Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2008 with funding from
IVIicrosoft Corporation
http://www.archive.org/details/bordersettlersofOOmcwh
Mo\nv
0 /Nf ^- "-
Border Settlers of
Xorthw estern
\ ir^inia
r — ^'«^i.i^lWx.SVl
A BORDERMAN OF NORTHWESTERN VIRGINIA
FROM A DRAWING MADE ESPECIALLY FOR THIS WORK BY
COLISTA M. DOWLING
For description of the border dress see pages 34, 145 and 244; also Note 8, Chapter I; Note 9, Chap-
ter IX; Note 2, Chapter XII, and Note 6, Chapter XVIII.
THK BORDKR SKTTLERS OF
NORTHWKSTERN
\ IRC.INIA
I ROM 1768 ro 1795
I \n'.K A(. IM.
THE MI i: OI- JKSSK HUGHES
A N l»
oriii.R \()ri:i) scoi'i's of thi-; (;ri:.\i" woods
OF rill': 'IRANS-AI.LI-.CIII.NV
Willi \(>|is \.\U ll.l.L.STRAIlX I-. AMXDorj.^
T.rcri.i.i > \ iRcii. .\K\\nnR'j-i:R
I-ii I MiMui.K 1)1 nil. Wisconsin Siaik Hi.mukkal Sociltv; Mkmhkr
OK THK Washington Statk I'nivkrsity Historical Socikty,
AriiioR OK ' TiiK Crimk A(;ainst iiii Vakimas."
Willi PRI-.IACI-. AM) ADDITIONAL NOTFS
liy Wii.i.iAM Klsky Connki-lky
ANI>
SKETCH OF THK AIIIIOR
By [. P. Mac I.KAN, Pii. 1).
ILLUSTRATKI)
VVIU.ISIII.I) rOR Jt In, I. J. C. M,iniORTi:R
MCMXV
THE REPUBLICAN PLBLISIIING COMPANY
HAMILTON, OHIO
TSl NIW imK
PHBLIC IieiAMl
781845
ASron, LCMox ano
TiLDEN FOUNDATION*
R 1916 1^
COPYRIGHTED, 1915
BY
J. C. McWhorter, Buckhannon, W. Va.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
To 1 1 1 i; M i; M o k ^- of
BKirnil.K WU IM.AVM.Vn-: ok golden tllll.DHOOD
IN nil MONONC; AHKI.A HII.I.S; AND TO THK RFiDO-
I NT MKMORV OF SI'RINGTIMI-: WITH ITS NEW LIFE
AND BIRD SONC; AND THE CALL OF THE DISTANT
•BOH-WHUE •• OF SIMMER. WITH ITS SINSHINE AND
SHOWERS: AND THE "OLD OAKEN MLCKET" AND GREAT
WILLOW TREE: AND THE FRAC kS OF LiriLE BARE FEET
IN IHE DIST OF IHE W INDINC; \ ALLEY ROAD: OF TRL ANTS
FISHINC; AND THE W FED - FRINcWD "SWIMMINc; HOLE" IN
THE \IOLET- SPANGLED MEAIXJW : OF THE ORCHARD AND
IHE COOLSHAIXJWS OF IHE DEEF FORES I' W ITH ITS LEAFING.
c;AMBOLINGS01 IRRELS.SKII'I'ING RABBITS AND DRLMMING
OF THE PHEASANTS WIN(,. OF IHE FWILUilir GI.OAMINi;
AND IHE CRY OFTHE WHIP-P(H)R-WILL. AND THE CLOUDS
SAII.INc; niRol CH THE SILVERY MOONI.K illT. OF AITCMN.
WIIH IIS DREAMY HAZE OF INDIAN SUMMER AND THE
FLOATING. SIREAMING COBWEBS AND IHE WIND MOAN-
ING THROUGH IHE i;oLD AND CRIMSON WOOD -CRESTED
HILLS; OF THE SCARLET. DROPPING LEAVES OF THE OLD
•SUGAR CAMP;" AND THE CLIFF AND THE BIG ROCK'
WITH THE LICHEN MOSS AND THE Bl RROWING WOOD-
CHLCKS OF A Lirn.E WOOD - WHEELED WAGON AND AN
OAKEN -RLNNERED SLED. OF NUT GATHERING AND
WILD GRAPE HUNTINt;: AND THE NIGHT SONG OF THE
"K.VFY-DID" AND "MAJORS" DEEP BALING IN THE DARK-
SOME WOODS. CHASING THE WILY COON. OF WINTER,
Willi ITS NIGHT.MARE "TER.M" OF SCHOOL IN THE DIS-
TANT "LOW GAP;" OF COASTING. AND OF NUT CRACKING
AND -TELLING STORIES" AROUND THE EVENING HEARTH
OF THE RADIANT W(X)D FIRE; OF THE LOW TRUNDLE- BED
AND THE HALLOWED PRAYERS OF DEVOTED PARENTS: IS
THIS VOLL.ME AFFECTION.VTELY DEDICATED B^' ONE WHO
EVER DREAMS OF HIS NATIVE HILLS AND OF THE HAL-
CYON DAYS OF YOUTH.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter I
First Permanent Settlement in the Trans-AIle^'hcny. Pringle Brothers of
the Sycamore — Their History — I'"uf;itives and Hunters — Employed by Simpson
the 'irapper — Brink's Settlers to the Buckhannon \'allcy. Jesse Hughes the
Indian Fighter — Nationality — Personal Appearance — Dress and Habits.
Other Settlers, Hunters and Explorers — What Became of Them? — Military
Records.
NoTKS — South Branch of the Potomac. — Indian Names: — Delaware, —
Shawnee. — Iroquois. Monongahcia, Meaning of. The Pringle Sycamore. The
Hunting Shirt.
ClIAPTKR II
Dearth of the Written Record. Withers' Recognized. Authority. Frag-
mentary Narrative. Who Wrote Border Warfare? — .Xulhorship Disputed.
Claim of William Hacker and William Powers — Were They Wronged of Title?
Powers Commander of Scouts — His .\bility as Chronicler — .Achievements of
Hacker — His Educati«jn. Partisan Writers Unjust to the Indian. Incidents in
Modern Border Wars — Suppressing Facts.
NoTKS — The Hacker Family. Captivity of Mrs. Cunningham. Simon
Girty. The Bonnetts as Indian Spies. Other Scouts. Military Records. Fraud-
ulent Pension Claims.
ClIAPTKR III
Printed Record of Jesse Hughes — Sagacity as Scout — Fatal .\mbuscade —
Determining a Coward — .\lone in the Wilderness — Kills an Indian — The
Turkey Decoy — Is the Hughes Turkey Story a .Myth?
NoTKS — Tragedies — Capt. Shaylor at Fort Jcflferson.
ClIAPTKR IV
The Hughes l''amily — Birth I'lace — Traditions of Jesse — Father Killed —
A Deadly \'ow. Thomas Hughes Lieut, of Scouts — Bravery of — His Pathetic
Death — .\ Country's Ingratitude. Other Hughes. Dogs in Indian Warfare.
Marriage of Jesse — .\ Noble Wife — Settles on Hacker's Creek — Cabin in the
Wilderness — .\ Dangerous Bed-fellow — Poisonous Reptiles — Jesse Shoots an
Indian Hunter.
Notes — Woodson's Memoranda of the Hughes Faniih' in Powhatan Co.,
\'irginia. French Huguenots. Lowther Killed. The Washburn Family. Trage-
dies. Romance. Lewis Wetzel. McClcllan the Ranger. ^ Military Records.
Singleton, Pension Agent — Unjust Ruling — Wages of Scouts — I^and Laws —
Tomahawk Claims — Unreliable Data of Settlements. Rattlesnakes.
ClIAPTKR \
Indian Settlements on Hacker's Creek. Discovery of Prehistoric Interest.
Mysterious Finds: — \illagc Sites — L'nusual Remains — Burial Grounds —
Mounds — .\ncient .\rt — Indian Fields — .\sh Circles.
Notes — Superstitions — Buried Treasure — Ghost Stories.
8 Table of Contents
Chapter VI
Shawnee Towns on Hacker's Creek — Wi-ya-ni-pe, Birth Place of Tecumseh;
Old Chlllicothe. Shawnee Cist Burial. Tecumseh's Pipe — W'i-ya-ni-pe, tlie
Indian's Paradise. Wild Fruits — Game — Fish. Alexander West, Scout and
Hunter — Bear Fight in the Dark. Wild Boars. Hunting Stories — Dangerous
Joke — A Fearful Tragedy. John Hacker First Settler — Chases Buffaloes —
Exploration. Dearth of Bread — Pathetic Incident. Deadly Cold of the Moun-
tains. Death of a Guide. — A Mountain Tragedy.
Notes — Traditions of Alines. The Shawnees — Summary of History.
Statesmen and Warriors. Descendants of Tecumseh.
Chapter \ II
The Stroud Family Murdered by Shawnees. Delaware Settlement on Little
Kanawha. Captain Bull Friend of the Whites — His Village and People
Destroyed — Treachery of the Settlers — Names of the Murderers. — Pathetic
Story of Capt. Bull.
Notes — Gaulouise the Trapper. The Delawares — Their Home — Tribal
Status — Story of the "Woman." Renegade White Kills Indians — Shawnees
not the Aggressors.
Chapter \'III
Terrible Culmination to the BuUtown Massacre — Unrestrained Fierceness of
the Borderers — Jesse Hughes and Capt. \\'illiam White Leaders — Indians Dis-
covered at Indian Camp on the Buckhannon — The Surprise and Butchery — A
Wounded Indian's Greeting — The Leaden Reply — Were the Mctims Buried.?
An Aged Nimrod's Gruesome Find. Interesting Tradition. Abundance of Game
— A Bear Shambles.
Chapter IX
John Cutright, Scout of the Buckhannon — An Indian Aloccasin Maker —
Confusion of Names — Indian Incursions — Shoots Indian Horse Thief — Wounded
by an Indian — Primitive Surgery — Revolutionary Soldier — Declaration for
Pension — Services as Scout and Soldier — Branded an Impostor — Honesty
Proven — Ability as a Warrior — Errors Corrected — Personal Appearance of
Cutright — Hatred for the Red Race — Attempts to Kill Indian in Time of Peace.
Notes — Virginia Hard Pressed for Troops — Loss in Battle of Germantown
— Appalling Destitution Among the State Soldiery. Disputed Boundary Between
Virginia and Pennsylvania — Hauteur of the Mrginia Minute Man — Efficiency
in Indian Warfare — LTnrellability in Open Battle. — British Estimate of the
"Shirt Man."
Chapter X
Requisites of a Scout Leader — Capt. White, Chief of Buckhannon Spies —
Ancestry — Associate of Col. Crawford — Kills Indians in the Glades — Impris-
oned — Liberated by Mob — Status of Border Society — A Romance of the Wilder-
ness — An Indian Runner — Cunning Ruse — Mysterious Captive — Insatiate
Venom — Indian Camp Surprised — Desperate Chase — Sickening Scene — An
Indian's Revenge — Death of Capt. White. John Fink Killed. Timothy Dor-
man, Renegade. Buckhannon Fort Abandoned. Jacob Bush, Scout and Soldier —
In Clark's Campaign 1781. Incidents — Drink of Whiskey for Brain of a Deer.
Descendants — Lieut. Jacob Westfall — Military Record — With Gen. Clark —
Lochry's Defeat — Failure of Expedition. "Flight of 1770" — Doubtful Narra-
tive — Shaver the Spy — Kaskaskie Campaign — Wounded in Battle — Suffered
Injustice.
Notes — Lieut. John White Killed. — Deserters or Indians? Outrages by
Settlers Laid to Indians. Col. John Sevier. Capture of Capt. White and Petro —
Table of Contexts 9
Lscapc of Wliilc — Fate of Pclro — Mrs. White W'iinesscs Killing of Husband.
Monument to White and Fink. Treaty of Fort Stanwix. Indian Claims to the
Trans-.MIcgheny. — Twenty ^'ears War.
Chaptkr XI
Cause of Duninore's \\ ar. Stcjrm Brewing — Facts Perverted. Boone in
Kentucky — I.onj; Hunters — Indians Killed — Connolly's Warning. — Creasap's
Declaration of War — Massacre of Logan's Family. Death of Bald Eagle — Kill-
ing of Cat Kye — Number of Friendly Indians .Murdered — Indian Law of Reprisal.
Storm Bursts on \irginia Border — BlfK)dy Sequel — .Murder of Cornstalk —
\'engeful Sliawnees. Jesse Hughes Defender of the Border — Hacker's Creek
Invaded by Indians — West's Fort Besieged — Fort .Abandoned. — Beech Fort —
Hughes .Memorable Night Run — Signal Cry from the Hill — Dangers of the
Night Trail — Panthers — Wolves — .\ Daring Feat — Hughes Chased by Three
Indians — Remarkable Endurance.
NoTKs — ^ Character of the Kentucky Settlers. Franklin on War 1774 —
Indians .Murdered East of Mountains — Sympathy for Logan. D.i\ id Sleeth the
Scout — Accusation of Singleton. Jackson's Block House.
Chai'I m .\l I
Indian Raid in Tygart's Valley — Six Families Destroyed — Col. Lowther
in Pursuit — Indians Surprised — \ Deadly \'olley — Capl. Bull .Mortally
Wounded. Jesse Hughes — Fiendish Deed — .\ Ghastly Joke. West and the
"bellow Bf>y" — Indian Horse Thieves — Two are Shot — Indian Idea of Justice
— Retaliatory \'engeance — Martha Huyhes Captured. .Attack on the West
Families. Leonard Sch(K)|craft. Renegade — Heartrending Scene. West in
Clark's Expedition 1781 — Declaration for Bountj- Lands — Personal -Appearance.
Notes — Moccasin Making. X'ision of the Red Doe. Story of a Forty
.Nincr. — Poison for Indian Cattle Thie\es. Gen. Clark — Difftculties Encountered
in Procuring Troops — Contemplated Foray Against Moravian Indians. John
Gibson.
CUAPTKK XI H
"^riie Schoolcraft Family — Its Fate — Five Brothers Swept into Captivity —
Three Turn Indian — Career as Warriors — Two Unaccounted for — Mystery
Solved — Schoolcraft the Hunter — The Phantom Deer. — Schoolcraft the Scout.
— Services along the Ohio. Indian .Ambuscade Near \\ heeling. — Mason and Ogal
Companies Wiped Out. Simon Giriy. W heeling Threatened — Village Burned.
Col. Broadhead's .Allegheny Expedition — Scouting in Monongahela County.
Wheeling in the Revolution^ — Besieged by Indians and British — Col. Zane's
Defense of His Cabin — Choice or Surprise.' — Testimony of Jacob Scott —
Swiftness of Indian Descent — Length of Siege. Scouting in Kentucky — Cam-
paigning with Gen. Clark.
NoTKS — Superstitions of the Wilderness — The Silent Trailing Dog — Sin-
gular Song from the Darkness. Pigeon Roosts — Slaughter of Birds. Last
Great Flight. Col. Broadhead's Coshocton Expedition — Lawlessness of the
Borderers — Executing Prisoners — Village Destroyed — Lewis Wetzel Toma-
hawks a Chief — Massacre of the Unarmed.
Chapter XIV
Jesse Hughes — Trapped by Two Indians — Cunning Ruse and Escape —
Search for Lost Child — Kills Wounded Indian — Remarkable Flcetness of Indian
Athlete — His Tragic Death. Indian .Motives. Lone Indian Shot by West —
10 Table of Contents
His Miserable Death. — Indian Rock — Indian Spring. Flat-boating on the
Monongahela — Hughes Attempts to Kill Indian Child — Barbarity of Combat-
ants.
Notes — Conquest of Primitive Races — Similar Throughout World —
Exterminating Australian Blacks.
Chapter XV
Buckhannon River — Name a Mystery — Conjecture of Writers. Indian
Habitations — Village Near the Pringle Camp. Stream Named for Buckonga-
helas, Delaware War Chief — Name Corrupted — Indian Ghost Story — Char-
acter of Buckongahelas — Washington of His Tribe.
Notes — Buckhannon River — Earliest Mention — John Buchannon Mis-
sionary. Ancient Remains — Mounds — Effigy Pipe. Indian Plurality of
Names.
Chapter XVI
Frontier Posts — Construction — No Adequate Description. Buckhannon
Fort — Size and Character — Ruins — Mill — Traces of Dam and Race —
Burned by Indians. Invasion by Indians — Battle of the Narrows. — Hughes
Kills Indian Leader. Cutright — New Shotpouch. The Regers as Scouts.
John Bush Builder of Buckhannon Fort — Thrilling Adventures with Indians.
Other Bushes — Confusion of Names — Desperate Encounter — Heroic Woman
: — Conflict with a Bear — Death of Bush.
Notes ^ — Intended Forays Revealed by Indians. The Reger Flint-Lock
Rifle. Virginia Militia Regiments Revolutionary War — Field of Action. Size
of Frontier Rifles. Bush Land Claims.
Chapter XVII
Capt. George Jackson — First Military Company of Buckhannon. Col.
Wm. Darke's Emergency Regiment — British in Virginia — Siege of Yorktown —
Jackson in Gen. Clark's Expedition — Col. of Militia — Memorable Night-Run —
Col. Lowther's Rangers — Thomas and Elias Hughes Officers — Jesse Hughes
Subaltern — Indian War Paths — Canoe Travel — Portage — Hughes and West
— Scouting Tour — Bear in "Town" — A Great Hunt — The Spoils. Memorial
Names — Joseph Hall. — In Dunmore's War — Old Camp Unearthed. Henry
Jackson Surveyor — A Surveying Party — Camp Alarmed — Hughes Discovers
Indians - — Camp Abandoned — War Party Raids on Cheat River — Intercepted
by Lowther's Rangers — Uncompleted Survey — Notable Land Suit — Settle-
ments on West Fork River — The Halls. Wm. Strange — Lost in Mountains —
Fruitless Quest — Gun and Skeleton Found — Traditions — Mrs. Strange —
Twice Widowed by Tragedy — Marries Joseph Hall — Descendants. Mollohan
Lost — Unsolved Mystery.
Notes — The Jacksons — Streams Named by Scouts — Kanawha and Monon-
gahela Portage — Indian Remains. Col. Duvall — Commander of Scouts —
Available Military Force. Simon Girty in Settlements — Two Children Killed —
Mythical Indian Town. Incident of Seneca Trail.
Chapter XVIII
Forts on the Ohio. Cattle Drover's Camp Attacked by Tecumseh ■ — Account
by Withers — By Hildreth. Death of Carpenter — Others Killed. Jesse Hughes'
Narrow Escape — Rapid Flight — Indian Respect for Dead — Escape of Negro
Captive — Hughes in Foot Race — Charging Gun while Speeding. Traditional
Account of Carpenter Tragedy — Expedition of Revenge. — Shawnees Attacked
Table of Contents 11
on Shade River — Hughes Saves Indian Baby — Doubtful Xarrativc. Hunters
Attacked — Death of Coleman.
Notes — Red Stone and Marietta Road — Tecumsch — First War Path —
Abstinence from Food. Peter Wai^'Koner Captive. Indian Dress Adopted by
Bordcrmcn.
CuAPThR XIX
\\ apgoncr Massacre — Hughes Gives .Alarm — Tecumsch — Prisoners Object
of Raid — Indian Parental Ixjve — Kscape of Marauders — Kighty Miles without
Food. Peter W agg<)ner — Captive Twenty \'ears — Found in Ohio — His Indian
Family — Persuaded Home — Promised Return — Detained — Grows Restive —
Despondent. .Attempts N'iolence — .More Strictly Guarded — .Marries White
W oman — Stories of Captivity — Traits — His Indian \\ ife \ isits Settlements —
Her Fate — Death of Peter — Captive Sisters.
NoTKS — Waggoner Family in Xiririnia. Chillicothe Destroyed by Ken-
tuckians.
Chaptkr XX
Hughes Last Defense c)f Border. Carpenter Tragedy on F.Ik River. Folly
of Adam O'Brien — The Big and Little Indian. — ^ Superior Skill as Warriors —
Cunning Ruse — Outwitted by Hughes and Killed — John Carpenter — Soldier
of Revolution — In Battle u{ Ciuilford Court House — Border Scout — House
Burned by Indians. N'irginia .Militia at Frontier Forts. Desertion. The Car-
penters' in Dunmorc's War.
Notes — .Adam O'Brien — I Vih* \ irgir.ia Bordermen — Love of Wilderness
— .Adventure — Companion Killed. Jeremiah Carpenter Captive of Shawnee.
Pleasing Episode in Indian Life. Traditions — Omen of the R^d Diit. Jesse
Hughes Avenger. Carpenter's Gun. Bell Decoy. — Settlers Killed.
ClIAPTKK X.\I
Wayne's Defeat of Indians. — Receding of the Border. — Jesse Hughes Grows
Restive — Follows Indians to the Wabash — .Adventure at N'incennes — Chills
and Fever — .Moves to Kentucky — Wanders Back to the Ohio — Settles in
Jackson County (West) N'irginia — Game and Fish — Was Hughes a Long Hunt-
er?— Tradition of Morgan — Dead Indian Flayed — Hughes Kills P'riendly
Indians. War Paths — Haynes Cave — Concealed Rifles — Fate of Drunken
Indians.
Notes — Remarkable Pioneer 1K>um- — Defensive Features — One Hughes
a Ix)ng Hunter — Character and .\chievements of Ix)ng Hunters — Prominence of
Hughes Family. David .Morgan — .Atnxrious Deed — .Morgan's Descendants in
Oregon War — Hereditary Depravity — .Mutilating Dead Body of Indian Chief —
Facts Suppressed. — Debauchery of Northwestern Tribes. Description of Haynes'
Cave — Indian Sagacity.
Chapter XXII
Closing Scenes in Life of Jesse Hughes — Review of Eventful Career —
Judge Brown's Eulogy — Country's Ingratitude — Loss of Home — Dotage of
Old .Age — Hunts Imaginary Indians — Dies Alone in the Woods — Where is the
Old Scout's Grave.' — Irony of Fate — Jesse Hanshaw Death of Mrs. Hughes —
Relics of the Hughes.
Notes — Boone — Hughes — Kenton — Lives Compared. Drouillard. French
Trader.
12 Table of Contents
Chapter XXIII
Genealogy of Hughes Family — Thomas, Sr. — Jesse — Thomas, Jr. —
Elias — No Peers as Scouts on Virginia Border — Sudna — Marriage to Col.
Lowther. Job — - Bibbee's — Descendants of Jesse. — James Gandee — Descend-
ants of Elias.
Notes — Hughes' Race of Warriors. Transformation of Names.
Chapter XXIV
(Biographical)
Elias Alias Ellis Hughes — In Battle of Point Pleasant — Who Was the Last
Survivor? — Samuel Bonifield — Incidents of the Battle — Hughes Defender of
Border — Career as Told in Declaration for Pension — Rare Unpublished History
— Captain of Spies — No Equal as Leader — Captured Indian Ornaments — •
Gen. Wilson's Tribute — Marauding Indians Killed — Remarkable Elk Chase.
Notes — A Ghastly Tradition — Camp Site of Gen. Lewis Army — Historic
Tree — Boy Homesteader.
Chapter XXV
(Biographical)
Elias Hughes Moves to Ohio — Career in Western Country — Printed Rec-
ords— John Ratliff, Indian Fighter — Companion Hunters — Kills Two Indians —
Builds Blockhouse — A Night of Peril — Interesting Unpublished History —
"Last of Border Warriors" — Sketches — Thrilling Adventure — Lieut. War
1812 — Character — Personal Appearance — Traditions — Death — Burial Under
Honors of War.
Notes — By Canoe to the Muskingum — On Foot to Licking River — Forty
Mile Walk at Eighty — Record War 1812 — Death of Sons in'War — Siege of
Fort Meigs — Capt. Samuel Brady — Monument to Hughes.
Chapter XXVI
(Biographical)
Col. William Lowther of Nutter's Fort — Commander of ?\lilltia and Scouts —
Residence — Descendant from Ancient Family — Nationality — Prowess in Days
of Knighthood — Family Coat of Arms — Skill as Leader — Old Cabin — Explor-
ation of Little Kanawha — Hardships of Wilderness Life — Touching Incident —
A Mother's Tears — The "Starving Year" — "God Has Sent This" — Lowther
in Clark's Expedition 1781 — Best Record not in Annals — Interesting Testimony
— Companions in Arms. The Bonnetts. Jacob Bush. Sotha Hickman, Noted
Scout and Hunter. Nutter Family — Builder of Nutter's Fort — Its Location.
Notes — Col. Lowther's Slaves — An Interesting Story — Wild Life of the
Pioneer. — Education. Richards' Fort — Disputed Location — Stockades — The
Richards as Settlers. Scarcity of Bread — Indian Pemmican.
Chapter XXVII
(Biographical)
Printed Record of Col. Lowther — Distribution of Scouts — Commissioned
Captain of MiHtia — Charged with Misconduct — Senior Officer — Merits of the
Scouts. Capt. Bogart. Capt. McCullock. Indians at Neal's Station. Arrest
of Lieut. Biggs. Indians Kill Whites. Dearth of Ammunition — Scarcity of
Rations. Scouts Unpaid — Pay Roll of Scouts. Descendants of Col. Lowther —
Records War 1812 — Genealogy.
Notes — Charges Against Capt. McCullock. Alexander Lowther — Soldier
War 1812.
Table of Contexts 13
Chaptkr XX\ 111
(Biographical)
Henry McWhorter — Pioneer Millwright of Wests lort — Nationality and
Clan Affinity — Three Noted Brothers — Remarkable Strength — Battle with
Keel Boatmen — Henry a Minute Man Revolutionary War — Battle of White
Plains — Building the Chevaux-de-frise Across the Hudson — Contractor Turns
Tory — Pilots British Ships Through Gap — Battle of Fort Montgomery — Mud
Kort — Barracks Burned. McWhorter Moves to Pennsylvania — Enlists Against
Indians — Marries — Moves to Hampshire County, \'irginia — To Hacker's
Creek — The Old Cabin — Packing Salt Across Mountains — Comrade Freezing
— Warmed with Beech Limb — Builds Mill — Capacity of a Mountain "Corn
Cracker" — Act of Charity. Waggoner Tragedy. Death of Henry. John
McWhorter — Boy Life in Wilderness — Eccentricity of Character — Hunting
Deer with Bucket — Capt. War 1S12 — Public Career — .\musing Anecdotes —
A Scathing Rebuke. Other McWhortcrs — Incidents — Genealogy — Soldiers
Civil War.
N'oTKS — McWhorter — Modes of Spelling Name — The Family in New
York — Minute .Men — Obstructing the Hudson — Family in Pennsylvania —
Soldiers Revf)lutionary War. Joseph Kester — Revo!utionar\- Soldier.
Chapter XXIX
(Biographical)
The Regers — Early Pioneers — Nationality — Founder of Family in Vir-
ginia — Soldiers in Revolution — Wonderful Hunters — Terrible Conflict with a
Bear — Scouting (m the .Monongahela — Bitten by Rattlesnake — Thrilling Com-
bats with Bears - Carrying Eight Bushels Salt — Tossing .Man in .\ir — The
Hercules of the Border — Cowing a Bully — "Wallowing" Two Men at 80 —
Descendants in War 1S12-186I — Battle with Indians — Entering Bear's Den —
Notice of Bozarth Tragedy — .\dvcnture with Wolves — .Mysterious Quarry —
Chasing the Devil — Superstitions — Occult Healing. Genealogy.
NoTKS — Col. Wm. Russel in Revolution — On the Border. Col. Silas
Zane — Revolutionary Record. Siege of Fort Henry. Bozarth Children Captives
— A "Brave Boy" — "Forenash Plantation." Ludicrous Incident — Kentucky
"Col." Hunting 'Prouble — Hurled Over Rail Fence. — Hunter's .Attachment for
His Dog — A Touching Scene. F^ntcring Den of Panthers — Gen. Putnam's
Achievement Eclipsed. Bl<K)dy Run — Origin of Name.
Chapter XXX
(Biographical)
Jacob Brake Indian Captive — Life .\mong Northwestern Tribes — Pontiac's
War — Return from Captivity — Knows of Copper Mime in Michigan — Com-
pany Formed to Develop Ore — Brake Pilots Party Through Wilderness —
Arrives .Near the Mine — .\ngcred — Refuses to Reveal Location — Brake of
Noble Birth — Father a German Baron. Tory Uprising on Wappatomaka — John
Claypole Leader — Brake's .Mill Rendezvous — Militia Overawed — Tories Scat-
tered by .Morgan's Riflemen — The Baron's Estate Destroyed — Returns to
Germany. Genealogy.
Notes — Mary Harris Indian Captive. Brake Family. First Census of
V^irginia. Augusta County Militia on Border. Col. Paston's Appeal for Aid
in Suppressing Tory Element.
Chapter XXXI
(Biographical)
Cozads — Settlers on Cheat River — Nationality — Different Forms of Name
— Jacob Cozad, Sr., Moves to Hacker's Creek — Indian Incursion — Jacob, Jr.,
14 Table of Contents
and Three Brothers Captured — Youngest Killed — Cozad Tree — Bark Inscrip-
tion — Flight and Escape of Indians — Jacob's Alarm Halloo — Knocked Senseless
with Rifle — Saved by Squaw — Brothers Freed at Treaty of Greenville — Jacob
Remains Prisoner — Found by Brother. Incidents in Indian Life — Indian
Superstition. — Jacob Rescues Child — A Mother's Gratitude. Battle of Fallen
Timbers — Rage of Indians — Jacob Condemned to the Stake — • Preparation
for Death — Secreted by Strange Squaw — Spirited Away. Indian Nurser)^
Song. Huntercraft. Hardships. Spartan Training of Boys. Jacob's After
Life — Marriage — Settles on Hacker's Creek — Baptist Minister — Sweat Doc-
tor. Comments. Indian Veneration for Rattlesnake — Serpent Worship —
Pictographs — Petroglyphs.
Notes — Indian Women Taking War Path — Modern Instances Cited.
The Wahk-puch of the Yakimas.
Chapter XXXII
(Biographical)
The Hursts' — Revolutionary Soldier Head of Family — Dies on Cheat
River — Widow Moves to West Fork — Life in the Woods — John Hurst Soldier
War 1812 — Antipathy for Reptiles — Den of Rattlesnakes — Narrow Escape —
Panthers — Hair Whitened by Fright — Adventures — -Price of Two Charges of
Powder — Wolves — Dangerous Night Prowler — A Close Call. Daniel Hurst —
Soldier 1812. Stock Driving Across Mountains — Slave Whipping — Taming a
Slave Overseer.
Notes — Poisonous Snakes — Fabulous Size of Rattler — Death from Bite
— The Copperhead — Extermination.
Chapter XXXIII
(Biographical)
James Belt — Typical Mountaineer — Eccentricity of Character — ■ Born
Orator — Stickler for Truth — Midnight Lecture in Down-pour. Recreant Jack
Condemned to Hang — Funeral Oration on Mountain — Timely Reprieve. Tan-
glefoot and Stump Speaking. Land of Milk and Honey. Soldier War 1812 —
A Martinet — Traits of a Napoleon — Cat vs. Batrachian. Sam — War-horse
of the Valley — "Pards" in the Fray — Charging the Enemy — An Army on the
"Knob" — Peace to The "Pards."
Chapter XXXIV
(Witchcraft)
Witchcraft and Black Art — Superstitions of Early Settlers — Witch Spells —
Gun and Shotpouch Effected — Witch Doctors — Status with Bordermen —
Modern Belief in Occult — Human Steed — Strenuous Night Journey — Sumptu-
ous Repast — Malicious Persecution — Destroying the Witch — Bewitched Sugar
Orchard — Achievements of Elkanv Roby — Potency of the Silver Bullet and
Muttered "Spell."
Chapter XXXV
(Carnivora)
Carnivora of West Virginia — Present Range of Black Bear. The Timber
Wolf — Early Practical Extinction — Former Packs Swarming the Great Woods —
Cunning Ferocity. A Narrow Escape. Woman Pursued. Hunter Lost. The
Panther — Sly Fierceness. Bozarth Stalked — Rescued by Dogs. Sleeping Baby
Saved by a Fice. Unarmed Settler Attacked — Decisive Combat in the Dark.
Heroic Woman. Mail Carrier's Thrilling Adventure — An Eye Dual — Lonel}^
Ride — A Scream from the Darkness. The Masked Camp Fire — A Surprised
Table of Contents IS
PantluT. A Scared Darkey — Lucky Knifi- Thrust. Hunter Pursued — Saved
by Random Shot. .\ Startled Irishman. .\ Gamboling Panther Killed. The
Last Bear. A Darinji Woman. Humorous Bear Story. The First Buck. A
Modern Nimrod.
Nori ■; — Ruse nf Wolf in Securing; Prey — Deer Herded by Wolves.
AIMMADI.X
-AiM'i Nm.\ 1
Draper Correspondence — Rare Collection of Letters on liorder History of
I'pper .\Iononi;ahela — Li^ht on Disputed Points — Contribution by Col. Westfall
— B) David Snntli — .Vulhorship i»f linrJer Warfare — Hacker and Powers Let-
ters — Jacksons as l*ioneers.
NoTKS — Stroud Tragedy — Battle of Point Pleasant — First Shot — Lieut.
Fropp — If'itliers .Account of Killing' Capt. White — Other Incidents — John
Hacker — Hezekiah Hess — Soldier Revolution — Descendants — Henry Ilinz-
man - Record Re\'ilutionary \\ ar — Geneaiofjy — Rev. Wm. G. ILicker.
Appendix 2
BufLilo in Western X'irginia — Bibliography by Draper — .Additional Data —
Distribution Throughout Trans-Allcghcny — Last Buffalo and F'lk in West Vir-
ginia — Gazetteer.
.\i'i'i.Nmx }
.Archaeological Kxamination of Indian Camp — Relics — Huinan Remains —
Fire Hearths — Flint Implements — .\sii Camp — Wh>' Named — Legend of
the Lost .Mine — Ruins — Strange Rock Inscriptions — What are 'I'hcy.' — Old
Map — .Mysterious Cave — Buried Treasure — The Swift Mines — Where
Located.' — Swift's Journal — The Judge Apperson Copy — Connelley's Letter.
NoTKS —Tragedy of Powell's .Mountain. Civil War.
-Appendix 4
Concerning Tory Uprising on Wappalomaka — Petitions for E.xecutivc Clem-
ency for John Claypole — Jacob Brake and Others — Brake's Mill — Baron
John Brake.
House Occupied by Author,
Just After Marriage to Miss Ardelia Swisher
PRKFACE
Jesse Hughes was a pioneer in Xorihwestern \'irginia, that
region so designated in early annals and now principally included
in the State of West \'irginia. It was, at the time he came into
it, a wilderness. It was a country of hills and clear streams and
magnificent forests. It abounded in beautiful valleys, precip-
itous bluffs, rugged cliffs, and rolling uplands stretching away
to greater elevations, ending finally in some watershed composed
of steep and lofty ranges, outlying flankers of the Alleghenies.
These ranges are spread out without regularity or order. The\-
arc ever-present. They are formed, fashioned and separated by
the swift streams flowing by their bases to the larger tributaries
of the Ohio. Trees cover them to their summits. Sometimes
the countr\' bears a park-like appearance; and again it becomes
choked with thickets of bushes, brambles, vines and enormous
greenbriers. Often the tops of the ranges are covered with
immense masses of sandstone, from which innumerable fragments
have scattered over both mountain and valley. It is a country
of moods. In winter, when the trees arc stripped and their
branches bare, groan and creak in the north wind, it has a bleak
and savage aspect. In summer it is full-leaved, delicately-lined,
and lies blushing and plentifully-promising in a flood of sunshine.
In autumn it is glowing, gorgeous, magnificently colored, sullimc.
1 he changing hues of the land create an cn\ironment which
begets the spirit of mystery. The dweller therein is lifted above
himself — charmed. Something akin to worship rises in his
heart as he views from some mountain-top his native land l\ing
spread below him robed in colors more varied and beautiful than
queen or princess ever wore. The mountaineer who wanders
from this land ma\- see vast plains covered with waving harvests,
and a thousand hills covered with grazing cattle; he may live
where rolls old ocean; he may prosper in the riches of this world;
he may attain fame and greatness and power; but his heart is in
the romantic hills and enchanted valleys stretching down from
the .Mleghenies toward the great river which flows out to lose
itself in roaring breakers and washing tides, and which so fitl\-
typifies human life.
18 Preface
When Jesse Hughes and those who came with him arrived in
this mystic wilderness, it was a solitude well-nigh tenantless.
Indian tribes claimed it for a hunting-ground. They roamed
over it in quest of game. They hunted through its mazes for the
settler who dared defile it with axe and plow. In the contest for
the land Jesse Hughes bore a part far beyond that of the average
settler. He was one of those woodsmen in whom was concentra-
ted the hardihood, the daring, the fierce and uncontrollable spirit
of our barbarous ancestors in the fens and on the swamp shores
of Northwestern Europe. The wild life of the great woods
appealed to him. It suited his rancorous humor. It was in accord
with the fountains of his life. He gloried in it. It was war,
danger, adventure. His life was forfeit every minute, but the
knowledge of this fact stimulated him like wine. The hunt for
those who would slay him became his ruling passion, the sole end
for which he lived. On the trail of the wild Indian his soul hard-
ened to iron and his nature grew more savage than that of the
man he hunted. He was grim, cruel, relentless, and bloodthirsty.
But he was the product of the age in which he lived. Nature
makes no mistakes. Every emergency produces the men to cope
with it. In the conquest of the great valley of the Mississippi such
men were a necessity, and they were developed by the westward
migration of the white man. They were the warriors of our
advancing lines — heroes now and evermore.
William Elsey Connelley.
TO THE READER
The friends of Mr. McW liorter, ulio are acquainted with his
work among the Indians and his researches into tlie archives of
\'irginia, as well as his explorations in the held of archaeology,
urged upon him that it was simple justice to the reader that a
personal sketch should be included in the present volume. Hav-
ing been acquainted with the author for over twenty years,
knowing his venerated father, and more or less familiar with the
sturd\' and honorable characteristics of the family, the pleasure
of writing this sketch devolved upon me. The reader should
realize what one may accomplish when the mind is willing though
obstacles may intervene.
Mr. McW horlcr is an unassuming man, without scholastic
learning, thomughl)' honest in purpose and always willing to listen
to others. W hen his mind is decisively made up he acts without
an}' thought of reward or encomium. In the services he ren-
dered the Indians of the Stale of Washington he incurred the
enmit)' of one of the most thoroughly organized gangs of land
robbers in the history of this country, whose territories were
strongK' entrenched in the Indian Department. Single-handed he
coped with them. His only guide being that of simple justice.
In every move he outwitted all, though some of the shrewdest
law\'ers were at work. W hile his movements were silent, he
did not disguise the fact he had determined to stand between
them and the Indian. However, it is better for the narrative
to reveal the truth.
Lucullus Virgil, son of Rev. |. M. McWhorter, M. D., was
born in a log cabin built by his great uncle, Thomas McW horter,
on the ancestral home, on McKinne\'s Run, a tributary of Hack-
er's Creek, in Harrison County, (West) Virginia, January 29,
1860. The following March his parents moved to Buckhannon
Run, an upper branch of Hacker's Creek, in Upshur Count)-. In
this isolated little valley, with six brothers and two sisters he grew
to manhood, inheriting all the mountaineer's love of freedom and
clan affinity. Many of his habits were solitary. The hills, woods
and limpid streams were inexhaustible sources of pleasure. He
lamented the passing of the native forest with its indigene life.
20 To The Reader
His pro-primitive disposition and proneness for the wild, pre-
cluded the collegiate course and West Point Cadetship which
were open to him. Four months of dreaded winter schooling
until twenty-one years of age was all that his nature could endure.
He chafed at restraint; and his distaste for text books was sur-
passed only by his infatuation for some of the poets, Indian and
pioneer history, traditions and mountain folk-lore. He reveled in
the legends of the wilderness. The hunter stories of the first
settlers which he heard in childhood were never forgotten. The
thrilling adventures of Jesse Hughes and his associates with the
red warriors of the forest appealed to him as nothing else could.
These tales of a past epoch eventually culminated in the pages
of Border Settlers.
Unlike most of our pioneer annals, the reader will find this
work strikingly non-partisan. The author has endeavored to
give events without discriminating in favor of his own race. To
him the aggressors in the Trans-Allegheny wars were too palpable
to admit of controversy. Upon this point he is likely to be assailed,
for he has crossed some recognized authorities; but his position is
strongly entrenched with facts. Justly loyal to his own racial
affinities, he has, from early childhood been noted for his Indian
sympathies. While yet in his early teens he prevailed on his little
sister to bore his ears, preparatory to a life with the red men.
The culminating set-back to this Utopian dream was when, in
anticipation of a visit to the parental home of a noted preacher
from Ohio, his more "civilized" brothers forcibly applied the
shears to his flowing locks. As he grew older, filial duty alone
stayed his nomadic proclivities; but with each recurring flight
of the wild geese the inherent longing for the boundless open was
almost unendurable. Indian Summer affected him inexplicably.
The murky haze was from the smoke-flues of the invisible wigwams
of the spirit Indians which haunt the Monongahela hills. The
autumnal winds soughing in the trees scattering the crimson foli-
age, was a funeral dirge for the primitive life forever gone.
Early in life Air. McWhorter read MacLean's: The Mound
Builders; published in serial form in The Star in the West; which
found its way into his mountain home. The reading of this
work had a very marked effect on his future career. Those old
Stars were treasured for years and from their perusal a new world
was unfolded, and there came a longing for delving into the past.
To The Rkader 21
Other archaeological authors were studied, w hicii in time led to a
practical examination of the various Indian remains in the Hack-
er's Creek valley, with a correct tabulation of all data obtained.
(Iraves, mounds, stone-heaps and village sites were explored and
their histor)- revealed. \o antiquities in the valley that he did
not visit and note. Caves and aboriginal rock-shelters in other
localities were investigated and their secrets wrested from them.
But in all these excavations his veneration for the ancient was
such that even the most lowly grave was invariably left restored
to its former state. .None could accuse him of undue desecration
or vandalism. He became an expert on flint and stone imple-
ments. Thousands of relics were collected with accurate history
of their hnding: constituting the finest aggregation of antiquarian
objects ever secured in central West \'irginia; a region not rich
in ancient remains. These in later years were placed intact and
permanentU' in the .Museum of The H'tst I'irj^^iniu Historical and
Antiquarian Society. Charlestf)n; since created T/ie Department
of State Archives and History. In 189.^ he was one of three who
originated and published The .hchaeologist, an illustrated journal
intended to meet the primary needs of the archaeological student.
This publication was suspended three years later.
In 1S*)7. the home farm was disposed of and the author soon
after settled near the historic Fort Jefferson, in Darke County,
Ohio. In the spring of l'X)3, he consummated his life-long desire
to "go west," by moving with his famil>' to .\(jrth Vakima, \\ ash-
ington; where he continued for a lime in the live stock business,
which he had previously been f(jllowing. His delight was Devon
cattle. His father and himself brought the first of this active
breed into Central West \irginia. He held to them in Ohio,
and selected the cream of seven different herds and took them to
Washington. He and his two sons had, when they disposed of
their business, the nucleus of the best herd in the United States.
They exhibited throughout the Northwest and the Pacific Slope.
In his new home, situated (.m\\ a few miles from the \'akima
Indian Reservation, he found opportunity for the field study of
ethnology, which he had combined with archaeology. He soon won
the friendship of the tribe. He joined in their social gatherings
and festivities. He camped with them in the mountains, participat-
ing in their feats of strength and testing the splendid efficiency of
the sweat-house and the icy river bath. He mingled with them
22
To The Reader
in their primitive worship, for which he has inherent respect.
He has been instructed in the mystic rites of the "medicine dance,"
and the touching simphcity of the "feast of the new food;" a
ceremony of invocation and thanksgiving to Ale-yay -wah, the
Supreme. He has been welcomed at the "funeral feast," where
^-^^^--^^^^^^^/f^
the grief and respect for the memory of the dead is attested by
wailing and the distribution of presents. Looked upon as one
of their number, they have sought his counsel. As one aged
warrior expressed it "He has ears and he hears straight. He has
but one tongue and he talks from his heart." So great was their
To The Reader 23
confidence in him, that Yodm-tee-bee^ "bitten by a grizzly bear,"
a strong clan Chieftain, adopted him into his tribe; conferring
upon him all the honors of a councilman, under the name of a
deceased sub-chief: Ile-mene-Ka <can, "Old Wolf." This name
in Klickitat, a tribe amalgamated with the Yakimas, is Ilal-isk
llo-sat. At a later day, Too-skas-Pot-thah -nook, "Seven Aloun-
tains,"the last surviving son of the great War Chief, Ozchi, adopted
him in lieu of a deceased brother, Ko-tcih -zvi-nat, "rain falling
from a passing cloud," a noted warrior of his day.
Chief ^ oomteebce's newly made clansman soon became aware
that his people were being systematically looted; that their right
to the reservation streams for irrigation purposes, without which
their lands are worthless, had been appropriated by the white
settlers; and tiiat later this wrong had been arbitrarily sanctioned
by an unfair ruling of the Secretary of the Interior, leaving the
Indians entireh' unprovided for. Also that through Congressional
legislation, steered by local "promotors" and land grabbers, three-
fourths of all allotments within a large area were to be sold under
a law that was equivalent to confiscation; permitting the allottees
to hold twent\' acres each only, for which they were to pay for a
water right on such terms and at such price as the Secretarx' of
the Interior might provide. This appalling robbery, which if
consummated meant ruin for the victims, he saw hanging over the
"\ akimas. .Acting upon his own \olition and without legal advice,
he went secreth- intcj the hght with the determination that if the
game could not be defeated, he would in any event expose the
conspiracy which he surmised to be far-reaching and powerful.
His conjecture proved true and the odds against him were heavy.
But casting his lot with that of ^'oomteebee, the "leader of the
hostiles," and enjoying the full confidence of that determined,
primitive-minded Chieftain, he well knew what danger lurked
ahead should he fail to break the mighty combine and the tribes-
men be driven to the "last ditch." He kept his own counsel, but
when the time came for the Indians to be approached by the
Government officials for the purpose of securing the contracts
necessary for the consummation of the crime, he acted promptly.
Mounted on U'ild Eye, "The (jrey Cayuse," he struck the Reser-
vation trails night and day; warning his red brothers against sign-
ing any papers that might be presented to them. Chief Yoom-
teebee sent out other runners and soon the entire tribe was awake
24 To The Reader
to the impending danger. They refused to sign, and the pet
scheme to ensnare the 1 akimas was foiled, nor did the despoilers
know for a time from whence came the blow.
The first skirmish had been won and the lines of the enemy
thrown into confusion. This, however, only augmented the
ominous menace of an actual tragedy should the tide turn. On
March 10, 1910, Chief Yoomteebee died of pneumonia, leaving
the tribe in mourning and the "hostiles" without an aggressive
leader. New measures, covert and subtile were launched by the
opposition and the fight continued. Wild Eye-, an integral factor
in the battle, covered hundreds of miles, traversing obscure trails
in the darkness of night; and on one such occasion crossing a
swollen reservation stream on a rude Indian bridge of round
poles, the loose timbers half floating on the flood, giving at every
step of the faithful steed. Often for days and nights the rider did
not remove his clothes, eating when he could and sleeping when
and wherever weariness demanded a rest. He was always wel-
comed at the Indian's lowly home, but many times his bed was a
blanket and a pile of straw in the open or the bare ground. The
haunting appeal of Chief Yoomteebee, "You are now my brother.
You must always stand by my people and help them," ever
urged him on. During the thickest gloom of the trouble, Rev.
Stwire G. \\ aters, who had been elected Head Chief of the Tribe,
said, "I have been praying that the Lord would send a good
man to help us, and he has heard me."
For three years, single-handed he kept up the struggle, balk-
ing every effort of the "system." He then successfully invoked the
aid of the Indian Rights Association. Air. Brosius, the agent for
this powerful, philanthropic body, entered the contest with spirit.
He looked to the legal and strategic feature at the National Cap-
itol, while Mr. McWhorter kept guard on the Reservation. Judge
Carroll B. Graves, an eminent attorney of Seattle, was employed,
and in the end a victory was won, insofar as recovering free water
for one-half of the land involved and preventing the jeopardizing
of any part of the allotments in question. Mr. Brosius said that
if it had not been for "The Grey Cayuse" and rider, the Yakimas
would have been despoiled of water rights to the value of several
millions of dollars. The most effective and characteristic of the
tribal petitions were drafted by Air. AlcWhorter.
The white owners of 20,000 acres of deeded Indian lands
To The Reader 25
shared equally with the tribesmen in the fruits of this triumph,
but strange to say they blindly stood in with the opposition, or
held aloof until the last stages of the struggle. Mr. McW'horter
did this work, ignoring alike intimidating threats and warnings
of social ostracism; spending months of time and considerable
money without any expectation of compensation or reward; nor
did he ever solicit or receive a dollar for the sacrifice which left
him tinancially crippled.
In r^i.v Mr. McW hortcr published his "Crime Against the
\ akimas," a strongly written pamphlet of tifty-six pages, illus-
trated, selling forth the flagrant wrongs heaped upon this tribe
and the strenuous fight made by the chief men for tardy justice.
It is a fearful exposure of an attempt at despoiling the Nation s
li (ird> . wherein (lovernmenl officials, speculators and political
cohorts under the cloak of philanlhrt)pic motives were combined
to deliver the final <o»//> dc maifrr to a helpless remnant of a race
upon whose neck the heel of the conqueror has ground for the last
four centuries, in the introduction, by .\Ir. William 1'!. Johnson,
known and dreaded b>' the lawless whiskey vendors who haunt
the western Indian reservations as "Pussie Foot," in part, says:
"^ ears ago .\lc\\ horter began mingling with the \ akima
Indians. He earned their confidence. He fought their battles.
He aired their wrongs in public. He spent his time and money
in efforts to secure for them a square deal. He was formally
adopted intf) their tribe by Chief \ 66m-tee-bee, and is known
among them as He-mcne Ka-wan (Old Wolf). And, while he
is an adopted member of their tribe and has participated in tribal
affairs as a member of their council, he has never sought or received
one (.loUar of benefit irom such membership.
"Four years ago, when I began operations in Washington,
suppressing the liquor traffic among Indians, as chief officer of the
Indian service, I first crossed this man McW horter's trail. I
found him stirring them up to protest against the issuing of saloon
license at Toppenish. I found the Indians under his influence,
protesting against the issuing of saloon licenses at W apato, at
Parker and other places. I found him stirring up the \akimas
to petition the Secretary of the Interior, asking for the removal
of the white man's saloon from their midst.
"In March. 1*M1. a bill was introduced into the W"ashington
-senate to destroy the splendid state law against selling liquor to
26 To The Reader
Indians. The news came to me immediately over the wire and I
telegraphed to many persons of influence in that state, asking
assistance in defeating the infamous proposal. It was L. V.
McWhorter who played the card that defeated the liquor grafters.
He rode the Yakima Reservation for two days. The result was,
that, representing five hundred Indians, he sent a telegram to the
sponsor of the bill protesting and imploring that it be withdrawn.
And it was withdrawn, as the hundreds of scoundrels who have,
since been convicted under this law can testify.
"Because of my interest in my own race as well as my interest
In the Indian, I rejoice that the following pages have been written,
and written by one so well qualified to tell the sordid story as
Mr. McWhorter. If the remainder of the white race were like
him, there would be no 'Indian problems.' "
During these years of friendly contact with the Yaklmas,
McWhorter obtained many of their traditions and folk-lore stories,
to which he is constantly adding. These, with much obscure
tribal history, because of the native eloquence of oratory which
he carefully preserves, will, if ever published, constitute a valuable
contribution to our Indian literature. Not the least interesting
of his manuscripts is the personal narratives of a number of the
warriors of Chief Joseph's Band, Nez Perce War, 1877. Some of
these cover previous tribal wars, and the thrilling experiences of
the grim fighters, told in their own way, reveals the Indian char-
acter as seldom found in border history. The lack of money
alone has prevented the completion of these researches and their
publication In book form.
J. P. MacLean.
Franklin, Ohio.
February 22, 1915.
PRELUDE
Border Settlers, begun in 1896, has been written under adver-
sity during such time as could be spared from keeping the tradi-
tional wolf from the door. The volume is a growth from an
original design to write a biography of Jesse Hughes, the great
Indian Scout of Western Virginia. Whatever its merits, it is the
product of an incentive to place in tangible form some of the
unpublished records, history and traditions of the pioneers of the
most interesting region of our entire western border. In some
instances widely scattered authorities have been drawn from, in
the belief that a complete, though condensed history so far as
practicable, was desirable. Comparatively, the printed record is
meagre; but the field was found rich in unchronicled lore.
Nowhere in the Anglo-Saxon conquest of the New World is
there a territory so fraught with dramatic traged}', personal
prowess and adventure, as the Trans-Allegheny. For more than
twenty years, embracing the Revolutionary struggle, amid the
dark mazes of this mighty wilderness, the Red and the White
warriors met in deadly conflict. It was a warfare cruel, fierce
and unrelenting; where mutual wrongs and implacable race hatred
ever whetted anew the murderous scalping knife and rendered
unerring the aim of the deadly rifle. The sombre dales of the
Monongahela and the deep glens of the Kanawhas' witnessed
many a tragic scene. The set purpose to found new homes in the
wilderness was met with a grim determination to maintain those
homes long established to the westward, by holding, if possible,
this natural barrier against the invader.
