liv. § 1. rivus. An unknown streamlet, W. of the 
Trebia, possibly one that flows by Casaleggio. 

obsitus. Cf. i. 15. 8, partem militum locis circa densa ob- 
sita virgulta obscuris subsidere in insidiis jussit. 

tegendo. The earher editors all read ad equites tegendos, 
a more usual constr. than the dative gemnd which most MSS. 

NOTES. XXI. c. liv. §§ 1— 6. 225 

hare. ICadvig remarks, nuUwm prosa orattonti certum rr- 
tmplum novi ubi dativu» gerunttii acetuativum regat. IIo 
thinks that perhapa we OOght to read cquitl which is found in 
uu inferior MS. 

§ 2. centenos. Tlie distributive is uscd because thero 
jran the Bame nurubcr both of horse aud foot. 

corpora curare. Frcquent in Livy. Cf. cutcm curarc. In 
English we do not particularizc, but say ' rcfresh thcrnselves.' 

§ 3. praetorium. The staff, or couucil of war, consistiug 
of hiiuti, tribuni, centuriones primi pili, and prccfecti, so called 
trom meeting in the general's tent. On the use of missum for 
4 dismissed,' cf. the origin of the terrn 7nas$, from the last 
words of the service missa cst. 

Robora virorum. Abstr. for coucrete. Cf. 31. 5, robore 

turmis. Troops of 30 horsemen, ten of which formed the 
cavalry of each legion. Varro, Ling. Lat. v. 91, explaius the 
word turma terima [e in u abiit) quod ter dcni equites ex tribus 
tribubus fubiiut. 

manipulis. Each legion had 30 maniples of 100 infantry 
each. Afterwards each manipulus was divided into two cen- 
turice. They were callcd from the bundle of hay, which in 
rude days was the sigu of each, prrticas manipulis fceni varie 
formatis in summo junctas. Aur. Vict. Orig. E. 22. 4. 

§ 4. mille eq. mille ped. Livy is foud of this sort of 
repctition without a conjunction. Cf. i. 25. 12, fcssum vulncre 
fessum cursu. 

Magone. The MSS. havo Magoni and no cum, which, or 
some eajnivalent, sccms requircd. 

iniecto cert. Cf. xxxiv. 4. 15, iniicere certamen uxoribus. 

§ G. The MSS. have destinatum consilio, ' to the 

struggle which he had long been planning,' possibly untlcr- 
standing certamen or id quod, but the constr. is harsh, and is 
therefore corrected by Madvig. Sempronius neglected in this 
battle the most elementary rules of war. He fought with a 
river in his rear, whcre defeat was ruin. He exposed his army 
to attack while crossing in full view of the enemy, and he 
ignored tho most obvious precautions as to food and cold. On 
the other hand, HannibaTs confideuce in his own genius is 
shown in letting the Eoman army cross the river and form 
upon the bank without taking advantage of their confusion. 
His policy was not to dcfeat mercly, but to annihilato tho 
enemy, and to prove to tl:e world that he was more than a 
match for the Romans ou a fair ficld. 

C. L. 15 

22G NOTES. XXI. c. liv. § 8— c. lv. § 4. 

P 60 § 8 - quicquid. ' The nearer they came to the cur- 
rents' of air about the river, the more piercing was the frosty 
breeze.' Cf. vn. 32. 4, quicquid ab urbe longius proferrent 
arma, vm. 39. 3, quicquid progrediebantur, where quicquid is 
used adverbially for quanto magis. 

§ 9. pectoribus tenus aucta. * Swollen so as to be breast 
high.' Proleptically. 

utique egressis. ' The more so as they stepped out of the 

c. lv. § 2. octo f. millia. This number is too large for the 
B. only, and Madvig therefore inserts ac before levem. Polyb. 
iii. 72 says tovs \oyx 0( P P ovs Ka ^ BoXea/)ets. 

virium...roboris. Cf. the same combination xxi. 1. 2. 
Bobur emphasizes the power of endurance. Cf. Tac. Hist. n. 
4. 6, quantum illis roboris discrimina et labor, tantum his 
vigoris addiderat intcgra quies. 

§ 3. receptui. The dative is one of a class of verbal sub- 
stantives and gerundival expressions, which may be explained 
as the dative of the contemplated end, as decemviri legibus 
scribeiidis, oleas usui optime condi, &c. The receptui 
becomes a compound subject in the nomin., as m. 22. 10, si 
receptui cecinisset. Cf. Eoby Lat. Gr. n. xxxn. 

§ 4. Duodeviginti, i. e. five legions, after deducting losses 
in Gaul and garrisons in Sicily. But Polyb. reckons only 
16,000, and specifies that as the strength of the four legions 
which both consuls combined on great occasions. He re- 
peatedly says that the socii furnished about as many infantry, 
and three times as many cavalry as the Eomans. The muster- 
rolls contained 325,000 P.. with 443,000 socii in Italy fit for ser- 
vice at this time. The auxiUa were now Italian ; Cisalpine 
Gaul was not yet considered as Italy. 

ncminis Lat. This term originally applied to the towns in 
Latium only, who stood in definite relation to the Eoman 
state. GraduaUy however some of these were drawn closer to 
the mistress city, and their inhabitants admitted to the full 
franchise, while thehr place was taken by fresh colonies that 
were sent out, and by communities of central Italy, which were 
raised to the same status. In course of time therefore the 
nomen Latinum became more political and less ethnic in ita 
associations. It now included a few towns in Latium, the 
Latin colonies, and most of the tribes in the centre. 

Cenomanorum. These, with the Yeneti, had been the only 
Gauls faithful to Eome in the recent Gallic war, and even their 
fidelity had been mistrusted, cf. Polyb. n. 23. They held the 
country between the Adda and the Adige, where they had 

NOTES. XXI ct i.v. §4— c. lvi. §2. 227 

settled afti r th< ir migraticm from Gaul (Livy v. 31). Brixia 
i.i) waa their capitaL 

§ 5. dlducta is a correction of Prakenb. for deducta ; for 
tbe leies armatura sunt of the MSS. Madvig replaces levit 
armatura, as tbe plural is quite unnecessary. 

P. 61, § ^. quas recentes... "We require in Englisb a lesa 
involved constr. ' for tbe Cartb. bad coine in tbe fresbness of 
tbeir strength.' 

Restitissent... ' Their courage would bave belJ out.' 

§ 10. Tamen. For tbe position and context of f. Fabri 
compares i. 24. 1, tamen in re tam clara nominum error manet. 

§ 11. velites. Livy uses tbis term proleptically, for xxvi. 
4. 5 he describes tbe formation of a class of ligbt troops so 
called, to be carried bebind the horsemen, and to dismount 
when it came to close quarters. They were incorporated with 
the legions (institutum ut velites in legionihus essent) as tbey 
were better armed with parma and gladius than tbe rorarii 
ferentarii accensi velati of early times, wbo now disappear 
from sight. The velites themselves were abolished by Marius. 
For their use a^ainst elephants, cf. Vegetius in. 24, pr&cipue 
velites antiqui adversum elephantos ordinarunt. 

ad ld lpsum. The MS3. omit the id, as they do eos in v. 
43. 4, per ipsos dies, contrary to the ordinary usage. On the 
nec-d of supplying the demonstrative, cf. Madvig on Cic. de 
fin. m. 27. 

verutis. Livy had mentioned this dart a3 one of the 
weapons of the 4th class of the Servian centuries, i. 43. 6. 

c. lvi. § 1. adversus G. The Gauls had less experience 
of elephants than the liomans, who had learnt their habits in 
tbe lst war. 

Hannibal. Tbe position of tbe subject at tbe end of the 
sentcnce is characteristic of tbe difleience between tbe order 
of ancient and modern languages, -which is here pushed to an 

§ 2. in orbem pugn. The form implies two ideas, tbe 
being forced in orbem, and tbe figbting in that order. Sallust 
Jug. 97 thus explains it, Romani veteres et ob id scientes belli, 
si quos locus aut casus conjunxerat, orbes facere, atque ita ab 
omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi simul vim sustentabant. 
Jt thus resembles our 'forming square.' Cf. n. 50. 5, orbem 
colligere, iv. 28. 3, orbem volventes suos, Cresar B. G. v. 33. 3, z'n 
orbem eonsisterent. 


22S NOTES. XXI. c. lvi. § 2— c. lvii. § 3. 

qua Gallicis is a corrcction of Madvig for qua G. of the 
MSS. Tlie centre was formed of all tlie infantry, not of Gauls 
and Africans alone. 

P. 62, § 3. Placentiam recto it. Livy and Polyb. both 
mcntion the retreat of this body to P. without adding that 
they crossed over a bridge. If we hold to the view that the 
battle was fought on the west of the Trebia, we must assume 
thut they crossed by a pcrmanent bridge held by the garrison 
of P., or in boats which they may have found, as in § 8. 

§ 5. audaciam ingr. Perhaps to balance the cunctatio 
ingrediendi just above. In itself it is an unusual expression, 
audacia being commonly used by itself. 

§ 8. sauciorum is added to make sense of the passage 
which is very harsh without some such epithet, even if magna 
cx partc he taken, as Fabri suggests, with trajicerent. Beside 
m. ex partc Livy uses maxinia parte, magna partc, and partem 
magnam much in the same sense of 'mainly.' 

ratibus T. This seems decisive as to Livy's view that the 
battlo was fought on the Eastein bank, while the camp was 
on the W. of the Trebia, improbable as it is on all aceounts. 
Polyb. has no corresponding passage, and Livy's authority in 
matters of geography is very slight. 

c. lvii. § 1. urbem Romanam. Heerwagen notes that 
L. uses this expression at times with a certain rhetorical 
emphasis, cf. iii. 7. 1. 

§ 2. alterum. This is a correction of Madvig for the 
altero...re9ocato of the MSS., which mars the antithesis, and 
involves an awkward series of phrases. 

quas alias leg. There were many legions yet to be called 
out, as subsecment events proved. Polyb. instead of such ex- 
aggerations speaks of the rcinforcements sent to Sicily and 
elsewhere, and remarks that the Pionians were most formidable 
in times of crisis, iii. 75. 

§ 3. ingenti periculo. A very unnecessary exposure, as a 
dictator or interrex might have conducted the elections. 
Polyb. says that Sempr. concealed his losses in the despatches 
to Bome, and does not mention the journey. As he passed 
through Bome on his way to Trobia (Polyb. m. 68) he might 
casily have held the elections there. 

P. 63. fallendi. 'Of escaping notice,' cf for this absolute 
use 48. 5. xxii. 33. 1. 

NOTES. XXI c. i.\it. § \ -c. i.viii. §3. 229 

| 1. C. Flaminius. Fahri remarkfl tliat as Flam. was 
aonsnl iu b.o. 222, the word iterum nniht have Blipped out, foi 
Livy Beldom omitted it aftex the 4th Lm.k. It is left out how- 
erer iu xxn. l">. 6, aftaz M. Atilius Pegulus. 

§ 5. ut quseque. ' Where the grouud was too rough for 
thuii,' i.e. marshea or hills. 

Celtiberis L. Cf. xxn. 18. 3. 

§ G. Emporium. The Grcek fV7roperov = trauing placc or 
Lne (c-f. Cheap-side, Chipping Norton, Copeuhagen) gavo 
a name to many places, as to the Emporia of 60. 2. 

plurimum in cel. ' His hopes of succcss depended chiefly 
ou keeping his plan secivt.' od effeetvm to Le taken after spei. 

Hannihal could hring no siege train with him over tho 
Alps, and could not risk long delay in besieging the Eoman 
fortresses, with their large garrisons of colonists, while tho 
fickle Gauls were waitiug for the issue. 

§ 7. consul. Semprouius had gone to Eome, § 3, and 
Seipio to Cremona, 56. 9. Livy either forgot this statement, 
or neglected to mentiou the return of Scipio to Placentia. 

§ 9. Victumvias. Like Victumuhe or Ictumuli in form, 
and prohably to be identified with it. Cf. note on 45. 3. 

§ 10. finitimis pop. This may refer to the Ligures as well 
as the different tribes of Gauls. 

§ 12. Magis agmina...'more of a crowd than an army,' a 
phrase repeated in xxv. 34. 9 and elsewhere. 

P. 64, § 1L scribentibus. Equivalent to scriptoribus =his- 

omnis...editum exemplum. An elliptical expression for 
' acts were stand out as a precedent for.' Cf. xxv. 31. 
9, quum multa ircs multa avaritice fczda exempla ederentur. 

nibernsa exped. None of these winter operations are men- 
tioned by Polyb. 

c. lviii. § 2. Lisures. Cf. 59. 10. This may account for 
the roundabout jouruey of Sempronius from Sicily. 

§ 3. Transeuntem Ap. This expedition into Etruria is 
not noticed by Polybius. The Etrurians had before combiued 
with the Gauls against Rome, aud there seemed hope that they 
might rise again, especially as they were so distinct iu race 
from the other peoples of ceutral Italy. II. wished doubtless 

230 NOTES. XXI. c. lviii. § 3— c. ux. § i. 

to relieve the Gauls of the burden of maintainirjg liis army, 
but it is most likely that he wanted to open commimications 
with the Carthaginian fleet, which had orders to cruise off 
Vism (Pol. iii. 9G). He probably moved by a shorter pass 
towards the coast, rather than that which he traversed later 
in the spring. This movement may account for the fact that 
Sempronius took up his winter quarters at Luca, to watch the 
outlets of the maritime Alps, and to protect the coast road to 

vertice intorti affiigebantur. ' Were dashed to the ground 
by the whirlwind.' The use of a participle in Latin for a 
prepos. as in ira, misericordia motus, &c. is very common : the 
use of intorti seems an extension of the same idiom, the dis- 
tinctive meaning of the word being really part of the idea of 
the vcrtex, cf. Nagelsbach 330. Yet the phrase is used else- 
where as in xxvm. 30. 13, 7iavem videre vertice retro intortam. 
For the meaning of vertex see Quintil. viii. 2. 7, vertex est con- 
torta in se aqua vel quicquid aliud similiter vertitur. For ajjlige- 
hantur, cf. the old reading in 35. 12. 

§ 6. capti auribus. Cf. n. 36. 11, captus omnibus memhris, 
or 'having lost the use of,' so pedihus, animo captus. 

§ 7. explicare, of the canvas, statuere, of the tent poles. 

P. 65, § 9. extollere...levare. Most of the MSS. have 
attollere, for which Heerwagen compares Verg. Mn. rv. 690, 
ter sese attollens cuhitoque annixa levavit. But extoll., a more 
graphic term, expressive of the effort to rise from the strages. 

§ 10. movere is used after ccepere understood in est cceptus. 

opem...inops. Cf. Hor. Carm. iii. 16. 28, magnas inter 
opes inops. 

§ 11. elephanti. Polyb. says that only one survived the 
cold and storms at Trehia, but probably he is anticipating the 
result of the year's campaign. 

c. lix. § 1. There is something rather meaningless in the 
movements of H. towards Placentia and in general too much 
seems to be compressed into the short winter, as the battle of 
Trebia could not have been fought before December. Polyb. 
ignores all these operations. 

§ 3. vincerent, i. e. Eomani understood in res Romana. 

§ 4. in media c. Into the centre of the camp, where they 
would be unseen by the enemy and be ready to issue in any 

ffOTES. XXI c. lix. §ff— c lx. §3. 231 

§ 5. Romanus, for tlio B. general as Pctmu for II. 
§ 6. laxatam p. Cf. lax. eustodia», 82. 12. 

P. 66, § 7. Tho MSS. reading iapugna raro magis ullaeaut 
utriusque...tot whioh W. Bnggests magis ulla seeva aut...whioh 
is a very awkward collocation. It is better to lcave a blauk aa 
no adjectivo woald oome in happily, and tbo passage is corrupt. 
ICadvig thinka ' magi» dubia aut,' probable. 

§ 8. plus, v\ ith two constr., with abl. sexcentis and nom. 
dimidium. Ejus ' that number.' 

§ 0. equestris ord. al. In early days at Eome thc equites 
had been drawn exclusively from the nobler and wealthiex 

classes, but after a time an increasing numbor of volunteers 
were allowed to serve on borseback, while the equites equo 
publico were relieved of the obligation of service. Tbe lattcr 
were often sons of senators, or men of bigb position, but tbo 
cavalry did not long rank high in the army, and was drawn 
largely from the allies. Strictly the phrase equest. ordo is an 
anacbronism, as no sucb distinction was made before tbe 

The term 'pnefecti' was especially used for the officers of 
tbe allied contingents, as well as of the navy, cf. 61. 4. In 
the Bornan army it was little used till tbe time of the Empire. 

§ 10. Luca was on the Ausar (Serchio) and made a colony 
b.c. 178, having been gained from the Liguies soon after the 
lst Punic war. It was often made the bead-quarters of 
J. Caesar. This movement of Sempronius is quite unexplained 
by Livy, and is ignored by Polybius. It was probably to guard 
tbe coast road to Eome, and passes of the mountains by which 
Hannibal migbt open bis communications with the fleets of 
Carthage, see note on 58. 3. But it was bazardous to leave 
the road by Ariminum unguarded. 

c. lx. § 2. Emporlae, now Ampurias on the coast of Cata- 
lonia, had been one of the early Phokaaan colonies, most of 
wbich, with tbe exception of Massilia, fell before the Phce- 
nicians. It is to be distinguisbed from the African Emporia 
round tbe Syrtis Minor. 

§ 3. Laeetanis. So read by Madvig instead of Lacetanis 
(cf. 23. 2), who were further inland. Strabo says, iii. 47, tbat 
from the Pillars to Tarraco there was no good barbour ex- 
cept Nova Carthago ivrevOev 6' rjori to. ei-fjs evXifjLeva kclI x^P a 

iyaOij t&v re AerrraviZv Kal pcxpl 'Efnropiov. Pliny too wbile 

describing tbe populations on tbe coast mentions tbe Cessetani 

232 NOTES. XXI. c. lx. § 3— c. lxi. § 2. 

ncar Tarraco, tlie Ilergetes on the rivcr Fiubricatus, a quo 
Laetani et Indigetes. Ptolerny locates theru near the Bubri- 
eatus aud Barcino. Cf. Hiibner, Hernies, i. 340. 

§ 4. non ad raaritimos. Wc may explain the ad either as 
taken with fama conciliata, like i. 20. 4, ingrati ad vulgus 
jinlicii, or uiore probabiy as the local extension of valuit, 
' spread to. ' 

auxiliorum. Used of non-Italian allies, Fest. Epit. 17, 
auxiliares dicuntur in bello socii liomanorum extcrarum nati- 


cohortes. Tbe usual term for the divisions of the contin- 
genls of tbc Italian socii, as distinct from tbe legions. Each 
coliort had from 400 to G00 men, and there were 10 of them iu 
an ala, which answered to the legion. 

P. 67, § 7. Nec magni oert. ' Nor was the battle vigor- 
ously disputed/ a gen. of quality as prada parvi pretii manc. 

capiuntur. A constr. ad synesim, tbe subject being the 
plural understood in dux cum militibus, Cf. xxn. 21. 4, tribu- 
nus eum...missi, according to tbe MS. reading. Tbis constr. 
is rare except when the subjcct is separated from the predicate 
by intermediate clauses as Sallust. Cat. 43, Lentulus cum 
ccteris constituerant, or Jng. 101. 

Cissis secms to represent the capital of the tribe Cessetani, 
who appear in Pliny iii. 3. 21, and Ptolemy, n. 6. 17, in close 
connection with Tarraco, where numerous coins have been 
discovered with inscriptions, kesse, kese, kse in characters 
common on Iberian coins. 

§ 8. parvl pret. and vilium nianc. both genitives of qual. 
after nrada, though the constr. is broken by supellex barb. 
wbich is in apposition with prada. 

c. lxi. § 1. accideret. Cf. 10. 12, nomen famaque cjus 

mille ecruitum. An unusual constr., the genitive being 
put for the abl. owing to its close conrTection with peditum, 
which propcrly follows the substantival millibus. Cf. xxiii. 
44. 10, mille passuum inter urbcm erant castraque. 

§ 2. Tarraco was planted on a high hmestone rock, which 
overlooked tbe sea and the sunny plain, whose wines were 
praised by Martial as rivalling tbe Falernian. There are still 
remains of the walls, whose huge polygonal masonry points to 
the work of the Iberian tribes, before the fortress was chosen 

NOTES. XX r. c. l\i. § 2— c. lxii. § 1. 233 

by tlic Romans as a convenient cmtro for theix operatious 
dnring the war with Hannibal. As Bueh they Btrengthened it 
till it became their great stronghold. Scipionum opus sicut 
Carthagc Pomonm, Pliny m. 3. 21. Its bad roadstead how- 
erer made it far inferioi to ita rival, wbich became tlie eapital 
cf tho nearer Province, thotigh in later days Strabo, m. 4. 7, 
Baid tbat Tnrraco was become as populous. See also note on 
Livy xxn. 22, 2, 

classicos milites. 'Marines.' The allied towns on tbo 
coast often bad to furnisb a contingent of tbese. Lu later 
Latiu classici stands absolutely without milites. 

§4. aiiimadvertisset. 'Inflicted punishment.' 

P. 68, § 5. nergetum. Cf. 23. 2, as also for tbe Ause- 

§ 8. Ausetanos. The description, prope Hilerum, is pro- 
bably a mistake of Livy, as tbe geograpbers put tbem near 
Vicb and Gerona, cf. 23. 2. Scipio most likely attacked tbe 
.ni first, aud tben tbo Laeetani, wbo lay aloug tbe coast 
as far as Barcelona, and finally tbe powerful Ilergetes, wbom 
Ptolemy describes as reacbing to Ilerda. If Livy is rigbt, Scipio 
may have pushed on to attack first tbe cbief trihe tbat bad 
revolted, witbout waiting to cbastise tbe rest till bis returu. 
Cf. Hubner, Hermes, i. 93. 

§ 10. mlnus quattuor. For the omission of quam cf. 
Lucr. iv. 415, digitum non amplior uiium, aud Yerg. Ecl. m. 105, 
trcs pateat cali spatium non amplius ulnas. 

pluteos. Tbe pl. was a sort of semicircular burdle covered 
witb skins, and moved on three castors, as a screeu to the bc- 
sieging engineers. Veget. iv. 15, plutei qui ad similitudincm 
ab-iidis contexuntur et vimine et ciliciis vel coriis proteguntur, 
temisque rotulis, quarum una in medio, duce in capitibus appo- 

tutamentum. A very rare word. 

c. lxii. For general information on tbe subject of tbis 
cbapter, and explanation of tbe tecbnical terms, see tbe Ex- 
cursus on tbe Koman Religion. Tbe Hst of portents recounted 
here, and in the next book of Livy, are doubtless extracted 
directly, or througb tbe Annalists from tbe records of tbe 
collegium pontificum. Tbey may seem ludicrous to a modern 
reader, but it would be rash to assume, as bas been lately 
suggested, tbat tbey were intended by Livy to stir any feeling 
of ridicule or disbelief. It was enough for his purpose to 

231 NOTES. XXI. c. lxii. §§ 1—5. 

pofcrtray tlie boding fears, and tbe readiness to listen to such 
stories ; elsewhere be speaks of tbe negligentia qua nihil deos 
portendere nunc crcdunt, yet Dion Cassius, one of tbe devoutest 
of bistoriaus, iuserts bke lists centuries later. 

§ 2. foro olitorio. Tbe berb market was between tbe 
Capitolinc bill and tbe Tiber ; tbe temple of Spes just be- 
yond tbe porta Carmentalis was twice burnt down and restored. 

triumpnum clam. Tbe common cry was Io triumphe, pro- 
bably bere referred to. Cf. xxiv. 10. 4, infantem in ntero matris 
Io triumphe clamasse. Hor. Carm. iv. 2. 50. Triumphus is a 
Latinized form of 6pia/j.^os. 

P. 69, § 3. f. boario. Between tbe Circus Maximus and 
tbe Tiber, one of tbe most cxowcied tborougbiares in Eome. 

§ 4. Lanuvli. Amiternino... Only tbose portents were re- 
garded as of state concern, tbe scene of wbicb was agcr Iio- 
manus. Tbe spaces specibed in tbis cbapter, and xxn. 1, 
rauked by tbis time as Itoman ierritory. 

in sedem Iunonis, i.e. of Juno Sospita xxn. 1. 17, wbose 
great temple is ofteu meutioned, and was restored as late as 
tbe Autouiues. . 

§ 5. hominum specie. A modal abl. with visos, tbougb in 
sense it forms tbe subject, and visos is tbe predicate. We 
feel in sentences like tbese tbe want of a Latin partic. like tbe 
Greek 6vres to defiue tbe subject. Cf. iii. 57. 9, non juniores 
modo sed etiam (oi) emeritis stijjendiis (^res). 

Caere, now Cervetri (Care vetus), often mentioned as tbe 
scene of prodigies. Its religious associations witb Kome wero 
of early date, and are connected witb tbe story of tbe Vestal 
Virgins taking refuge tbere from tbe Gauls. Festus' deriva- 
tion of ca:remonia from it, fauciful as it is, points in tbe same 

sortes extenuatas. Tbe sortes wbicb tbus ♦shrunk' were 
slips of wood, on wbicb proverbial pbrases were written in 
archaic letters, and from wbich one or more were drawn at 
random when advice or guidance might be needed; cf. Cic. de 
divin. ii. 41. G9. Tbe most famous were at Prameste, in the 
temple of Fortuna, but in tbe lst Punic war a consul, who 
wisbed to cousult them, was sternly forbidden by the senate. 
In tbe Corpus Iuscr. Lat. i. 267 are copies of a number 
wbich came probably from Patavium (Padua). Tbey are 
oblong plates of brouze, with a httle hook by wbich they were 
strung together, whence their derivation, sortes a serie et 

XuTKS. XXI. c. lxii. §§5— 9. 235 

$erendo, ut fart a ferendo, nunu db eminendo, foni a findendo, 
potis a pctendo. Henoe the portent unam exeidiste, xxn. 1. 11. 
As to tbe shrinking, cf. tho story iu Pliuy, 34. 38, of the 
• lucky ' farthing in the family of the Servilii, which grew 
lnrger and smaller to portend goocl and ill luck. Cf. also the 
in Herodotus viii. 137 of the portentous loaves of the 
yonng Perdiccas which used to grow to double the natural 

§6. decemvtri, i. e. sacrisfaciundis. These since 367 b.c. 
had hiken the place of the uviri who had special charge of tho 
Ubri SibyUini. In later days these books were under the caro 
of the xvr/n. Cf. Hor. Carm. Stec. 69, quindecim Diana prcces 
virorum \ curat. Vergil makes /Eneas promise the Cunnuau 
Bibyl to have her oracles thus cared for, Mn. vi. 72, Ilic ego 
namque tuas sortes arcanaque fata \ dicta mea genti ponam, 
quc sacrabo j alma viros. 

§ 7. quibus edltum est. ' To whom they were enjoined 
(by the sacred books) to offer them.' Edere is the usual term 
for such oracular warnings. 

§ 8. pondo. The old abl. was added to the amouut speci- 
fied as Ijbra pondo, uncia pondo, a pound or ounce by weight, 
and afterwards used absolutely as here, the libris being omitted. 
By a further license auri pondo becomes a nomin. for ' a quan- 
tity of gold.' Cf. xxvi. 14. 8, auri pondo duo millia septuaginta 

Iunoni In Avent. The temple of Juno Piegina of Veii was 
dedicated by Caniillus, v. 22. When her t. was struck with 
lightning the matrons, as here, made a collection to present 
an offering, and virgins sang a processional hymn. xxvn. 
37. 7. 

§ 9. lectisternium iuventuti. The common reading is 
Iuventati, 'forthe genius of youth,' but as Madvig points out 
the words deinde universo pop. imply that some charge on a 
special order has been already mentioned. Yet he doubtfully 
accepts the change, as a lectisternium was a priestly ceremouy, 
though xxii. 1. 20 senatores straverunt. Lectisternia were first 
introduced b.c. 399, cf. Servius ad Verg. G. iii. 533, pulvinaria 
pro templis ponimus, cum sint proprie lectuli, qui sterni in 
templis consuerunt. Hor. Carm. i. 37. 2, nunc Saliaribus j or- 
nare pulvinar deorum | tempus erat dapibus, Sodales. 

ad aedem Herculis. This, with the Ara Maxima, was pro- 
bably at the W. corner of the Circus Maximus and was con- 

23G NOTES. XXI. c. lxii. § 9— c. lxiii. § 3. 

nected with thc 6tory of Hercules and Cacus as givou by 
Vergil. The statue of Herc. in bronze uow iu the Capitol was 
found there. 

Genlo, i.e. populi Romani, or the gnardian Spirit of tho 
city, uientioned here for the first tirne. It was however one of 
the oldest beliefs iu Italy that every family or guild or social 
union had its divine patron, to whorn honour must be pakl. 
The Lares, Manes, Ptnates, belonging to the worship of an- 
cestral spirits, correspoud to various sides of the same 
thought. The first beginning of the Csesar worship of the 
Ernpire may be traced to the time when Augustus placed the 
bust of his own Genins heside those of the Lares iu the nume- 
rous chapels of the eity. 

§ 10. sl. ' In the event that.' Cf. xxx. 27. 7, vovcrat si 
pcr quinquennium res publica codcm statu fuisset. 

c. lxiii. § 1. designatorum. So called between the elec- 
tions and the ides of March when they forrnally took office. 

legiones ..sorte. This was unusual. The senate usnally 
disposed of the legions ; the consuls drew lots for their pro- 

edictum. The proper term for a proclamation formally 
put out by a magistrate on his owu autnority, as distiuguished 
from a lcx, or plebiscitum, of the Comitia, or a senatus con- 


edictum et lit. is a hendiadys for edictum per litcras. 

P. 70, § 2. quse tribunus plebis. Specially referring to 
the agrarian law of 232 b. c. assigning land in Picenum to 
Eoman colonists, which provoked the rising of the Gauls, and 
was called by Polyb., il 21, ' the beginning of the decline of 
the Eoman constitution,' probably because of the high-hauded 
way in which the sentiments of the senate were ignoreil. 
C Flamiuius was consul 223, and led the legions across the 
Po to attack the Insubres. Polyb. n. 32 accuses him of bad 
Btrategy, though the Gauls were routcd. Meanthue the senate 
mistrusting his rashness, or alarmed by omens, sent to recall 
him, on the ground of the sentence of the augurs consules 
vitio creatos. Fl. would not open the despatches till the battle 
was over, and refused to abdicate. On his returu the senate 
would not allow liim a public triumph, but he eutered the city 
iu triumphal procession despite their refusah 

abrogabatur. Cf. note on xxn. 25. 10. 
§ 3. nQvam 1. ' Unprecedented.' 