By instinct and training the contestants stood fairl\- matched.
Baring the torture stake, the status of the "Advance guard of
civilization," was scarce above that of the Red guard of barbarism.
The isolation of the settlers' cabins was responsible for the man>'
dreadful massacres of innocence; while the segregation of the Indians
alone secured them from the ravages of a like warfare. \\ hen
the opportunit}- afforded, entire families, bands anel \illagcs were
ruthlessly destroyed. The wolf and the vulture e\er hovered in
the wake of the Red and the White forayer. The war whoop
and the border yell were alike s\non\-mous of death: — a call for
the carrion creatures to assemble in feast.
28 Prelude
The antipathy of the Indian for the "Long Knives" was well
founded. Nowhere in the early annals can we find such reckless
dare-devil bravery as displayed by the Virginia frontiersman;
where every settler was a warrior. And nowhere has the chronicler
dealt more unfairly with the memory of the forest ranger. If
zeal in the extirpation of the Indian is to be considered a virtue,
then many of these bordermen were entitled to canonization.
Jesse Hughes and his two noted brothers: — the peers of Boone,
Brady, Kenton, the McColloughs', Wetzels' and the Zanes', have
but small space in the annals, while the names of others of scarce
less ability are practically unknown. In the present work, many
of the deeds of these scouts are, for the first time, made public.
Pathos and tragedy are the component parts of the early
history of this region. Domestic life held but little cheer. The
warrior-settler engaged so constantly in scouting and the chase,
was not only necessarily improvident, but his meagre wages for
military services were often in arrears. On the wife and the mother
devolved the heavier burden of providing for the family. It was
not enough that she spin and manufacture clothing, but the
"corn patch" and the "truck patch" were usually the product of
her toil, aided, perhaps, by the children. Unceasing danger and
hardships were her portion, and her worth has never been appre-
ciated.
A descendant of one of the oldest and most noted pioneer
families of the upper Alonongahela, writes me.
"In writing the record of the wilderness heroes, do not forget
that it was our old grandmothers who cooked for all the people
around open wood fires when they attended church in their cabin
homes: that there were as many noble women as there were
noble men, true heroines, who with but few pleasures to mitigate
the monotony of their hard, arduous lives; they toiled without
murmur or complaint. Their courage, industry, patience and
self-denial, were the beautiful as well as the pathetic side of the
pioneer life in those trying days. They were the real foundations
of the great civilization of our land. Do not forget our grand-
mothers."
This is true; and the historian has failed to recognize the
actual part of these grandmothers in the settlement and develop-
ment of the Trans-Allegheny. When life in the boundless woods
threatened to revert husband, father and son to hopeless barbar-
Prf-mde 29
ism, it was iheir influence which checkmated the scductixe "call
of the wild." Peace to Tiikir Mi.mor^-.
MEMORJMXl
The following is a list of the names of men for whose military
records search was made among the archives of the War Depart-
ment, and the Pension Office, Washington, 1). C". With the
exception of a few soldiers of the War of 1812, which are so designa-
ted, all were for services during the Revolutionary War, either
Continental Troops or State Militia; which latter included frontier
scouts or rangers. Many of these never applied for pension;
some dying before the pension laws covering their case were
enacted. The prospect of a record through the widow's chiim
was an incentive for the examination. 1 am indebted to Laura
(jertrude Rogers, of W ashington C"ii\ , tor the splendid results
obtaincLl. which arc full}" set forth in the course of this xohime.
It was found that not a lew of the bra\est defenders of the border
were left entirely without the pale of an\' pensioning legislation.
Bail)', Capt. Minter; Bent, Belt or Broadbelt, James (War
1812); Biggs, Lieut. Joseph; Bonnett, Jacob; Bonnett, Lewis;
Bonnett, Peter; Bozarth, Cap. John (War 1812); Bozarth, (jeorge
(War of 1812); Brake, Jacob; Brown, John; Bush, Jacob; Bush,
John; Butcher, Paulcene.
Carpenter, Christopher; Carpenter, Jesse; Carpenter. John;
Connells, Col. John (W'^ar 1812); Cotteral, Thomas; Cutright, John;
Cutright, Benjamin; Cutright, Peter.
I)a\'isson, Hezekiah; Dorman, Timothy; Drennen, Thomas;
Duval. John P.
Flesher, Adam; Llesher, Henry; Forenash, Jacob.
Green, Cjeorge; Gregory, Capt. Joseph.
Hacker, John; Hacker, W illiam; Hall, Joseph; Hess, Hezekiah
(1776-1812); Hicks, Sotha; Hinzman, Henr>'; Hughes, Jesse
(for widow's claim); Hughes, Elias; Hughes, Thomas; Hughes,
Job; Hughes, Charles; Hughes, Charles (War of 1812); Hughes,
David (War of 1812); Hughes (i\n\ name \'oluntcer from Licking
Co., Ohio. War 1812) ; Hurst, William; Hurst (an\- name); Hurst,
John (War of 1812); Hurst, Daniel (War of 1812); Hurst, William
(War of 1812).
Jackson, John; Jackson, Cieorge; Jackson, Kdward; Jackson,
Henry; Jenkins, Bartholomew.
30 Prelude
Kester, Joseph; King, Col. William (3rd U. S. Rifles, War of
1812).
Lowther, William; Lowther, Robert; Lowther (any name);
Lowther, Alexander (War of 1812); Lowther (any name. War of
1812); Lynn, John.
Martin, Stephen; McCan, Paterick; McColloch, or McCul-
lough. Major John; McWhorter, Henry; McWhorter, Alexander
(Knox Artillery Brigade); McWhorter, Capt. John (War of 1812);
McWhorter, James; McWhorter, John; McWhorter, Gilbert;
McWhorter, Robert; McWhorter, William — New York, New
Jersey and Pennsylvania, War 1776; AlcWhorter (any name);
Morgan, (any name); Morrison, James.
Nutter, Christopher; Nutter, Capt. Thomas.
O'Brien, Adam.
Powers, William; Powers, John; Pringle, Capt. Samuel;
Pringle, John.
Radcliff, William; Radcliff, John; Reeder, ; Reger,
Anthony; Reger, Philip; Reger, Jacob; Reger, John; Robinson,
Major Benjamin; Runner, Elijah; Ryan, John; Ryan, .
Schoolcraft, John (mentioned by Withers); Schoolcraft,
John (scout about Wheeling); Scott, Andrew; Scott, Jacob; Scott,
Robert; Sevier, Col. John; Shaver, Paul; Sleeth, David; Smith,
David.
Waggoner, John; Waggoner, William; West, Alexander;
West, Edmund; West, Joseph; Westfall, Jacob; White, Capt.
William (for widow's claim); Wilson, Col. Benjamin.
Zane, Col. Ebenezer; Zane, Col. Silas.
It is with pleasure that I acknowledge valuable assistance
from Mr. William Elsey Connelley, the late lamented Prof. Virgil
A. Lewis, Hon. Hu Maxwell, Hon. W. B. Cutright, Mr. Henry
Haymond, Dr. J. P. MacLean, Judge Wm. S. O'Brien, Miss Minnie
Kendall Lowther, Prof. H. R. Mcllwain of the Virginia State
Library; and Dr. R. G. Thwaites and Miss Annie A. Nunns, of
\\'isconsin State Historical Society. Aside from the preface and
notes written by Mr. Connelley, his counsel and suggestions were
invaluable in the final arrangement of material. Second only to
Mr. Connelley in this respect was Mr. J. Scott McWhorter, Attor-
ney, Lewisburg, W. Va. Other sources of help are duly credited
where given. -. ^- tv 4- tt-
LUCULLUS VIRGIL McVVHORTER.
North Yakima, Wash., Ma\-. 1914.
THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC LIBRARY
A8TO«. LENOX
J^i£ENFOUW0ATlr>Ng
Photograph of The Pringle Sycamore, March, 1915
courtesy of mr. and mrs. u. i. jenkins
CHAPTKR I
The first permanent settlers to enter the Trans-Allegheny of
Western X'irginia, came from the W'appatomaka, (I) and were led
hv Samuel Pringle. Samuel and his younger brother John were
soldiers in the British garrison at Fort Pitt, which they, with
William Childers and Joseph Linsey deserted in 1761. (2) They
tied first to the wilds of the Monongahela, but subsequently
sought the glades at the head of the Youghiogheny, where they
encamped about one year. In 1762 they ventured to the Looney's
Creek settlement but almost immediately Childers and Linsey
were arrested. The Pringles escaped to their old haunts where
they remained in the employment of John Simpson, a trapper,
until some time in 1764.
As the glades were now being invaded by hunters from the
W'appatomaka, the trio resolved to retreat further west. By such
move Simpson would find better hunting and the Pringles would
he more secure from detection and arrest. \\ hile executing this
resolution and after crossing the Cheat River at the Horse Shoe
(bend) the trapper and the fugitives parted company as a result
of a disagreement. Simpson proceeded to the mouth of Elk
Creek, near the present site of Clarksburg, where he erected a
camp and continued until permanent settlements were made on
the western waters. He then disappeared, in all probability
going to Kentuck}'. He appears to have been a man of fierce
temperament. One Cottral, or Cottrell, met death at his hands
in an altercation over two gallons of salt. The Cottrals were,
however, known for their great fighting qualities.
The Pringles kept up Tygart's \'alley, and reached the
Buckhannon River (1764), where they took up residence in a
hollow sycamore tree at the mouth of Turkey Run. (3) Here
they resided until late in the autumn of 1767, when they had
remaining but two charges of powder. Leaving these with
Samuel, John recrossed the mountains for a supply of ammunition.
While there he learned that peace had been declared with both
French and Indian, and that they now could return in safety to
the settlements. After some delay he hastened back to the
wilderness camp to find his brother reduced to the verge of
(1) See page 415. (2) p. 415. (3) p. 416.
32 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
despair. One charge of powder Samuel had lost in a vain en-
deavor to kill a buck, but with the other he brought down a fine
buffalo; otherwise he must have succumbed to the ravages of
hunger. The continued absence of John had induced the belief
that he had been apprehended and imprisoned.
The brothers, no longer fugitives, now determined to return
to the Wappatomaka. The sequel was the rapid colonization of
the Trans-Allegheny. Subsequently John settled in Kentucky.
The time of his removal' to the Blue Grass region is not known,
but it was at an early date. No mention of him is found in con-
nection with the settlements of the upper Monongahela after
1768; nor is it believed that he ever took up actual residence after
abandoning the camp in the Sycamore.
One John Pringle was a settler on Chaplin's Fork, Kentucky,
in 1780. He came with a fleet of three boats from the Wappato-
maka, and in an encounter with the Indians, led by Simon Girty,
Pringle's boat alone escaped. He married Rebecca Simpson, a
sister to a John Simpson, from whom she inherited slaves in
1825. (4)
Samuel Pringle settled permanently on the Buckhannon, and
was prominent in the border wars. From sworn statements
preserved in the Government Pension Office, it would appear that
Samuel Pringle was at one time during the Revolution, captain
of a band of scouts, but as no claim for pension on account of his
Revolutionary service was made, we find no actual record of his
military career. (5) His wife, Charity Cutright, was the daughter
of Benjamin Cutright, and a sister of John Cutright, Jr., the
noted scout of the Buckhannon. A family tradition has it that
Samuel and Charity were married before the fugitive brothers
made residence in the Sycamore, where Mrs. Pringle joined her
husband in 1767, guided by a path blazed by John when he first
sought the settlements. Another account says they were not
married until after the return of the brothers to the Wappatomaka,
although a warm attachment had sprung up between the young
couple, while the deserters were at Looney's Creek in 1762. It
is more than probable that the marriage was consummated during
the brief stay of Pringle at Looney's Creek, and that the devoted
wife actually traversed the wilderness path to her absent husband.
The children of Samuel and Charity were William, John,
Samuel, Elizabeth and another daughter whose name is not
(4) See page 416. (5) p. 416.
Border Sktti.krs of Northuksthrn \ ir(,ini.\ 33
recalled. Their descendants arc numerous in the Buckhannon
counti}', while some are scattered through sections of Ohio and
I ni-liana. {(>)
The claim that the Pringles, as soldiers in the Royal Army,
only came to America during the French and Indian wars, can not
be accepted as fact. It is not probable that such men would have
deserted and fled to a wilderness fraught with known dangers
with which they were unqualified to cope. Border Colonial
troops, as in the Patriot Army of the Revolution, chafed at restraint
and discipline, and often deserted. The Pringles evinced a con-
summate skill in woodcraft, not attributable to the raw European
soldier.
It is a remarkable coincidence that a \\ illiam Pringle resided
in Philadelphia, who had two sons named John and Samuel,
born in 1728 and 1731 respectively.
It is not improbable that this family removed to the Virginia
border and that the sons were identical with those of later renown.
Momentous events were destined to follow in the wake of
these wilderness refugees. In the autumn of 1768, several adven-
turous and prospective settlers under the guidance of Samuel,
visited the region of the Pringle refuge, and so well pleased were
they, that the following spring they returned, selected lands,
cleared small fields, planted crops and built cabins preparatory
to bringing their families. After the crops were "laid by," the
men returned to the settlements, and in the fall when they came
back to harvest their corn, they found it entircl\- destroyed
by buffaloes. This delayed the removal of the families, or at least
a greater part of them, until the winter of 1770.
With Pringle's band of prospectors of 1769, came a )-outh of
about nineteen — Jesse Hughes. He was of Welsh extraction,
slight in his proportions, and light and active in his movements.
He possessed a form as erect as that of an Indian, ani.1 had endur-
ance and fleetness of limb that no man of his day surpassed. His
height was about five feet and nine inches, and his weight never
exceeded one hundred and forty-five pounds. He had thin lips,
a narrow chin, a nose that was sharp and inclined to the Roman
form, little or no beard, light hair, and eyes of that indefinable
color that one person would pronounce grey, another blue, but
which was both — and neither. They were piercing, cold, fierce,
and as penetrating and restless as those of the mountain panther.
(6) See page 416.
34 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Said one who knew him: "Hughes had eyes Hke a rattlesnake."
It has been averred, and without contradiction, that Jesse Hughes,
Hke the famed "Deaf Smith" of Texas, could detect the presence
of an Indian at a considerable distance by the mere sense of smell.
He was of an irritable, vindictive, and suspicious nature, and
his hatred, when aroused, knew no bounds. Yet it is said that he
was true to those who gained his friendship. Such was Jesse
Hughes in character and appearance when he arrived in that
country destined to become his future home, and where he became
the noted hunter, the great scout and famous Indian fighter of
Northwestern Virginia.
In an interview with an intelligent and reputable lady, now
deceased, who, in her childhood, had known Jesse Hughes, and had
been intimately acquainted with some of his family, I was given
this vivid description of the characteristics and personal appear-
ance of the great Indian fighter:
"Hughes' countenance was hard, stern and unfeeling; his eyes were the most
cruel and vicious I ever saw. He was profane and desperately wicked. He was
very superstitious, and a firm believer in witchcraft. (7) He told horrible stories
of how witches would crawl like spiders over the naked bodies of babies, causing
them to cry out from pain and misery; and he would conjure to counteract the
witches, and offer incantations to overcome their evil influence. His temper was
fierce and uncontrollable, often finding vent in the abuse of his family. In a
drunken brawl near West's Fort, he and a Mr. Stalnaker nearly killed Ichabod
Davis, his neighbor, leaving the unconscious victim for dead. Hughes fled from
the settlement, but returned after Davis recovered. He never worked, but spent
his time in hunting and scouting. His clothing was colored in the ooze made
from the bark of the chestnut oak; he would wear no other color, this shade har-
monizing with the forest hues and rendering him less conspicuous to game and
Indians. When scouting, his dress consisted only of the long hunting shirt, (8)
belted at the waist, open leggins, moccasins, and a brimless cap; or a handkerchief
bound about his head. Thus dressed, he was ever ready for the chase, or the trail
of the Indian foe." (9)
When further questioned as to his traits of character, the lady
bluntly closed the interview by saying, "I would not tell all I
know about Jesse Hughes for this much gold," designating the
amount she could hold in her doubled-hands. "There are," she
continued, "too many of his descendants living about here." Nor
could she be induced to speak further on the subject.
His mode of dress, as above described, has been amply veri-
fied from other sources. When Indian incursions were expected,
(7) See page 416. (8) p. 416. (9) p. 417.
BORDF.R Sf.TTI.F.RS OF XoRTIl WESTKRN \'|R(.INI.\ 35
Jesse Hughes wore his hunliiig shirt both day aiul night, without
regard to weather.
Mrs. Catharine Sinuns-Alhnan reineniber(.\l that when she
was a htile girl, Jesse Hughes came to her father's house on
Hacker's Creek, one mile below West's Fort, early one morning,
and ordered them to run to the fort. Upon that occasion his dress
consisted of the hunting shirt and moccasins onh'. He was riding
a pony without a saddle, and mounted her mother behind him,
and with one of the children in his arms, galloped to the fort. This
incident occurred while Hughes li\ed at the mouth of Jesse's Run.
At the end of his cabin, Hughes erected a "lean-to," where
at all times he kept his pony ready for instant use in case of an
Indian alarm.
Of the pioneers who came with Pringle into the i>uckhannon
country, Jf'ilhers says:
"The others of the party (William Hacker, Thonias and Jesse Hughes, John
and William Radcliflf and John Brown) appear to have employed their time exclu-
sively in hunting, neither of them making any improvement of land for his own
benefit. Vet they were of considerable service to the new settlement. Those who
had commenced clearing land, were supplied by them with an abundance of meat,
while in their hunting excursions through the country, a better knowledge of it
was obtained, than could have been acquired, had they been engaged in making
improvements.
"In one of these expeditions thej- discovered and gave name to Stone Coal
Creek, which flowing westwardly, induced the supposition that it discharged Itself
directly into the Ohio. Descending this creek, to ascertain the fact, they came to
its confiuence with a river, which they then called, and has since been known as
the West Fork. After having gone some distance down the river, they returned
by a different route to the settlement, better pleased with the land on it and some
of its tributaries, than with that on Buckhannon." (10)
The hunters evidently returned to the settlement by wa\- of
Hacker's Creek. The Indian name for this stream signifies
"Muddy Water."
The Pringles had nc\er crossed the di\ide, to any of the
waters falling into the West Fork, and knew nothing of the topog-
raphy of the countr}'. Of the six who comprised this band of
explorers, the three first named became prominent in the border
annals. The Radcliffs settled on Hacker's Creek, (1 1 ) and we
find that William Ratliff (Radcliff) claimed land there prior to
1781. John subsequently gained notoriety for murdering Indians
on the Ohio frontier, (12) but we find nothing definite concerning
(10) Sec page 41 S. (11) p. 41 S. (IJ) p. 4 IX.
36 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the later life of William. One William Radcliff was a pensioner
of the Revolutionary War, whose certificate for eighty dollars per
year was issued May 16, 1833, at which time he was a resident of
Lewis County, Virginia. His original declaration for pension is
missing, and the only narrative of his services that we find is from
Special Pension Agent, W. G. Singleton, in his report to the Com-
missioner of Pensions, after a re-examination of Radcliff in 1834.
Singleton's Report:
"In a conversation between Radcliff and Weeden Hoffman, Radcliff states
that he only served six months in the war and that he only claimed six months'
service in his declaration.
"On July 30th I saw Radcliff and received from him the following narrative
of his services in the Revolutionary War. In his sixteenth or seventeenth year of
age, he served as substitute in the place of Adam Harpole for two months, and
marched from Hardy County, Virginia, under he don't recollect whom nor where
to, and immediately after the defeat of Cornwallis at Little Fort, Virginia, he
marched from Hardy County to Winchester, Virginia, under Gapt. James Stephan-
son, and served under him at latter place for two months, guarding the British
prisoners. Capt. Stephanson's company, except five or six men including him-
self, were discharged at the end of two months, at which time Capt. Jas. Berry
came to Winchester with a company. Himself and the four or five men above
mentioned were attached to Capt. Joseph Berry's company and served under
him, guarding the prisoners for two months. Then Capt. Berry's company (except
the five or six men including himself above mentioned) was discharged; then the
five or six men including himself were attached to Capt. James Simeral's com-
pany and served under him two months. A Colonel Kennedy commanded at
Winchester thinks he went to Winchester about October 1st and got his discharge
about May 20th, which was signed by Col. Joseph Holm's captain. Wamsley
with his declaration expects that the narrative now given is the same given to
Wamsley by contract. Wamsley was to have the half of the first pay drawn."
(Signed) His
Witnesses: William X Radcliff.
Nathan Goff. Mark.
Note: "The statement of Radcliff is untrue in all particulars except as to
the contract with Wamsley. This is one of the cases upon which suit has been
instituted. The original papers are missing."
(Signed)
November 1, 1834. -W. G. Singleton.
This pensioner could hardly have been the William Ratliff
of the Buckhannon exploring party of 1769. According to his
declaration to Singleton, he was only sixteen or seventeen at the
time of Gen. Cornwallis' surrender in 1781. This would make
him but twelve years old at the time of the exploration in question.
BoRDF.R Settlers of Northwestern \'ir(;ini.\ 37
Nothing is known of the subsequent history of John Broun, a
member of the exploring party. It has been surmised that both
WilHam RadcHff and Brown settled on the West Fork. (13) This
is true of RadclifT, for Hacker's Creek is a branch of the West Fork,
but I doubt if this supposition can be verified in Brown's case.
No trace of his history can be found subsequent to his advent into
the Buckhannon settlement in 1769. One John Brown was a
resident on the waters of the West Fork, about the close of the
Revolution, but his record precludes the inference that he was of
the exploring party in question.
In the application for pension as a Revolutionary soldier,
made in Lewis County, Aug. 7, 1833, it would appear that Brown
was born in 1764, and was raised in Hardy County, Virginia.
March 1st, 1781, he volunteered from Hampshire County, in the
Virginia Militia under Capt. Michael Stump, and marched to
Fredericksburg, Va., and from thence, under orders of Gen. George
Weedon, to Richmond, where they encamped on the hill where the
capitol now (1833) stands. He was in the command of Col.
William Darke, under Gen. Porter Muhlenberg. They continued
in camp about three weeks, when the enemy entered the city, and
the \'irginia troops retreated to Raccoon Ford, where they were
joined by Gen. Anthony Wayne. The Americans then turned and
drove the British back to Richmond. Wayne's army encamped for
seven days near Bacon branch, preparing to make an attack, but
on the morning of the intended assault, there was a dense fog,
which enabled the enemy, whom Brown believed was commanded
by Lord Cornwallis [correct], to escape towards New Kent Court
House. The Americans pursued and came up with the enemy
near New Kent, and the two armies skirmished for two days,
alternately pursuing and retreating. Wayne was then joined by
Gen. Lafayette, and the British retreated towards their fleet.
The American forces went to W illiamsburg, and later to ^ ork-
town.
About October 1st, 1781, just prior to the surrender of CJen.
Cornwallis, Brown received his discharge from Capt. Anderson,
and returned home, having served seven months.
Brown then moved to (now) Lewis County, West \ irginia,
where he was still living in 1833. On November 1st, 1781, he
was ordered out as an Indian spy by Col. Benjamin Wilson, under
Capt. Christopher Carpenter, and spied in that part of \ irginia,
(13) See page 41S.
38 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
which in 1833 comprised Wood, Nicholas, Harrison and Lewis coun-
ties. He continued under Carpenter until August, 1782, when he
left his company, and was commissioned an Ensign of Spies under
Colonels Lowther and Wilson, and was in command of Indian
spies from August 1st, 1782, to June 1st, 1783, when he ceased to
act as an Ensign. Brown was allowed 3146.66 per year.
Subsequently, there were doubts as to Brown's integrity and
his right to a pension; and adverse testimony was taken by W. G.
Singleton, U. S. District Attorney, Virginia, Nov. 4, 1834.
John Waggoner, of Lewis County, had known Brown all his
life. They had, when young, resided in Hardy County, and
afterwards were neighbors in Lewis County. He (Waggoner) had
never heard of Brown doing service as a soldier in the Revolution,
nor did he believe that he did. Henry Flesher, of Harrison
County, stated that Brown came to western Virginia after the
close of the Revolution, at which time he was not quite grown.
Flesher was of the opinion that Brown had been a soldier. Isaac
W^ashburn, of Harrison County, had known Brown from his earli-
est recollection. Brown and himself had been posted or stationed
at Brown's Fort (built by Brown's father) after the close of the
Revolution. Brown was then a young man of twenty years or
more. Edward, a younger brother of John Brown, stated "That
his brother John was in service as a soldier of the Revolution for
three months, but he thinks not longer."
The testimony most damaging to the claimant was that of
William Powers. Mr. Powers was a man of integrity, and his
statement is interesting. It reveals the military and social status
of the Trans-Allegheny during the Revolution.
I quote as reported by Singleton.
Wm Powers resided in w. V^a. now Harrison Co. all the time except 1
year during the Rev. war Knew Brown in Hardy county in 1778-1779. he
Powers was at school there at that time. Brown settled in w. Va. where he
now [1834] lives in 1785 removed from Hardy county in that }^ear, knows noth-
ing of Browns Rev. service. Brown was an Indian spy after his removal to the
west in 1785 as before stated. Brown was not in the settlement (w. Va) in
1782, 1783, 1784 as stated by him he could not have been without his (Powers)
knowledge, there were but few in the settlement at that period, every man
engaged in defending the country was known to each other. Powers knew every
man able to bear arms, and almost every woman and child, the settlement to
which he refers is embraced in the present limits of Harrison, Tyler, Lewis and
Border Setti.f.rs of Xorthwestern \'ir(;inia
39
the n. part of Kcnhawhas co. havinp heard Browns staleiiieiu read Mr Powers
states confidently that Brown is mistaken.
"Capt. Copelaw also argues browns statements are false. * * * *
(Signed)
W . (i. SlN(;i.ETON
Nov. 4, 1834."
Mr. Singlcloii in transmiitine this testimony, spoke deroga-
tory of Brown's character, and adversely to his right to a pension.
He also submitted a statement from Brown of his military services,
which were at variance, in some respects with his hrst declaration.
^::b^\
}^^^^
^^m
CHAPTER II
It is astonishing when we reaHze how little there is recorded
of the actual border life of Jesse Hughes, and other noted scouts of
Northwestern Virginia. Especially is this true when we remember
that Mr. Withers wrote his Chronicles of Border Warfare in the
midst of the very scenes of some of the most daring escapades and
bloody achievements of border strife; and this, too, while many of
the principal actors in the tragedies were still living. It is but
natural that we should expect a reasonably complete record of
local events; but, unfortunately, we find the record as preserved
for us woefully deficient. A careful perusal of the excellent work
in question, reveals the fact that a greater part of that section of
it which deals with local affairs is not so complete, nor are the
events so carefully portrayed, as is that part which treats of the
matters pertaining to more distant localities. It cannot be denied
that the first part of the volume, which sets out the general history
of the more distant settlements, is more complete, more concise,
and far more minutely written than the latter portion, which
deals with events largely local. Dr. Thwaites recognized this
deficiency. In the Editor s Preface to the revised edition he says:
"The weakness of the traditional method is well exemplified in Withers'
work. His treatment of many of the larger events on the border may now be
regarded as little else than a thread on which to hang annotations; * * *" (1)
There must have been a cause for this deficiency, which
becomes very apparent when we read Dr. Lyman C. Draper's
Memoir of Withers, and the letter from Mr. Bond set out below.
Dr. Draper tells us that:
"* * * Mr. Withers got nothing whatever for his diligence and labor in pro-
ducing it [Border Warfare], save two or three copies of the work itself. He used
to say that had he published the volume himself, he would have made it much
more complete, and better in every way; for he was hampered, limited and hur-
ried— often correcting proof of the early, while writing the later chapters." (2)
The letter from Air. Bond is in response to an inquiry, and is
as follows:
(1) See page 418. (2) p. 418.
BoRDKR vSktti.krs oi- Xortiiwkstf.rn \'|R(;INI.\ 41
■'Lost Crkik, W. \'.\.. January 23, 1898.
Mr. L. V. McW'iioRTKR,
Mason, Ohio.
Dear Sir:
"Your letter received, and in rcpl\ will say; 1 am a jirandson of William Powers,
one of the men who got up Border Warfare; William Hacker (3) was the other.
This work lay dormant in their hands for man\- years. Hacker passed awav first.
Powers purchased Hacker's interest in the work, and ii lay in his hands until 1831,
when Joseph Israel, an editor in Clarksburg, bought the manuscript and arranged
for its publication by employing Alexander Scott Withers to prepare it for the
press. Accordingly Mr. Withers took up the work, and after he had it about half
completed some friend told him that he was likely to get nothing for his labor, and
that Israel was poor and could not raise the amount of money agreed upon. Mr.
Withers did not want to leave the work in that condition and said, 'I will dispose
of it in some shape.' So he ran through the most notable and prominent features,
leaving the balance entirely out.
"Now from this time on you and all others will sec that the second part of
Border JVarfare is rather incomplete and scattered as compared to the first part of
the volume.
"This is the history that my grandfather gave me of the work from his own
lips. .My grandfather lived on a farm adjoining Jane Lew [West Fort], about
three miles from Withers' office, and was there several times while Withers was
preparing the work, and he told me these things himself.
"I am the only man that can give this history, as I am the only one living who
took any account of these things. 1 am now in my eighty-second year.
"In regard to Jesse Hughes, my grandfather told me that they had hunted
Indians together, and were in the volunteer company pursuing the Indians on the
Little Kanawha, when John Bonnett was killed; that Jesse was the best trailer
among the whites and could trail with an_\" Indian on the border. Jesse's brother
Ellis was also a noted scout. While he could not trail with Jesse, he was the
greater with the rifle, and could hit an Indian under any and all circumstances
within the range of his rifle. He was a dead shot. (4)
"\\ hen hunting, Kllis could get more game than Jesse at long range, but at the
end of the day Jesse would have as much, but he would get it by slipping upon it
unawares. In this, as in trailing Indians, he had no equal."
^'ours trulj',
Levi Bond.
Here, then, we have the soluticjii to the mystcr\- of the incom-
plete and defective character cjf the histor\- in e]uestion. Tliis
very apparent fault is lamentable. It is the incidental details
that give interest to local histor\-. There is little wonder that Mr.
Withers became discouraged and lost interest in his noble but
arduous task. A less energetic and patriotic man would have
dropped the work entireh' when it became apparent that there
would be no compensation for his labor. All honor to .Mr. \\ ithers!
(3) See page 41S. (4) p. 418.
42 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Yet, William Hacker and William Powers, the true authors of that
part of the history in question, have never received the recognition
and credit due them for the invaluable service they rendered in the
preservation of this record. To them we are indebted for most
of the narrative of border strife in and about Clarksburg, West's
Fort, Buckhannon and adjacent settlements. The character of
Mr. Bond is above question, and his account of the origin of Border
Warfare has long been an open secret with many of the older
inhabitants of that region. (5)
William Powers was born in Frederick County, Virginia,
November 9, 1765. He came with his father, John Powers, to
Simpson's Creek, a tributary of the West Fork, where, in 1781, a
certificate of homestead entry was granted "John Powers, 400
acres on Simpson's Creek, adjoining lands of James Anderson,
to include his settlement made in 1772." William Powers at a
very early age became a scout of prominence. In March, 1781,
when but fifteen years old, he enlisted for nine months (during
the scouting season) in Captain Joseph Gregory's Company of
Indian spies; place of enlistment, Monongalia County, Virginia.
March 2, 1782, he re-enlisted for the same length of time, in the
same company. During this time, he was stationed at Power's
Fort (probably named for his father) on Simpson's Creek, and
was engaged in spying from that fort to the Ohio River and over
the territory that afterwards comprised the counties of Ohio,
Tyler, Wood, Lewis, Harrison, and Randolph. In March, 1783,
he was made ensign of a company of scouts until the first day of
September, following. During this enlistment he was engaged
in scouting throughout Monongalia County. It is singular that
Withers has not even mentioned William Powers' name in con-
nection with a single incident of the frontier. This, however,
is true of other deserving pioneers, and is much to be regretted.
Powers was one of the scouts who searched for the marauding
Indians that desolated the home of Thomas Cunningham (6)
on Bingamon Creek in 1785; and was with Colonel Lowther's
party in pursuit of Indians on the Little Kanawha, in 1787, which
resulted so fatally to John Bonnett.
He was also with Colonel Lowther in 1781, in his pursuit and
attack on the Indian Camp on the Hughes River, when the Leading
Creek captives were rescued. These events will be more fully
treated elsewhere in this volume.
(5) See page 418. (6) p. 418.
Border Settlers oi- NOriiiw kstikn \ irgima 43
Powers was connected with many other thrilling occurrences
of border strife.
It was within a feu da\s after Powers' hrst cnHstnient, 17X1,
that the Indians came near Booth's Creek and killed Capt. )ohn
Thomas, wife, and six of their children, carrying off the remaining
child, a small hoy, prisoner. (7)
Powers, in his declaration for pension, October 1st, 1833,
states that it was in 1781 that John Owens and John Juggins
were killed h\- Indians on Bocnh's Creek, in (now) Harrison
County. Withers says that this tragedy occurred in June, 1780.
(8) Powers also states that it was in 1782, that the Indians killed
James Owens, and took prisoner Cilhcrt Ilostead (Hustead) in
the same region. This is again in contradiction of Withers, who
gives the dates of these transactions as 1778. (9).
In March, 1783, he enlisted for the third time, am.! was
elected f.nsign, or Second Lieutenant of scouts, h\- his com-
paiiw On April 4th he niarched from Powers Fort to the
mouth c)t Bingamon Creek, in now Harrison Countw where
he "stationed part of his men on the site of an old Indian town;"
the remaining ones he stationed "at the mouth of Jones Run, a
branch of Ten Mile Creek, about thirl\- miles from Bingamon
Creek." These men he left to make regular scouting tours,
while he traveled from station to station in the capacity of com-
mander. During this season Indians came to the neighborhood of
Simpson Creek and stole several horses belonging to Major
Benjamin Robinson, who with others made a fruitless pursuit of
the marauders. This was e\identl\ the Major Robinson men-
tioned b\- It'ithrrs. (lOl Powers disbanded his men in Septrmber,
1783.
Powers' discharge papers, with his commission of Mnsign,
were all misplaced, or lost in a fire which destroyed his house with
its contents. John Brown and John Schoolcraft both testified to
the good character and \eracit\" of William Powers, who also
gave as reference Alexander W est and .Adam I'lesher. Powers was
granted a pension, but in April, 1840, John II. Hays, of McW'hor-
ter's Mills, Lewis Countw \ irginia, contrixed to ha\e it slopped
b}- reporting to the Pension Office that Powers was not entitled
to a pension. In his protest Ha\s mentions the "Messrs. Bonnetts,
(11) .\dam blesher, Lle/.ekiah Hess and se\eral others" who had
been granted pensions for services similar to those of .Mr. Powers,
(7) See page 419. (8) p. 419. (9) p. 419. (10) p. 419. ( 1 1 ) p. 41'A
44 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
but later their names had been dropped from the list, and they
required to refund the amounts paid them.
Notwithstanding Hays had declared to the Pension Office his
ability and intention of proving his charges by affidavits, only
one, that of Phoebe Cunningham, was submitted. Her testimony
was "that she was acquainted with William Powers since the close
of the Revolutionary War and believes that he was about thirteen
years of age." Sworn to April 1st, 1840, before James Malone,
Justice of the Peace for Lewis County, Virginia. In October of
the same year, in response to an inquiry. Powers received official
notice that his pension was stopped, but it seems he took no
immediate steps to have his name restored.
On the 16th of December, 1846, the following testimony in
behalf of Powers was forwarded from Weston, Lewis County,
Va., to the Commissioner of Pensions:
Sir:
"I have been acquainted with William Powers for more than 30 years. He
has acted as Sheriff for Lewis County, Va., and has discharged the duties of a
Justice of the Peace in Harrison and Lewis counties for more than 30 years. He
stands well before the community where he is acquainted, as an honest and upright
man and I believe that any statement he would make under oath or otherwise
would be believed by those who are acquainted with him. I will add that John
H. Hays is a man of bad character, and not to be relied on."
(Signed) J. McWhorter. (12)
A similar letter was signed by Weedon Hoffman, Minter
Bailey, Levi Maxwell, William L Bland, John Lorentz, and
Thomas Bland, all men of unquestionable repute. At length
the case was referred to the Secretary of the Interior with the fol-
lowing result:
"Department of the Interior
October 28, 1850.
J. L. Edwards, Esq.,
Commissioner of Pensions.
Sir:
"I herewith return the papers in the case of William Powers, Esq., of Lewis
County, Va., and I am of the opinion that his name should be restored to the
Pension roll under the Act of June 7, 1732, at S80.00 per annum from the period
when he was last paid.
"From examination of papers I can find no ground for the action of the Pen-
sion Office, but on the contrary the U. S. District Attorney for the Western District
of Virginia who was especially charged with an examination of the case, reported
in writing that Mr. Powers was entitled to his pension, and recommended his con-
(12) See page 420.
Border Settlers of Ncjrtii western \ irgima 45
tinuancc, whilst the individual who was instrumental in his beinj; stricken from the
roll is shown by the records of Lewis County to have committed crime for which
he was indicted by the Grand Jury, and is rcturncil by the Sheriff as a fu^.'itivc
from justice. I am, very respectfully
"\'our obedient servant,
Alex. H. H. Stuart, Srcy."
Thus, after a period of ten years, the name of William Powers
was restored to the pension roll. The offense for which Ha\'s
was indicted was forgery, commit ted August 1st, 1K41. lie
moved to the Northwest and was never apprehended. It is
probable that he located on Military Bounty Lands, for it is found
that in 1841 he was negotiating for 4000 acres due Captain John
Bail)', or heirs, as a Revolutionary soldier, Virginia Line.
M\' father, who is still living, (13) was well acquainted with
\\ illiam Powers, and testifies to his good character and veracity,
lie recalls the trouble that Powers had with his pension and its
final adjustment. Ha\-s, he says, was a man of very bad repute,
and fied to the then remote Northwest. His place of refuge was
never known.
\\ illiam Powers was well educated for his da}', and his wide
experience on the frontier, where he "knew every man able to
bear arms," and practically ever}' woman and child in the upper
Monongahela settlements, well qualified him for the role of local
historian. He was sometimes called "Major" Powers, but if he
was entitled to that distinction, it was doubtless as major of
militia at a later day, as no mention of such rank is found in the
earl}" records. The "Major Power" referred to by Jfilhcrs (\4)
was evidently the Major Powers who settled in (now) Barbour
County, West \'a., in 1776.
William Powers was about five feet six inches in height, well
built, spare and very erect, even at cight}'-nine. His com-
plexion was light with dark hair. He married Hannah Stout, a
sister of Dr. Hezekiah Stout, and settled near West's Fort. He
dictl June 6, 1856, and was buried under the honors of war in the
Broad Run Cemeter}', Lewis Count}', \\ est Va. His wife is also
buried there. Their children were:
Thomas, married Millie Hart; John, married Percella Chen-
verout; Ezekiel, married Miss Jones; Benjamin, married
Miss Stout; William, Jr., married Charit}' Paxton, second
wife. Miss Lightburn, sister to (jen. Joseph Lightburn;
(13) See page 420. (14) p. -120.
46 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Sarah, married Abel Bond; Prudence, married Richard Bond;
Margaret, married EH Vanhorne.
Abel and Richard Bond were brothers; sons of Richard Bond,
a son of Samuel Bond, native of England, and whose descent can
be traced to the nobility of knighthood. Levi Bond, whose
letter appears in the first part of this chapter, is a son of Abel
Bond and Sarah Powers. He was born April 3, 1817. A shoe-
maker by trade, on his ninety-seventh birthday he nailed the
soles on a pair of boots without experiencing any material fatigue.
He is, at the writing of this paragraph, October 10th, 1914, still
living and bids fair to pass the one-hundred milestone.
His younger brother, Augustine P. Bond, born in 1832, went
west with his parents in 1845. Settling in Wisconsin, he crossed
the plains in the Spring of 1864, and spent the Summer in a mining
camp at now Virginia City, Montana. With a fleet of flat boats
he returned in the Fall, fighting Indians for seven hundred and
fifty miles down the Yellow Stone and Missouri Rivers, to Yank-
ton, Dakota. His experience on the western frontier has been
similar to that of his noted grandfather of the Trans-Allegheny.
Touching the Grigsby tragedy mentioned by Withers, (15) Mr.
Bond writes me: "Bettie, the wife of Charles Grigsby, whose
home was raided on Grigsby's Run, a branch of Rooting Creek,
June, 1777, was buried with her infant where killed near the top of
the ridge on Lost Creek, opposite the village of that name. The
grave was never marked. I stood by the side of her grave in June,
1898, — 121 years after her death — and it was then just as it
was seventy years ago when I first saw it; a slight depression in
the ground. Her little child had been dead some time when the
mother was killed, but she still carried it in her arms."
William Hacker, Jr., it is claimed, was the first white child
born on Hacker's Creek, but I am inclined to believe that his
birth occurred on the Wappatomaka, just prior to the parents
settling on the Western waters. In either event, he grew to
maturity amid the tumult of border forays, and doubtless partic-
ipated in the defense of the settlements during the later years of
Indian hostility. He was a man of more than ordinarv ability,
and considering his environments, was well educated. He was
schoolteacher, minister and magistrate, and in the discharge of
these diversified duties throughout the settlements, he had unsur-
passed facilities for collecting historical data.
(15) See page 420.
BORDF.R SkTTI.KRS OF XoRTIIWESTKRN \'lR(,IM.\ 47
Equipped as these men were for their task, it is reasonable
to suppose that their work would he replete and thorough, but
necessarily biased h\- partisanism.
While it is evident that Mr. W ithers cast aside some of the
material placed at his disposal, we are not to infer that he came
into possession of every event of historic interest. The darker
side of the border story, as seen from the standpoint of the
Indian, was perhaps never revealed to him. When we remem-
ber thai Mr. Powers was an acti\-e scout and Indian hunter,
and that one of the Hackers, at least, was notorious for his
murder of peaceable Indians (16) and that both were associates
of others who were engaged in deeds of shocking barbaritw we
need no longer wonder that so little was chronicled touching
certain events that appear in their best light when buried in the
blackness of oblivion. The same motive that prompted the good
old lady to declare that "not for a handful of gold" would she
speak further, was more patent in the earlier days than at the
present time.
The partisan writer cannot give just treatment to those who
are opposed to his own conception of right and wrong; nor is it
to be expected that the hand that wields the sword will pen an
unbiased version of the fra}-. Charit\-, the one potent element
of impartiality, is never found in the acrimonious flow of "gun
powder ink," and unfortunate are the people who must depend
upon the enenn- of their race for a true chronicling of their
grievances.
Our border annals have all been recorded h\- white men.
Strong racial affinit\-, animosity and hatred of the Indian have
colored the record and prevented a fair statement of the facts.
The Indian, hardl\- regarded b)- the earl\ settlers as human, has
ever been presented in the most terrible and hideous character
that imagination could conceive. As thus pictured, his supremest
passions were nturder, plunder, torture and re\enge. On the
other hand, his white foe, often equally savage and more cruel,
has been extolled as a hero moved with a holy zeal to protect
home and country- against "savage" incursions and to ad\ance
civilization and Christianity. His acts of revolting barbarity
have been excused, obscured, suppressed, and the result is a partial
and one-sided history. From i'l\inouth Rock to the Golden Gate
this has been true. The "Custer Massacre" and the "Battle (.')
(16) See page 420.
48 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
of Wounded Knee" are modern incidents illustrative of this point.
When in 1876, General Custer and his command were annihi-
lated in a square up and down fight on the Little Big Horn by the
strategic Sioux, and this too, when the challenge had been given
by Custer himself the event was heralded abroad as a horrible
Indian massacre by Sitting Bull's horde of merciless savages.
The fact that the patriotic Sioux were in reality fighting for their
homes and the right to even exist was not considered, or at least,
was thought of as a matter of minor importance.
On the field of the Wounded Knee in 1890, United States
soldiers having the advantage in numbers of more than four to
one, and of rapid-fire machine guns, shot to death more than
ninety men and boys, fifty women and young girls, and eighteen
helpless children, several of them infants. This event was pro-
claimed to the world as a "Great Indian Battle," despite the fact
that the Sioux had surrendered and were hemmed in by a cordon
of troops who had partly disarmed them before the firing began.
All the ghastly details will never be known. I have it from good
authority, from one who was present when the outbreak occurred,
that when the action began, all the Indians save not to exceed
forty-five had surrendered their guns. Many were sitting on the
ground smoking. They were without a leader. Their Chief,
Big Foot, at the time lay dying in his tepee with pneumonia. At
the first crash of the guns, the dying chieftain feebly raised himself
on his couch, only to fall back riddled by a score of bullets. Here
is one of the incidents that went to make up the "great battle."
A mounted soldier pursued a little Indian boy. Perhaps the
lad was five or six years old. Seeing that he could not escape by
running, he made frantic and piteous efforts to conceal his little
body in the sand. The soldier fired at him but missed.
Another trooper came to his assistance, dismounted, kneeled,
and shot the little fellow through the hips! The troopers rode
away in pursuit of other "hostiles." When the relief party came
the dying boy was found and carried to the agency buildings.
The story leaked out. Some time afterwards a large red-haired
cavalryman was discovered at the edge of the camp stabbed
through the heart. He was the soldier who had shot the Indian boy.
During the Bannock uprising in 1878, a party of United
States soldiers pursued a band of hostiles into a canyon on Snake
River and indiscriminately slaughtered them all, men, women,
BoROKR SkTTI.KRS OK XoRTIlWESTERN \'|R(;1M A 49
and chiklit'ii, iiRluLliiii: babes in arms. A soldier lalally shot a
Bannock warrior; he sprang troni his horse and with a savage
sweep of his knife disemboweled ihe d\ine Indian. Then seizing
the scalp-lock and placing his foot on the liuiian's neck, proceeded,
with the help of liis knife, to tear the scalp from the head of his
writhing victim. After the battle (.') some of the soldiers found
an Indian baby \"et unharmed, perhaps placed in some shelter by
its mother before stricken to death in that charnal glen. This
babe, which could scarce sit alone, was placed on a boulder at
some distance for target practice. W hile the soldiers were dis-
cussing among themselves as to who should have the first shot,
an Indian armed onl\' with a "pepper-bo.x" pistol was discovered
hiding in a nearb\' thicket. The infant was left for a time, and
an attempt made to dislodge the warrior. With his antiquated
weapon he killed one of his assailants, deterring the others from
rushing upon him. Tlicn a howit/cr licaNily charged witli grape-
shot was turned upon this lone Indian and the discharge tore him
into fragments, which the soldiers carried out one by one. These
brave soldiers of a civilized and Christian nation, again turned
their attention to the "hostile" upon the boulder. Xo less than
a half dozen rifle balls one after another were sent tearing through
its tender body. The officer in charge of these troops "could not
see very well," consequently "knew not what was being done."
A late ex-soldier of repute said to me "I was a pri\ate in a
West \ irginia Regiment, Federal .\rniy during the C"i\il War,
and at the close of that struggle, my term of enlistment not being
expired, was sent with others to hght Indians on the Kansas
frontier. One day we captured ti\e warriors, members of a band
which had been committing depredations, and our commandant
determined to treat them to a severe death. Rude frames were
constructed by nailing four poles together. In these the prison-
ers were laid, their feet and hands extended and securely tied to
the side timbers. The frames were then set up and braced,
leaving the \ictims suspended by the lashings. The\' were gi\en
neither food nor drink and at the end of three days all were dead.
No, they made no outcr\', not even a moan, but died like sullen
dogs. As a warning to other Indians, the frames with their
ghastly settings were left standing."
Jim W'alsie, a Warm Springs hulian of integrit\\ gave me
the following incident: *'Long time ago [in the sixlies| I was
50 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
scout for government in war with Snake Injuns. One day troops
found small party Snakes in Blue Mountains, Oregon. Our com-
mander, Captain John, a white man, says: 'Snakes bad people,
kill um all. Kill Snake man, Snake woman, little gal, little boy
and little papoose.' Then soldiers surround Snakes and shoot all
dead. Then they scalp Snakes; and one man say I scalp a woman.
It is a lie; I no scalp woman."
For actions like the above there was no excuse; but our
occupancy of the country was a conquest which meant the destruc-
tion of the Indian tribes to whom the soil by right belonged.
Every act, however cruel and unjust, which tended to hasten that
result was supposed to be in the interest of the white man. These
deeds were justified by a large element on the frontiers, and if
any man raised his voice in protest he was accused of being against
his race and its known policy. For these reasons, the revolting
actions of the white men were modified in the accounts of them,
and when possible they were kept secret. Much of what we have
has been distorted by the historian. True accounts of many
incidents of border history have been lost or never written because
those who condemned them feared the vengeance of the more
savage scouts. Life on the border tried men's souls. It gave to
some the outlet for a venomous passion for blood. Many deeds
were too dark for the printed page. These were held in the mem-
ory, related around the cabin-hearth and the hunter's camp-fire
with bated breath, and thus became the tradition of the border
days. The record is incomplete, and it is now impossible ever to
make it complete.
On the other hand, atrocities committed by the Indians were
occasionally suppressed. The motive was merciful, that the
family of the victim be spared unnecessary anguish.
John Harper was a soldier of the Revolution, and served
seven years as a private, Virginia troops. He came to the North-
western Territory in 1800, and settled on Mill Creek, near Cincin-
nati. His son, James Harper, was born in Berkley County,
Virginia, 1786. He enlisted for the war of 1812, and served on the
Northwestern frontier with General Harrison. In company with
fourteen other soldiers, he was sent with a dispatch to an outlying
post, with strict orders not to fire on Indians, if any were met,
unless attacked. While en route a few Indians presented them-
selves, and were fired upon, when they fled. The soldiers pursued.
RoRDKR SkTTI.KRS OF NoRTHVVKSTF.RX \'lRGINIA
51
and fell into an ainhuscade. Only a few escaped. Harper, when
last seen by his companions, was captured with one or more
Indian scalps at his belt. He was carried to some point on the
Lakes and burned at the stake. Througli commiseration for his
parents, the tragedy was never made public.
This story was given me by Mr. John Dclaplane of Fort
JeflFerson, Ohio, an immediate descendant of the Harper family,
and is here published for the first time.
^^1^^^
^^^
CHAPTER III
There is considerable mention of Jesse Hughes in the annals of
the early settlement of Northwestern Virginia, particularly In
those portions relating to the Indian wars of the period. But
taken all together there is not enough to give the reader any
accurate idea of Hughes and the important part he played in the
settlement of the central regions of the present State of West
Virginia. It will, however, aid the reader much when combined
with what has been preserved herein and published for the first
time. For this reason I have decided to reproduce in this chapter
the extended reference to him found In the History of the Early
Settlement and Indian Wars of Westered Virginia, by Dr. Willis
DeHass, Wheeling, 1851. Another reason for this quotation Is
that this work is so very rare that it cannot be consulted by the
average reader. It is a work of high order and has been an author-
ity for more than half a century. A few references to Hughes
from other sources will be found in this chapter.
Jesse Hughes
"One of the most active, daring and successful Indian hunters in the mountain
region of Virginia, was Jesse Hughes. He has not inappropriately been styled the
Wetzel of that portion of the state, and in many respects, certainly was not unde-
serving of that distinctive appellation. Jesse Hughes possessed in an imminent
degree the rare constituents of courage and energy. These qualities, so essential
in those days of savage warfare, gained for him the confidence of the sturdy men
by whom he was surrounded, and often induced them to select him for the post
of leader in their various expeditions against the enemy. A4any are the tales of
adventure which the people of West Fork and Little Kanawha relate of this notable
personage. A few of these we have collected and now give.
"Hughes was a native of the region to which his operations were chiefly con-
fined. He was born on the headwaters of the Monongahela, and grew to manhood
amid the dangers and privations which the people of that section of Virginia
endured during the long years of a border warfare. Early learning that the rifle
and tomahawk were his principal means of maintenance and defense, he became
an adept in their use and refused to acknowledge a superior anywhere. Passion-
ately devoted to the wood, he became invaluable to the settlements as hunter and
scout. A man of delicate frame, but an iron constitution, he could endure more
fatigue than any of his associates, and thus was enabled to remain abroad at all
seasons without inconvenience or detriment. Many were the threatened blows
which his vigilance averted, and numerous lives of helpless settlers his strong arm
reached forth to save. The recollection of his services and devotion is still cherished
Border Setti.krs oi XoRTiiwKSTiiRN \ ircima 53
with a lively feeling of admiration bv tlu- people of tlic region with wliicli his name
is so intimatch' associated.
"The following incidents illustrative of his career, we derive from sources
entitled to every credit. The one which immediately follows is from an old and
intimate friend of Hughes (Mr. Renick of Ohio), to whom it was communicated
by the hero himself, and afterwards confirmed by Mr. Harness, who was one of
the expedition. The time of the incident was about 1790.
"No Indian depredations had recently occurred in the vicinity of Clarksburg,
and the inhabitants began to congratulate lliemselves that difficulties were finally
at an end.