'/;>'. XXI c. i.xm. g 3—7. 237 

adverso sen. 'In the teeth of tlio Benate;' though the 
Banotioa o! the Benate waa not oonstitationally neoessary, it 
i ignored. 

§ -1. ad fructus, Le. for tlio Btowage of thc produce of 
tlitir own eel itea aa distinot from Bpecrdative ventures in 
fbreign trade. Ci'. Cio. Etosc. Am. § 88, quastum notset nullum, 

fructum autnn eum solum, quem labore pcpcrissct. 

indecorus vlsus. Patribus to be taken with ind. not visus. 
This Liw may have been popnlar [v. favorem apud plebem) 
with tLo peoplo generally, froin tbo barbarous prejudico 
; trade which liad been so largely sbared by tbe old 
raccs of tbc West, and which made it seem discrcditable to tbe 
goveming classes. Tbe immediate cause may bavo been to 
prevent the roling families from abnsing tbeir power in tbe 
provinces to euricb themselves aud their frieuds by com- 
mercial speculations, supported by all tbe powers of tho 
governmeut. Tbe prohibition tberefore extended to the sons 
of the senators, or to the class as a whole. But it was also . 
popular witb tbe middle class, wbicb thus escaped the com- 
petition of the wealthiest families in speculation. The law 
was at once a cause, aud an effect of the growing power of a 
moneyed aristocracy, which was afterwards kuown as tbe 
. ordo equester. Cicero afterwards speaks of this regulation as 
obsolete, Verr. v. 18. 45, antiquee suut istcc lcges ct mortucc qucc 
vctant (icdijicarc navcm senatorem). 

§ 5. auspiciis ement. Cf. x. 40. 4, Pullarius auspicium vicn- 
tiri ausus. The whole system of auspicia bad beeu so grossly 
abnsed for political objects, that statesmeu ceased to regard it 
as anjthing but au engine of statecraft. 

Latin. feriarum. This ancient festival dated from the days 
wheu liome was a member of the Latiu league, and the highest 
magistrates of the various tcwns (airaaa 17 trwapx^,Strabo) went 
in solemn procession to the temple of Jupiter Latiaris on tho 
Alban mouut. This was kept up for ages, and more days 
were added to commemorate the recouciliatiou of Plebs aud 
Patres. The consnls were expccted to offer the sacrifices, aud 
one of tbeir first duties was concipere fer. Lat., or to fix a time 
for the great festival. 

consularibus impedim. ' Hiudranccs thrown iu the con- 
euTs way,' hke dictatoria invidia, xxn. 26. 4. 

§ 7. inauspicato. It was beld to be the duty of the general 
on the day of his leaving Iiome for tho wars to go up to tho 
Capitol to take tho auspices at daybreak. After the votorum 
huuaipatio he put ou the short purplo paludamentum (other- 
wise sagum or chlamys), and was escortcd by his friends be- 
youd tbe gates. Ad belluvi cum exit imptrator ac lictorett 

238 XOTES. XXI. c. lxiii. §§ 7—14. 

mutarunt vcstem et siana incinuerunt paludatus dicitur pro- 
ficisci, Varro, 1. L 7. 37. 

cons. spretorum (sc. Deorum a. hom.). The reading of 
Gronovius for conscientias vrcctorum of MSS. 

votorum nunc. One of the first ceremonies on the day of 
taking oflice (die initi mag.) was to go to the Capitol with 
kinsmen and friends, to sit upon the curule chair, and thank 
Jupiter opt. viax. for the mercies of the past year, offering 
the victims promised by the out-going consuls, and vowing 
others for the year to follow (vot. nuncupatio). They then 
presided over a meeting of the senate on the Capitol, treating 
chiefly de solemni religione. Polyb. says nothing of this con- 
duct of Flaminius, nor does Appian. It reads like an after- 
thought, coloured by patrician prejudices, to account for the 
disaster which followed. 

§ 9. clam furtim. A pleonasm, like forte temere, and 
other repetitions used by Livy. 

P. 71. exilii causa. Our word l exile' calls up different 
associations. At Eome a citizen could give up the rights and 
duties of citizenship and take up his residence in an allied 
community which had the relation of laowdhiTeia with Rome, 
like the Latin states. This privilege, calied exilium, might 
be used even during prosecution for political offences, and the 
accused might thus anticipate the issue of his trial. 

§ 10. Romse mag. init. Though irregular, this was not 
invaliJ. Augustus, careful as he was of constitutional forms, 
did not observe the rule. Sueton. 26, nec omnes (consulatus) 
Homce sed quartum consulatum in Asia, quintum insula Savio, 
octavum et nonum Tarracone iniit. 

§ 12. ninilo magis... The constitution gave the senate no 
power to dictate to the consuls, though the executive oflicials 
rarely ventured to set at nought the authority of so august a 
bcdy. Flaminius was anticipating the pohcy of the Gracchi 
in trying to humble the senate, and depend on popular sup- 

moverunt...moverant. The Latin ear seems to have liked 
such repetitions of the same word, as they frequently occur. 

§ 13. lmmolanti ei, &c. A frequent omen of ill-luck. 
Cf. a like case of J. Caesar, Sueton. 59, licet immolanti axifu- 
gisset hostia profectionem...non distulerit. 

§ 14. in omen acc. For the use of the preposition, cf. 
Cic. ad Att. xv. 11, beneficium accepisse in contumeliam. 

NOTES. XXL c. lxiii. § 15. 239 

§ 15. a Sempronio. He had wintered at Luca, c. 59. Tho 
legions had probably remained at Placeutia, and wero tbcu 
in obedience to the edict, § 1, marched to Arimiuum, to be 
immediately led through a little frequeuted pass of the Apen- 
nines (tramiUs) iuto Etruria. Had they beeu with Semproniu9 
at Luca, it would have been a strangely rouudabout course. 
Put tbe whole is confused. Livy seeins to have forgotten 
that Sempronius was not at Placentia. 

C. Atilius was at Tannetum, 2G. 2, and at Eome, 62. 10. 
He may have gone to the Po to take command of Scipio's 
legions. Appian, i. 8. 3, represents Servilius in command on 
the Po. 

exercitus is not the proper subject to -which the abl. abs. 
acceptis refers. Probably the senteuce points to a close, like 
exercitum cluccrc arpit. 

210 KOTES. XXII. c. i. §§2-5. 


C i. § 2. pro eo, ut... A clunisy equivalent for the Grcek 
avn Tou...<ptpeiv. Fabri compares vm. 14. 2, cum co, ut icd<s 
...lucuaque.. communis essct, iv. 56. 1, ineo ut, &c. - > 

raperent agerentque. A common phrase for ' plundering,' 
to include furniture and cattle, otherwise expressed by ferre 
agere, portare agere, Greek Qtpeiv kcu aytiv. Hence used meta- 
phorically iii. 37. 6, ferre agcre plebem plcbisque res. 

§3. ipsorum inter se. '"Was saved by tbeir mntual 
treacbery, as tbey disclosed tbeir conspiracy, &c.' Ou tbis 
use of inter se, cf. xxi. 39. 9, auxerant intcr se opinionem. 

tegumenta cap. Polyb. gives a more minute account of tbe 
false wigs which he wore to disguise his age and features. 
Hannibal may have remembered the death of bis brotber-iu- 
law Hasdrubal, xxi. 2. 5, or have wished to explore the temper 
of his army. 

errore. ' Uncertainty.' Cf. I. 24. 2, nominum crror, n. 21. 
5, errores temporum. 

§ 5. quod illi iustum imperium. This probably refers 
especially to tbe neglect of Flaminius to apply in person for 
the lex curiata, commonly called de imperio, by which the 
people as represented by the curies, or their lictors, bound 
themselves to obey the already elected magistrate. It waa 
something like tbe oath of obedience (sacramenttim) which the 
soldiers took to their general, or the form of 'doing 
hernage ' in later days. It conferred no new powers, but was 
thought constitutionally necessary, especially for military 
duties, holding the Comitia Centuriata, or for judicial func- 
tions. Cic. de leg. agr. n. 12. 30, consuli, si legem euriatam 
non habct, attingere rem militarem non licet. It does not seem 
as if any other than tbe head of the executive concerned 
could bring forward tbe lex curiata, though in that case 
Camillus must have dispensed with it when Eome was oc- 
cupied by the Gauls, like Flaminius in the present case. In 
later days it seems to have been argued that a law of Sulla 
allowed the cousuls to dispense with the formality in certain 
cases, Cic. ad fam. i. 9. 25, legem curiatam consuli ferri opus 

NOTi:s. XXII. c. i. §.5 5—10. 2U 

esse, neccsse non esse : se quoniam rx tenatut consulto provin- 
ciam Jiabcnt, lege Comelia imperium habitiirum. 

§ 6. ld. i.e. auspicium, or sanction of heavcn. The idea 
was that the will of the Gods snould be oonsulted iu every 
important detail of national life, aud that it was declared by 
signs, ex cailo, ex avibus, cx tripudiis, ex animalibut, or ex 

P. 73, § 7. extenio solo. For national auspices the place 
of observation, or templum, must be on national soil. 

concipere. On this nse cf. v. 17. 2, Latinas sacrumque 
in monte Albano non rite concepisse, hence the feriae con- 

Of the prodigies mentioned here, and in xxi. G2, many were 
entirely the creations of a morbid imagination, others were 
only distorted versions of natural phenomeua misunderstood, 
as in the fall of meteoric stoues, or in red water tinged by the 
6oil through which it flowed. Some were monstrosities of 
nature, as in the cases of strauge births. Some like thunder- 
storms, with the accompauiments of danger, were only noted 
when men's minds were ill at rest. 

§ 8. scipionem. Connected with o-Krj-n-Tpov. It is curious 
to note the contrast between the derivations of the Greek 
names, with their associations of 'honour,' 'glory,' ' demus,' 
&c, and the humbler origin of the Itoman family names, such 
as Scipio (stick), Kajso (the hard hitter), Fabius (bean), Len- 
tulus (," Naso (nose), Piso (pea), Cicero (vetch). In 
reference to the Scipiadcs bclli fulmen used by Lucretius and 
Vergil, as also to the phxase duo fulmina applied by Cicero 
(pro Balbo, 34), to the two Cn. and P. who met a disastrous 
end in Spain, Mr Munro observes, ' When we think of Scipio, 
scapus, shaft, gkItcwv, ffKrjirrpov, aud then o-ktjtttos, o-KrjWTu, wo 
might be tempted to think that the Scipios loved to refer their 
name to it rather than to the more homely staff.' (Note on 
Lucr. in. 1034). 

§ 10. interdiu. Plautus has the form interdius, as he 
has dius for diu in quam dius vivo. Corssen i. 290 connects 
interdius and diurnus, like dies hodiernus with the Sanscr. 
divas, and regards interdiu, not as an ablative, but as a neuter 
accusative form, the s having dropped off, in this respect 
like postea, antea, interea, all of which he regards as acc. 
forms. Cf. ii. 453. 

Cceretes. Cf. Drakenb. Utrumque Cccrltes et Cairetes apud 
ipsum Livium lcgitur. 

C. L. 16 

242 NOTES. XXII. c. i. § 11— c. n. § 1. 

§ 11. Mavors. The Italian Mars was tlie god of Spring, 
whieh began in the month of Mareh, and with it the hopes of 
husbandry. Ilis name connected with marmor, mare, Maro, 
Marius, is thought to mean ' bright,' and the 12 Salii with 
their orb-shaped ancilia to represent the months and moons. 
Only secoudarily was this Mars connected with War, as in 
spring time the men mustered in the Campus Martius and 
sallied out on their campaigns, but under Hellenic influence 
the attiibutes of "Apijs were transferred to Mars. Mavors seems 
to be a distinct name, more warlike in its sense, and Corsseu 
connects the first Byllable with fi&xv p-dxaipa magmentum, and 
the second with vortere, Vortumnus, &c, i. 410. 

§ 12. sigimm Martis. The temple of Mars was, with tbe 
Clivus Martis, on the Appian way, just outside the Porta S. 
Sebastiano. The sacred spears of Mars were kept however in 
the Eegia. 

P. 74, § 18. Feronise. The cc&cs or lucus Fcronice, in Agro 
Capenate, near Mount Soracte, is often spoken of by Livy, and 
was distinct from the temple of Feronia, which Horace passed 
on his way to Tarracina. It was famous for its great fair (i. 
30. 4, mcrcatu frequenti, and slaves wlien freed took the cap of 
liberty at its altars. Servius ap. Verg. Mn. vn. 800, vni. 504. 
Dionysius m. 32 says the Greeks translated the name by dvdr)- 
<f>6pos (piXoaricpavos. Feronia was a goddess of sprbjg and 
nowers and love. Preller, Eom. Myth. 376. 

§ 19. aedem Saturni. This was at the foot of the Clivus 
Capitobnus, and the bill above went in old days by the name 
of Saturnius, from the god of Italian husbandry. The temple 
was long used as the State treasury and record office. Cf. n. 
21. 2, Saturnalia institutus festus dics. 

c. ii. § 1. dilectu. Note the form of the dative, as 11. 5, 
exercitu. Fabri compares vn. 2. 6, Fescennino versu similem, 
iv. 12. 8, quod usu mcnstruo supcressct. 

ex hibernis. In Liguria,xxi. 59. 10. The movements of thc 
Eoman troops since the battle of the Trebia are not clear. Some 
legions bad wintered at Placentia, others with Sempronius 
at Luca, though we are not told why H. allowed them to 
divide their forces unmolested. The former division was 
ordered by Flaminius to meet at Ariminum, and he is also said 
to have taken the command at the same place, inde, xxi. 03. 
15, of the force of Sempronius which had wintered at Luca, and 
witbbothto have marcbed into Etruria to cover Arretium. But 
when the campaign opens Cn. Servilius is posted near Arimi- 
num, xxii. 9, and is not in time to join bis coUeague before 
the battle of Trasimene. 

NO TES. X X 1 1. c. 1 1. §§ 1 — 8. 21 3 

Arretium. A poaition of grcnt importancc ns comrannding 
the v.illey of tlio Arno nnd the passcs of thc Apennines, and 
thus covering Bome from nttack on either side. 13ut the scouts 
should have ascertained the route of H. in time for Servilius 
to havo marched to join his collengue, and then the II. lines 
should have hcen extcuded from Cortoua to Clusium. 

§ 2. allud longlus. Severnl othcr routcs wero possiblo 
nnd longer, but most of the passes across the Western moun- 
tains convergcd on Luna (the gulf of Spezzia), or on Luca, 
both of which had been probably fortified and garrisoncd by 
Sempronius, nnd behind thcm on the coast road to Romo lay 
the strongly intrenched town of Pisaj. H. seems therefore to 
have chosen the shorter pass by Pistoria and the valley of tho 
Arno, bywhat was afterwards the Via Cassia from Floreutia to 
Arretium. The easier course by the iEmilian and Flaminian 
ways was avoided from the proximity of the Eoman armies, 
or from the wish to relieve at once the country of the Gauls. 
Possibly the marshes of the Arno were then more widely ex- 
tended, or the inundations of the Arno greater, as the time 
spent seems strangely long ; but the fall in the valley is very 
slight, and the inundations caused by the overfiow of the 
Arno and its tributaries aro still formidable. 

§ 3. admixtis imped. H. was not concerned usually, 
says Polyb. ni. 79, about bis baggage, except in so far as tho 
commissariato of the army was concerned. He made war 
support war. 

necubi, for ne-aibi (as in iibi-cubi, aU-cubi, min-culi, si- 
cuhi) like necunde in 23. 10, for ne-cunde. The cu is from 
the pronominal root ha=quo. In othcr words nec = non, as in 
nec ophiatius, neglegere, negotium (nec- otiuni). 

§ 1. mollis ad talia. Cf. note on xxi. 25. G. 
cohibentem=co7/i'fre;uZt causa, an imitation of a Greck 
idiom, cf. use oi circuoispectans 23. 10. 

§ 5. qua modo. ' Wberever ' the modo answers the 
tamen, implying their readincss to go anywhere, if only tho 
guides would lead the way. Cf. xxvn. 14. 10, pro se quisque 
miles, qui modo assequi...potcrat. 

profundas. 'Almost bottomlcss,' because tbey found only 
mud below. 

immergentesque. 'Taldng to svrimming.' 

P. 75, § 8. in slcco. For tbis local use of abl. ncut. abs. 
cf. in aprrto, in arto, in summo, in Hcrnico, ex propinquo, 
wbich witb otbers are used by Livy. 

The insertion of aut seems nccessary to distinguisb two 
distinct classcs. (Madvig.) 

244 EOTES. XXII. c. n. § 9— c. m. § 7. 

§ 9. tantum, quod. ' Furnished a bare resting-place for 
those who sought only some dry spot above the water.' 

§ 10. prlmum. The apodosis comes in et quia. 

§ 11. alt. oculo. 

qualis facies et quali digna tabella \ quum Gcetula ducem 
portaret bellua liucum. Juv. x. 157. 

c. in. § 1. circa Arretii moenia. This position was excel- 
lently chosen to watch tbe movemeuts of Hannibal whose easiest 
road to Eome lay through Umbiia by the Via Flaminia, which 
had been made a few years before by C. Flaminius. If com- 
munications were kept up between tbe two consuls at Arretiuin 
and Ariininum they might bope to combine the forces when the 
route of the invaders was discovered. Precisely the same ar- 
rangements had been made to cover Bome in the Gallic war of 
225 b.c. But like the Gauls, H. took a Western pass, and 
marched by the Eonian forces at Arretium, which then fol- 
lowed in pursuit, and were routed before the other army could 
arrive upon the scene. 

§ 2. in rem. ' To his purpose.' Cf. 29. 8. 

§ 3. inter. Fabri remarks that it is in Tacitus that we 
find most esamples of this position of inter between its two 

§4. non modo legum... Livy reproduces here withont 
misgiving the patrician prejudices of his authorities, aud 
Polyb., ahen as he was, does the same, enlarging upon the 
duty of the general to ascertain the bias of his rival, as H. did 
in this case. 

P. 76. metuens has the constr. of an adj. not of a partic. 
So mctuens futuri, Hor., metuens virgce, Juv. 

§ 6. lseva is here inesplicable. If H. moved towards 
FaBsulas, he must have had the E. at Arretium on his right. 
Hence it would be better to read a F&sulis petens medios Etr. 
agros (W.). But it is quite possible that it was a blunder of 
Livy himself, and not of his editors. Hannibal was moving 
Bouthwards, and swept round the Trasimene lake to entrap 
Flaminius, who was marching after him. 

§ 7. Flaminius, qui... It is hazardous to impute misstate- 
ments to ancient writers in cases where we have no other 
evidence at hand, but it seems most probable that this part of 
the history is disfigured by the aristocratic prejudices of the 
Annalists who threw the blame of the disaster of Lake 
Trashnene on the rashness of Flaminius. Yet he must have 
he&rd some days before of the march of Hannibal, and sent 

XOTES. XXir. c. iii. §7— c. iv. § 1. 245 

news to his collcaguc who was hurrying up to bar tho way to 
llome. Had he wished to force a battle sooner, he could cer- 
tainly have done so in the valley of the Arno. "When H. 
rnarched towards Rome, he could hanlly fail to follow, as tho 
course of Servilius naturally lay through Umbria, and he 
was not stroug enough to face the invader single-handed on 
:ininian way. The distance between Arretium and the 
Lake Trasimene is not great, and Flaniinius may perhaps 
have moved first towards Clusium to strengthen the defences 
on the Via Cassia, and then pushed eastward in the track of 
H., to keep his communications open with his colleague. He 
naturally hoped to effect a speedy juuction, and to crush H. 
with their united forces, as the Gauls had been in like case 
defeated a few ycars before at Telamon. No fault in strategy 
can be proved up to the eve of the battle, when he allowed 
himself to be ensnared. Cf. Append. on the Character of 

§ 8. ceteris. The officers of the staff assembled in the 
council of war. 

§ 9. signum. This was given with the tuba for the 

pugnseque only implies that the signal to march was taken 
as a determination to fight. The actual sign in the latter case 
was a red flag on the prcetorium. 

§ 10. Camillum ab Veiis. Cf. v. 4G. Eome was then in 
the hands of the Gauls. 

§ 11. effudit. * Tkrew.' So x. 11. 1, cquo effusus. 

§ 12. signum is the general term, including the vexiUum, 
or small flag with a cross pole, as well as the image or insigne 
carried on a staff. 

P. 77, § 13. Num litteras q. Eeferring not only to the 
legatio of xxi. C3. 12, but to the experience of his former con- 

§ 14. primoribus. An unusual term for officers. Here 
probably it refers more to civil than military eminence. 

in vulgus. ' Commonly.' 

c. iv. § 1. Trasumennus. Connected by Corssen i. 24C 
with trans, terminus, riptxwv, as ' that on the other side.' 
Polyb. calls it Tapai/j.ivrj \iixvq, and it is often spelt Trasumenus, 
as we read Porsena and Porsenna. The Etruscan names 
Vibenna, Sisenna, &c, support the double n of the best MSS., 
and QuintiJian Inst. i. 5. 13 says Tharsomenum j>ro Trasumenno 
mulli auctores...vindicaverunt. 

246 NOTES. XXII. c. iv. §§ 2—6. 

§ 2. nata insidiis. Cf. 44. 4, locis natis acl equestrcm pug- 
nam, ix. 2. 5, ita natus locus cst. 

maxime subit. ' Comes very close under.' 

Via perangusta. The road from Cortona to Pcrugia, as it 
passes through the Northern sicle of the Trasimene lake, rises 
at the Western end over M. Gualandro, aud then enters a pass 
from h to \\ miles in breadth, bouuded by mouutains on the 
North"and the sea on the South, till it emerges after some miles 
at Passignano. About half vay, the mountain ground presses 
forward to the lake, where the village at Tuoro stands (incle 
colles insurgunt), and hero was the camp of Hannibal. Poly- 
bius, iii. 83, describes the sceue more fully than Livy, but his 
account corresponds to the position of the Pioman vanguard 
as it faced the euemy posted in front at Tuoro on\ 7-771» 
avriKpv \6<pov iwiKeiiievov ipvfxvbv kclI Sva^arov, and had the 
lake in its rear, while there was a continuous range of hills on 
either side, Trapd rds els /jltjkos 7r\evpds, hke the two halves of a 
crescent divided in the middle by the projectiug headland. 
Probably both historians consulted the same authority, which 
was based on the accouut of an eye-witness contemplating 
from a Poman point of view the central position of Hannibal, 
and Beeing his cavalry charging on the left on the reaiguard, 
aud forcing the whole column forward into the pass. 

industria. From indo, old form of £», and stniere, so con 
nected with instrucre. Corssen, n. 190. 

§ 4. pridie. Seems a pleonasm with postero die in the 
next line. 

inexplorato. Notice the many abl. constr. in this passage. 
They are especially frequent in Livy. 

pandi. 'Deploy.' 

deceptse ins. 'The trap was closed,' so the MSS. read. 
But there is no authority for this use of the word, nor is there 
much for the suggestion of Lipsius, dccepcre, for dccipcre is 
not-\avddvfiv, to escape notice, though we may quote Hor. 
Sat. i. 3. 39, amatorem quod amicce \ turpia dccipiunt ccecum 
vitia. Madvig suggests acceptce, and the more probable receptce, 
( = withdrawn), but does not venture to change the text. We 
may note here again, as xxi. 62. 5, the want in Latin of article, 
and partic. of subst. verh to connect ab tcrgo (ai...twcu) witli 

§ 5. clausum habuit. Cf. xxi. 5. 3, fessum habelat, &c. 

P. 78, § 6. conspecta. ' Visible.' The past partic. for a 
gerundive or verbal adj. Cf. n. 55. 3, nihil contcmtius lictori- 
bus, si sint qui contemnant. Sall. Jug. 70. 1, rcx niliil iani 

NOTES. XXIL c. iv. § G— c. vi. § 3. 247 

in/cctum MetMo credens. Livy xxix. 18. 8, taertUffOt arfmovere 
manut intaetii illis thesaurit. tio inaecessus, iucorruptus, &c, 
ibach 7*-'. b. 

c. v. § 1. satls, ut. A soinewhat gnnlging recoguition of 
the bravery of 1'lainiuius. 

ln re trepida. ' A state of pauic' Cf. i. 27. 10, Tullus in re 
trepida duodeeim vovit Salios. 

§ 4. strepentium pav. This use of thc gcn. plur. of the 
partic, where \ve should put ftbstract substantivcs • triumph 
ivnd panic,' is of frequent occuiTence iu Livy. Cf. 17. 5, 
flammai tpvrantummiraeulo, xxin. 22. 7, fremitus indignantium. 
NagelBhach § 29. 2. 

§ 6. impetum capere is a frcqucnt phrasc in Livy. Cf. ii. 
65. 8, viii. 30. 4. 

P. 79, § 7. per principes. In the old form of organizing 
the legion the hastati forrncd the lst line, thc principes the 
2nd, as Livy desoribes at length, vm. 8. The order is here 
confused, as Livy is here writing probably from memory, with- 
out documents, of a state of things whieh had passed away. 

antesignani. Men of the front line, whose signa mani- 
pulorum were carried in the rear in battle, though in tho van 
when on the march. Thus Livy vni. 11. 4, stragem et antc 
signa et post signa factam. 

cohorte. This is an unusual expression. After the time 
of Marins probably the old formation of the legion was super- 
Beded by that into 10 cohorts, but at this time the term was 
only employed of the prcetoria coliors, or body-guard of tho 
general, and of the contingents of the allies. It is probably 
used by Livy carelessly. 

§ 8. motum terrse. The authority of Caslius is specially 
rcferred to for this by Ciccro, div. i. 35, and it was probably 
fiom him that Livy copied it. 

c. vi. § 2. Eum et seems to require another sentenco of 
like form to follow, but the constr. suddenly changes. 

robora vir. Cf. xxi. 54. 3. 

§ 3. noscitans. One of the frequentatives often used by 
our author, though in this case seemingly less appropriate. 

legiones. Livy commonly applies to other peoplo the 
distinctive terms of the Eoman civil and military systems. 
For the facts of tlie war referred to cf. Polyb. II. 32, and note 
uu Livy xxi. G2. 2. 

248 NOTES. XXII. c. vi. § 4— c. vn. § 4. 

- § 4. lnfesto venienti. Tiiese words are perhaps introduced, 
as Niigelsbach suggests, to avoid the dative form impetui wbich 
is scarcely to be found in use. 

triaxii. The 3rd line of the legion consisting of the 
stoutest veterans. Cf. Livy's explanation of res ad triarios 
redit, viii. 8. 11. 

P. 80, § 7. immensa ac s. ' Ohjectless and hopeless.' 

§ 8. eruptione i. f. The further end of the pass was only 
heset by the slingers and light-armed troops, 4. 3, and it was 
here easier for the head of the column to break out. 

caligine. Connected with callim (the old form of clam. 
Festus) Kakinrru}, supcrcilium, celare, occulto, from root kal 
' cover.' Corssen i. 4G0. 

§ 9. Inclinata d. r. ' When the battle was decided.' 

§ 11. cetera extrema. Cf. confragosa omnia, xxi. 32. 9. 

§ 12. Punica relig. Cf. xxi. 4. 9. H. decided that Ma- 
harbal had no authority to grant such terms, as the Komans 
had done in the case of Lutatius. Polyb. iii. 85. 

omnes. Polyb. tells us that the Italian allies were treated 
with marked courtesy, in the hope that they would revolt from 
llome. Cf. 7. 5. 

c. vn. § 1. memorata. Probably in the sense of memora- 
hilis, as xsiii. 44. 4,pugnccmemorabilisinterpaucas,i.e. 'memor- 
able as few have been.' Cf. note on 4. 6. 

§ 2. Quindecim millia... The local names of Ossaia (ossa) 
and Sanguinetto have been thought to point to traditions of 
this slaughter, but they are most likely of later origin, and if 
derived from incidents of battle, date from the middle ages. 

§ 3. Multiplex. 'Many times as large.' So often in 

§ 4. auctum ex vano. ' Idle exaggeration.' The suggestion 
of Madvig makes better sense than the reading of the MSS. 
haustum ex v., which is not a natural expression, nor applicable 
to the evidence of earlier writers. For ex vano cf. xxvii. 26. 1, 
nec spem nec metum ex vano habet. So xxi. 32. 10, ex aperto, 
v. 33. 8, ex antiquo, i. 43. 10, ex publico. 

Fabium. See Introduction on the Authorities of the 2nd 
r. war. Livy need not have consulted Fabius at first hand. 

NOTES. XXII. c. vn. § 7— c. vm. § 3. 249 

P. 81, § 7. repens qualifies allata, as hi 8. 1 it does nun- 
tiatur. Cf. 12. 7, occultus subsistcbat. 

frequeiitis contlonls. ' A crowded assembly,' such as could 
be couveued only by a ruagistrate who bad tbe jus agere cum 

comitium et c. i. e. they flocked to tbe Curia Hostilia wkere 
tbe senate was deliberatiug, calling for a magistrate to'come 
uut to address tbem from tbe comitium, where tbe bigber 
officials usually baraugued tbem. 

M. Pomponius was Prceior peregrinus, for M. JEmilius 
was Prcetor Urb. Cf. 33. 8. It is strange that the latter did 
uot come forward as he was preseut. Cf. § 14. 

§10. Quot casus. i.e. the alternatives just referred to. 

P. 82, c. viii. § 1. quattuor millia eq. Polyb. m. 86 de- 
scribes more fully tbe despatch of tbe cavalry under Centeuius, 
wbile Servilius was on tbe march with the legions. H. hearing 
of their approach sent Maharbal to attack them, and he first 
routed the body, aud then after a hot pursuit captured the 
survivors. Probably tbe horses were exhausted by the forced 
march, and the light troops of the enemy had cut off their 
retreat by moving along the cross roads. Appiau speaks of 
the disaster as happening efa tt\v ~H.\ei<jTivr)v \in*r)v, which like 
some others in Italy has siuce wholiy disappeared, but several 
traces of the name, such as Val di Pistia, may be found in 
the pass from Camerino to Ancona, and an old inscription 
testifies to a town called Plestia. Cf. Nissen in Ehein. 
Mus. 18G5, p. 224. The large force under Centenius points 
to an increase of the cavalry, probably to compete with that 
of Hannibal. 

C. Centenio proprsetore. The full title was legatus proprce- 
tore, for the delegate of a consul was not called pro consule 
but p. p. Appiau speaks of him as riva twv iin<pa>>wv Ioturuiv, 
and as sent from Piome. 

in Umbria. i.e. on their way from Ariminum, where Ser- 
vhius had been watchiug the Gauls. 

§ 3. causa. For this sense of ' malady ' Fabri compares 
xxx. 44. 6, prcevalida corpora ab externis causis tuta videntur. 

magifl...gravior. The repetition of the comparative is a 
pleonasm to be accounted for by the balance of levis and 
yravior, as well as ajfecto and valido. 

250 KOTES. XXII. c. vm. §§ 4—6. 

§ 4. extenuatis. A substantive, like ' exhaustion,' is im- 
plie.l in this word to balance magnitudinc. Cf. xxi. 1. 5, Sici- 
lia S. amissct. 

§ 5. ad remedium. Cf. note on 9. 7. 

dictatorem dic. Tbe dictator was appointed probably at 
first in times of urgent danger, when a general-in-cbief was 
necded wbo would not be controlled by tbe rivalry of a col- 
league, or tbe veto of a tribune. To tbis we may refer tbe 
limit of tbe six montbs' tenure of office, tbe early name of 
magister populi, or leader of tbe army (cf. Herzog, populari,) 
with tbe subordinate magistcr equitum, and tbe fact tbat tbe 
appointment in times of civil struggle was regarded as a pro- 
clamation of state of siege, or martial law, tbough in later 
day3 dictators, no longer optimo jure, were subject to the veto 
of the tribuue. The comitia had commonly no power of 
election ; the senate by virtue of tbeir general autbority 
commonly decided on the step, but the appointment (dicere) 
formally restcd with a consul, who by lot or arrangement with 
his colleague rose at the dead of night, within the boundaries 
of lloman ager, and named the temporary bead of tbe exe- 
cutive. The latter name was probably, as Mommsen thinks, 
borrowed by analogy from tbe dictators of the Latin towns, 
who had succeeded to the position of the King. 

nec dict. populo (non consulto senatus). Tbe Puteanus 
has populo only, otber MSS. populus. An early critic changed 
tbis to prator, as inconsistent with what immediately follows. 
Madvig prefers to tbink tbat words have dropped out as in 
other places in this book, but the correction seems a bold one. 
There can be little doubt however that he is right in rejecting 
pnidictatorem, which some editors read on the ground tbat 
Livy adopts tbe view that Fabius was only jwodict. (31. 8), for 
(1) the form prodictatore would have been used, as tbe phrase 
was too uneommou to become a substantive like procoiisul, (2) 
tbe later passage looks like an after-tbought of criticism, quite 
consistent with a different view in this passage. It is probable 
that nprcetor must have presided at the Comitia, and declared 
the dictator elected, and J. Cassar acted on this precedent in 
b. c. 48, though it was regarded as irregular. Cf . Cic. ad. Att. 
9. 15. 3, volet consules roget prcetor vel dictatorem dicat, quorum 
neutrumjus est, sed si Sulla potuit efficere ab interrege ut dicta- 
tor dicerctur, cur hic non possit. Mommsen arbitrarily decides 
to strike this clause out of the text. Cf. C. I. L. i. p. 288. 

§6. quod numquam... Kefers to the clause that follows. 

Q. Fabium Maximum. Polyb. iii. 87 says tbat descendants 
of his house still bore the cognomen 5id ras tKeivov Ta.v§pbs im- 

NOTBS. XXII. c. vni. § 6— c. ix. § 5. 251 

rvxtas Kal wpd^eit. L>ut Terizouius snggested that this rnay 
only huvo meant that a latei nge connected tho cpithet with 
this Fnbius, though it been boruo by his anccstors, as 
Polybina mnst have known. Livy ix. 4(5. 7 accounts for tho 
.iii.ia of tbo unmo by tho statesruansbip of one who quod 
torii» m npepererat, hac ordinum tcmperalione pareret. 

The Magitter eqxritum was subordinate, both as magi.strato 
and oflicer, to tho dictator, who commonly nppointed him, 
witbout auy fonnal restriction on his cboice. Tho oflico 
waa auomalous, ns therc was no single commander of the 
oavalry, but a Variety of prafecti, and in historical days tho 
magitter equitum servedatthe head of the legions under tho 
dictator, or replaced him in hia absence. But tbe name pro- 
bably points to the early daya when iho two consuls led tho 
foot and alternately, and tbe chief cbange In appointing 
a magister populi waa to make him towcr abovo the colleaguo 
whoni he himself nomiuated. 

P. 83, § 7. dimicandum esse. The infin. expresses the 
couviction vrhich was the grouud of the preceding measures. 

c. ix. § 1. Spoletium. A Latin colony (b.c. 241, Vell. 
Patero, i. 11) eovering the Via Flaminia and Umbria, to 
which H. turned from the Trasimeuo lake. He is not likely 
to have thonght of au attack ou llome itself, the population 
of which largely outnumbered his army, aud Polybius says 
nothiug of the attack upou Bpoletium. 

§ 2. cum magna csede repulsus. Ono of tbe gates of 
Spoleto still bears the name of Poita di Annihale, or Porta 
Fuga, iu memory of this gallant resistance, aud on it are tho 
words Annibal Spoleto | Magna suorum caede repulsus \ insigni 
fuga porta: nomen fecit. Tbese are of modern date, but in tho 
GnildhaU is a mntilated inscription, of which the fcllowing 

words remain. Populus signa vovit toribusque dedicavit 

quum Annibal L. Carsulio... 

haud maximse minime p. Most editors read haud nimis 
prospcre, for the h. minime p. of the MSS. Madvig rejccts this 
as a frigid litotcR, and snggesta that maximce had droppcd out, 
after which minime prospere will follow well enough. 

moles. Referring not merely to tbe size of tbe city, but to 
tbe effort of taking it. Cf. xxi. 22. 9. Verg. iEn. 1. 33, tantce 
molis erat, &c. 

§ 4. affectus. Cf. 8. 3, affecto corpore, and xxi. 11. 13. 

§ 5. Prsetutianum Ha. South of Picenum, and near the 
Roman colony of Adria, from which the Porto d' Atri takes ita 
name. It is said that Prartutia was corruptcd in tbc middle 

252 NOTES. XXII. c. ix. §§ 5— 11. 

ages into Aprutium, and that into Abruzzo, tlie later name of 
the district. (Cramer's Anc. It. i. 289.) The Marsi, and 
othcr tribes mentioned, dwelt further South, and to the East 
of tho Sabine territory; they belonged to the Osco-Sabbllian 
population of Central Italy. 

Arpi, in Apulia, was anciently named Argyripa, and con. 
nccted with traditions of Diomede aud Argos, Yerg. Mn. xi. 
243. Twelve miles to the Yv\ was the E. colony of Luceria 
(b.c. 313),. which was loug au object of couteution with the 

§ 6. ad urbem... This march was probably begun as soon 
as he heard of H. iu Etruria, aud the 4000 horse uuder Cen- 
tenius was ouly the van of his army, but Livy had neglected 
to mention this at the right poiut of his narrative. 

§ 7. dictator iterum. Yalerius Max., 1. 1, says that 
Flaininius was his map. equitum, aud this must refer to a 
foimer dictatorship. There had been several dictators of late 
years comitiomm habendorum causa. The words of Livy, 8. 5, 
refer only to the dictator of earlier usage rei gerendce causa. 

ab diis orsus. Matters of religion were the first discussed 
in the .senate. Cf. Gell. xiv. 7, de rebus diuiiiis prius quam 
humanis ad senatum referendum esse. 

cserimonia is hardly to be derived from Ccere (" the Delphi 
of Italy"). Corssen i. 376 refers it to the root of sincerus 
(■,■/,:;>= sunder, or choose). The long se is a difficulty in the 
way of Curtius' derivation from -kar, kri, creare, and the 
iuscriptions and best MSS. spell it cceremonia. For the ter- 
mination, cf . parsimonia, sanctimonia, cegrimonia, aud the men 
of specimen, or mentum of documentum. n. 315. 

inscitia. ' Bad geueralship.' 

piacula. Cf. Excursus on Eoman Keligion. 

§ 8. libros Sibyll. The Sibylline literature was brought to 
Eome, according to tradition, as early as the period of the 
Tarquins, aud seems to have come from the Greek towus of 
Asia Miuor through their couuectious iu Campania at the tinie 
when Helleuic art first made its way to Eome to any great 
extent. As an early seat of this Sibylline iuflueuce was at 
Gergis in the Troad, we may thus accouut for the early spread 
of the legends which connected the Trojan story with the 
tradition of the foundatiou of Rome. 

§ 11. For derivation ofpontifcx cf. note on 59. 3. 
c. x. Livy seldom gives auy specimeus of antique style 
except in the formularies kept in the custody of the priestly 

XOTES. XXII. c. x. §£ 2— G. 253 

collegos. This ia almost tlio only form of monumental evi- 
dence which be cared to consult, or at any rate to copy. Pot 
the meaniug of the ver tacrum and other terms, see tho 

§ 2. duellla. An archaic form for bellis retained in pcr- 
duellis, as lcs stands for dues, and bonus for duonus. The 
Latum donum of the MSS. would be an awkward pleonasm, 
and is well corrected by Madvig to tum duit tbe old subj. Cf. 
x. 19. 12 tbe prayer si hodie victoriam duis. Cf. also adduit, 
vcnum duit, from root du', anotber form of -da, like the forms, 
creduis, ereduit in Flautus. Corssen, n. 402. Tbe transposi- 
tion of quod duellum, to make it follow immediately hisce 
duellis is due to Lipsius, and makes good sense of wbat is 
bopelessly involved in tbe common reading of tbe MSS. re- 
tained by W. 

§ 3. ver. Eeckoned by tbe pontifices as lasting tbrougb 
the months of March and April. 

profana. Fanum or (fasnum fr. fas) is tbe general term 
for any boly tbing or placc, and profanum is tbe contrasted 

fieri. ' To be sacrificed to.' 

ex qua die. Tbe vow tbougb made was not to take effect 
until the time was specified, and tbis did not actually take 
place till the year 195 b.c. 

§ 4. probe. 'Duly.' 

§ 5. rumpet. Cf. Digest. ix. 2. 27, rupisse verlum fere 
omnes veteres sic intcllexerunt, corrupcrit. Strotb. ap. Fubri. 

ne fraus esto. ' Tbe owner sball not be guilty. ' 

clepsit. An old perf. subj. from clepo as faxit from facio. 

§ 6. Si atro die f. Tbe atri dies were those associated in 
memory with some great national disaster as tbat at Allia or 
on tbe Cremera or at Cannae. On tbem temples were all 
closed and no sacrifices could be offered, and land and busi- 
ness were at a standstill. Tet even bere the pontiffs claimod 
dispensing power, and wben Ti. Coruncanius fixed by an over- 
sight a boliday upon a dies ater, tbe College ratified bis act, 
collegium decrevit non habendum religioni quin eo die feria 
essent (A. Gell. rv. 6. 10). 

faxlt. The characteristic vowel is dropped freqnently in 
tbe perf. subj. and u. fut. ind. of tbis word, especially in 
Plautus, Terence, and occasionally in later poets as Verg. 2En. 
ix. 151, xn. 316. In Liry we find in old formularies defexit i. 

254 XOTES. XXII. c. x. §§ G— 10. 

24. 9, faxitis vi. 41. G; so occisit xn. tab., rapsit Cic. Leg. II. 9. 
22, vixet, for conj. plusqu., Verg. Mu. xi. 118, extinxcm Mu. 
iv. GOG, conjluxet Lucr. i. 987, surrcxe Ilor. Sat. i. 9. 73, rraxc 
Hn. v. 78G. So also such forms as acclarassis Liv. i. 18. 7, 
habessit Cic. Leg. n. 8. 19, and many like forms in Plautus. 
It seems probable that conj. and n. fut. forms like faxim, 
faxo are derived from an old perfect form in -si rather than 
from a reduplicated form in -i. 

faxitur is a stiil more curious form of 2nd. fut. passive for 
factum crit, like jussitur for jussum crit Cato E. 11. 14, turbas- 
situr for turbatus erit Cic. Leg m. 4. 11, mercassittir for mcr- 
catus erit Lex Agrar. C. 200. 71. Cf. Corssen, n. 565. 

antidea, an old form for antca, like postidea for postea, 
antid being the early form of antc. Cf. the ablative forms 
marid, navalid, dictatorcd, &c. found in early inscriptions, as 
also med, ted, scd, rcd, found singly or in composition. 

P. 85, § 7. ludi magni. This term was afterwards rc- 
served for the extraordinary ludi in distinction to the regular 
which were called ludi Romani. The sums were voted by tho 
senate, but as they were often inadequate, great expense was 
constautly incurred by the ccdiles on whom the arrangements 
fell, and at the cnd of the Kepublic the outlay was often 

feris. This was probably the ccs gravc or libral as, whieh 
had been successively reduced in weight to that of a tricns iu 
the lst Punic war, and to the uncia iu this year (Q. Fabio 
dictatore asses unciales facti, Pliny 33. 3. 45), but in laws and 
state concerns the old monetary system was for a long time 
retained, and the nummus scstertius was employed as its equi- 
valent iu silver. Cf. Mommsen Miiuzw. 292 and Weissenbom's 

trecentis t. It was a Eoman fancy that the odd num- 
bers found favour with the gods of the upper air, while tho 
Maues or the powers of the lower world liked the even best. 
Thus the fixed holidays, ferica stativa:, were nearly all on the 
odd days of the Calendar. 

§ 10. Venerl Eryeinse. This deity was probably the Phoe- 
nician Astarte, whose worship may be traced (under the 
name of Aphrodite) in many places where an earlier influenco 
was adopted by the Greeks. Eryx, as we know, was one 
of the points of Sicily to which the Carthaginians clung most 
obstinately. Its traditions were in com-se of time worked 
into the legends of the Trojan war, its deity confused with 
the goddess mother of iEneas, whose wanderings are made 

K0TE6. XXII. c. x. § 10.— c. xi. § G. 2.3.3 

I v V. rpil to include a visit to the spot, v. 759, and Romo 
recognist 1 nn nppeal based ou this supposed connection. 

fatallbus. Prophetic of doom (fatum), i.e. Sibyllinc. 

Mentl. Faliri quotca Cic. Lcg. 11. 8, cohinto et ollot, qnos 
lo merita locavervnt...ait olla propter quce dattir fco- 
mini adteentut in culum, Mentem, Virtutem, Pietatem, Fidein. 
Cf. Excursus. 

c. xi. § 2. e re publica. 'For thc interest of the state.' 

§ 3. Iis the dat. aftcr edixit which also takes tho ncc. 
dicm of the obj. Tibur is the local acc. aftc-r ad conveniendum 
edieere. Cf. '22. 1, quo diem ad convenirndum edixerat novi» 
mihlibus aml xxvm. 5. 8, concilium .-Etolis Heracleam indictum. 

§ 4. ut ..uti. This repetition of ut when the conjunction 
docs not follow closely on the principal verb is of frequent 
occurrcnce in Livy. Cf. v. 21. 9. 

castella. Any strong placcs in the country, such as there 
are traces of on so many of tbe hill-tops in Central Italy. Cf. 
the euumeration in the Lex Rubria xxi. quo oppido municipio 
colonia prafectura foro vico conciliabulo castcllo tcrritoriove. 

P. 86, § -3. The Yia Flaminia, which led through Etrnria 
and Umbria to Ariminum, is attributed by Strabo, v. 1. 1, to 
the Flaminius who was consul b.c. 197, but by Livy, Epit. xx., 
to his father who fell at Lafce Trasimene, xvhile the son cou- 
structed the road from Ariminum to Bononia (xxxix. 4). 

exercitu. Cf. for this form of the dat. dilectu, 2. 1. 

Ocriculum. The first city of Umbria which submitted to 
Rorue, Livy ix. 41. 14. 

viator vcas a gcneral term for the attend&nt or apparitor of 
a Boman magistrate, and the form of the word probably re- 

ferred to the dnty of travelling through the ager round Ronic 
to summon the senators or others to public meetings. The 
lictor was a more specialized uame is qui ex collenio viatorum 
ojjicium linandi haberct lictor sit appellandus, Aul. Gell. 12. 13. 
1. Ouly dictators, consuls, and praetors commonly were tlms 
attended, and the fasces borne by these lictors was a symbol of 
thcjus vitcc necisque. 

§ 6. vetustate. Cf. 8. 5. It was 32 years since there had 
becn a dict. rei gerenda. 

Ostia. Otherwise declined in the 2nd dccl. Cf. 37. 1 and 
mitte Ostia Casar, Juv. vm. 171. 

p. Cosanum. Now the porto d' Ercole. It was a Roman 
colony, and one of the chief naval stations on the lower sea. 

256 NOTES. XXII. c. xi. § 7— c. xir. § 4. 

§ 7. ad urcem R. Trobably as W. suggests in the dock- 
yards or iu course of building. 

§ 8. libertini. The slaves of a Roman, when freed, were 
called his liherti, and passed into tbe class of libertini. These 
were by Q. Fabius in 303 b.c. all enrolled in the 4 urbance tribus, 
where their votes counted for little, but in later days repeated 
efforts were made by the popular leaders to spread them over 
the rusticce tribus where they might own land. They could 
not serve regularly in the legious, for military service was 
regarded at Rorne as the privilege and duty of the free land- 
owners, and it was not uutil the time of Marius that this senti- 
ment disappeared. 

quibus liberi. This condition recurs in other cases, as in 
the privilege allowed to Latini to migrate to Kome and becorne 
R. citizens if they left children behind tbern, and in usages of 
precedence among magistrates. 

aetas militaris. i.e. commonly from the 17th to the 46th 
year of age. 

§ 9. urbano ex. Referring to the lowcr estimate of the 
wbancc tribus who formed what was called contemptuously 
forensis factio. 

c. xii. § 1. quo diem. Nearly all the MSS. read quodie, a 
mistake which probably grew out of a failure to see that quo 
foliows conveniendum, as Tibur does in 11. 4. 

§ 2. Prseneste is explained by Corssen n. 216, as being an 
old superlative form, as manister or minister are coinparatives 
like XaXiuTepos, thus Prccneste = 'that which stands forth most 
promiuently,' for prce cf. note below on pristinus. Festus 
says it was so named quia montibus prccstat, and in fact it 
commands a splendid view of the neighbourhood of Rome. 

transversis lim. 'Cross-roads,' as in n. 39 transversis tra- 
mitibus and v. 16. 4 obliquis tramitihus in the same sense. It 
would seem as if trames (trans. meare) were nearly the same 
as transversus, while limes (for lic-mes, connected with limus, 
X^X/"os. limen, a cross-beam for lintel) comes from the same 
root as ohliquus. Corssen, i. 499. 

egTessus. W. aptly remarks that the via were raised as 
causeways higher than the cross-roads. 

exploratis. Corssen connects plorare with pluere pluvia as 
'to rnake to iiow' and hence explorare 'to cause to fiow out' 
or 'bring to light,' i. 361. 

P. 87j § 4. qxios appears in most MSS. , but it is obviously 
corrupt, W. suggests aliquando, Heerwagen antiquos. It seems 
better to strike it out. 

NOTES. XXII. c xii. §H- c. xiii. §1. 257 

§ ii. novl. This suggestion of Mndvig for non vim com- 

ujiuds itsdf ;is !i w\y slight change with inuch better sense. 

hauddum. Vocabulum hauddvm non apud alivm imveni 
teriptorem nisi aUquotiet avud Livivm, i. o. teptem locis. 
Stiircnberg ap. Fabri. It is forined like vixdmn, necdum also 
found in our author. 

§ 7. si posset. 'In the hope that he might,' 'to see if he 
wouM,' a sense iu wbich Livy often tnses ri. 

excipere. As of the huuter latitantem fruticeto excipere 
aprum, Hor. Carm. m. 12. 11. 

§ 9. statio. 'pickets.' 

uuiverso. ' Staked upon the hazard of a general engage- 
ment.' Cf. casum univenm dimicationis 32. 2. 

§ 10. parva momenta...'petty skirmishes of little mo- 
ment which niight be safely risked as there was shelter near at 

pristinis. This word like priscus comes from a longer 
form of the pri or prm wbence^jrtmus, privus, &c. Corssen, i. 

§ 11. Sed non H....the subordinate plu - ase sanis consiliis 
would as Nagelsbach suggests be naturally tbe subject in trans- 
lation, 'his sound judgment found an adversary,' &c. 

nihil...mora9. Cf. for this idiom xxi. 45. 9. 

P. 88, § 12. pro cunctatore. Cf. 39. 20. 

premendo. Cf. 59. 10, nec premendo alium me extulisse 

pessima ars. ' pernicious practice.' 

c. xiii. § 1. The Hirpini (called '\pT~ivoi in Strabo, though 
some Latin inscriptions and MSS. drop the aspirate) were a 
highland race in the east of Samnium, whose name was said to 
be derived from the Samnite word hirpus = v/oli, Serv. Verg. 
^n. xi. 785. Several of their towns revolted from Eome after 
the battle of Cannse, Liv. xxiii. 1, and 37, and owing to the 
obstinate wars of the Samnites in old times Hanuibal may 
have looked here for most support. 

Beneventum. The old form of this was Maleventum 
Liv. ix. 27. 7, and the change was probably due to the super- 
stitious feeling which may be traced in the history of names 
like the Eumenides, the Euxine, and cixppovn for night. Com« 
pare also the custom of the Eomaus to caE first a citizen of 
auspieious name in the centuries and tribes. 

C. L. 17 

258 NOTES. XXII. c. xm. §§ 1—9. 

Teleslam. This was a little nortb of Beneventuin and 
should probably be read in Pol. iii. 90 instead of Venusia, 
which was quite off the line of march. 

§ 3. res mai. q. a. Note the compression of this phrase 
' the enterprise was greater than its authors,' i. e. ' too critical 
to be undertaken on their authority alone:'it qualifies dubium. 

§ 4. etiam atque etiam. Connected by Madvig with mo- 
nitos, though the MSS. put the ut between. It is possible 
however to take them with promissa ellipticaUy. Lucretius 
uses the phrase still more independently as i. 296 Quare etiam 
atque etiam sunt venti corpora cceca. 

aliquibus. Fabri remarks that aliquis is the more usual 
form of the abl. in Livy, though this form is here well attested. 

§ 5. Agrum Casinatem. This is the point at which the 
via Latina issued from Latium into Campania, and the old 
name remains in the famous Benedictine cloister of the Monte 
Cassino. As the Appian Way was open to the Bomans with 
the other roads Hannibal could not have barred their way to 
Capua except by forcing a battle. 

§ 6. abhorrens. Cf. xxi. 32. 10. 

Casilinum was on the Yolturnus not far from Capua, and 
the Campus Stellatis lay along the right bank of the river to 
the sea. It was one of the last districts of the ager publicus to 
be divided. 

Polyb. says nothing of this mistake of the guide, but makes 
H. move towards Campania in the hope of plunder in the rich 
Falernian plain, and of revolt among the towns; and there 
could be little meaning in a movement towards Casinum, if the 
plain of Capua was the real object of the march. 

Corssen n. 355 connects both Casinum and Casihnum with 
casa, casula as originally 'a place of huts' like the German 
termination -hausen as in Frankhausen. 

§ 7. montibus. The Callicula and Massicus. 

fluminibus. The Savo and Yolturnus. 

§8. mansurum. 'rest,' 'pass thenight.' Cf. Hor. Carm. i. 
1. 25, manet sub Jove frigido \ venator, so also mansiones were 
'night quarters' for travellers or soldiers, before they became 
'mansions' in our sense. 

P. 89, § 9. The ager Falernus, which was famous for the 
best wine in Italy, lay to the North of the Campus Stellatis, 
between Sinuessa and Casilinmn. 

FOTES. XXII. c. xiii. § 10— c. xiv. § 13. 259 

§ 10. aquas Sin. now called Bagni. Cf. Tac. Ann. xn. 66, 
dis viribus mollitia acli et salubritate aquarum Sinues- 
sam pirjit. 

§ 11. iUBto et mod. The grievances wliich led to the out- 
break of the Social War were hardly felt as yet, and the 
statement of the text is fairly justified. 

c. xiv. § 1. prope seems to qualify, not seditio as Fabri 
tbinks, but de integro, as explained by quieverant which 

§ 2. celerius s. The real object was to hold the passes 
into Latium, and so to enclose Hannibal. 

§4. colonos. Sent in 297 b.c. wben the Greek Sinope 
was changed to Sinuessa. Livy x. 21. 4. 

§ 6. pro. This interjection is more frequently used with 
a vocative or accus., a.a pro sancte Jupiter, pro deum fidem, &c, 
but at times as here absolutely. 

Punicas, &c. . It was a popular fancy in later days tbat 
the Carthaginians were bound by treaty not to sail along Italy, 
and the Eomans were also shut out from Sicily. Pol. m. 26 
disproves these errors by the terms of tbe old treaties. 

P. 90- videamus. 'Look on calmly.' For this use Fabri 
compares vi. 14. 3, si vincula...duci videam, cf. use 
of ircpiopSi> . 

§ 7. lenti. Cf. Hor. S. i. 9. 64, vellere ccepi | et pressare 
manu lentissima brachia. 

§ 8. aestivos s. It was a regular custom to send the cattle 
from the lowlands to the highlands in the heat of summer ; 
the early agrarian laws recognised this by leaving a wide 
margin along the highways for their transit and pasturage. 

§ 9. M. Furius, sc. Camillus. As to the details cf. Livy v. 
48, as also for the busta Gallica below. 

§ 12. Furculas C. The valley, probably that of Arpaia, in 
which the Romans advancing from Calatia were surrounded 
by the Samnites under C. Pontius and forced to ignominious 
submission. Livy ix. 5. 

perlustrando. Lustrare, from the processional ceremonies 
of the lustrum, akin to the ' beating the bounds ' of modern 
usage. Lustrum is the purifying offering from the root lu, lav, 
whence luere, illuvies, LautuUe, and the like. Corssen i. 361. 

§ 13. Modo. A stronger word than nuper. Heerwagen 
compares Cic. Verr. iv. 3. 6, quid dico nuper, immo vero modo 
ac plane paulo ante vidimus. 


260 NOTES. XXII. c. xiv. § 13— o. xv. § 11. 

C. Lutatio. Referring to tbe great victory at the Mgates, 
wbich euded the lst Puuic war. 

§14. Arma capias...descendas. The elegant correction oi 
Madvig for the MSS. reading armari copias...deducendas... 

P. 91 §15- h. dubie f. 'They declared unmistakeably.' 
For ferebant cf. xxi. 41. 7. 

c. xv. § 1. pariter.b. minus. Tbis seems so pleonastic 
that we may he tempted to translate pariter ' at the same 
time,' but pariter qualifies intentus, and inter suos h. m. q. in 
hostes is epexegetic, i. e. ' watching both sides alike, his own 
men no less than the enemy.' 

ab illis invictum. ' A resolution unsbaken by the f ormer. ' 

§ 2. summa ope. Often used by Livy in the sense of thc 
familiar summopere. 

arbusta, &c. These nomin. are in appos. with regio, 
though we should expect a dependent clause explanatory of the 
prces. copia, 

§ 4. Casilinum was strougly placed on both banks of the 
river (eo dividitur amni, Liv. xxin. 17. 10). One part of it 
was stoutly defended by the garrison after the battle of 

dirempta expresses strongly the separation of the two 
parts of the town. 

dividit. It would be more natural to say that the river 
parted the two districts, not the town. 

Campanum is here used in its most restricted sense of the 
neighbourhood of Capua, as distinct from the Falernus and 
Calenus ager. Cf. 25. 7. 

P. 92, § 8. ad con. teli. As we say '& stone's throw. ' 
So also 29. 4. 

§ 9. in proelium rediit. ' Turned and offered battle.' 
Used elsewhere in Livy in the same sense. 

§ 10. Cales. Still within the great wine district. Pralo 
domitam Caleno \ tu bibes uvam, Hor. Od. i. 20. 9. 

§ 11. saltum, q. s. T. The pass of Lautulae on the Appian 
road which ran along the coast was often mentioned in the 
early campaigns of Eome as an important strategic point. As 
the Latin road by Teanum and Venafrum lay open, it is hard 
to see the importance of this step. 

NOTES. XXII. c. xv. § 11— c. xvn. § I. 201 

Thc ager 11. was tho distriet immcdiately round llome, 
iiicluding iilsi) the lands of mauy of tho towns of Latium 
which had reccived the full civitas. 

§12. in viam. Through tho rango of Callicula. Cf. § 3. 

c. xvi. § 1. bina castra. As in xxi. 59. 2 the distrihutive 
is used with the plural castra, as the word bears a different 
>enso in tho 6ingular. 

§ 2. sequiore probably refers to a plateau on higher 
ground, but the secondary seuse of ' favourable,' as opposed to 
iniquus, is also suggested. 

P. 93, § 4. Inclusus. The account in Polybius contains 
no such plan of seizing all the outlets through which H. might 
have marched. It represents only an attempt to surprise him 
liy an ambuscade as he was passing through the mountains. 
It speaks also of three passes through the Eastern highlands, 
besides the coast roads. It seems indeed most improbable 
that the Bomans should have ventured to divide their forces, 
and attempt so bold a pohcy against an enemy whom they 
dared not meet in open country. Livy's description is ill 
suited to the actual scene, and to the formidable streugth of 
the invader. 

via ad Cas. ' As his way (southward) was intercepted by 
the garrison at Cas.' 

tant. boc A bold phrase for tot socii. 

Liternum was afterwards famous as the place of the volun- 
tary exile of Scipio Africanus. Its stagna were formed by the 
river Clanius near its entry into the sea, now known as Lago 
di Patria. 

§ 6. ludibrium oculorum. ' An ocular delusion.' 

§ 7. quos ..multos. Not quorum, as there is no relation 
here of part to whole. Cf. i. 55. 3, sacella qucc aliquot ibi a 
Tatio rege consecrata fuerant. 

c. xvn. § 3. repente. To be taken with disc, circa with 
virgulta, as omnem deinceps agrum xxi. 52. 5, and often else- 
where adverbs are used as adj. by L. 

visa is inserted by Madvig after Perizonius, on the ground 
that it would be absurd to say h. s. q.... accensis if the under- 
wood was actually on fire. 

§ 4. Qui ad transitum. Polybius clearly describes the 
whole scene. 4000 men were placed in ambush at the outlet 
of a dcfile, while the maiu body were drawn up by Fabius on 
a hill commanding the approach. But at the sight of the 

262 NOTKS. XXII. c. xvn. § 4— c. xvm. § 8. 

lights upon the mountain-sides the Boinans in the pass, think- 
ing that the enemy was escaping along the higher ground, ieft 
their station in pursuit, and the main body of H. passed 
through unmolested. Livy's account is vague in the extreme. 

P. 94. Qua minime... 'They made for the top of the 
mountain-ridges, thinking that their safest course lay in the 
direction where the lights were flashing least.' 

§ 6. in fugam. According to Polyb., after collision with 
the light troops of H., they remained upon the heights waiting 
for the dawn. 

armaturse incurrere. A rare constr. Livy commonly says 
incurrere in aliquid. 

neutros... This const. is awkwardly involved; though 
neutros is governed by tenuit, the negative which it contains 
belongs properly to a distinct sentence which states a further 
result that neither side was ready to begin fighting. 

c. xvm. § 1. atohorrens. ' Shrinking.' 