"'One night a man hearing liic fence of a small lot, he had a horse in, fall,
jumped up and running out saw an Indian spring on the horse and dash off. The
whole settlement was alarmed in an hour or two, a company of twenty-five or
thirty men were paraded, ready to start by daylight. They took a circle outside
of the settlement, and soon found the trail of apparently eight or ten horses, and
they supposed, about that many Indians. The captain (chosen before Hughes
joined the company) called a halt, and held a council to determine in what manner
to pursue them. The captain and a majority of the company were for following
on their trail: Hughes was opposed, and he said he could pilot them to the spot
where the Indians would cross the Ohio, by a nearer way than the enemy could go,
and if they reached there before the Indians, could intercept them and be sure of
success. But the commander insisted on pursuing the trail. Hughes then tried
another argument: he pointed out the danger of trailing the Indians: insisted that
they would waylay their trail, in order to know if they were pursued, and would
choose a situation where they could shoot two or three and set them at defiance;
and alarming the others, the Indians would out-travel them and make their escape.
The commander found that Hughes was like to get a majority for his plan, in
which event he (the captain) would lose the honor of planning the expedition.
Hughes, by some, was considered too wild for the command, and it was nothing
but jealousy that kept him from it, for in most of the Indian excursions, he got
the honor of the best plan, or did the best act that was performed. The commander
then broke up the council by calling aloud to the men to follow him and let the
cowards go home, and dashed off full speed, the men all following. Hughes knew
the captain's remark was intended for him, and felt the insult in the highest degree,
but followed on with the rest. They had not gone many miles until the trail ran
down a ravine where the ridge on one side was very steep, with a ledge of rock
for a considerable distance. On the top of this cliff two Indians lay in ambush,
and when the company got opposite they made a noise of some kind, that caused
the men to stop: that instant two of the company were shot and mortalh- wounded.
They now found Hughes' prediction fully verified, for they had to ride so far
round before the\- could get up tiic cliff, that the Indians with ease made their
escape.
■"The}- all now agreed that Hughes' plan was the best, and urged him to pilot
tlicm lo the ri\Gr where the Indians would cross. He agreed to do it; but was
afraid it might be too late, for the Indians knew that they were pursued and would
make a desperate push. After leaving some of the company to take care of the
wounded men, they put off for the Ohio river, at the nearest point, and got there
the next dav shorth- after the Indians had crossed. The water was still muddv.
54 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
and the rafts that they crossed on were floating down the opposite shore.
The men were now unanimous for returning home. Hughes soon got satisfaction
for the insult the captain had given him: he said he wanted to find out who the
cowards were; that if any of them would go, he would cross the river and scalp
some of the Indians. They all refused. He then said if one man would go with
him, he would undertake it; but none would consent. Hughes then said he would
go and take one of their scalps, or leave his own.
"'The company now started home, and Hughes went up the river three or
four miles, keeping out of sight of it, for he expected the Indians were watching
them to see if they would cross. He there made a raft, crossed the river, and
encamped for the night. The next day he found their trail, and pursued it very
cautiously, and about ten miles from the Ohio found their camp. There was but
one Indian in it, the rest were out hunting. The Indian left to keep camp, in
order to pass away the time, got to playing the fiddle on some bones that they
had for the purpose. Hughes crept up and shot him, took his scalp and made
the best of his way home.
"The following characteristic anecdote goes far to illustrate the great dis-
cernment and instantaneous arrangement of plans of this shrewd and skillful
Virginia hunter.
"It is a general belief that the Indian is exceedingly cunning; unrivalled in
the peculiar knowledge of the woods, and capable, by the extraordinary imitative
faculties which he possesses, to deceive either man, beast or fowl. This is true to
a certain extent; but still, with all his natural sagacity and quick perception of a
native woodman, the Indian warrior falls short of the acquired knowledge of a
well trained hunter, as the following case serves to illustrate. Jesse Hughes was
more than a match at any time for the most wary savage in the forest. In his
ability to anticipate all their artifices, he had but few equals, and fewer still,
superiors. But, to the incident.
"At a time of great danger from the incursions of the Indians, when the
citizens of the neighborhood were in a fort at Clarksburg, Hughes one morning,
observed a lad very intently fixing his gun. 'Jim', said he, 'what are you doing
that for?' 'I am going to shoot a turkey that I hear gobbling on the hillside,'
said Jim. 'I hear no turkey,' said the other. 'Listen,' said Jim: 'there, didn't
you hear it? Listen again.' 'Well,' says Hughes, after hearing it repeated, 'I'll
go and kill it.' 'No you won't, said the boy, 'it is my turkey; I heard it first.'
'Well,' said Hughes, 'but you know I am the best shot. I'll go and kill it, and give
you the turkey.' The lad demurred but at length agreed. Hughes went out of
the fort on the side that was farthest from the supposed turkey, and passing along
the river, went up a ravine and cautiously creeping through the bushes behind
the spot, came in whence the cries issued, and, as he expected, espied a large Indian
sitting on a chestnut stump, surrounded by sprouts, gobbling, and watching if
any one would come from the fort to kill the turkey. Hughes shot him before the
Indian knew of his approach, took off the scalp, and went into the fort, where
Jim was waiting for his prize. 'There now,' says Jim, 'you have let the turkey go.
I would have killed it if I had gone.' 'No,' says Hughes, 'I didn't let it go;' and,
taking out the scalp, threw it down. 'There take your turkey, Jim, I don't want it.'
The lad was overcome, and nearly fainted to think of the certain death he had
escaped, purely by the keen perception and good management of Jesse Hughes.' (1 )
(1) See page 420.
BoRDKR Settlers oi .Northwestern \ ir(;inia 55
"Jesse Hughes, as we have already stated, was often of invaluable service to
the settlements along the upper Monongahela, by advising them of the approach
of Indians. On one occasion, a considerable body of the common enemy attacked
a fort near Clarksburg, and but for the energy and fearlessness of Hughes might
have reduced the frail structure, and massacred every one within it. This daring
man boldly went forth for succor, and succeeded in reaching a neighboring station
in safety. Immediate!}' a company of men left to relieve the besieged, when the
Indians, fearing the superior numbers, retreated in haste. (2)
"Hughes' scouting expeditions were not always confined to the extreme upper
regions of the Monongahela. He often visited the stations lower down, and spent
much of his time at Prickett's fort, also at the stockade where Morgantown now
stands, and many other settlements in the neighborhood. He was a great favorite,
and no scouting party could be complete, unless Jesse Hughes had something to do
with it. We regret that our limits will not allow us to give more incidents in his
very eventful life."
Mr. Luther Ila\niond, who is still li\ing at Clarksburg, says
that William Powers, while on his death-bed, told him that the
incident of Hughes and the turkey never occurred at Clarksburg;
that he knew the settlement from the beginning, and that the
story was a mistake. Powers had an impression that he had
heard a similar story as occurring east of the mountains. Mr.
Haymond says that Powers was well posted on events happening
on the frontier after his arrival.
Mr. James Stanley Gandee, a son of Jesse's daughter Massie,
often heard both his mother and his Aunt Rachel Cottrell tell the
Hughes turkey story. There never was any doubt about its
authenticity. As related by them, the occurrence was substan-
tially the same as recorded by Dellass, but the place was West's
Fort, instead of Clarksburg. The lad who first heard the turkey
and who was preparing to go shoot it, was James Tanner, a brother
to Jesse's wife, and was then some fourteen or fifteen years of age.
I was told by Mrs. Mary Straley, of Hacker's Creek,
who had known Jesse Hughes and some of his family, that
the boy who figured in the turkey story was Jim McCullough.
Mrs. Straley seemed to have no doubts regarding the credibility
of the story, but did not state where it occurred. She was well
informed on the early history of the Hacker's Creek settlement,
and was a woman of high integrity.
It must be borne in mind that Jesse Hughes never took up a
residence at Clarksburg, although he spent much of his time
about the fort there. His scouting expeditions extended all over
the Virginia border and western Pennsylvania.
(2) See page 421.
56 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
That William Powers should have heard a similar story east
of the mountains cannot militate against the authenticity of the
Hughes' story. Border lore abounds in such incidents. (3)
/. Lewis Peyton (4) gives the following on Jesse Hughes,
evidently epitomized from DeHass:
"One of the most active, daring and successful Indian hunters in the mountain
region of Virginia was Jesse Hughes — sometimes styled the Wetzel of his portion
of the State. He was born on the headwaters of the Monongahela, Va., about
1768, and early became skilled in the use of the rifle and tomahawk. He was a
man of iron constitution, and could endure extraordinary privations and fatigue.
Many anecdotes are told of his encounters with the red men and of the invaluable
services he rendered to the white settlements on the Monongahela. Jesse Hughes
was more than a match at any time for the most wary savage in the forest. In
his ability to anticipate all their artifices, he had few equals and no superiors.
He was a great favorite, and no scouting party could be complete unless Jesse
Hughes had something to do with it."
Jesse Hughes is mentioned frequently in Withers'' Chronicles
of Border Warfare^ referred to hereinbefore, and which will be
duly noticed in the course of this history.
(3) See page 421. (4) p. 421.
CHAPTl^R IV
In Dotiiphatfs Expedition, by William 1'!. ConnclIc\', there
is a biographical sketch cf Colonel John Taxlor Hughes, a nieniber
of the expedition of Colonel Alexander \\". Doniphan in the Mexi-
can \\ ar. Colonel Hughes became the historian of the expedition.
He was a gallant soldier, and was killed at the battle of Inde-
pendence, Missouri, in the Ci\il War. Of Colonel Hughes, the
biogi"a[^hical sketch sa}"s:
"His fatlicr was Samuel Swan Hughes, the descendant of Sleplicn Huphes
and his wife Klizabcth Tarlton Hughes. Stephen Hughes came to .Maryland from
Wales, probably from Carnarvonshire, but possibh- from Glamorganshire. The
date of his arri\al in .Vmerica has not been preserved. His son .\bsalom moved to
Powhatan County, \'irginia, where he intermarried with tlie daughter of a planter
whose name was also Hughes, and whose Christian name was eiliier Da\ id or
Jesse — most probably Jesse. He lived on Hughes Creek, in that counts', and was
a man of character and influence; inan\' of his descendants live yet in \'irginia
and West \'irginia, and some of them live in other parts of the United States.
Joseph, the son of .Absalom Hughes, married Sarah Swan. He moved to Kentucky
about the year 1790, and settled in Woodford County. There his son, Samuel
Swan Hughes, married Nancy Price, daughter of Colonel William Price, a \'ir-
ginia soldier of the Resolution."
Jesse Hughes, who li\ed on the stream then known as Hughes
Creek, in Powhatan County, \ irginia, was related by blood to
Stephen Hughes, auel had preceded him from Wales to America.
The Hughes and Swan families were pioneer families in \ irginia,
and in their migrations the\- kept well together, members of them
often intermarr}'ing. .And from the intermarriage of Stephen
Hughes with his kinswoman, the daughter of Jesse Hughes, in
Powhatan Countx, \ irginia, Jesse Hughes, the famous pioneer
and woodsman ot Western \ irginia, was probabK' descended. (1)
The date of the birth of Jesse Hughes is not known to be of
record, and cannot be fixed with accurac\'; and the place is also
uncertain. Dellass and Peyton agree as to the place; but Peyton
alone gives the date. Evidently they are both in error. The
citation heretofore made to the work of Jf'ithers shows that Jesse
Hughes was an acti\e hunter in the Buckhannon settlement in
1769. This was the first permanent settlement established on
the waters of the upper Monongahela, and we find him there but
(1) See page 421.
58
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
one year later than the date given by Peyton as that of his birth.
It is well nigh impossible that he should have been born on the
waters of the Alonongahela. The Blue Ridge marked the western
frontier of Virginia as late as 1763. (2) The few settlements scat-
tered beyond that boundary towards the Ohio, the westernmost
of which was on Looney Creek, a tributary of the James, (3)
were not permanent, and were almost all destroyed by the con-
spiracy of Pontiac.
Jesse Hughes was born about the year 1750. It might have
been a year earlier or later, though it is not probable that it could
vary a year either way from that date. As to the place of his
birth, the evidence at hand indicates that it was east of the Alle-
gheny Mountains, perhaps on the waters of the
Wappatomaka of the Potomiac. Susan Turner
Hughes, the widow of George W. Hughes, a
descendant of Jesse Hughes, told \\'illiam E. Con-
nelley, October 6, 1902, at Henry, Grant County,
West Virginia, that: "Old Jesse Hughes was born
right over here on Jackson's River, close to the
Greenbrier county-line. I have passed the place
myself, in company with my husband, who pointed
out the place, which is in a fine river bottom.
He was born in the winter, and the wolves were
starving in the woods because of the deep snow.
The night he was born they came into the yard
and fought the dogs and ran them under the house and fought
them there, and were only driven out by burning gunpowder
on the hearth." Airs. Hughes could not give the date of his
birth, but said he was "A right smart chunk of a lad at the time of
Braddock's battle."
If Mrs. Hughes was right, Jesse Hughes must have been born
in Allegheny County, Virginia. Complete reliance cannot, how-
ever, be placed upon the information given by her; for some things
which she related of Jesse Hughes, while they may be the local
traditions of the country, could not be reconciled with known
facts. Her description of the man and his cruel and bloodthirsty
course towards the Indians coincides perfectly with what is known
to be true. She said: "Old Jesse Hughes had eyes like a painter
[panther] and could see at night almost as well as one. He could
hear the slightest noise made in the forest at a great distance,
(2) See page 422. (3) p. 422.
Hughes
Coat of Arms
BoRDKR SKT'n.KRS OF NoRTllW KSTKRN \ IRCINIA 59
and he was always disturbed by any noise he could not account
for. He knew the ways of cver>' animal and bird in the wof)ds,
and was familiar uilh the sounds and cries made h\ them. :\n\-
unusual cry or action of an animal or bird, or any note or sound
of alarm made by either, caused him to stop and look about until
he knew the cause. He could go through the woods, walking or
running, without making any noise, unless the leaves were very
dry, and then he made very little. He was as stealth\- and noise-
less as a painter, and could creep up on a deer without causing it
any fright. And he could outrun any Indian that ever prowled
the forest. He was as savage as a wolf, and he liked to kill an
Indian better than tt) eat his dinner."
If Jesse Hughes was born on Jackson's River, the shiftings
common on the disturbed border must have caused his parents
to move to theW appatomaka settlements, for he came into western
Virginia with hunters from that region. Thomas Hughes, who
was killed on Hacker's Creek by the Indians in April, 1778, (4)
was Jesse's father; but no record or tradition indicating that
he had settled on this stream, has ever been found. In 1781 a
certificate was granted "Edmund West, assignee to Thomas
Hughes, Senr., 400 acres on Sicamore Lick run, a branch of the
West Fork [Harrison County] opposite Thomas Heughs [Hughes]
Junr's land, to include his settlement made in 1773, with a
pre-emption to 1,000 acres adjoining." This is the earliest record
that I have found regarding the settling of Thomas Hughes, Sr.,
on the upper Monongahela waters. With some of the Radcliffs
he settled on Elk Creek near Clarksburg, and his famil\- still
resided there in the fall of 1793. A family tradition has it that
when the Indians ambushed and killed their father, who was then
"quite old and bald-headed," Jesse and Elias solemn!}' pledged
themselves "to kill Injuns as long as the\' lived and could see to
kill them." Most terribly was that awful pledge redeemed. It
will be seen, however, that both had killed Indians before the
tragic death of their father, which event intensified, if possible,
their hatred of the Indians, but was not the cause in which this
hatred originated. (5)
I have not been able to find any printed record showing that
Jesse Hughes was an enrolled Sp)- or Ranger on the border.
An inquir}- to the Bureau of Pensions, Washington, I). C,
elicited the reply that "a careful search of the Rexolutionar}- War
(4) See page 422. (5) p. 424.
60 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
pension rolls fails to show a claim for any Jesse Hughes other
than Survivor's File No. 9594." This was the Jesse Hughes, of
Fluvanna County, Virginia, mentioned further on in this chapter.
Jesse Hughes, the scout, died prior to the Act of Congress,
June 4, 1852, pensioning the soldiers of the Revolution, and if his
services were pensionable, his widow, who survived him several
years, never applied for same.
An inquiry made to the War Department failed to disclose
any record of military enlistment by our Jesse Hughes. This,
however, is true of others who were contemporary with Jesse,
and who were known to have regularly enlisted in some branch
of the military.
To a like inquiry to the Virginia State Library, Richmond,
came the responses that, "neither the Muster Rolls of the State
troops, nor the claims for Bounty Lands of that period, contain
any record of the Jesse Hughes in question."
The Thomas Hughes who accompanied Pringle's Band of
settlers to the Buckhannon, in 1769, was Jesse's younger brother,
born about 1754. His inordinate passion for sport and adventure
lured him to this Eldorado of the hunter. He afterwards settled
on the West Fork River, and was the same Thomas Hughes whom
we find on Hacker's Creek, and who hastened to the rescue of the
Flesher family when they were attacked by the Indians in 1784,
near where the town of Weston (6) now stands.
The homestead register of Monongalia County shows that
in 1781, Thomas Hughes was granted a certificate for "400 acres
on the West Fork, adjoining lands of Elias Hughes, to include his
settlement made in 1773." The records of 1780 show that Thomas
Hughes assigned to Thomas John {?) his claim to 250 acres on
Ten Mile Creek (Harrison County), "to include his settlement
made in the year 1772." Whether this assignor was the senior or
junior Thomas Hughes, is not known, but the logical inference is
that it was the latter. The date of the assignment is not of
record.
Although Thomas Hughes, Jr., was one of the most capable
and persistent scouts on the Virginia frontier, the only reference
that we find to him in history, is his connection with the Flesher
occurrence in 1784.
In 1833 or 1834, Hughes applied for a pension, and we have
a glimpse of his border life in the meagre record preserved in the
(6) See page 424.
BoRDKR SkTII.KRS ()1 XoRTIIWKSTKRN \'lRt;iNI,\ ^1
GoverniiK'iU Pension Office al \\ ashinuinn. llughes was illiterate
and his name always appears with the customary "X." His
original application, or declaration with accompanying papers,
has been destroyed, but from the fragmentar\' record we learn
that he was a resident on the \\ est Fork of the Monongahela in
1774, and from that year until 1779 he was, even," year, activeK-
engaged in scouting from the West I'Ork lo thr Ohio Ri\"er, under
Captain William Lowther. His consummate skill in woodcraft,
his braver}- and caution, soon won for him a subaltern leadership.
He was subsequently commissioned a Lieutenant of Indian Spies
in Capt. Lowther's Company, a trust he did not resign until the
spring of 1784. After this, he continued on ranging excursions
to the different torts until the close ot the Indian War in 1795.
During this service, he was stationed at W est's Fort, and at Rich-
ards' Fort on the West Fork.
In 1 7S(), Lieutenant Hughes was riding a pathwa\' about
midway between the West and Richards' Forts, when he dis-
covered an Indian mounted on a horse, recognized to be that of
Adam O'Brien's. (7) 'Lhe Lieutenant sprang from his horse and
fired at the Indian wounding him, when he fled. Hughes was
determined if possible to recapture the stolen horse, and in com-
pan\' with Alexander West pursued the Indian, tracking him b\'
the blood. They found the tracks of several Indians, but lost
the trail entireh- at the West Fork River. It was supposed that
the wounded Lulian, perhaps d\"ing, had been sunk in the n\'er
by his comrades.
In the affidavit of John Cartwright (Cutright), who in 1S34
testified for Hughes, it would appear that llughes was in some
regular military expedition against the Indians, from which he
returned in 1784. Cutright declares that after this, although he
was stationed at the Buckhannon I'"ort. he and llughes went
spying and ranging together until 1795, and that Lieutenant
Hughes lost much property through Indians.
W illiam Powers, Alcxamler West and .Adam l"'lesher also
testified for Hughes in his claim for pension, while John
McW'horter. L P- Nouched for the integrit}' of these witnesses.
W . C. Singleton, Special Pension Agent, who investigated
Hughes" claim for pension, reported under date of January 2nd,
18.i5, "I understand from Hughes' Agent, James M. Camp, that
his (Hughes) mind is entirely gone, and from other sources that
(7) See page 424.
62 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
he is a maniac and has been confined for years. Christopher
Nutter, WilUam Powers and others tell me that he did good
service, but was in no regular service, so therefore is not entitled
to pension." Hughes was refused a pension on the grounds that
his service was rendered in the Indian Wars, and not in the War
of the Revolution. (8)
The munificence of an appreciative and "grateful country" is
pitifully portrayed in its sentiment toward this time-wrecked
veteran of twenty years of incessant warfare. As a scout Lieu-
tenant Thomas Hughes was surpassed only by his two renowned
brothers. The life of the wilderness spy was arduous, and fraught
with constant danger. His wages were meagre (9) and those
who were thus employed throughout the long border wars, seldom
laid up a sustenance for old age.
Lieutenant Hughes died in October, 1837, in Jackson County,
West Virginia, where he moved, perhaps, soon after the treaty
of Greenville in 1795. Mrs. Hughes died three months previous
to the death of her husband. They left only one child, Thomas,
whom it appears was still living in 1854, aged seventy-one years.
There is no family tradition that connects Charles Hughes
(10) who was engaged in the repulse of the Indians at West's
Fort on Hacker's Creek in 1778, with the family of Jesse Hughes,
though they were together in that engagement. It is quite prob-
able that two Hughes families, closely related, were represented
in the pioneers who settled on Hacker's Creek, and the name
seems to have disappeared from the settlement in that beautiful
valley at an early date.
In 1781, a certificate was granted "William McCleery, assignee
to James Hughes, for 400 acres on Spring Creek [tributary to the
Little Kanawha] to include his settlement made in 1774." I
know nothing of the antecedents of this James Hughes.
In an early day one Edward Hughes, then a boy, came with
some men from the Greenbrier settlements to the mouth of Morris
Creek, since known as Hughes Creek, on the Great Kanawha. I
know nothing of this lad's parentage. He seems to have been
the only one of the name who came from Greenbrier with the
party, who apparently were hunters. They built a small fort
on a cliff by the creek, where they could reach the water by letting
down a gourd with a grapevine. The boy experienced many hard-
ships. At one time he was left alone for several days at the fort,
(8) See page 424. (9j p. 425. (10) p. 425.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \'ir(;ini.\ 63
and subsisted on parched corn, and a few lish tliat he caught in
the creelv. He was captured b)- the Indian-s while fishing on
Peters Creek, a tributary of the (Pauley River, now in Nicholas
County, and was carried to the Indian towns on the Muskingum.
He remained with his capturs for more than two \'ears, during
which time he learned their language. He ascertained that the
(jreat Kanawha joined the Ohio somewhere below where they
then were, and determined to escape. He secreted a quantity
of dried venison, and waited for a full moon. He then fled to the
Ohio River, where he constructed a raft of dry timber, and floated
down to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. During the vo\-age
he never approached the shore, but when tired nature demanded
a rest, he anchored his raft in mid-stream with a stone attached
to a grape-vine.
He abandoned his raft, and following up the Kanawha, and
after much suffering reached the little fort on the cliff. \\ hen he
left the Indians he took with him a coat neath' made from a
bear skin. The fore-legs formed the arms, and the neck and head
formed the collar and head-covering. It was soft, pliable, and
comfortable in the most storm}' weather. I^dward Hughes mar-
ried and settled near where Summersville, in Nicholas County,
now is. He never used intoxicants, and was devotedly Christian.
He was buried on the mountain side, overlooking the site of the
little fort in which he had spent so many of his solitary days. (11)
In 1770, a Thomas Hughes, born in 1753, and who married
Elizabeth Swan, settled on the west side of the Monongahela,
near the mouth of Muddy Creek, (12) now Carmichaels, Cjrcen
County, Pa.; but he was of another family, though perhaps
a blood relation of Jesse's father. Thomas Hughes, of Carmich-
aels, had a brother John, who was a Captain of the Pennsyl-
vania Rangers during the Revolution, lie was killed by the
Indians near Louisville, Kentuck}-, in 17S(). This famil\- also
hailed from Virginia.
A Thomas Hughes resided in now Kanawha Count)', West
Virginia, in 1 791 .
.\ Thomas Hughes was Pa\'master of the 7th \'irginia Regi-
ment from Januar\' 1, 1777, to Ma\ 1, 1778. He receix'ed a
militar}- land bt)unty in 1783.
It may be of interest to note that the Jesse I lughes of l''lu\anna
County, \ irginia, previoush' referred to. in the spring ot 1776,
(11) See page 425. (12) p. 425.
64 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
at the age of twenty, enlisted as a private in Roger Thompson's
company of minute men, which was attached to Meredith's Regi-
ment in eastern Virginia, and then to Morgan's riflemen in west-
ern Virginia. In the fall of 1776, Hughes enlisted in William
Pierce's Company of Harrison's artillery. He fought at Mon-
mouth and Newport, was stationed at Providence, and was dis-
charged in 1779. He volunteered as a lieutenant in Joseph Hay-
den's Company in 1780 and was at the battle of Camden. In
1781 he was drafted as a lieutenant of militia, but was seized
with smallpox and did not join the army until the day after
Cornwallis' surrender. He was, no doubt, closely related to the
ancestors of Jesse Hughes of pioneer fame, for the locality from
which he enlisted is very near the ancestral home of the Hughes
family.
The Muster Rolls in the War Department at Washington
show that one Jesse Hughes served as a matross in Captain
William Pierce's Company, First Artillery Regiment, Continental
Troops, commanded by Colonel Charles Harrison. He was
enlisted December 31, 1776, for three years, and was discharged
December 20, 1779. Neither his residence nor the place of his
enlistment is of record. This matross was the Jesse Hughes of
Fluvanna County. In 1837, he was allowed a Bounty Land
Warrant for three years' service as private in Continental line.
The First Continental Artillery Regiment was assigned to the
State of Virginia by Act of Congress approved October 3, 1780.
In 1778, a Jesse Hughes, a matross in Col. Charles Harrison's
Virginia and Maryland Regiment of Artillery, Company No. I,
was returned as "sick in Virginia," along with Sergeant John
Hughes of the same company. (13) There were several other
Hughes among the Virginia troops, but they have no place in
this story.
John Hughes, of Lancaster, Pa., under date of July 11, 1763,
wrote to Colonel Bouquet an elaborate and detestable plan for
hunting down the Indians with savage dogs, .in the true Spanish
way. (14) While this man was perhaps no relation to our hero,
the two would probably have been in complete accord on the man-
ner of procedure in dealing with the Indian question.
In 1770 or 1771, Jesse Hughes was married to Aliss Grace
Tanner, and settled on Hacker's Creek, about one mile above
where West's Fort was afterwards built, and at the mouth of a
(13) See page 425. (14) p. 425.
BoRDKR SkTTLKRS OF NoRTIl W KS'IKKN \ IR(;iM A ^5
Stream which has since been known as Jesse's Run. Here he
built his cabin on the site of an old Shawnee village. This was
embraced in a homestead certihcate, issued in 17S1 to "Jesse
Hughes for 4(X) acres on Hacker's Creek, adjoining lands of
Kdmund West to include his settlement made in 1770." (15)
In this lonely cabin, standing, as it did, on the western out-
skirts of the most western (16) and remote settlement on the
Virginia frontier, this young couple experienced man\' thrilling
adventures incident to border life in the virgin wilderness. The
wife possessed the sterling qualities of rugged and noble woman-
hood. Endowed with that fearlessness and energy of character
which a life of constant peril on the border engendered, she was
admirabh' fitted for the companionship of her half-wild, yet
renowned husband, whose savage temper was not conducive to
domestic happiness. It was in this cabin that the\' had a thrilling
experience with a rattlesnake.
One night Jesse was awakened from a sound sleep by feeling
a li\ing creature trying to work its wa}" upward between his throat
and the close-fitting collar of his homespun shirt. The contact
of a cold, whip-like body with his own, caused him to suspect
instantly the nature of his bed-fellow, and fully aroused him to a
sense of his danger. W ith that rare self-control and presence
of mind that served him so well in more than one instance of
deadly peril, he softly spoke to his wife, waking, and telling her
of the threatened danger, and directing her to get out of bed with
their child, and remove the bed-clothing. This she did so gentl\'
that the restless intruder, who was still endeavoring to force its
broad flat head under the obdurate shirt-collar, was not disturbed.
The covering removed, with a single lightning-like movement,
Jesse bounded to the floor several feet away. A huge \ellow
rattlesnake fell at his feet. With an angry whir-r-r-r it threw
itself into the attitude of battle, but was soon dispatched. The
next morning Jesse went prospecting for snakes, and found in the
end of a hollow log which was built into his cabin, hve copperheads
and one rattlesnake. (17)
From his advent into the Buckhannon settlement in 1769 to
the year 1778, we find no mention of the name ot Jesse Hughes
in border annals.
But it is not to be supposed that so restless and daring a man
would remain inactive while such scenes of bloodshed were being
(15) See page 425. (16) p. 426. (17) p. 427.
66 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
enacted about him. His insatiate passion for Indian blood pre-
cludes this idea, and investigation proves the fallacy and adds
strength to the statement of Mr. Bond, that the chronicle of
Withers is but a partial and fragmentary history.
While living on Hacker's Creek, and within rifle-shot of his
own door, Jesse consummated a deed, which, for needless and
unprovoked treachery, was scarcely surpassed by the Indians in
all their ravages of the Virginia border. He arranged a meeting
with a friendly Indian for the ostensible purpose of spending a day
in hunting. To reach the place of rendezvous the Indian had to
cross Hacker's on a "foot-log," a tree felled across the stream to
form a means of crossing. The time of meeting was appointed for
an hour when the sun should reach a certain point above the tree-
tops. Long before that time Jesse stealthily repaired to the spot
and concealed himself in a position which commanded an unob-
structed view of the foot-log, and there awaited the coming of his
unsuspecting victim. At the appointed hour the Indian issued
from the deep tangle of the valley forest. An eye gleamed along
the barrel of the deadly rifle, the Indian reached the middle of the
log, a report of the rifle reverberated through the valley, and the
lifeless body of the Indian fell forward into the stream.
Hughes claimed that the Indian approached in a suspicious
manner, wary and watchful, and that he felt justified in killing
him. It is not at all probable that an Indian brought up amid the
dangers of the wilderness, would traverse a forest path other than
with every faculty alert to hidden danger. His very training
would preclude this and his caution was no evidence that he
intended treachery. Had he meditated evil, he would more likely
have followed the course pursued by Hughes.
Not only did Hughes engage in Indian killings not chronicled
by Withers, but he was a leader in the terrible massacre of the
BuUtown Indians, an account of which must form a separate
chapter of this narrative.
CHAPTER V
At no very remote period prior to the advent of the white
man into the Trans-Allegheny region, Hacker's Creek had been
the scat of an Indian population of no mean magnitude. Indeed
the evidence of a very ancient occupation of this valley by man is
not wanting. In the present work it is impossible to enter as
deeply into this interesting subject as would be desired, or as
personal observation might warrant; but as it is expedient that
the reader have some idea of the condition of this valley in its
primitive state, brief mention on the most salient points of what
is known on the subject will be made here.
About the year 1896, Samuel Alkire, a great-grandson of
Jesse Hughes, in the line of his daughter Martha, excavated a well
for stock-water on his home farm some three miles below^ the
village of Berlin. The well was dug in a broad, sloping draw,
near the base of the hill bordering on the right of the valley. At
the depth of twenty feet the workman, Charley Tenny,of Jane Lew,
came upon a perfectly sound and well preserved spruce, or pine pole,
to which some of the bark still adhered. This pole, about three
feet in length, was firmly imbedded in a strata of blue clay, and
with it was a quantit}- of pine cones, twigs and other debris of the
forest, which, at some remote period, had been lodged there by
the action of water. In removing the pole from its bed the work-
man, with his mattock, severed it near the middle. Mr. Alkire
was present and saw the pole and cones taken out. One fragment
was claimed by Mr. Tenny, but the other, together with several
of the cones, was carcfull\- preserved bv Mr. .\lkire, who believed
them of scientific value. These he kindly placed at my disposal,
and upon examining the timber, was astounded to find that it
showed several distinct and well-defined knots where small limbs
had been severed with some kind of cutting tool. These protu-
berances were smoothly trimmed and of uniform ridge-shape, like
that produced by severing a limb with sloping cuts from two oppo-
site sides. The end showed similar cuts whore it had been dis-
severed in much the same way. It was impossible without the
aid of a glass to determine the character of the incisions; whether
made b\' a Hint or a steel implcnieiit. Vet, owing to the texture
68 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
of the wood in a young growth of this kind, time and other potent
factors would have a tendency to smooth away and obHterate
any slight irregularity or uneven surface left by the edged tool;
or they may have been polished away by the ancient artisan; in
which case a glass would have proved of little or no value in deter-
mining the primary nature of the marks in question. Be this as
it may, it is unfortunate that within a few hours after this very
interesting relic came into my possession, and before it could be
given a crucial examination, it fell into the hands of some thought-
less boys who forever destroyed its archaeological value by whittling
away every vestige of the traces left by the cutting implement of
the unknown workman. The pole was partly carbonized and
hardened; and was flattened to an oval shape, attesting to both
age and the enormous pressure to which it had been subjected.
When first found it was about the size of the fore-arm, but in
drying had shrunk to nearly half its original size.
Owing to the location of this draw, where naturally we should
expect a rapid accumulation of drift and soil washed from the
hillside by every rain, the depth at which these objects were found
would have slight weight in computing their age. But the fact
that nowhere in this valley or its tributaries does there grow^ pine
timber of any kind, nor does there exist any evidence that such
trees ever did grow there, makes this find important. The mere
finding of the limb would in itself signify little, as it might have
been transported from other regions in quite recent times; but
the discovery of pine cones in quantity, evidently washed there
from a forest growing contiguous, Is indeed puzzling. It Is vain
to speculate as to the time required for the passing of one variety
of forest trees and the production of an entirely different species
in its place, even if such was the case in this instance. Are we to
take the discovery of this mysterious relic with its Interesting
surroundings as proof that In this valley man antedated, by vast
ages, the primitive forest with which it was so densely clothed
when the white man first set foot in its sylvan beauty.'' Or shall
we accept Mr. Alkire's humorous solution of- the riddle — "that
some old codger, living here at some time, had planted evergreen
shade trees about his domicile, and had trimmed a branch from
one of them for a bean-pole, and that the well had been sunk in
the old man's bean-patch." This theory would appear as logical
and rational as those often advanced by archaeologists in support
BoRDKR Settlers oi Northwestern \'irgima 69
of their pet hobbies. Let the deduction be as it may, importance
is attached to the discover}', and the loss of the rehc is greatly
deplored. Facts outweigh theory, and quite often what seems
of no consequence proves of greatest value to the archaeologist
in arriving at truth. But sometimes objects of recent origin are
found under circumstances indicating great antiquity.
On Kinchelo Creek, Lewis County, West Virginia, several
years ago in sinking a well, a fragment of pine board having
wrought-iron nails driven into it was found at a depth of twenty-
one feet from the surface. The location of this well was not at
the foot of a hill or near any existing water-way, where a rapid
burial would be insured by either landslides or the accumulation
of flood sediment. How it came there is a mystery. I examined
a fragment of this relic, and certainly no one could claim for it a
remote origin.
Nearly one hundred years ago, while a well was being sunk at
the old Henry McW'horter cabin, then occupied by his son Thomas,
on McKinney's Run, (1) two and one-half miles from Jane Lew,
at a depth of six feet below the surface was found a six- or eight-
pound solid-shot cannon ball. It is scarcely necessary to comment
on the probale age or history of this find, further than to say that
there was no military post in that region, and the early settlers
possessed no artillery of any kind. The fact that the relic was
found within one-half mile of the old Indian \-illage site on the
Davis farm would suggest that it had been carried there b\- Indians
from some distant post prior to the settlement of the countr\-. It
is not known what became of the ball; it disappeared several
years ago.
Scattered through the valley of Hacker's Creek and its tribu-
taries are to be met evidences of former Indian occupation. On
every hill and in every glen are found those mysteriousK' pitted
"cup-stones" that have been given so much notice by archaeolo-
gists. In addition to the isolated graves and numerous ancient
camps, the valley is dotted over with sites of old abandoned
villages, with their contiguous burial grounds. Because of their
superior location and the absence of timber, these village grounds,
or "Indian fields/' were favorite places for homes with the first
settlers. In the main valley of Hacker's Creek there arc no less
than seven Indian \illage sites; and there is one on .McKinne\''s
Run, and one on Jesse's Run. That on Jesse's Run is not of very
(1) See page 427.
70 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
great extent. The one on McKinney's Run Is quite large and
occupies a "flat" or second bottom. This old site is on the farm
of Rev. Samuel Davis and in connection with it there is quite an
extensive Indian burial ground. To secure this city of the dead
from vandalism, Mr. Davis has planted a cherry tree on each
separate grave.
Numerous stone relics have been picked up on this field. In
an early day, Samuel Stalnaker discovered the skeleton of an
Indian in the crevice of a small ledge of rock on the border of this
field, and near a drain which flows between the Davis and the old
McWhorter farms. The bones were never disturbed, and the
spot has long since grown over with grass and obliterated. On a
high point, or ridge, on the last named farm, two or three graves
were found. One of them examined by my father, contained two
skeletons, that of a very large man, and a girl about twelve years
of age. Both were in sitting posture. The man's jaw had, several
years previous to his death, been broken, but was neatly healed.
No relics were found, and the remains were replaced, and the
graves filled.
West's Fort, now the present site of the residence of Alinor C.
Hall, was once an Indian village. On a beautiful elevation, or
second bottom, at the mouth of Jesse's Run, was an extensive
village, and perhaps the very last in the valley that v/as occupied
by the Indians. It was here, in a little dell which ran through
this village ground, that Jesse Hughes built his cabin.
Another Indian village was located on a promontory-like
flat, which extends out into the valley, on the farm of the late John
Alkire. Here settled Samuel Bonnett, brother to John Bonnett
who was killed on the Little Kanawha, hereafter noted. His
old hewn-lcg house is still standing, though it is rapidly crumbling
to decay. Just up the valley, on the opposite side of the creek,
on a fine elevated bottom was another village of considerable
proportions. Here can still be seen the remains of one of those
mysterious earth-wall enclosures met with in the Ohio Valley.
This earthwork, in former years, was reverently preserved by the
then owner of the land, Air. David Smith, who has been referred
to elsewhere in this volume. When he transferred the title to
other parties, with commendable sentiment he stipulated that
this pre-historic work should never be desecrated or disturbed.
But in time the estate fell into the hands of those whose sole
Hordi:r Settlers ok Nortiiw estlrn \ ircima
71
incentive was money, and as this ancient monument stood in the
way of crops, it was sacrificed. Its encircling' moat was filled with
logs and its walls k'\elcd by the plow, it was the most porten-
tious aboriginal remains in the valley.
Near here stood "Miller's Fort," a strongl>- constructed
dwelling, built near the close of Indian hostilities, and which
never figured in the defense of the border. Willi no i>lacc in the
annals, the structure lives in tradition onlw
On an elevation south or southeast of where the \illage with
its mysterious monument stood, is an Indian burial ground of
considerable magnitude. In one of the gra\-es opened there in
1890, was found a small fragment of bright blue home-spun woolen
cloth, which had been interred with the dead body of the Indian.
This points to the occupation of the valle\- within historic times,
and a comparati\-eh- recent burial. l'nforlunatel\-, this cloth
was lost. Another grave }-ielded a fine stone bird-head pipe, and
a polished slate gorget; and another, a well-made celt, slightl}-
damaged on the poll. In a gra\e which I opened and where
"bundle burial" had been resorted to, there was found a clay pipe
and a broken clay vessel with the usual rounded bottom, which
contained the fragment of a turtle, or tortoise shell, brittle from
decay, and evidently the remains of a food-offering to the dead.
Both pipes arc of ancient t\-pe.
Next comes the Indian \illage ground where John Hacker^
the first settler on the creek, built his cabin. (2) It is the most
Site ok John Hackkr's Ri;sii>i;m. i
Photograpliod I'MO
Old zvrll and joundation of cliimnt-y. (Modrni horn in background.)
(2) See page 427.
11 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
beautiful section of the valley, and about one mile, or over, below
the present village of Berlin.
Many interesting relics have been picked up in the "Indian
fields" on the old Hacker farm. When a boy, I often rode horse-
back to a corn mill near this place, and soon learned to watch for
"flints" along the clay banks of the road. The fragment of an
engraved sandstone tablet, a fine "chungky" stone, and a small
copper pendant were, among other things, in the hands of nearby
farmers, who refused to part with them. Grooved stone relics
were seldom met with in any part of the valley.
Marked traces of an aboriginal occupation are found on the
high creek bottom, on the old Cozad farm, now occupied by Mr.
George Lawson. Not only stone implements, but iron or steel
tomahawks have been found there. This farm was made historic
by an Indian raid in 1794. (3)
Several miles up the creek, just below the mouth of Rover's
Run, (4) and where Mr. William Kelly now resides, was another
Indian village. On a high ridge above this village, and contiguous
to the valley, was a stone-heap, perhaps three by eight feet,
eighteen inches high, and enclosed with a curbing of rude slabs of
sandstone planted on edge. With Mr. T. A. Law, I examined this
interesting stone-heap, and found a small bed of ashes one foot
below the original surface, and near the center of the enclosure.
In the ash-bed was a flint spear-head, which showed traces of the
heat to which it had been subjected. Over the ash-bed was a
sandstone slab about twelve inches square and one inch thick,
which had been broken into fragments by the fire.
Two other curbed stone-heaps were examined, apparently of
the same age and of about the same dimensions as the
first described. One of these was on the ridge dividing Jesse's Run
from Hacker's Creek, on the farm of George Goodwin, and con-
tained nothing. The other was at Berlin, on the farm of Mr. E.
H. Bonnett, on the "flat" just above the old Hebron Church.
This one was carefully opened by Professor G. F. Queen, and
yielded nothing save a few flint chips and some charcoal. Most of
the stone of this mound had previously been removed and used in
repairing the public road. At no other place in America have
similar remains been found, and it is lamentable that they have
not been preserved.
Far up the mountain on the left-hand side of Rover's Run,
(3) See page 427. (4) p. 427.
BoRDKR SkTTI.I.RS OF XoRTIlWKSTKRN \ IR(,INIA 7}i
and adjacent to Bear Knob, several years prior to these investi-
gations, I examined an interesting effig}'-like figure of Indian
origin. It consisted of a single boulder, weighing perhaps three
hundred pounds, lying on the surface, with a short row of small
stones extending not unlike the arms of a rude cross from about
the middle on either side. The stones were removed and an
exca\ation of six feet failed to reveal any sign that the earth had
ever been disturbed. (5)
A few miles up the creek from where stood the village last
mentioned, and on the farm of my maternal grandfather, the late
)ohn W. Marple, is the trace of an Indian habitation of extraor-
dinar\' import. It occupies a second bottom on the right-hand
side of the valley, at the mouth of a small run which flows down
from the hills and enters the creek on the south. On the west
looms Bear Knob seven hundred and fifty feet above this old
village ground. Here can still be seen the outlines of a great ash-
circle. It is perfect in contour, save on the northeast side, where
gentlv sloping ground has caused the ashes to work down the
incline and thus broaden the circle slightly. Where normal, it is
one hundred and eighty feet in diameter. A belt of dark ashes
sixty feet wide, encircles a clear inner space sixty feet in diameter.
This circle was thickly strewn with fragments of bone, mussel
shell, flint chips, scraps of potter}', perfect and broken arrow
points and stone relics. I saw this field plowed during the '80s,
at which time the measurements were made. The arrow points
then secured were mostly of rude workmanship. The fragment
of a "chunkey" stone was picked up; but not of the least
historic import was the finding of a clay pipe stem, of Caucasian
origin.
The field on which this ash-circle is located was cleared about
the year 1821, by Mr. John Warner and a companion. It was then
covered with a growth of young sugar-trees measuring some
twelve inches in diameter; which would denote that the occupancy
by the Indians had been comparatively recent. There were but
two large trees on it, one a yellow poplar and the other a black
walnut; each measuring five feet "across the stump." One stood
in the north part of the field and the other in the south part. Both
were outside of the circle. Mr. Wainer informed me that when
they cleared this "Indian Field," he could have picked up a bushel
of broken arrow points, which were sometimes used as gun flints,
(5) See page 428.
74 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
and that the ground was literally covered with fragments of bone
and mussel shell. Also that there were numerous remnants of
stone implements, but not many in perfect condition. Pieces of
pottery were abundant. Many years afterwards, among other
things, he found in an adjoining field a finely carved stone pipe,
slightly broken. The material was hard, compact, brown sand-
stone highly polished. It is not known what became of this pipe.
Some forty years later a perfect steatite "banner stone," perfo-
rated, was plowed up near the same place.
Stone filled graves are found along the rocky base of the hill
west of the "Indian Field," and near where these last relics were
found. North of these graves, a small mound was located in the
first bottom. This mound I opened in 1880; and a flint spear
head, a broken arrow point, a small piece of steatite paint-stone
and a single bit of charcoalwas all that was obtained. These,
with the "banner stone" and hundreds of other interesting relics
were collected from the village sites and burial grounds of the
Hacker's Creek Valley and various parts of the State. (6)
There is said to be an ash-circle similar to the one described,^
on Rooting Creek, a branch of Elk Creek, (7) only a few miles
north. These circles are unusual in American, or Old World
antiquities. Locally, they are associated with past strange reli-
gious rites and occult practices. (8)
Ancient Stone Pipe
Foujid 171 a ploughed field near JVillow Grove, Jackson
County, West Virginia. In the McWhorter Collection,
Museum of Archives and History, Charleston, W. Va. See
The West Virginia Historical Magazine, 1901 , Vol. I, No. 4.
(6) See page 428. (7) p. 428. (8) p. 428.
CHAPTER VI
The tradition that 'recmiisch was horn on Hacker's Creek, s(j
brief1\- alhided to in a note suppHcd hy ine for the hitc edition of
dhronic/t's of Border ff'arjarc, is as follows:
Sometime after the Treaty of (jreenville, so the stor\' goes,
Tecumseh was in the settlements of the I'ppcr Monongahela and
visited Hacker's Creek. While there, in a conversation with a
Miss A'litchel, Tecumseh declared that he was born on this creek;
either at the village where Jesse Hughes afterwards settled, or at
the one where John Hacker, the pioneer, located. He was also
authority for the statement that the Indian name for Hacker's
Creek signified "mudd\- water." In Shawnee -.cixa-kakami is
muddy water, as applied to a lake or pond; while :vi\a-nipe
designates flowing mudd\- water, or river; and if Tecumseh was
rightly reported, his tribe called this romantic stream If i\a-nipt\
'Ihe same cognomen applies to the West Fork of the Monongahela,
of which Hacker's Creek is an important tributar\-. Doubtless,
the name, primarily, applied to the larger stream and extended to
the smaller with some differentiating term.
Tecumseh was born about the year 1768, just one year pre-
ceding the Pringle cokmization of the l'i">per Monongahela. The
\illage at the mouth of Jesse's Run was occupied b\- Indians
within historic times, as attested by the fact that brass buttons of
an old style, and other objects of European manutacture, ha\-e
been found intermixed with various Indian relics. After heavy
rains large quantities of lead bullets have been picked up on a
clay bank near where stood the cabin of Jesse Hughes. Tradition
says that when the Indians wanted to clean their rifles they dis-
charged them against this bank, or at marks placed there. The
early settlers resorted thither for their lead. There is also a tra-
dition that there resided near West's Fort, a hermit-like hunter
who knew of a lead mine on a small stream that enters Hacker's
Creek troni the soutli, in what is now the Alkire settlement above
the mouth ot Jesse's Run. This gri'/,'/.led nimrocl obtained all the
lead he reejuired from this "mine," but he would never divulge its
location to his fellow-countr\ men. Dressei.! in buckskins and the
traditional nuccasins. his step was light and trackless. Cunning
76
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
as a fox, he was often traced to the high ridge south of the creek,
where he would disappear. Later he would return with a supply
of lead. (1) Traditions of lead mines were current in nearly every
Virginia settlement. In all probability the mysterious hunter
obtained his lead from some such source as the claybank deposit,
and was loth to share his failing store with his neighbors.
It is known that the Ohio Indians frequented this region as
hunters after the white settlers came, and it is not improbable
^v
^
1^
^^
¥
^^gj
L
^^iw
m
m^^ ' ^^ ^^Nk.^S^
JB^H m
r^.l..,'^;'
^^
TECCMTHA.
Tecumseh — The Greatest of Shawnees
From a ■pencil sketch made about 1812. There is no true portrait of Chief
Tecumseh in existence. Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution.
that Tecumseh was born here while his people were on one of
those excrrsions. Drake says that Tecumseh was born on the
Scioto River, near where is now Chillicothe. (2) Other authorities
state that he was born on Alad River, a few miles north of Old
Chillicothe, claiming that his parents and relatives were on a
hunting expedition at the time, and were encamped on Mad
River. Col. Hatch contends that Tecumseh was born near the
mouth of Clearwater, on the upper point of its junction with the
Great Miami River. (3)
The Chillicothe, "Chi-la-ka-tha" one of the four divisions of
the Shawnee tribe, (4) always occupied a village of the same name.
(1) See page 429. (2) p. 430. (3) p. 430. (4) p. 430.
BoRDKR SkTTI.KRS Ol- XoRTlI W KSTKRN \ IRdlNIA 11
As the Shawnees retreated westward before the whites, several
villages of this name were successfully occupied. (5) To designate
Tccunisch's hirthi^lacc as "Old Chillicothe" is misleading. Tiicre
was an Old Chillicothc in each of the following counties in Ohir):
Ross, Pickawa>-, Clark, Green and Miami.
Old Chillicothe in Ross County, was the capitol of the Shaw-
nees at the time of Tecumseh's birth, and it was evidently the
home of his family. Such being the case, historians would suppose
that he was born there; and in the absence of definite information,
give that town the honor of his birthplace, though he may have
been born at some distant and transient hunting camp. The
Indians were, then, as they are now, accompanied b\- their women
even when going to remote localities to hunt.
At the two villages on Hacker's Creek mentioned by Tecum-
seh, there have been found the stone cist graves believed to be of
Shawnee origin. Such graves are located in the midst of, or con-
tiguous to these village sites, while those constituting the burial
grounds on the hillsides and the ridges, are the common stone-
filled graves of a different tribe. The summit of Buck Knob (6)
which overlooked the villages on McKinney's Run and at the
mouth of Jesse's Run, is such a burial ground. Without entering
into a discussion as to the probabilit}' of which of these tribes
were the last to abandon a continuous occupanc\- of the valley,
or whether they were contemporaneous, summing up the facts. 1
regard this claim of Hacker's Creek to the honor of being the
birthplace of Tecumseh, supported as it is by his own statement,
worthy of consideration and probabK- correct. Let Virginia then
add to the long list of her warriors, patriots and statesmen, the
name of Tecumseh; really Tikamthi, or Tecumtha, the "meteor"
or "shooting-star;" the "crouching panther," "I cross the path,
or way." Even if born at Old Chillicothe or on Mad River,
Tecumseh was still a Virginian; for all that part of the territory
Northwest of the Ohio River belonged to \'irginia until after the
Revolution.
There was a tradition on Hacker's Creek which declared that
Tecumseh in one of his incursions into the valley, lost his pipe —
usually an adjunct to the Indian Warrior's equipment — and
with it much of his prestige as a war chief. He and his followers
spent many moons in a fruitless search for the missing talisman.
I remember that more than thirty }ears ago there was found on
(5) See page 430. (6) p. 43 2.
78
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Jesse's Run a stone pipe of "strange and peculiar workmanship."
This revived the old story of Tecumseh and his missing pipe; and
many supposed that the pipe found was the one lost by this
renowned chief. It is not known what became of the pipe.
A Hacker's Creek Pawpaw Thicket
Photographed September, 1914, by Master Joe Reger McWhorter.
{Fruit of the Gods.)
Primitive Wiya-nipe must have been a veritable paradise for
the red man. Beyond doubt it is today the garden spot of central
West Virginia. It has a milder winter climate than the Buck-
hannon region and the high mountain sections of the State. The
soil from the creek bed to the summit of the surrounding hills is
generally fertile and productive. The first settlers found the
valley clothed with a heavy growth of timber. Here the nut-
producing varieties: — the chestnut, shell-bark hickory, black and
white walnut, the beech and white oak, grew to perfection on
both bottom and hillside. The fruit was of superior size and
quality. The hazel nut grew in abundance, while the uplands
were covered with the persimmon; the service, or june-berry; the
black and red haw, the mulberry and wild cherry. Plums of a
most excellent flavor flourished along the banks of every stream
and favored localities of the higher altitudes. Crabapples were
also plentiful. The less fertile portions of the ridges were covered
with the shrubs of the wild gooseberry and the huckleberry,
beneath which was often found patches of the aromatic winter-
BoRDiiR Settlers of Northwestern \ ir<;im.\ 79
green. On every v^ariety of soil of the uplands grew mountain
grapes of varied size and flavor; while the low marsh and swamp
lands were canopied with a matted tan^l*.' '>! the fox grape, large
and luscious. A small winter grape, rather acrid and less pala-
table, was also found on the lowlands. The pawpaw, the fruit of
the gods, attaincLl to [icrfection aiii_l supcialuuKlancc in this valle\'
of valleys. Blackberries, raspberries and elderberries flourished
in open and fertile ground, usually among the fallen timber.
Occasional!)- wild strawberries were met with on the hiuh ridges
and points where the timber was scattering; but the>- were not
plentiful. The sugar tree, whose sweet-producing qualities were
so universally made use of by the Indian, stood dark and thick
over most of the bottom land and the rich north coves. Sassa-
fras, and spice, the root-bark of the one and the twig of the other,
used in preparing food drinks were plentitul. Medicinal barks
and herbs were multitudinous. A fragrant variety of plant used
in the preparation of kinnikinick, or Indian smoking tobacco, was
in abundance. Its lea\'es, when brewed, proiluce a drink scarce
inferior to the best of imported teas.