§ 2. intercl. ab suis. ' Cut off from the main body.' Livy 
uses suis freely, as § 7 and 17. 4, without reference to the 
principal subject of the sentence. 

§ 3. assuetior. We notice here the want of a Latin 
partic, like owa, the place of which rnight be supplied by 
utpote or quippe. 

campestrem. • Lowlander.' 

statarium. Cf. ix. 19. 5, when speaking of the soldiers to 
the phalanx and the legion he says statarius uterque miles or- 
dines servans. 

§ 5. super Allifas. To be taken with consedit, not trans- 
gressus. Cf. 17. 7. 

§ 6. Pelignos. This was a Sabine tribe N.E. of Lake 
Fucinus, whose chief city, Corfinium, was chosen as the seat 
of empire by the Italians in the Social War. Its country was 
too rugged to offer much plunder to H. 

P. 95, § 7. Gereonium (castellum Apulice inops, 39. 16) 
was 25 miles from Luceria (Pol. m. 100), and selected by H. 
for his winter quarters, 23. 9. 

§ 8. sacrorum c. Plut. Fab. 178, twj> Uptuv ica\ovvTwi> M 
rivas dvcrlas. So we read occasionally of special appointments 
of a dictator for ceremonial purposes, clavi figendi causa, 
Liv. vii. 3, feriarum causa vii. 28, and ludorum causa xxvii. 

NOTES. XXII. c. xviu. § 8— c. xix. § 8. 2G3 

imperio ..consilio are less properly connected with agenx 
than precilms, Lut the same construction is repeated xxrv. 32. 6. 

§ 9. It might perhaps he better to put a comma after 
and to assume an ellipse of ' he should remember' before 
medicos. Cf. Cic. Tusc. i. 17. 41, horum igitur aliquid animus 
cst, ne tam vegeta mens aut in corde cerebrove . . .jaceat. 

quiete. 'By doing nothing.' Cf. xxi. 10. 3, nec unquam 
quictura Romana foedera. 

§ 10. haec n. prsem. These words sum up the foregoing 
advice of Fabius, and link together the earlier clauses with the 
final profectus. 

c. xix. § 3. Carthafr. Nova C. or Cartagena. 

naves. The readiug of Madvig makes the construct. 
simpier than the navibus of the MSS., which is awkward if 
taken with prof., and would require ducebat to bear the mean- 
ing 'had the...marched.' Polyb. has rals /xiv vaval Trapa ttjv 
\ipaov iiroiuro rbv ifkovv, rois 8e irefoTs ttjv iropdav irapa tov 
ai-ftdXbv, ni. 95. Navibus probably grew out of navis (naves), 
as in xxi. 43. 4 habentibus from habentis. 

§ 4. idem consilii, i.e. confligere as above. 

ingentem... Taken by hypallage with /., not with auxi- 

§ 5. Massiliensium. Polyb. notes the general zealousness 
of Massiha in the Eoman cause throughout the war. 

speculatorise. Non sunt triremes sed naves minores sine 
rostris ut constat ex Liv. xxxvi. 42, Drakenb. ap. Fabri. 

P. 96, § 6. universo terrore. ' General panic' 

effuso. Livy more often uses offusus with terror. Cf. 
xxviii. 29. 7. 

§7. nondum...aperientibus. A bold constr., in which the 
negative sense is transferred from the verb to the adverb = 
' still hiding.' Cf. also xxn. 6. 9, quum...dispulsa nebula ape- 
ruisset diem. There is nothing in Polyb. to answer to tbis 
rhetorical description of the confusion, though the accounts 
otherwise agree. 

§8. classem esse...follows a verb ' announce,' understood 
in jubet. 

nihil minus quam...exspect. A very favourite phrase of 
Livy which often occurs. 

264 NOTES. XXII. c. xix. § 10— c. xx. § 10. 

§10. resolutis o.... ' Dnfasten the cables (wkich bound 
the stern of the ship to the shore), and drift towarcls the 
anchors ' (which were let down from the prow facing the sea 
by ancoralia). The MSS. read eveherehtur, which is ill 
balanced by incidunt. W. reads evicti tenentur, which has 
little to recommend it, but is suggested by the teneat which 

P. 97, c. xx. The [tm] probably, as Madvig suggests, was 
a copyist's error which grew out of the m in pretentam. 

§ 2. quae non aut... The one set was not seaworthy, the 
other had run aground and could not be towed away. 

§ 4. Onusam. V. xxi. 22. 5. 

§ 5. iniuncta m. 'Which abutted on the walls.' Inforti- 
fiedtowns a clear space was commonly left. For use of iniunctce 
cf. v. 7. 1, quum vinece tantum non iam iniunctce manibus essent. 

§ 6. Longuntica must have been near Nova C, according to 
a passage from Pliny 19. 2. 30, cestimare quanto sit in usu 

(spartum) . . .navium armamentis machinis adificationum ad 

hos omnes usus quce sufficiant minus triginta millia passuum in 
latitudinem a litore Carthaginis novce minusque G in longitudi- 
ncm esse reperientur. 

sparti. Sp. esparto. A natural grass which Pliny calls 
iuncus proprie aridi soli...hinc strata rusticis eorum, hinc 
ignes facesque, hinc calceamina, et pastorum vestes. It was es- 
pecially used for cordage on shipboard, in sicco prceferunt e 
cannabi funes. Hence the name Spartarius Campus for the 
neighbourhood of Carthago Nova. 

§ 7. prselecta est ora. The MSS. reading is certainly cor- 
rupt, proiectas oras or periectas. W. corrects it to prcevecta 
est oram (classis), but the change to the neut. pass. trans- 
missum is much more awkward after a verb like prcevecta used 
actively, and therefore Madvig's reading is to be preferred. 

Ebusum. The largest of the Pityusas islands which lie 
between the Baleares and the coast of Spain, now Iviza. Ibu- 
sim = 'pine islands,' Schroder, p. 99. 

§ 9. Baliaribus. Cf. xxi. 21. 12. 

§ 10. provincise. Spain was not yet regarded as a pro- 
vincia, though steps had been taken in that direction by the 
commission given to Scipio, but as W. remarks Livy is think- 
ing of the later distinction of Hisp. citerior et ulterior. 

NOTES. XXII. c. xx. £ 10— c. xxn. § 1. 205 

accolunt, a oorreotion of the incolunt of the MSS. wliicli 
seeins too bold with Hiberuin, yet Fabri compares Polyb. m. 
42, tovs KaToiicovvTas rbv TroTa/j.6v and Eurip. Phcen. 120, Aep- 
vaia 5' ofltcS vdnaO' lTnro/xtowv dva*. 

§ 11. popull. As in Gaul tribal names appear chiefly in 
Bpain iu early times, and the towns known are few. The per- 
manence of these tribal names in Gaul is shown by their out- 
living the Roman designations of the towns, and lasting on in 
so many of the present names. 

P. 98, § 18. Castulonensem. This was afterwards the 
boundary betweeu Tarraconensis and Bcetica. Its city Castulo, 
uow Cazlona, which Livy calls urbem validam ac nobilem, 
gained its importance from its silver mines, and was so Car- 
thaginian in its sympathies that Hannibal took from it a wife, 
xxiv. 41. 6. Castulo in Phoenician = ' god's bow,' Schrbder. 
p. 127. 

c. xxi. § 1. fuisset per. 'So far as.' 'If the C. only had 
been concerned.' Cf. Cic. Fin. n. 28, consequatur summas 
voluptates non vwdo parvo sed per me nihilo. 

§ 2. praeterquam... The Sp. were stirred to war not only 
by their natural restlessness but by the influeuce of their 

Mandonius was the brother-in-law of Indibilis, Liv. xxvi. 
49. 9. 

Dergetum. Cf. xxi. 22. 3, reduced by Cn. Scipio xxi. 61, 
hence antea. 

4. tribuni. W. follows the MSS. in the reading tribunus, 
in which case missi would be a constr. ad synesim, agreeing 
with the plural of trib. cum aux. Cf. note on xxi. 60. 7. 

§ 5. cis Hib. ' To his own side of,' from the point of view 
of agent not writer. 

§ 6. Ilergavonensium. Two of the best MSS. read Lergav. 
According to Ukert n. 1, p. 418, some coins have Ilercavonia. 
It ia otherwise unknown. 

Novam cl. Supposed to be a local name, possibly to be 
identified with Ad Novas mentioned in the Itinerar. Anton. 
between Ilerda and Tarraco. 

c. xxii. § 1. prorogato. The tenure of office was strictly 
limited to fixed periods at Rome, and it was contrary to con- 
stitutional usage to extend it in ordinary cases. But in the 
year 326 b.c. Q. Publiliua Philo the consul was allowed by a 
vote of the commons ut pro consule rem gereret quoad debel- 

266 NOTES. XXII. c. xxn. §§ 1—7. 

kitum cum Gracis csset, Liv. viii. 23. 7. But to mark the dis- 
tinctive ckaracter of tbis prorogatio in this ancl otlier cases the 
official was always spoken of not as magistratus but pro magis- 
tratu, and for a long time a vote of the people as well as a 
resolution of the senate was needed. It was at first resorted to 
only in the case of imperium militia, or tbe highest command 
away from Eome, and never to the imp. domi, in which a 
prafectus iuri dicundo or an interrex stepped into the place of 
an absent or deceased official. It was, however, sparingly 
adopted in case of lower offices at Eome. With the institution 
of provincia the prorogation became a regular procedure, and a 
proconsul or propraetor was appointed for eacb, but towards the 
end of the Bepubhc an interval of at least 5 years was required 
between tbe office of consul and proconsul, prsetor and pro- 

P. 99, § 2. portum T. Hiibner remarks that Strabo calls 
T. aXlfxevos m. 4. 7, and that it is still one of tbe worst roads 
on tbe Spanish coast, thougb Eratosthenes spoke of a vavarad- 
fMov there. Yet 8 years later C. Claudius Nero sailed direct 
from Puteok' to Tarraco, xxvi. 17. 2, though the troops more 
commonly disembarked at Emporiae and marched to T., until 
the fall of Carthago Nova changed the centre of operations. 

§ 4 nec ullo viso, for et nullo, as the negative belongs not 
to the main sentence, but to the secondary clause. This con- 
fusion is of frequent occurrence in Livy, cf. vii. 9. 1, quum... 
exercitum duxissent neque inventis in agro hostibus Ferentinum 

traditos, i.e. to the governor of tbe garrison. They were 
left there, says Polybius, because of the strength of the place 
and the supposed fidekty of tke guard, iii. 98. 

§ 5. liberum. Tke contracted form of tkis gen. plur. is 
very usual in Livy as in duum and socium. 

§ 7. unum, ' a single,' as § 8, eam unam rem ' tkat single 

id agebat, *kis object was.' 

emolumentum. The abstract for tbe concrete, as semina 
discordiarum tribuni iii. 19. 6, uno equo per urbem verum tri- 
umphum vehi xxviii. 9. 8, ludibrium verius quam comes i. 
56. 9. The object of Abelux was not merely that the ' gain 
might be as great as possible' taking emolumentum as tbe 
eubject, but tbat he migbt 'himself profit his new allies.' 
For tkis tke natural construction would be emolumento esset, 
though in Cic. de fin. n. 18 the best MSS. have cuius mors tibi 
emolumentum futura sit. 

NOTES. XXII. c. xxu. §9— c. xxm. g 5. 267 

§9. Bostaxls. Tbo rneaning of the name is 'servant of 
Astarte,' Schroder, p. 93. 

P. 100, § 18. subitum is nsed for the resnlts of donum, 
'what gift there could be which would speedily work such 

§ 13. momentum, a change of Madvig for 'nomen' 'repu- 
tation,' which is however quite a natural reading though less 
forcible. Cf. xxv. 39. 16, apud omnes magnum nomen Marcii 
ihtcia est. 

§ 15. ad cetera, 'up to the level of.'...Fabri compares ad 
sic (ut comparationem significet) poni non solet nisi in signifi- 
canda dissimilitudine et differentia. Madvig, Cic. Fin. m. 1G. 

§ 16. flde accepta d. Like the Greek 5e|iaV dovvat /cai 

§ 18. per eundem ordinem is an unusual expression in 
Livy, who prefers the abl. Polyb. tells us that Abelux himself 
took Ihe hostages to their homes, and there is tberefore some 
slight probability in the suggested reading of Heerwagen, per 
eundem eodem ordinc, awkward as it reads and mirificum as 
Madvig calls it. 

§ 19. Illos. As Fabri remarks, the Carthaginians though 
the last mentioned are the more remote object in the mind of 
the writer, and hence illos. 

P. 101, § 21. spectare, 'prepare for,' but xxiii. 6. 4, plebes 
ad defectionem spectare. 

c. xxm. § 1. quoque, though not expunged in the text, 
seems out of place, but it may be explained to refer to a more 
general compafison in the writer's mind between the war in 
Spain and Italy. 

§ 3. lta balances the ut in 3. 2. 

armatos...togatosque. Fabri quotes Cic. in Pis. 30, 
Non dixi hanc togam...sed quod pacis utique est insigne et otii 
toga, contra autem arma tumultus atque belli, poetarvvi more 

utique. This clause anticipates the contents of c. 24. 

§ 4. ager dict. Cf. in like case the action of Pericles who 
made over to the state his lands which he thought might be 
spared on personal grounds by the enemy. Thuc. n. 13. 

§ 5. quia non exsp. He had not waited for the sanction of 
the senate, which was regarded as constitutionally needful in 
all financial questions. 

268 NOTES. XXII. c. xxm. § 6— c. xxiv. § 10. 

§ 6. pondo bina et selibras, ct xxi. G2. 8, and Varro de 

Ling. Lat. iv. 40, Se valet dimidium ut in sclibra, semodio. 

§ 7. ssepe iactata, ' af ter frequent debate. ' 

§ 8. quoniam, &c, explains the following tardius er. 

erogaretur. The technical term for a vote of the supplies. 

P. 102, § 10. prsesidio. A participle like futurus is here 
uecded to balance circumspectans. 

necunde, cf. note on 2. 3. 

c. xxrv. § 4. quod, minime... Polybius explains more 
fully the policy of H. wbo was anxious to winterat Gereoniuni, 
and to gather in supplies from all the country round before 
the Eomans could interfere. This accounts for the large 
uuinbers (duas exercitus partes 23. 10) sent out to forage. He 
recaJled indeed part of them at first, when the two camps were 
pitched so near each other, but ventured at last to send them 
out again, as he was anxious to gain large reserves of fodder 
for the horses, in which his strength lay. The scene and the 
details are much better described by the Greek writer. 

§ 5. conspectum. See note on 4. 6. 

§ 6. Proprior. To be taken with Romanorum castra, un- 
Jerstood in what follows, ci with apparuit. 

§ 7. paucitate, i. e. 2000 Polyb. 

§ 8. [Tum ut]. If these are expunged, the rest makes 
good sense. W. reads tnm utique, which is harsh, though it 
may be supported by tum utique immodice of 27. 2. 

P. 103. per aversa a castris... Madvig's correction for 
per av. castra e castris of the MSS. W. suggests per a. c. ne 
conspici posset e castris H.. but all this is already implied in the 
text, which is much simpler, and aversa castra is an unnatural 
expression for the ' side of the camp which was remote from,' 
and those who issued from the camp would not go per castra. 
The phrases per aversa urbis, v. 29. 1, or aversis collibus, xxvii. 
41. 6, do not seem to justify the use of aversa castra in this 

§ 9. This section has been rearranged by Madvig, as the 
MSS. seem here, as often in this book, to have lost some 
words out of tbeir text. 

§ 10. receperat suos. Polyb. mentions that Hasdrubal 
had covered the retreat of many of the foragers to the camp 
at Gereonium, to which H. afterwards retired. 

NOTES. XXII. c. xxiv. § 11— c. xxv. §3. 269 

§ 11. Iusta acle ac coll. sig. Commnn expressions for a 
regular engagement, as distinct from skirmishes. 

§ 12. Bovlanum was the ehief town of the Samnites 
IYntri, ix. 31. 4, so important in early times that the Romans 
made repeated attempts to secure it as a step towards fhe 
conquest of Samuinm. 

iussu dict. The details of the levies had been left to the 
discretion of the dictator. The regular dilectut was resortcd 
to for the legious. The socii were requircd to furnish contin- 
genta of a certain streugth under their native officers, over 
whom Eoman prafecti were conimonly appointed. 

quingentos. The MSS. have et cquites adducentem without 
a numeral. This may have grown out of equites D ducentem. 
Alschefski read mille, supposing that et was a mistake for the 
sign oo. 

§ 14. vanam, though not in the MSS., seems needed to 
explain tbe vanioribus whicb follows. For this use of tbe 
word Heerwagen compares Verg. i£n. n. 79, Nec si miserum 
Fortuna Simonem \finxit, vaninn etiam mendacemque improba 

c. xxv. § 1. contione. Referring to the speech of the 
tribnne below. 

§ 2. ut. ' Assuming that.' 

§ 3. trib. plebis. The tribunes of an earlier age had been 
tbe spokesmen and leaders of tbe plebs in its civil struggles 
with the privileged order of the patres, and in their speecbes, 
as reported in the annalists, it was a common topic of com- 
plaint that their rulers engaged in constant wars to distract 
the attention of the people from their grievances at home. 
The legal inequalities had been long swept away, but tbe 
tribuuute lasted on, though it had lost its original value and 
importance. The tribunes still beaded the opposition against 
the senatorian government, which they rudely shook in the 
period of the Gracchi, and belped in a later age to overthrow. 
It is a feature of Livy's rhetorical style to introduce their 
harangues into his text. Tbe same names and argument recur 
in different periods. 

enimvero. The MSS. have only enim, which is used in 
other places of Livy, as vn. 32. 13, elliptically, to reply to sup- 
posed objections, but not, according to Madvig, to express in- 
dignation, as enimvero is employed Cic. Verr. i. 26, Hic tum 
alius ex alia parte : enimvero ferendum hoc non est. 

270 NOTES. XXII. c. xxv. S§ 5—17. 

P. 104, § 5. specie classis... Cf. 11. 7. 

§ 6. duos prsetores. Cf. 31. 6 for T. Otacilius, and xxiii. 
21. 4 for A. Cornelius Mammula. 

§ 7. Campanum... Cf. 15. 4. 

'§9. ut...ut. ' As soon as'...'as if.' The repetition in a 
different sense is awkward. 

§ 10. abrogando. A Eonian magistrate conld not be 
constitutioually deposed except by a legislative act, or vote of 
tbe comitia. Early tradition cited such a case at tbe begin- 
ning of tbe republic, Brutus...collegce suo imperium abrogavit 
Cic. Brut. 14. 53, but in tbe best days of Eome tbere was 
scarcely any example known, for C. Flaminius would probably 
not have been deposed, as Livy xxi. 63. 2 implies, but declared 
illegally elected, vitio creatus. Cinna was deposed, but only 
by a vote of the senate according to Appian, and he regarded 
the act as null and void. But tbough there was no regular 
precedent of a consul, we hear of abrogation in the case of 
pro-consuls (Liv. Epit. 67) and tribunes as in the famous case 
of M. Octavius, 132 b.c. 

§ 12. in actione...populari. ' In a course of action which 
would bave found little favour with the people,'i.e. in opposing 
the bill of the tribune. The MSS. commonly read popularis 
agreeing with dictator, in the sense ' as he would have con- 
ciliated them little by his bearing towards them.' Actio is 
often used by Livy of the resolution proposed to the assembly, 
or tbe speech in support of it. Cf. n. 56. 3, huic actioni gra- 
tissimce plebi quum summa vi resisterent patres, and m. 1. 3, 
tribuniciis se iactare actionibus. Here it is used more gene- 
rally for ' political action.' 

§ 13. acceptas referret. ' Set them down to the account 
of,' literally 'to the credit side.' So v. 22.2, nec 
senatui, sed Licinicefamilice...acceptum referebant. 

dictum ' order,' as n. 18. 6, ad dicto parendum. 

P. 105, § 14. bono imperatore. We see the need of a 
particip. of the subst. verb with this abl. abs., as in lata civitatc 

§ 17. concilium is technically distinguished from the 
comitia, the general assemblies of the whole people convened 
fpr legislative or elective purposes. It is therefore applied to 
the meetings of foreign peoples, or of Eoman corporations, 
and especially to the assemblies of the plebs, considered as a 

NOTER. XX TT. c. xxv. § T7— c. xxvi. § 2. 271 

part only of the Eoman nnity, because exclusive of the 
patricians. These concilia plebit could only bo convened by 
a tribune. or edile, and the auspices were not taken before 
they met, as in the case of the comitia. The resolutions passed 
in them, called plebiacita, were long regarded as informal de- 
clarations of the will of a single order of the state, and as 
such were never sanctioned by the patrum auctoritas, though 
the Hortcnsian law of b. c. 288 gave them binding force, and 
thus raised them to the level of the leges passed in the comitia. 
Cf. Mommsen, Romische Forsch. 177. 

magls....quam. The two sentences are awkwardly balaneed 
from the coinpression of the language. ' There was more... 
shown...than open courage on the part of '... 

auctoritas — the sanction of men of mark coming forward 
as suasores. 

§ 19. ipsum inst. ' Who sold his own goods retail.' The 
Romans markedly distinguished between the capitalist who 
speculated wholesale and the retail chandler, who was usually 
slave-born (servilia ministeria), or a foreigner. Cf. Cic. de 
Off. i. 42, illiberales et sordidi qucestus mercenariorum, quorum 
operm non artes emuntur : est enim illa merces auctoramentum 
servitutis. Sordidi etiam putandi qui mercantur a mercato- 
ribus quod statim vendant. Opificesque omnes sordida arte 
versantur. Plautus reflects the old Roman contempt for retail 
trade in the lines, Trinummus i. n. 178 : nihil est profecto 
stultius, neque stolidius | neque mendaciloquius, neque argutum 
magis \ neque con ntiloquius neque perjurius \ quam urbani 
adxidui civeis. Thus Horace speaks of the Tusci turbi impia 
vici. Much of this feeling was probably due to the military 
bias given to the Roman mind in early days, (cf. the charge 
against the government of the Tarquins opifices ac lapicidas 
pro bellatoribus factos, Liv. i. 59. 11,) which threw the handi- 
crafts and retail trades into the hands of aliens, and the slave- 
born, who could not serve in the armies, but in later days 
the etigma of slavery degraded all industrial labour, except in 

c. xxvi. § 1. ut primum...fecit. The MSS. have utrum... 
adjtcit. The first correction by Perizonius is necessary to 
make sense, the second is justified by the frequent usage of 
Livy, as i. 34. 5, cum divitia jam animos facerent. The phrase 
pecunia ex eo genere q. is abrupt from the want of an article 
or participle as in Greek. 

§ 2. toga. The dress of the middle class, distinguished 
from the tunicatus popellus of Horace. 

272 STOTHS. XXII. c. xxvi. § 2— c. xxvn. § 3. 

proclamando. A conteinptuous term instead of orando. 
Cf. Cic. de Orat. i. 46, non enim causidicum, nescio quem neque 
proclamatorem aut rabulam hoc sermone nostro conquirimus. 

in notitiam...honores. ' Attained to notoriety, and then to 
public office. ' These honours were the lower offices afterwarcls 
included in the comprehensive term vigintiviratus, comprising 
several boards, the lowest rank in a political career. 

§ 3. duabus sedil. Only three cases are known of men 
who held both cedileships, but one or other was a necessary 
step in an official career, and was heavily weighted with the 
expenses of the public shows. 

§ 4. dictatoria invidia. For this use of an adjective, 
to express the object of the substantive, cf. Cic. Cluent. 28. 77, 
ex invidia senatoria crescere, Liv. iii. 42. 6, posito decemvirali 
odio, xxix. 18. 10, divino humanoque scelere liberari. 

sciti plebis. Commonly in the order plebeiscitum. Cf. 
Festus, p. 293, scita plebei appellantur ea quce plebs suo suffra- 
gio sine patribus jussit, plebeio magistratu rogante. Cf. 25. 17. 

§ 5. sequi atque in. ' Friends and foes,' as elsewhere in 

P. 106, § 7. sequato imp. Polyb. says Svo AiKT&Topes 
eyeybveiaav, 6 Trporepov ovSiiroTe avve^e^Kei, III. 103. That 
there was no constitutional impossibility in this is shown by 
the appointment of M. Junia Pera and M. Fabius Puteo at the 
same time, and though the latter is made to say neque duos 
dictatorcs tempore uno, quod nunquam antea factum esset, pro- 
bare se, Liv. xxiii. 23. 2, yet he accepted office notwithstandlng. 
The fasti do not recognize Minucius as dictator, hut an in- 
scription gives him the title, C. I. L. i. 556. Such a rogatio as 
that de cequando imperio is quite unknown to constitutional 

c. xxvii. § 3. maiorem minori. In technical language the 
magistratus maiores were those who had the imperium, together 
with the censors, while all the rest were minores ; but the 
terms are often used relatively, thus the dictator had a maior 
potestas as compared with all other officers, and the consul re- 
latively to the prcetor. 

vtrgas ac secures...tremere. Eeferring probably to the like 
case of Q. Fabius, who as magister equitum disobeyed the 
instructions of the dictator Papirius Cursor, and though he 
gained a victory, nearly suffered for his want of discipUne, 
B. c. 322. Cf. Livy viii. 32. 6, tunc Papirius redintegrata ira 
spoliari magistrum equitum ac virgas et secures expediri iussit. 

NOTES. XXII. c. xxvu. § 3— c. xxvnr. § 9. 273 

Wabuu fidt m milititm imploratlB lacerantibus veslem lictoribus 
ad triariot tumultumjam in contionem miscentes sese recepit. 

§ 8. haudquaquam placere. Polybius makes Fabius suggest 
both alteruatives, aud Miuucius accept tbe division of forces. 

collegae. The term is here extended to the relation be- 
tween Fabius and Minucius who had now a par potestas, and 
were therefore on the footing of the colleagues in the consul- 
8hip. The collegium was a distinctively Boman conception as 
applied to a board of magistrates, who could each act with 
the undivided power of the whole office, without being bouud 
by the votes of the majority. It stood also for the relation 
between the members, by which they were connected (con, 
ligare) as Liv. x. 22. 2, nihil concordi collegio firmius. 

§ 9. consilio. Used adverbially. ' Neglect the duty of 
seeing that affairs were rationally couducted.' 

exercitum. With elhpse of sed or tantum. 

P. 107, § 10. sicut...esset. Though expressing a matter 
of fact, the verb in the subjunctive is included in a dependent 

c. xxviii. § 1. et indicantibus et...explorantem. The 
combination of an abl. abs. aud a participle is awkward, but 
occurs elsewhere in Livy. Heerwagen compares xli. 19. 2, 
victores circumsidunt urbem...aut metu dedituris se hostibus aut 
vi expugnaturi. 

§ 2. liberam. Uncontrolled by a superior. Oratio obl., as the thought of H. accounting for 
his joy. 

sollertise. Conn. with the Oscan sollus = totus, and sollicitus 

§ 3. quem qui... ' the occupation of which would put '... 

§ 4. causam cert. contr. An extension of a common 
phrase like artes belli conserebant, xxi. 1. 2. 

procursurum. Madvig supposes that in an early MS. an e 
slipped in by error, and per ocursurum was gradually changed 
into per occursurum and semper occursurum, which stand in 
aU the later MSS. 

§ 7. quot quemque... The insertion of this before the 
main clause is awkward in constr., though it represents first 
the details of the action before the whole result is summed up. 

§ 9. deposcere pellendos. ' Beg for the task of dis- 

C. L. 18 

274 N0TE8. XXII. c. xxvm. § 9— c. xxix. § 11. 

P. 108. et vanis minis. The earlier MSS. have et vanis 
animis et nimis, which Madvig explains as a repetition of the 
mistake nimis for minis, and a later attempt to give a sense to 
the first word. 

§ 12. succedentem. Madvig remarks that subsequentem 
would be a more natural expression, as it would give more 
variety after succedens, but there is no MS. authority for it. 

§ 13. directa. 'Face to face,' as distinct from an am- 
buscade. Fabri compares xxxv. 4. 7, postquam apertas esse 
insidias et recto ac iusto pralio . . .dimicandum viderunt. 

§ 14. anlmus ad fugam spes. An example 
of Ghiasmus, as in the next line, clamore audito,...conspecta... 

c. xxix. § 1. non celerius. As Duker explains, satis cele- 
ritcr nec iamen celerius quam timueram... 

§ 5. integram a. ' The imbroken line of the reserves.' 

P. 109. plures simul. ' In a body.' 

volventes orbem. Cf. note on Liv. xxi. 56. 2. 

§ 6. Poenus. Used generally of the army, not of its leader 
mentioned in the next clause. 

palam ferente. Often used by L. for ' professing.' Cf. 
xxiv. 32. 1, haud vani quidam homines palamferre. 

§ 8. eum primum esse . . This refers to a gnomic sentence 
in Hesiod tpy. k. r?/x. 293, often quoted, as by Axist. Eth. i. 
4. 7, ovros ixev TravapMTTos 6s avrbs iravTa vo-qay | io~d\bs 8' av 
KT.KUVOS 5s ev elirovTi TridnTai \ 6s dt Ke fMyr avrbs voirj pvrrr dXXov 
olkovuv | ev 8v/j.<£ pdWrjTai, 6 5 avr dxprfios dvr/p. 

extremi. ' The meanest. ' 

§ 10. cum F. For cum Fdbii castris. 

§ 11. patronos. Because they were indebted to them for 
their safety, as the libertus owed his freedom to his pa- 
tronus, or as conquered people recognized like relation to the 
generals who had subdued, but spared them. Cf. Cic. de Off. 
i. 11. 35, ut ii qui civitates aut nationes devictas bello in fidem 
recepissent, eorum patroni essent more maiorum. For a similar 
incident cf. ni. 29. 2, where the dictator Cincinnatus saved the 
army of the consul L. proficiscentem patronum 

NOTES. XXII. c. xxix. § 11— c. xxx. § 7. 275 

sahttavcrit. 1'atronus seoms to be another form of pat<r, us 
matrona of mnt< r. 

c. xxx. § 1. ln admir....convert., 'arrested the wondering 

§ 2. circ. militum eius, ' such of the eoldiers of F. as werc 
grouped about them.' 

§ 3. quo fando possum, 'as far as rny poor words allow.' 

§ 4. plebeiscitum. Cf. note on 26. 4. Plebei is the archaic 
gcnitive of plebs or plebis. 

P. 110. oneratus...honoratus. Fabri compares Varr. L. 
L. v. 73, onus est honos qui sustinet rempublicam, Ovid Her. 
ix. 31, non honor est sed onus. This play upon the form of the 
words contrasted or annominatio is of frequent occurrence 
in many writers as in Cic. Phil. m. § 22, ex oratore orator. 
Ov. Fasti ii. 805, nec prece nec pretio. Cf. Zumpt ad Verr. 
p. 661. QuintiL ix. § 65. 

antiquo, used technically for voting against a new bill (lit. 
'prefer the old'), while abrogare = ' repeal an old law.' 

auspicium. The auspices were taken only in the name of 
the superior officer. Cf. note on xxi. 40. 3. 

§ 5. placatus ...&c. The precedents of old Eoman dis- 
cipline would have warranted more ignominious treatment, as 
when L. Minucius the consul who was delivered from blockade 
at Corbio was addressed by the dictator L. Quinctius carebis 
parte prcedce tu L. Minuci . . .legatus his legionibus 
prceeris, Liv. m. 29. 1. 

tendere, for 'encamp,' i. e. tentoria habere, cf. Verg. iEn. n. 
29, hic scevus tendebat Achilles. 

§ 6. exsecrabili, as W. remarks, like a dies ater of the 

§ 7. laudibus ad cselum ferre. Cf. Ennius ap. Cic. de 
Senect. 4, Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem, \ non hic 
ponebat rumores ante salutem. \ ergo plusque magisque viri nunc 
gloria claret. Hence the notable honour that was paid him, 
which few could ever earn. Hanc coronam gramineam S. P. 
Q. R. Fabio Maximo dedit bello P. secundo quod urbem li. obsi- 
dione hostium liberasset, A. Gell. v. 6. 


276 NOTES. XXII. c. xxx. § 10— c. xxxi. § 11. 

§ 10. eam nubem. The figure is probably copied from 
Homer II. 5. 522, ve<p<s\r]cnv ioiKbres, acrre Kpovlwv | vr]vefdr)s 
Zorrio-ev £rr &KpoTr6\o«nv opecrcri, | aTpip-as bcpp evbrjcrt /xtvos fioptao 
Kai &\\u)v | faxpei&v dvip.uv, oire vtcpea crKibevTa \ TTVoiicnv \iyv- 
prjcri biaaKibvdcriv devres. 

c. xxxi. § 1. centum viginti, supplied by Lipsius from 
Pol. iv. 96, as Livy would not have added navium without a 
definite number. As to Servilius cf. 11. 7. 

§ 2. Menige. Cf. Polyb. I. 39, TrapeylyvovTo rrpbs tt)v tuv 
AuTocpdywv vrjcrov rj /caXeircu p.ev Mr/wryf, ov paKpav d' drr4x el 
T-fjs /xiKpds I,vpTews. It is now called Jerbah. 

Cercinam, now Karkeneh at the N. W. extremity of the 
Syrtis opposite to Menige. 

§ 3. si = 'just as if,' an unusual construction 
though found in Cic. Or. post red. 8. 20, iuxta ac si meus frater 
esset, and Sall. Jug. 45. 2 Fabri. 

P. 111, § 5. mille hominum. Cf. note on xxi. 61. 1. 

§ 7. Ipse. The consul Servilius, in contrast to the classis 
in 3. 6. 

et collega eius, /_as was also his colleague,' agreeing with 
accitus, hut not with the principal verb. 

semestri. The dictatorship was never held more than 6 
months (Liv. m. 29. 5), probably because it was at first used 
only for mihtary needs, and the early campaigns lasted only 
through the summer. Mommsen also makes it probable that 
it lasted only to the end of the term of the ordinary magistrate 
who named to it. This may explain the later mistake that 
Camillus was dictator for a whole year, caused by Livy's words 
anno circumacto vi. 1. 2. 

§ 8. Omnium prope ann. So also do the Fasti, the Elogium 
of Fabius Max. , and Polyb. iii. 87, as other authorities. It is 
probable therefore that a prcetor, in the absence of the consul, 
presided over the Comitia and made the official declaration. 
Cf. note on 8. 6. 

§ 11. res obtinuisse...follows fugit in or. obl. though a 
parenthetic clause quum...esset has been introduced. 

titulum. Eeferring to the Eoman custom, by which the 
busts of ancestors were ranged in the atrium of a noble house 
which had the ius imaginum, and descriptive notices were 

NOTBS. XXII. c. xxxi. § ll—o. xxxn. § 8. 277 

added below of the official honours and exploits. These were 
eorried iu state iu the fuueral processions, and referred to in 
funeral speeches. Family vanity may often have altered these. 
Cf. Liv. vin. 40. 2, vitiatam memoriam fvmebribus laudibus reor 
falsigque imaginum titulis. 

c. xxxu. § 1. Atilius. The omission of the pra>nonu>i M. 
to the first name is unusual, while the second has tho cogno- 
men Geminus in the place of the pranomen Cn. 

quod reliquum. Some letters of this [quod reli] quom are 
supposed by Madvig to have slipped out of the text of an early 
MS., as the later have only quom aut. e. Gronovius' suggestion 
nadium aut. e. is not much to the point. 

artibus ' policy,' as § 3. 

§ 2. opportuni ad. An unusual phrase for hostile colli- 

palatos exc. 'Cutting off stragglers.' 

univ. dimicationis, 'general engagement,' cf. universo peri- 
culo; 12. 10 for 'decisive battle' Livy uses supremum certamen, 
there beiug no definite equivaleut in Latin. 

P. 112, § 3. ei fuisset. Madvig's correction of the passage 
of which other readings are abeundum timuisset, where the 
gerund seems out of place, or fuga speciem abeundo timuisset. 

repetiturus fuerit. For this combination or subjunction of 
the perf. future, cf. Cic. ad Att. n. 16, Pompeius iao^i^ero, 
quid enim futurum divinare non potuisse. 

§ 4. Neapolis was first referred to by Livy under the name 
of Palaepolis vm. 26. 1, but the 'old city' disappears, and the 
'new city' takes its place after the siege and surrender to Kome. 
Its other name Parthennpe is derived from the name of the 
Siren, whom legeud cast upon its shores, and whose tomb was 
shown in Strabo's days, v. 4. 7. 

verba f. ut d. A pleonastic expression for ' a speech was 
made to the effect.' 

§ 6. subs. fortunse, 'a reserve for themselves in case of 

§8. duxissent...iudicaverint. This change of tense is not 
unusual in Livy, the first verb representing the action from 
the point of view of the writer, the second from that of the 

278 NOTES. XXII. c. xxxm. §§ 1—7 

spcaker; but it is rare to rlnd the two tenses in such close 

c. xxxiii. § 1. speculator. The commercial relations of 
the Carthaginians must have made it easy for them to procure 
intelligence tlrrough the trading classes, who in Eome, as in 
many Greek cities, were often aliens and slave-horn. 

fefellerat, ahsolutely as spe fallendi xxi. 57. 3. 

§ 2. coniurassent. This has puzzled the commentators 
who understood it of some plot to tamper with the soldiers, 
though their loyalty was at this time beyond suspicion. The 
verb is used however of the mihtary oath of obedience, cf. 38. 3 
and Caesar, B. G. vn. 1, and probably the slaves had tried to 
enrol themselves in the legions as in the case reported by Pliny 
to Trajan, Ep. 29, repertos inter tirones duos servos. 

seris gr. Cf. note on 10. 7. 

§ 3. Demetrius (dvrip dpdaos p-ev tcal rb\p.av KeKTt)fi4vos, d\6- 
yiaTov 5e ravrnv Kal re\4ics aKpirov Pol. iii. 19) had been re- 
warded by Boine for his surrender of Corcyra by being made 
governor in Illyria, but had risen in revolt again, and fled to 
Philip when his army was routed, and Pharos taken. 

P. 113, § 5. Pineum. Teuta the queen dowager of the 
Illyric Ardiasi had provoked Eome by her piracies and outrages 
on Eoman envoys. Defeated in the ensuing war she resigned 
the government to Demetrius Pharos who ruled in the name of 
her son Pineus over such territory as was left him by treaty. 
After the revolt of Demetrius, the Eomans spared the youthful 
Pineus, on condition of the payment of subsidies, which were 
now overdue. 

dies exierat. Cf. rv. 30. 18, indutiarum dies exierat. 

diem proferri, 'the term extended.' The common reading is 
proferre as si diem proferimus xxv. 38. 20, but the active voice 
would be used more naturally of the creditor than of the debtor. 

§ 6. in cervicibus. A metaphor taken from the yoke upon 
the oxen. Cf. xlii. 50. 5, cervicibus prapotentem finitimum 
regem imponere. 

§ 7. sed. Concordise. This Chapel which stood beside that 
of Juno Moneta on the Arx was distinct from the larger temple 
of Concord, which stood on the slope of the liill towards the 
Forum, and was founded by Camillus b.c. 2(57, when the con- 
sulship was thrown open to the plebs. 

NOTl-s. XXIT. <. wxin. §7— c. xxxiv. § 1. 279 

per, 'ou occusion of.' Cf. n. 31. 1, per secessionem plebis. 

seditionem, darrred fram ttd 'apart' (cf. sed fraude archaic 
for sine fraiule) and ire, cf. seduco, sepono. 

blennlo ante. Manlius wae in Cisalpine Gaul as prsetor the 
year before, xxi. 17. 7; an inclusive reckoning is here adopted. 
Of the circnmstances of the vow we know nothing. 

locatam, 'put out to contract,' the duty commonly of the 
Censors, but occasionally of commissioners, as here, specially 

§ 9. ln eam diem...the time for the elections often varied 
with the return of the consuls from the seat of war, and no 
fixed rules could be adopted, though dictators were sometimes 
specially narned to caiTy on the elections. 

§ 11. rectius visum. The appointment of an 'interrex' 
was a constitutional expedient in the case of the death or 
resignation of the supreme magistrate. The dictator was 
regarded as a colleague speciahy named on urgent occasions 
by a living consul. 

§ 12. vitio creatis. The vitium might consist in the 
neglect of the formahties of the auspices (cf. inauspicato xxi. 
63. 7), or in some unfavourable sign at the time or after the 
ceremony. It rested with the college of augurs to decide by a 
formal decretum, that the election was so vitiated, upon or 
without an appeal to them by the senate or magistrate. The 
election was not thereby made null and void, but the officer 
was expected to abdicate of himself, and might at the end of 
his term be impeached for his irreverence if he persisted in 
retaining his office. Vitio facti abdicarunt is the regular entry 
in such cases in the Capitoline Fasti. The usage gave a dan- 
gerous encouragement to party intrigues. 

ad interregn. res. i.e. the tcrm of the consuls' office 
expired, and they could not therefore name another dictator. 

c. xxxiv. § 1. apatribus. The traditions and the name of the 
interreges point to the kingly period of Kome, and the vacancy at 
the death of the elective monarch, when there was no successor to 
step at once into his place. Then, says Livy i. 17. 4, the senate 
divided itself into ten decurice, in each of which the lot decided 
the order of rank. A board consisting of one of each decuria 
then held the monarchy in commission for 50 days, each in 
turn bearing the insignia of supreme command for 5. Then 
a second board came into office, and so on tiLL a new king was 
elected. The decuria was supposed to consist of 10, as the 
early senate first contained 100. In the days of the Republic 

280 NOTES. XXII. c. xxxiv. §§ 1—8. 

the patres, or patricii, are always spoken of in this connexion, 
and it is probahle, as Mommsen says (Eom. Forschungen, 
p. 219), that only the patrician senators took part in the forma- 
lities of the interregnum. 

certamine patrum ac pl. The old constitutional struggle 
between the patricians and plebs had been finally decided when 
all the higher offices of state were thrown open to the latter 
body. But duiing the last century a nobility had been gradu- 
ally formed, consisting of the families whether of patrician or 
plebeian origin which had gained possession of the curule offices, 
and therefore of the ius imaginum. Tliis nobility was repre- 
sented by the senate which consisted of ex-officials, and the 
privileges which it held de facto were clung to more tenaciously 
than the de iure claim of the older patriciate. 

P. 114, §2. concusso, part. for subst., 'his attack upon.' 
Cf. xxi. 1. 5, Sicilia S. amissce. 

§ 3. augures. Cf. on vitio creatis, 33. 12. 

§ 4. adductum...trahi. The or. obl. following a verb 
understood in criminando. 

§ 5. universis, 'if united,'cf. xxi. 33. 9 the use of exutum. 

pugnari, 'the war could be carried on' or 'could fight with 
good effect,' by supplying prospere from the next line. 

§ 6. pater patronusque. Cf. 29. 10, and compare the 
phrase pater patratus of thefetialis. 

§ 7. foedus, 'compact.' 

hom. novum, used distinctively henceforward of thefewwho 
rose to a level with the privileged circle of nobility by gaining 
the consulship, but contemptuously applied like parvenu. The 
absence of such a term in English marks the distinctive feature 
of an aristocracy which has been always recruited freely from 
lower social strata. 

§8. eisdem...sacris. This probably is a metaphor taken 
from the pledges of a secret society, as ii the aristocratic clubs 
had bound themselves like those in old days in Greece by the 
oath t<£ drifxii) kclkovovs 

It might with less likelihood be taken in the sense that the 
prominent plebeian families had identified themselves with the 
patrician by intermarriage and prejudices, whereas stress had 
been laid by the opponents of such intercourse (legalized by 
the Canuleian law) on the religious divisions of the two orders, 
which had distinct family sacra. 

NOTES. XXII. o. \xx iv. § 9— c. xxxv. §4. 281 

§ 9. ut in patrum pot. As the interrex was named by tlie 
}>*iirtx, and he conducted the elections, they would have more 
iutiuence over theni than if a magistrate elected by the people 

§ 10. expugnatum, ' carried their point by force,' as if it 
were a violence doue to the coustitution. 

P. 115, § 11. certe, 'an undoubted right,' gained by tlie 
Liciniau laws b.c. 367, consulum utique alter ex plebe crearetur, 
Liv. vi. 35. 3. 

liberum hab. 'would use it freely,' as Ovid, Fast. i. 52, 
Verbaque honoratus libera prator habet, also 60. 9,quum noctem 
liberum hubuisset. 

mature. The MSS. have magis vere, but magis is an 
awkward pleouasm with malle, and vere does not effectively 
balance tliu. Madvig supposes vere to have been a copyisfs 
mistake for tnrr, and the ma to have been lengthened aiter- 
wards to magis. 

c. xxxv. § 1. nobilibus iam, 'already eunobled,' i.e. their 
ancestors had gained curule oifices. 

§ 2. unus, ' alone ' as the aristocratic candidates by dividing 
the votes of their party could not in auy case gain the majority 

in manu...essent. The presiding magistrate could often 
exert au influeuce over the election by decidiug whether votes 
could be legally tendered for a candidate. 

§ 3. L. ^milius Paulus had been consul with M. Livius, 
afterwards called Salinator, in b.c. 219, and had conducted 
brilliantly the Illyriau war. They were accused of embezzliug 
the plunder and Livius was condemned by all the tribes but 
one, and quitted the city iu disgust. W. remarks that a special 
bill must have been passed to enable iEniilius Paulus to be 
re-elected within 10 years as was done afterwards, Liv. xxvn. 

ambustus is the same metaphor as 40. 3, se populare incen- 
dium priore consulatu semustum effugisse. Cf. Juv. vm. 92, 
quam fulmine iusto \ et Capito et Numitor ruerint damnante 

§ 4. comitiali dle. The comit. d. were probably at first 
the same as the dies fasti, on which it was fas cum populo 
agere, as distinct from the dies nefasti, ou which for various 
religious reasons no busiuess could be done. Afterwards the 
fasti were restricted to a smaller number of days when judicial 
but not legislative business might be transacted, while both 
were allowed on the Comitiales. 

282 NOTES. XXII. c. xxxv. § 4— c. xxxvi. § 5. 

par magis in advers. 'matched rather as a rival than a 
colleague. ' par referring to the par potestas of the consuls, by 
which either could thwart the other. 

§ 5. Philo, to be taken with evenit. 

Romse qualifies not wrbana, in distinction to the department 
of Pomponius, but both of these prsetorships in contrast to the 
two which follow. 

peregrlnos. Out of this jurisdiction over aliens gradually 
grew more liberal principles and methods of procedure, free from 
many of the technicalities of the old Eoman law, and out of 
these a system of equity was developed. 

§ 6. additi, not as a new principle, for that had been al- 
ready introduced in b.c. 227, Liv. Epit. xx. 

§ 7. nec cuiquam. Of the four Prastors all but M. Pomp. 
Matho had been consul before, so marked was the wish to 
seeure tried officials. 

c. xxxvi. § 1. quantse sint...variant. 'In stating the 
numbers...give such various accounts.' The dependence of 
sint on variant is obscured by the addition et num. et gen. 

P. 116, § 2. alii, nom. to some verb like ferunt to be un- 
derstood in variant. 

§ 3. leg. auctas. ' The complements of the legions raised 

millibus peditum et centenis. For this use of millia for 
singula millia, cf. xxxvn. 45. 7, dabitis...millia talentum per duo- 
decim annos. So xxix. 15. 4, stipendium prceterea iis coloniis in 
millia ccris asses singulos imperari. 

treceni eq. Yet xxi. 17. 3, the cavalry of six legions 
amounted to 1800, or 300 in each. Lipsius therefore inferred 
that the number shoidd here be cccc after the addition. There 
is no MS. authority for the change, however, which is not 
borne out by Polybius or subsequent estimates of number. 

duplicem num. eq. Pol. m. 107 says Tpur\d<riov as a 
general rule on critical occasions. 

§ 4. septem et oct. 8 x 5000 + 8 x 5000 + 8 x 300 + 8 x 600 
= 87,200. 

§ 5. spem...dictator. Polybius tells us that the Komans, 
hearing that their army was embarrassed by the loss of its 
supplies which Hannibal had taken, gave the consuls instruc- 
tions to force a general engagement. He omits all the details 
of the election of Varro and the warnings of Fabius. 

NOTES'. XXII. c. xxxvi. § G— c. xxxvn. § 10. 283 

§ 6. decemvlri. Cf. note on xxi. 62. 6. 

§ 7. signa. Cf. tigna Lanuvii ad Jwionii Sospita cruore 
maiuuere xxm. 31. 15, i. e. the statues or busts of the Gods. 

sudasse. The correction of Madvig in a corrupt passage 
where the common MS. reading is cadis, for which Cadiis 
and Carites have been suggested. 

§ 8. ld quidem, i. e. the repetition made it more fearful. 

via fomicata. This vaulted way was probably a line of 
porticos extending to the campu» M. whieh no longer existed 
m Livy's days (erat). Probably it is the same as that mentioned 
in xxxv. 10. 10, porticum...a porta Fontinali ad Martis aram, 
qua in Campum iter esset, perduxerunt, cf. Nardini Roma Ant. 
m. 14L 

§9. Psesto. Posidonia, anoldcolony of Sybaris, wasaGreek 
town conquered by the Lucanians, and afterwards colonized by 
the Komans under the name of Paestum. The famous temples 
still to be seen on the deserted site date from the times of the 
Greek culture, the loss of which long afterwards the inhabi- 
tants atmually deplored. 

c. xxxvii. § 2. sua propria. Heerwagen illustrates the use 
of suus (as distinct from alienus) with proprius in contrast to 
communis by xxxiii. 2. 1, orsus a niajorum suorum suisque et 
communibus in omuem Graciam et propriis in Bozotorum gentem 
iiu ritis. 

P. 117, § 4. se refers to Hiero, sese in § 5 to legati. The 
envoys speak first in their master's name, then in their own. 

§5. ducentum. The gen. plur. contracted form as modium; 
the MS. reading wavers between cc and ccc. 

§ 7. Milite. Equivalent to pedite, for which it is often 

auxilia. Cf. note on xxi. 60. 4. 

§ 8. mille. Silius Italicus says Addiderat ter mille viros in 
Marte sagitta? \ expertos viii. 615. Yet the ter is not likely to 
have slipped out, Livy would have written tria millia. 

funditorum. Cf. note on xxi. 21. 12. 

pugnaces telo. pugnax is more often used absolutely, but 
sometimes withan abl. Cf. Hor.Carm. iv. 6. 8, tremenda cuspide 

§ 10. uno tenore, 'even tenour,' ' unswervingly.' Cf. 
47. 6. 

284 NOTES. XXII. c. xxxvn. § 12— c. xxxvm. § 9. 

§ 12. dare dicare. A usual pleonasm in ceremonial 
formulffl like that in the next line. 

P. 118, 0. xxxvm. § 2. quod nunquam. In earlier days the 
soldiers had taken the oath of ohedience (sacramentum) singly, 
and had also pledged themselves voluntarily to their comrades 
in the same decuria (of horse) or centurla (of foot) to be true 
to each other. This pledge Mommsen helieves to be a tra- 
ditional custom of old Italy, and to be indicated in passages 
of Livy ix. 39. 3, x. 38. 2 where milites sacrati are spoken of. 
This was now made obligatory. 

§3. iussu abituros. These words are probably, as 

Drakenborch suggests, a marginal comment on iure iurando, 
which has slipped into the text. They seem needless in this 

ad decuriandum. The MSS. have decuriatum and centuri- 
atum, which are not known to occur elsewhere in this sense as 
substantives. Some propose to omit the ad, and regard them 
as supines, which would however be used in a passive sense. 
In favour of the common reading it may be urged that Livy has 
an especial fondness for verbals of the 4th decl. though centu- 
riatus occurs only as the place of a centurio. There were 
60 centuriaz in the legion, and 30 decurice of the horse attached 
to it. 

§ 4. ergo (Zpyy), archaic for causa, occurs chiefly in legal 

§ 6. arcessitum in It. This is probably a rhetorical use 
of the charge which in early days of the struggles between the 
two orders was so often urged by the tribunes against the 
patrician rulers. Polybius ignores all these details of conflict of 
opinion at Eome. 

§ 8. verior quam gratior. For this repetition of the com- 
parative, cf . Cic. pro Miloue, non timeo ne libentius hac in illum 
evomere videar quam verius. On the other hand the second is 
omitted where it seems most needed in i. 25. 14, eo majore cum 
gaudio, quo prope (for propius) metum res fuerat. So Tac. Agr. 
4, vehementius quam caute. 

§ 9. quod ne. Valla proposed quomodo for this reading of 
the best MS., but qui would follow awkwardly and it seems 
better to omit it. Cf. xxi. 36. 3, miranti quce res. 

togatus. An acute suggestion of Muretus for locatus of 
MSS. Cf. note on 23. 3 and m. 10. 16, nisi dum in integro res 
%it, dum domi dum togati sint, caveanl. 

NOTBS. X X 1 1. C. x.\ x\ iii. § 1 1— c. xxxix. § 9. 2»5 

P. 119, § 11- res. hominibus... Cf. Hor. Ep. i. i. 19, Et 
tnihi rcs, non me rebiu tubjjvngere conor. 

§ 12. id locorum. In a teinporal scuse. Cf. ix. 45. 1, nunc 
quando vana verba ad id locorum fucrint, rebus standum esse. 

§13. Et sua... Fabri and W. retain tbe id of the M SS. 
instead of tbe correction of Gronovius. 

ld...perseveraret. A less usual construction tban witb in 
and the abl. but used by Cicero, Quint. 24, ncque te ipsum id, 
quod suscepisses, perseverare. 

c. xxxix. § 2. indicente. A correction of Gronovius for 
the indigentes of MSS., like the non mc indicente hcec fiunt 
Terence Adelph. m. 4. 02, and Cic. de fin. n. 3 indicente te 
of some MSS. Though the act. part. is not found elsewhere 
in Livy, the passive indictus is less rare. Cf. v. 15. 6. 

§ 3. claudente. This is supported by the use of Sal- 
lust, Hist. m. 25, neque enim ignorantia claudit rcs, and 
possibly of Cic. Tusc. v. 8, etiamsi ex aliqua parte clauderet, 
though the form of the word has been objected to by Bentley 
and otber critics, as claudicar» is more usual. The MS. read- 
ings vary. 

idem...iuris. Varro as consul had equal right and autho- 
rity with his colleague. 

§ 5. Cum illo. Madvig returns to the older reading of 
the verbs in tbe indic. instead of making them depend gram- 
matically on nescio an : they really explain the use of infestior 
and are epexegetic. The authority of the best MSS. is rather 
in favour of the indic. 

§ 6. Ominis causa absit. Like the modern Turk the 
ancient Koman apologized for tha use of unlucky words, or 
tried to undo their effects by others of happier sound. 

demum='only when' or 'not till.' 

furere...insanit. Ddderlein ap. Fabri compares Cic. Tusc. 
ni. 5. 11, furorem esse rati mentis ad omnia cacitatem. Quod 
ijuinn majus esse videatur quam insania, tamen ejusmodi est, 
utfuror in sapientem cadere possit, nonpossit insania. 

P. 120, § 7. procellas to be taken with ciet, prazlia with 

§ 8. aut...aut. Here, as in some other places, these are 
equivalent to 'I am...if not,' or ' If I am not.' 

§ 9. adversus unum has been suspected as obscure and 
cold, It migbt be taken to be a contrast bctween the speaker 

28G NOTES. XXII. c. xxxix. § 9— c. xl. § 4. 

and Minucius or Varro, but the words adversus te of § 17 de- 
cide iu favour of ' in your presence alone,' i. e. Paulus. 

modum excesserim. ' I should prefer to have gone too far.' 

§ 10. sed eadem ratio. W. remarks that two sentences 
are really implied in this, one sed ratio in contrast to nec 
cventus, and a second explanatory of the policy in question. 

§ 11. armis, viris. The asyndeton is prominent here and 
in the next sentence. 

§ 12. id rldei d. Id = ' such a,' for which Fabri compares 
i. 34. 10, eam alitem ea regione cceli venisse. 

§ 13. in diem rapto. ' On the plunder of the day,' cf. 40. 8, 
raptis in diem commeatibus. 

§15. qui senescat. 'Whose strength decays,' in dies 
' f rom day to day,' distinct from in diem ' f or a single day. ' 

§ 1G. sedet supposed by early commentators to have slipped 
out from likeness to following sed. 

P. 121, § 17. Atilius without prcenomen, as 32. 1. 

§ 18. consul R...Pcenus imp. An exaniple of the chiasmus 
frequent in Livy. 

falsa, ' groundless ' or ' undeserved.' 

§ 19. laborare. ' Eclipsed,' cf. the luna; labores of Verg. 
G. ii. 478. 

c. xl. § 1. laeta. « Sanguine.' 

magis would go more naturaUy with vera, but it impUes 
also ' more inclined to adniit the truth than ' &c. 

§ 3. semustum. His colleague had been condemned, and 
his own eharacter had been calledin question v. 35. 3. Cicero 
Phil. ii. 91 sneeringly uses the epithet semustilatus ' singed ' 
of the body of J. Casar, and p. Milone 33 of Clodius, cadaver 
infelicissimis lignis semustilatum. 

suffraglis. The votes of the Comitia if he were put on 
his trial before them. They still acted as a Court of Criminal 
Judicature, in which the Courts for the quastiones perpetuce 
afterwards took their place. 

P. 122, § 4. turba, ' from the throng.' Dignitates = men 
of eminence, an abstr. for concr., is the reading of many MSS. 
but regarded as prorsus barbarum by Madvig, though Cicero 
Sext. 5l. 109 uses honestates thus, utracausa qua 

NOTES. XXII. c. xi.. § 4— C xu. § 7. 287 

omnes konettatet civitatU, omnei tetatet, omnet ordine» ima 
eontentiwit. Thc earHer commeiitators corrected fche paseage to 
turha quam digtiitate conspectior, but with little authority. 

§ 5. propius H. Cf. p. periculum xxi. 1. 2. 

robur virlum also uaed xxvii. 46. 2, as rubora virorum xxn. 
6. 2. 

M. Atilium. Yct Polyb. iii. 116 makes him fall at Cannro. 

§ 8. superabat. Used ahsolutely for supercssc, as 49. 5 
paueos supauntes. 

ne q. quicquam reliqui. ' There was nothing left.' The 
part. gen. of this kind is frequently used by Livy as xxi. 4. 9 
uiliil reri, nihil sancti. 

§9. superesset...p. fuerit. The second verh is used in 
pregnant sense 'was ready and would have been carried out.' 

c. xli. § 1. ex prseparato. Abstr. use of part. pass. 
' after preparation.' 

orto agrees with prcelio, and is explained by procursu and 

§2. Ad...septingenti. The prepositional constr. of ad has 
been lost sight of from its colloquial use for fere, as iv. 59. 9, 
ad duo millia et quingenti vivi capiuntur. Yet in 50. 11, ad sex- 
ccntos evascrunt. 

alternis. Pol. m. 110 5td ro irapd /xlav iic r<2v i0i<j[u2v 
/.teTa\a/A(3dveii> ttjv dpxhv tovs vTrdrovs. Tliis was in accordance 
with the early custom, afterwards dropped, that in civil juris- 
diction each should have supreme authority hy turns, and that 
as a symhol of this the fasces should be borne by the lictors 
before one only at a thne. Cf. Cic. de Kep. n. 31. 55 (Poplicola) 
inxtituit primus, ut singulis consulibus alternis mensibus lic- 
tores prmrent. So Livy m. 33. 6, eo die penes prafectum juris 
fasces duodecim erant. J. Csesar re-introduced the old for- 
mality. Cf. Suet. Css. 20, antiquum retulit morem, ut quo 
tnensefaece» non haberet, accensus ante eum iret, lictores pone 

§ 4. inescatam. Esca is derived from the root -ed (cdere, 
esum), like posca from po- (drink)^ pascua from pa- (feed), 
fascinus from/a- (speak, or recite charins), Corssen n. 257. 

P. 123, § 7. mediam is a correction of Madvig for tho 
common reading medium agmen which is awkward in agree- 
ment with impedimenta, especially as there was no other 

288 NOTES. XXII. c. xli. § 9— C xlii. § 12. 

agmen, tho army being behiud the hills. The best MS. has 
medium amnem. 

§ 0. As W. remarks, only faha imagine is referred to in 
the sicut F. as all the other circumstances were different. 

c. xlii. § 2. prsetoria. Each consul had his own prceto- 
rium whcn the two consular armies were combined. 

§ 3. unus t. mil. ' Auy common soldier.' 

§ 4. Statilius was himself a Lucanian, cf. 43. 7, though 
officers of the alhed contingents were often Komans. 

prsefectum. A title specially used for a cavahy officer, 
prcefectus turmce. 

P. 124, § 8. pulli, referring to the auspicia ex tripudiis. 
The pulli were kept in every camp, and fed before the battle ; 
if any food fell from their mouths to the ground it was a 
favourable sign (tripudium solistimum). This could easily be 
arranged by the pullarius, who could starve the chickens to 
make them feed greedily. Cf. Cic. de Div. n. 35. 73, inclusa 
in cavea et enecta fame si in offam pultis invadit, et si aliquid 
ex ejus ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium...putas. 

auspicio has been variously explained as an instrum abl. 
or &s = inaiispicio, &sludis ' at thegames,' isusedn. 36. 1 and 
comitiis Cic. Phil. n. 32, but the latter explanation seems too 

addicere is the technical term for ' sanction ' of magistrates 
as weli as of auspicia. Cf. i. 36. 3, nisi aves addixissent. 