The forest teemed with all the game native to the Ohio \ alle\',
while the waters swarmed with excellent tish, turtles, frogs and
mussels. The following incident will illustrate the profusion of
the hnn}- tribe in this stream at the time of the settlement of the
valley.
One evening Henry McW horter, the pioneer millwright of
W est's Fort, and his two oldest bo\'s, prepared faggots or torches
from sli\crs ot dry wooel and went "tish-gigging." W alter, a
small lad, having no gig, did not go with them. After the\' had
gone, from a board he fashioned a rude paddle — a poor substi-
tute for a gig — aiul taking a torch went into the ripple below
the mill dam. He said afterwards that had the tish been stones
he could have walked across the creek on them, so plentiful and
of such good size were they. He soon secured all the tish that
he could carry — more than was caught b\' his father and brothers.
Even at a much later date this creek afforded superior fishing
grounds. Walter, when grown, and his son, m\ talin-i-, then a
lad, went gigging below the bridge at jane Lew. Walter was an
expert at spearing hsh and prided himself as such. He saw what
he supposed was a "chunk" ot water-soaked wood l\ing in the
rifiple and lightl\- set his gig on it as he was passing l-)\'. W hat
80 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
was his surprise and chagrin, when with a splash the supposed
"chunk" flashed from under the spear and was off Hke a shot for
deep water. The fisherman could never get over the loss of that
fish, which he estimated to be not less than four feet in length.
Buffalo, elk, deer, bear and innumerable small game abounded
throughout this region. One old hunter whom I remember seeing,
declared that in traversing less than one mile of the dividing ridge
between Bridge Run and the left-hand fork of Buckhannon Run,
starting at the head of the latter stream, he secured five deer.
Many are the tales of hunting adventures that have been handed
down from the early settlers of this valley, and a few of them are
here given.
Alexander West shot an elk on Hacker's Creek, but the shot
did not prove fatal, and the elk made off. West followed, finding
that the animal often lay down. His better plan would have been
to let it lie, but he expected to find it dead. It continued to get
up and travel, however, and West followed it to the present site
of West A-lilford, on the West Fork River, where he killed it. He
dressed the meat and hung it on trees out of the reach of wolves,
and returned home. The next day he went with a pack horse and
brought it in.
W'est was "coon hunting" on the right-hand fork of Alclvin-
ney's Run, when his dogs engaged a bear down in a very deep
hollow. West soon heard his favorite dog howling with pain,
and like the true hunter he started at once to the rescue. With
drawn knife he plunged into the depths of the narrow gorge, the
sides of which reverberated with the fierce snarls and deep growls
of the savage combatants. It was very dark, and West could
distinguish nothing but a white spot on one of his dogs. He
fearlessly approached the struggling mass and felt for the shaggy
coat of the bear. Feeling along its side he located the fatal spot
over the heart, and buried the long blade of his hunting-knife
between its ribs, which ended the fray.
Bears frequently made forays upon the herds of swine belong-
ing to the settlers. Knowing the fighting qualities of the full-
grown boar, the pioneer always had one at the head of his herd.
These long tusked savage brutes seldom came out of a battle with
a bear with any serious injury. One night \\'est heard a commo-
tion among his hogs and went out to investigate. He found that
a two-year-old bear had attacked the pigs, and in turn had been
BoRDl.R SkTTLERS of XoRTIlW KS TIRN \ 1R(;|NI.\ Si
set upon and killed by ihc old boar. The pigs were unhurt. 1 Icjgs
were turned loose in the woods and were semi-wild, oft times
entireh' so and were \er\' daiiircrous. W Ik-ii iii i.leicnse of young
broods, or molested when in bands, the\' wtnild not hesitate to
attack, man; and frcquenth- hunters and ginsengers experienced
thrilling ad\entures with them.
West was a great hunter and often led the settlers in the
annual hunts for the purpose of securing their winter's meat. On
one of these occasions a compan\' of several men went iiitu the
Mountains of Randolph Countw The party pitched camp, and
earl\- in the hunt killed two hne elk. That night the "marrow-
bones" were cut out and roasted for supper, .\fter the repast
and while sitting around the camp tire, one of the men in a spirit
of hilarity, pulled a large tick from one of the dogs and wrapping
it in a "wad" of tobacco, handed it to a companion, a large athletic
fellow, "ter chaw." The unsuspecting victim did "chaw," but
soon found that the "quid" contained something not altogether
"terbacker." Upon learning the nature of the rude joke thai had
been plaved on him, he seized one of the heavy marrow-bones
and would have brained the thoughtless joker, had not W est
interfered and prevented the fight.
-Alexander W est related an occurrence near his father's house
on Hacker's Creek. Some boys one Sunday, stealing out an old
musket, went in quest of ad\enturc. In a iiearb_\- cornticld the\'
shot and killed a bear. This bear was dressed and as usual, the
meat divided among the settlers. Soon there was a savory "bear-
pork" simmering over the glowing fires in the great open chimneys
of more than one cabin home. The dogs gnawing at the offal,
shook from the maw the mangled fingers of a human hand. Notice
of the ghasth- find was at once given out, and the partly cooked
meat thrown awa>-. A search was instituted, and in another
part of the field was found the half-eaten body of a man. .Ml
around was the evidence of a fearful conflict. .Most o{ the corn
on an acre of ground had been trampled down in a territic life-
and-death struggle. The victim was an eccentric fellow, of pow-
erful build and strength, who often spent da\s and nights in the
woods. On this occasion he had been absent several da\s but
nothing was thought of it.
Of buffalo on Hacker's Creek, there is but one mention by
82 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the early chroniclers. Withers, (7) in speaking of the first settlers
on the Buckhannon River, and the stream in question, says:
"At the close of the working season of 1769 some of these adventurers, went
to their families on the South Branch; and when they returned to gather their
crops in the fall, found them entirely destroyed. In their absence the buffaloes,
no longer awed by the presence of man, had trespassed on their enclosures, and
eaten their corn to the ground — this delayed the removal of their families 'till
the winter of 1770."
It has been noted in the preceding chapter that John Hacker,
the first settler on the creek bearing his name, was one whose
crop was destroyed. This occurred during his absence on the
Wappatomaka for his family, and is history; but the sequel is tradi-
tion. There are few now living who have ever heard of Hacker's
long pursuit of the destroyers of his sole means of bread; but the
landmarks of that chase will remain indefinitely. I am indebted
to Mr. John Strange Hall, of Walkersville, West Va., for the
following account of the hunt, as given him in manuscript by
Mr. Jackson Arnold, who got it direct from Hacker's children.
"As soon as Hacker had installed his family in their new
home, with the usual equipment of a hunter he took up the trail
of the bufi^aloes. It was a small herd, two full grown and a young
calf. Bufltalo and elk were not numerous on the upper waters of
the Monongahela, and were never found in large droves. They,
however, gave names to numerous licks and streams. (8)
"The band which Hacker followed, was moving leisurely
south for the winter, and ranging up and down the streams. It
consumed time to find the various crossings; hence the short
marches and many camps made by the huntsman. All the waters
crossed, or followed by trail, with the licks and camps were so
accurately described that subsequent hunters easily recognized
them. Hacker's first camp was at the mouth of (now) Curtis
Run, a branch of Little Skin Creek, where he dined on a turkey.
The second was 'Crane Camp,' on a tributary of the West Fork.
Here in addition to the deer killed at a lick where the buffalo had
halted, Hacker shot a crane; hence the name of camp and stream.
"The trail followed the right-hand branch of the river to its
source, and Hacker was, so far as known, the first white man to
look upon the upper waters of the Little Kanawha, known at its
mouth as the first great tributary of the Ohio below Fort Pitt.
In the glades above the falls of the creek, he met with more abun-
(7) See page 433. (8) p. 433.
BoRUKR SeTT1.1:RS Ol- XoRTllWESTKRN \ IRGIMA S3
dant and fresher signs of buffalo. In addition to the grass, the
crab apples and thorn berries attracted the game.
"The third camp was noted for its durability. A rain storm
coming up, the hunter sought shelter in a dry and comfortable
cave in a cliti, where he again regaled himself on a fine turkey
killed on the river boltoin. This cave, or rock-shelter, has since
been known as Hacker's Camp, and was subsequently occupied by
hunters and ginseng diggers. The stream is known as Hacker's
Branch.
"The fourth camp was at Buffalo Lick, where Hacker shot and
crippled a buffalo cow. She had just come up from the lick
where the others were, and all Hcd over a well-beaten path toward
a gap in the mountain. The trail was followed but a short dis-
tance, when evening coming on, the hunter returned to the lick.
It was at the source of a ravine, circular in form, rock bottom and
about two rods in diameter. Several small springs issued from
the biutfs, differing in taste, but none of them palatable. Here
the sign of buffalo, elk and deer surpassed all that Hacker had
ever seen. The brackish, or saline properties of the water allured
the animals from a great distance.
"Buffalo Fork, an affluent of the Back Fork, or Right Fork of
Little Kanawha, and Buffalo Lick are names given by Hacker.
Following the trail through the gap, a scene of rugged grandeur
opened to the hunter's view. A boisterous stream rushed through
the deeply wooded canyon. From the trend of the mountains, he
rightly conjectured that it did not belong to the system on which
he had been traveling, which proved to be the Little Kanawha.
He had dropped onto the waters of Flk, a trilnilar\- <>f the Great
Kanawha.
"A few miles up the stream, the mountains receded, enclosing
a beautiful valley. Here Hacker secured the cow previously
wounded. She was standing in a clump of bushes near a lick.
The sound of the rifle startled the others, now joined b\- another
herd, and all fled towards the great Buffalo Lick at the forks of
Elk River, which is now a noted health resort, the Webster Salt
Sulj-'hur Springs. 'I'hc arduous chase was ended. The grim hunt-
er's wrath was appeased and he prepared to return with the
spoils. The robe was removed and a small amount of choice
parts selected and cured b\- the hre to carr\' home as jerk.
"Hacker made a 'tomahawk-entrv' at the lick where the
84 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
cow was killed, embracing the bottom land. For years it was
known as Hacker's Lick, but in time the lick lost its value and
now the locality with its village bears the name of Hacker's Valley.
This is a branch of the Holly River, so named by Hacker from the
groves of this evergreen which adorned its banks.
"The return trip was by short stages, the camps being at the
mouth of Buffalo Fork, Crane Camp, and Little Skin Creek, at
each of which Hacker made a 'tomahawk-entry.' The latter
was the only one to which he secured a title. Here, early in the
last century his son Jonathan became the first settler of Skin Creek.
After several years he sold the place to Rev. John Hardman, and
moved to Crane Camp. He soon learned that he had no title to
the land, it being covered by a large patent. The abandoned
cabin in the wilderness became the abode of spooks."
It is noteworthy that Mr. Hall places the removal of Hacker's
family to their new home in the autumn of 1769. From all evi-
dence this is correct, but it is very probable that they subsequently
returned to the Wappatomaka, and that their permanent removal
to Hacker's Creek was not until the following fall, or even later.
Hacker reported the existence of the artificial earth mounds
at the mouth of Buffalo, where the village of Cleveland now stands
in Webster County. There were ten or twelve of these, the largest
in quite recent years measured about live feet in height and some
twenty feet in diameter. He attributed them to Indian origin,
which is doubtless correct. This pursuit of the buffalo stands
unique, and has no rival in geographical discovery made in a single
chase for game on the western waters. The incentive was revenge.
A pathetic story illustrative of the hardships incident to a
life on the border has been handed down by the older settlers of
this region. A few years after his settlement on Hacker's Creek,
John Hacker returned to the Wappatomaka for salt and other neces-
sary articles, and upon his departure for home his friends prepared
provisions for his return journey. He saved some biscuits from
his food and upon his arrival home gave one to his little boy,
William, who was then about five years old. The child examined
it closely and then began rolling it over the rough puncheon floor
of the cabin. The little fellow had never seen bread other than
that made from the coarse meal of Indian corn crushed In the
rude mortar, and he imagined that in the strange object he
possessed a new toy. It is said that Hacker wept over the incident.
BoKUKR Si:TTLL:RS of NoRTIIW ESTliRX \ IRGINIA 85
Hacker, in one of his trips across the mountains for salt, was
caught in a bitter storm on the bleak and cold Alleghenies. He
made camp for the night, but from some cause was unable to
kindle a hre with his flint and steel. His case was most desperate,
and realizing the danger in which he stood, he had recourse to a
most ingenious method of keeping warm. Standing his two pack
horses side by side, he lashed them securely together. Then
wrapping his blankets about him and stretching himself upon
their backs, he spent the night in warmth and comfort.
The inadequacy of the flint and steel as a fire-producer
undoubtedly resulted in more than one tragedy in the early settle-
ment of the country. Hacker was fortunate in possessing means
hv which to avert death by freezing. Not all were so fortunate,
as is shown by the following occurrence in the same range of
mountains nearly one hundred years later. It also evidences
with what astonishing tenacity the simple, contented hunter folk
of this vast mountain region held to the primitive customs of their
forefathers. The incident was told me in a hunter's cabin on the
Greenbrier River in Pocahontas County in 1877, near the scene of
the tragedy, which happened only a short time before.
A hunter had guided a party across the mountains. \\ inter
was at hand. There was the appearance of snow, and a snow-
storm in those mountains is accompanied with a humid cold that
penetrates to the marrow and kills, unless fire can be had at once.
The hardy guide, against the protests of friends, started on foot
alone to return by the unfrequented trail through that wilderness.
A terrible and blinding snowstorm swept the mountains, followed
by the most intense cold. The poor guide became bewildered,
wandered from the path, and was soon lost in the vast, desolate
forest. His onl\- means of producing fire was the flint and steel.
These failed, and after hours, no one will ever know how long, he
sat down at the root of a tree with his rifle resting between his
knees and his arms folded across his breast. In this position a
rescuing party, one of whom was Robert Carr, who told the story,
several days later found him with bowed head, in frozen slumber.
The poor fellow's knuckles on both hands were badly cut by the
flint in his una\'ailing attempt to strike fire.
CHAPTER VII
The Stroud family, living on Gauley River a few miles south
of Bull Town, was murdered by a band of Shawnees from Ohio,
in June, 1772. (1) Bull Town was an Indian village at a salt
spring on the Little Kanawha, about a mile and a quarter below
the present Bull Town postoffice in Braxton County, West Vir-
ginia. It was a Delaware (2) settlement, consisting of five fam-
ilies, colonized from the Unadilla River, New York, about 1768,
by Captain Bull, a Delaware chief, the chief man and ruler of the
village. These Indians "were in habits of social and friendly
intercourse with the whites on Buckhannon and on Hacker's
Creek; frequently hunting and visiting with them." (3) Adam
Stroud was absent from home at the time of the murder of his
family. The Shawnees drove off his cattle, taking a trail that led
in the direction of the Delaware settlement, though there never
was any evidence that the Shawnees went to Captain Bull's
village. The trail leading towards the village was discovered by the
white settlers, which was eagerly taken as proof that the Delawares
were guilty of the murder. William White, William Hacker, John
Cutright, Jesse Hughes, (4) and one other whose name is now
forgotten, five of the most desperate men in the Buckhannon and
Hacker's Creek settlements, set out for the Delaware village to
avenge the death of the Strouds. (5) There are no known circum-
stances that justified the acts of the settlers at Bull Town, and
there is every proof at hand to show that it was murder committed
in treachery and cold blood. The fact that the trail of the Stroud
murderers "led in the direction of Bull Town" cannot be taken as
evidence of the guilt of the hapless Delawares. If they were the
perpetrators of the crime, what became of the Stroud cattle.? So
far as history or tradition tells, the cattle were never found. If
the destroyers of the friendly Delawares "found clothing and other
things known to have belonged to the Stroud family," (6) in their
possession, why did they not bring some of those articles to view
in the "remonstrating settlement" in vindication of their honor,
and to convince the people that just retribution at their hands had
fallen upon the guilty parties.''
Men capable of such crimes on the border were clever in
(1) See page 433. (2) p. 433. (3) p. 435. (4) p. 435. (5) p. 435. (6) p. 436.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \ ir(;inia S7
framing excuses to justify their actions. Their unsupported state-
ment that such articles were found at Bull Town, in the absence
of the articles, which should have been brought to the settlements
and exhibited, cannot be accepted. And if such articles had been
found and carried to the settlements, and there exposed to public
view, ihc circumstances woukl have fallen far short of proving
the guilt of the Delawares. They might have been obtained by
barter or bv gift. Or the Shawnees might have desired to cast
suspicion on the friendly Delawares, and this supposition may
account for their taking a trail in the direction of their village.
This would enable them to escape suspicion and make their
escape, leaving the Delawares to bear the consequences of a crime
of which they were innocent and ignorant. Friendly Indians
were always in more or less disrepute with both the settlers and
their own people. The slaughter of the unfortunate Moravian
Indians at Gnadenhutten ten years later is a case in point.
Just how the village of Bull Town became such an easy prey
to the fury of the bordermen is not known. Circumstances con-
nected with the outrage strengthens the belief that they, like
their unfortunate relatives at Gnadenhutten, were the victims of
craven treachery. Notwithstanding the supposition that there
had been some fighting between these men and the Indians, it is
now known that there was no fight. Christopher T. Cutright,
commonly known as Uncle Stuftle Cutright, a son of John Cut-
right, one of the men of the expedition, gave me personally an
account of the tragedy and its awful sequel at Indian Camp. He
told the story as revealed to him by his father. It conforms
strongly with the traditionary account given by the Hacker family.
(7) \\ hile not going into the minute details of the massacre, it
was stated explicitly, as a fact, that there had been no fight, and
that the Indians, one and all, were put to death, their bodies
thrown into the river, and their homes desolated.
It has been conceded by historians that Captain Bull was
killed in the general destruction of his people. But such was not
the case; if the word of John Cutright, previously quoted, and one
of the principals in the massacre, is to be regarded as reliable.
To his positive testimony a verifying traditional account is still
current among the old settlers of that region.
Mr. Cutright's statement was, that sometime prior to
the massacre, death entered the lowly hut of Captain Bull and
(7) See page 436.
88 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
robbed him of his Httle child. The body was tenderly buried
somewhere in the deep shades of the primeval forest. The parental
affection in the Indian bosom is strong, and the grief of the stricken
parents was most poignant. From their white neighbors came
no show of respect, no condolence or expression of sympathy.
So keenly was felt this heartless indiiference, that Captain Bull
despaired of ever living in harmony and social friendship with
the usurpers of his country, and in bitter anguish and desolation
of spirit the chieftain exhumed the body of his child, and with his
immediate family rejoined his tribe in the country north of the
Ohio. (8) The other five families remained, and were all sacrificed.
We shall find Capt. Bull again on the Virginia border, but
not as a peaceful village builder.
^^^^>
§^M
(8) See page 4.^6.
CHAPTER VIII
Against the avowed purpose to kill the Bull 'lown Indians, a
"remonstrance of the settlement generally," sa\s Withers^ was
made. (1) Evidently this "remonstrance" was formal and feeble.
Xo concerted action was taken to enforce order or to stay this the
most deliberate and fiendish crime ever enacted on the border t)f
the Upper Monongahela. A not altogether groundless dread of
incurring the wrath of the five bordermen, who would likely brook
no interference with their plans, ma\' have justified to some small
extent the indifference manifested by the settlers. But both the
sequel and previous circumstances point an accusing finger, and
the investigator is constrained to belie\e that the settlers generalK'
were in direct sympathy with the acts of the merciless five, and
felt little or no concern for the safety of their red friends on the
Kanawha, or how they fared at the hands of the murderous foe.
\\ hile at Bull Town, the whites learned from the Delawares,
that there was at that time a party of thirteen Indians, a hunting-
party from be\-ond the Ohio, at Indian Camp, fourteen miles above
the fort at Buckhannon. It is not probable that this information
could have been obtained had not the settlers professed friendship
and hidden their intentions for a time after their arrival at the
village. Having secured this information, and their passions
aroused by the scenes of their inhuman blood-letting at the Dela-
ware town, the\- returned to the settlement and made rapid and
grim preparations for the slaughter of the unsuspecting part\- at
Indian Camp Rock. The sympath)' (.') expressed for the Bull
Town liKliaiis found no utterance in bchalt ot the doomed thirteen
at Indian Camp. These were unconscious ot treachery, and were
enjoying the solitude of their ancient rock camp in the wilderness
of the Buckhannon. Vet the\- were markei.1 as the ne.xt \ictims
of the fierce bordermen.
Before marching against this new cam}"", the settlers were
reinforced by volunteers who must ha\e been acquainted willi
their intentions. Among these were Samuel Pringle, James
Strange and John Truby, from the Buckhannon settlement, and
several others whose names are unknown at this daw Truby's
son had been killed by Indians some \ears before. With their
(1) Sec pauc \ib.
90 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
force thus augmented, the company, under the leadership of
White, set out for the Indian camp, and arrived in the immediate
vicinity in the night, perhaps a short time before the break of day.
Indian Camp is situated on Indian Camp Run, in an amphi-
theatre-Hke valley on the land now owned by Lothrop Phillips in
Indian Camp
Photographed by Professor G. F. Queen, 1892
an outcropping of carboniferous sandstone. This rock camp is
of natural origin. The entrance is some fifty feet wide by about
twelve in height, and it has a cavity or room running back a dis-
tance of twenty-six feet. The roof slopes uniformly from the
front to the rear, and it is from four to six feet in height at the
back of the cave. It faces east, and the first rays of the sun
penetrate its inmost depths. This cave, or "rockhouse," as such
overhanging rocks were called by the early settlers, is so sheltered
that the fiercest storms lodge neither snow nor rain beneath the
roof. It would be difl[icult to conceive a more perfect, natural
shelter from the weather, and it is not surprising that it was a
favorite resort of the Indians, and became such for the white
pioneer scouts and hunters. An early settler lived therein with
his family one entire summer, while he was erecting his cabin.
Large congregations assembled there for public worship in post-
Border Settlers of Northwestkrn \'ir<;ini.\ 91
pioneer days. In later years it has been put to the more ignoble
use of a stable for domestic animals.
The entrance to the camp is flanked on both sides by huge
fragments of sandstone, about which grew tangled thickets of
laurel, vines and brush; much of which still remained when I last
visited the locality in 1893. This afforded an effective covering
for an ambushing foe. \\ ilhiii the immediate entrance there is a
large block of stone bearing some resemblance to a rude altar.
From this point the ground falls in a gentle slope to Indian Camp
Run, several rods to the east.
It was at this stream that the settlers halted, while Captain
White and Jesse Hughes stealthily reconnoitered the camp. After
observing the position of the Indians and noting the best mode of
attack, they returned to the company and prepared for the assault.
The men were divided into two bands, one of them headed by
White and the other by Hughes. These approached the camp
from opposite sides, in the uncertain light of early dawn, and soon
found the Indians astir, preparing their morning meal. White
was in position first, and Hughes was to give a whistle, the signal
of attack; to be answered by White. It seems that the light was
too uncertain to aim with accuracy, and at the risk of discovery
they awaited the tardy approach of day. They had command
of the entire entrance, and there was no escape for the Indians.
As the shadows dispersed before the broadening rays of
morning, the stillness was suddenh' brtjken by a shrill whistle, and:
"Wild as the scream of the curlew,
From crag to crae the signal flew."
The recesses of the cavern and the adjacent cliffs and forest
resounded with the roar of heavy riflery and the exultant yells of
the bordermen as they sprang forward to complete the work of
death. But there was little need for the knife or tomahawk. So
deadly had been the volley that but one Indian, unarmed and
badly wounded, escaped from that grotto of death. He was
scarce able to hobble to the sheltering pit of an uprooted tree near
by, where his relentless pursuers soon followed him. He greeted
them with a friendly and supplicating "How." To this amicable
salutation Captain White replied: "Damn you: you want pow-
der and lead," and having reloaded, he dispatched his victim
with ancnher shot.
92
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Thus perished this band of friendly Indians, in time of peace
and without provocation. Their destruction was the blackest
of crimes.
The number of settlers engaged in this massacre is not known,
but the fact that every Indian was either killed or disabled at the
hrst fire would indicate that the "remonstrating settlement"
Ash Camp
(Queen, 1892)
must have been represented by many of its best riflemen. The
victims were left where they fell, to gorge the voracious wolf, and
the carrion birds of the air. John Cutright's statement was to
the effect that the dead Indians were left unburied, but others said
that they were interred in the loose debris of the camp floor.
An aged nimrod, born in 1801, who resorted to this camp
during the first quarter of the century, related to me the following
story:
"Game of all kinds was most abundant in the wilderness
region surrounding both the Indian, and Ash Camps. These
camps were favorite rendezvous for the hunter. In a season's
hunt of about one month, at Ash Camp, I killed seventy deer
alone, to say nothing of the bear and turkey secured. I killed
eleven bear around Indian Camp in one day. Hunting throughout
that country was superb; but my associations with the latter
Border Sf.tti.krs of Northwkstkrn \'ir(;ini a 93
camp was not of a contiiuicd plcasanl nature. W hen 1 tirsl \isitcd
it, there was a low, niouiid-hke ridge some tifteen feet in length
arid eighteen inches high, near the center of the room, and imme-
diately back of the large block of sandstone which stands at the
entrance. I sometimes pillowed my head against the sloping
base of the mound, wholly unconscious of the gruesome objects
hidden beneath.
"One da}' a pouring rain prevented hunting, and in idle curi-
osity I began removing the dirt from one end of the mound, and
was soon startled to find the skeleton leet of a human bodw \\y
interest was aroused and 1 continued the excavation, and discovered
that the mound was full of human bones, representing, as I esti-
mated, no less than eighteen bodies. l"he_\' had been buried on a
level with the original fioor of the camp. In this bone-heap, I
found numerous fragments of crockery, and a fineh' polished, hard
stone "bleater." This bleater was perfect, and beautifull\ made.
It was used by the Indian hunter to imitate the bleat of a fawn,
and was evidenth' of Indian manufacture. \\ ith it I could mimic
the cry of a tawn to perfection. It was afterwards broken and
lost through accident. I prized it highh."
The "fragments of crocker}'" alluded to b}' the old hunter,
was evidenth' that of steatite vessels, pieces of which were found
there in after }'ears. Shreds of crude Indian potterx' were strewn
all through the floor accumulation of the camp.
It is hardh' probable that so nian\' bodies could have been
interred in the manner described and escaped the ravages of wild
animals. It was a custom of some of the tribes to bury onl\' the
bones of their dead in a common, or final resting place. 'I his
manner of sepulchcr, known as ''bundle burial," is sometimes met
within this region. If the find in question was not of this nature,
which I am inclined to believe is the case, then it was e\'idently
the bones of the slain Indians, inhumed b\' the whites in later
years. (2)
The discovery of these skeletons was regarded as proof of the
tradition that during the border wars, a band of thirteen Indians
returning from a raid in Tygart's \'alle}' late one season, were
snowbound at Indian Camp, and starxed to death. The great
abundance of game in that region would have been a guarantee
against such a tragedy, even if it were probable that an unprec-
edented storm should have occurred at the lime of year that we
(2) See page 436.
94 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
know the Indian incursions took place. The deep snow would
have facilitated, rather than retard the success of the hunter. I
knew a hunter in the Cheat Mountain, who, with a comrade, dur-
ing a remarkably heavy snow and within a few days' time killed
forty deer, many of which were clubbed to death. The animals
are helpless in the snow, while the men properly equipped, travel
easily over the surface.
Not only were deer plentiful, but this region was a favorite
wintering quarters for bear; nor were they usually hard to locate.
"Bear Den" rocks are located at the mouth of Indian Camp Run.
In 1893, a middle-aged gentleman who was raised near Indian
Camp, told me that when a boy he knew his father to have at one
time sixteen bears in his cabin thawing them out so he could skin
them and dress the meat. As bear hunters the woods Indians
have always excelled. Evidently the starvation story originated
with those who engaged in the killing at Indian Camp, and was
told for the purpose of covering up their crime.
CHAPTER IX
The memories associated witii John Cutright, the scout, more
than any other of his companions, are inseparably connected with
the region around Buckhannon and Indian Camp. He was at
an early age a hunter of renown, and the Indians occasionally
sought his companionship. Soon after the massacres narrated in
foregoing chapters, Cutright one day was plowing corn in a field
adjoining the forest; when an Indian suddenly appeared on the
summit of a large rock at the edge of the woods, apparently alone
and unarmed. As Cutright approached him, he held up to view
an unfinished pair of moccasins, in broken j-'.nglish he said,
"Howl Injun no hurt white man. Injun make him white man
moccasin, (jood Injun. ( iood white man. White man big hunter.
Injun big hunter. \\ hitc man go with Injun, hunt. Get heap
deer, heap bear. Ugh I" But Cutright having no desire for
Indian companionship and fearing treachery, declined the invita-
tion and continued his plowing. The Indian remained on the
rock industriously at work completing the moccasins, and con-
tinued to importune the noted hunter by repeatedly ejaculating
"Good Injun; good white man! Go hunt." Cutright at last
became alarmed at the persistence of the strange moccasin-maker,
and unhitched his horse from the plow, mounted its back and
galloped home. The Indian disappeared as silently as he came.
In 1781, a certificate was granted "John Cutright, Sen., 4U(,)
acres at the mouth of Cut right's Run, to include his Settlement
made in 1770, with a preemption of 1000 acres adjoining."
It has been supposed generalK- that this settler was John
Cutright, the scout, which is error. IVithers, in speaking of the
emigrants who arrived under the guidance of Samuel Pringle, sa>s,
"Among them were John and Benjamin Cutright, who settled on
the Buckhannon, where John Cutright the younger, now [IS.il]
Hves." (1)
"John Cutright. the younger," was the scout; and a son of
Benjamin. The settlement was made at the mouth of Cutright's
Run, and it was here that the scout was accosted by the friendly
moccasin-maker. Cutright's Run empties into the Buckhannon
River, some four miles above the present town of Buckhannon.
(1) See page 4.^6.
96 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
By the side of a large stone near the mouth of the run, charred
corn is still turned by the plow. This was burned by the Indians
on one of their incursions into the settlement.
Local tradition says that one night the Indians stole a horse
from John Cutright, Junior. Following the trail next day Cut-
right found the horse tied to a sugar tree on Cutright's Run, about
three miles from Buckhannon. Not caring to venture too close
until he learned something of the location of the enemy, he secreted
himself at a distance. He soon saw an Indian running across the
valley. Taking careful aim, he fired and the Indian fell. Cut-
right dashed to his horse, sprang upon its back, and with a whoop
of defiance, galloped away. This tree was still standing in 1894,
and was often pointed out to the traveler by Cutright's descendants.
At another time, Cutright and a companion had been hunting
on French Creek and were on their way home. Cutright was
mounted, with a deer slung across the pommel of his saddle.
While crossing a stream, they halted to let the horse drink, and
were fired on by two Indians. Cutright was severely wounded,
the ball entering his breast, and coming out through his back,
striking in its passage, however no vital point. He spurred up
his horse and fled toward the fort, while his companion in the
retreat held the Indians back. After a short running fight, one
of the Indians was killed, and the other then abandoned the pur-
suit. When Cutright had ridden some distance, he grew faint and
found it was impossible to retain his position in the saddle, and so
dismounted and stretched himself on the ground, where his com-
panion soon after found him. From the bullet hole the blood was
pouring, and to stop it a small sour-gum was cut and stripped of
its bark. Over the end of this a handkerchief was placed and
forced into the wound. The stick was then withdrawn, leaving the
handkerchief in place. This stopped the hemorrhage, and Cut-
right was placed on his horse, his companion mounting behind
and supporting him in the saddle. In this manner, they made
their way in safety to the fort.
The two foregoing stories may have had their origin in an
occurrence set forth in Col. Westfall's letter, (2) this volume.
But evidently Cutright was wounded during some excursion with
William Hacker, who dressed his wound in the way described.
Owing to Hacker's skill in rude surgery, he was known in the
settlements as "Surgeon Hacker." (3)
(2) See page 436. (3) p. 436.
Border Settlers oe Xortiiw estern \'ir(;ine\ <V
Jolin Culri,eht developed inlo cjiie of the most dariiij,' scouts
on the \'irginia border. He was also a soldier of the Revolutionary
War. In his original declaration for pension made August 7, 1832,
in Lewis County (\'irginia), it would appear that he was born
near Moorefield, Hampshire (now Hardy C'oiiiiu-, \'irginia), in
1754, but he had no record of his age. In .\Ia\-, 1778, he volun-
teered for a term of eighteen months as private in Capt. James
Boothe's Compan\- of Indian Spies, at West's Fort on Hacker's
Creek. He spied throughout most of (then) Monongalia County,
until Capt. Boothe was killed on Boothe's Creek June, 1779. (4)
After the death of Capt. Boothe he continued spying under the
Company's Lieutenant, Edmund Freeman, until November, 1779,
when his term of enlistment expired. Lieutenant Freeman left
for Kentucky without officially discharging any of the Company.
"The Indian hostilities continuing, Capt. George Jackson
was required to raise a company to spy in the same territorv of
country which Capt. Boothe's Company- had been sp\-ing." Cut-
right joined this company as a private, a few days after his service
under Capt. Boothe and Lieutenant Freeman had expired. Jacob
Brake, an ex-Indian captive, (5) was Lieutenant of this company,
and the afterwards notorious Timothy Dorman was Ensign. Cut-
right continued in the service until the latter part of 1781, and
was in "several skirmishes with the Indians." David W. Sleeth,
who was in service with Cutright, testified that he once saw Cut-
right wounded by an Indian. Jacob Cozard [Cozad], a clerg}'man,
and Alexander West, the scout, both testified in behalf of Cutright.
His claim was allowed and on Ma\- 18, 1833, a certificate was
issued granting him eighty dollars a year, dating from March 4,
1831, including back pay.
Cutright was afterwards examined by Special Pension Agent
Singleton, who sent the following report to the Commissioner of
Pensions:
"July 3, 1834. Saw Cutright at his home, and received from him the state-
ment here following: Says he will be 79 years old in August next, born on south
branch of Potomac; was brought west of the .Mleghany mountains when S years
old and settled on the place where he now lives. He enlisted under Capt. Booth
for twelve months. Joined his company at Nutter's Fort in the Spring; in the
Fall removed to West's Fort. Remained there until his time expired. That was in
the year in which Capt. Booth was killed, and bejore the war of the Revolution had com-
menced. After the commencement of the war of the Rev. and whilst residing
at Buckhannon Fort (Lewis Co.) he was drafted for an IS mos. tour. He
(4) See page 436. (5) p. 436.
98 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
refused to go. A Col. Wilson who then resided in Tiger's Valley sent a guard of
men after him, caught him, tied him and marched him to Staunton. (6) A Ser-
geant Lack commanded the guard. On reaching Staunton, he enlisted under a
Capt. Matthews for two years. Matthews enlisted 6 men including himself.
They were sent on under Sergeant Samuel Warner to join Washington's main
army then at the White Plains. They set out from Staunton in the summer, went
through Winchester, Reading, Philadelphia; on getting to Phil, rested 4 days
in the Barracks, set out again and pushed on without stopping until they
joined the main army at the White Plains. The original number 6 was neither
increased or diminished on the march above mentioned. Joined the main army
in July. The army marched from the White Plains to West Point and from there
to Middlebrook where it went into winter quarters. Remained there till warm
weather. When part of the army (himself included) about 100 in number went up
the North river as a guard. Gone at least 2 weeks. Can't recollect who com-
manded the guard ■nor the navie of any officer that was along on that occasion. On
returning was sent to a bridge on the North river where a colonel's (don't recollect
his name) baggage had been broken down as a guard, remained there about a month.
Think there were 10 or 12 of them. They were under the command of Ser-
geant Campbell. The main army marched from Middlebrook but can't recollect
where. It got back to West Point where his time expired and where he got his
discharge and returned home. His discharge was signed by a Colonel, whose
name he don't recollect. On his way home met General Washington who also
signed his discharge. Can't recollect the years in which the service above described
was done.
"I have been unable to procure any evidence in reference to this man. Com-
paring his statement here given with his declaration it ma}- be readily discerned
whether or not he is an imposter.
W. G. Singleton, S. A."
Owing to the marked discrepancies between his original dec-
laration and his statement to Singleton, Cutright's name was
stricken from the pension roll, along with several others, from
Lewis County, who were not entitled to pensions. (7) Subsequent
investigation evoked the fact that Cutright had never enlisted in
Capt. Jackson's Company, of Scouts. Mr. Johnson F. Nowlan,
Neulan or Naulon (name uncertain), who was Cutright's agent or
attorney, visited him at his home and drew up his declaration for
pension, and unknown to the scout, who could neither read nor
write, and for the purpose of strengthening his case, added that
part of it which alleges service with Capt. Jackson. For this
work, Cutright was forced to pay to the unscrupulous attorney,
eighty dollars from the first money drawn.
It now devolved upon Cutright to substantiate his Revolu-
tionary record, as it had developed that those w^ho served as
border scouts alone were not entitled to pension.
(6) See page 436. (7) p. 438.
15()R1)1:k SlTTl.KRS OF NORTIIW KSTKRN \ IRCUNIA 99
Oil August 20, 1835, Solomon Ryan tcstituxl in l)clialf oi
Cutright, corroboraling tiie stalcnicnt of the old soldier to
Singleton. The following testimony is of historic interest, and I
give it unabridged:
"Li;\vis County \'a.
"Susanna Stalnakcr, in the 70th year of her age appeared before me the sub-
scribed, one of the Commonwealth's Justice of the Peace for said county, and
being sworn as the law directs, sayeth that she believes that it was about the year
177.S. John Cutright was taken from the fort on Buckhannon, where she then
lived, as a soldier draughted from Capt. Samuel Pringlc's Company for a term of
IS months against the British, and to the best of her recollection it was 2
years before he returned, and the next spring after his return he was wounded by
the Indian, (8) when on pursuit of them when they had committed depredations
near the place where they were then posted. She also remembers hearing some
one that returned from taking them to Staunton say that the above mentioned
Cutright being dissatisfied with his officers, he enlisted for two >'ears' service, at (9)
Staunton, Augusta Co. (\'a.) ,,
1 icr
(Signed) Susanna X Stai.naker
Mark
Sworn to .August 18.^5. Wim.iam 1'owkks, J. P."
Cutright was restored to the pension roll, but at the reduced
rate of )54.3.33 per year from March 4, 1834, until his death,
March 8, 1850.
It will be noted that Cutright could not recall the years in
which his service in the army occurred, nor is it probable that the
date can at this time be fixed. Washington had his headquarters
at White Plains during the summer and autumn df 177S, and
seven brigades of the American Army were quartered at Middle-
brook the winter of 1779-80. (10) During a part of this period,
Cutright, according to his original declaration, was an enlisted
spy on the border. It is possible that he was with some contin-
gent of the American Army wintered at Middlebrook in the later
years of the war. Comfortable log cabins were built for the sol-
diers during the previous encampment, and the\- ma\- have been
in use afterwards.
In a statement made in July, 1838, Cutright was under the
mipression that his company was commanded b\' Capt. John
Lewis, under Col. Matthews, whose given name he could not
recall. With a \iew of possibly determining the exact (.late of
Cutright's Revolutionary service, and the regiment to which he
was attached, a search was made of the Revolutionary Muster
(8) See page 4.^8. (9) p. 4.>8. (10) p. 439.
100 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Rolls of the Virginia State troops, preserved in the Virginia State
Library, Richmond, with negative results. To an inquiry to the
War Department, Washington, came the reply:
"The records show that one John Cutright served as a private in Captain
Machen Boswell's Company, 2nd Virginia State Regiment, commanded by Colonel
Gregory Smith, Revolutionary War. The date of his enlistment has not been
found of record, but his name appears on the muster rolls of the company covering
the period from September, 1778, to February, 1779. He was discharged March
6, 1779. The company to which he belonged was at various times commanded
by Captain John Lewis. No record has been found of any other man of the same
or similar name as a member of any Virginia military organization in service in
the war of the Revolution."
Gregory Smith was commissioned Captain in Seventh Vir-
ginia Regiment, February 7, 1776, and resigned 28th November,
1776. He was made Colonel of the Second Virginia Regiment
from 1777 to 1778. Machen Boswell was commissioned First
Lieutenant Second Virginia Regiment, 6th October, 1777, and
was promoted Captain 15th September, 1778, and served to-
February, 1781.
W^hile there is much confusion in the dates and records, a
close study of Cutright's narratives precludes a logical inference of
any premeditated attempt at deception. The discrepancies
reveal a faulty judgment, but not the willful prevaricator. His
rating at the Pension Office for veracity was Jirst-class. In his first
declaration, no mention is made of his career in the main army,
nor did he at any time allude to the important fact that he had
been wounded while on duty as a spy. When compared with
the actual events in his life, the scout's narrative is one of com-
mendable modesty. Profoundly illiterate, his capabilities were
measured solely in his skill as woodsman, scout, and warrior.
His faculty for delineation was limited, and his conception of
dates most vague. He could narrate the incidents in his career,
but could not intelligently connect them with contemporary
events. He was a maker of history, but not a chronicler, and
more eloquent with his rifle than with his tongue.
I am inclined to believe that there were two John Cutrights
from the Western border who served with the Virginia troops in
the Revolution, and that it was not John Cutright, the scout, who
enlisted under Col. Gregory Smith, but was perhaps, his uncle.
BoRDKR SktTI.KRS OF NoRTHWKSTKR \ \ 1R(;1NI.\ 10]
John Cutright, Sr., who also fou^hl in the battle of Point
Pleasant. (11)
We find a certificate of marriage of John Cutright and Deborah
Osborn in Randolph County, Virginia, in 1799, but whether this
was a later marriage of the Senior Cutright is not known. There
is a tradition current among the Cutrights on the Buckhannon
River that there were two branches of the famil\ in that region,
and that John Cutright and Deborah Osborn were the grandpar-
ents of Knoch Cutright, who, it is averred, had Indian blood in
him. There was a Peter Cutright in a skirmish with the Indians
on Hacker's Creek in 1780, (12) hut I know nothing of his ante-
cedents. He was, in all probability, of the same family.
V.vvov has crept into history regarding Cutright's age, and the
\car of his death. Both Border Warfare, and History of Upshur
County, If. la., state that he died in 1852, at the age of 105 years.
According to Cutright's own declaration, he was born in 1755.
In the testimoiu' of John Lcmmons in behalf of Rebecca Cutright,
widow of John Cutright, when she applied for her husband's pen-
sion, we find that John Cutright died (Frida}) March 8th, 1850.
The widow at the time was too infirm to appear in court. Airs.
Cutright was a daughter of John Truby, and married John Cut-
right January 2, 1788. Isaac Edwards, D. D., was the officiating
minister.
Hon. \\ . C. Carper, of Buckhannon, West Va., is perhaps
the onh- man now living, (1908) who remembers seeing John
Cutright. It was in 1838 when Mr. Carper was about twelve
years of age that Cutright came to the Carper homestead on
Turkey Run. Mr. Carper writes me: "The old scout came upon
the porch, when he and I were alone for a short time, and I dis-
tinctly remember his appearance. He was about five feet nine
inches high and heavily built, complexion dark, eyes dark, and
his hair was then white. He told me that he once stopped under
a walnut tree near where Point Pleasant Church now stands on
the head of French Creek, 'to crack walnuts, and then a damned
Injun shot nic.' He showed nu- where the ball had entered under
his arm, and glanced around the ribs and came out under the arm
on the other side. Cutright added, 'I stuck a chaw terbacker in
the bullet hole.' At this juncture of the conversation, my father
came up and began to talk to Cutright on the subject of religion.
The veteran Indian fighter seemed averse to this topic and abruptly
(11) See page 439. (12) p. 439.
102 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
said, 'Ad, quit talking about religion; it is all damned nonsense.'
"This," concluded Air. Carper, "is the only time I ever saw Cut-
right, and the above subjects all that I ever heard him talk about."
Christopher Cutright, when interviewed by me, in commenting
on the deeds of his father and associates, said, "When Billy
[William] White and Jesse Hughes went on an Indian killing they
killed all with whom they came in contact, not even sparing
women and children." When asked which of these two noted
scouts was the most desperate and cruel in his forays against the
Indians, came the laconic reply, "It was about buck up." "And,"
mused the old man, "my father was about as bad as they were,
and Samuel Pringle, of the sycamore tree, who married my father's
sister, was scarce better."
He then related an incident of the Pringle brothers. \\ hile
Iving in the sycamore, they went in a canoe to an Indian village
some miles below them on the river, and stole a bag of jerked
buffalo. He gave the details of their narrow escape from detection
and pursuit. Then again referring to his father's animosity
towards the Indians, he told the following story:
Many years after the last Indian depredation in that country,
a solitary Indian passed through the settlement late one evening
and was seen by his father. Despite the fact that the scout was
so aged and infirm that he could only walk with the assistance of
a cane, his old-time hatred was aroused to that degree that he
hobbled to the gun rack and took down his ancient flint-lock, and
would have shot the Indian had not his family restrained him.
That night the old gun was secreted and its owner closely guarded
until the Indian disappeared from the neighborhood. (13)
(13) Sec page 439.
CHAPTER X
In the early setllenienl ot our counlry, each comimuiily,
blockhouse or fort had its recognized chief or headman, who was
counsellor and adxisor in threatened danger, and leader in all
movements against the conmion foe. 'i'hese men attained their
places because of their superior wisdom and cool judgment in
those emergencies constantly arising on an exposed and dangerous
frontier. The matter of right or wrong weighed little in the everts
connected with the Inciians. He was fittest to lead, who had the
strongest determination to avenge an outrage upon the community,
especialh' if it had been perpetrated by the Indians. The Duck-
hannon settlement possessed these recjuisites in the perse n of
Captain William W hite, who came from Cedar Creek, Frederick
Count), \ irginia. Reference to Captain White in border annals
is meagre, and nothing is known positive of his antecedents
further than that he was a descendant of Dr. \\ hite, of Frederick
County, who was the ancestor of the \\ hite famih' of that region.
Major jc)hn White and Major Robert W hite, also of Frederick
County, were prominent in the defense of the border. (1) From
the best information to be had, they all were of the same famih'. (2)
It is not known how Capt. W illiain White came by his mili-
tary title, but he bore it in 1 76S anil was e\cr after distinguished
by it. A search of the Muster Rolls on tile in the War Department
(which are, however, very incomplete) and of the records of the
Bureau of Pensions, Washington, failed to show an\- history of
enlistment or military service of Captain W illiam W hite, of the
Buckhannon, in the Revolution. An inquiry to the \ irginia
State Librar\', Richmond, elicited the reply: "The Rexolutionary
Muster Rolls here on file reveal no enlistment of the W illiam
White in question.'' Usually, each settlement elected its own
captain, and in this way W hite may have come b}' his title. Such
an election was being held at Bush's I'ori when the Schoolcraft
famih' were massacred in 177*^. These elections were not always
confirmed by commissions.
Captain \\ hite and Colonel W illiam Crawford were personal
friends, and White was identified with many expeditions con-
ducted by that famous officer against the Indians. He was also
(1) See page 439. (2) p. 439.
104 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
in the battle of Point Pleasant under Colonel Sevier. (3) With
his experience in the field was coupled the superior skill of the
scout, the spy and the woodsman. Back of these qualities was
a strong constitution, a fearless nature and a relentless hatred for
"everything Injun." The red flame of war had no terrors for
him, neither had the white wing of peace any restraint for his
insatiate thirst for Indian blood. Captain White's schooling was
savage, and he proved an apt scholar. Just prior to Dunmore's
War, he killed a peaceable Indian on the Wappatomaka.
For this, he was imprisoned at Winchester, but an armed m.ob of
his infuriated friends soon set him at liberty. (4)
While visiting Colonel Crawford at "The Meadows," in the
Alleghenies in 1768, White in company with an Irishman went
hunting in the glades, where they found two Indians. According
to the story of \\'hite and his companion, the Indians, "the moment
they discovered the two white men, flew behind trees and prepared
for battle." The Indians were both killed, for which White and
the Irishman were arrested and placed in the Winchester jail.
Immediately, Captain Fry at the head of an armed mob of fifty-
five or sixty men, urged on by a throng of cheering spectators,
forced the jailor at the muzzle of a loaded rifle to surrender the
prison keys. The door was thrown open and the prisoners liber-
ated. (5)
It is not at all probable that the two Indians killed by White
and the Irishman were at the time on the warpath. It must be
said that most of the victims of murder on the border, from the
close of Pontiac's War to the Dunmore War of 1774, were Indians.
Nor do we find that any of the murderers ever received just
punishment. The stories of the two releases of Captain \\ hite
from the Winchester jail are two accounts of the same transaction.
Thev portray most vividly the character of the man and the sen-
tim.ent of the people. The work of the mob was only a repetition
of the one that had previously released from the same prison, for
a like crime, the red-handed Judah, (6) and was an emphatic
approval and endorsement of the crimes which led to Dunmore's
War. In these and like occurrences, we have an unconscious por-
trayal of the true status of border society.
The exact date of White's arrival in the Buckhannon settle-
ment cannot be determined, but it was sometime between 1769
and 1771. Nor did he come unknown. Alost, if not all, of the
(3) See page 439. (4) p. 449. (5) p. 440. (6) p. 440.
Border Settlers oiXorthwestern \ ir(,ini.\ 105
settlers had been his associates on the "Branch" and they recog-
nized his superior ability in woodcraft. lie was the ideal frontiers-
man and woodsman, aiul although 1 ha\c been unable to find where
he ever served as captain in the Buckhannon settlement, he w'as
the recognized head scout of the colon)'. It would appear, how-
ever, from the declaration of Jacob Bush and Jacob W estfall that
White was a lieutenant in Captain (jcorge Jackson's Compan\- of
Volunteer Militia, 1781. (7)
It is to the indefatigable efforts of Colonel Menr\- F. W'cstfall,
a grandson of Captain W hite, that we are indebted for much of
the heretofore unwritten history of this renowned scout on the
western \ irginia border. Colonel W'estfall got his information
direct from John Cutright and others who were boon companions
and associates of Captain W hite.
B}" If ithers he is mentioned four times; the first, in the inci-
dent of his imprisonment ant.! release; second, his part in the mur-
der of the Bull Town Indians; third, his capture by the Indians
on the Little Kanawha, and his escape and return to the settle-
ments; fourth, his death at the hands of the Indians near Buck-
hannon Fort, in 1782. Even in these accounts there are verv
indefinite statements, especially as to the identity of Captain
White as the man who was captured on the Little Kanawha. It
would be inferred that the captive was a resident of Tygart's
Valley, (8) but at that time he was a member of the Buckhannon
settlement.
W hite's ability to detect the presence of Indians had no equal
in the settlement. He once discovered two Indians hiding under
the river bank near the fort, and succeeded in killing one of them.
At another time, while White was temporarily absent, an Indian
entered the settlement under ihc following circumstances:
It was at the time of the Revolution, and a young lady of the
settlement had a lover in the person of an officer in the British
army. These young people became acquainted during a brief
visit of the officer to that region just prior to the war. The
object of his visit is not known, but it was evidently in the interest
of the military. During his short stay a warm friendship sprang
up between the officer and Captain White, and when the time
arrived for the guest to depart for Fort Pitt, the Captain accom-
panied him. On their way the}' saw a bear, and White, through
deference, permitted his young friend, who was a novice in hunt-
<7) Sec page 440. (8) p. 440.
106 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
ing, to have the first shot. The ball disabled the bear but did not
kill it. White withheld his shot and urged his now excited com-
panion to reload quickly and kill the bear before it recovered
sufficiently to make an attack or to escape. He did so, but when
he again attempted to recharge his rifle, he found that his ramrod
was missing. Thinking that in his hurry he had dropped it, he
looked about but could not find it. The discomfited hunter
became puzzled, when White, who had been regarding him with
amusement, laughingly pointed to the now lifeless body of the
bear, from the side of which protruded the end of the splintered
ramrod; showing that it had not been withdrawn before he made
the second shot. From a young hickory, White deftly shaped a
new ramrod for his friend, who begged that the incident be kept,
from his companions at the fort.
After the breaking out of the war, the young officer was
assigned duty on the Canadian border, but ready means for com-
municating with the forest belle was at hand. An active young
Indian warrior agreed to carry an exchange of letters, the com-
pensation to be ten gallons of rum. After receiving a description
of the young woman, he fastened the letter securely to his person
and started fully armed on his long journey to the south. Arriv-
ing in the Buckhannon settlement, and knowing the dangers that
beset him, he lurked and hid for two or three days, watching for
an opportunity to deliver the letter.
One morning the girl had occasion to go from the fort to a
nearby cabin, the path leading through a stretch of wood. After
proceeding a short distance, she was startled to see a half-naked
Indian step suddenly from behind a tree, immediately in front of
her. In his belt hung a tomahawk and scalping knife, his left
hand grasped a long rifle, while his right hand, which was extexided
to her, held a sealed package. Before she could recover from her
fright sufficiently to utter a cry, the warrior, with a peaceful
gesture and friendly "How!" handed her the package and in
broken English said, "Squaw be no fraid. Injun no hurt. Me
come from white chief. Him send good talk. Me come get
squaw's talk when moon wake up," pointing to the brow of the
eastern hill. He then glided into the thicket and was lost to view.
It happened that day that some men who were scouting
about the woods, discovered the presence of the Indian and gave
immediate pursuit. The warrior proved very athletic and soon
BoRUKR SeTTI.KRS ()!■ N ORlllW KSTKKN \ IRCilM A 107
outstripped his pursuers. He disappeared over the river bank
just below the mill dam, where all trace of him was lost. y\ftcr
an exhaustive search of several hours the pursuit was abandoned.
The Indian, it was supposed, despairing of escape, and for the pur-
pose of saving his scalp, had plunged into the river and was
drowned.
In the uR'antinR', the young woman had jM"eparc(.l her com-
munication, keeping the mission ot the Indian secret. She was
sorely grieved when she learned of his tate, tor he was the only one
b}' whom a letter could be forwarded. Night came on, and most
anxiously did she await the appointed time of meeting. Just as
the moon gleamed over the brow of the wood-crested hill, she
stealthily repaired to the tr\st. Like a wraith the Indian elided
from the shadow of the thicket and came silently to her side. She
handed him the package containing her "talk," also a small bag
filled with jerked venison and parched corn. W ith a grunt express-
ive of appreciation, the warrior turned and started on his journey
to the distant north. In due time he reached his destination,
delivered the letter and received the promised rum, on which he
and his friends became "gloriousl}' drunk." Of the sequel to
this story, nothing is known.
The next day, when Captain \\ hite returned to the fort and
was told of the Indian and his m}-sterious disappearance, he
chided the men, and declared that if they would go with hini to the
river he would show them "whar tir Injun was hid." Proceeding
to the river bank. White pointed to the sheet of water pouring
over the mill dam, and exclaimed, "It \'o' had looked behind thar'
yo' would have found yer Injun." An examination of the prem-
ises proved that his judgment was correct. The wily Indian,
hard-pressed, had darted through the cataract of water, where he
rested in safety on the apron or plattorm of timbers built at the
foot of the dam.
There is a tradition in that countr\, handed down through
the descendants of Captain \\ hiti- and llu' Cutrights, to the effect
that in the early }-ears of the setllenieiit there were captured near
the tort at Buckhannon an liulian and a frenchman, who were
loitering about the countr\'. They were held in captivit\'. The
Frenchman was ot a morose disposition ani.1 \ ery melancholw
He would not bathe, but took great pride in (.Iressing his hair,
which was very long and abundant. lie refused food and died of
108 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
starvation. Nothing could be learned of his past history, but it
is supposed that he was a renegade from the Northwestern wilder-
ness. As to the fate of the Indian, the tradition is silent. He
was probably put to death.
About the death of Captain White there hovers a tinge of
romance. There is also revealed a trait of Indian character not
often met with in our border annals. With the Indian the spirit
of retaliation was an unqualified principle, an inherent right; but
it mattered not on whom the avenging hatchet fell. The life
forfeited by an innocent member of the offending tribe or family
was regarded as a just compensation for a life taken. This mode
of warfare was honorable with the Indian. With the settlers the
principle was regarded just, so long as Indian met Indian, if they
themselves did the shooting; but when waged by the Indian
against the border it was held in utter detestation and horror.
While the Indian however, was content with the reprisal of scalp
for scalp, the venom of the average borderer was insatiate.
Under no circumstances was Captain W^hite ever known to
show mercy to an Indian. With some of his associates he was
hunting, when they surprised a small body of Indians. They
fired and killed several, while a few escaped by flight. One active
young warrior fled with \\ hite in hot pursuit, tomahawk in hand.
The fugitive was driven to a precipice, over which he leaped.
White jumped after him, both sinking to their waists in a quag-
mire, from which they were unable to extricate themselves. The
young Indian, who was wholly unarmed made frantic efforts to
escape, while W^hite made strenuous attempts to strike him with
his tomahawk. In the struggle the warrior inadvertently flung
out his arm towards White, who seized his hand, and drawing his
helpless victim within reach, sank the hatchet in his head.
That heartless blow sealed the doom of Captain W'hite. The
father of the victim was among those who escaped, and he seems
to have sworn vengeance against the murderer of his son. For
several years this stern warrior lurked about the settlement, trail-
ing W^hite with the relentless tenacity of a sleuth-hound. Finally,
on Friday evening, the 8th of March, 1782, he shot White within
sight of the fort, and in the presence of several of its inmates. (9)
The avenger attempted to secure the scalp of his victim, but was
prevented by the rescue party that hurried from the fort. This
was one case where an Indian was satisfied with the death of the
(9) See page 440.
BoRDKR SeTTI.KRS ()1 XoR'rilWKSTKRN \ IRCIMA
109
guilty parly only. Thai W hitc "was lomahawked, scalped and
lacerated in a most frightful manner,"' is a mistake. (10) The facts
are given here. The upturned roots of the tree under which it is
said that \\ hite was shot is still to be seen. This tree stood on
the opposite side of the river from the fort.
The death of Captain White, coupled with the capture by the
Indians at the same time of Tinioth\' Dornian, a degenerate rene-
gade of whom the settlers stood in dread, resulted in the temporary
abandonment of the Buckhannon settlement. (11)
There is strong evidence that W hite was betrayed or lured
to death bv Timoth}" Dorman, and that the latter was not cap-
tured, in the true sense of the word, but went willingly with the
Indians.
ScKNi: OF Cai'iain W ii.i.iam \\ iiiik's Death
Miss Joscpliiiic MacA\<iy, Phoiou'raplicr, 1909
Looking east across the Buckhannon River from where the fort stood. Tradition
has it that Capt. White zvas killed either in the low gap where the prostrate tree lies,
or to the left under the high ridge, where can be seen the stump of an upturned tree.
Both are indicated by X . In either case, he evidently succeeded in reaching a point
near the river before falling from his horse, where he was met by the rescue party from
the fort. See Col. IVestfalTs letter, Jppendix /, this J'olume.
(lO) See page 441. (11) px 441.
110 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Captain White was buried in what is now the Heavner Cem-
etery at Buckhannon, and by the grave of John Fink, (12) who
was killed by Indians the preceding February. Capt. White's
grave is marked by a rude flagstone, which bears his name with-
out dates or other inscription. According to Withers, Fink was
killed February 8, (Friday) 1782. The rough sandstone at his
grave is inscribed with this legend:
"Here lieth the bo — John Fink who was killed by Indens in
1782, Feb. the — th"
Where the dash occurs after "bo," the stone is broken and
missing. The inscription evidently read "body of." Part of
the inscription is very dim and almost illegible, the date of the
month being entirely so.
Col. Westfall, several years ago, endeavored to induce the
citizens of Buckhannon to erect a block of granite over the neg-
lected graves of Capt. White and John Fink. The Colonel did
not live to realize his cherished hopes. (13)
The Capt. White and Fink Monument.
This cut zvas contributed by the Elizabeth Zane Chapter
D. A. R. With its transmission, Mrs. Clara Du^Iont Heavner,
Regent, writes me.
"It is owing to the patriotism of a little boy that the last
resting place of Capt. White and Fink can now be identified.
Elias Heavner, was born in Pendleton County, Va., April 9, 1805;
and came with his father, Nicholas Heavner, 2nd, who in 1815
settled on 400 acres purchased of George Jackson, on the Buck-
hannon River, including the site of Bush's Fort. When but eleven
years old, Elias, impressed with the story of the killing of these
pioneers, unassisted procured from the river bed, irregular flag
stones and with childish simplicity carved in rude lettering,
"KILLED BY THE INDENS" along with additional legends
which you already have, and set them up at the neglected graves;
which until then were unmarked. Some of the -inscriptions were
defaced during the Civil War by relic hunters. These stones we
have cemented to the base of the monument." Elias Heavner
died October 10, 1884. He was the father of Maj. J. W. and
Clark W. Heavner, of Buckhannon, West Va.
(12) See page 441. (13) p. 441.
THE NEW YOKK
IPaBLIC LIBRARY
ASTOIH. LENOX
TILDEN^IJOJOATIOH*
The Captain White and Fink Monument
illustration contributed by the elizabeth zane chapter, d. a. r.
IjOKDI.K SkTTLKRS OI NoRTllW KSTKRN \ 1K(.1M A I 1 1
Jacob l^ush, referred to earlier in this chajMer in coiinccticjii
with Jacob W'cslfall, was a brother of John Irtish, who built the
fort at Buckhaiinon. It is not knnwn at what time he came to
the settlements, but is supposed to be tiie same Jacob Bush, who
in 1781 received a ijrant for "400 acres on the West Fork, about
two miles below the main fork of said river, to include his improve-
ment made in 1777." He was a man of intelligence and veracity,
and his declaration is of historic \alue. It is liere ,ui\-en in full:
"\ A. Lewis County
"On November 7, 1S32, personally appeared in open court, etc., Jacob Bush
who makes the following statement: That he entered the U. S. service under the
following named officers and served as herein stated. In the spring of 1778 (does
not recollect the precise time), he volunteered in Capt. Samuel Pringle's company
of Indians spies, he joined the company of Capt. Pringle at the Buckhannon Ft.
then in the county of Monongalia, \'a. and continued in the service as an
Indian spy under Capt. Pringle until in the fall of 1779 when he was discharged.
While under Capt. Pringle he was engaged in spying from the Buchannon Fort,
then in the county of Monongalia, now in the county of Lewis, to the headwaters
of the West Pork and the Little Kanawha rivers, and frequently witnessed the mas-
sacre of the Indians, and was required lo pursue the savages to the Ohio River;
his lieutenant's name he thinks was W'cslfall. he thinks Capt. Pringle's Co.
bclontrcd to Col. -Morgan, Regiment of militia in Monongalia Co., \'a., he
thinks Capt. Pringle gave him a discharg:' but cannot be confident, if he did
it is lost; he was in the service under Capt. Pringle as an Indian sp\' about eighteen
months; when he entered the service under Capt. Pringle he resided on Buc-
hannon river in Monongalia Co., Va. In April or May, 1781, according to his
present recollection but cannot be confident, as a substitute for his brother
John Bush at the Buchannon Fort in Monongalia Co., Va., he joined Capt.
Jackson's Co. of militia, VVm. White was Lieut., the ensign's name he has
forgotten. He was marched soon after from Buchannon F'ort to the Fort at
the mouth of Elk creek. Shortly after he was marched to Morgantown and
there joined Col. Morgan's reg. and shortly after was marched to the "New
Store" on Monongalia River about 15 miles from Pittsburg, and there joined
General Roger Clarke's army; stayed there a considerable length of time preparing
boats and provisions for the campaign, descended the river to Pittsburg where
the whole arm}- got in boats and went down the Ohio river to its Falls, Louisville,
that in descending the river he was frequently required to act as a hunter. The
hunting part\' he thinks was commanded by a Col. Green. One day while engaged
as a lumter he discovered two deer on the north side of the Ohio river. (The
hunters were advised not to hunt on tiiai side of the river for fear they might be
misled b\- the Indians.) Declarent however, persuaded the others to land him
and he killed the 2 deer. Declarent presented Genl. Clarke with the brain
of one and he received it with expressions of kindness and treated declarent to
"whi;:key." That he with Genl. Clarke's army arrived at the falls of the Ohio
according to his recollection in August, 1781. and continued there some time. W^iile
near the Bear Grass F'ort five officers were killed, three of whom he thinks were
112 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Captains; when the news arrived at the fort about 30 men were ordered out to
destroy the Indians responsible for the deed. He was one of the party. The
party with 2 friendly Indian guides proceeded to the place and found the dead
bodies. They pursued the Indians to a place where it crossed the Ohio about
five miles above the Falls. The party there gave up the pursuit and went back
for the bodies which they buried at the Falls. He with many others became sick
with the fever and was unable to return home after he was discharged which was
in the fall of 1781. He remained sick all winter and reached home sometime the
following spring making his whole service two years and six months. He thinks he
received a discharge for this last service, but if so it has been lost. He resided at the
said Buckhannon Fort when he substituted for his brother in Capt. Jackson's Co.
His
Jacob X Bush."
Mark
Alexander West and David Sleeth both testified for Jacob
Bush and their affidavits are of more than casual interest.
"Va. Lewis Co. — to wit:
"Alex. West, a man of unquestionable veracity, personally appeared before the
subscribed Justice of the Peace in and for said County and made oath that in May,
1781, he with Jacob Bush of Lewis County joined Capt. George Jackson's Company,
and knows that said Bush marched and joined General Clarke's Army and with it
descended the Ohio River to its Falls and was there discharged, said Bush got sick,
at the Falls and when the Army was discharged was unable to return home; he
thinks said Bush did not get home until sometime in the spring or early part of
the summer of 1782. His
Alexander X West.
Mark
"Sworn to and subscribed before me this 5th day of November, 1832.
(Signed) John McWhorter, J. P."
"Va. Lewis Co. — ss
"David W. Sleeth, a man of veracity and truth, personally appeared before the
subscribed Justice of the Peace in and for said County and made oath that he
recollected that Jacob Bush of Lewis County served as an Indian Spy under Capt.
Samuel Pringle for a considerable time, from his knowledge of said- Bush's services
under said Capt. Pringle he supposed that he must have served under said Pringle
about 18 months, is confident he was in said service upwards of a year. He
also recollects that in the spring of 1781 said Bush substituted for his brother
John Bush in Capt. George Jackson's Co. and was marched from the Buck-
hannon Fort, and it was understood joined Genl. Clarke's Army near Pittsburg
and descended the Ohio River to its Falls; he recollects that said Bush did not
return from said service until in the spring or early summer of 1782. He has
known Bush for many years ever since about the year of 1776; he has always been
esteemed a man of veracity and truth.
(Signed) David W. Sleeth.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 7th day of November, 1832.
Samuel Z. Jones, J. P."
BoRDKR SkTTLERS OF NoRTHWESTKRN \ IRGINIA 113
This affidavit is accompanied with a brief from Mr. Jones
stating that "what Sleeth says is entitled to full confidence."
Jacob Bush was born in Hampshire County, Virginia, 1756.
In the fall of 17S2 he married Margaret Swan, on the South
Branch, where they lived until the fall of 1785, then moved with
their two oldest children, Peter and "Susan," to now Lewis County,
West Virginia. Jacob Bush did not live to reap any benefits from
the pension due him; but died Nov. 28, 1832.
The law required that the widow, to be entitled to pension,
should have been married to the soldier prior to 1794. Mrs. Bush
proved her marriage and was granted eighty dollars a year, to
commence March 4, 1831. Margaret Bush died July 28, 1847,
at the age of ninety or ninety-one years. Her surviving children
who drew the money due their mother were Peter, born 1783,
Henry, Jacob, John, George; Elizabeth married Stump; Margaret
married Stump; Barbary married Fisher; Susannah married Simp-
son. Before her death another son, Michael Bush, died, leaving a
widow and two children, Mary and Adam Bush.
Declaration of Lieutenant Jacob Westfall.
W'cstfall stated on oath:
"That he entered the service of the U. S. under the following named officers
and served as herein stated. General George Rodgers Clark, Commander in Chief.
In the regiment of Col. Zecheriah Morgan, commanding a regiment of volunteers.
Major William Louder (who became unhealthy and obtained leave to return home
in about one month after he joined the regiment), Adjutant John Maughen, Cap-
tain George Jackson, first Lieut. Jacob Westfall, this applicant; 2nd Lieut. William
Whight, Ensign Hezekiah Davidson who acted as Quartermaster Sergeant. Cap-
tains in said regiment William Breene (very eligible), Johnston, Whaley, Stewart.
This applicant left home on June 20th, 1781, and he at Morgantown on
the 29lh day of the same month and served a term of six months. The regiment to
which applicant belonged marched from .Morgan Town in the State of Virginia to
the New Store (as it was then called) on the Monongalia river, and there served Gen-
eral Clark with Col. Crocket's regiment of regular troops. The applicant resided at
the time he entered the service as above in Tigers Valley, Monongalia County,
now Randolph County, Virginia. The object of this expedition as this applicant
was informed by General Clark was to march to Detroit which was in the possession
of the British, and if possible to take that place. The two regiments took water
on board of boats at the New Store, the 20th of July, and descended the river and
landed four miles below Fort Pitt and continued there for some days collecting
provisions. .After leaving the encampment below Fort Pitt, we did not land
again until we arrived at Whiting when a council was held, the conclusion of which
was to continue down the river to an island below the mouth of the Little Ken-
114 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
haway river and wait the arrival of Col. Laughery who was expected on with
200 men. After landing on said island and remaining a few days, several men
deserted and a council was held and the idea of marching to Detroit was abandoned,
as the force was considered by us to be insufficient. It was then determined by
the general and officers to continue down the river to Kentucky and raise an
additional force of Kentucky militia and march out against some of the Indian
towns. Major Cracroft was left with some men to guard some boats of provisions
until Col. Laughery should arrive. Col. Laughery came on some time afterwards,
and after descending the Ohio River about 15 miles below the mouth of the Great
Miami river, he was discovered by the Indians with his boats between an island
and the main land and the whole detachment was either killed or taken prisoners.
Gen. Clark continued down the river to the Falls of the Ohio where a two [days']
council was held with the Regular Volunteer and Kentucky Militia officers, and it
was then and there concluded that to raise a sufficient force and march against
the Indian Towns, the season would be too far advanced for the volunteers to
return home to the state of Va., the distance being too great. The applicant was
not engaged in any battle, there being none fought during the campaign. The
Indians killed several persons belonging to the Army outside of Col. Laughery's
detachment. The applicant recollects the names of the following officers in Col.
Crocket's Regiment of Regulars, to wit: Major Wales, -Captains Tipton and
Chapman (who were both killed by the Indians in Kentucky), Young, Carney
and Chenny (or Chenry). The applicant has no documentary evidence of his
claim, his commission having long since been lost, worn out or destroyed, and
does not know the residence of anyone who served on said campaign who is now
living.
(Signed) Jacob Westfall"
Lieutenant Jacob Westfall was born October 10, 1755. He
was the builder of Westf all's Fort, Randolph County (West), Va.,
and was an active partisan during the border wars. His declara-
tion for pension was executed September 1833, in Montgomery
County, Ind., but he was then a resident of Putnam County, Ind.
He was awarded J580.00 a year. Lieut. Westfall died March 5,
1835. He was married in Tygart's Valley, 1777; had one son,
Cornelius. His widow, Mary Westfall, applied for pension from
Boone County, Ind., November 13, 1838, aged 80 years.
Since the foregoing was written, Cutright's History of Upshur
County, West Va., has been published; from which the following
wherein Capt. White and John Cutright figure prominently, is
copied:
"Flight of 1770 and Pursuit of Indians."
"Many of the most thrilling incidents in the pioneer settlement of the waters
of the Buckhannon, are like unto the common laws of England, unwritten, tradi-
tional, handed from generation unto generations in fireside stories. Therefore,
B(jRUER Si;tti.i:rs of NoRTHW I.SII KN \ IRiJIMA 115
many must be the names of heroes lost in the oblivion of l)_\>;one jcars because no
one cared, peradventurc was not able, to enroll them on the annals of the past.
Such a chapter is the following: We know it only through traditional sources.
Paul Shaver tells it to Colonel Henry K. VVestfall, in 1821, and he in turn
converts it into notes and communicates it to older citizens now living.
"Soon after the first settlement of the year 1770 had been made on the Tygarts
X'alley, Buckhannon and West Fork Rivers and ilicir tributaries, and before many
inroads and invasions had been made by the merciless savages on these pioneers
for the purpose of killing and scalping men, women, and children, or carrying them
into captivity, arrangements were made by which spies or scouts were sent out
to watch the movements and approach of the Indians, and to report same to the
settlers. Indeed companies of these scouts or spies were organized and commanded
by proper officials and were obliged to serve alternately b_v squads. Such military
organizations were obtained in the summer of 1770, when a detachment of six
men were sent out from Randolph County to spy on the maddened Indians. Four
of this small company were, \\ iiiiani \\ iiitc, 'Thomas Drenncn, Paul Shaver and
John Cutright, the other two are unknown.
"John Cutright was young, a mere boy, small of size, but not a drop of cowardly
blood coursed his veins. The scouts went through the boundless forests follow-
ing the meandcrings of the Little Kanawha River to its conjunction with the
Ohio. They descended this latter stream as far as the mouth of the Great Kanawha.
.\fter a season of inspection, scouting and spying near the famous battle grounds
of Point Pleasant they began their homeward journey, passing through the track-
less wilderness country now embraced in Mason, Jackson, Roane, Calhoun, Gilmer,
Bra.xton and Lewis Counties. They reached the headwaters of the Little Kanawha
River without having seen an\- trace of the sa\agc. Game being bountiful along
this ri\er, they resolved to spend a few days on a lumt. They pitched their camp
on Stewart's Creek. Indian Summer was now on and the weather was all that
could be desired by our scouts (now turned hunters). They ne%er forgot ihem-
sehes so much as to neglect watching the trail, leading up the little river near
where they were camping, and over to the settlement on the West Fork.
"One e\ening after having spent a full day hunting deer, several of which
they had killed and the haunch of one they were now roasting in their camp fire,
they heard a noise, at first supposed to be calling of turkeys going to roost. Cut-
right thinking that a variety of meat would be spice to their simple life, seized
ills gun saying he would get a turkey for supper. He walked very briskly toward
where the turkey calling was heard; he had not gone far before the turkeys were
answering each other in different directions. This fact appealed to the strong per-
ceptive faculties of White and aroused his suspicion that all was not right. He
called to Cutright to return and let him go and discover the roosting place of the
turkeys. He went but a short distance before he returned with the thrilling news
that they were nearly surrounded by a band of Indians. The situatit)n was dan-
gerous and the camp fire by means of which the savages had located them was
put out. An escape must be now effected or in a short time the scouting party would
be attacked. White was the leader, and the rest were his followers. 'l'he\- stole away
and traveled at a rapid gait over rocks, hills, and small streams for four miles before
a halt was made. On the summit of a ridge they stopped to reconnoiter and to
ascertain whctlicr thc\' were pursued or not. Hearing and seeing no signs of the
116 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
pursuing Indians they rested there for an hour, during which most of the party
went to sleep. White alone being awake and on the lookout. Suddenly he called
to his companions, the 'Indians are upon us.' He heard the whine of a dog.
They took to their heels again until out of sight of danger then walked on for
several miles until they came to a creek of considerable size (most probably Leading
Creek). Knowing the keen scent of the Indian canine and the impossibility of
being traced in water they waded up this stream a mile and a half or more, coming
out on the same side they had entered the stream. They now ascended a hill
some distance to its summit, then turned down the stream, keeping about a half
mile from it and going about the same distance. Here they halted once more for
the purpose of rest and observation. The Indians must have pursued them un-
comfortably close, for soon White detected their approach again. This time they
descended the hill, crossed the stream behind the Indians, ascended the opposite
elevation and took a course along the ridge which led in the direction they wished
to go to find the path leading over onto the West Fork. The path could not be
found and White concluded that in the darkness they had missed it. They decided
to wait the coming of day. To afford themselves the most advantages, they
ascended a high bluff to await the action of the pursuers. Again they were driven
from their resting place out into the darkness of the night and forced to travel
until about sunrise, when they determined to stop, and if the Indians were not too
many to give them battle. The most suitable position around them was selected
and here they had to wait but for a short time before three Indians were seen on
the neighboring hill. Seventeen others joined these three shortly afterwards and
all seated themselves upon a fallen tree resting and talking and counseling. Pres-
ently they separated, twelve forming the pursuing party, eight returning. Six
white men confronted by twelve red men ready for battle would be an easy prop-
osition to wager money upon. Other things being equal superior numbers will
win. Therefore our scouting party took themselves to flight rather than fight.
Cutright being a mere boy and having traveled all day and night, now showed
sign of great fatigue, but the others urged him on. White carried his gun and two
others assisted him up the steepest hills, hoping thus to be able to bring him to
the Buckhannon River where they thought the Indians would discontinue their
pursuit. Cutright held out until the river was reached, when exhausted and crying
he lay down and could not go farther. He said to his companions that he could
welcome a natural death, but to be tomahawked and scalped by the savage was
too hard to bear. 'Save yourselves by flight, but leave me to my fate,' was the
answer to the urgent appeals of his companions to proceed. But White said,
'No John, we will never leave you; if one is left all will stay, fight and die together.'
White being a man of wonderful strength and endurance gave his gun to one of
his companions, took Cutright upon his back and bore him beyond the river. Two
other companions carried him to the summit of the river hill opposite the mouth
of a run which was then named Cutright's Run, and which afterwards was John
Cutright's home. Here all the party fell asleep, but White and Drennen, who
stood on guard watching to see the pursuers cross the river. Soon three Indians
approached the river on the opposite side and began to cross the stream. A
battle was imminent and necessary. Drennen rushed back and aroused his com-
panions. All returned except Cutright, who was too exhausted to do anything.
They took their position and waited orders from White to fire. At last the moment
Border Settlers of Northwestern V'irginma 117
came. ri>c three Indians were in a n.)\v. The report of the riHes rang out upon
the air, two of the savages were killed and the third was anxious to retreat, but he
was not to make his escape for White snatched the gun which had failed to fire
and shot the Indian just as he leaped the bank of the river.
"Now for the first time it was known to a certainty why the Indians were
able to follow the trail so well. They had a dog which went in advance of his red
master. This dog fell into the hands of the victors and became the property of
White, who used him to good account afterwards, for it is said that White exchanged
the same dog and gun for the Heavner farm, upon wiiicli the Buckhannon or
Bush Fort was afterwards erected."
I remember having seen a fragment of this narrative in the
West/all Manuscript. The date, 1770, is not compatible with
the general supposition that there was peace on the border from
the closing of Pontiac's War in 1765, to the breaking out of open
hostilities in 1774. There was peace, but the wanton aggression
and murdering propensities of the borderers kept the Indians in
a foment of unrest. The settlements made on the Upper Alonon-
gahela, a region justh- regarded b}- the Indians as their domain,
and which should have been recognized as such by the Colonial
(jovernment, (14) was not unknown to the bordering tribes.
There was never any serious attempt by the colonial or state
authorities to prevent the settlement of the Trans-Alleghen\- in
accordance with stipulated treaty agreements. The King's edict
of 1763 warning settlers from the western waters, was not enforced.
The proclamation of 1766 by Gov. Penn of Pennsylvania, and
Gov. Faquier of \'irginia, forbidding "His Majesty's subjects"
from settling west of the mountains, may well be termed farcical.
In 1769 the garrison at Fort Pitt "attempted" to remove all
intruders to the eastern side of the mountains, but the soldiers
were withdrawn, and the settlers returned without further moles-
tation. Back of this pretense at justice, can be seen the set
intentions of the colonials to gain speedy possession of this cov-
eted domain. The Ohio Company, organized 1748, had for its
object the settling of the Trans-Allegheny, and as early as 1750
their surveyor, Christopher Gist, had penetrated to the falls of
the Ohio. The tribes beheld these encroachments with increasing
alarm, and evidently scouts from their own towns kept close
watch upon the movements of the aggressors. It may have been
such a band with whom the whites on this occasion came in con-
tact; or it may have been a hunting party only, who, finding the
intruders so far from the settlements gave chase with disastrous
(14) See page 441.
118 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
results to themselves. But it can hardly be conceived that an
organized body of scouts "were sent out from Randolph County
to spy on the maddened Indians" in 1770; Randolph County
was not formed until 1787, nor was this region at that time haunted
by "maddened Indians." The strangest part of the story is that
a "war" party of twenty Indians on the trail of six armed foemen,
should of its own volition dwindle to three in number, and yet
continue the pursuit. The narrative as a whole is not in accord
with the known principles of Indian warfare.
That some such occurrence took place there can be no doubt.
Col. Westfall was acquainted with both Paul Shaver and John
Cutright, and possibly others of the bordermen. The narrative
is interesting in more ways than one. Shaver, one of the actors,
was, on his own declaration granted a pension as a soldier of the
Revolutionary War, from 1776 to 1780, but was at the instance of
W. G. Singleton, Special Pension Examiner, afterwards dropped
from the pension roll as too young for military service during that
struggle. If Singleton's charges are true, then it is hard to con-
ceive how a man of Colonel Westfall's judgment could be so misled
as to seriously consider Shaver a full fledged scout in 1770.
Shaver's Declaration.
"On this 12th day of Oct. 1833, personally etc., before me, James M. Camp,
J. P. for Lewis County, Va., Paul Shaver, aged 74 years, makes the following
statement. That in the year 1776 in April of that year he was ordered out as an
Indian spy by Col. Warrick under Capt. Maxwell. He spied in Randolph Co.
from April 1776, till Nov. 1776, himself and John Elliott detected the Indians at
three different times during that summer and each time they retreated without
making any attack, but once stole some horses and escaped with them, two of the
horses belonged to Runyon. He was discharged in November 1776, having served
more than six months in the service as an Indian spy (a private) in Capt. Maxwell's
Company of Indian spies. Then in the spring of 1777 in April of that year he vol-
unteered as a private in a company of Virginia Militia, most of whom were drafted,
but declarent volunteered to make up a company under Captain Stuart for the
defense of the Western Waters. When Capt. Stuart's Company was raised they
were marched from what is now Randolph County to West's Fort in what is now
Lewis County. There were ascertained a number of Indians in the neighborhood
or distant about thirty miles on Salt Lick, some of whom in May 1777, appeared
in the neighborhood of West's Fort and killed and scalped one woman. Airs. Free-
man. A few of Capt. Stuart's men in pursuit came in sight, wounded one Indian
who got into thick woods with his fellows and prevented further pursuit. Capt.
Stuart with his company marched to Salt Lick Creek, the Indians had dispersed.
Capt. Stuart and company returned to West's Fort thence to Lowther's Fortj
from that place, now Harrison County, 6 miles from where Clarksburg now stands,
Border Settlers of Nokthw esti-.rn \ ir(;im.\ 119
Capt. Stuart detached declarcnt and 10 others as Indian spies to spy in what is
now Lewis and. Harrison till November, and then return to Weslfall's Fort in Ran-
dolph, to which place he had marciied with his other men. He spied in said tract
of country till sometime in Nov. 1777. Then went to Westfall's Korl, from thence
to Warrick's Fort where he joined his Captain & conipan)' and was in .Nov. 1777
discharged, having ser\cd more tiian six months this tour as a private militia man
and Indian spy. He then, in 177S, in the spring with several others migrated to-
what is now Kentucky, settled near where Louisville now stands. He was, in July
177S, drafted to go a tour of three months against the Indians in Illinois County
as it was then called, was marched under Captain .\ndrew Kincaid. The whole
under G. R. Clark did not succeed in bringing the Indians to a fight. Returned
in the fall of 177S to Louis\ille ha\-ing ser\ed his draft of .^ months — was
discharged. Then sometime in the winter of 1778 and 1779 Col. Clark conceived
the notion of again marching against the Indians in the Illinois County as we
then called it, declarenl volunteered to go a tour of six months under Capt. Christy;
they started, he thinks, Feb. or March 1779, Ijune 1778] from Louisville, marched
to a place called Kaskaskias, there lhe\' completely surprised the garrison, he
thinks, took the British General or Governor prisoner. Here declarant was sta-
tioned with other militia troops a short time whilst Gen. Clark prepared and sent
some mounted men on horses taken at Kaskaskias higher up the county and took,
as he then heard, three other Indian towns. Col. Clark understood by some means
that a large force was concentrating, he stationed his militia and others, some at
Kaskaskias and other towns. He soon drew in his troops to Kaskaskias and
appealed to all to volunteer longer, declarenl with the other troops did so. He
was placed under his o\d Capt. Kincaid stationed at Kaskaskias as a private
militia man agreed to slay till the war was settled in that quarter. Col. Clark
with some men proceeded in Feb. (1780) as affiant thinks up the Wabash River
to Fort Vincent as we then called it, but now Fort St. \'incent or V'incennes. He
took that fort which was defended by Col. Ilaniillon and Indians and British.
He, dcclarent, continued in thai Illinois Counl\' as a volunteer militia (a pri\'ate)
under Capt. Kincaid, the summer of 1780 till No\ ember of that \ear, when he with
other militia troops was marched to Louisville and discharged in No\ember 1780.
In this campaign he was more than eighteen months in service from February or
March 1779 till November 1780. He received a wound in battle at a place called
Andersontdwn which had healed up (in his right leg) now again broke out and so
continues to this da\'. He ser\ed more than two and one-half years in the Revolu-
tionary War. He lives more than thirty miles from Lewis County Court House,
is too infirm to attend court, has no clergyman residing near him. He knows of
no person whose testimon\- he can procure who can testify to his services as a
soldier of the revolution.
His
Paul X Shaver."
Mark
Shaver stated that he was horii in Pendleton County, \ a.,
in the vear 1759.
120
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
"Leaven Nichols, and David S. Cox botii testify that Paul Shaver is believed
in the neighborhood to have been a soldier in the Revolutionary War and that he
has a good reputation and character.
(Signed) David S. Cox
His
Leaven X Nichols
Mark
(Signed) James M. Camp, J. P."
John Mitchell and Henry Flesher testified to W. S. Singleton
July 1834, that Shaver was too young to have been in the war, and
he was dropped from the pension roll as a fraud. From all the
evidence gathered. Shaver certainly suffered an injustice at the
hands of the over-zealous Pension Examiner. He evidently saw
service on the border during the Revolution, but he could not
have^figured in the "Flight of 1770."
I
CHAPTER XI
Man)' pi\)inincnt writers insist that Uunmore's War was
inevitable; the actual beginning of the Revolution, and that hos-
tilities were precipitated by the murdering propensities of the
Indians alone. Not a few, however, charge that these conditions
were created at the instance of Gov'ernor Dunmore and his lieu-
tenant, John Connolly, who, for self-aggrandizement or as emissa-
ries of the British (jovcrnment, foreseeing the coming struggle,
sought to engross the attention and resources of Virginia in a dis-
astrous Indian War. Pages have been written in support of these
accusations, and it would redound to the honor of the \ irginias
could the\' be verified. But it should be remembered that the
conflict of 1774 was pureh' \ irginia and Indian, waged on the
Western Virginia border, and it is there that we are to look for the
immediate, if not the primal, cause of the trouble. It is note-
worth)' that the long list of murders committed on peaceable
tribesmen in the white settlements east of the mountains, prior to
the outbreak, did not provoke the war. Roosevelt summarily
settles the cause and statu quo of the Dunmore W ar in a single
paragraph.
"Nor must we permit our s\'mpath\" for tlie foul wrongs of the two great Indian
heroes (1) of the contest to blind us to the fact that the struggle was precipitated
in the first place, bj' the outrages of the red men, not the whites; and that the
war was not only inevitable, but was also in its essence just and righteous on the
part of the borderers. Even the unpardonable and hideous atrocity of the murder
of Logan's family, was surpassed in horror by many of the massacres committed
by the Indians about the same time. The annals of the border are dark and
terrible." (2)
This sweeping attempt at vindication of the borderers, reek-
ing with acrimony for the Indians, might be convincing, did it
contain a single instance of a "massacre committed b\' the Indians
about the same time," that even approached in horror the murder
of Logan's family. Our Indian conquests have all been "just
and righteous" in the eyes of the average white man.
Prof. Maxzcell in discussing this topic, says:
"* * * The first act of hostility was committed in 177.^, not in West Virginia,
but further south. A party of emigrants, under the leadership of a son of Daniel
Boone, were on their way to Kentucky when they were set upon and several were
(\) See page 442. (2) p. 442.
122 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
killed, including young Boone. There can be no doubt that this attack was made
to prevent or hinder the colonization of Kentucky. Soon after this, a white man
killed an Indian at a horse race. This is said to haye been the first Indian blood
shed on the frontier of Virginia by a white man after Pontiac's War. In February
1774, the Indians killed six white men and two negroes; and in the same month,
on the Ohio they seized a trading canoe, killed the men in charge and carried the
goods to the Shawnee towns. Then the white men began to kill also. In March
[1774] on the Ohio, a fight occurred between settlers and Indians, in which one was
killed on each side, and five canoes were taken from the Indians. John Connolly
wrote from Pittsburg on April 21, to the people of Wheeling to be on their guard,
as the Indians were preparing for war. On April 26, two Indians were killed on
the Ohio. On April 30, nine Indians were killed on the same river near Steuben-
ville. On May 1, another Indian was killed. About the same time an old Indian
named Bald Eagle was killed on the Monongahela River; and an Indian camp on
the Little Kanawha, in the present county of Braxton, was broken up, and the
natives were killed. This was believed to have been done by settlers on the West
Fork, in the present county of Lewis. They were induced to take that course
by intelligence from the Kanawha River that a family named Stroud, residing
near the mouth of the Gauley River had been murdered, and the tracks of the
Indians led toward the Indian camp on the Little Kanawha. . When this camp was
visited by the party of white men from the West Fork, they discovered clothing
and other articles belonging to the Stroud family. Thereupon the Indians were
destroyed. A party of white men with Governor Dunmore's permission destroyed
an Indian village on the Muskingum River." (3)
Here is a sinister array of aggressive crime on the part of the
Indians, with justified retaliation by the whites. Unfortunately
for its object however, the events are not given in chronological
order. The killing of young James Boone and five of his compan-
ions, emigrants under the leadership of the elder Boone, had
been preceded in Kentucky by desultory fighting between adven-
turous white men and Indians. It is significant that John Findlay
who was the first to enter the wilds of Kentucky, was never dis-
turbed by the red man. It was not until Boone, in company with
Findlay and four others, in 1769, repaired to that region, and after
spending several months in killing game, were they molested.
Boone and Stuart were surprised and captured. Many writers
insist that during their captivity, the camp of Boone and Stuart
was broken up by Indians, and their companions killed, scattered,
or returned home. But it would appear from the investigations
of others, among them Dr. Thzvaits, that the' returning prisoners
found the camp and its occupants unmolested. In the meantime
they were joined by Squire Boone and Alexander Neely, whom
Squire had found on New (Great Kanawha) River. (4)
(3) See page 442. (4) p. 442.
BoRDKR SkI'TLKKS <)I \()KTI1\\I;S TKRN \ IRCilNIA 125
The famous Limir lluiitc-rs had ahcaLly iiuadcd this prinic\al
wilderness and were shiughlerinj^ its teeming game by the thou-
sands. This wasteful destruction of their sustenance, a gift from
the (ireat Spirit, enraged the Indians, and in conse(.]uence the
aggressors, hunters and explorers met with armed resistance.
The Long Hunters shot buffalo, elk and deer for their skins,
and Indians ior their scalps.
Boone and his part\- were in reality Long Hunters. During
the summer of 1770 while encamped on the Red River, Alexander
Xeel\' killed and scalped two Indians wIkimi he found at a Shawnee
\illage on a tributary creek. (5)
Stuart (also spelled Stewart) alone of ijie part\- was killed hv
the Indians, but whetlier prior or subsequent to the murder of the
Shawnees by Xeely, writers differ. Roosevelt declares that in the
death of Stewart, "the Indians had wantonh' shed the first blood."
(6) But the elucidation b\' Dr. Tlvicaits is conclusive that Stuart
was killed after Jour oj Boone's party had left for the settlement and
that "Neeh', discouraged by his [Stuart's] fate, returned home."
(7) This is positi\'e ex-iilence that Boone's part\- in rea]it\' "wan-
tonly shed the first blood." It is obvious that Xeeh- killed the
two Shawnees bejore he "became discouraged and returned home."
The Indian killed at a horse race was a Cherokee, at W atauga,
a settlement supposed!)- in \'irginia, but located within the Cher-
okee lands, Xorth Carolina. Watauga, like the early Trans-
.Alleghen}' settlements, was outlawed, so far as State or Colonial
(k)vernment was concerned. The murder was committed at a
triendl}' gathering of both Indians and whites, in celebrating the
signing of a treaty between the Cherokees and the settlers of
\\ atauga in 1772. (8) This crime has been excused on the grounds
that the men implicated had lost a brother in the attack on Boone's
emigrants in 177.V This is error, the friendly Cherokee was killed
a year previous to the Boone tragedy. In the face of these facts,
who were the aggressors in Kentuck}'.' (9)
No serious troubK' with the Cherokees resulted from the
W atauga outrage; nor was that nation invoK'ed in Dunmore's
\\ ar. It is averred, however, that the attack on Butler's trading
canoe, near Wheeling, in l'"ebruar\ , 1774, containing three white
men, in which one of the part\- was killed and another one wounded,
was by a few outlaw Cherokees. If so, the act may have been
provoked by the Watauga tragedw
(5) Sec page 442. ((.) p. 442. (7i p. 442. (S) p. 442. CM p. 442.
124 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
The other occurrences cited by Mr. Maxwell are well known
to the reader of border history. Withers, (10) states that the
Bull Town Massacre occurred in the summer of 1772. The same
authority fixes the death of Bald Eagle not only prior to this crime,
but also to the Indian murder for which Capt. White was impris-
oned at Winchester, and subsequently liberated by the infuriated
populace. This last crime, as shown in Chapter X, of this vol-
ume, Kercheval states, occurred in 1768. This places the murder
of Bald Eagle, according to Withers, (11) previous to the settling
of the Upper Monongahela in 1769, which is error. The death
of Bald Eagle evidently occurred between 1770 and the destruc-
tion of the Delaware Village on the Little Kanawha, in 1772,
which was two years previous to the retaliatory and incipient
outbreak of the few tribesmen on the Ohio. Then came the
ill-timed warning of the fiery Connolly and the "planting of a
new war post and a solemn declaration of war" by Creasap and
his followers at Fort Henry. Immediately Creasap's band made
two attacks on friendly Shawnees on the Ohio, killing three and
wounding two others. The massacre of Logan's people swiftly
followed, and the war was on.
West Virginia points with pride to the tenth of October, 1774,
when at Point Pleasant was fought the "First Battle of the Revo-
lution," wherein "was the first blood shed in defense of American
Liberty," in a "just and righteous" war. This sounds well, but
in reality the Dunmore War was one of conquest; its prelude a
lurid chapter of aggressive wrong on the part of the whites which
can reflect no halo of State or National glory. (12)
The brutal murder of Bald Eagle is deserving of more than a
passing notice. His status, not only with his own race, but with
the whites was high, and in his death is reflected the true character
of the lawless ruffians who overran the Trans-Allegheny at this
time. Withers says of this crime:
"The Bald Eagle was an Indian of notoriety, not only among his own nation,
but also with the inhabitants of the North Western frontier; with whom he was
in the habit of associating and hunting. In one of his visits among them, he was
discovered alone, by Jacob Scott, William Hacker and Elijah Runner, who, reckless
of the consequences, murdered him, solely to gratify a most wanton thirst for
Indian blood. After the commission of this most outrageous enormity, they
seated him in the stern of a canoe, and with a piece of journey-cake thrust into
his mouth, set him afloat in the Monongahela. In this situation he was seen
descending the river, by several, who supposed him to be as usual, returning from
descendmg the river, by several, who suppose
(10) See page 442. (11) p. 442. (12) p. 442.
BoKDKR SeTTLKRS OF NoRTllW KSTKKN \ IR(;iN'IA 125
a friendly hum willrttic wliitcs in ihc upper seltlcnu-nts, and who expressed some
astonishment that he did not stop to see them. The canoe floating near to the
shore, below the mouth of George's Creek, was observed by a Mrs. Province, who
had it brought to the bank, and the friendly, but unfortunate old Indian decently
buried." (13)
Veech says lliat Bald Magic was killed, perhaps, at the mouth
of Cheat River; was ff)uiKl at Provance Bottom by Mrs. W illiani
^'ard Provance. who had hini buried on the Fayette (Pa.)
shore. (14)
The murder of Bald Kaglc had a parallel of which the partic-
ulars were never chronicled.
One Ryan and Eli Morgan, brother of David .Morgan of
border fame, killed an Indian named Cat Eye, and thrusting a
corn cob into his mouth, propped him up in his canoe and sent him
adrift on the Monongahela. This crime was evidently one of the
many committed by John Ryan, told by U'ithers:
".At ditfcrciu periods of time, between the peace of 1765. and the renewal of
hostilities in 1774, three Indians were unprovokedly killed by John Ryan, on the
Ohio, Monongahela and Cheat Rivers. The first who suffered from the unrestrained
licentiousness of this man, was an Indian of distinction in his tribe, and known by
the name of Capt. Peter; the other two were private warriors. And but that
Governor Dunmore, from the representations made to him, was induced to offer
a reward for his apprehension, which caused him to leave the country, Ryan
would probably have continued to murder every Indian, with whom he should
chance to meet, wandering through the settlements." (15)
To this long list of recorded murders suffered by the friendb"
tribesmen at the hands of the borderers in the two years preceding
Dunmore's War, must be added the massacre of the thirteen at
Indian Camp, as depicted in a previous chapter of this volume.
The summary is startling. If we allow but four to each of the
five families destroyed at Bull Town, which is a very low estimate,
then the grand total of peaceable Indians, including many women
and children, who fell victims to white fury on the extreme western
border of \'irginia, from Bull Town to Wheeling in the time men-
tioned, is fifty-eight. This does not include those killed on the
Wappatomaka by Judah, Harpold and others, nor the many slain
throughout the settlements east of the mountains. (16) This num-
ber 1 have carefully computed from the meagre accounts at hand;
but it is hardly possible that the Indian Camp .Massacre was a
solitary instance of unchronicled slaughtering by the white*. It
is significant that in every instance noted by the historian of the
(13) See page 443. (14) p. 443. (15) p. 443. (16) p. 443.
126 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
day, the killing was so open and flagrant that concealment was
impossible.
There could be but one sequel to this wanton, drunken satur-
nalia of crime. The ties of blood and clan are very strong in
Indian systems of kinship and government, and the law of retalia-
tion arises from these ties. In addition to murder, the white
settlers were constantly making inroads upon the lands of the
tribes in utter disregard of treaty stipulations. In view of these
facts, it is a matter of wonder that hostilities were not commenced
long before the outbreak actually occurred. Surely were the
Indians "slow to anger."
But they were at last aroused; though not until their people
had been wantonly murdered in plain view and under their own
eyes in more than one instance by Greathouse and others. Logan,
"the friend of the white man," lost his entire family. (17) Then
the warriors took up the hatchet, and the Trans-Allegheny was
compelled to drain the bitter cup of its own filling. For more
than twenty years from the massacre of Logan's people, April 30,
1774, the border from Fort Pitt to the Falls of the Ohio suffered
from Indian forays, (18) the most sanguinary of which fell upon
the Virginia frontier. There were brief respites during this period,
but no year went by without the striking of a blow — in most
cases by the fierce Shawnee. This warlike tribe was rendered
still more implacable by the betrayal and brutal murder of their
mighty leader Cornstalk (Keigh-taugh-qua) and three of his chiefs,
his son EUinipsico; Red Hawk and another whose name is
unknown, at Point Pleasant in the "bloody year," 1777; and for
which his avenging warriors swept with fire the wilderness settle-
ments. (19) In this long interval of strife, as usual in warfare, the
innocent suffered far more than the guilty.
During this period, Jesse Hughes was the recognized chief of
the Virginia scouts. He lived in the center of the field of the
border strife; yet it was in the year 1778 that his name appears in
the annals of this war for the first time. This, I believe, is the
fault of the chroniclers rather than of inactivity on the part of
Hughes. There is little or no doubt that he was constantly
engaged in war-like enterprises during the whole of this period of
the silence of the annals. A well-founded tradition says that he
was in the Battle of Point Pleasant, which is more than probable.
A man of his propensities would not ordinarily remain inactive at
(17) See page 443. (18) p. 443. (19) p. 443.
lioRDKR SeTTI.KRS OF XoRTlIWKSTKRN \ IRCilMA 127
ht)nie while such an uiKk-rtakin^ as the iiuasion of the Indian
countrx' was bcinir cxecutCLl. It is doubt tul if an\' of the several
expeditions against the ()hio Indians duiinu the period mentioned
was unacconipani(.'d h\ Jesse Huijhes.
An Indian alaiin in June, 177S, sent the settlers on Hacker's
Creek and the adjoining countr\' into West's Fort. About tiie
middle of that month, three women who were gathering greens in
an adjacent field, were attacked b\- four Indians and a Mrs. Free-
man was killed and scalped. The Indians tired but one shot, but
this and the screams of the women brought the men from the Fort.
Se\eral inettectual bullets were sent after the warrior who was
scalping Mrs. Freeman. The Indians were driven off, and the
firing gave warning to the men who were out of the fort at the
time. Among the latter was Jesse Hughes, who for once, seem-
ingly, was without his gun. The following account is from the
work of If'itlwrs:
"Jesse Hiiglies and Jolin Sclioolcrafl (who were out) in makini: tlieir way to
the fort, came very near two Indians standing by the fence looking towards the
men at West's, so intenth', that the\- did not perceive an\' one near them.
They, however, were observed by Hughes and Schoolcraft wlio, avoidint.' them,
made their way in, safely. Hugiies immediately took up his gun, and learning the
fate of Mrs. Freeman, went with some others to bring in the corpse. While there
he proposed to go and shew them how near he had approached the Indians after
the alarm had been given, before he saw them. Charles and Alexander West,
Chas. Hughes, James Brown and John Steeth (20), went with him. Before they
had arrived at the place, one of the Indians was heard to howl like a wolf; and
the men with Hughes moved on in the direction from which tlie sound proceeded.
Supposing that they were then near the spot, Jesse Hughes howled in like manner,
and being instantly answered, they ran to a point of the hill, and looking over it,
saw two Indians coming towards them. Hughes fired and one of them fell. The
other took to flight. Being pursued b\ the whites, he sought shelter in a thicket
of brush; and while they were proceeding to intercept him at his coming out, he
returned b>- the way he had entered, and made his escape. The wounded Indian
likewise got otT. When the whites were in pursuit of the one who took to flight,
they passed near to him who had fallen, and one of the men was for stopping and
finishing him; but Hughes called to him. 'he is safe, — let us have the other,' and
they all pressed forward. On their return, however, he was gone; and although his
free bleeding enabled them to pursue his track readily for a while, yet a heavy
shower of rain soon falling, all trace of him was quickly lost and could not be
afterwards regained."
The chagrin which Hughes fell for his failure to secure at
least one ot the two scalps that were almost within his grasp may
be conjectured. That his aim was not deadly, and his allowing
(20) See page 444.
128 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the fallen Indian to escape because of his zeal to capture the flee-
ing Indian who baffled his pursuers by doubling on his track like a
fox, was most humiliating to the pride of this renowned woodsman
and his skilled companions. There was a superstition rife among
the early settlers to the effect that if, in loading his rifle, the hunter
accidentally let fall the bullet, and had to pick it up from the
ground to put in his rifle, it would certainly miss the object shot
at, no matter how careful and true his aim. This was a common
belief in the woods of Virginia and Kentucky as recently as thirty
years ago. Perhaps Jesse dropped his bullet.
Owing to its isolation and weakness, the Hacker's Creek
settlement was a favorite point of attack by the Indians during
this period. Withers says:
"The settlement on Hacker's Creek was entirely broken up in the spring of
1779 — some of its inhabitants forsaking the country and retiring east of the moun-
tains; while the others went to the fort on Buckhannon, and to Nutter's Fort, near
Clarksburg, to aid in resisting the foe and in maintaining possession of the
country." (21)
Again, speaking of the year 1780, he says:
"West's Fort on Hacker's Creek was also visited by the savages early in this
year. The frequent incursions of the Indians into this settlement in the year
1778, had caused the inhabitants to desert their homes the next year, and shelter
themselves in places of greater security; but being unwilling to give up the improve-
ments which they had already made and commence anew in the woods, some few
families returned to it during the winter, and on the approach of spring, moved
into the fort. They had not been long here, before the savages made their appear-
ance, and continued to invest the fort for some time. Too weak to sally out and
give them battle, and not knowing when to expect relief, the inhabitants were
almost reduced to despair, when Jesse Hughes resolved at his own hazard, to try
to obtain assistance to drive off the enemy. Leaving the fort at night, he broke
by their sentinels and ran with speed to the Buckhannon Fort. Here he prevailed
on a part of the men to accompany him to West's, and relieve those who had been
so long confined there. They arrived before day, and it was thought advisable
to abandon the place once more, and remove to Buckhannon. On their way the
Indians used every artifice to separate the party, so as to gain an advantageous
opportunity of attacking them; but in vain. They exercised so much caution,
and kept so well together, that every stratagem was frustrated, and they all reached
the fort in safety." (22)
From the foregoing it would appear that West's Fort was
abandoned not only in the fall of 1779, but also in the spring of
1780. It was during one of these abandonments, perhaps the last,
that the fort was burned by the Indians, and the settlers then
(21) See page 445. (22) p. 445.
I^ORDIK Si 'ITLERS OK NoRTH \V KSTKR N \ IRCMNIA
\2')
built a new fort, but nut on the silc ol the old. it was located
some five hundred yards or more from West's Fort, and about
seventy-five yards east of where the Henry McW'horter house
now stands. It was erected on a high bottom, fir "flat," which
at that time was rather marshy, and covered with beech trees.
The building was constructed entirely of beech logs, and was
locallv known as "Beech Fort." (23)
I'm IIdMI Ol- P>I..\CK JKFF AM) Ills MaMMY. ■■AiNt'" I'.MII.V
Photographed 1S98, Kindness of Mr. Gu\- .\lkire
This cabin stood on Jesse's Run, less than a mile from where Jesse Hughes settled
in 1770 or 1771 . During a heavy snow storm in ISOQ or IQW) the roof of Jejfs cabin
collapsed, burying himself and "Mammy'' in its ruins. They were removed to the
county infirmary, where they both soon afterwards died.
The daring ieat of Jesse Hughes upon this occasion, so briefly
alluded to by fFit/iers, and doubtless referred to b\- Dtl/ass,
already quoted, was as follows:
A large force of Indians jiad inxested the tort and gathered
up all the live stock in the settlement. The despairing inmates
could see the camp fires of the Indians, who, relying upon their
superior numbers and the weakness of the garrison, taileLl to
exercise that ele^ree ot \igilance and caution for which tlie\' are
(2.S) See pajie 44.v
130 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
noted. However, they posted sentinels about the fort and the
fords of the creek and other passes, while the main body of
warriors regaled themselves around the camp fires. Hughes
experienced great difficulty and much personal danger in break-
ing through the Indian investment. While gliding along a narrow
path, he heard foot steps approaching. He stepped aside, when
nine warriors passed in Indian file; "so close" said Hughes, "that
I could have punched them with my ramrod."