The supreme right of takmg the auspicia (spectio) belonged 
to Varro who held the impcrium for the day, and Paulus had 
only the auspicia minora. In later times the higher magis- 
trate could forbid a lower to note any signs at a time when he 
wished to act himself (ne quis magistratus minor de ccelo ser- 
vasse velit), and there could be no such colhsion as in the 
present case by what was called obnuntiatio or report of 
unlucky omens to stop proceedings. 

§ 9. Claudii cons. clades. The defeat of P. Claudius 
Pulcher in b.c. 248 off Drepanum. Cf. Liv. Epit. xix. jussis 
mergi pullis qui cibari nolebant. 

§ 12. imperii potentes. ' Eegained their authority,' as 
xxvi. 13. 8 mei potens. 

NOTES. XXIT. c. xun. § 1— c. xliv. § 3. 289 

o. xliu. § 1. magla inconsulte... ' Hn<l rather startcd 
imprudently than allowed their rashness to carry them to 
extreme lengths.' 

P. 125, § ;5 - annonam. Here, as often, for ' scarcity of 
food.' Gf. ii. 61. 3, super bellum annona premente. 

§ 5. ln calldiora. That is, from the colder highlands 
about Gereonium to the milder plains near the coast further 
south. Pol. m. 1"7 represents his break-up from his winter- 
quarters as taking place before the consuls left Eome. 

§ 9. maioris partls, i.e. of the council of war consisting of 
the legati, tribuni, prafecti. 

Cannas. Polyb. calls it Canna, and represents the town 
itself as destroyed in the year before, but the citadel and 
Koman magazines as falliug into HannibaPs hands shortly 
before the last elections. 

urgente fato. A favourite phrase with Livy, v. 22. 5 and 

§ 10. Vulturno. Corssen derives this name for wind and 
river from the root of vultur, convellere, vulnus, n. 157. W. 
quotes Aul. Geli. n. 22. 10, eum (Vulturnum) plerique Grceci 
quod inter notum et eurum sit evpbvorov appellant. Now known 
as the Sirocco. HannibaTs camp therefore faced nortb-west. 

siccitate. Cf. Hor. Carm. ni. 30. 11, qua pauper aqua 
Daunus agrestium \ regnavit populorum. 

P. 126, c. xliv. § 1. quo ad Ger. C. 40. 5. 

§ 2. Aufldus. Polyb. speaks of this river as being the 
only one which flows through the mountain barrier of the 
Apennine3. It does not however rise on the western slope as 
he thought. Horace, who was born upon its banks, celebrates 
its force and noise, qua violens obstrepit Aufidus, Carm. m. 30. 
10. Corssen connects the name with Ufens, uber, ovdap, from 
the root udh = fruitf ul, i. 151. 

ex sua cuiusque opp. 'As their respective positions al- 

§ 3. ex minoribus. Pol. m. 110 says that two-thirds of 
the army were on one side, and one-third on the other side of 
the river to the east, about 10 stadia distant from each other, 
and rather more from the enemy. 

ulterior. That is opposite to the smaller camp. 
C. L. 1!) 

290 NOTES. XXII. c. xliv. § 4— c. xlv. § 7. 

§ 4. lacessit. Accordiiig to Polyb. he had attacked the 
Eomans on the march, but his cavalry bad been after a time 
beatcn off by the infantry. 

§ 5. exemplum Fabium. For this apposition cf. vin. 35. 
7, in oculis exemplum erat Q. Fabius M. Valerio legato. 

§ 6. usu cepisset. W. remarks that by the 12 tables 2 
years' uncontested possession gave a title to property, and that 
H. has been that time in Italy. So i. 46. 1, Seroius quanquam 
iam usu haud dubie regnvm possederat. 

se constrictum. ' His hands were tied.' 

c. xlv. § 1. ad multum diei. ' Up to late in the day,' 
as 52. 1. Cf. note on xxi. 33. 7. 

§ 2. trans flumen. Hannibal's camp was on the same 
side of the river as the greater Eoman camp, and opposite to 
it, but further to the lefi was the smaller, v. 44. 3. Polybius 
had explained this more definitely, as also the freedom enjoyed 
by the latter from attack when drawing water. 

P. 127, § 4. auxilio. The Numidians were to Carthage 
what the foreign contingents, auxilia, were to Eome. 

§ 5. sors imp. The alternation of command was regular 
from day to day, but sors implies the chance of the battle 
falhng on that day. 

nihil consulto. For this use of nihil as a simple negative 
cf . iv. 33. 5, ea species nihil terruit equos, iv. 9. 9, nihil Romanet 
plebis similis. So nonnihil and quidquam. 

signum, i. e. pugnce. According to Plutarch x LT & v kokklvos 
uirep rrjs ffTpo.rrjycKrjs OK7]vr)s 5io.Teiv6fJ.evos. 

§ 7. pedites, i. e. sociorum. Polyb., who agrees closely 
with Livy, adds here a detail of importance, that tbe infantry 
was drawn up in much greater depth of ranks than usual. 
Both writers state that the Eoman line faced southwards, cf. 
46. 8, and imply that the Eoman army wss drawn up before 
tbe Carthaginians crossed, but neitber says definitely whether 
tbe battle was on tbe right or left bank. But it would have 
been absurd for the Eomans to make their line of battle face 
to the south, witb their right resting on the river, if tbe enemy 
was still on the opposite bank, or behind them, as he would 
have been, assuming that he was encamped on the left bank. 
The battle no doubt took place on the left bank, and the 
Eoman lines were probably drawn across tbe chord of the arc 
formed by the river opposite Canna\ This agrees also with 
what is implied as to the position of the Carthaginian camp, 

NOTES. XXII. c. xlv. § 7— c. xlvii. § 5. 291 

aversa a Vulturno, 43. 10, i.e. ou tho right bank, with its chief 
oatleta fucing the enemy and the north. 

§ 8. medla pugna t. Eiiuivalent to the media acies 
tu- nila of iii. 70. 2. 

c. xlvi. § 1. ut quosque... Polyb. says that he crossed in 
two plaoes ; the passage means that the various bodies took 
up their pluces in lino where they crossed. 

§ 3. utraque cornua. Beferring only to tlie infantry, not 
to the whole hue of battle. 

§ 4. et...ceteruni... ' partly,'...' but especially.' So xxi. 
18. 4. 

§ 5. dispares ac diss. ' DifTering in use and shape.' 

P. 128, § 9- ventus. Cf . 43. 11. As W. remarks, Livy and 
Polyb. iguore the story told by Zouaras (after Dion Cassius) 
that Hannibal had the ground behind ploughed up to increase 
the dust. Frontinus teils the like oi' Marius. Strateg. n. in- 
commodum aliud subjecit, ita ordinata suorum acie, ut adverso 
sole et vento et pulvere barbarorum occuparetur acies. Appian 
Bell. Hann. 17 reckons up four devices of H. which helped 
to gain the victory, the securing the wind at his back, the 
treachery of the deserters, sirnulated fiight, and ambuscades. 

c. xlvii. § 2. nullo relicto spatio. As the Eomans were 
mnch weaker in cavalry, it is probable that the arrangements 
on the battle-field had this specially in view. 

§ 3. nitentes has no regular construction, as the vir which 
is in apposition with it takes a sing. detrahebat. Fabri com- 
pares xxv. 19. 6, comules ...diversi, Fulvius in agrum Cumanum, 
Claudius in Lucanos abit. 

§ 4. par, dum. This reading is due to a very acute 
suggestion of Madvig, in place of the animis parum constabant 
of the best MSS. which iike the pares of other MSS. gives 
little meaning. 

constabant.. ' Were unbroken.' 

§ 5. diu. Polyb. says inl fipaxv. 

acie densa. As above explaiued, the Eoman ranks were 
much deeper than usual. Polyb. m. 113. 

P. 129. a cetera prominentem. Polyb. explains this 
much more clearly before his description of the battle, when 
he says that Hannibal drew up some of the Colts aivl Ibcrians 


292 NOTES. XXII. c. xlvii. § 5— c. XLvm. § 5. 

in front of his line p.r}voei5is ttoi&v to K6prwp.a, wishing to keep 
tlic Africans in reserve for a while, TrpoKivdevo-ai 5e tois "Ifivpai 
Kal KeXrois. 

§ 6. subsidia, i. e. not 'the reserves ' in the ordinary sense, 
as they constituted the main line, though they were kept back 
for a tirne, itpedpelas ra^iv, Pol. 

§ 7. reductis alis. As compared with the ranks of Celts, 
&c. on whose retiring the line was again level, ' ceqiiavit 
frontem. ' 

§ 8. cornua f. ' Overlapped.' 

§ 10. fessi cum rec. This would imply, as W. remarks, 
that all three lines of hastati, principes, triarii had been 
aheady brought into action. 

recentibus ac vegetis. Recens applies to the strength, 
vegetus to the spirits of the troops. Doderlein. 

c. xi/vin. § 1. sociorum eq. These were more numerous 
than the Eoman cavahy. Cf. 36. 3. 

§ 4. terga ac poplites. Cf. Hor. Carm. in. 2. 15, nec 
parcit imbellis iuventce \ poplitibus timidoquetergo. Poples is 
connected by Corssen n. 209 with pellere, pulex, irdWeiv. 

P. 130, § 5. alibi...alibi, i. e. on the the centre. 

Hasdrubal was in command on the left wing, and Livy has 
not explicitly stated anything about hhn since the Eoman 
cavalry was routed. Polybius says that he galloped to support 
the Numidians on the right, and sent them to pursue the 
allied cavalry, who gave way at his approach, while he himself 
charged the Eomans in the centre. Livy has omitted some 
details, or they have dropped out of his text. 

ea parte prseerat probably means that Hasdrubal, as the 
highest in command, gave general orders to the whole cavahy 
when he arrived on the right wing. This is implied in 

subductos ex media acie N. They were posted on the right, 
but may have wheeled round on the centre, when the cavalry 
of the allies retired before the charge of Hasdrubal. But the 
words are awkward and there may be some disturbance of the 
text. On the whole we must own tbat if Livy wrote this 
cbapter as we find it, he had no clear idea of the battle or 
failed to convey it to his readers. Polybius is entirely ex- 

NOTES. XXII. o. xlviii. § 5— a XLii § 14 293 

segnis. Pol. says tUya. fiev 01V eirolovv ovdev ofir' Zwadov Sia 
tt>v IdioTTjra ttjs fj.dxys. They were not used to fight at such 
close qunrters. 

c. xlix. § 1. Paxte altera. Polyb. says that Paulus after 
the rout of his cavalry on the left wing rode up to the centre. 
This is imphed but not expressed in Livy's uccurrit...Han- 

§ 2. equitibus R. Probably his body-guard, or ' prcctorians ' 
in later language. 

§ 3. renuntianti. Much more usual than the dcnuntianti 
of most MSS. 

Quam mallem. More definitely expressed in Plutarch 
toZto p.a\\ov TiSovXofjLrjv, r) el SeSe/xtvovs wap4\af3ov. The Latin 
version only imphes that the dismounting must lead to their 
being taken, and that Hannibal wished that the inevitable end 
were come. 

§ 4. quale iam. 'Such as might be expected seeing that the 
enemies' victory was certain.' For the elliptical use of quale 
cf. m. 62. 6, prcelium fuit quale inter fidentes sibimet ambo 
exercitus, i. e. tale quale esse debuit. 

mori in vestigio. ' Die where they stood.' Cf. xxi. 35. 12. 

§ 5. Pepulerunt. ' But at length they drove off the shat- 
tered remnant,' superare for superesse, as 40. 8. 

§ 6. prseterveliens. ' As he was riding by.' More com- 
monly used in the passire, but the waut of a pres. passive 
participle may explain the former. 

§ 9. macte_virtute. This phrase is often used by Livy and 
even vn. 36. 4 with a plural, and n. 12. 14 after a verb, iuberem 
macte virtute esse. Priscian v. de figuris says macte, id est, 
magis aucte ; antiqui tamen et mactus dicebant. Curtius p. 148 
connects it with /xaKap, ,uaKpos, /jltjkos. 

P. 131, § 11- e consulatu, i. e. a charge that grew out of 
his acts as Consul. 

§ 13. castra. Nothing is said of their crossing the river, 
which flowed between the camp, but that is au omission which 
is to be met equally in every description of the scene. 

§ 14. Venuslam. A Roman colony on the borders of 
Apulia where Horace was born. Cf. Hor. Sat. il 1. 34 : 

Sequor hunc Lucanus an Appulus anceps, j nam Venusi- 
nus arat finem sub utrumque colonus. 

294 NOTES. XXTI. c. xlix. § 15— c. l, § 6. 

§ 15. Quadraginta. Pol. says about 70,000 in all. 

tanta is scarcely possible wfthout anythhig to balance it. 
Gronovius suggested cequa ancl Madvig rata. The socii were 
in greater numbers on the field, and more of them may have 

§ 16. consulares q. i. e. of the tribuni militum, whose rank 
is included in the different orders of consular offices. Ser- 
vilius was tribune, but also commander of the centre as le- 

§ 17. magistratus...unde in senatum. Therule wasdeter- 
niined by the Lex Oviuia qua sanctum est ut censores ex omni 
ordine optinmin quemquc iurati in senatum legerent. The ordines 
in question were doubtless the different orders of the magis- 
tracies, commonly thought to be curule offices only. But these 
would not have been numerous enough to fill up the vacancies 
that would occur, and the Ovinian law was passed byatribune, 
and probably estended the right to the plebeian magistracies. 
Cf. Willems Senat. p. 188. Accordingly the dictator entrusted 
with the lectio senatus in xxiii. 23 put on tbe list first those 
who had lately held curule office, then exsediles, extribunes and 
exquffistors, and after them distinguished soldiers. 

sua voluntate. As volunteers, though free from military 
service after holding office. 

c. l. § 1. Aliensi cladi. The battle of the Alia, 390 b.c, 
which was commemorated by a dies ater in the calendar, left 
Eome at the mercy of the Gauls, who occupied all but the 

P. 132, § 3. Fuga ad Aliam. Cf. xxi. 15. 6, pugna ad 

morientis fuit. ' Shared the fate of.' Cf. xxin. 14. 7, plebs 
novarum rerum atque Hannibalis tota esse, and xxi. 11. 1. 
Most of the MSS. have fugit. Gronovius proposed alterius 
mortem prope totus exercitus luit, referring to quem unum 
insontem cladis 49. 7. 

§ 4. qui in mai. Another reason for believing the larger 
camp to be on the right bank, as W. remarks, since the sur- 
vivors would make their way thence more easily to Canusium. 

mittunt, i. e. to the smaller camp. 

§ 5. cur...non venire. For tht 
liti...quid invium...esse. 

§ 6. sestimari cap. ' Have a priee set upon your heads.' 

§ 5. cur...non venire. For the constr. cf. xxi. 30. 9, 
militi . . . quid invium. ..esse. 

NOTES, XXH. c. l. §G— c. li. §4. 290 

dvls an Latinus. Cf. the different trtatnient described in 
7. 5. 

Latinus socius. Livy more commonly distinguishes the 
socii or Italians generally from the Latins, as socios Lati- 
numquc nomen, 57. 10, or uses socii alone if no precise state- 
ment is needed. W. suggests that the two terms may be used 
by asyndeton like patres conscripti, but it is very unlikely, as 
there is no frequent usage to account for it. 

§ 7. cives. Less usual for ' fellow-citizens,' as xxi. 13. 1, 
si civis vester Alco. Mark the rapid change from mavultis to 
tu and estis. 

§ 9. quamvis qualifies confertos. 

§ 10. Hsec ubi... An hexameter and a half have here 
slipped into the prose text. The vigorous rhetoric of the 
passage partly accounts for the oversight. Cf. note on xxi. 

P. 133, §11. translatis in d. This seems to be borrowed 
from Caelius according to a fragment preserved in Friscian, 
in. 22. Calius in primo historiarum ' dextimos in dextris scuta 
jubet habere.' 

ad sexcentos. Yet often we have the nom. with ad in the 
sense oifere as above, 41. 2 and 54. 1. 

c. li. § 1. bello. 'As if the war itself, not the battle j 
alone, were ended.' (W.) This is probably too farfetched, as 
bellum is used elsewhere in L. for pugna, cf. xxi. 8. 2. 

§ 2. According to Aul. Gell. x. 2 1 and Macrobius i. 4, the 
same story occurred both in Cato and f!;elius in nearly the 
same form. Die quinto Romce in Capitolium curabo tibi cena 
sit cocta. It was probably taken by Livy directly from Caelius. 

§ 3. nimis lseta. Cf. 40. 1. 

quam ut eam... Possibly to avoid the awkwardness of 
quum quam. Cf. ix. 9. 8, somnio lattiore quam quod mrhtes 
corum capessere possent. 

temporis opus esse. For this constr. cf. xxm. 21. 5, quamti 
argenti opus fuit. The commoner constructions are with abl. 
as duce opus est, maturato opus est, or nom. as non dux opus 
cst, or ini. as quid opus est dicere. 

§ 4. Non omnia, &c. For the sentiment cf. Eurip. Rhesus 

105, aXX' oi5 yap aurbs iravr iwlaraadai (3portJji> wt<pvKtv | croi 

^v fidxeadai, rois oi flovXeueiv KaXws. 

296 NOTES. XXII. c. li. § 4— c. lii. § 5. 

uti nescis... This was a stock question in the schools of 
rhetoric of later times, an petat urbem \ a Cannis...J\xv. vn. 
162. Hannibal was too far off to take Korne by a coup de 
main. Its population contained as many soldiers as his army, 
and he had no siege train. It would have been useless there- 
fore for him to march on Eome in the hope of speedy capture. 

§ 5. exeunt... A suggestion of Madvig for insistunt, 
which is not known to be used in such a connection as with 
ad, and the gerundive. 

§ 6. stricta, i.e. smarting as they closed. 

P. 134, § ( J- substratus. The best MSS. read subtractus, 
which represents the effort to rescue the survivor. 

vivus. ' Living indeed, but &c.' 

Note the repeated ablatives. Lanian tfo... explanatory of 

exspirasset.. Of the Boman. 

c. lii. § 1. brachio obi. ' Threw up a line of earthworks 
and cut them off from the water,' 59. 5, quum aqua arceremur. 
Cf. rv. 9. 14, and Hist. Bell. Hisp. v., ut eum ab oppido com- 
meatuque excluderet brachium adpontem ducere cazpit. 

§ 2. trecenis. Most MSS. have tricenis, or 30 only, as in 
Hor. Carm. n. 14. 5, non si trecenis, quotqaot eunt dies, &c. 

quadrigatis. Cf. Pliny N. H. 33. 3. 43, Hannibale urgente 
asses unciales facti, placuitque denarium sedecim assibus per- 
mutari.... In militari tamen stipendio semper denarius pro 
decem assibus datus est. Notce argenti fuere bigce atque qua- 
driga ; inde bigati quadrigatique dicti. The nummus qwidri- 
gatus was used as an equivalent of the denarius, though Livy 
employs the term proleptically, for in dealings with Carthage 
the standard of weight was doubtless adopted, Mommsen Eom. 
Miinzw. 343. 

§ 3. seorsum. As before to tempt the fidelity of the socii 
by different treatment. 

§4. castra...tradita. This is different from the account 
of Polybius, iii. 117, who says that 10,000 were left in it to 
attack the camp of Hannibal, which they had almost suc- 
ceeded in taking when they were themselves surprised by the 
victorious Carthaginians, and their own camp immediately 

§ 5. plurimum in phaleris. Cf. Juv. xi. 102, magnorum 
artificum frangebat pocula miles \ ut phaleris gauderet equus... \ 
argenti quod erat solis fulgebat in armis. 

FOTES. XXII. c. lu. §5— c. liv. §2. 297 

ad vescendum. Cf. the prohibition of silver plate by 
Scipio at Numantia, dpyvpovv tKirw^a uri fx etv if^ov 5ikotv\ov, 
Polyaen. vm. 1(J, and Spartian Pescenn. x. cum milites quosdam 
iu cauco argenteo bibere vidutet, jiuserit omiw argentum submo- 
veri de usu expeditionaU, addito eo, ut ligneis vasis uterentur. 

omnls cetera. Fabri notes that this is thc only passage in 
which Livy puts these words in this order, cf. 20. 6, vn. 35. 1. 
Cicero however twice has omnium eeterarum, De Fin. v. 20, 
and Orat. n. 17. 

§ 7. Apula is the correction of Lipsius for the meaning- 
less Paula of the MSS. 

P. 135, 0. lih. § 5. ad regum al., i.e. to bccome soldiers 
of fortune in the service of a foreign prince. 

§ 6. torpidos. Cf. note on xxi. 33. 3. 

consilium. ' Council of war.' 

fatalis. 'Predestined.' Sov. 19. 1, cf. Camillus fatalis dux 
ad e.rcidium illius urbis. 

§ 7. ait. Gronovius wished to expunge this, as Livy niore 
cominonly omits the affirmative verb, which he Bupplies from 
the negative, as in i. 57. 4, Collatinus negat verbis upus esse, 
paucis id quidem horis posse sciri. 

Irent. The change from the present to the past is very 

§ 9. concilium, as distinguished from consilium in s. 6, 
' a private meeting.' 

§ 10. Ex mel animi s.... This is a common formula of 
a solemn oath, with the ellipse of juro before the ut, as in the 
Inscription, Ex mei animi sententia ut ego iis inimirus ero quos 
C. Cmsari Germanico inimicos esse cognovero. Cf. Cic. Off. m. 
29, no« enim falsum jurare perjurare est, sed quod ex animi tui 
sententia juraris (sicut verbis concipitur more nostro) id non 
facere perjurium est. 

§ 11. si sciens fallo.... As in the Or. obliq. xxi. 45. 8, si 
falleret Jovem caterosque precatus Deos, ita se mactarent. This 
form is also illustrated in the Inscriptions, as usual in impres- 
sive cases. 

P. 136. afficias. Cicero rarely uses the second pers. subj. 
for the imperative when addressing a definite person, as Livy 
and later writers often do. Cf. vi. 12. 9. 

c. liv. § 2. ln equites et pediti. This change of constr. 

is repeated in xlv. 34. 2, tanta prada fuit ut in equitem qua- 
dringeni denarii, peditibus duceni dividerentur. 

298 NOTES. XXII. c. liv. § 2— c. jlv. § G. 

togas et tunicas. Cf. xxix. 36. 2, vestimenta exercitui de- 

ara/nt mille ducentce duodecim millia tunicarum 

missa. These were probably inteuded for winter clothing and 
in the camp. They are only specified here for the equites, 
whose pay was usually three times as much as that of the 
pedites. The larger number of tunicce in the passage quoted 
corresponds to the more frequent use of that drsss by the lower 
orders of Eome. 

§ 4. et iam. The conjunction ct has here an explanatory 

§ 7. occidione occ. A favourite phrase of Livy for ' totally 

P. 137, § 8. edissertando. Equivalent to si edissertavero. 
The word is an unusual one except in Plautus, as Stich. n. 1. 
30, but Livy is fond of frequentatives, and the disserendo of 
some MSS. is more likely a later variation. 

§ 9. nuntiabantur nec ulla...esse. A change of construction 
from the Or. dir. to the Or. obl. which is quite in Livy's style 
in rhetorical passages. 

§ 11. Compares scilicet. The best MS. has comparessct, 
which suggested the present reading to Madvig. 

vectigales ac stip. Cf. note on xxi. 41. 7. 

c. lv. § 1. curiam Hostiliam. The senate-house by the 
Forum ascribed to Tullus Hostilius. Cf. i. 30. 2, templum 
ordini ab se aucto curiam fecit, qace Hostilia usque ad patrum 
nostrum cetatem appellata est. 

§2. neque dubitabant...venturum. Tliis use of non dubito 
— ' I do not doubt that ' with the inf . is scarcely found in 
Cicero, who always uses quin, unless perhaps in Ep. ad Att. 
vn. 1, but it is common in Livy. 

§ 3. nondum palamfacto, i. e. qui vivi mortuique essent. 
Livy often uses the abl. abs. of the past part. without a sub- 
stantive as permisso, edicto, debellato, in caseswhere a sentence 
is taken as the subject to agree with it ; but it is a further 
licence, when it is used as here without any such relation. Cf. 
Tac. Ann. xi. 10. 3, in cujus amnis transgressu multum certato, 
pcrvicit Bardanes. 

§4. profecto...fore, ' surely there must be some.' Cf. i. 
54. 1, invisam profecto superbiam regiam civibus esse, quam 
ferre ne liberi quidem potuissent. 

P. 138, § 6. illud. Keferring to the duties specified 
below. Cf. 36. 5. 

NOTES. XX II. c. lv. § 7— c. lvii. §2. 299 

§ 7. auctorem, ' the inforinant who would carry tbe tidings 
of ', Ao. Fox this use of auctor cf. I. 10. 5, gravis ut traditur 
t/iuaniis magtue rci atuetor. 

c. lvi. § 1. pedibus issent, i. e. had voted without further 
discus.-ion. Hcnce the senators who commonly gave a silent 
vote, or dividtd without speaking, were called pedarii. The 
magistrate who presided used the formula, qui hccc sentitis in 
hanc partcm, qtri alia omnia in illampartem ite, qua sentitis. 

tum demum is an emphatic way of introducing a con- 
scquent, after certain antecedents or conditions have been 

§ 2. incompositorum inord. Cf. 50. 8. 

§ 3. nundinantem, 'bargaining,' a conjecturc of Gronovius 
for the unmeahing nuntiantem of most MSS. The nundince 
(novem, nona) seem to have been at first the ninth days before 
the Kalends, but in later use to have stood for the beginnings 
of the early Latin week of eight days when the farmers came 
.into the town to market. Varro de r. r. 2 praef. 1, majores 
annum ita diviserunt ut nonis modo diebus urbanas res ustir- 
parent, reliqws vn. ut rura colerent. Cf. Mommseu Eom. 
Chron. 254. 

§ 4. anniversarium Cereris. Cf. Valer. Max. i. 1. 15, sacra 
ex Grcecia tircmsla&a, qiue ob invtntionem Proserpina; matrona; 
colunt. The chief festival of this worship took place in April, 
but, as W. observes, this cannot well be intended here as 
the battle of Caunae was fought in Auguet, cf. A. Gell. v. 
17. 5, Q. Claudius ...cladem pugna; Cannensis factam dicit ante 
diem qiutrtum Nonas Sextiles. 

nec lugentibus est fas. Cf. Ovid. Fast. iv. 619, Alba 

decent Cererem: vestes Cerealibu-s albas \ sumite nunc pulli 
vidlcris usus abest ; so xxxiv. 6 the period of public mourning i? 
limited to thirty days for the same cause. 

P. 139, § 8. aliam, ecmivalent to ceteram, as in xxi. 27. 6, 
alius exercittts. 

c. lvii. § 1. M. Claudium. Tiiis Marcellus had defeated 
the Gauls at Clastidium a few years before, and was one of the 
bravest leaders of the age ; Pliny says of him undequadragicns 

§ 2. Vestales. At first four, afterwards six, young girls of 
the best families of the state were pledged to devote thirty 
years of unmarried life to the service of tne holy fire of Vesta. 
Great respect was uniformly paid to them, and at their inter- 

300 NOTES. XXII. c. lvii. §§ 2— G. 

cession even criminals were pardoned, but scrupulous decorum 
was required of them by tbe state, the holy fire must never die 
out by their neglect, and all their doings were watched jealously 
by the supreme pontiff. One was suspected even of graver 
fault, propter mundiorem justo cultum, arjd when found guilty 
of incontinence was buried alive ad portam Collinam dextra 
via strata defossa Scelerato Campo. vni. 15. 6. The penalty 
was several times repeated, but at times the goddess screened 
the penitent or justified the innocent by special portents. 

§ 3. scrit>a...quos. The relative in the plural implies the 
class of scribes by a constr. ad synesin, as xxvn. 11. 3,infantem, 
quos androgynos vulgus...appellat. 

minores pontifices. Of tliis lower order of pontifices little 
is known, except that they were three in number (Cic. de 
Arusp. resp. vi) and discharged certain ceremonial duties of 
observing the new moon and making offerings to Juno in the 
Curia Calabra. Macrob. i. 15. Varro's definition of pontifex 
from pontem facere is generally now accepted and connected 
with priestly forms connected with the old wooden bridge 
across the Tiber, the pons Sublicius. It was doubted in ancient 
times and Mucius Scsevola explained it as from posse facere, 
Plutarch from sacrifice to the potentes. Gcetthng derived it 
irompompa and Pfund from the Oscan pontis or pompe — 5, the 
priests being the calculators of early society. Corssen and 
Curtius accept Varro's account, and connect pons with waros 

§ 4. Hoc nefas. The immorality of the Vestal, not the 
death of the criminal. 

§ 5. Fabius Pictor, the historian, for whom see the Introd. 
The cognomen of the family was derived from a Fabius of 
whom Pliny writes, N. H. 35. 4, apud Romanos honos mature 
huic (pingendi) arti contigit. Siquidem cognomina ex ea Pic- 
torum traxerunt Fabil clarissimce gentis : princepsque ejus 
cognominis ipse cedem Salutis pinxit anno urbis couditce ccccl, 
quce pictura duravit ad nostram memoriam. The painter's art 
was afterwards less respected, postea non est spectata honcs- 
tis manibus, and though a certain Antistius Labeo took to it 
professionaUy ea res in risu et contumelia. 

Delphos ad oraculum. This phrase also is found in the 
earliest reported case of Eoman recognition of Delphi in the 
reign of Tarquinius Superbus i. 56. 5. 

suppliciis. Used in an archaio sense for supplicationibus. 

§ 6. minime Romano sacro. Yet the old forms of devo- 
tion to the dii manes as illustrated in the story of Curtius and 

NOTES. XXTI. c. lvii. § 6— c. lviii. § 8. 301 

the Decii, and in the olaborate formula quoted by Livy vm. 9. 
">, paJsl to an early sacrifice of buman victims. The ancient 
usage of the ver sacrum has probably a like bcaring. A few 
years before there had been a similar case in the Gallic war. 
The language of Pliny implies that the victims bore a repre- 
sontative character, as did the Decii in their devotion for 
Rome. Pliny N. H. 38. 2, Boario vero in foro Grcecum Grce- 
camqu,' iefottOS aut aliarum grntium, cuin quibm tum res esset, 
ettam nostra cctas vidit. 

P. 140, § 8. leglo tertia. There is probably some con- 
fusion here, as the third legion seems to have fought at Canna?, 
cf. 53. 2. 