When leaving the fort he told the inmates that if he succeeded
in eluding the foe he would, upon gaining the hillside beyond the
Indian encampment, "hoot like an owl." The hoot of the owl
was a night signal in vogue with both Indian and scout. In
crossing the creek Jesse was compelled to wade through a deep
eddy about half-way between the fort and the mouth of Jesse's
Run, near where he would strike the trail.
As time dragged, the forlorn and despairing band in the little
fortress listened most eagerly for the signal of hope from the hill-
side. How they must have rejoiced when at last through the
darkness from afar there came across the night-shrouded valley
the melancholy cry of the bird of shadow and gloom. (24) To them
it meant succor and speedy rescue; but to the wily Indian it was
ominous of approaching danger, and during the night they broke
camp and disappeared. When Hughes returned with the rescuing
party not a warrior could be seen.
The difficulty of this achievement can be better understood
when it is known that the distance between the two forts was not
less than sixteen miles, all a dense forest; and as the Indians were
in the settlement in force, he must have avoided to some extent
the beaten trail, thus making the passage far more laborious and
hazardous.
The frightful dangers that beset the path of Jesse Hughes on
this heroic night-run were not confined to the hostile Indians
alone. The stealthy panther, noted for its fierce nature and prone-
ness to unprovoked attack on human beings, lurked among the
dense thickets on every hand. Packs of gaunt gray wolves — ■
huge timber wolves — the scourge of the wilderness, prowled the
forest. The Buckhannon or Hacker's Creek mountain at the
point traversed by Hughes was infested with these savage brutes
long after this incident. (25)
Once durins the Indian incursions into this region the settlers
(24) See page 445. (25) p. 445.
Border Sr:TTLERS of Xorthwestern \ irginia 131
on Fink's Run, a iribulai)' of the Buckhannon, took refuee in
West's Fort. \\ hy the settlers should, in this instance, have gone
to West's Fort instead of the Buckhannon, (26) which was only
three or four miles distant, cannot be surmised, unless it was after
the latter fort had been abandoned in 1782, when Captain William
White was killed. So precipitate had been their flight that they
left some young calves penned from their dams. This was not
discovered until they had reached the fort, which was at least
twelve miles from their homes, and was liable to lead to calamity,
for should the stock escape the wasting hands of the Indians, the
calves would starve and the cows be hopelessly ruined from
inflamed udders. In this dilemma, Jesse Hughes came to the
rescue. He volunteered to go and liberate the calves. This was
courting death, but he successfully accomplished it.
On his return to the fort he crossed the mountain previously
referred to, to the waters of the right fork of Buckhannon Run,
now on the farm of the late G. W. Swisher. Here seeing a deer,
the instinct of the sportsman overcame the caution of the scout,
and he shot and killed it. Proceeding to flay it, he had just com-
pleted that work, when the report of a rifle rang through the
forest, and the bullet passed through the crown of his coon-skin
cap, scarceh' missing his head.
Snatching up his rifle and the recking deerskin, he sped
down the valley, towards the fort. Reaching Hacker's Creek
proper, the trail left the lowlands and striking the hill to the right,
passed around the head of a small stream known as Redlick Run,
and along the meandering ridge between Hacker's Creek and
Jesse's Run. Hughes did not slacken his pace until he reached
the low gap in the ridge where Mr. Eben Post now lives. Here
the woods were open, and he paused and glanced back over the
trail. A quarter of a mile away three Indians were racing down
the slope in hot pursuit. A ver\' large warrior was in the lead. It
was at this point in the race that Hughes first noticed that he was
carrying the deerskin, showing that under certain circumstances
the bravest may suflfer from excitement and panic. The first
impulse of Hughes was to secrete himself and shoot the big Indian
when he came within range, for he felt he had nothing to fear from
the remaining two. Being much niore fleet of foot he could have
reloaded and shot them at his leisure; for Jesse Hughes like his
great contemporary, Lewis Wetzel, could load his rifle while
(26) See page 445.
132 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
running at full speed. This, however, was not an unusual feat
among the Virginia bordermen. But fearing that the report of
his rifle might draw others to the chase, and that he would be
intercepted before he could reach the fort, he let discretion be
the better part of valor, and again fled before his rapidly advancing
pursuers. Out the long ridge like a hounded stag the scout
stretched himself to the trail, followed by the grim avengers of a
hundred wrongs.
"Fate judges of the rapid strife;
The forfeit, death — the prize is life."
There were yet several miles to be covered before the fugitive
could hope to reach a refuge, and if other Indians should be lurk-
ing along the path his chances of escape were precarious in the
extreme. Never before, perhaps, had the wonderful physical
endurance of the veteran scout been put to such a test; and like
the wild Seri, impervious to fatigue, onward he sped; and onward
came his relentless pursuers. The hound-like tirelessness of the
borderman enabled him to maintain the distance that was early
established between him and the Indians. He gained the fort in
safety, carrying the deerskin that had so nearly cost him his life.
The distance covered in this race for life was no less than nine
miles, and it was over ground so rough that it must have taxed
the endurance of the participants to the utmost. The course
followed was an old Indian trail, which was also used as a bridle
path by the pioneers. Few such races were run, even on the
frontiers, and perhaps no other was so long and persistent; and
winning it would alone entitle Jesse Hughes to a high rank in
that host of pioneers who achieved fame on the border.
CHAPTER XII
In 1781, \vc tind thai Jesse Hughes and his brother Elias
were members of Colonel Lowther's Compan\\ which went in
pursuit of the Indians who had captured Mrs. Alexander Roney
and her son, and Daniel Dougherty, all of Leading Creek, Tygart's
\'alle\-. The history of this foray and the incidents immediately
preceding the connection of Jesse Hughes therewith, I quote from
f Cithers: (1)
'"In the same montli (April), as some men were rcluriiiiig Id Cheat Ri\er
from Clarksburg (where they had been to obtain certificates of settlement rights
to their lands, from the commissioners appointed to adjust land claims in the
counties of Ohio, Youghioghany and Monongalia) they, after having crossed the
X'alley River, were encountered by a large party of Indians, and John Manear,
Daniel Cameron and a Mr. Cooper were killed — the others effected their escape
with difficulty.
"The sa\-agcs then mo\'ed on towards Cheat, but meeting with James Brown
and Stephen Radcliff, and not being able to kill or take them, they changed their
course, and passing over Leading creek (in Tygarts V'alley), nearly destroyed the
whole settlement. They there killed .Alexander Roney, Mrs. Dougherty, Mrs.
Hornbeck, and her children, Mrs. Buffington and her children, and many others;
and made prisoners, Mrs. Roney and her son, and Daniel Dougherty. Jonathan
Buffington and Benjamin Hornbeck succeeded in making their escape and carried
the doleful tidings to I-'riend's and Wilson's forts. Col. Wilson immediately
raised a company of men and proceeding to Leading Creek, found the settlement
without inhabitants and the houses nearly all burned. He then pursued after
the sa\ages, but not coming up with them as soon as was expected, the men became
fearful of the consequences which might result to their own families, b)- reason
of this abstraction of their defense, provided other Indians were to attack them,
and insisted on their returning. On the second day of the pursuit it was agreed
that a majority of the company should decide whether they were to proceed farther
or not. Joseph Friend, Richard Kettle, Alexander West and Col. Wilson were
the only persons in favor of going on, and they consequently had to return.
"But though the pursuit was thus abandoned, yet did not the savages get
"tf with their wonted impunity. When the land claimants, who had been the
first to encounter this party of Indians, escaped from them, they fled back to
Clarksburg, and gave the alarm. This was quickly communicated to the other
settlements, and spies were sent out to watch for the enemy. By some of these,
the savages were discovered on the West Fork, near the mouth of Isaac's creek,
and intelligence of it was immediately carried to the forts. Col. Lowther collected
a company of men, and going in pursuit, came in \iew of their encampment,
awhile before night, on a branch of Hughes' River, ever since known as Indian
Creek. Jesse and Elias Hughes — acti\c, intrepid and \igilant men — were left to
(1) See page 446.
134 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
watch the movements of the savages, while the remainder retired a small distance
to refresh themselves, and prepare to attack them in the morning.
"Before day Col. Lowther arranged his men in order of attack, and when it
became light, on the preconcerted signal being given, a general lire was poured in
upon them. Five of the savages fell dead and the others fled leaving at their
fires, all their shot bags and plunder, and all their guns, except one. Upon going
to their camp, it was found that one of the prisoners (a son of Alexander Roney
who had been killed in the Leading creek massacre) was among the slain. Every
care had been taken to guard against such an occurrence, and he was the only
one of the captives who sustained any injury from the fire of the whites.
"In consequence of information received from the prisoners who were retaken
(that a larger party of Indians was expected hourly to come up), Col. Lowther
deemed it prudent not to go in pursuit of those who had fled, and collecting the
plunder which the savages had left, catching the horses which they had stolen,
and having buried young Roney, the party set out on its return march home —
highly gratified at the success which had crowned their exertions to punish their
untiring foe."
To the foregoing, Withers adds the following note:
"As soon as the fire was opened upon the Indians, Mrs. Roney (one of the
prisoners) ran towards the whites rejoicing at the prospect of deliverance, and
exclaiming, 'I am Ellick Roney's wife, of the Valley, I am Ellick Roney's wife, of
the Valley, and a pretty little woman too, if I was well dressed.' The poor woman
ignorant of the fact that her son was weltering in his own gore, and forgetting for
an instant that her husband had been so recently killed, seemed intent only on
her own deliverance from the savage captors.
"Another of the captives, Daniel Dougherty, being tied down, and unable
to move, was discovered by the whites as they rushed towards the camp. Fearing
that he might be one of the enemy and do them some injury if they advanced,
one of the men, stopping, demanded who he was. Benumbed with cold, and
discomposed by the sudden firing of the whites, he could not render his Irish dialect
intelligible to them. The white man raised his gun and directed it towards him,
calling aloud, that if he did not make known who he was, he should blow a ball
through him, let him be white man or Indian. Fear supplying him with energy,
Dougherty exclaimed, 'Loord Jasus! and am I to be killed by white people at last!'
He was heard by Col. Lowther and his life saved."
Captain William White and John Cutright were with Colonel
Lowther on this occasion. Christopher Cutright, son of John,
gave me the following particulars of the affair, as received from
his father.
The whites discovered the Indians in camp in the evening,
and they hid in a ravine until the next morning. When it was
about daylight, Mrs. Roney arose and replenished the fire, and at
that moment the whites opened fire on the Indians, killing and
mortally wounding seven of their number. Young Roney was
Border Settlers oi Xokthwestern \ ircixia 135
killed, and Dougherty, in his frantic attempts to convey to the
attacking party his identity, exclaimed, '^Cant ye sae that Fm a
white mon?'^ When the whites rushed upon the camp, one of the
Indians struggling in the agonies of death was recognized as
Captain Bull, the founder of Bull Town on the Little Kanawha.
Jesse Hughes seized the dying chieftain and dragged him through
the camp hre so recently replenished by Mrs. Roney, "^chile he
tvas yet kicking.''' Not satisfied with this, he then tla\-ed from the
thigh of the dead chieftain pieces of skin, with whicli he repaired
his own moccasins which had become badl\- worn during the pur-
suit. (2) "Upon the return of the company to the settlements,"
said Mr. Cutright, "Hughes, as a joke, threw his moccasins with
their ghastly patches into my mother's lap."
The body of young Roney was sunk in the river, or creek,
near the scene of his death, which occurred close where the Indian
Creek schoolhouse now stands.
Colonel Lowther was accompanied on this expedition by one
of his sons, a lad about sixteen years old, who assisted in the attack
on the Indian camp and its subsequent massacre. Boys of those
days had early schooling in the savage warfare of the border. (3)
On the evening before the Leading Creek settlement was
destroyed, Alexander West was at Friend's Fort. Late in the
evening. West and Joseph Friend were sitting on the porch and
saw what West declared to be an Indian skulking near the fort.
West started to get his gun, but Friend detained him and declared
the figure to be one of his "yaller boys." "Yaller boy the mis-
chief!" exclaimed West, "It's an Injun." West and Friend had
each a very fierce dog, and not altogether satisfied as to the iden-
tity of the stranger, they attempted to set them on the slave boy
or Indian. But the dogs flew at each other, and during the con-
fusion that ensued, and while the men were engaged in separating
the dogs, the unknown person whose mysterious movements had
caused the uproar vanished into the nearby forest, and night com-
ing on, the pursuit was abandoned.
West ever alert and cautious, wished to alarm the settlers
that night, but Friend insisted there was no danger and that they
wait until morning. West reluctantly acquiesced. That night
or early the next morning occurred the Leading Creek massacre.
Six families were destroyed. When the news of the disaster
reached West he became furious, and condemned himself for not
(2) Sec page 446. (3) p. 446.
r-1
h5 o'
s
s;
o
O
*^
-«
">!
■»,
S'
Ci
«
"W
^
s-
«
^
~^
1/3
^CJ
:^S -5
s s s -« -^
-fe ^,
S-S
•-;
s
<3
A,
"^
c
s
-xs
S
f^ T s ^
f^
Ph
"S S f~H
^
g ^ -o to
'^ J^
Border Settlers of Northwestern \'irci\i.\ 137
acting upon his own judgnienl. If he had, it is probable that the
tragedy would have been averted.
From the date of the Leading Creek massacre and the killing
of Captain Bull cm Indian Creek, to 1787, a period of six years, no
mention is made of Hughes by the historians of his time.
In 1787, we find the Indians again in the Hacker's Creek
settlement. The eldest daughter of Jesse Hughes was taken cap-
tive, and several of the settlers were killed. This tragedy was
only the sequel of that which directly preceded it. and so closely
are the incidents connected that 1 gi\e them both as set out by
Withers. (4)
"In September of this year, a party of Indians were discovered in the act
of catching some horses on the West Fork above Clarksburg; and a company of
men led on by Col. Lowther, went immediately in pursuit of them. On the third
night the Indians and whites, unknown to each other, encamped not far apart;
and in the morning the fires of the latter being discovered by Elias Hughes, the
detachment which was accompanying him fired upon the camp, and one of the
sa\'agcs fell. Tlic remainder taking to tlii.'hl, one of them passed near to where
Col. Lowther and the other men were, and the Colonel firing at him as he ran,
the ball entering at his shoulder, perforated him and he fell. The horses and
plunder which had been taken by the savages, were then collected by the whites,
and they commenced their return home, in the confidence of false security. They
had not proceeded far, when two guns were unexpectedly fired at them, and John
Bonnett fell, pierced through the body. He died before he reached home. (5)
"The Indians never tliought the whites justifiable in flying to arms to punish
liicni for acts mereh' of rapine. They felt authorized to levy contributions of
tliis sort, whenever an occasion ser\ed, \icwing property thus acquired as (to use
their own expression) the 'only rent which (6) they received for their lands;' and
if when detected in secretly exacting them, their blood paid the penalty, they were
sure to retaliate with tenfold fury, on the first favorable opportunity. The murder
of these two Indians by Hughes and Lowther was soon followed by acts of retribu-
tion which are believed to have been, at least immediately, produced by them.
"On the 5th of December, a party of Indians and one white man (Leonard
Schoolcraft) came into the settlement on Hacker's Creek, and meeting with a
daughter of Jesse Hughes, took her prisoner. Passing on, they came upon
E. \\ est, Scnr., carrjang some fodder to the stable, and taking him likewise
captive, carried him to where Hughes' daughter had been left in charge of some
of their party. — Here the old gentleman fell upon his knees and expressed a
fervent wish that they would not deal harshly by liini. His petition was
answered by a stroke of the tomahawk and he fell dead.
"They then went to the house of Edmund W'est, Jun., where were Mrs. West
and her sister (a girl of eleven years old, daughter of John Hacker) and a lad of
twelve, a brother of West. Forcing open the door, Schoolcraft and two of the
savages entered, and one of them immediately tomahawked Mrs. West. The
boy was taking some corn from under the bed, — he was drawn out h\- the feet and
(4) See page 446. (5) p. 446. (6) p. 446.
138 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the tomahawk sank twice in his forehead, directly above each eye. The girl was
standing behind the door. One of the savages approached and aimed at her a blow.
She tried to evade it, but it struck on the side of her neck, though not sufHcient
force to knock her down. She fell however, and lay as if killed. Thinking their
work of death accomplished here, they took from the press some milk, butter and
bread, placed it on the table, and deliberately sat down to eat, — the little girl
observing all that passed, in silent stillness. When they had satisfied their hunger,
they arose, scalped the woman and boy, plundered the houses — even emptying the
feathers to carry off the ticking, — and departed, dragging the little girl by the
hair, forty or fifty yards from the house. They then threw her over the fence, and
scalped her; but as she evinced symptoms of life, Schoolcraft observed 'that is not
enough', when immediately one of the savages thrust a knife into her side, and they
left her. Fortunately the point of the knife came in contact with a rib and did
not injure her much.
"Old Mrs. West and her two daughters, who were alone when the old gentle-
man was taken, became uneasy that he did not return; and fearing that he had
fallen into the hands of savages (as they could not otherwise account for his absence),
they left the house and went to Alexander West's, who was then on a hunting
expedition with his brother Edmund. They told of the absence of old Mr. West
and their fears for his fate; and as there was no man here, they went over to Jesse
Hughes' who was himself uneasy that his daughter did not come home. Upon
hearing that West too was missing, he did not doubt but that both had fallen into
the hands of the Indians; and knowing of the absence from home of Edmund
West, Jun., he deemed it advisable to apprise his wife of danger, and remove her
to his house. For this purpose and accompanied by Mrs. West's two daughters^
he went on. On entering the door, the tale of destruction which had been done
there was soon told in part. Mrs. West and the lad lay weltering in their blood
but not yet dead. The sight overpowered the girls, and Hughes had to carry
them off. Seeing that the savages had but just left them, and aware of the danger
which would attend any attempt to move out and give the alarm that night,
Hughes guarded his own house until day, when he spread the sorrowful intelligence,
and a company were collected to ascertain the extent of the mischief and try to.
find those who were known to be missing.
"Young West was found, — standing in the creek about a mile from where he
had been tomahawked. The brains were oozing from his head, yet he survived
in extreme suffering for three days. Old Mr. West was found in the field where-
he had been tomahawked. Mrs. West was in the house; she probably lived but
a few minutes after Hughes and her sisters-in-law had left there. — The little girl'
(Hacker's daughter) was in bed at the house of old Mr. West. She related the
history of the transactions at Edmund West's, Jun., and said that she went to-
sleep when thrown over the fence and was awakened by the scalping. After she
had been stabbed at the suggestion of Schoolcraft and left, she tried to recross.
the fence to the house, but as she was climbing up, again went to sleep and fell
back. She then walked into the woods, sheltered herself as well as she could in
the top of a fallen tree, and remained there until the cocks crew in the morning.
"Remembering that there was no person left alive at the house of her sister
awhile before day she proceeded to old Mr. West's. She found no person at home,
the fire nearly out, but the hearth warm and she laid down on it. The heat pro-
Border Settlers of Northwestern \ irgima 139
duced a sickly feeling, which caused her to get up and go to the bed, in which
she was found. — She recovered, grew up, was married, gave birth to ten children,
and died, as was believed, of an affection of the head, occasioned by the wound
she received that night. Hughes' daughter was ransomed by her father the next
year, and is yet living in sight of the theatre of those savage enormities."
Jesse Hughes and W illiani Powers were also on the expedition
with Colonel Lowther when Bunnell was killed, lliey followed
the Indians to the Lilllc Kanawha Ri\er, where ihe two Indians
were slain. Bonneii, in utter disregard of W est's remonstrance,
had stepped aside from ihe parl\' to a spring and had knelt there
to get a drink. As he rose, he received the fatal shot. The
return march of ihe parly was necessarily slow, encumbered with
a dying man. It is not likely that Bonnett was buried any great
distance from where he was shot.
Mr. Levi Bond heard his grandfather, \\ illiam Powers, tell
the incidents of this tragedy as follows: Three of the Indians
were killed. When they were fired upon in camp, only one of
those who escaped had a gun. The whites felt that on their
retreat some one of their number would be shot by this Indian,
and that the victim would in all probability be the one in lead of
the party. Bonnett declared that he had just as well die as any
of them and stepped to the front. Powers was placed at some
distance in the rear, to guard against pursuit. When he heard the
gun report, he knew that some one of their party had been lired
upon, and possibly killed. He saw the fleeing Indian, but at too
great a distance for a shot, so he gave chase. Powers was a swift
runner and gained on the warrior, who resorting to strategy,
dodged and hid from his enemy. After peace was declared, an
Indian told of his shooting the white man at the head of the party,
and that he in turn was pursued by a "little white devil" and
barely escaped. Powers said, that in this expedition, as in all
others, Jesse Hughes led in the trailing.
The daughter of Hughes, who was captured at the time of
the West tragedy, was his eldest child, Martha. She was then
fourteen years old. \\ hen captured she was returning home from
the house of John Hacker, where she had gone to get a pup.
Hacker lived about four miles up the creek from where Hughes
lived. If'ithers says she was "ransomed by her father the next
year,'' but as a substance of fact she did not return home until
1790 and was a prisoner two years and nine months. Her father
140 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
secured her release at Sandusky Plains after the treaty of Fort
Harmer, January 9, 1789, which made it possible to secure the
release of Indian captives.
There is a tradition current among Jesse's descendants in
Jackson County, West Virginia, to the effect that another daughter,
Nancy, was captured by the Indians and held in captivity three
years. In this short time she became thoroughly Indianized, and
her father failed to recognize her when he went to bring her home.
Personal decoration, paint, rings on every finger and in her lip, a
complete Indian dress, so changed her appearance that only the
closest questioning in reference to the time and place of her cap-
ture enabled Hughes to determine her identity. This is merely
a distorted and fanciful version of Martha's capture. Hughes
recognized her as soon as he caught sight of her in the Indian
country.
The name of the Hacker girl, who figured in this tragedy was
Mary. Tradition says that she was stabbed seven times by an
Indian, who was afterwards killed; his body ripped open, filled
with sand and sunk in Hacker's Creek on the David Smith farm.
Mary Hacker married a Mr. Wolf and settled on Wolf's Run in
Lewis County. She never fully recovered from the effects of the
scalping and her death was caused from a nasal hemorrhage.
Barring a few burnings at the stake, there is hardly a more
pathetic tragedy in the annals of the border wars than the toma-
hawking at West's. The despairing appeal of the old man, who
with advancing age, had lost much of the nerve and energy of
hardy manhood, the utter helplessness of Mrs.. West, the pulling
from beneath the bed of the little boy and his brutal tomahawking,
the ineffectual attempt of the little girl at concealment and her
instinctive efforts to evade the murderous blow — all this makes
a scene of pathetic woe. The long night of agony for the two
little children cannot be fully imagined. Contemplation of the
boy wandering aimlessly through the icy waters of the creek, with
skull bared from scalping, his brains oozing from the ghastly
wounds in his forehead, and chilled by the cold winds of December,
is most heartrending. The little girl dragged by the hair, faUing
to "sleep" when thrown over the fence, her awakening from the
excruciating torture of the process of scalping, the relentless
thrust of the murderous knife, the feeble and unsuccessful attempt
to reach the house, the going to "sleep" the second time, the piteous
Border Settlers of Northwestern \ irginia
141
turning to the solitude of the woods for shelter, the arrival at the
house and curling down upon the warm hearth, the sensation of
sickness and the climhiiig inld the lonely bed make up a story
that fills the heart with sadness. It certainly must have been
anvthing but comforting to Colonel Lowther, Elias Hughes and
their followers, if thc\- realized the situation, to reflect that to
The Historic Barn on the Edmund West, Sr., Homestead
(Queen, 1894)
their o\-er-zeal in protecting a few miserable horses by shooting
two fleeing Indians, was this awful tragedy due. And the greatest
pity of all, retaliatory vengeance fell upon the innocent and
helpless.
The Edmund West, Sr., homestead was covered by a grant
issued in 1781 to "Edmund West, 400 acres on Hacker's Creek,
adjoining lands of William Ratcliff, including his settlement made
in 1773." This was the present Straley farm, about one mile
above Jane I,ew. The old barn, of which a cut is given, is still
standing. The left iTjom, or left end of this barn, was built by
Edmund \\ est, Sr., and is doubtless the stable referred to by
Withers, where Mr. West was captured while "carrying fodder."
Tradition sa}s that West's Fort was built by Edmund West's,
Sr., two sons, Alexander and Edmund, Jr. This I believe to be
a mistake. According to Withers, (7) the fort was standing in
1778. At that time Alexander West was but eighteen \-cars old,
and there is e\'er\' reason to belie\e that the fort was built at the
(7) See page 447.
142 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
breaking out of Indian iiostilities in 1774. Summing up the evi-
dence at hand, Edmund West, Sr., was the builder of West's Fort,
Charles West, mentioned by Withers^ (8) was also a son of
Edmund West, Sr. The elder West and several of his family are
buried near the old fort.
The appellation, "West's Fort" should never have been
changed. The village that sprang up there was, in after years,
known as "McWhorter's Mills." In 1829, Fields McWhorter
was appointed Postmaster at McWhorter's Mills. (9) At a later
day, Lewis Maxwell, a wealthy bachelor, who owned large tracts
of realty in the immediate vicinity, contrived to have the name
changed to Its present form, Ja7ie Lew, in honor of his mother,
whose maiden name was Jane Lewis. This name is unhistoric
and inappropriate.
Alexander West, who figured so prominently in the early
history of Hacker's Creek, was born in Aconach County, Virginia,
August 11, 1760. He came with his father, Edmund West, Sr.,
to Hacker's Creek just prior to Dunmore's War. In May, 1777,
and before he was yet seventeen years old, he enlisted in Capt.
James Booth's Company of Rangers and Spies, and served thirteen
months as scout In (then) Monongalia County, Virginia. Before
the term of enlistment had expired, Capt. Booth was killed by
Indians near his own house on Booth's Creek, consequently none of
the company w^ere officially discharged.
In May, 1781, Alexander West volunteered in Capt. George
Jackson's Company, which marched to Fort Pitt and joined Gen-
eral George Rogers Clark in his attempted expedition against
Detroit. It had been Clark's Intention to leave Fort Pitt in flat,
boats for the Falls of the Ohio about the middle of June, 1881, but
disappointment in procuring men and supplies retarded the
embarkation.
The invasion of Virginia by Lord Cornwallis prevented the
acquisition of Virginia State troops as promised, and the success
of the expedition eventually devolved upon new volunteers and
raw levies from the more western counties of Virginia. This sup-
port, as the sequel shows, was precarious and unreliable. While
clamorous for the reduction of that Important post, which would
in a measure insure peace to the harassed border, the settlers
in the main were averse to engaging in an expedition which would
take them so far from their homes, which were In constant need
8) See page 447. (9) p. 447.
Border Settlers of Xortmwestern \ irgima 143
of protection. Consequently, accessions to Clark's army came
in slowlv. Drafts upon the se\-eral counties for men proved futile.
The boundary line dispute between \'irginia and Pennsylvania,
was a prime hindrance to the acquisition of troops, cither by
enlistment or tlrafting. Gen. Clark and his methods were bitterly
opposed b}- the Pennsylvania adherents. They impugned his
right to forcibly take men from the controverted territory; and in
some instances armed resistance was narrowly averted. The
\'irginia Volunteer Militia was not susceptible to strict military
discipline, and could be held together only by "ties of confidence
and affection to their leader." (10)
It was doubtless in the hope to escape these drafts, made on
the ninth of the preceding February, that the settlers of Monon-
galia and Ohio Counties engaged in an expedition against the
friendly Moravian towns on the Muskingum in the Spring of
1781. (11)
r^inalh-, (Jeneral Clark embarked with onl\- four hundred
men instead of two thousand as first intended. On the fourth of
August, he was at Fort Henry, where he expected to be joined by
one thousand militia from the East of the mountains. Only two
hundred and fifty of this troop materialized, and half of these
deserted after drawing a supply of guns, blankets and clothing.
Those remaining were in a state of mutiny for several days. The
expedition was abandoned at the Falls of the Ohio, where after
a service of seven months West received a discharge signed by
Ceneral Clark, and he returned home.
In his declaration for pension, made September 4, 1832, West
states that his military discharge [paper] was torn to pieces by the
Indians sometime in 1785, at which time they killed his father,
brother and brother's wife and destroyed all their papers, ffltliers
states that the West tragedy occurred December 5, 1787. This
is evidenth- correct, for Edmund West. Jr., and Ann Hacker were
not married until 1787, the year that the young wife was killed.
When applying for pension, Alexander West was vouched for
by David W. Sleeth and Jacob Bush, and afterwards by John
Talbot (clergyman) and Daniel Stringer. On July 18, 1833, he
was granted a pension of ^66.00 per annum. He also applied for
"bounty lands" granted b}- \'irginia to her state troops, but his
claim was refused on the grounds that he had only served seven
months in the military.
(10) Sec page 447. (11) p. 447.
144 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
In the Virginia State Library, Richmond, is preserved the
following endorsements to West's claim for bounty land:
"Endorsed. H. E. West and Alex. West, Rep. 29, Jan. 1833. March S,
1833. Submitted to the council of State & advice required, John Floyd. Rejected
March 24, 1833, J. F.
"Harrison County!
^r ^ TO wit:
Virginia J
"This day Christopher Nutter appeared before Edward Stewart, a Justice
of the Peace in and for Harrison County, and made Oath that Alexander West,
a resident of Lewis- County, volunteered under Capt. George Jackson sometime
in May in the year 1781 and marched to fort Pitt. Was there attached to the
army commanded by Gen. Clark; from fort Pitt we descended the Ohio
River to the falls thereof and served the whole campaign or the term of seven
months.
"Given under my hand this 21st day of November, 1832.
Christopher Nutter
"Sworn to before me this day and year above written.
Edward Stewart, J. P."
"Lewis County!
l\T 1 f TO wit:
[VirginiaJ J
"This day Jacob Bush appeared before John McWhorter, a Justice of the
Peace in and for said county of Lewis, and made oath that,Alexander West, a resi-
dent of the said county, volunteered under the command of Capt. George Jackson
some time in May in the year 1781, in the county of Monongalia then, but now
the county of Lewis, and marched in company with this affiant to fort Pitt. Was
there attached to the army commanded by Genl. Clark. From fort Pitt
we descended the Ohio river in boats to the falls thereof and served the whole
Campaign under Genl. Clark, or the term of seven months. Given under my hand
this 23rd day of November in the year 1832.
his
Jacob X Bush.
mark
"Sworn to before me this day & year above written.
John A/JcWhorter."
I have been unable to find anything further touching West's
bounty land claim.
Alexander West was married twice, but no record of his first
marriage has been found. His second wife was Mary Straley.
They were married January 24, 1796, by Joseph Cheuront. They
settled near the home of West's father.
When the Baptist church on Broad Run, Lewis County^
was organized, W'est became a charter member. He was buried
there, his death occurring in June, 1834. On April 12, 1851, a
BoRDFR Settlers of Northwestern N'ircinia
145
pension certificate was issued to his widow for }^66.{X) a \'ear from
March 4, 1848.
Regarding the personal appearance of West, Editor Thzvaites
gives the following note:
"Alexander West was prominent as a frontier scout. Rev. J. M. McWliorter,
who saw him frequently, gives this description of him: '.\ tall, spare-built man,
very erect, strong, lithe, and active; dark-skinned, prominent Roman nose, black
hair, very keen eyes; not handsome, rather raw-boned, but with an air and mien
that commanded the attention and respect of those with whom he associated.
Never aggressive, he lifted his arm against the Indians only in time of war.' West
died in 1S34. His house of hewed logs is, with its large barn, still standing and
occupied by his relatives, about a mile east of the site of West's Fort." (12)
Bakn" HuiLr HY Alkxan'dkr Wkst
Photographed March, 1910
Ilacker^s Creek is seen on the right.
In addition to the foregoing, my father writes me under date
June l'^, 1899. "Some things that occurred when I was quite
young were so vividly impressed upon my mind that time has
never erased them; none inore so than the sight of Alexander West.
Long frame, broad across the shoulders, muscular with no surplus
flesh. He wore the old-fashioned plain blue linse\- hunting shirt,
cape and belt and fringed in front of same color. His vest and
pantaloons were of like rnatcrial and he wore a black wool hat and
moccasins. I remember the color of the horse that he rode. He
and his wife stopped with n\\ parents for dinner when on their
(12) See page 44S.
146 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
way home from church held in an old log school house, where I
got my first schooling. It was built before my earliest recollec-
tion. West was very fleet-footed and but few could outstrip
him."
The log barn built by Alexander West is still standing, but
his house, which stood on the present site of the residence of the
late Lyman Straley, was torn down several years ago.
One Alexander West, was, in 1781, granted a certificate for
"400 acres on the head of Brown's Creek, adjoining land claimed
by Charles Wolf, to include his settlement made in 1772, with a
preemption for 1000 acres adjoining."
If this settler was Alexander West the scout, he was, at the
time of this "settlement," but twelve years old; which is not
improbable. Many of these early "settlements" and "improve-
ments" were made by mere boys, who were grown before it was
possible to secure titles to homesteads on the western waters.
The earliest census of Virginia shows but one Alexander
West in Monongalia County. In 1782 his family consisted of
three; and in 1785 it numbered five persons. (13)
(13) See page 448.
CHAPTER XIII
The histor\- of the Schoolcraft family, of u hich Leonard, wlio
figured in the West traged)' was a member, forms a pathetic page.
It has been general!)' supposed that but one family of this
name settled on the waters of the Upper Alonongahela. This is
an error, as evidenced b\- the record of homestead entries. In
1781, John Schoolcraft was granted a certificate for "400 acres
on Stone Coal Run [creek] adjoining lands of Henry Flesher, to
include his settlement made in 1775." In the same \'ear, James
Schoolcraft obtained certificate for "400 acres on the main fork
of Fink Run, adjoining lands of John Schoolcraft, to include his
settlement made in 1774." A certificate was also granted to
Matthew Schoolcraft for "400 acres on Land Fork [evidently
Sand Fork, in Lewis County] of the Monongahela, to include his
settlement made in 1774."
Austin Schoolcraft was killed b}' Indians near the iiuckhan-
non Fort in 1780, and his niece taken captive. (1)
Hie first notice that we have of the name is when John
Schoolcraft and Jesse Hughes came in close contact with the
Indians who killed Mrs. Freeman on Hacker's Creek in 1778. (2)
The famih' of wliich John was the head, came from central New
York, (3) and is supposed to have settled on Fink's Run, near
the Buckhannon Fort, in 1774 or 1775. This supposition is
strengthened by the knowledge that he owned, or claimed hmd
on that stream, and that he was identified with the Buckhannon
Fort. But evidently he was the same Schoolcraft who made the
homestead entry adjoining the lands of Henry Flesher.
Fate seems to have been against this devoted famil\-. In
the spring of 1779, Leonard, a son sixteen years of age, was cap-
tured by the Indians near Ikickhannon I'Ort and carried into
capti\'it\-. In the autumn of the same year, the Indians surprised
and killed Mrs. Schoolcraft and eight of her children, and carried
two of the small bo\s away captives. In April, 17S1, the last of
the children, three boys, Matthias, Simon and Michael, visited a
pigeon roost on Stone Coal Creek, where passenger pigeons con-
gregated in vast numbers. (4) 4'his was, perhaps, on a small
stream, known as "Pigeon Rocjst," which, however, as claimed
(1) See pat'c 44S. (2) p. 44S. (3) p. 44,s. (4) p. 448.
148 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
by a local resident, did not acquire its name until during the Civil
War. While returning to the fort, they were fired upon by the
Indians; Matthias was killed, and the other two were made prison-
ers. (5) Thus, within two years, this family of sixteen was entirely
broken up. Nine of the children and the mother were killed, five
boys were swept into captivity, while the father disappeared from
the annals of the border. (6) There were many such instances on
the frontier, and these were in a measure responsible for such
characters as Jesse Hughes, William White, John Outright, Lewis
Wetzel and many others. According to Withers, Leonard "turned
renegade," and eight years after his capture we find him in the
Hacker's Creek settlement in the role of an Indian warrior. Pris-
oners who returned from the Indian country reported that three
of the brothers had turned Indian and took part in the forays
against the settlers. (7)
A local tradition worthy of credence accounts for the two
brothers, John and Jacob, so completely lost sight of. They
were carried away when the family was massacred and were held
in captivity until nearly grown. Then they escaped under the
following circumstances:
The lads took kindly to their forest life and often accom-
panied the Indians in their hunting expeditions. In time they
were entrusted with guns and a limited amount of ammunition,
for which they were required to account at the close of each day's
hunt. After determining fully to attempt an escape they con-
trived occasionally to conceal a small quantity of ammunition.
The vigilance of the Indians was such that after several weeks they
had only a few bullets and charges of powder cached. To this
they added a supply of jerk, and one morning they left the Indian
encampment for the ostensible day's hunt, but going in a direction
opposite to their cache, and intended retreat. They soon changed
their course and after securing their hoarded supplies, set out on
their long journey to the settlements, following a well-beaten
Indian trail. All that day and night was spent in travel. The
following morning found the fugitives so fatigued that rest was
a necessity. That their escape had been discovered and they
were being pursued was obvious, but the wary lads baffled their
enemies by clever stratagem.
With an apparent design of concealing their trail, they entered
a stream along which they had been traveling, and wading up its
(5) See page 448. (6) p. 448. (7) p. 449.
Border Settlers oi Nurhiwestern \ ir(,ima 149
bed for some distance, then doubled and carefully passed down
the creek and gained the shore far below where they had left it.
In traveling up the stream they were careful to leave an occasional
light footprint, or other signs by which they could be trailed, hut
when retracing they avoided everything whereby the ruse might
be detected.
In a secluded place, they slept for several hours; then moved
farther and secreted themselves in a cavern in a bluff commanding
a good view of the trail, where the_\' kept constanth' on the look-
out. Towards sundown, a small band of Indians passed in pur-
suit. The following evening, the baffled warriors repassed on
their return home. That night the b()\-s continued their flight,
making a detour and striking the trail several miles ahead. Dur-
ing their entire journey they exercised the greatest caution, never
camping near the path, nor did they kill any game.
In due time, they reached one of the settlements, supposedly
\\ est's Fort. As they approached, they narrowly escaped being
hred upon by some of the settlers who mistook them for Indians.
The lads held their reversed guns aloft and made other demonstra-
tions of peace, when they were received. They made known the
story of their captivit\' and escape, and afterwards proceeded to
the W'appatomaka, where it seems that their father had gone some-
time after the destruction of his family.
Nothing is known of John after his return from captivit)-.
Leonard, Simon and jMichael always remained with the Indians.
Jacob married a Miss Parsons, a daughter of Charles Parsons,
who was killed b}' Indians while descending Shade River in Ohio.
Their children were Aaron, James, John, Alary, Ann and Permelia.
.Aaron settled in Gilmer County, (West) \'irginia, and was a noted
hunter. He killed the last wolf seen in that region. This wolf, a
lonely survivor of his race, had taken refuge in a secluded retreat
known as "The Devil's Den," and had succeeded in eluding the
best hunters and dogs of the surrounding countr\\ Schoolcraft
eventually outwitted the wary animal and took his scalp.
My father, when a boy and carrying the mail through Gilmer
County in the early forties, witnessed a tight between this nimrod's
two dogs and a yearling bear; which, being chased, had taken
refuge in a tree. Schoolcraft, who was hunting his cattle, was
without a gun, and he struck bruin with a rock, causing him to
drop to the ground where he was immediateh' set upon hv tiie
150 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
dogs. They were well trained and knew their business. One
seized the bear by the side of the head while the other fastened
onto its ham; holding themselves in such position that the quarry
could get at them with neither tooth nor paw. But Schoolcraft
fearing that the bear might tear loose and disable the dogs, dis-
patched it with his knife. Aaron Schoolcraft moved to Spruce
Creek, Ritchie County (West), Virginia, in 1852.
There was a William Schoolcraft on the Upper West Fork
River in an early day. He was a son of one of the pioneer School-
crafts, and was a schoolteacher and a noted hunter. He had been
trained in the superstitions of the border, and told weird stories
of the woods. One was his own experience with the ''''Phantom
DeerT This ghostly denizen of the Monongahela and Little Kan-
awha wilderness had often been seen and unwittingly fired at by the
old hunters. I am indebted to Mr. John Strange Hall for the story.
Mr. Schoolcraft stated that while hunting one day, he saw
a large buck standing on a point, or narrow ridge, beyond a deep
gulch that separated him from it. The range was long, but there
was no way of a closer approach without alarming the game. The
hunter was a dead shot, and determined to fire from where he
stood. He did so, and was surprised to find that the deer remained
motionless. He repeated the shot, with the same result. Cha-
grined at his failure, he again took careful and deliberate aim, and
at the report of his rifle, the deer vanished. Reloading his gun,
he went to where the deer had stood, but the most careful search
failed to reveal any signs of the game. The deep snow lay smooth
and unbroken by track or trail. Thinking that he might be mis-
taken in the location, he went back to the place from which he had
fired, and placing his feet in his former tracks, he could see his
trail in the snow to where the deer had stood. He now knew that
he had been firing at the ""Phantom Deer." A strange uncanny
feeling crept over the hunter; he hastened away, and hunted no
more that day. (8)
The following is the declaration of one John Schoolcraft for
pension as Revolutionary soldier: It covers some of the most
stirring incidents in the border strife, and I give it unabridged.
"Lewis County
Virginia
"On this 2Sth day of July, 1833, personally appeared in open court before the
Justice of the County Court of Lewis Co., now sitting, John Schoolcraft a
(8) See page 449.
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia 151
resident of Freeman's Cr., in Lewis Co., V'a., aged 76 years, who being first
duly sworn, etc.
"In the month of February near the last of that month in the year 1777, in
the county of Ohio, he volunteered under Capt. Bilderbock as an Indian spy, and
from Hollidays Fort he traversed the counties bordering on the Ohio r. from
Wheeling fort to Ft. Pitt watching the approach of the savage enemy and notify-
ing the garrisons at Boilings, Hollidays, Wheeling Ft. etc., of threatened danger
of the Indians, but notwithstanding all the vigilance of the Indian spies, the frontier
settlements in the counties of Yahogany, Ohio and Monongalia suffered severely
by the desultory warfare of the Savages. About September 1 of this year a
body of about 400 Indian warriors lay in ambush near Ft. Wheeling showing
a few of their warriors only to the Garrison. A few men under Captain Mason and
Ogal marched out from the Ft. to attack them and soon found themselves enclosed
by a savage body of Indians and nearly every man perished except Capt. Mason
and Capt. Ogal, the former of whom was badly wounded. The Indians led on
by Simon Girty immediately after appeared before the Ft. threatening its
destruction. Intelligence of this invasion soon reached Holliday and Boilings
Forts and declarent under command of Capt. Bilderbock and Col. Swearingen
with a few men who volunteered, embarked in a large canoe and proceeded during
the night down the Ohio r. About daybreak [they] discovered the little
village of Wheeling on fire. (9) After precautionary measures disembarked
and finding the enemy had abandoned the siege proceeded to the ground where
Mason and Ogal's companies were slain, found them cruelly mangled; buried them
and soon after returned to Hollidays Ft. and resumed his business of spying
through the counties aforesaid, which lie continued until Dec. 1, 1777; was then
dismissed having served nine mos. as an Indian spy under the immediate com-
mand of Capt. Bilderbock, subject to the orders of Col. Andrea Swearingen. During
this year's service he became acquainted with Cols. Swearingen, Shepherd, and
Gane (?) (10) who commanded at Ft. Pitt, and CoJ. David W^illlamson who
commanded at Ft. Red Stone in Washington Co., Pa. In the spring he believes
about the last of Feb. or Mar. 1 in the year 1778, he again volunteered as an
Indian spy at the said Hollidays ft. under the command of the said Bilderbock,
was engaged during the spring and summer and fall of this year in spying in
the said country which now compose the counties of Ohio, Brooke and Washing-
ton. He also made several excursions on the n. w. side of the Ohio. An expedi-
tion was made under Genl. Mcintosh into the Indian towns of Muskingdon and
prevented them from carrying on their savage warfare as in the year '77. Genl.
Mcintosh this year built and garrisoned Ft. Mcintosh at the mouth of Big
Beaver Cr. and Fort Lawrence [Fort Laurens] on the Tuscarora [Tuscarawas] R.,
the latter visited in the beginning of winter in this year '78 found it garrisoned with
a few hundred men commanded by Col. Gibson. Toward the last of December '78,
the danger from incursions of the Indians ceasing, declarent was again dismissed,
having served nine mos. as an Indian spy as a private. In the month of April,
1779, he again entered the service of the U. S. as an Indian spy by order of Col.
Zane under command of Capt. Mason and from the fort at Wheeling spied through
the whole country bordering on the Ohio, now Ohio, Brooke and Tyler Cos.,
and also on the opposite side of the Ohio, and on Nov. 30, 1779, was dismissed,
served this year seven months as a private Indian spy. In June 1780 he again
(9) See page 450. (10) p. 450.
152 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
volunteered under Capt. Mason, marched from Wheeling to Ft. Pitt, there joined
the regulars under Capt. Broadhead, was from thence marched up the Allegany
;r. to its fork, then up the North fork thereof to the Munsie Towns; destroyed
their towns, their corn, and cut off a party of warriors that were on their march to
"Westmoreland Co., then retraced their steps to Ft. Pitt, from thence counter-
inarched to Wheeling where he believes in the last of August a large force under
•Col. Broadhead, Col. Zane, and Col. Shepherd rendezvoused, soon afterwards
inarched toward the Indian villages in the forks of Muskingdon River, arrived
at White [Eyes] plains towards the last of September, here discovered 2 Indians,
fired at and wounded them, pushed on rapidly to Coshocton, took it by surprise,
was in consequence of a great rise in the Coshocton prevented from penetrating
farther into the Indian settlements, destroyed their village and corn and then
returned to Wheeling where he arrived in November 1780. (11) Served in the
campaign up the Allegheny to Coshocton under Capt. Mason and Col. Zane, was
in Nov. discharged, having served five months as a private volunteered in
the militia of Ohio Co.
"In the year 1781 declarent moved to Monongalia County. In the spring
1782 volunteered under Capt. Christopher Carpenter as an Indian spy, ranged
the country from McCans Ft. on the west fork river, where he was stationed,.
to the Ohio through the country now composing the counties of Harrison, Lewis,
Wood and Tyler, was on the last of Nov. 1782, dismissed, having served not
less than seven mos. as a private Indian spy.
"In the spring 1783 he was engaged as an Indian spy, served under Capt.
Carpenter at McCans Ft. until peace was declared and for many years afterwards,
but which is not necessary here to mention. In the Rev. War he served
as an Indian spy including the campaign to the Munsie and Coshocton villages
more than three years. He has no documentary evidence by which to prove his
services and knows of no person living whose testimony he can procure to prove
same. He was born near Moorefield in Hampshire, now Hardy County, Va.,
on Feb. 13, 1757, lived there until the year 1774, when he moved to West
Augusta, now Ohio [County], lived in Ohio [County] until the year 1781, then
moved to the west fork of Monongahela r. in Alonongalia, afterwards Harrison^
now Lewis Co., Va., has lived in Lewis ever since.
hie
(Signed) John X Schoolcraft"
mark
Then followed a short statement vouching for Schoolcraft,
signed by P. McCan and James Brown.
In 1834, W. G. Singleton, Special Pension Agent, investigated
Schoolcraft's case and gave the following report:
"Christopher Nutter aged 74, John Reger aged 66, William Powers aged 70,
John Neely and Nicholas Carpenter have all known John Schoolcraft from a boy
and concur in saying, that he is too young by many years to have been in the
war of the Rev. (12)
Respectfully reported,
July 1834. W. G. Singleton, S. Agent."
(11) See page 450. (12) p. 451.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \'ircini.\ 153
B\' rcferrint,' to the border annals, it will he toiind that School-
craft is very correct in regard to the time and places of the events
referred to in his declaration, which bears on its face the impress
of truth, llis dates are not so nearl\- cimfused as in man\- of the
printed records.
Wheeling, or Port llcnr\-, pla\ed an important part in the
Rcx-i'lution. Of the two notable sieges which it withstood, unfor-
tunately the greatest chaos prevails. There are fanciful descrip-
tions of events connected with its investments which really never
did occur. (13) If'ithers, as a recognized authority, is largely
responsible for this; and now it appears as though he derived much
of his information from traditions in the Zane family. I'he
renowned defense of his cabin b_\- Col. h'.benezer Zane and his few
followers, and the "gun powder" exploit by Elizabeth Zane, or
Molly Scott, or both, has been attributed to both of the sieges.
The preference is with that of 1782. Dellass, McKnight and others
favor this date, while Albach is only one of many who agrees with
Lossing that these events took place in the siege of 1777. (14) Of
the siege of 1782, which was the last engagement of the Revolu-
tion where the British Hag was in evidence, Ifithcrs, (15) in part,
says:
"In the first of September, Jt)lin l,\iiii (a celebrated spy and the same who
had been with Capt. Foreman at the time of the fatal ambuscade at Grave cr.),
being engaged in watching the warriors paths, northwest of the Ohio, discovered
the Indians marching with great expedition for Wheeling, and hastening to warn
the inhabitants of the danger which was threatening them, swam the river, and
reached the village, but a little while before the savage army made its appearance.
The fort was at this time without any regular garrison, and depended for defense
exclusively on the exertions of those who sought security within its walls. The
brief space of time which elapsed between the alarm by Lynn, and the arrival
of the Indians, permitted only those who were immediately present to retire into
it, and when the attack was begun to be made, there were not within its palisades,
twenty effective men to oppose the assault. The dwelling house of Col. Ebenezer
Zane, standing about forty yards from the fort, contained the military stores
which had been furnished by the government of Virginia; and as it was admirably
situated as an outpost from which to annoy the savages in their onsets, he resolved
on maintaining possession of it, as well to aid in the defense of the fort, as for the
preservation of the ammunition. Andrew Scott, George Green, Mrs. Zane, Molly
Scott and Miss McCullough, were all who remained with him. The kitchen
adjoining was occupied by Sam (a negro belonging to Col. Zane) and Kate, his
wife. — Col. Silas Zane commanded in the fort. * * *
"When Lynn gave the alarm that an Indian army was approaching, the
fort for some time having been unoccupied by a garrison, and Col. Zane's house
(U) See page 451. (14) p. 451. (15) p. 451.
154 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
being used as a magazine, those who retired into the fortress had to take with
them a supply of ammunition for its defense. The supply of powder, deemed
ample at the time, by reason of the long continuance of the savages, and the repeated
endeavors made by them to storm the fort, was almost entirely exhausted, a few
loads only remaining. In this emergency it became necessary to replenish their
stock from the abundance of that article in Col. Zane's house. * * * "
Withers^ story of Elizabeth Zane's successful run from the
fort to her brother's house to bring powder for the garrison, and
the more plausible claim that the heroine was Alolly Scott, w^hose
family was in the Zane cabin, who ran to the fort to bring powder
from the magazine store room, is here omitted as having no direct
connection with the present narrative. (16) Although the descent
of the Indian Army was swift, it would appear from the foregoing
that Col. Zane with only three men and four women, including
the slave man and his wife, remained in his cabin from choice;
and that such action was necessary for the protection of the mili-
tary supplies stored there. It is hard to conceive why an abun-
dance of ammunition should be kept in this isolated and weakly
garrisoned dwelling, while the fort was so scantily supplied with
this most essential means of defense. It is not reasonable that
such disposition was deliberately planned by men with the experi-
ence of the Zanes; but was rather the result of surprise. This view
is strengthened when we consider that there were not to exceed
twenty men at the fort, and that the Indian force was known to
be great. About three o'clock that afternoon the trail of, sup-
posedly, two hundred warriors had been discovered near the fort,
and Capt. John Boggs was immediately sent to alarm the settlers
and bring re-enforcements. Added to this the fact that the walls
of the stockade were not in condition to withstand a heavy assault,
it certainly appears very unmilitary to have divided the strength
of the defense by retaining possession of the outstanding cabin.
Capt. Boggs had not proceeded more than one mile and a half
before he heard the boom of the fortress swivel gun and the sound
of a rifle, attesting that the attack had begun. Soon after his
departure, Ebenezer AlcColloch on his way from VanMeter's
Fort on Short Creek, had reached within half a mile of Wheeling
when he was deterred from venturing nearer by the heavy firing
around that stockade. (17) The report of Col. Zane himself
denotes with what rapidity the enemy moved.
(16) See page 451. (17) p. 451.
Border Settlers ov Xorthw estern \ irginia 155
'Wheeling, September 17, 17X2.
Sir: —
*'0n the evening of the lltli instant, a body of the enemy appeared in sight
of our garrison. They immediately formed their lines round the garrison, paraded
British colors, and demanded the fort to be surrendered, which Was refused. About
twelve o'clock at night they rushed hard on the pickets in order to storm, but were
repulsed. They made two other attempts to storm before day, but to no purpose.
"About S o'clock next morning, there came a negro from them to us and
informed us that their force consisted of a British captain and forty regular soldiers
and two hundred and sixty Indians. The enemy kept a continual fire the whole
day. About ten o'clock at night, they made a fourth attempt to storm to no
better purpose than the former. The enemy continued around the garrison until
the morning of the 13th instant, when they disappeared. Our loss is none.
Daniel Sullivan, who arrived here in the first of the action, is wounded in the foot.
" I believe they have driven the greatest part of our stock away, and might.
1 think, be soon overtaken."
(Col. Ebenezer Zane to Irvine.) (18)
But the strongest evidence that the inmates of Zane's cabin
did not remain from choice, is that contained in the declaration
for pension, of one of its defenders, Robert Scott. While Scott
gives the date of the siege (as remembered) 1778, and the house
that of "Lane," there can be no doubt that it was the siege in
question, whether 1777, or 1782; and that Lane appears instead
of Zane, through a misunderstanding of the recorder. Scott's
declaration was given in Cjallatin County, Kentucky, and is of
such moment that I give it unabridged and in the original.
"On October 15, 183.3, personally appeared before me, etc., Robert Scott
aged 69 years, who upon oath makes the following statement: That he entered
the U. S. service under the following named officers and served as herein stated,
that is to say in very early times his father moved from Pa. where declarent
was born, to the fort at Wheeling in Va. and carried declarent and family with
him, that he continued at said fort until early in the spring of 1781, that whilst
he was at the fort at Wheeling the Indians were very troublesome, and during
the Rev. War the said fort was attacked whilst the declarent was there on two
different occasions. Upon the last occasion, deponent thinks it was in 1778, there
were only about 15 persons in this fort and declarent was in the house of Mr.
Lanes with his family, just on the outside of the fort, and the descent of the
Indians was so sudden and unexpected that the persons in the house were
compelled to remain in it and make the best defense they could; he states he
assisted in its defense actively and the siege of the house and fort continued
about three days, and the Indians retired without taking either. That although he
was quite a boy at the time, his services continued to be required to assist in
defense of the place and frontier immediately adjoining until he moved from
there in the spring 1781, — that he was not idle nor indeed could he be, for self-
(18) See page 451.
156 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
preservation required the utmost vigilance of all. He states that in Mar., 1781,
as well as he remembers, having moved from Wheeling to Jefferson Co., Ky.,
he entered the service of the U. S. as a private volunteer soldier under Capt. Floyd
at Floyd's station on Bear Grass in Jefferson Co., Ky., and he there remained
as a part of the garrison of the fort at that place from the month of Mar. 1781
till Aug. 1781, embracing a period of five months, during all which time he served
faithfully as a part of the garrison of that place and in scouting parties against
the Indians.
"He further declares that in Aug. 1781, he again entered the U. S. service
as a private volunteer soldier upon a tour of six months in Capt. Floyd's Company
and joined Genl. Clarke at the Falls of the Ohio upon an expedition to Vincennes,
that he marched with the troops upon said expedition and continued with' them
until his return, actively engaged in the service and upon the return of the expedi-
tion to the falls of Ohio he there was kept in garrison till the expiration of his
said term of service; he then returned to Floyd's Station where he was again im-
mediately enrolled under Capt. Floyd as a part of the garrison of that place
where he continued under Capt. Floyd actively employed against the Indians
until Dec, 1782, that he was engaged in many skirmishes and scouting
parties against them during his service and encountered much hardship, difficulty
and fatigue and danger, and that in the year 1782 he served as above named after
the expiration of tour under Genl. Clarke no less than nine months. (19)
"He continued at the fort at Floyd's Station during the winter 1782 and
spring 1783, and that in April 1783 he was again enrolled under Capt. Floyd as
a volunteer soldier and continued at the said fort as a part of its garrison not less
than six months ending in Oct. 1783, that there was not as much disturbance
during the year 1783 from the Indians as there was the preceding year, but that
his services were as unremittant during this year as any other year.
"He states that during the Revolution he was young and he is now old and
his memory does not serve him in relation to the minute circumstances of his
service, but he knows he did not serve as a private soldier against the Indians
in the war of the Revolution less than 26 months, and for that service he claims
pension. He states that he has no documentary evidence and that he knows
of no person who can testify to his services.
(Signed) Robert Scott."
"John Foster and Frederick Coghill testified that Scott was
reHable and believed by the neighborhood to have been in the
Revolutionary War.
In all his enlistments Scott was a volunteer. After going to
Kentucky, he lived in Jefferson County, in the midst of Indian
troubles for about ten years and then moved to Henry County,
same State, where he resided for about six years. Then he went
to Gallatin County, where he still resided in 1833. He was granted
a pension of 330.00 a year. Born in Pennsylvania, 1764.
(19) See page 452.
CHAPTFR XIV
W'c come again to a period of several years, in which we hear
nothing of Jesse Hughes. This, however, is true of many of his
noted contemporaries during the same interval.
Jesse Hughes went hunting for service berries near his home
on Hacker's Creek, and at the same time, two Indians were hunt-
ing for Jesse. Finding a tree loaded with berries, he was soon
ensconced among its branches regaling himself with the delicious
fruit; when suddenly two warriors appeared under the tree and
exultingly exclaimed that they "had him," and laughing at his
predicament, called to him to "come down, give up; Injun no
hurt." Realizing that he was trapped, and in order to gain time
to formulate some plan of escape, he effected a nonchalant air,
and requested that they would allow him to eat a few more berries
before descending. At the same time he began to break oiT small
branches ladened with berries and toss them to his captors. The
Indians, desiring to take him prisoner, and wishing to show their
good intentions towards him, complied, and were soon enjoying
the rich fruit. The tree stood on the brow of a steep bluff, or
deep gully, and Jesse, with ever}' faculty alert, cautiously and
slowly drew the Indians away from the tree by skillfull}' dropping
the branches further and further down the declivity. At last
getting them as far awa}' as possible or prudence would allow, he
suddenly leaped from the tree, landing in an opposite direction.
Before the astonished braves could fire upon him, Jesse had van-
ished like a flash over the brow of the bluff, and was soon lost to
sight in the deep forest. The Indians, knowing from experience
the utter futility of pursuit, made no attempt to recapture him.
A Mrs. Straley, who lived near West's Fort, related that
when she was a little girl she went to hunt some sheep that had
strayed from home, and getting lost on the West Fork, she
remained all night alone in the wilderness. Next morning, get-
ting her bearings, she started home, and met fesse searching for
her.
Somewhere on the waters of the West Fork River, two
Indians were tired upon by the settlers, and one killed. The
other badly wounded, made off. A part}- went in pursuit, and
158
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
found him lying in a tangle
of brush. As they ap-
proached, he greeted them
kindly, and the men were
inclined to mercy, but Jesse
Hughes who came up a little
later, tomahawked and
scalped the helpless warrior,
accompanying his work
with many profane exple-
tives. This was a distinct
incident from the Morgan-
Indian tragedy at Pricket's
Fort in 1779, referred to
elsewhere in this volume.
It was during this pe-
riod that Jesse went very
early one morning, to bring
in a horse which had been
in a pasture some distance
from his cabin.
He arrived at the edge of the field just as day was
breaking. Ever cautious, the wary scout paused to reconnoi-
ter the premises before venturing into the open. Peering
through his leafy screen, Jesse saw his horse, a spirited black, flying
across the field pursued by a young Indian. The scout, who had
on more than one occasion measured speed and endurance with
fleet-footed warriors, was amazed and startled to see this Indian
outstrip the frantic steed. But, owing to the dread in which the
horse of the white man held Indians, this wild runner could not
seize or fasten upon the coveted prize. It was yet too dark for
Hughes to use his rifle with any degree of accuracy. So, from, his
place of concealment, he watched this chase in the dusk of the
departing night. But the day grew, and soon the silence was
broken by the crash of the scout's deadly rifle, and before the
answering echoes had ceased to reverberate through the valley,
the swiftest runner of the Monongahela was lying still in death.
One cannot but feel regret at the tragic death of this bronzed
athlete, who was seemingly alone and bent on no bloody designs
Indian Spring
Photographed by Mr. Percy E. Lawson, 1906
BoRDKR Settlers ok Nortiiw i:sii;r.\ X'irgima
159
against the st-tt Icmciil
nierelv come
IJke the untamed llighlander, he liaJ
"To spoil the spoiler as we may,
And from the robber rend tlic prey."
He was apparent!}' tr}'ing to collect in his own way the poor
tithe regarded as justly his from the robber-like usurpers of his
country.
Indians sometimes came into the settlement alone. It was
not uncommon for a young brave to go singly in quest of horses or
scalps. If successful, his reputation as a warrior was assured. I
have often heard the northwestern tribes narrate incidents of this
nature. The one shot through the shoulder by West in the held
just st)ulh of the old Henry McW horter cabin, near "Beech Fort,"
(1) was a straggler of this kind. This Indian, badly wounded
made off, and as was afterwards learned by following his trail, he
stopped at a spring on the hillside, on what is now the Nicholas
Alkire farm, about two miles up Hacker's Creek, near the mouth
of Life's Run, and bathed his wound.
This spring has since been known as Indian Spring. After
dressing his wound, the Indian went perhaps a mile further, and
crept into a cleft in the rocks, where his dead hod}- was afterwards
found. This ridge-cliff, known as
"Indian Rock," is on the farm
now owned b}^ Jesse Lawson, on
Life's Run, a branch of Hacker's
Creek.
The settlers on the upper
waters of the IMonongahela often
went in canoes and flat-boats to
Fort Pitt, where they exchanged
skins, furs, jerked venison, and
other products of the wilderness
for ammunition and necessaries.
Jesse Hughes and Henr}' McW hor-
ter made a trip together. One
da}- the}- jnit ashore where a
number of children were pla}'ing. Anoihir \ ii;\v of Indian Spring
among them a little Indian bo}-. IMiotograplied I'^IO
(1) See pape 452.
160
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
The incident which followed I will give in McWhorter's own
words.
"The instant that Jesse caught sight of the little Indian boy
his face blazed with hatred. I saw the devil flash in his eye, as
feigning great good humor, he called out, 'Children, don't you
want to take a boat ride.'" Pleased with a prospective glide over
Indian Rock — Looking East
Photographed 1910
the still waters of the Alonongahela, one and all came running
towards the boat. Perceiving Hughes' cunning ruse to get the
little Indian into his clutches, I picked up an oar, and gruffly
ordering the children away, quickly shoved the boat from the
bank. When safely away, I turned to Hughes and said, 'Now,
Jesse, ain't you ashamed.'" 'What have I done.'" he sullenly
asked. 'What have you done.'' why, you intended to kill that
little Indian boy. I saw it in your every move and look, the
moment you got sight of the little fellow\' 'Yes,' he said, 'I
intended when we got into mid-stream to stick ray knife in him
and throw him overboard.' When I remonstrated with him about
this, he said, 'Damn it, he's an Injun!' "
Brutal.'' Yes; but let us not deal too harshly with the mem-
ory of Jesse Hughes, whose only schooling was that acquired upon
a bloody frontier. Naturally such a training was void of sentiment.
It contained not the elements of charity or mercy. It was narrow,
cramped and selfish. It saw only the smouldering ruins of the
settler's cabin, its scalped inmates; the helpless. swept into captiv-
HoRDFR Settlers of Xortiiwkstkrn Xircinia
161
ity, with visions of the gauiulet and the torture stake. The
whites beHeved their own actions justifiable and in the interests
of their civiHzation. The conquest of a country has always
brought about the possibility of barbarous conditions, (2) and but
comparatively few of our frontiersmen have possessed the sturdi-
ness of purpose to avoid the inhuman actions prompted by them.
But there were two sides. The Indians were cruelly wronged.
They were deceived, defrauded and treacherously dealt with.
Their lands were encroached upon, in gross violation of solemn
treat}' rights. Their game was destroyed. Friendlies were shot
down without provocation, and entire families and bands of
hunters were murdered, in the fastnesses of their own domain.
There were schemes promulgated, and I believe employed, by
those high in authority, for the indiscriminate destruction of the
Indians, far more hellish than those ever dreamed of by the (3)
wilderness warrior. We should be just and place where they
belontr the various causes for the brutalities enacted on the border.
Indian Rock — Looking West
Photographed 1910
(2) See page 452. {?>) p 452
CHAPTER XV
The first permanent settlement on theUpper Alonongahela was
in 1769, on the Buckhannon River. This colony, from the earliest
records that we find, has always borne the name of the stream on
which it is located. The name is supposed to be that of some his-
toric white person — but who.^ (1) There is no one of a similar
name to be found in connection with, the first years of the settle-
ment. Records bearing the date of 1781 show that the river then
bore practically the same name as at present. This has been
spelled in various ways at different periods, -some of the modes
being Buchanan, Buckanon, Buck-Hannan, Buchannon, Buck-
hannon.
While a few of these forms may be due to carelessness or
ignorance on the part of the writers, not all of them are so. There
are no logical grounds for supposing the name to be that of a white
person. The origin of most of the prominent topographical names
of that region can be accounted for, but history is silent as to the
source of the name of this stream. The fort at Buckhannon was
built by John Bush in 1773, but it has usually been referred to by
the early chroniclers as the "Buchannon Fort," or the "Fort at
Buchannon." There can be but one conclusion — the river was
named prior to or contemporary with the settlement made there
in 1769. The only knowledge that we have of the origin of the
name is contained in a statement left by John Cutright, the last
surviving scout of western Virginia. Cutright secured his infor-
mation directly from Pringles of the sycamore, the first known
white men to enter the Buckhannon Valley.
"While the Pringles were domiciled in the mighty sycamore
at the mouth of Turkey Run," said Cutright, "there was an Indian
village located at or near the mouth of the river. The chief of
the Indians of that village was Buck-on-go-ha-non, renowned in
the border v.'ars of the times. The first white settlers conferred
the name of this chief to the beautiful stream on which he lived."
It has been conceded by historians generally, and maintained
by pioneers universally, that in the region between the Allegheny
Mountains and the Ohio River, in the present bounds of West
Virginia, there were a few villages inhabited by bands of those
(1) See page 452.
Border Settlers of Xortiiw kstkrn X'irginia 163
tribes living principalh' north (»t the Ohio. Most of these villages
were deserted upon the approach of the white settlements, and
the inhabitants joined their people in the country northwest of
the Ohio River. A few, however, remained until the settlements
had grown numerous.
IVithers says:
"Between the .\lleghen\' niouiUains and the Uliio River, within ihe present
limits of Virginia, there were some villages interspersed, inhabited by small numbers
of Indians; the most of whom retired northwest of that riv'er, as the tide of emi-
gration rolled towards it. Some however remained in the interior, after settle-
ments began to be made in their vicinity." (2)
The same writer in giving the causes that led to the destruc-
tion of the Tygart and Files settlements near Beverly in 1754,
states:
"The difficulty of procuring bread stuffs for their families, their contiguity
to an Indian village, and the fact that an Indian war path passed near their dwel-
lings, soon determined them to retrace their steps." (3)
Again in depicting the imminent perils that constantly hov-
ered around the lonely retreat of the Pringles:
"In the vicinit)' of a savage foe, the tomahawk and scalping knife were ever
present to their imaginations. "(4)
By some writers, however, these Indian habitations are termed
"Mythical," but I find no good reasons for such inference. It is
evident from personal observation, that there were Indian habita-
tions of some magnitude in portions of this region, especialh' on
Hacker's Creek, in quite recent historic times. This topic has
been briefly noted in Chapters V and VI of this volume.
The summary by irithers does not necessarily denote a long
continuous occupancy by Indians, (5) but it certainly is conclusive
that there were resident Indians in that region contemporary with
Tygart, Files and the Pringles. Xot onh' were the latter in close
proximity to an Indian village but, as shown in the ninth chapter
of this volume, they even forayed against their red neighbors.
The distance from the T}'gart and Files settlement to the
mouth of the Buckhannon is only about thirty-five miles, and it is
more than probable that somewhere in the lower part of this
valley was located the village referred to by U'itlwrs, and was the
same where the Pringles purloined the bag of dried buffalo meat.
Evidently this settlement was transient, that of a periodical hunt-
(2) Sec page 453. (3) p. 453. (4) p. 453. (5) p. 453.
164 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
ing band, and was doubtless composed of Delawares living on the
Miami and White Rivers in Ohio and Indiana, whose chief and
head warrior was Buckongahelas. (6)
This chieftain was a fearless warrior, and tradition credits
him with having led some of the war parties against the Virginia
border. This may be true; he opposed the settling of the Trans-
Allegheny, but nowhere can there be ascribed acts of cruelty in
the warfare of this lofty-minded chieftain. With his ability as a
warrior, was coupled a humane heart and a noble purpose. He
sought not the injury of non-combatants, nor did he rejoice in the
effusion of blood. He struck only in the defense of his outraged
people. His prowess was felt in the French and Indian War of
1763. He assisted the British in the Revolution (7) and helped
Little Turtle plan his attack on St. Clair. He was a signer of the
Treaty of Greenville and other subsequent treaties. With the
earlier exploits of this great warrior fresh in the minds of the set-
tlers, and the fact that his village was pitched on the banks of the
river, it was natural that this stream should have been given his
name. From Buckongahelas to Buckongehanon and Buckonhan-
non would have been an easy transition for the uneducated and
careless speaking pioneers. As time went on and new settlers
came and records were made, it was an easy matter to still corrupt
the fine old Indian name to the English Buchannon, Buckhannan
and finally Buckhannon.
So deeply has the name of Buckongahelas become woven into
the legends and traditions of the Virginia border, that to this day
his name is mentioned in connection with. a supernatural appari-
tion which is said to occasionally startle the inhabitants of the
Roaring Creek and Middle Fork countries. (8)
The following story has recently (1903) gone the rounds of
the press. The reader will notice the slight variation in the name
of the chief, and the usual exaggeration in the portrayal of Indian
character:
"That most daring, vindictive and determined of Indian chiefs, Buch-on-
ga-ha-la, whose violent and murderous bands alarmed, terrified and exterminated
whole settlements through this state 125 years ago, on and after an occasion of a
savage raid, like the destruction of the Bozarth family or the wholesale murder of
all the whites on Files Creek, made his camp fires frequently on the waters of
Roaring Creek and Middle Fork, where he said evil spirits dwelt. Middle Fork,
a settlement near Belington, reports a very troublesome ghost. It appeared to
a party of young folks who were out enjoying the fine sleighing the other evening
(6) See page 454. (7) p. 454. (8) p. 454.
B()1<1)1:K Sl'.TTl.KRS Ol XdRTllW KSTERN \ IR(iINI.\ 165
and frightened ladies, gentlemen and horses out of their wits. 'I'his giiost has
the right of way between the battle field of Rich Mountain and the bridge over
the Middle P'ork River. The nocturnal visits of this frightful unearthly appari-
tion have occurred as far back as the oldest settler of Roaring Crock can remember.
Buchongahela, the Indian chief who commanded the war parties from Ohio that
made the raids on the settlements of Virginia, said that the evil Manitou inhabited
the wilderness of Roaring Creek and Middle Fork."
It is hardly necessar\- to say that Buckongahelas could not
have led the warriors who destroyed the Bozarth family. This
chieftain, with his followers arrived at Greciu'ille, June 21, 1795,
and remained there, participating in the treaty that was made
August 3, of that year. The Bozarth tragedy did not occur until
mid-summer, and the raiding warriors returned onl\' in time to
deliver up their prisoners at that treat}'. (9)
Buckongahelas was present, hut did not sign the treat}' made
at Fort Mcintosh, Pa., in 1785. He signed the treaty of June 7,
1803, at Fort Wayne, Indiana; and the treat}' of August 18, 1804,
at V^incennes, Indiana; with wliich his name disappears from the
border annals. lie is supposed to have died soon after the
Treaty of Vincennes.
It is hard to conceive of a more lofty spirit than possessed by
this proud, virtuous chieftain. At the Treat}' of Fort Mcintosh,
he wholly ignored the other peace dignitaries, and stepping up to
General Clark, took him by the hand and spoke:
" I thank the great spirit for having this day brought together two such great
warriors as Buckongehelas and General Clark." * * *
"This man possessed all the qualifications of a hero; no Christian knight was
ever more scrupulous in performing all his engagements than the renowned
Buckongehelas." (10)
"Buckingehelas, a very distinguished war chief of the Dclawares, lived some
years subsequent to my agency for that nation, died on White River Indiana
prior to the final removal of the tribe to the S. W. of Missouri. My impres-
sion is that this chief had no male descendants in a direct line living at the time
of his decease, he probably had no superior as a warrior and orator. I first remem-
ber to have seen this chief about the year 1800 when on a visit to the President
of the United States." (11)
"Buckingehelas is doubtless the same as quoted b\- Ileckwelder by Broadhead
and others, as we had but one Washington so the Delawares had but one Buck-
ingehelas, a great warrior, chief and councillor, whose prowess in war and wisdom
and actions in peace overshadowed that of all others, his name descended to no
other." (12)
"Buckingehelas is said to have somewhat resembled Franklin in his physiog-
(9) See page 4.U. (10) p. 4=;4. (Ill \\ 4=:4. (12) p. 454.
166
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
nomy. He was about 5 feet 10 inches high, strong, & of powerful muscle.
Universally esteemed & greatly lamented.
"Buckingehelas figured conspicuously in the French War of '63. About 80
when he died." (13)
Early in the eighteenth century, there was, among the Sen-
ecas, a very old warrior, whose name was Buck-in-je-hil-lish. He
was a great councilor, and one day attended a war council, and
declared that none but the ignorant made war, and the wise men
and the warriors had to do the fighting. For this reflective speech,
and because of his unprecedented age, and that he could give no
good reason why he had not died, he was pronounced a witch, and
sentenced to be tomahawked by a boy, which was immediately
done. (14) This tragedy took place about the time that Buck-
ongehelas, the Washington of the Delawares, was born; or when
he was a very small lad.
(13) See page 454. (14) p. 454.
CHAPTER XVI
It is regrettable that so little is known in regard U) the dimen-
sions and characteristics of the forts erected on the Virginia border.
Barring, perhaps, Fort Henry at Wheeling, it is doubtful if there
is at this time sufficient data to insure a lucid reproduction of any
one of the several forts which stood between the Alleghenies and
the Ohio. The early historian evidently did not regard it of suf-
ficient importance to give a minute description of those important
places of defense. Constructed entirely of wood, they have long
since crumbled to dust. So complete has been their demolition,
that in most cases there remains not a vestige of their ruins.
John Bush built his fort at Buckhannon on land now owned
b} Major J. \V. Heavner. It is not probable that it was more
than a blockhouse when first constructed, but after the breaking
out of Dunmore's War it was enclosed by a stockade. This
stockade was of logs, one end planted firmly in the ground. Large
quantities of stone once marked the site of this fort. Since owned
by Alajor Heavner, not less than one hundred and fifty wagon-
loads have been hauled from its ruins, and it is not known how
many were previously removed. For what purpose such quanti-
ties of stone were used, can only be conjectured. The stockade
could not have been reinforced by a secondary, or interior, wall of
earth and stone. It was not built to resist the assaults of artillery,
for none were employed by either of the combatants along this
region of the frontier.
In Chapter XXI reference is made to the vast amount of
stone used in the chimney and in "chinking" the Tanner house
near W'est's Fort. This fort-like house was erected for a private
dwelling, yet was sufficiently strong to resist the assaults of the
Indians. In the construction of a fort where it was expected at
times that an entire settlement would take refuge, the building
would be on a more colossal scale. If Bush's Fort was built with
two such chimneys as that of the Tanner house — which is not
improbable — it would be easy to account for this stone, to say
nothing of that used for the foundation and chinking. It is to be
regretted that the ruins of this fortress were not left inviolate to
future generations.
168 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Cut 1 — Site of the Buckhannon Fort and Little Indian Knob*
Miss Josephine L. MacAvoy, Photographer, 1909
The fort stood on a slight eminence or flat on the north side
of the valley, but the location could hardly be termed strategic.
The palisade is supposed to have enclosed a half acre or more of
ground, which would include the most of the flat. This flat is
flanked on the north by "Little Indian Knob," shown in Cut 1.
The foreground is the fort site, completely commanded by
the knob.
The figure on the brow of "Little Lidian Knob" {Cut 1) is
that of a six-foot man. Just over the summit, on the east side of
this knob, is still to be seen a slight depression where once grew
a large poplar tree, behind which an Indian stood one morning,
gently tinkling a bell taken from a cow for the purpose of decoying
some one from the fort. A young girl went to bring the supposed
cow, and escaped capture only by the opportune discovery of the
ruse. From this incident the knob was named.
The party shown on the right {Cut 1) is standing in a depres-
*Owing to the loss of negatives (Cuts 1 and 2), it was impossible to give better
illustrations. The party standing in the old well depression (Cut 1) is not visible.
BoRDKR SeTTLLRS OF NoRTMWKSTKRX \'lR(;iNI.\
169
sion which was evidently the fort well. A cellar scjme fourteen
feet h\- twenty feet in size was located about twenty-eight feet
southeast of tlie well. This cellar is supposed by some, not to
have been within the stockade, and was the "outbuilding" where
a few of the settlers were forced to take refuge from Timoth\- Dcjr-
iiian and the Indians after the fort was burned in 1782. (1) It is
hard to conceive, however, why a store room of this class would
be constructed without the enclosure. It was built in the side of
the hill just below the brink of the fiat, and walled with cobble-
stone. There is a graded entrance way on the south. The ruins
of this cellar are shown in Cut 3. The location of the well is desig-
nated by a stake in the background, where the horse is standing.
There was a spring under the western flank of "Little Indian
Knob," and about twenty-eight steps north of the center of the
fiat, or fort site. At present this spring is little more than a marsh,
or wet bog.
Cut 2 taken from the same point as Cut 1 (southwest part of
the fort site) shows the Heavner Cemeter}' and "Big Indian Knob"
(.'«/ J — Big Indian Knuis and mil IIl.vwnlk Clmlilkv, I.udkinl; \\ Lsr i ku.\i
THE BUCKHANNON FoRT
MacAvoy, 1909
• 1) See pace 454.
170 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
to the west. This point, jutting out from the main ridge, com-
mands a fine view of the entire country, and it was here that the
Indians sometimes came to spy on the fort, hence the name.
The fort stood about two hundred and seventy-five paces
from a point on the river where a mill was built, supposedly by
Col. George Jackson. The date of its erection is not known to
me. Withers speaks of a mill there in 1782. (2) The dam was
Cut 3 — Ruins of the Old Cellar, Buckhannon Fort
MacAvoy, 1909
constructed of logs and stone, and within the memory of the pres-
ent generation itwas in a fair state of preservation. Traces of it are
still seen at low water mark just below the Heavner Ford. Marks
of the "race" are plainly visible in the north bank of the river.
On the south side, the river sweeps the rocky base of a precipitous
hill. This mill was evidently destroyed at an early day, probably
immediately after the fort was burned, or as soon as the whites
completely abandoned the settlement, after Capt. White was
killed in 1782. It was not rebuilt, the settlers going to Nutter's
Fort for their grinding until Henry McWhorter built his mill at
(2) See page 454.
I'xiRDKR SkTTI.ERS OF XoRTIlW KSTKRN \ IRCIMA 171
W esl'sFort, about 1790. !"'or iiian\- \cars llic IJuckhaniion country
patronized the McW hortcr mill.
, In the early nineties there was an occurrence of some magnitude
at the Buckhannon Fort, which has never been chronicled. Withers
declares that this settlement was exempt from Indian incursions
from 1782 to 1795, when the Bozarths were killed. (3) This is a
mistake. That the incident did occur is conclusive, and evidence
of a trustwDTth}- character places it near the close of Indian hos-
tilities on the border. John Cutright, one of the actors, gave the
facts to Colonel Henry W'cstfall, whose manuscript was destroyed
b\- tire.
Through scouts, said the Westfall manuscript, word reached
the settlements that a large body of Indians were advancing
against the Hacker's Creek region, and a party left the Buckhan-
non Fort for the purpose of aiding West's Fort, where the settlers
took refuge in case of an attack, or raid. When the party had
reached the place now occupied by the Baptist Cemetery, about
one and one-fourth miles below where the fort stood, they encoun-
tered a band of Indians. The meeting was a mutual surprise,
and immediately all on both sides "treed." A sharp skirmish
ensued, and two Indians were killed; one said to be the chief, was
shot by Jesse Hughes. John Cutright was in this fight, sporting
a brand-new shot-pouch, which was badly rent by a ball and its
contents scattered on the ground. The Indians were routed, and
in the short pursuit made by the whites, Cutright was left behind.
\\ hen the party came back, he was sitting on a log stolidly mend-
ing his damaged shot-pouch, embellishing his crude work with an
occasional emphatic expletive. None of the whites were killed.
This anecdote of Cutright is similar to that reported by Dellass,
of the German, Phouts. (4)
A tradition handed down in the Reger family, declares that
it was Jacob Reger, Jr., a scout, who anticipated the Indians in
this raid, and by his prowess and heroic exertion prevented what
might have been a repetition of former tragedies. Through the
kindness of Mrs. Lee A. Heavner, of Buckhannon, I am enabled to
give this traditionary account of the fight, as found in a manuscript
among the papers left by her father, Rev. John Reger, a grandson
of John Reger, Sr., who was in the skirmish with the hulians.
"It was near the close of Indian hostilities on the border and in a time of com-
parative peace," says the tradition, "when Jacob Repcr, Jr., who was scoiitinp
(3) See pape 4.vv (4) p. 455.
172 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
on the Ohio River, came one day upon the trail of a considerable body of Indians,
who had but recently crossed to the Virginia side. This discovery aroused his
suspicions to the highest pitch. Cautiously advancing, he came suddenly upon
an Indian sitting with his back against a tree, sleeping, or given over to abandon
and ease s-afe in false security, Reger was a man of most wonderful strength,
backed with courage utterly devoid of fear. Prompted b^' the hope of learning
the goal of the war party, as he believed it to be, he conceived the idea of cap-
turing the recumbent warrior.
"Stealthily approaching, he sprang upon and securely fastened the astonished
brave before he could make any resistance or outcry. Reger then made him under-
stand that if he would reveal the destination of the Indians his life would be spared;
if not his scalp would soon dangle at the white man's belt. With certain death
hovering over him should he refuse to comply, the captive declared that the ob-
jective point of the party was the Buckhannon settlement. (5) Reger was endowed
with the highest sense of honor, and not deigning to violate his compact to spare
the life of his prisoner, he disarmed him, and covering him with his rifle, compelled
him to swim to the Ohio side of the river.
"Reger then made rapid strides for the settlement, and on the evening of
the second day arrived at West's Fort greatlj^ exhausted. In consequence of
recent heavy rains, the intervening rivers and creeks were flooded, and had to be
crossed by swimming.
"Jesse Hughes volunteered to go on to the Buckhannon Fort that night and
in the meantime West's Fort was put in the best possible state of defense. Upon
the arrival of Hughes at the Buckhannon Fort, preparations were immediately
made for a stout resistance. There were about thirty men soon gathered at the
fort, including several from Clarksburg, among whom was Elias Hughes. A
well within the stockade insured plenty of water, and the magazine was stocked
with ammunition. Elias Hughes was chosen commander; and the scouts sent
out soon reported that Indians, to the number of forty, were advancing by way of
Brushy Fork Run. A hurried council of war was held, and it was determined to
ambush the Indians, and the spot chosen was where a ravine or drain breaks into
the river where the Baptist cemetery now is.
"A desperate conflict ensued, the result of which for a time hung in the balance,
each party fighting from behind trees. An attempt by the Indians to flank their
enemy under cover of the river bank was detected by Jesse Hughes, and frustrated.
The Indian chief, in animating his warriors by personal bravery, exposed himself
to Jesse's aim and he fell to rise no more. Jesse was most active in the fight,
flitting from tree to tree like an evil bird of the woods; he seemed to anticipate
every move of the enemy.
"John Reger, brother of Jacob, was also a conspicuous figure in this battle.
Observing that with great regularity bullets from a certain point whistled uncom-
fortably near, he soon located his disagreeable neighbor, and silenced him with a
shot. (6) When their chief fell, the warriors made a dash to recover his body,
but were driven back and routed,"
"This battle," concludes the tradition, "was the bloodiest
fought on the Buckhannon, and the last attempt of the Indians
against this fort."
(5) See page 455. (6) p. 455.
Border Settlers of Xorthwestern \ ir(;ini.\
173
I'A'idcnU}' llicrc is irulh in lliis traLlilion, l)ul in ihc lapse (A
lime, error has crept in as to the magnitude of the affair, and the
original point of attack as intended by the Indians. The narrative
agrees with the manuscript version of Colonel \\ estfall, who got
it from John Cutright, that there was a tight at the place men-
tioned, perhaps the only one of importance that ever took, place
in that settlement. It would be in keeping with the character of
Jacob Roger to have spared the capti\c Indian, as alleged. He
never shed human blood when it was possible to avoid it. (7)
The Pifkk Mill
Kindness of Dr. E. B. Alkire
Built on the Buckhannun River, six miles below Buikluiniioii, //'. J'a., about
1834. JVas in use until the beginning of the present century. Dismantled in l'M)S
and rebuilt as a fishing camp near the original location.
But little is known of the life of John Bush, who gave his
name to the fort at Buckhannon. In 1781 he received a certificate
for 200 acres on the Buckhannon River to include his impro\ement
made in 1773. JVulwrs gives two incidents in connection with
John Bush. In speaking of events when the Buckhannon settle-
ment was broken up in 1782, (8) he says:
"While some of the inhabitants of that settlement were enj.'agcd in niovin>r
their property to a fort in Typart's \'a!!c)' (the others reniovini: to Nutter's Kort
(7) See page 458. (S) p. 45S.
174 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
and Clarksburg), they were fired upon by a party of savages, and two of them,
Michael Hagle and Elias Paynter, fell. The horse on which John Bush was riding
was shot through; yet Bush succeeded in extricating himself from the falling
animal, and escaped though closely pursued by one of the savages. Several
times the Indian following him, would cry out to him, 'Stop, and you shall not be
hurt — if you do not, I will shoot you,' and once Bush, nearly exhausted, and in despair
of getting off, actually relaxed his pace for the purpose of yielding himself a prisoner,
when turning round he saw the savage stop also, and commence loading his gun.
This inspired Bush with fear for the consequences, and renewing his flight he
made his escape. Edward Tanner, a mere youth was soon taken prisoner, and
as he was being carried to their towns, met between twenty and thirty savages,
headed by Timothy Dorman, proceeding to attack Buckhannon Fort. Learning
from him that the inhabitants were moving from it, and that it would be abandoned
in a few days, the Indians pursued their journey with so much haste, that Dorman
had well nigh failed from fatigue. They arrived however, too late, for the accom-
plishment of their bloody purpose; the settlement was deserted, and the inhabitants
safe within the walls of other fortresses." (9)
In dealing with occurrences on the border the spring following
General Harmar's campaign against the Indians in September
1790, the same writer says:
"On the 24th of April, John Bush (living on Freeman's Creek), having very
early sent two of his children to drive up the cattle, became alarmed by their
screams, and taking down his gun, was proceeding to learn the cause of it, when
he was met at the door by an Indian, who caught hold of the gun, forced it from his
grasp, and shot him with it. Bush fell across the threshold, and the savage drew
his knife to scalp him. Mrs. Bush ran to the assistance of her husband, and with
an axe, aimed a blow at the Indian with such force that it fastened itself in his
shoulder, and when he jumped back his exertion pulled the handle from her hand.
She then drew her husband into the house and secured the door.
"In this time other of the savages had come up, and after endeavoring in
vain to force open the door, they commenced shooting through it. Fortunately
Mrs. Bush remained unhurt, although eleven bullets passed through her frock
and some of them just grazing the skin. One of the savages observing an aperture
between the logs thrust the muzzle of his gun thro' it. With another axe Mrs.
Bush struck on the barrel so as to make it ring, and the savage on drawing it
back, exclaimed 'Dern you.' Still they were endeavoring to force an entrance
into the house, until they heard what they believed to be a party of whites coming
to its relief. It was Adam Bush, who living close by and hearing the screams of
the children and the firing of the gun, had set off to learn what had given rise to
them, and taking with him his dogs, the noise made by them in crossing the creek
alarmed the savages, and caused them to retreat, taking off the two children as
prisoners. A company of men were soon collected and went in pursuit of the
Indians; but were unable to surprise them and regain the prisoners. Thej^ how-
ever, came so nearly upon them, on the Little Kenhawa, that they were forced
to fiy precipitately, leaving the plunder and seven horses which they had taken
from the settlement; these were retaken and brought back." (10)
(9) See page 458. (10) p. 458.
Ijordkr Settlers oi- Wjrtiiw i:stkrn \ ir(,ima 175
The hero in ihc hrst incidciil here- related was undcmbtcdly
John Bush of the Buckhaniujn; hut the Freeman's Creek tragedy
deals with another personage. Cittright, however, would luu'e it
differentl}'.
"The same John Bush, after whom the fort on Buckhannon River was named,
removed after some years of residence in this section to Freeman's Creek, Lewis
County, and there on the 24th of April, 1791, met his death at the vile liands of
the Indians." (11)
"^riiis unquestionably is error. There were two fantilies of
Bush's in the early settlements of the Upper Alonongahela, one
of which was small of stature, wiry and active, the other was of
heavy build and less sprightly in movement. (12) John Bush of
the Buckhannon was certainly of this first family. His desperate
flight when pursued by the Indian, entitles him to the distinction
of being fleet-footed. John Bush of Freeman's Creek belonged
to the second family, very large and flesh}'. He was not killed in
the fight depicted. Abram Reger, referred to elsewhere in this
volume, who was well acquainted with the facts and the parties,
gave the following version of the occurrence to his grandson, Mr.
J. S. Hall:
"Busii was a large, heavy built man, simple natiired, but very passionate.
The Indians came upon him while at work near the house, and before he was
aware of their presence, one of them gained possession of his gun, which he had
left onl\- a few feet away. Before the Indian could shoot, Bush knocked him
down, and ran for the house. As he neared the door, another Indian grappled
him and the first warrior having recovered, came up and shot him through the
hips. Mrs. Busii, a \ery muscular woman, ran out with an axe and split the
head of the Indian who had hold of her husband, whom she then drew into the
house and fastened the door. In the meantime an elderly lady in the room came
running up, retarding the movements of Mrs. Bush, who threw her aside with
such violence as to do her serious injury.
"The Indians fired several ineflFectual shots through the door, and then with
their tomahawks began chopping a hole through the shutter. They soon had an
opening through which one of them thrust his head, and was instantly killed by
Mrs. Bush with an a.xe. Another Indian shoved his rifle through a crevice in the
cabin wall, but before he could fire Mrs. Bush struck the muzzle a heavy blow
with her axe, and drove the breech of the gun against his shoulder with sucli force
as to partly disable him.
"Bush was laid up for the winter, his wife gathering the crops and doing all
the outdoor work. Meat was scarce in the cabin, owing to the husband's inability
to hunt. With the opening of spring, Bush was able to go into the woods, where
he shot a bear, which was lean and gaunt from its long winter f.istini.'. The animal
(11) See p.ige45S, (12) p. 45s.
176
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
made off, and Bush followed in pursuit and came up with it in a ravine. He had
no other bullet and approached the bank too closely, which giving way precipitated
him to the bottom where the bear had laid down in a dying condition. The
animal instantly seized him by the heel and notwithstanding he belabored it on
the head with a heavy stone, it continued crunching his foot until dead. It is a
noteworthy fact, that a bear when fighting only snaps with its teeth, unless in the
last throes of death when it grapples and holds on until life is extiiict. Bush
was again disabled, but Mrs. Bush brought the bear home and dressed the meat."
The bullet which Bush received in the encounter with the
Indian was never extracted. The wound healed, but broke out
several years afterwards and finally resulted in his death.
CHAPTKR XVII
George Jackson was captain of the first military company
organized in the Buckhannon settlement. I'he date of this organ-
ization and its object has been a matter of conjecture. It is
thought by some to have originated at the call of Col. William
Darke, when he recruited his "Hampshire and Berkeley Regi-
ment'' in the Spring of 1781. This was an emergency regiment
raised to oppose the invasion of Virginia b}' the British. This
regiment was at the siege of "\'orktown and the surrender of (gen-
eral Cornwallis in the following October, and was one of the guard
which conducted a contingent of the vanquished army to the
prison barracks near W inchcstcr, Virginia.
It is not probable thai Capt. Jackson participated in the
campaign against ^ orktown. He recruited a compan\' from the
settlements in Ma}', 1781, and joined General Clark at Fort Pitt
in his attempted expedition against Detroit.
The first military company at Buckhannon was a band of
Indian spies, organized in 1779. George Jackson was Captain of
this body. He is said subsequently to have had general command
of the various bands of spies in the settlements, and was succeeded
in this rank by Col. Lowther. Later, Jackson was a Colonel in
the militia, and is inseparably connected with the carh' history of
the Upper Monongahela. He is mentioned by If it hers on several
occasions, and his memorable night run from Buckhannon to
Clarksburg for assistance when some of the settlers were besieged
in an out-house in 1782, (1) was characteristic of the energy and
daring courage that made him a leader among men.
He was a member of the First \ irginia Assembh' in 1788
which ratified the Federal Constitution. His long subsequent
public career is of record and need not be repeated here. He was
an associate of the Hughes, but could not vie with them in Indian
woodcraft.
The two brothers of Jesse flughcs, Thomas and Flias, were
both commissioned officers in Col. Lowther's Company of Rangers
and Spies, and from the following story, which was gleaned from
a source worthy of credence, it would appear that Jesse was also
a subaltern officer in the same company.
(1) Sec page 45!>.
178 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Sometime in the early nineties, Colonel Lowther ordered
Jesse Hughes to take such men as he deemed necessary and scout
from the Buckhannon Fort by way of French Creek and the head-
waters of the West Fork to the falls of the Little Kanawha; from
which point, if no Indian sign was discovered, he was to proceed
to the mouth of Leading Creek, up which stream he was to return
to the settlements by way of Polk Creek. Usually the scouts
would strike the Ohio River near Wheeling, there construct a raft
by which to descend the Ohio to the site of Parkersburg, examining
all the Indian trails leading to the settlements. If signs of Indians
were discovered, they would immediately strike for the settle-
ments and give warning of the threatening danger, but if none
were found they would scout over the Indian warpath that fol-
lowed up the Little Kanawha and Leading Creek on their return
home. This more northern territory, on the occasion of which
I write, was doubtless patrolled by other efficient scouts residing
on the Upper Monongahela. (2)
The route laid out for Jesse Hughes covered the several
Indian trails leading from the Little Kanawha to the Upper Mo-
nongahela. The principal path was up Leading Creek and down
Polk Creek (3) to the West Fork. There were, however, a few
less frequented and more secluded paths among the labyrinth of
small streams flowing from the divide between the headwaters of
the Little Kanawha and the West Fork. One of these led up Oil
Creek from the Kanawha and passed down the small stream known
as "Indian Carrying Run" on the opposite side of the divide to
the West Fork. The distance between the headings of these two
tributaries is only a few hundred yards and was known as "Indian
Carrying Place." This was the only point where the Indians
"portaged," or "carried" between the Kanawha and the Monon-
gahela, hence the name. The "Carrying Place" is on "Indian
Farm," (4) where Arnold Station now is.
The war parties from Ohio, in their forays on the western
Virginia border, never traveled by water. The topography of the
country and the nature of its streams precluded the idea. By
placing a few sentinels along the streams traversed, the settlers
could have effectively guarded against surprise, and have easily
intercepted the Indians in their flight. Canoe voyages were
doubtless resorted to on some of these western streams by the
Indians when raiding the settlements east of th-e AUeghenies, prior
(2) See page 458. (3) p. 458. (4) p. 459.
BoRDKR SkTTI.ERS Ol N OKTll WESTKRN \ IRGINIA 179
to the settling of the I'pper Mononuahehi. At that period tliey
were iinnume from pursuit west of the mountains, where tlie canoe
would have been a safe and easy mode of travel. The Little
Kanawha from its mouth to the "portage" referred to, afforded
a direct highway of some tifty miles.
"Canoe Run," which flows into the West Fork about one-half
mile below Roanoke, in Lewis Count)', derived its name from the
scouts finding an Lidian canoe moored under some willows in or
near the mouth of this stream.
"Indian Cap Run," which enters the river from the east,
between Jacksonville and W alkersville, took its name from an
hidian cap, or head-dress, found on the western trail near its
source.
\\\ \\ alkers\ille, about one hundred and tift)' \'ards from the
forks of the river, and just above the road, a block of sandstone
juts from the hillside, on which is carved "1780." The date is
legible, though crudch' executed. It was found there by the
scouts, who attributed it to Simon Girty. But the handiwork
could hardly be that of Simon Girty personally, who could neither
read nor write. (5)
In the scouting expedition referred to, Jesse Hughes thought
that a small party would be sufficient, and selected Alexander \\ est
to accompany him. They traversed the route designated without
finding an Indian sign. They reported at Clarksburg, and in
general council it was apparent that no Indians were lurking on the
border. \\ inter was fast approaching, and there was but little
probabilit}' of further hostilities that Fall. Colonel Lowther com-
mended the scouts highly for their celerity and faithfulness, and
dismissed them for the season. Colonel George Jackson, who
was present, also praised their splendid work.
While out, the scouts had noted that the beech mast in the
bottoms and low hills ab(»ut the head of French Creek was liea\ y,
and that the region was full of bear. A hunt was planned by the
two scouts and the colonels. Hughes and West then proceeded
to West's Fort, and sent a dispatch to notity ihe IJuckhannon set-
tlement of the result of their scouting. W ithin a few days they
were joined at West's h\ the two officers, and the next day the
company left for the hunting grounds. The first night they
stayed at an old Indian camp, known to Hughes only, who had
been there on previous occasions. Here they saw an abun-
(5) See page 459.
180 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
dance of deer, which at that time held no attraction for them.
The next morning they crossed the divide to French Creek, where
they found all the bear sign reported by the scouts. (6) The
ground had been scratched over for miles, such as they had never
seen before; but the sign was all old, and not a bear could be
found. They had evidently gone to the rough mountainous
regions of the Kanawha, the Holly, and the Buckhannon for winter
quarters, as very few bear wintered in the more open hills of the
West Fork.
Hughes and West desired to follow the bear, but it was neces-
sary for Colonel Jackson to return home, and reluctantly they
decided to accompany him. They recrossed the mountain and
spent the night at their former camp. The deer, so unattractive
the evening before, now engaged their attention, and they deter-
mined to spend the day shooting. They divided their party:
Hughes and West were pitted against the two colonels. They
were to hunt for a wager, the prize being all the deer skins taken.
No fawns were to be counted, and if a shot failed to bring down
the game it was to deduct one from the party who fired it. All
bullets in the shot-pouches were counted, and for these the hunter
must account at the close of the day. It was agreed that the two
officers were to hunt below, while the scouts were to hunt above
the camp.
Everything arranged, the hunt began, and in the evening
when the game was tallied and the bullets all accounted for, the
score stood nineteen for Hughes and West, and twenty-one for the
colonels. The next morning the game was skinned, such ven«ion
selected as was desired, and the camp broken. It was then sug-
gested that the stream, on a branch of which they were encamped,
was yet unnamed, and it was unanimously agreed that it should be
called "Skin Creek," in commemoration of their remarkable hunt.
As Jesse Hughes had piloted them to the camp, and to him alone
was known the sylvan retreat, they called this tributary "Hughes
Fork." These names they still bear.
Afterwards, Joseph Hall, who came from England, and who
was a corporal in Lord Dunmore's expedition in 1774, acquired
title to a tract of land on Hughes Fork, including the camp site.
Hall learned that Jesse Hughes also claimed this land by "toma-
hawk improvement." He met Hughes in Clarksburg and enquired
regarding his claim, offering to pay him for any right he might
Border Settlers of Northwestern \'irgixia 181
hold to the land. Hughes replied, "I did have a claim to that
land; I camped there two or three times, and had a great hunt.
I marked some trees expecting to acquire a title to the land. But
I have," he continued, "more of such claims than 1 have use for;
and I hear, Joe, that you now have a wife, and will need the land."
Hall told him that he not only had a wife, but also a little curly-
headed boy. Hughes rejoined, "In that case, I would give the
land to the boy if I had a patent ff)r it." He then described the
old Indian camp — a spring, and a beautiful location for a house.
Joseph Hall's son, Jonathan, settled on this land in 1820.
Ten years later he cleared the site of the old camp, near which he
built a new residence. The fire hearths of the camp, three in num-
ber, were unearthed b}- the plow. They were about two rods
apart, and in the form of a triangle. They indicated long use,
the ashes and burned stone extending considerably below the sur-
face. Nearby were two dark spots in the soil, each about sixteen
feet in diameter. These proved extremely fertile, the corn grow-
ing much more luxuriantly there than on the surrounding soil.
The unearthing of the old camp was witnessed by Jonathan Hall's
sons, the youngest of whom, John Strange Hall, is still living, and
occupies the ancestral homestead. To Mr. Hall I am indebted
for most of the particulars contained in this chapter.
Alexander West's son, Charles, settled on Hughes Fork of
Skin Creek, on land said to have been "tomahawked" by his
father during this hunt.
Some time prior to the close of Indian hostilities on the border,
Henry Jackson, the great land surveyor, who executed several of
the large surveys in (now) central West \'irginia, received warrants
for thirty-five thousand acres, to be laid off in five thousand acre
tracts. This was the celebrated Bank's Survey, destined in after
years, like man}' others of that day, to figure prominentK' in the
courts.
A surveying party consisted of the surveyor, two chain-bear-
ers, a "marker," and a cook, who helped as "packer;" also two
hunters, who supplied the camp with meat and acted as scouts.
Such an outfit was a recognized scouting party in time of Indian
hostilities, and was often attended by regular Spies or Rangers
employed by the State or Federal government.
Jackson selected a new field for his operations, and pitched
camp on Leading Creek in (now) Gilmer County. He arrived
182 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
there in the evening, and marked a black gum tree for a corner.
He then set his compass and noted that the Hne determined on
would cross the creek three times. After this he rested for the
day. Supper over, Jesse Hughes, one of the hunters, announced
that he and his comrade would go down the creek about two miles
to a famous lick and kill a deer for breakfast. Before starting
they heard the howl of a wolf. This was answered by another in
the general direction of the lick, but apparently some distance
apart. The calls were repeated occasionally and seemed to
approach each other. Jackson declared these were Indian signals,
and that they must return at once and alarm the settlements.
Hughes rebelled. He would not "run from Injuns until he saw
Injuns to run from." He then added that he could approach the
lick from the bluff and see any object near it without danger of
discovery. Jackson reluctantly permitted Hughes and his com-
panion to go, but first exacted a promise that they would not fire,
no odds how fair an Indian mark they might see. If the signals
heard were from Indians it was evident that others were in the
immediate vicinity, and it was of the utmost importance that the
presence of the whites be kept secret. The scouts set out, and
soon returned with the intelligence that two Indians were watch-
ing the lick, armed with bows and arrows. (7) Thewhites returned
to West's Fort that night, and spread the alarm.
The Indians evidently discovered signs of the surveying
party and its hasty retreat, for they passed by the immediate
settlements and committed depredations on Cheat River, carrying
off some plunder. Colonel Lowther had his scouts and rangers
out watching, and succeeded in intercepting the Indians in their
retreat, killed a few of them and recovered the stolen property.
Jackson never went back to complete his work. In due time,
however, the Bank's Survey was- properly returned, neatly plotted,
and showing the crossings of the chief streams. It was forwarded
to the Governor, who issued the patent. In later years Lewis
Maxwell became owner of the Bank's Survey, and spent years in
search of Jackson's beginning corner. Finally the place was
located where the three crossings of the creek were visible, but no
marks of survey were ever found there. However, in following
one of Jackson's imaginary lines, a tree was found with an old
"line mark." This, Maxwell claimed, had been placed by Jack-
son. In the meantime, later patents for the land had been dis-
7) See paee 460.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \'irgini.\ 183
covered, and Maxwell hrou^dil suit for possession. The case was
tried at Glenville, Gilmer County, and lasted two weeks, consum-
ing the entire term of court. The main point involved was the
identity of Jackson's beginning corner, although many other
points were contested. The defense offered to prove that the
mark found on "Jackson's line" was one of Jesse Hughes' toma-
hawk claims, antedating the Bank's Survey; but the Hughes'
claim had never been carried into grant, and the court ruled
against the introduction of such testimony. The case was decided
for the defense.
Mr. J. S. Hall was present at the trial, and after the case was
settled, Mr. Enoch Withers, an attorney for the defense, told Mr.
Hall that there was an old veteran of Jackson's party still living,
who could point out the exact spot of the gum tree corner, but it
was not to the interest of the defense to divulge his name.
Henry Jackson told the particulars of the survey and scare
by the Indians to his young nephew, George Jackson Arnold, (8)
a grandson of Col. George Jackson, who figured in the Skin Creek
hunt.
Xo actual settlements were made in the upper part of the
West Fork Valley until after the treaty of Greenville in 1795.
Col. Jackson was the first to enter this field. He secured a large
boundary of land where Jacksonville now stands, in Lewis County;
also a smaller tract at the forks of the river. In 1797, he settled
four families by the name of Collins on his larger tract, giving
each fifty acres of choice land. They were to remain until the
colony was permanent and open a "Bridle Path" to the Flesher
settlement, at Weston.
These settlers were hardy and gave their names to the town-
ship known as "Collins Settlement." The Collins were after-
wards followed by the Bennetts: William, Joseph, Abram and
Jacob, who came over the Seneca Trail (9) from the Upper Poto-
mac. The Bennetts were fruit growers and propagated trees from
seed brought from the Potomac. They left numerous descend-
ants in the country.