Teanum Sid., spoken of by Strabo v. 3. 9 as command- 
ing the Via Latina, and the most important town upon it be- 
tween Eome and Capua. 

§9. praetextatos, i.e. boys not yet in their seventeenth 
year when the robe broidered with the broad band of purple 
(pratexta) was exchanged for the toga virilis. 

§ 10. ex formula, i. e. in accordance with the special terms 
of their alliance to Kome. Cf. xxvn. 10. 2 where eighteen 
coUmice profess their readiness to send larger contingents than 
they were by law obliged to levy. 

Arma, tela, alia. An example of asyndeton frequent in 
business details. 

§ 11. Bervltiis, the abstract for the concrete servi, of fre- 
quent use in L. 

vellentne militare. Hence the name volones applied to 
them : according to Macrobius i. 11. 30 it was not the first 
time they had been used. 

c. lvtii. § 2. sicut ante ad Trebiam. This was not men- 
tioned by Livy at the time, though in 7. 5 it was specified in 
the case of the prisoners at L. Trasimene. 

§ 3. imply a contrast rather than a mere con- 

P. 141, § 4. equiti quingenos. This was not contained 
in the stipulations of 52. 3. 

§ 5. quamcunque. Often used by Livy as here without a 

§ 8. minime Romani. Cf. i. 53. 4, minimc arte Romarui 
fraude ac dolo. 

302 NOTES. XXII. c. lviii. § 8— c. lix § 10. 

§ 9. dict. verbis. ' In the name of the d.' Cf. Cic. Ep. 
ad Att. xvi. 11, AtticcB meis verbis suavium des. 

c. i.ix. £ 1. senatus...datus est. Cf. note on xxi. 12. 8. 

Patres conscripti. The writers geuerally thought that this 
phrase denoted the original senators of patrician origin, and 
the later enrolled of plebeian rank, thus Livy n. 1. 7, 
[Brutus] patrum numerum primoribus equestris gradus electis 
ad trecentorum summam explevil: traditumque inde fertur, 
ut in senatum vocarentur qui patres quique conscripti essent. 
Servius ad iEn. i. 426 ascribes them to an earlier change, 
conscriptos qui, post a Servio Tullio e plebe electi sunt. But 
it is unlikely that the plebs was admitted in such early times 
to the rulin^ council, and conscribere is simply to enrol, as in 
the expressions comcribere exercitum, tribum, collegia. It 
is probable tbat patres conscripti meant only ' Those put upon 
the roll of the Senate,' and so ' Members of the Senate.' Cf. 
Willems Senat. p. 39. 

P. 142, § 7. a Gallis auro, i.e. after tbe captme of Eome 
b.c. 390. 

patres vestros, i. e. the fathers of the senators beforewhom 
the speech was delivered. It was however more than 60 
years since the battle with Pyrrhus near Heraclea. The 
senate, though filled with ex-officials, was practically confined 
to the ruhng families of Bome. 

§ 8. nec supersumus nisi. ' And only those of us survive,' 

§ 9. ne in acie q. fuerunt. This is Madvig's correction of 
the refugcrunt of the MSS. which had been long noticed as 
suspicious in connection with in acie. Perizonius suggested 
ex acie. W. objects to fuerunt tbat Polybius represents all 
the prisoners as the garrison left in tbe camp, but this does 
uot seem very forcible. 

§ 10. extulisse. The use of the infin. perfect with velle 
is of frequent occurrence, when the result rather than the 
progress of the action is to be expressed. The old laws com- 
monly have it in prohibitions, as Ne Baccanal habuisse velit, 
so Horace, Sat. n. 3. 187, ne quis humasse velit Aiacem Atride 
vetas cur. Cf. i. 2. 28, sunt qui nolint tetigisse. Zumpt, 590. 

gloriati sint. As tbe subj. of the future perfect, this word 
like extulisse expresses the action in a livelier form as a com- 
pleted result. Cf. xxx. 14. 5, nulla...rirtutum...est qua ego 
ceque ac temperantia...gloriutus fuerim. 

NOTES. XXII. a ux. § 12— c. lx. § i. 303 

| 18. nam si olliptically. 'I compare onr money price, 
ainl not our wortb, for,' Arc. 

P. 143, § 14. avarior an crud. Cf. note on xxi. 4. 9. 

§15. moveat...cernatis. The pres. is uscd to represcnt 
the scenes as pictured at the moment to the fancy. 

§ 1G. Intuerl The doors of the senate-house were left 
open, while the friends of the prisoners crowded round. 

§ 17. mediusfidius. Equivalent to ' So help me the God 
of F&ith,' tidius being connected ■mthfides, fido, fazdus, as tbc 
genius of fidelity in sooial intercourse, such as the Sermo 
Siincus was among the Sabines. Analogous to the formatiou 
of the word are forms like edepol=0 deus Pollux. 

indigni ut. Less frequent than the of qui, but in 
xxm. 12. 13 both constructions are combined. Si modo quos 
ut socios haberes dignos duxisti, liaud indignos iudicas quos in 
Jidem receptos tu> 

§ 18. Suum quisque h., i. e. 'We may not be ail of the 
same spirit, but I for my part, ' &c. 

c. lx. § 2. arbitris. Cf. i. 41. 3, Tanaquil claudi regiam 
iubet, arbitros eiecit. The straugers bidden to withdraw were 
the envoys lately heard. 

§ 3. prohibendos. Cf. iii. 28. 7, ad prohibenda circumdari 
opera. Madvig compares this use of the gerundive with the 
personal use of the passive iubeor in such sentences as xlii. 
31. 2, in Macedoniam sena millia peditum scribi iussa. Suet. 
Tib. 11, iussi sunt omnes agri in publicam porticum deferri. 

§ 4. praedibusque ac prsediis cavendum populo. This is a 
customary formula in all cases of security given to the Btate, 
and commonly limited to such cases by the words publice, 
in publicum, or populo. The prcedes, written prcevides in 
the lex agraria, were the sureties who w r ere bound over ; they 
were to be landowners, and their prcedia (prcehendia) might 
be seized upon in case of default (ea pignore data publice 
mancipio fidem prcestant. Varro 1. 1. v. 40). The legal charac- 
teristics of these prcedia are stated Cic. pro Flacc. 32. 79, 
qucero sintne ista prcedia censui censendo, habeant ius civile, 
sint necne sint mancipii, that is, they must be freehold under 
strict Koman law. The formula occurs in the Lex Malacitana 
of the lst century of the Empire, where see the comment of 
Mommsen, p. 470. 

304 NOTES. XXII. c. lx. §§ 5— 2G. 

P. 144, § 5. T. Manlius Torquatus. Descended from an 
ancestor of like prcenomen and nomen, whose title of Torquatus 
is explained by Livy, vii. 10, as derived from the collar (torques) 
of the Gaul whom he slew. 

§11. Si,, ut. In both cases Madvig has corrected 
the sicut of the MSS. which gives an awkward turn to the 
sentence. He notes a similar mistake in the MSS. in vii. 13. 8 
and xxxiv. 2. 7, as also Tac. Hist. i. 83, sicubi for si ubi. 

P. Decius, b.c. 340 near Saticula. Cf. vii. 34. 

P. 145. Calpurnius Flamma in b.c. 258 near Camarina. 

§ 15. deminuti...capite. The caput comprised the sum 
of the rights imphed in personal freedom, civil and family 
status, and change in any of these respects might bring a 
deminutio capitis with it. The forfeiture of freedom was of 
course the worst or dem. maxima. In the case of those who 
had given themselves up with arms in their hands it could not 
be recovered easily by the forms of postliminium. 

abalienato. Madvig's correction for abalienati of the MSS. 
Livy uses the word elsewhere either absolutely or with a pre- 
position. It would seem natural to say abalienari ab aliqua 
re, in the sense of being estranged from a place or pursuit, 
but not from a right (jure). 

§ 17. conati sunt, ni elliptically put for ' and might have 
succeeded if,' &c. 

P. 146, § 20. nam ' fortes ' elliptically implies the reason 
why boni fidelesque was said instead of the usual combination 
fortes fideles. 

$21. favisse. The MSS. read fuisse ut, which is evi- 
dently corrupt. W. corrects it to fuisse usui which.sounds ill 
and is somewhat weak, while Madvig's suggestion is spirited 
and balances invidere in the next line. 

§ 24. ante secundam h., i. e. after sunrise. 

§ 25. Hsec vobis. 'This, mark you,' &c. Cf. Hor. Epist. 
i. 3. 15, Quid mihi Gelsus agit ? It is called by grammarians 
the dativus ethicus. 

§ 26. Et vos. Most MSS. have quos, which probably 
grew out of the abbreviation for et and uos. 

et is inserted by Madvig to avoid an awkward asyndeton 
which sounds ill after cunct. ac manetis. 

NOTES. XX I r. c. lx. § 2G— c. lxi. § 13. 305 

P. 147, *-'. rTT § 5. decem primos, like the 5^/ea tous iirt- 
4>avtoT*Tovs of Polybius — those of highest social status chosen 
us the representatives. 

ita ' Admitted on the understanding that,' 
Ac, iin ellipse not unfrequentin the case of ita...tie in Livy as 
vn. 81. 1. Cf. the use of tantum ne ...reciperentur, xxi. 
19. 5. 

§ 7. novos legatos. ' The last comers.' So novi milites 
' recruits.' 

§ 8. victosque paucis sent. ' Outvoted by a smaL! ma- 

§ 9. proximis censoribus. Not 'by ' but ' in the time of,' 
as consule Manlio. 

notis ignominiisque. The censors could expel members 
from the Seuate, or strike off the roll of the knigkts (equum 
adimere), or remove from a country tribe to a city tribe (tribu 
• rnovere), or disfrauchise altogether (cerarium facere). These 
powers of moral censure grew out of the large authority vested 
in them for taking the census of the popnlation. At such 
times the nota of their disapproval was afHxed to the name 
upon the rolL 

P. 148- omni deinde vita. ' For the rest of his life.' 
Au adjectival use of the adverb, which is frequent in our 

caruerint. 'Abstained from.' Cf. Cic. Mil. 7. 18, caruit 
foro postea Pompeius, caruit senatu, caruit publico. 

§ 11. Defecere. A summary account is here given of the 
defections of the following years. Central Italy remaiued for 
the most part constant to Eome, except her old rivals of 
Samnium, while the alien peoples fell away. 

Atellani. Rnown chiefly in connection with the fabulce 
AtellancB of which L. speaks vn. 2. 10 in liis sketch of the 
early comedy of Italy. 

§ 12. Uzentini. Eepresented by Ugento to the north- 
west of the Iapygian promontory. 

§ 13. Romam adventum. Verbal substantives implying 
motion are often accompanied by an accusative without a 
preposition, so reditus, leyatio, introitus, concursatio as in 
examples collected by Fabri. 

C. L. 20 

306 NOTES. XXII. c. lxi. §§ 14, 15. 

§14. consuli . . . gratise actae. Frontinus Str. iv. 5. 6 
aays that Varro refused tbe offer of the Senate to make him 
dictator, on the ground that the office should fall on a more 
fortunate man. But he often served afterwards in posts of 
trust or honour, a fact which discredits the accounts of his 
antecedents as given in Livy. 

§ 15. nihil recusandum suppl. Carthage is said to have 
degraded or even crucified her commanders who were unfor- 
tunate. Cf. Polyb. i. 11, Diod. xx. 10. 


The passage of Hannibal across tbe Alps waB even in Livy's 
days a controverted question, as we may gatber from bis 
words (xxi. 38. 6) 'ambigi quanam Alpes transierit.' It is still 
matter of dispute, and endless varieties of route bave been 
proposed, most of which bowever are hopelessly at variance 
with the language of the ancient writers, or with the nature of 
the ground, as since explored. More or less definite state- 
ments on the subject are found in the following authorities. 

1. Polybius was born during tbe war, and after some time 
spent in public life in Greece, was taken as one of the Achaean 
hostages to Rome. He lived there in the society of distin- 
guisbed men, whose fathers might have taken part in the 
great struggle ; he sougbt, as be tells us, information from 
contemporary witnesses, and travelled himself among the Alps 
to gather further knowledge in the scenes of the events. He 
was eminently accurate and truthful as a writer, and his 
authority is undoubtedly first-rate. His account is foimd iii. 

2. We have the narrative of Livy (xxi. 23 — 38), wbo wrote 
two centuries after the second Punic war began. His work 
was on too large a scale to admit of very special sludies for tbe 
period before us ; be makes no claim to personal knowledge of 
the localities in question ; his descriptions of topography are 
often vague and indistinct ; and on all grounds his evidence 
on these points must rank far lower than that of the Greek 

3. There is a passage bearing on this subject in tbe life of 
Hannibal by Cornehus Nepos, the contemporary and friend of 
Cicero. Ad eas (Alpes) posteaquam venit quce Itdliam <ih 
Gallia sejungunt, quas nemo unquam cum exercitu ante eum 
prazter Herculem Graium transierit, quo facto is hodie saltus 
Graius appellatur, Alpicos conantes proKibere transitum con- 




The value of tbis passage turns upon the meaning of is 
saltus. It ruigbt refer solely to tbe pass of Hercules, but as 
tbe writer must bave known tbe traditions of tbe GaUic bordes 
who crossed tbe Alps, it is more probable tbat be is specially 
referring to tbe Graian cbain, as tbat over wbicb botb Hercules 
and Hannibal bad passed. 

4. Some lines of Varro, tbe learned writer on antiquities 
at tbe close of tbe Republic, are quoted for us by Servius in 
his commentary on Vergil x. 13 : quas (Alpes) quinque viis 
Varro dicit transiri posse : una quce estjuxta mare per Ligures: 
altera qua Hannibal transiit : tertia qua Pompeius ad His- 
paniense bellum profectus est : quarta qua Hasdrubal de Gallia 
in Italiam venit : quinta quce quondam a Grcecis possessa est, 
quce exinde Alpes Graice appeUantur. 

5. Strabo, wbo wrote under Tiberius, cites Polybius as men- 
tioning four passages across tbe Alps : rerrapas vwcpfSdo-eis 
bvop.d^ei fiovov ' 5td Kljvwv fxev, rr)v 'iyyiara t<j) TvpprjvtKtj) 
rreXdyei * elra rr)v 5td Tavplvwv, rjv 'Avvifias dir)\dev elra 
rr}v 5id SaAcKrccSe ' rerdprrjv 5£ 5id Pairav. IV. 6. 12. Here 
it sbould be noted tbat tbe important words rjv A. 5. do not 
appear in a MS. of great value (Ep. Vat. 482), tbat if genuine, 
tbey may easily bave been transplaced, or tbat tbey may be 
regarded as a comment of Strabo, ratber tban an extract from 
Polybius. Strabo bimself sbows elsewbere little interest 
in tbe route of Hannibal, and does not mention it where it 
would naturaUy occur. 

Now if we turn to the third book of Polybius we sball fiud 
that the whole journey from Carthago Nova to the Italian plains 
is definitely measured. We are told that there were 2600 
stadia to the river Iberus, and thence to Emporeion 1600, and 
1600 more to the passage of the Ehone. From tbe llhone to 
the beginning of tbe Alps (71-pos rr)v dva[3o\r)v r<2v 'AXrrtwv) 
there were 1400, wbile tbe remainder of the way (\oural ai ru>v 
A. virepf3o\ai) was 1200 stadia. 

As far as the Pyrenees there is no doubt about the route, 
but much depends upon the place at which tbe Ebone was 
crossed, as that becomes the starting-point for future measure- 

The description of Polybius clearly indicates a passage near 
the town of Orange, about tbe viilage of Roquemaure, as that 
is halfway between the river's mouth and its junction witb tbe 
Isere, wbile it sbould be according to tbe bistorian four days' 
march to either point. The actual distance of 75 miles to the 
Isere is in close harmony with the 600 stadia impbed in his 
latter statements. There is also along stretch of broad stream 
unbroken by any islands to suit witb tbe words Kard rr)v 


dwX^i' p(<TLi>. It is moreover above the junction with the 
Durance, to cross over which would have been a needless 
htliour for the army. 

The other plaee ^ii'_rgested near Beaucaire and Tarascon is 
quite ineonsutent with these data. In Livy there are no 
definite statements on the subject to point to any special 
place. After the passage of the Bhone however he says that 
Hannibal pushed on inland to avoid all contact with the Roman 
army, but his route was probably decided on bcforehand,-and 
he was guided by the Gauls, who had invited him to Italy, 
iind who woidd natnrally lead him tluough the passes which 
wonld bring him with most ease into their cantons. 

Onward to the Lsere his route is certain, after that all is 
matter of debate. 

Our two authorities give a like account of the island enclosed 
between the Bhone and the Isere— the insula Allobrogum of 
later days — and of the contests between tlie native powers, in 
wfaieb Hannibal took part. In Polybius we find besides the 
following data: (1) ' Hannibal having in ten days marched 
ilong the river, began the ascent of the Alps.' (2) 
v7e heaz that the chieftain with whom he sided in the quarrel 
joined him in his march, and that the barbarians were kept in 
check in the plain country ahke from fear of the cavalry, and 
of the native aid. 

The words 'along the river,' irapd rbv irora/j.6v, are not in 
themselves definite. They have been taken to refer to the 
Isere which was spoken of not long before, and most critics 
accordingly trace the route of Hannibal along one or other of 
its banks. But there can be httle doubt that the 'river' of 
the whole narrative is the Bhone, and in chapter 39 Polybius 
expressly says that they kept near it to the entrance of the 
mountain pass. Of course it is not to be supposed that it was 
tracked in all its windings, in the great bend for example 
whicli it makes at Lyons, but only that the general movement 
was in the direction of its stream. The country through which 
the march would lie was such that the cavalry could be used 
to good effect, while the left bank of the Isere would not at all 
meet this condition, and the right one would only partially 
fulfil it. In both cases the mountain country comes in sight 
too soon, and the ascent (dvaj3o\rj) must have begun long be- 
fore they had traversed 800 stadia of road, or made theii ten 
days' leisurely advance, in constant fear of an attack. 

Both these conditions are comphed with by the route, which 
following the Ithone up to Vienne, leaves it for a while in its 
great bend, and meets it once more at St Genix, and thence to 
the pass of Mont du Chat where the ascent may be taken to 
begin. That point once reached the way would naturally lead 
along the npper course of the Is&re, through the Tarantaisc, 


and over the Little St Bernard to the valley of Aosta. In 
favour of this route the following reasons may be urged. 

1. The local features of the pass agree at least as well as 
any other with the general description of Polybius, and the 
detailed accounts of the measurements of space and time, with 
the 15 days of march, that is, and the 1200 stadia of way. The 
valley was a fertile one, and the native town wMch they at- 
tacked and pillaged may well have enriched them with its 
plunder. The \evKbirerpov of the narrative may be probably 
identified with the ' Eoche Blanche ' on the Beclus. The pass 
is steeper on the Italian side, and the dangers therefore of the 
descent would have been naturally greater, and in the ravine 
below ' la Tuile ' there is a place where the old snow might 
long remain unmelted, and the road for some way is much 
exposed to avalauches. Here therefore Hannibal might find 
the track completely swept away, and be obliged to halt until 
a new path was cut upon the mountain side. Though the 
pass itself is comparatively low, the season was advanced, and 
fresh snow had lately fallen. The climate was possibly more 
severe in those days than at present, and the hardships seemed 
more fearful to an army from the South. 

2. The pass called afterwards the Graian Alp was one of 
the best known and earliest used across the mountains. By it, 
streams of invading Gauls had passed centuries before. Its 
neighbourhood was by far the most fertile of them all, and as 
such best suited to supply an army on the march. 

3. Its outlet was nearest to the country of the Gauls who 
had sent to invite the Punic forces. Their envoys would 
naturally know it best, and be most likely to guide the in- 
vaders on that course. Intractable as the Bomans found at a 
later date the tribe of the Salassi, who held the upper valley of 
Aosta, there was no reason why they should obstruct the pas- 
sage of the enemies of Bome, and the other tribes, Libui or 
Lebeci, who were settled lower down, may well have followed 
the policy of the powerful Insubres, and sympathized in their 
alliance with the strangers. Polybius therefore did not stay to 
mention them, indeed from the island of the Allobroges he 
records no names until he makes Hannibal issue from the Alps 
among the Insubres, the leading state of the Gallic confederacy 
against Bome. He gives his reasons for this silence, in the 
general ignorauce that prevailed of the esact position of the 
tribes and localities in question. 

Livy wrote, however, at a later date, when the Alpine tribes 
and names were far better known to the Italian public. His 
information therefore is more definite in that respect, and 


Beems to point to an entirely different route from that which 
has been traced above. After speaking of the civil strife among 
the natives of the Island, and then of the supplies furnished to 
Hannibal in return for his decisive succour, he makes him 
turn <j(/ Ucvam iu his way towards the Alps. Of the various 
explanations offered of this phrase, two only give a likely 
meaning. The first assumes that he retracc d his steps across 
the Isere and down the Rhone, and then tuniod to the left up 
the banks of the river Dr6me. The other view leaves the bullc 
of the army on the South of the Isere, while a detachruent ouly 
crosses to decide the civil war, which done, the whole con- 
tiuues on its march along the Eastern or left bank up to 
Grenoble. But the latter version can make little of the words 
tn Tricastinos fiexit which are coupled with ad lcevam, for 
the Tricastini lay further to the South, and their chief town, 
called afterwards 'Augusta Tricastinorum,' may be most pro- 
bably identified with Aoste on the Drome, though by some 
placed lower down near ' St Paul trois chateaux ' upon the 
Rhone. The advocates therefore of the march up the Isere, 
assume that the words in question have slipped out of their 
proper place in a passage which describes the march up the 
river towards the Island. Accepting the earlier explanation 
we may follow the track described by Livy along the Drome up 
to Aoste, and thence to Die, which stands for Dea Vocontioriun, 
a powerful tribe here mentioned by him, whose northern bor- 
ders reached up to the Isere and the Drac, while their frontier 
on the South-East extended far along the road to Gap and to 
Embrun, through which country Hannibal may have led his 
troops, skirting the lands of the Tricorii who were spread to 
the North-West. He would thus have reached the Durance, 
the Druentia of Livy, and have made his way to Briancon, and 
across the Mont Genevre, known to the Romans of the time of 
Caesar as the Alpes Julice, though afterwards called Gottice, 
after the native chieftain who did so much to improve the 
mountain roads about him to win the favour of Augustus. 
It would seem to have been the same route, though in a con- 
trary direction, which Julius Caesar followed in his march into 
Transalpine Gaul, as indicated in the words l ab Ocelo, quod 
est citerioris provincia extremum, in fines Vocontiorum ulteri- 
orit provincia die septimo pervenit ; inde in Allobrogum fines.' 
B. G. i. 10. 5. It is the same track also in the main by which 
Livy v. 34 brings Bellovesus with his Gallic hordes tlirpugh 
the Tricastini, and the Taurini Saltus into the plains of Lom- 
bardy where they settled, at the end of the regal period of Rqme. 
From the Island to the ascent itself, the narratives of Livy 
and Polybius have no points in common, the local names 
furnished by the former being entirely absent in the latter, 
while the other conditions of the march are quite distinct. 


But in tbe description of the pass itself, in the struggles with 
the mountaineers, in the measurements of time, and in the 
accounts of the dangerous point of the descent where the road 
was swept away, there is often very close agreement in the 
language of the two, though Livy adds a few details such as 
those of the use of vinegar and fire to clear a passage through 
the rocks. The incidents, however, which they have in com- 
mon are just those which can most easily be localized in any 
of the rival routes, and tbey must be regarded as the least im- 
portant evidence upon the subject. But in cbapter 38, wben 
Livy bas brougbt the Carthaginians to the plains of Italy, he 
pauses to notice the different opinions which were stated, aud 
to give his reasons for the route which he bad traced. The 
Poenine Alps, the great St Bernard, seems to bave been com- 
monly regarded as the pass of Hannibal, and stress was laid 
ou a false derivation of tbe word, as if it came from Pcenus. It 
was enougb, be tbought, to urge in answer that Germanic tribes 
held the entrance to this pass, and there could bave been no 
motive to brave the stout resistance which they would probably 
bave offered. Tbe earlier writer Caslius Antipater, wbose work 
on the Puuic wars was largely used by Livy, brougbt tbe in- 
vaders througb ' Cremonis Jugum,' a mountain unknown to 
other authors, but which may remind us in its sound of tbe 
Cramont, and at any rate closely corresponds to the Little 
St Bernard, called tbe Graian Alps by Bornan writers. But 
this leads into the Italian Yal cVAosta, tbe upper part of wbich 
was occupied by tbe Salassi, while the Gallic Libui held the 
lower country. Tradition commonly, says Livy, knows notbing 
of tbese nanies in this connection, but makes Hannibal issue 
from tbe mountains tbrougb tbe tribe of the Taurini, with 
wbom be first came into hostile contact. The Koman historian 
admits tbat tbere was no sure evidence before him, and that he 
relies mainly on tradition; the account of Polybius he did not 
notice. But tradition in tbis matter was a guide of little 
value. From tbe time wben Scipio found himself too late 
upon tbe Bhone, till he faced bis enemy on the Ticinus, the 
Boman government had entirely lost sigbt of tbe Carthaginian 
leader. The country through wbicb be passed was quite un- 
known to tbem, and no trustworthy information could be for- 
warded to Kome, or lodged in tbe ofiicial arcbives. The Gallic 
mountaineers remained long unsubdued, and tbe eventful 
tramp of many a later army effaced from their minds the 
memory of the march of Hannibal. The popular legend of 
two centuries later was hardly likely to be accurate in such 
details. It was known indeed that the Taurini were attacked 
before tbe collision with the legions, and it was natural to sup- 
pose that they denied him passage wben he moved along their 
valley, though Polybius tells us that he recruited first hia 


soldiers' strength among the friendly Gauls, and then at thedi 
request niade wai apon the tribe whose town bequeathed its 
nanie, if not its site, to the Turin of uiodern times. It was 
commonly forgotten that he had been invited to the Po by the 
discontented Gauls, of whom tbe Iiuubres were tbe foremost 
clan, and that tlieir guides would naturaliy lead bim first to 
their own cautons, before they urged him to attack their 

To sum up then, it Beema moat probable, nay almost certain 
tbat tbe route adopted by the Roman writex waa that from 
tbe Dr6nie to tbe Durance, and across the Mont Genevre, tbe 
Alpes Cottite of the Roman Empire. It is also probable, though 
less evident, that Polybius believed the army to have made a 
longer circuit by the Rbone and the Tarentaise, across the 
Graian Alps, or what is now the Littlo St Bernard. If the two 
historians really are at issue, tbere is little doubt whose au- 
tbority should stand tbe bigher, as the earlier bad higher 
qualities as an bistorian, and had made more special studies on 
this subject. General probabilities also are in favour of the 
easier, the lower, tbe better known, and the more favourably 
placed of tbe two passes. If any however prefer to think that 
the two accounts can be forced into agreemeut, — and most 
critics hitherto have assumed that this is possible — then it 
should be remembered that dehnite data in the form of proper 
names occur only in the account of Livy, and the problem 
must be to reconcile the earlier conditions in Polybius with tbe 
outlet tbrough the Mont Genevre. With the narrative of Livy 
we may probably connect the account of Varro above quoted, 
which distinguishes the route of Hanuibal from that aoross tbe 
Graian Alps, and wliich may be due to reasoning from like 
data. He carrie^ Pompeina by a different road to Spain, as does 
Sallust also in tlie fragment (Hist. iii. 3) where he puts into 
that general'8 mouth tbe words Per Alpes iter, aliud atque 
Uannibal, nobis opportunius patefeci. But tlie statements in 
these cases are too vague to be critically handled. 

It only remains now to deal with a third route — that over 
the Mont Cenis — which has found learned champions to ad- 
vocate its claims. It should be stated at the outset that it is 
not certainly referred to by any ancient author, and there is no 
good evidence tliat it was known or used before the eighth 
century of our era when Pepin marched across it; but this is 
not of course conclusive, for Hannibal may havo beeu guided 
over a pass that was else scarcely known, and Latiu writers 
say too little of the Alps to enable us to reason surely from 
their silence in this case. But it is important to observe that 
the natural construction of our authors fails to suit the theoiy, 
at least iu the form in which it is presented hy its cliicf fiup- 
porters, M. Larauza, Dr Ukert and Mr Ellis. These writers, 


though differing in details, agree in the rnain features of the 
route, which they assume to have passed along the Southern 
bank of the Isere, across the Drac and the Eornanche, and up 
the Val de Gresivaudan, at some point of which the beginniug 
of the mountain ground is reckoned which extends over the 
heights that part the valleys of the Arc and of the Doria. 
They agree also in the attempt to reconcile the statements of 
both the ancient authors, by correcting them pretty freely where 
they see the need. In this we may note especially the following 

1. It is supposed that Polybius mistook the Isere for the 
Ehone, though he travelled himself over the ground, and stated 
that the army kept near the latter river till they began to chmb 
the heights. 

2. The Allobroges, who are recorded as the native tribes 
with which the invaders came into collision in their way up 
to the Alps, are commonly assigned to the North of the Isere, 
which was afterwards the insula Allobrogum. The theory be- 
fore us transfers them without the slightest evidence, to the 
southern bank, assuming that they had no definite borders, 
or that the name itself was quite a vague one, loosely used for 
Galhc tribes, and possibly still lingering in the Allevard near 
St Jean de Maurienne. 

3. The march along the Isere inverts the description of 
Polybius. In the earlier stages the Carthaginians must have 
moved over rugged country iU suited for their horse, and ex- 
posed to native onsets, while the easier ground comes higher 
up in the Val de Gresivaudan, and no definite point can be 
agreed on to suit the measurement of distance given. 

4. The passage of the Eomanche would have been formid- 
able in the face of the Gauls, who are described as repelled only 
by the cavalry or by the succour of a friendly chieftain. 

5. The Druentia of Livy must be explained to be the Drac, 
which the track in question crossed, while it lay far away from 
the Durance, for which Druentia is the undoubted name in 
ancient times, known as it was as the hne of communication 
acxoss the Alps with Spain. ^ 

6. The character of the Mont Cenis itself has been com- 
pared minutely with the narrative before us, and with some 
forcing of the text it has been shown that the measurements 
of time and distance may possibly be verified. We need not 
stay to discuss these attempts. It is not difficult to find some 
features of resemblance in almost every pass to the scenes and 
incidents described upon the march, and if they were the only 
data we might well despair of any definite conclusion. White 
rocks can be found also near the road, such as that de la 


Barmette in one account, or the rock of Baune according to 
another, and there are dangerous spots in the descent where 
the road might easily bo swept away, and old snow lie long 

7. One argument indeed has been insisted on, that here 
alone could a point of view be found upon the summit, com- 
manding an extensive prospect of the Italian plain, such as 
th:it which Haunibal is said to have had before him, when he 
tried to revive the drooping courage of his soldiers. The spot 
in question is not howcver on the road itself, but on a ridge 
which was little likely to have tempted the weary men to need- 
less efforts through the snow for the sake of a fine view. Nor 
was the actual prospect of importance for the generaTs appeal. 
The phrase of Polybius on which stress has becn laid (ivapyua) 
more probably refers to the moral weight of evidence that Italy 
was within easy reach, than to any actual picture stretched out 
before tlie i 

The language of Livy is too definite indeed to be mistaken, 
in promontorio quodam, ubi longe ac late prospectm erat, 
contisUre jussis milititna Italiam ostentat....Tn. 35. 7. But 
we must remember that Livy had little knowledge of the Alps; 
that he may easily have given a different colouring to the 
account of the general's address which he found in the old 
annalists ; and that he was thinking more of rhetorical effect 
than of strict accuracy of local statements. 

The three passes hitherto described are veiy far from being 
all of those whose rival claims have been supported. Almost 
every height which could possibly be crossed, and some indeed 
that are quite impassable for auy but practised mountaineers, 
have been at some time advocated as the pass of Hannibal. 
Some routes have been disposed of by a fuller knowledge of the 
rugged country which lies between the Drac, the Romanche, 
and the Durance, and which until lately was almost unex- 
plored, and ill described upon the maps. Some hopelessly 
conflict with the main data of the ancient authors, and the 
books or pamphlets written in their defence are ouly monu- 
ments of misplaced ingenuity and learning. None of these 
seems now to call for serious discussion. 

It should be stated in conclusion that the claims of the 
Little St Bernard, or the Graian Alps, to be the pass intended 
by Polybius were recognized by General Melvillc in 1775, whose 
view was expanded by M. de Luc in 1818. Messrs Cramer 
and Wickham in the Dissertation of 1820 supported the same 
theory, and Mr Law in his masterly work upon the subject 
seems to have proved decisively that the evidence poiuts to that 
conclusion, while Livy's pass must be the Mont Gen&vre. 
Niebuhr and Mommsen have accepted the authority of Poly- 
bius in favour of the Graian Alps. 





IN LIVY XXI. 62 AND XXII. 10 1 . 

Wk must turn to the Antiquarians of Bome, ratlier than to 
the historians or the poets, if we would learn the charac- 
teristic features of the old Italian "Wbrship, for in later days 
they were so overlaid by the exotic growth of Greek religion 
that it was not easy to recognize their earlier forms. 

The Latin husbandman was deeply impressed by the sense 
of his dependence on the powers of earth and sky: at every 
turn his path was crossed by some supernatural being on 
whose influence, whether kindly or malign, his weal or woe was 
subject. He analysed by cool reflection all the processes of 
daily life from the cradle to the grave, aud for every incident 
within the family or social circle, for every detail of husbandry 
he found some guardian Power which he worshipped as di- 
vine. The names, harsh and uncouth as they may seem to us, 
carried their meauing on their face, and expressed the limits 
of tbe powers assigned; they were at first probably but 
Attributes of the One Great Unknown; the Jupiter or Divus 
pater, wbo moved in mysterious ways through Nature. The 
deities of Italy were never dressed up in human shapes by 
fancy, and artless hymns were the only forms of poetry which 
grew out of their worship. But the ritual needed for it was 
laborious and coinplex; all the details as gathered in the 
course of ages by tradition had to be punctiliously observed, 
else prayers and offerings were deemed nuli and void. In 
tbe family the house-father taught his children ; in larger 
groups tbe brotherhoods (sodalicia) passed on from hand to 
fiand the saving knowledge, while for the State priestly guilds 
(collegia), which never could die out, kept in their custody 
tbe sacred lore, which like the fire upon the city's hearth, 
burnt always with a steady flame. Of these, the College of 
tbe PontirTs was even in the earliest age of Bome the supreme 
guardian of the State Beligion. It scarcely dealt with the 
Bpiritual life of the family and smaller social groups ; it left 
to ochers the purely ministerial functions of the priest; itsduty 
was to guard, to harmonize, and to interpret the Public Code 

1 Compare Bouch6-Leclereq, Les Pontifts de VAncienne Rome; Treller. 
Rtfm iscft l ! 


>.f S;iorcd Law. It knew the time-honoured methods hy which 
each 1'owcr Pivine must he approaehed; it alone had 

nncicnt formularics ol prayer, aiul all the uice rtiles of 
sacrifieinl nsage. None Imt the Foutiffs could be trasted 
to draw np the Calendar from year to year, and deter- 
mine all the questions of casuistry which were suggested 
by its fasts aud feasts. For the worship of the Eomans was 
full of Pharisaic scruples. The slightest deviation from old 
mi^'ht vitiate a long round of ceremonial forms, and the 
whole service must begin afresh, or the jealous Power might 
withhold its favour. In Cato's work on Agriculture we find 
the author not content with rules of close economy and 
skilful farming ; he must also add a sort of Liturgy or 
Common Prayer-Book for the use of the labourers upon the 
farm, and the rubrics, extracted as they doubtless were from 
the text-books of the Pontiffs, help to show us how labori- 
ously painstaking was the temper of Eoman worship. But 
with all its scrupulous care it could not but go wrong at 
times, the Sacred College therefore was called on to provide 
a remedial machinery to soothe the anger of the offended 
Powers. Was it a case merely of some ceremonial neglect ? 
the mistake observed might be corrected, the faulty service 
be repeated (instaurarc) , the compensation made for the 
offence, and the expiation (piaculum) was hcld to be com- 
pleted. This was indeed no absolution for a guilty conscience, 
for the forms prescribed dealt only with the outer act, and 
gave no promises of peace to minds diseased. 

Often however no human eye had noted what was wrong, 
and it was left then for the gods to give their warnings 
througli unearthly signs (prodigia). If the signs were given on 
private ground it rested with the owner of the land to set his 
house in order ; but if the place was public ground, then the 
portent was a matter for the State (publicum prodigium), who 
must accept the charge (suscipere), and take the needful steps 
through her officials (procurare prod.) to satisfy the gods and 
set the public mind at rest. Here again was a wide field 
opened for the action of the Pontiffs. Others might shudder 
only in their ignorant panic, but they must learn to recognize 
the voice which spoke in portents, must turn over their old 
books and profit by the inductions of the past, must be ready, 
if they only could, to provide the state with their Authorized 
Version of God's Word to man. For this purpose, after due 
scrutiny of evidence, and rejection of the ill-attested (quia sin- 
ijuli auctorcs erant Livy v. 15. 1), the prodigies were chronicled 
with care from year to year in the priestly records, from which 
Livy drew so largely for his history. To isolate them from 
each other might mislead the student, rather they must be 
regarded as the scattered phrases of the message scut from 


heaven, and skilled iuterpreters rnust piece them all together. 
Yet some recurring portents were met always with like forms 
of ceremonial (procuratio). A shower of stones called for a 
nine days' holiday, from the days of old king Tullus (mansit 
solemne ut quandoque idem prodigium nuntiaretur, ferice per 
novem dies agerentur Livy i. 31. 3). If a hull was heard to speak 
with human sounds, a meeting of the Senate was called in 
open air (Pliny vin. 70), in memory of the time perhaps wheu 
Latin farmers met among their herds to discuss in conclave 
the affairs of state. 

When the scene of the portent was a shrine, or any clue 
was given to the Power which sent the warning, the College 
knew what offerings were likely to find favour, prescrihed in 
some cases the hostice majores, the full-grown animals, cou- 
fused in later days with the beasts of larger size, while in 
other cases they could tell that tender sucklings (hostice 
lactentes) would find most favour on the altars. Costly 
gifts could seldom come amiss, as tokens of the votaries' 
suhmission, so weighty offerings of gold or silver plate were 
stored up in the temple treasuries, or the choicest works of art 
in marble or in bronze were called in to represent the objects 
of popular gratitude or fear. In default of any special clue to 
the nature of the offence, or of the offended power, it might at 
least be well to have recourse to the ancient usage of lus- 
tration, to clear away the stains of possible pollution. The 
sin-offerings of the boar, the ram, the bull were duly made 
(suovetaurilia) ; the priestly train moved round the city walls 
(amburvium), or round the fields (ambarvalia), sprinkling the 
consecrated drops upon the bounds, and going through the 
long round of the traditional prayer, some passages of which 
Cato wrote out for like use among his country friends (De Re 
Rustica 141). 

If the experience of the Pontifices was at fault, other 
advisers were called in. The haruspices especially were skilled 
in the Etruscan love of divination. They knew the language 
of the lightning, they could read strange characters scored 
upon the slaughtered victims, and to them therefore were 
referred the questions of the mysterious portents in the sky, or 
in animals of monstrous birth. 

If the prodigies were fearful (tcetra) and took the form of 
pestilence, or earthquake, or the like, and the need seemed 
very urgent, a newer fashion sometimes superseded the old 
machinery of the State Eeligion. 

The Sibylline books had made their way to Eome, if we 
may trust tradition, as early as the period of the Tarquins. 
Borne to Kome by a wave of Hellenic influence which passed 
from the coast of Asia Minor along the Greek cities of 
Campania, the prophetic utterances gained a sanction from 


ite, and a Coll< zo of Iuterpreters to unfold or to apply 

IThe frngal Senate 

. of auch appeals, for exivrunee had proved 

- yll Bold her advioe dearly, and novor spared tbe 

publi w sbe reeoininended ■ costly D to bog 

somo foreign d< ity to oonsent to bouse hiniself in Eoruo : soine- 

times a new teinple must be builtto lodge more worthily a reeent 

;>us ; sometimee .omouies migbt be 

enougb if tboy w t re only of tbe newest fashion, bnt in eaob 

o may noto that some forwar I ken in 

.lizing tbe Grook Pantbeon on ItaUan soil. So ono after 
another thefaniiliar forms of Gicokmytbology wev 
in the religiou of tbo State. sometimes tbiuly disgnised in 

mes and attribntes almost 
nncbangod, while the arrival of eaeb upon tbe seeue was 
marked by some end . il or sbrine. To tbe same 

source may also be assigned tbe imposiug ceremonies wbicb 
woro for tbe most part of foreign gro* 

Tbe h-ctisternium, first beard of in tbe yoar 309 b. c. {IAyj 
t. 13. 6.) but often repoated later, agrood with some foatures 
of old Latin usage, but was speeially connected witb tbe 
cbaracteristic forms of tbe Apollo-worship [Theoxema). A'.i 
waa made ready for a eostly banquot, and ou each 
(1'itli-inarid) were laid tho symbols of the deitios to be ap- 
peased, wbile tbe viands froni tho feast. or offerings from the 
altars. were laid in solemn st '. m, With th< >o wero 

commonly connected suppli: 

or Processional Service, in whicb youug and old. citizens and 
conntry folks, nioved in long lin. - aU the str. 

offer prayers in evtry temple wbere the puhinaria were laid 
out to view. Those in their details. as also in tbe oeea- 
sions wben we hear of thom. remind us of the solemn Pseans 
by wbich Apollo was approached in times of tbauksgiving or 
intercession. The SibyUine books did not fail also : 
coorag m of vowa footts) wbiob Komau usage bad 

loug sanctionod. Ofteu in : - of the battle, or some 

time of urgent risk. magistrsjteB had promised temples or 
o tbeir guardiau powers. if only the tide of 
danger would be rolled away. And so when prodigios were 
rife, and panic spread, the advisers of tbe State appealed to 
the efficacy of soienin vows. One sucb may seem to call for 
special mention. as recorded in arcbaic langnage by tbe bis- 
torian of the 2nd Punic war. 

It had been an old Itaban custom to promise to tbe gods 
in times of crisis tbe produce of tbe coming spring foor .-<;- 
crum). and tbe custom may have dated from the days of 
hnman sacrihce. For amoug the earliest stories of tribal 
movements in Central Italy, wo read that in days of famine 


such a ver sacrum had been vowed among the Sabiiie hills, 
and that wheu the young of that spring reached man's estate 
they were sent forth iu search of some new homes, and that 
guided on their several paths by animals sacred to the Itahan 
Mars, they made their way into Samuium and Picenum, and 
to other lands, where they accepted henceforth as their 
national symbols, the bull in Samnium, the woodpecker (picus) 
in Picenum, and the wolf for the Hirpini, whose forefathers 
had been led by it to their new homes. In the case above re- 
ferred to the senate gave its sanction to the vow, but the Chief 
Pontiff was aware that ancieut usage required the consent of 
the whole people, and a bill was drawn up by his instructions, 
to be submitted to the vote in the comitia. It was drawn up 
with scrupulous care that uo little flaw, or unforeseen neglect, 
might vitiate the people's form of intercession, and indeed it 
was expressly stipulated that no sacrifice should lose its value 
if offered unwittingly upon a day of evil omen (si atro die 
fa.vit inscicns). 


It is commonly believed that the memory of Flaminius has 
suffered grievous wroug from the hatred of the uobles of his 
day, which is reflected eveu in the narrative of Livy, and it 
may therefore be couvenieut to put together the little that is 
defiuitely told us of his life and doiugs. He came of a plebeian 
family, which had won as yet no curule honours, aud he 
showed as tribuue that he had the iuterests of the poorer 
citizens at heart. As a partial remeily for the economic evils 
of his times he jiroposed in an agrariau bill — the first after the 
Licinian laws — to chvide among the needy much of the state 
domain available in Cisalpine Gaul (b.c. 231). The nobles in 
the senate stoutly opposed the measure, which was carried 
through the comitia in spite of their resistance. 

The sauction of the senate was not technically needed to 
give a plcbiscitum force of law, and the egotism of the govern- 
ing classes may have justified this bold innovation of Flami- 
nius, but it was a violent blow against the representative power 
in the state, and as such was uoted by Polybius (n. 21) as the 
first ominous sign of constitutional decline. The aristocracy 
submitted with ill grace, and hampered him in his work of 
colonial distribution with ineffectual delays. Shortly after- 


wards the government of Sicily fell to his lot as Preetor, and 
there is roason to believe that he endeared himself to the 
provincials by clean-handed justice (Livy xxxm. 42). His pro- 
motion to tho consulship did not follow till 222, whon he 
endeavoured to crush the Cisalpine Gauls, already defeated at 
L. Telamon, by invading the country of the Insubres. In the 
only account of the campaign which we possess (Polyb. n. 32) 
he appears to have been wanting in good faith towards the 
Gauls, and by the neglect of the common rules of strategy to 
have risked probable disaster, from which he was saved ouly 
by the steady valour of tho legionaries and the forethought of 
the mihtary tribunes. 

Before the campaign was over he was summoned by the 
senate to resign his office, on the ground of some technical 
flaw in his election, but he would not open the despatch till 
the victory was won, and on his return persisted in entering 
Rome in forms of triumph, despite the refusal of the senate. 

The resentmeut of the nobles was intense, and they forced 
a dictator to resign, who had been bold enough to name 
Flaminius as his Master of the Horse. But it is to the credit 
of the latter, that in his censorship of 219 he did not stoop to 
any petty jealousies of rival parties, only linking the memories 
of that high office with the Circus, and the great Highway 
which bore his name in after ages. 

But it was partly due to his support that the bill of Claudius 
was passed, which forbade the Senatorian families to own mer- 
chant vessels, a law which rested no doubt in part on the 
aristocratic prejudice of old societies, but aimed also at pro- 
tecting the provincials from sinister action on the part of 
Roman governors in the interest of Roman traders. If his 
generalship really was so questionable in the GaUic war, it is 
strange that he should have been re-elected to the consulship 
after the disaster of the Trebia. 

There are reasons too for doubting the account of Livy 
which makes him leave Bome and enter office at Ariminum in 
contempt of all customary scruples, though military needs 
might well excuse neglect of purely formal duties. But Poly- 
bius is quite silent on the subject, though his informants had 
no love for Flaminius, and a legal measure, called probably 
Lex Flaminia mirms solvendi, seems to point to the presence 
of the consul in the capital, although the evidence is not con- 
clusive. The financial policy which it suggests accords indeed 
with his other measures in favour of the poorer classes, at 
the expense also of the wealthier. 

The position of Flaminius at Arretium seems to have been 
well chosen for defence, and his plans were probably suggested 
by the campaign against the Gauls in 224. He mnst have 
heard of Hannibal's advance, and have ehown no wish to 

C. L. 21 


force an action, but af ter sending to his colleague at Ariminum 
to hasten to the defence of Kome, he was forced to move south- 
ward to effect a junction, and to keep the enemy meantime in 

His one fatal error lay in the unguarded entry into the 
defile of Trasimene, where his warier rival closed the trap 
upon him. Aristocratic writers may have gladly taken him as 
a scapegoat, imagining the neglect of sacred forms as a partial 
cause of the disaster, and exaggerating the rashness and in- 
capacity of the champion of the commons, just as modern 
critics may have dwelt too fondly on his fancied virtues be- 
cause the nobles of his own day hated and maligned him. 


N.13. I. II. represent books XXI. and XXII. of thc Latin text. 

Abelux, ii. 22. 6 

Acilius, M'., i. 25. 4 

Mg&tes insulse, i. 10. 7, 41. 

6, 49. 5, ii. 56. 7 
^milius, M., i. 49. 6, 51. 7, n. 

Africanus, P. Scipio, i. 46. 8, 

n. 53. 2 
Albinus, L. Postumius, n. 

Alco, i. 12. 4 
Algidus, i. 62. 8 
Alia, ii. 50. 3, 59. 8 
Alimentus, L. Cincius, i. 38. 3 
AllifsB, ii. 13. 6, 17. 1, 18. 5 
Allobroges, i. 31. 4 
Alorcus, i. 12. 4 
Alpes, i. 30 

Amiterninus ager, i. 62. 5 
Amusicus, i. 61. 11 
Annius, M., i. 25. 3 
Antistius, M., i. 63. 12 
Antium, n. 1. 10 
Appenninus, i. 53. 5, 58. 3, 

63. 15 
Appia Via, n. 1. 12 
Apulia, ii. 9. 5 
Arbocala, i. 5. 6 
Ardea, i. 7. 2, n. 1. 19 
Aricia, n. 36. 7 
Arirninum, i. 15. 6, 51. 6, 63. 1 
Arnus, n. 2. 2 
Arpi, ii. 1. 9, 9. 5, 12. 3 
Arretium, n. 2. 1, 3. 3 

Asina, P. Cornelius, i. 25. 4, 

ii. 34. 1 
Atanagrum, i. 61. 6 
Atellani, n. 61. 11 
Atilius, C, I. 26. 2, 39. 3, 62. 


L., ii. 49. 15 

Aufidus, ii. 44. 2 
Ausetani, i. 23. 2, 61. 8 

Baliares, i. 21. 11, 55. 2, n. 

Bargusii, i. 23. 2 
Beneventanus ager, n. 13. 1 
Bibaculus, L. Furius, n. 49. 15 
Bibulus.L. Publicius, n. 53. 2 
Boii, i. 25. 2 
Bomilcar, i. 27. 2 
Bostar, n. 22. 9 
Bovianum, n. 24. 12 
Brancus, i. 31. 6 
Brixiani, i. 25. 14 
Bruttii, ii. 61. 12 
Busa, ii. 52. 7 

Cffilius Antipater, i. 38. 7, 46. 

10, 47. 4, ii. 31. 8 
Calatini, n. 61. 11 
Cales, ii. 15. 10 
Callicula, n. 15. 3 
Callifanus ager, n. 13. 6 
Calpurnius, C, n. 61. 6 


Cainillus, M. Furius, u. 3. 10, 

Campania, n. 13. 3 
Cannffi, n. 43. 9, 49. 13 
Cannsium, n. 50. 4, 52. 7 
Capena, n. 1. 10 
Capua, n. 1. 12, 13. 3 
Carpetani, i. 5. 11, 11. 13, 

32. 4 
Carthago Nova, i. 5. 4, 21. 1 
Carthalo, n. 15. 8, 49. 13, 

Casilinum, n. 13. 6, 15. 3 
Casinum, n. 13. 6 
Castulonensis saltus, n. 20. 12 
Caudinffi furoulse, n. 14. 12 
Celtiberi, i. 57. 5 
Celtiberia, i. 43. 8 
Cenomanni, i. 55. 4 
Centenius, C, u. 8. 1 
Cento, C. Claudius, n. 34. 1 
Cercina, n. 31. 2 
Cissis, i. 60. 7 
Clastidium, i. 48. 8 
Claudius, Q. , i. 63. 3 
Corsi, i. 16. 4 
Corsica, n. 31. 1 
Cortona, n. 4. 1 
Cosanus portns, n. 11. 6 
Cremona, i. 25. 2, 56. 9 
Cremonis jugum, i. 38. 7 
Crotonienses, n. 61. 12 
Cursor, L. Papirius, n. 14. 12 

Dasius, i. 48. 9 
Deeius, P., ii. 60. 11 
Delphi, ii. 57. 5 
Demetrius Pharius, n. 33. 3 
Druentia, i. 31. 9 
Ducarius, n. 6. 3 

Ebusus, ii. 20. 7 
Emporiffi, i. 60. 2 
Emporinm, i. 57. 6 
Eryx, i. 10. 7, 41. 6 
Etruria, i. 26. 3 

Fabius, Pictor, n. 7. 4 
- Q., i. 18. 1 

Maximus, n. 8. 

6—, 38. 13 

ii. 53. 1 

Fffisulffi, ii. 3. 3 
Falerii, n. 1. 11 
Falernus ager, n. 13. 9 
Feronia, n. 1. 18 
Flaccus, P.Valerius, i. 6.8 

FuMus, ii. 12. 1 

Flaminia, Via, n. 11. 15 
Flamininus, Cffiso Quinctius, 

ii. 33. 8 
Flaminius, C, i. 15. 6, 57. 4, 

63. 1— ii. 7. 5 
Flamma, M. Calpurnius, n. 

Floronia, n. 57. 2 
Formias, n. 16. 4 
Fulvius, C, i. 59. 10 

Gabii, n. 14. 11 
Gades, i. 21. 9, 22. 5 
Galli, i. 23. 1 
GaLLica busta, n. 14. 11 
Geminus, Cn. Servilius, i. 15. 
6, 57. 4, ii. 1. 4, 31. 1, 40. 6 
Genua, i. 32. 5 
Gereonium, n. 18. 7, 23. 9 

Hadrianus ager, n. 9. 5 
Hamilcar, i. 1. 4, 10. 8, 41. 8 

Gisgonis fil. i. 51. 2 

Hanno, i. 3. 3, 10. 2 

Bomilcaris fil. i. 27. 2 

i. 60. 5 

Hasdrubal, i. 2. 3 
i. 22. 2, 32. 4, 41. 

2, 60. 6, ii. 19. 1, 46. 7 
Heraclea, n. 59. 8 
Herennius, C, i. 25. 4 
Q. Bffibius, ii. 34. 

Hermandica, i. 5. 6 
Hiero, i. 49. 3, 50.7, n. 37. 1 


Himilco, i. 12. 1, n. 19. 3 
Hirpini, u. 13. 1, 61. 11 
Histri, i. 16. 4 
Hoetilia curia, n. 55. 1 

Ictumuli, i. 45. 3 
Lergavonenses, u. 21. 6 
Hergetes, i. 22. 3, 23. 2, 61. 5, 

ii. 21. 2 
Iliberri, i. 24. 1 
Dlyrii, i. 16. 4, n. 33. 5 
Indibilis, n. 21. 2 
Insnbres, i. 25. 2, 39. 1, 45. 3 
Insula Allobrogum, i. 31. 4 
Isara, i. 31. 4. 

Iunius M., ii. 57. 9 
ii. 59. 1 

Lacetania, l 23. 2 
Laeetani, i. 60. 3, 61. 8 
Lanuvium, i. 62. 4 
Larinum, il 18. 8. 24. 1 
Latiaris Iupiter, i. 63. 8 
Latina Yia, n. 12. 2 
Lentulus, Cn. Corn., u. 49. 6 

L. Corn., n. 10. 1 

Lepidus, M. iEmilius, n. 35. 1 
Libui, i. 38. 7 
Libyphoenices, i. 22. 3 
Licinius, C, i. 18. 1 
Ligures, i. 22. 2, 26. 3, 38. 3 
Lilybfflum, i. 49. 4, n. 31. 6 
Liparae, i. 49. 2 
Liternum, n. 16. 4 
Livius, M., i. 18. 1 
Locri, n. 61. 12 
Longuntica, n. 20. 6 
Longus. v. Ti. Sempronius 
Luca, i. 59. 10 
Lucani, n. 61. 12 
Luceria, u. 9. 5 
Lucretius, L., i. 59. 10 
Lusitani, i. 57. 5 
Lusitania, i. 43. 8 
Lutatius, C, 1. 18. 8, n. 14. 13 
i. 25. 3 

Magalus, i. 29. 6 

Mago, i. 47. 4, 54. 2, 55. 9, u. 

46. 7 
Maharbal, i. 12. 1, 45. 2, n. 

13. 9, 46. 7, 51. 1 
Mancinus, L. Hostilius, n. 15. 

Mandonius, u. 21. 2 
Manlius, L., i. 17. 7, 25. 8, 

39. 3, n. 33. 7 
Marcellus, M. Claudius, u. 35. 

6, 57. 1 
Marius Statilius, u. 42. 4, 43. 

Marrucini, u. 9. 5 
Marsi, u. 9. 5 
Maso, C Papirius, i. 25. 4 
Massicus mons, n. 14. 1 
Massilia, i. 20. 8, 25. 1, 26. 3 
Matho, M'. Pomponius, u. 33. 

11, 35. 5, 55. 1 
Mauri, i. 22. 3 
Melita, i. 51. 1 
Menige, u. 31. 2 
Merenda, P. Cornelius, n. 35. 

Messana, i. 49. 3 
Metapontum, n. 61. 12 
Metellus, L. Caecilius, u. 53. 5 
Metilius, u. 25. 3 
Minucius, M., u. 8. 6, 14. 4, 

24. 1, 49. 16 
Mutina, i. 25. 6 

Neapolitani, u. 32. 4 
Nova Classis, u. 20. 6 
Numerius Decimius, ii. 24. 11 
Numidffl, i. 22. 3, 29. 1 

Ocriculum, u. 11. 5 
Olcades, i. 5. 2 
Onusa, i. 22. 5, n. 20. 3 
Opimia, u. 57. 2 
Oretani, i. 10. 13 
Ostia, ii. 11. 5, 37. 1, 57. 7 
Otacilius, T., u. 10. 10, 31. 6, 
56. 6 


Padus, i. 23. 13, 39. 3, 47. 2 
Passtum. ii. 36. 9 
Paetus, Q. .Elius, n. 35. 2 
Papirius Cursor, n. 14. 12 
Paulus, L. iEmilius, i. 18. 1, 

ii. 35. 3, 38. 8, 45. 5, 49. 1 
Peligni, n. 9. 5, 18. 6 
Pentri, n. 61. 11 
Philippus Mac, n. 33. 3 
Philo, L. Veturius, n. 33. 11 
Philus, P. Furius, n. 53. 4 
Picenus ager, i. 62. 5, n. 9. 2 
Pictor, Q. Fahius, n. 57. 5 
Piueus, ii. 35. 5 
Pisae, i. 39. 3 
Placentia, i. 25. 2, 39. 4, 56. 5, 

57. 11 
Poeninus mons, i. 38. 9 
Pomponius, M., n. 7. 8 

Sex., i. 51. 6 

Prasneste, n. 1. 9, 12. 2 
Prsetutianus ager, n. 9. 5 
Pulcher, Ap. Claudius, n. 42. 9 

ii. 53. 2 

Pupius, C, ii. 33. 8 
Pyrenasi, i. 23. 2, 26. 4 
Pyrrhus, n. 59. 8 

Regulus, M. Atilius, n. 25. 16, 

31. 7 
Rhodanus, i. 26. 4, 40. 2 
Ruscino, i. 24. 3 
Rutuli, i. 7. 2 

Sabinus ager, n. 12. 1 
Saguntum, i. 5 — 15 
Salinator, M. Livius, n. 35. 3 
Samnites, n. 61. 11 
Samnium, n. 13. 1 
Sardi, i. 16. 4 
Sardinia, i. 1. 5. 40, 5 
Scipio, P. Cornelius, i. 6. 3, 

17. 1, 26. 3, 32. 1, 46. 5, 

52. 7, ii. 22. 1 


Scipio, Cn., i. 32. 3, 39. 10, 

40. 3, 60. 1 
Scribonius, L., n. 61. 6 
Seduni, i. 38. 9 
Sempronius Blsesus, n. 31. 5 

T., ii. 57. 9 

Ti., i. 6. 3, 17. 1, 

49. 1, 50. 7, 52. 8, 59. 2 

Serranus, C. Atilius, n. 35. 2 
Servilius, C, i. 25. 3 

v. Geminus 

Sicilia, i. 1. 5, 40. 5 
Sidicinus, n. 42. 11 
Sinuessa, n. 14. 4 
Spoletium, n. 9. 1 
Stellatis campus, n. 13. 6 
Sura, P., ii. 31. 6 

Tagus, i. 5. 8 

Tamphilus, Q. Baebius, i. 6. 8, 

Tannetum, i. 25. 13 
Tarentum, n. 59. 7 
Tarracina, n. 15. 11 
Tarraco, i. 61. 2, n. 19. 5 
Taurini, i. 38. 5 
Teanum, n. 57. 8 
Telesia, n. 13. 1 
Terentius, Q., i. 63. 11 
Tiberis, i. 30. 11, n. 11. 5 
Tibur, n. 11. 3 

Ticinus, i. 15. 4, 39. 10, 45. 1 
Torquatus, T. Manlius, n. 60. 

Trasumennus, ii. 4. 1 
Trebia, i. 15. 4, 48. 4, 52. 3 
Tricastini, i. 31. 9 
Tricorii, i. 31. 9 
Tuditanus, P. Sempronius, n. 

50. 6, 60. 8 
Turdetani, i. 6. 1, 12. 5 

Umbria, n. 8. 1 
Uzentum, n. 61. 12 

L 46. 8, n. 53. 2 

Vaccaei, i. 5. 5 


Varro, C. Terentius, n. 25. 18, Volcae, i. 26. 6 

34. 2, 41. 3, 45. 5 Volciani, i. 19. 8 

Wii, ii. 3. 10 Vulcani ins., i. 49. 2 

Venusia, n. 49. 14, 54. 1 Vulso, L. Manlius, n. 35. 1 

Veragri, i. 38. 9 Vulturnus fl., n. 14. 1 

Vergiliie, i. 35. 6 ventus, n. 43. 10, 

Viboniensis ager, i. 51. 4 46. 9 

Victumvire, i. 57. 9 

Vocontii, i. 31. 9 Zacynthus, i. 7. 2 







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