The "Ireland Settlement" at the extreme head of the right-
hand fork of the river, was named for Andrew Wilson, a son of
Erin, who was the first settler there. He voted for James K. Polk
for President when one hundred and fourteen years old, but died
the following year.
(8) See patre 460. (9) r- 460.
184 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
In 1781, a certificate was issued to "Joseph Hall, 400 acres on
the east side of the West Branch of the Monongalia River, in
the right of residence, to include his improvements made thereon
in 1771, with a preemption right of 1000 acres adjoining."
Joseph did not settle on the West Fork of the Monongahela
until several years after his "improvement" of 1771. He was
born in England in the year 1745. His father, Jonathan Hall,
was a land owner, or tenant proprietor, and like his ancestors, a
farmer. Joseph was a younger son, and under the English laws
could not inherit any of the ancestral acres, so he was educated for
the mercantile business and entered the employment of an uncle.
In 1764, this uncle closed up business, and accompanied by
Joseph, came to Alexandria, Virginia, and became one of the
leading merchants of that place. In 1774, Joseph volunteered in
Governor Dunmore's expedition against the Indians, and was made
a corporal in Dunmore's division.
After the return of this wing of the army, the feeling against
the Governor and the British Government became intense, and
caused an estrangement between the merchant and his nephew.
The former was favorable to opposing British interferences in
colonial affairs, while Joseph advocated passive measures. As
the Revolutionary storm thickened, patriot and loyalist parted
■company and Joseph rented a farm of Lord Fairfax on Patterson
Creek, in now Mineral County, West Virginia, where with a
partner he carried on farming for ten years. In the meantime,
liis views changed regarding governmental affairs, and he rejoiced
in the downfall of the British rule.
In 1784, in company with Jacob Forenash and James Morri-
son, old comrades in Dunmore's War and who had worked for
him, he came to Harrison County and purchased two hundred
acres on Peor's Run, in now Upshur County, West Virginia. He
•employed Fecknash and Morrison to build a house and clear and
cultivate this land under his supervision. For many years. Hall
spent the most of his time at Clarksburg, assisting the Surveyor
and the County Clerk. He entered numerous tracts of land,
which involved him in lawsuits with but little compensation.
Among his early acquaintances at Clarksburg were three
Englishmen, whose names were Hall, but they could trace no
family relationship. One of these settled in now Alarion
County, one on Hughes River and the other on Elk Creek.
Border Settlers ok Northwestern \ ircunia 185
Sonic of the descendants of the latter intermarried with the
Rejjer family. (10)
Joseph Hall was educated in advance of those around him,
and was useful in imparting knowledge to his neighbors. He died
in 1825.
In Januar\' 1796, Joseph Hall married Ann Strange, nee Hitt.
Traged\' had twice widowed this woman. Her first husband,
Joel Martin, a soldier nt t iir Rc'\( >hiti()n, ilied at the siege of "\ ork-
town, 1781. Her second husband, William Strange, was lost on
a surveying expedition in the mountains and his skeleton only
found a great man\' \ears afterward. The following is an account
of this incident, as given by Adkinson:
Strange Creek.
".\bout the year 1790 a surveying party came from what is now Upshur
County, to Elk and Holly Rivers, for the purpose of making a survey, which is
known as the Budd Sur\cy. i\mong their number was a man by the name of
William Strange. Old Jerry Carpenter, who was the first adventurer in the upper
Elk region, was employed to conduct the party. The lower line of the survey
was to begin with the left-hand fork of Holly river, about six miles above its
junction with main Holly river; thence in a southwesterly direction, crossing the
mountains, to main Holly; thence o\er another mountain to Elk river, to a point
near Carpenter's settlement. .\t that day there was no settlement in that section
except Carpenter's, and they were obliged to carry their provisions and cooking
utensils on a pack horse. Mr. Strange was a very indifferent woodsman, and to
him was assigned the duty of taking the pack horse from one camping place to
another. He was directed by the party to take the pack horse down the path
on the left-hand fork to its mouth, then up main Holly river to a certain creek,
where they met him the first night. They then directed him to go down Holly
to its junction witli Elk river, then up Elk to Carpenter's settlement, where they
would meet him the second night. The path down Holly was on the left-hand
side. -About a half or three-quarters of a mile above its mouth the path forked,
one path crossing the river and going up Elk, the other passing on down Holly
for a short distance, and then bearing off to the right, ascending the mountain,
passing through a long chestnut flat, and striking Elk some miles below. Owing
to the dense growth of timber on his left. Strange, while passing by the ford on
Holly, took the right-hand path, and failed to discover the junction of the rivers.
A short distance below the junction. Elk came in view, and still believing it to be
the Holly, he abandoned the path and attempted to follow the river shore. After
having gone a short distance, he was unable to proceed further in consequence of
impassable narrows, and was forced to retrace his steps to the path, which he
followed down to the chestnut flat, where he became utterly confused, and
tied his horse to a bush.
"The surveying party reached Carpenter's settlement that night, and as
Strange's non-arrival created uneasiness among a portion of the party Carpenter
(10) See page 460.
186 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
immediately explained the mystery by stating that he had evidently been misled
on account of their failure to inform him where he would have to cross the river.
Early next morning they started in search of him, crossed Holly and followed the
tracks of the horse until they found it tied to the bush before mentioned. Strange
had wandered away from the horse, and while Carpenter was endeavoring to
discover his trail one of the party fired his gun to let Strange know that they were
near him. Carpenter reprimanded the party, and warned them against a repeti-
tion of the act; telling them that Strange, in his bewildered condition would take
to flight, believing them to be Indians. After searching for some time, a few
miles distant they found where he had been lying in the brush, and from the direc-
tion he had taken, he had evidently fled at the noise of the gun, as suggested by
Mr. Carpenter, who was an experienced and adroit Indian hunter. They followed
his trail for perhaps five or six miles below, where, in the wildness of the forest,
they lost all traces of him.
"Nothing was heard of Mr. Strange for a number of years, when there was
found, about forty miles below, on a branch of Elk, the bones of a man at the
foot of a beech tree. The name of Strange and the following couplet had been
cut in the bark of the tree:
'Strange is my name, and I'm on strange ground,
And strange it is that I can't be found.'
"This branch, before that time known as Turkey Creek, from this incident,
has ever since borne the name of Strange Creek. It is a few miles below Birch
river, and is now the location of the Elk River Iron Works, in the County of
Braxton, seventy miles from Charleston.
"It is also stated that the rifle of Mr. Strange, with his shot-pouch hanging
on its ramrod, was found leaning against the tree at the root of which his bones
were lying.
"I must conclude, from this remarkable circumstance, that 'Strange creek'
was well and appropriately named." (11)
Adkinson errs in fixing the Strange tragedy in 1790, as attested
by the birth record of two of his children given in a later paragraph
of this chapter. Strange was lost in the autumn of 1795 subse-
quent to Wayne's Treaty with the Indians, of which the surveying
party were wholly ignorant. This date is not only supported by
family tradition, but it is coincident with a survey made in that
year by Henry Jackson, for whom Strange was "cook and packer."
After a fruitless search for the missing man, Jackson returned
home without completing the survey, but the im.aginary lines
were afterwards laid down and a patent secured covering the
grant. Jackson, be it said, seldom ran all the lines of any of his
surveys, but they were always properly patented; such was the
case when he surveyed Joseph Hall's estate on Skin Creek, not-
withstanding Hall was present.
(11) See page 460.
BORDKR SeTTLKRS OF XoRTHWESTERN X'iRGIMA 187
Upon the return of Jackson's party, others went in search of
Strange, among them a Mr. Loudin, one of Jackson's luinters,
and Philip Reger.
The beech tree bearing W ilharu St range's name stood near
the head of the creek, and was discovered by some hunters, who
being famihar with the story of Strange, gave it his name. It is
erroneously spoken of by some contemporaries as "Stranger's
Creek." Mr. John Strange Hall, a grandson of Mrs. Strange, and
well informed regarding his family history, in response to an
inquiry, says:
"Mr. Fitzwatcr, tlie tirst settler on Big Buffalo, a tributary of the lilk River,
found a gun under a shelving rock, with the stock so badly damaged that it fell
to pieces when handled. Nothing was ever known touching the history of this
gun, but it was supposed by many to have belonged to the unfortunate Strange,
who placed it there before succumbing to death."
I am indebted to Mr. Cnddcon M. Heavner of Buckhannon,
\\ est X'irginia, for a traditional version of the tragedy:
"Mr. Strange was in the mountains with a Mr. Hall and a \Ir. Reger," writes
Mr. Heavner, "and was directed to take the pack horse to a certain gap, where
they were to join him later. Perhaps Reger and Hall did not make the place of
rendezvous as soon as expected, but when they came up the horse was found tied
to a bush with the pack lying near, but Strange was not there. He had gone off
in an opposite direction and a heavy snowstorm was raging, and his trail could
be followed only a short distance. They searched during several days, but found
no trace of the missing man. Many years after, about five miles from there, his
remains were found by the side of a log with his gun at his side. On a beech tree
near by were engraved these words:
'William Strange is my name.
And in these strange woods I must remain.'"
Mr. Heavner saj's that he has also understood that Strange
tied the abandoned pack horse near where the town of Pickens,
West \ irginia, now stands, and that his remains were found on
Sugar Creek, Braxton County.
The story was told Mr. Heavner by his mother, Mary, whose
step-grandfather was Mr. Strange. She was the oldest child of
Stephen, son of Joel Martin who died at Yorktown. Joel was not
a regular enlisted soldier but when Virginia was invaded by the
British under Gen. Cornwallis, he took his gun and went out with
the patriot troops, never to return. His brother William was an
enlisted soldier in the Revolution, and is said to have been killed
at the siege of Yorktown. Joel Martin left two children, Joel,
188 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
born July 26, 1778, Stephen, born April 14, 1781. Stephen never
saw his father. This coupled with the fact that he pressed his
hand into the throat of a dying wolf thereby hastening its death
by suffocation gave him the power to cure the thrash in children,
as more fully described in Chapter XXIX, this volume.
Doubtless the story as told by Heavner, that Strange was
with Hall and Reger when last seen, originated in the following
incident:
William Strange had a hunt with Jacob Reger, Sr., and
Joseph Hall; and he got lost, but was near his home and there was
no tragedy. Reger was too old to hunt at a distance and he pro-
posed to Hall that they hunt the divide between Pecks Run and
Turkey Run. This region was no longer the resort of the younger
hunters who went far afield for game. William Strange's farm
lay on their route and he joined them. As the latter had had but
little experience in hunting, he was directed to take the ridge and
upper benches to a "crossing" in a low gap where he was to watch
for deer which might break cover, and where they would later
join him.
Reger took the Pecks Run side while Hall crossed to the
Turkey Run side, hunting on the lower benches and hollows, or
ravines. After a time. Hall hearing the report of Reger's gun,
recrossed the ridge and helped the old hunter hang up a large doe.
They then proceeded together to the appointed rendezvous where
they found Strange anxiously awaiting them. He had heard
Reger's shot, and had succeeded in bringing down one of three deer
which had been startled and broke for the accustomed pass.
Strange had been tramping snow so long around the old oak where
he was stationed, that he had decided that the other hunters had
returned home and he was about to follow suit.
After a short rest. Strange picked up the fawn which he had
killed and started to lead the company, but he took the path
towards Turkey Run. When called back, he insisted that he was
right and pointed to his recent tracks, showing that that was the
direction from which he came. But as his comrades moved off
in the opposite direction, he reluctantly followed, protesting that
they were going wrong; and not until they reached Hall's farm
and saw his house was he convinced of his error. Strange was
joked about this until the tragedy in the wilderness a few years
later when he was lost never again to be seen alive. Other stories
Border Settlers ok Xorthwf.stern \'irgim.\ 1S9
of like nature were related of William Strange, attesting his utter
lack of woodcraft.
William Strange was born in Fauquier County, Virginia.
His children were:
Eliza, born September 22, 1784; James, born October 18,
1787; John, born November 15, 1789; Sarah, born July 26, 1792,
married Enoch Hall, of the Elk Creek family of Halls; Margaret,
born July Uth, 1794.
Mrs. Hall, nee Hitt, was an estimable woman, and her mar-
ried life with Mr. Joseph Hall was ideal. She died in 1810 leaving
two children by her last husband; Jonathan, born November 8,
1797, and David, born March 4, 1800. They inherited their
father's estate on Skin Creek.
A unique feature of Joseph HalTs residence was the stairway,
which was carved in one piece from a large poplar tree.
A tragedy not unlike that of Strange occurred about 1S15.
George Mollohan who lived with his son, James, on Birch
River, left one day to visit his son John, w-ho resided about sixteen
miles distant and near where Sutton now stands on the Little
Kanawha; all within the present bounds of Braxton County.
.\bout ten days after the old gentleman's departure, a settler
from the Little Kanawha came to Birch River and James Mol-
lohan inquired about his father. He was informed that Mr.
Mollohan had not been at his son John's, nor had he, in coming
over the path seen any trace of him. Moreover, John had
requested the informant to tell his father to pay him a visit.
\n unavailing search was immediately instituted for the
missing man. The only trace ever found of him was his gloves
placed in the forks of a bush, and, at no great distance, his horse
feeding in the bottom lands. This incident is here given for the
first time.
George Mollohan. settled in Cjreenbrier County, in 1780. (12)
CHAPTER XVIII
When forts were built along the Ohio, Indian incursions into
Virginia became less frequent. The garrisons of these forts and
the settlers who gathered about them created a demand on the
settlements on the Western Aionongahela for beef and milk cows.
In 1791 we find Jesse Hughes with Nicholas Carpenter, in his ill-
fated enterprise undertaken to supply this demand at Fort Har-
mer at the mouth of the Muskingum. The ensuing brief account
of this occurrence is taken from Withers. (1)
"In the month of September, Nicholas Carpenter set off to Marietta with a
drove of cattle to sell to those who had established themselves there; and when
within some miles from the Ohio river, encamped for the night. (2) In the
morning early, and while he and the drovers were yet dressing, they were alarmed
by a discharge of guns, which killed one and wounded another of his party.
The others endeavored to save themselves by flight; but Carpenter being a cripple
(because of a wound received some years before) did not run far, when finding
himself becoming faint, he entered a pond of water where he fondly hoped he
should escape observation. But no! both he and a son who had likewise sought
security there, were discovered, tomahawked and scalped. George Legget, one
of the drovers, was never after heard of; but Jesse Hughes succeeded in getting
off though under disadvantageous circumstances. He wore long leggins, and
when the firing commenced at the camp, they were fastened at top to his belt,
but hanging loose below. Although an active runner, yet he found that the pur-
suers were gaining and must ultimately overtake him if he did not rid himself
of his incumbrance. For this purpose he halted somewhat and stepping on the
lower part of his leggins, broke the strings which tied them to his belt; but before
he accomplished this, one of the savages approached and hurled a tomahawk at
him. It merely grazed his head, and he then again took flight and soon got off.
"It was afterwards ascertained that the Indians by whom this mischief was
effected, had crossed the Ohio river near the mouth of the Little Kenhawa, where
they took a negro belonging to Captain James Neal, and continued on towards
the settlements on West Fork, until they came upon the trail made by Carpenter's
cattle. Supposing that they belonged to families moving, they followed on until
they came upon the drovers; and tying the negro to a sapling made an attack on
them. The negro availed himself of their employment elsewhere, and loosening
the bands which fastened him, returned to his master."
The following more elaborate description of the foregoing
tragedy is given by Hildreth. (3)
"The year 1791 was more fruitful in tragical events than any other during
the war, in the vicinity of Marietta. After that period the attention of the Indians
(1) See page 460. (2) p. 460. (3) p. 461.
B()ri)i:k Settlers of Northwestern \'ir(;ini.\ 191
was more occupied with the troops assembled on the borders of their own country,
or already penetrating to the vicinity of their villages. The United States troops
stationed at the posts within the new settlements, drew a considerable portion of
their meat rations from tlic inhabitants of the western branches of the Monon-
gahela, about Clarksburg, especially their fresh beef. Several droves had been
brought from that region of the country in 1790 and '91 and sold to Paul Fearing,
Esq., who had been appointed Commissary to the troops. A considerable number
of cattle, especially milk cows, were also sold to the inhabitants of Marietta.
Among those engaged in this employment was Nicholas Carpenter, a worthy,
pious man, who had lived many years on the frontiers and was well acquainted
with a forest life. I4c left Clarksburg the last of September, with a drove, accom-
panied by his little son, ten years old, and five other men, viz: Jesse Hughes,
George Legit, John Paul, Barns, and Ellis. On the evcnint: of the 3rd of October,
they had reached a point six miles above Marietta, and encamped on a run half
a mile from the Ohio, and since called 'Carpenter's run.' The cattle were suffered
to range in the vicinity, feeding on the rich pea vines that then filled the woods,
while the horses were hoppled, the leaves pulled out from around the clappers of
their bells, and turned loose in the bottom. After eating their suppers, the party
spread their blankets on the ground and lay down with their feet to the fire. No
guard was set to watch the approach of an enemy. Their journey being so near
finished, without discovering any signs of Indians, that they thought all danger
was past.
"It so happened that not far from the time of their leaving home, a party
of six Shawanese Indians, headed as was afterwards ascertained, byTecumseh, (4)
then quite a youth, but ultimateh' so celebrated for bravery and talents, had
crossed the Ohio river near Bellville, on a marauding expedition in the vicinity
of Clarksburg. From this place they passed over the ridges to 'Neil's Station,'
on the Little Kenawha, one mile from the mouth, where they took prisoner a
colored boy of Mr. Neil, about twelve years old, as he was out looking for the
horses early in the morning. It was done without alarming the garrison, and they
quietly proceeded on their route, doing no other mischief; pursuing their way up the
Kenawha to the mouth of Hughes' river, and following the north fork, fell on to
the trail from Clarksburg to Marietta. This took them about three days. There
was no rain, and the leaves so dry that their rustling alarmed the deer, and they
could kill no game for food. Their only nourishment for that period was a single
tortoise, which they divided among them, giving Frank, the black boy, an equal
share. (5) As he was much exhausted and discouraged, they promised him a
horse to ride on their return. These circumstances were related by Frank after
his escape.
"Soon after leaving the north fork of Hughes' river, they fell onto the trail
of Carpenter's drove, and thinking it made by a caravan of settlers on their way
to the Ohio, they held a short council. Giving up any further progress towards
Clarksburg they turned with renewed energy and high spirits upon the fresh large
trail, which they percei\ed had very recently been made. So broad was the track
made by the cattle and four or five horses that they followed it without difficulty,
at a rapid pace all night, and came in sight of the camp fire a little before day-
light. Previous to commencing the attack, they secured Frank witli leather
thongs to a stout sapling on the top of an adjacent ridge. The irampiini: of the
(4) See page 461. (5) p. 461.
192 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
cattle and the noise of the horse bells greatly favored the Indians in their
approach, but as there was no sentinel there was little danger of discovery.
Tecumseh, with the cautious cunning that ever distinguished him, posted his men
behind the trunk of a large fallen tree, a few yards from the camp, where they
could watch the movements of their enemies.
"At the first dawn of day Mr. Carpenter called up the men, saying they
would commence the day with the accustomed acts of devotion which he had
long practiced. As the men sat around the fire, and he had just commenced
reading a hymn, the Indians rose and fired, following the discharge with a terrific
yell, and rushed upon their astonished victims with the tomahawk. Their fire
was not very well directed, as it killed only one man, Ellis from Greenbrier, and
wounded John Paul through the hand. Ellis instantly fell, exclaiming, 'O Lord,
I am killed!' The others sprang to their feet, and before they could all get their
arms which were leaning against a tree, the Indians were among them. Hughes
who had been an old hunter and often in skirmishes with savages, in his haste
seized on two rifles, Carpenter's and his own, and pushed into the woods, with
two Indians in pursuit. He fired one of the guns, but whether with effect is not
known, and threw the other away. Being partly dressed at the time of the attack.
his long leggins (6) were only fastened to the belt around his waist and were loose
below, entangling his legs, and greatly impeding his flight. To rid himself of this
encumbrance he stopped for a moment, placed his foot on the lower end, and tore
them loose from his belt, leaving his legs bare from the hips downward. This
delay nearly cost him his life. His pursuer then within a few feet of him, threw
his tomahawk so accurately as to graze his head. Freed from this impediment
he soon left his foe far behind. Christopher Carpenter, the son of Nicholas, now
living in Marietta, says he well remembers seeing the bullet holes in Hughes'
hunting shirt after his return.
"In the race the competitors passed near the spot where Frank was concealed,
who described it as one of the swiftest he had ever seen. John Paul, who had been
in many engagements with the Indians, escaped by his activity in running. Burns,
a stout, athletic man, but slow of foot, was slain near the camp after a stout resist-
ance. When found a few days after his jack knife was still clasped in his hand,
and the weeds trampled down for a rod or more around, showing he had resisted
manfully for life. George Legit was pursued for nearly two miles, overtaken and
killed. Mr. Carpenter, although a brave man, was without arms to defend him-
self, and being lame could not run rapidly. He therefore sought to conceal him-
self behind some willows in the bed of the run. He was soon discovered, with
his little boy by his side. His captors conducted him to the spot where the black
boy had been left, and killed both him and his son. What led to the slaughter, after
they had surrendered, is not known. He was found wrapped in his blanket, with a
pair of new Indian moccasins on his feet, and his scalp not removed. It is supposed
that these marks of respect were shown him at the request of one of the Indians
whose gun Carpenter had repaired at Marietta the year before, and had declined
any compensation for the service. He was by trade a gunsmith. This circum-
stance was told to C. Carpenter, many years after, by one of the Indians who was
present, at Urbana in Ohio. It is another proof of the fact, that an Indian never
forgets an act of kindness, even in an enemy.
"Tecumseh and his men, after collecting the plunder of the camp, retreated
(6) See page 46L
Border Settlers of Xorthwk.stkrn \ ir(;im.\ 193
in such haste, that they left all the horses, which had probably dispersed in the
woods at the tumult of the attack. They no doubt feared a pursuit from the
rangers at Marietta and Williams' station, who would be notified by the escape
of their prisoner, Frank, who in the midst of the noise of the assault contrived to
slip his hands loose from the cords, and hide himself in a thick patch of hazel
bushes, from which he saw a part of the transactions. .After the Indians had
left the ground, he crept cautiously forth, and by good fortune took the right
direction to Williams' station, opposite to Marietta. A party of men was sent
out the next day, who buried the dead as far as they could liicn be found. Frank
returned to his master, and died only a few years since."'
Colonel Joseph Barker assisted in burying the bodies of Car-
penter and his men. (7)
From the foregoing it would appear that Hughes had adopted
the Indian mode of dress so popular with the half-wild hunters and
scouts in the latter years of the Indian wars on the \ irginia border.
Tradition says that Hughes was surprised by the Indians near the
Buckhannon Fort when entangled \vith loose leggins, and with
difficulty effected his escape. Doubtless this story had its origin
in the Carpenter occurrence.
A single instance illustrative of Hughes' wonderful fleetness and
dexterity with his rifle will demonstrate to what a fearful strait he
must have been reduced that he should in his flight cast aside a
loaded gun. After he had moved from Hacker's Creek, and was an
old man, he returned on a visit. A Mr. Bailey, of Freeman's Creek,
then a lad, remembered seeing him and witnessing the feat at a
house-raising on Broad Run, in what is now Lewis County. When
the house was completed the assembled young men engaged in
athletic sports, hopping, jumping and foot-racing, as was custom-
ary in those days. One athlete excelled all competitors in fleet-
ness, and the old scout offered to run with him. The conditions
of the race stipulated that Hughes with cmpt\- rifle in hand was
to have ten paces the start of his adversar}'; and if successful in
charging his piece before caught he was to be declared winner.
Arrangements were accordingly made, and after the contestants
had been properly placed, the signal was given and they sprang
forward. One was an aged man, on whose visage the "shadows of
the evening" were settling. The other, strong in the prime of
youth, exulted in the mounting vigor of manhood. Swift was the
race, but the chief of the Monongahela scouts proved himself.
He charged his rifle, and whirling about, could easily have shot
his rival before being caught.
(7) See page 461.
194 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
The following traditional sequel to the Carpenter tragedy is
an extract from a manuscript by the late Mr. S. C. Shaw, of Park-
ersburg, West Virginia. Mr. Shaw spent considerable time in
collecting traditions from old papers and the descendants of the
border pioneers. He died only a few years ago.
"At the first volley from the guns of the Indians, Carpenter and three of his
men fell dead. Hughes, the only one to escape death, was slightly wounded, but
by his extraordinary activity and fleetness succeeded, after a long and at times
close chase, in making his escape to Neal's blockhouse at the mouth of the Little
Kanawha. The colored boy, Frank, whom the Indians had taken prisoner and
tied to a tree with deer sinews during the attack, succeeded with his teeth in sever-
ing his bonds, and though closely pursued made his escape to the fort. When
Hughes and the boy appeared at the blockhouse and told the story of savage
cruelty and murder, Isaac Williams, (8) a noted scout, immediately took charge
of a party which started in pursuit of the Indians. Arriving at the scene of the
tragedy, they found the body of Carpenter and his three men lying by their camp
fire, scalped and mutilated. They buried their dead, and struck the trail of the
Shawnees leading towards the river. Owing to a heavy rain, they lost the trail
somewhere near the point on which St. Alary's, the county seat of Pleasants
County, now stands, and the pursuit was abandoned. Williams' party, consisting
of Jesse Hughes, Malcomb Coleman, Elijah Pixley and James Ryan, now held a
council of war and unanimously agreed to avenge the death- of Carpenter and his
party on the first Indians that fell in their way.
"Williams led his party of avengers across the Ohio at a ford near Willow
Island and immediately took up their silent march towards the head of Shade
River, where they learned from the scouts belonging to the Bellville blockhouse,
a small party of Shawnees were encamped on a hunt. The scouts went into camp
on the Little Hocking, early that evening, leaving one man on guard to be changed
at midnight; and rested until two o'clock in the morning, when, after a hasty meal
of dried venison and parched corn, they again took up the line of march. Arriv-
ing within three miles of where they had been told the Shawnees were camped,
Williams and his party went into hiding beneath a mass of thick undergrowth
lining a small stream between two wooded hills. Soon after being here ensconced,
the report of fire arms nearby startled them. Peering through the branches of
their bushy canopy the scouts silently listened and waited. A few minutes later
a large buck broke cover on the hillside and came bounding down the slope in a
straight line for the thicket in which they were concealed. The scouts supposed
that the Indians were in pursuit, and were fearful that the buck would bring
about their discovery. Fortunately for them, while the game was fifty j^ards
away, a rifle rang out on the still morning air, and the buck sprang high and fell
dead. An instant later three Indians ran down the hill, and began dressing the
carcass. From their head dress and general appearance, the scouts recognized
them as Shawnees, and knew that they were near the camp for which they were
looking. The whites remained motionless and were undiscovered by the Indians,
who, after completing their task, moved off with their spoils. The whites kept
in hiding all day with one of their number constantly on the lookout.
(8) See page 46L
BORDKR SlCTTLIiRS Ol- XoRTHWESTLRN \ IRCIMA 195
"On the banks of ihc Shade River, three miles dist;iiU from the hiding place
of the whites, was a small creek which emptied into the larger stream. A huge
rock stood back fifteen or twenty yards from the bank, and in front, and between
It and the river, stood four brush wigwams. The Indians had brought three of
their squaws with them to cure the meat, and with them three Indian lads, ranging
from four to eleven years of age. The band of warriors or hunters consisted of
four men. That night about midnight the scouts approached within two or three
hundred yards of the Indian camp when Jesse Hughes went forward to ascertain
their exact number and location. Hughes soon returned with the information
given above, having arrived at this knowledge from the number of lodges and
the equipment about the lodges. W Irii Hughes reported, Williams divided his
forces, sending Hughes with two men to follow under the bank of the creek until
opposite the camp; and then followed by the remaining hunter, Williams cautiously
crept up until he was directly behind the rock referred to. The cry of the whip-
poor-will was Hughes' signal that his force was in position, and a minute later
Williams and Pixley crept from behind the rock and up to the nearest wigwam.
So silent was their approach that even the keen-eared Shawnees had no suspicion
that an enemy was near. The moon was in the full and even under the shade of
the trees objects were plainly discernable. Williams and Pixley waited near the
first wigwam until they saw Hughes, Coleman and Ryan close up to another,
then raising his hand as a signal, dashed into the wigwam with a fearful yell, and
before the sleeping Indians could spring to their feet, they were upon them. The
scouts had rushed with tomahawk in hand, and almost in a second two Indian
warriors and a squaw were tomahawked. While this tragedy was being enacted,
Hughes and his companions were holding another carnival of death within a few
>ards. Veils and cries of pain rent the air, and instantaneously the remaining
Indians were out of their wigwams with weapons in their hands. Heretofore the
whites had refrained from using their rifles, but after they had exterminated the
occupants of two wigwams first attacked, they sprang out with their rifles, and
before the panic-stricken Indians could recover their presence of mind, the rifies
of the whites began to crack, and at each shot an Indian fell. Nine of the party
were killed. The remaining Shawnee yelled with terror and fled to the forest.
Fearing an ambuscade, the scouts quickly reloaded their guns and then looked
over the field of battle.
"One little Indian boy, not over four years old, was discovered concealed
under a pile of furs and hides in a corner of one of the wigwams, where he had
crawled when the whites made their attack.
"Although doubtless frightened at the sight of the first white faces and heavy
beards he had ever seen, the boy did not so much as whimper when Pixley picked
him up and was about to dash him against a tree. Hughes, near Pixley at the time,
begged him to spare the boy; but Pixley, whose brother and son had been killed
and scalped by the Shawnees several months before, at first refused to spare him,
but after a good deal of persuasion Hughes at last succeeded in getting possession
of the lad.
"Four horses, a large amount of fresh meat, a lot of furs and three good
rifles were found and taken possession of. The dead Indians were scalped, the
horses loaded with the captured plunder, and then fastening the Indian boy securely
to the back of one of them, the scouts began their retreat. Thc\' followed the
196 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
banks of the Shade River to its mouth, at what is today the town of Murrayville.
From that point, they travelled several miles up the Ohio to a ford where they
crossed, and arrived at the Bellville blockhouse. The little Indian prisoner
was taken away a few days later by Jesse Hughes, and an old manuscript says
that he lived many years among the whites in a settlement called Bulltown, dying
at the age of nearly one hundred years, a devout Christian, greatly loved and
respected in his community."
The date (1785) and some of the details as given in the origi-
nal unabridged version of this tradition are so conflicting, and the
story of Hughes saving the little boy, an act so foreign to his known
nature, serve to cast doubt on the story. Some parts of it may be
true; evidently much of it is untrue. It was published in the
Pittsburg Post several years ago, and copied by the press, and is
given for what it is worth.
It is said that the colored lad's name was Frank Wykoff, and
that he was caught by the Indians one mile above Neal's Fort
while fishing at the mouth of the Little Kanawha; that his captors
tied his hands behind him, and packing a heavy load of food and
utensils on his shoulders, compelled him to keep pace with them.
But it is not probable that the Indians were encumbered with
utensils or much food on a war expedition.
The companions of Jesse Hughes in this traditional expedi-
tion of revenge and plunder were well known on the Virginia
frontier. In February, 1793, we find that Malcom Coleman,
Elijah Pixley and James Ryan, accompanied by Coleman's son
John, left the fort at Belleville, Ohio, in a canoe on a hunting trip
up Big Mill Creek, in what is now Jackson County, West Virginia.
They camped at or near where Cottageville now stands, and in a
few days had all the venison and bear meat their canoe would
carry. Their return home was delayed by the freezing of the
creek. Pixley and young Coleman returned overland to the fort
for a small supply of flour or meal and salt, expecting to return in
the forenoon of the third day. On that fatal morning, the elder
Coleman and Ryan rose early and prepared breakfast. While
returning thanks at the beginning of the meal they were fired on
by a band of Indians in ambush, and Coleman was instantly
killed. Ryan was slightly wounded, but fled and in due time
reached the fort. A party immediately returned to the camp,
only to find Coleman scalped and stripped of his clothing and the
camp plundered. (9) This occurrence was strangely coincident
with the Carpenter tragedy.
(9) See page 461.
CHAPTER XIX
When the- Waggoner family, (1) on jcssc"> Run, was massa-
cred in Ma_\', 1792, it was Jesse Hughes who carried the news of
the tragedy to West's Fort and alarmed the settlers. Colonel
John McW horlcr, then a lad eight years of age, was out hunting
the cows not far from his father's home near the fort, when hear-
ing the rustling of underbrush and glancing up, he saw Jesse, rifle
in hand, running towards the tort. As Jesse passed the astonished
lad he ejaculated, "Heel it to the fort, ye' little devil; Injuns
after \e'I" The little fellow did "heel it," endeavoring to keep
pace with the scout, hut to no purpose. The fleet-footed trailer
disappeared as suddenly as he came to view.
This raid on the \\ aggoner family by Tecumseh and his two
w^arriors, with its subsequent history, and the story of the tragedy
as told by the Indians in after years, dimly reveals an incentive
to these border forays not usually attributed to the Indian by the
historian. That these incursions were primarily of a partisan
and revengeful nature, cannot be gainsaid, but that occasionally
thev were prompted by motives of a different character is also
certain. The carrying into captivity of small children over long
and dangerous wilderness paths by the fierce warrior, is significant.
I have elsewhere spoken of the strong parental feeling which
sways the Indian bosom. The vacant seat at the fireside of the
wigwam was as deeply mourned as in any home on earth. A
longing to repair the broken circle, often led to the adoption
of a stranger by the bereaved famih' or tribe. Preferably the
adopted one was a child, although often grown or matured parties
were acceptable. To fill these vacancies, young children of likely
appearance were kidnaped from the settlements. (2) That these
adoptions were successful, we need only refer to the pathetic
scenes enacted at the several treaties where these captives were
surrendered. Often it was necessary to force them from their
foster parents. (3) The grief caused by these separations was
always mutual. The running of the gauntlet by the prisoner
before his adoption was, to use their own phraseology, "like how
do you do," a hearty but rough initiation into Indian society. (4)
The ceremony of adoption was serious, and assumed a religious
(1) See page 461. (2) p. 462. (.i) p. 462. (4> p. 462.
198 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
phase. The eradication of every drop of white blood from the
veins of James Smith when he was adopted by the Caughnewagos,
was highly symbolical, and a beautiful portrayal of primitive sim-
plicity and sincerity. (5)
In Border Warfare^ (6) will be found a very concise account
of the Waggoner tragedy, and reference here to the published
account will be made only in connection with some of the. incidents
heretofore not of record.
The attack was made on Monday evening. The Indians,
led by Tecumseh, in their flight passed over the bench land between
Buck Knob and Jesse Hughes' cabin, near the present site of the
old Tanner house. They crossed the small stream which heads
towards McKinney's Run and flows between Jesse's cabin and
the old Indian village site on the promontory, near where it
empties into the creek. On the right and near the road now lead-
ing up this little vale, was in former years a spring, shaded by two
beech trees. This was near the source of the stream. The
Indians with their prisoners passed between these trees, against
which they leaned their rifles while they quenched their thirst
at the spring. I have been at this spot quite often. One of the
trees is still standing; but the spring, it is said, has ceased to flow,
except during the wet spring months. From here they crossed
the little valley, and passed over the ridge onto McKinney's Run,
on the farm lately owned by Rev. Mansfield McWhorter, a grand-
son of Henry McWhorter. There on the hillside, just under the
brow of the ridge, finding that Mrs. Waggoner (who was in no
condition to travel) and the two smallest children were an imped-
iment to a necessarily rapid flight, the Indians tomahawked and
scalped them.
In the meantime, Waggoner, who had escaped to Hardman's,.
a neighbor living about half a mile away, spread the alarm. Hard-
man lived about one and one-half miles from Jesse Hughes, the
fleet-footed, who ran to the fort with the news. A rescue party
immediately hastened to the Waggoner place, and started in pur-
suit of the Indians. The pursuers fully acquainted with the coun-
try, and under the skilled guidance of West and Hughes, pressed
the Indians hard, and at one point nearly intercepted them. As
subsequently learned, the red warriors, alert to the perils of their
position, kept one of their number constantly scouting in advance.
By a code of signals, this scout kept his two comrades informed
(5; Sej page 462. (6) p. 462.
P>c)ri)i:r Settlers of XoRTinvESTERN \'irgini.\ 199
of conditions ahead. j\t one time, they observed the scout com-
ing towards them, making signals by an undulating or ducking
posture of the bod\-, in unison with the downward and outward
sweep of the arm. They immediately stopped and the scout
hurried towards them. The}- were being intercepted by the
whites. A hasty council of war ensued, then changing their course,
they made off at an increased rate of speed. The whites pursued
them to the mouth of Kinchelo Creek, where night coming on and
finding that the Indians were out-traveling them, the chase was
abandoned. Hcnr)- AlcW'horter was one of the party, and helped
to carry the dead to the fort. He often spoke of the appearance
of the bodies where the tomahawking took place, but never men-
tioned that they were "mangled in the most barbarous and shock-
ing manner" as stated by Withers.
Peter Waggoner, the only surviving boy, remained with the
Indians more than twenty years, or until near the close of the War
of 1812. He was then seen and recognized by Mr. Peter
Booher, (6) with a band of friendly Indians, on Paint Creek, (7)
a tributary of the Scioto River. Booher was a neighbor of Mr.
Waggoner, and had gone to Ohio to take up land. He recognized
the son by the strong resemblance to the father; and immediately
communicated with him, telling of his discovery. Mr. Waggoner,
in company with his neighbor Mr. Hardman, soon visited the
Paint Creek Indians with the \iew of inducing his son to return
home with him. W hile on Paint Creek, an old Indian, claiming
to have been one of the raiding party, by signs and broken English
gave Mr. Waggoner the following incidents of the destruction of
his family.
The warrior first held up two fingers; pointed to the sun, and
then to the western horizon, signifying that the sun was two hours
high when the\- made the attack. He declared that it had been
their intention to take the mother and all the children captives;
and that the killing of the boy at the house was accidental. The
warrior struck him for the purpose of rendering him senseless, and
to prevent him from making an outcry; but the blow was too heavy,
killing him instead. Mrs. Waggoner and the two smaller children
were slain because it was learned that the}- were being pursued,
and these captives could not travel as fast as was necessary to
effect an escape. Tecumseh, who, it will be remembered, visited
Hacker's Creek after the Treat\- of Green\illc, in conversation'
(6) See page 462. (7) p. 462.
200 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia.
with a Aiiss Mitchell told practically the same stor}'. He also
declared that they had been watching the Waggoner family for
some time, waiting until the children were large enough to travel.
If we can place credence in any part of their words, and if we are
to judge from all the circumstances connected with this unhappy
affair, there was surely a motive back of the perpetration, not
born of levenge.
Peter was married to an Indian woman and was the father
of two children. He was very much attached to his little family
and refused to leave them. His father pleaded that he go home,
if only for a short visit. His wife opposed his going, saying that
he would never return. Mr. Waggoner was obdurate and finally
Peter agreed to accompany him and promised his wife that he
would return in so many "moons." She was disconsolate, but
when she found that he was determined to go she said in broken
English, "Go, me no see you more." The poor woman's words
were prophetic; Peter was doomed never to keep the promise so
sincerely made.
When the time came for his return to his Indian home, he
was zealously guarded by his relatives and friends, who allowed
no opportunity for his escape. He became restive, and grew des-
perate in his determination to go. In an altercation with his
father, who was sitting at the loom weaving, Peter suddenly drew
his bow, it is said, and let fly an arrow with deadly aim. The mis-
sile struck the old man a glancing blow on the head, inflicting a
scalp wound, and knocked him from the loom. Peter was nov/
more closely confined, and after the allotted moons had passed,
he was afraid to return, having failed to keep his word. Every
influence possible was brought to wean him from his Indian attach-
ments and in time he became more reconciled. His long hair was
cut, and he was induced to discard his earrings and Indian garb
for the habiliments of civilization. In 1814, he married Catherine
Hyde, a widow, whose maiden name was Hardman, and raised a
family of children; but he was always melancholy and often
lamented having left his Indian family.
With the return of each succeeding "Indian Summer," Peter
would languish for the wild free life of the wilderness. If ever
the Great Spirit looked kindly upon his red children, it was at
this season of the year, when all nature is indescribably dreamy,
pleasant and sad. The ripening of wild grapes and nuts, the
Border Settlers of Xorthuesterx \irgixia 201
maturing of corn; the harxest and feast time of the Indian. Tlie
season of the great annual Iniffalo hunt, when this animal was in
l^rimest C(jndition; all this, like a call fmm the past, appealed to
I'eter's primitive nature.
Of his Indian life, he was ver\' reticent, and would seldom
speak of it to his white friends. Occasionally however, V-^. would
become communicative with young boys, and getting r few of
them together, he would relate to his eager listeners some wild
hunter stories and tales of forest life. He once told of a fierce
encounter that he had witnessed between a large panther and a
bear. The panther would leap upon the bear and hght fiercely
for a few minutes, and then spring up against the side of a tree,
w here it would cling and rest. Then it would again leap upon the
hear an^l the deadh' combat would rage until the [^anther, to
escape the crushing embrace of his antagonist, would repeat its
former tactics, and seek shelter of the tree. Thus the battle
raged until both animals were badly torn and exhausted, then the
bear walked away and the panther stayed in his tree.
At another time, he was with a hunting party, and becoming
lost, wandered two days and a night in the wilderness before he
was found. He had traveled in a zigzag course, often describing
a complete circle. Peter was fearful lest the Indians should think
that he was tr\-ing to escape and would deal harshly with him, but
when he spoke to them about it, they only laughed and said, "No
think lun 'way, him go too clooked. Him lun 'way, go stiate."
Colonel James Smith had the same experience when a captive. (8)
This coincidence is not remarkable, for it is well known that a
person lost in the wilderness will usually travel in a circle. Xone
would know this better than the Indians, hence practically the
same comment by the red hunter's in each case.
Peter settled on Hacker's Creek, and in a measure adapted
himself to his changed mode of life. He appears to have at first
regarded the most arduous toil in the light of amusement. His
first experience in plowing was in rooty ground with a "one-horse
shovel plow." Most \ irginia farmers know what this mode of
plowing means both to muscle and temper; it is hardly conduci\'e
to pious reflection. But with Peter it was novel, and when the
plow would strike a root, he would go lightly into the air with a
long, loud "cr// 0-0-0/).'" He never lost his Indian mode of speech.
His words were few, but expressive; and so strong is the law of
<8) See page 462.
Peter Waggoner
From a ferrotype, 1876. Courtesy of Albert W. Swisher
Border Settlers of Xori iiw estern \ ir(;im a 203
herediu' that nian\- of his descendants to the third generation
retain to a degree the short speech of their Indiani/.ed ancestor.
Owing to his long Hfe with the primitive people, Peter was
simple, honest and upright, lie was not a warrior among his
adopted people, but was a hunter of renown. W hen he first
returned to the settlement, he was an expert with the bow, as
well as the rifle. He often taught the boys of the neighborhood
how to fashion the bow, and gave them lessons in the use of this
primitive weapon. For man}' years there was among his descend-
ants a small brass barrel pistol brought by him from Paint Creek,
lie could give the war-whoop of his tribe anel emulate its several
dances, although he could seldom be induced to perform them.
He never k^st the traits of alertness acquired in his forest life.
W hen about his work he was watchful ani.1 prided himself on his
ability to detect anyone attempting to approach him unawares.
One of his grandsons told me that he had often tried to sur-
prise his grandfather when at work, but never succeeded. Once
under favorable circumstances, he approached within a few rods
of the old man before he was discovered. "Hey," he ejaculated,
"tried to slip on me; didn't do it, though." Only once did any-
one ever accomplish this feat, although it was constantly
attempted.
When i^eter was quite an old man, he was husking corn "on
the stalk" against the hillside where the grain stood thick and
luxuriant. A neighbor who was to help him, with great caution
came upon him unawares, and placed his hand on his shoulder.
The old man was startled and deeply humiliated. His Indian
pride was touched; he felt disgraced. "Hey," he exclaimed, in
a voice choked with emotion, "Vou slip on me. ^ ou first man
ever slip on me." Waggoner all that day seemed not himself,
but would at short intervals refer to the incident with such feeling
that the joker regretted his thoughtless act.
A short time after Peter's return, an Indian woman passed
through Hacker's Creek, inquiring for him. She could only speak
imperfect English, and with difficult}' made herself understood.
She" was Peter's Indian wife, who had come in search of him.
None would tell of his whereabouts, nor was he ever informed of
her presence in the settlements. She seemed parth' demented,
and sang wild, mournful melodies in her native tongue. At one
place, where she was granted a night's lodging, she chanted and
204 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
danced the greater part of the night. With the primitive Indian
dancing, in such cases is an invocation, or worship, but not amuse-
ment. What became of this lone woman, no one ever knew.
When last seen, she had passed beyond the settlement and was
wending her steps eastward. Hints of a darker nature in time
leaked out. It was said that she met death at the hands of some
of Peter's relatives or friends. Whether such was her fate, or if
in time she wandered back to her people, her story is a pathetic
one. She was a young widow when Peter married her, the wife
of a sub-chief of his tribe, who had died or fallen in battle. Peter
was his adopted brother and, it was said, by a recognized tribal
custom he married the widow. This may have been true, but at
this day it is only tradition. Peter held some position of authority
in his tribe, and as the chieftaincy is usually hereditary with the
Indian, it is probable that the mantle of the deceased brother fell
to him.
Let those who judge harshly of the capacity of the Indian
bosom for love, think well of the desolation in this poor, faithful
woman's heart. Let those who would approve of the forcible
detention of that husband and father from wife and little ones,
dependent on his rifle for meat and raiment, go learn their first
lesson of charity at the shrine of Moloch.
Peter died at his home on Millstone Run, a branch of Hacker's
Creek, February 26, 1879, in his ninety-third year. This would
place his capture at six years of age, instead of eight, as Withers
has it. He was buried in the Harmony Cemetery, near Jane Lew.
He was the last survivor of tragedy on the Virginia border.
The two captive sisters, Mary and Lizzie Waggoner, were
both older than Peter. Mary, the eldest soon escaped to the
vicinity of Detroit and continued there until the Treaty of Green-
ville, August 3, 1795. Lizzie remained with the Shawnees until
after the treaty, where her father in company with John Hacker
and Jacob Cozad attended and brought her and other captives
home.
Mary, in 1800, married Jacob Wolfe. She is buried on Polk
Creek, in Lewis County, West Virginia. Lizzie married John
Hardman. I do not know where she is buried.
CHAPTER XX
The last traditional account that we have of Jesse Hughes as
defender of the border on the Upper Monongahela was in the fall
of 1793. It was really the sequel of the following incident: (1)
"In the spring of 179.i, a parly of warriors proceeding towards the licadwaters
of tlic Monongahela river, discovered a marked way, leading a direction which
they did not know to be inhabited by whites. It led to a settlement which had
been recently made on Elk river, by Jeremiah and Benjamin Carpenter and a
few others from Bath county, and who had been particularly careful to make
nor leave any path which might lead to a discovery of their situation, but Adam
O'Brien (2) moving into the same section of country in the spring of 1792, and
being rather an indiflFerent woodsman, incautiously blazed the trees in several
directions so as to enable him to readily find his home, when business or pleasure
should have drawn him from it. It was upon one of these marked traces that the
Indians chanced to fall; and pursuing it, came to the deserted cabin of O'Brien,
he having returned to the interior, because of his not making a sufficiency of grain
for the subsistence of his family. Proceeding from O'Brien's, they came to the
house of Benjamin Carpenter, whom they found alone and killed. Mrs. Carpenter
being discovered by them, before she was aware of their presence, was tomahawked
and scalped, a small distance from the yard.
'*The burning of Benjamin Carpenter's house, led to a discovery of these
outrages; and the remaining inhabitants of that neighborhood, remote from any
fort or populous settlement to which they could fly for security, retired to the
mountains and remained for several days concealed in a cave. They then caught
their horses and moved their families to the West Fork; and when they visited
the places of their former habitancy for the purpose of collecting their stock and
carrying it ofT with other property, scarce a vestige of them was to be seen — the
Indians had been there after they left the cave, and burned the houses, pillaged
their movable property, and destroyed the cattle and hogs."
The following traditional account is still preserved by the
descendants of the Carpenters (3) on Elk River.
Jeremiah Carpenter was born at Big Bend, Jackson River,
in Bath County, Virginia, and was there taken prisoner by a band
of Shawnees when but nine }ears old. He lived with the tribe at
Old Town, opposite the mouth of the Great Kanawha until he
was eighteen, when he was exchanged and returned to Jackson
River. From that place he m()\ed lo I'.lk Ri\cr, in what is now
Braxton County, West \ irginia, settling about a quarter of a mile
above Dry Run. Into that region the Indians came every spring.
Adam O'Brien had blazed a trail from the site of the present
(1) See pa L'e 4^.2. (2i p. 4'.2. (3i p. 4'o.
206 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
town of Sutton to the Salt Spring, the name by which the white
people spoke of the Indian Bull Town. O'Brien went there to
make salt. Bull Town being on the old Indian war trail, a party
of two Shawnee warriors followed the blazed path made by
O'Brien, to Elk River, and there saw chips floating down the stream,
which to them was proof that settlers had erected buildings above.
They followed the river. There were two brothers, Benjamin
and Jeremiah Carpenter. Benjamin's cabin was lowest on the
river, at the mouth of Holly, twelve miles above Sutton. The
two Indians, one large and the other small, came first upon the
cabin of Benjamin. At the time, he was across the river burning
logs in his clearing, assisted by his mother and little sister, who
had come that day to visit him. His wife was sick in bed, and the
Indians tomahawked her, making no noise. The big Indian took
Carpenter's gun from the rack over the door, and seated himself
in the corner of the cabin, the little Indian concealing himself on
a bank above the house. Carpenter came across the river to
assist his wife if she should want any aid, and also to prepare din-
ner. But he stopped at the river bank, and took a deer skin from
the water where it had been soaking in the process of dressing, and
began work upon it. While about this business the little Indian
shot at him and missed him. He ran to the house to get his gun,
and as he reached up to take it down, the big Indian shot him in
the side under the arm, and killed him. They then scalped Car-
penter, took his gun, powder-horn and shot-pouch, and left that
region. Carpenter's mother concealed her little girl in a hollow
stump, and ran for her husband, but when he arrived at the cabin
of his son, the Indians were gone.
The following fall, at a fort on the West Fork of the Monon-
gahela, possibly at Clarksburg, the Indians killed and devoured a
cow belonging to Jesse Hughes. They carried away with them
a bell which the cow wore. One afternoon they rattled this bell
in the woods on the mountain-side above the fort. Some said to
Jesse Hughes that his cow was coming back. He knew, however,
that she had been killed, and replied that he would "make that
bell ring for something in the morning." That night he secreted
himself in the woods on the mountain above the point where the
bell had been heard the previous afternoon. As soon as it was
light enough to shoot, he again heard the bell, and cautiously
made his way towards it. He discovered two -Indians, one large.
l)<)ki)i:R Setti.krs ()i Xorthwestkrx \ ir(;ixia 207
the other small. The bi^' Indian was standing up with his gun
ready for instant use, and the little Indian was walking about on
his hands and knees, with the bell on his neck, rattling it in imita-
tion of a cow browsing in the woods. (4) Hughes shot the big
Indian, and the small one ran. Jesse threw down his empty gun,
seized that of the dead Indian, pursued and soon came up with
the little Indian and shot him. The gun carried by the big Indian,
and with which Hughes killed the little Indian, was the gun of
Benjamin Carpenter. The gun, powder-horn and shot-pouch
were returned to the Carpenter family.
The story of this occurrence, as told b\ the ininiediale descend-
ants of Jesse Hughes, is as follows: Hughes was visiting his par-
ents on Elk Creek, near Clarksburg. One evening the cow did
not come home from the woods as usual, nor could she be found.
The next morning Jesse's mother heard the bell in the woods, and
told her daughter to go and bring the cow home. Jesse, hearing
the order, stepped into the yard and listening attenti\eh- to the
bell for a moment, told his sister that he would go and bring the
cow. Taking his rifle, he went into the woods opposite to where
the bell was still rattling, and making a circuit, came near the
bell on the side furthest from the house. When getting near
the object of his search, the odor of broiling meat was wafted to
his nostrils. The Indians had killed the cow, and had been roast-
ing the beef over the camp-tire. Cautiously advancing, he saw
an Indian rattling the bell in such a manner as the noise produced
b\- a belled cow when feeding. The Indians had gone some dis-
tance from their camp towards the house, and were waiting to
see if anyone would come to get the cow. Hughes shot the Indian
who was ringing the bell.
In this version no mention is made of Jesse killing more than
one Indian, nor of the big and little Indian and Carpenter's gun.
The last version is correct as to the place and circumstance of
Jesse's exploit; but there is every reason to believe that the Car-
penter version is correct in its relation to Carpenter and the two
noted Indians.
Karl}- in the nineties there were two Indians on the border who
were well known to the rangers and scouts of Fort Harmer, and other
posts on the frontier. I/ildreth, (5) says of these famous warriors:
"There were among these Indians two whose footprints (6) were well known
to the rangers. One of them left a track eleven inches long, the other not more
(4) See page 467. (5) p. 467. (6) p. 467.
208 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
than seven or eight. They were known as the big and little Indian. They were
men of great subtlety and caution; often seen together by the spies, yet never but
once within reach of their rifles. Joshua Fleehart, (7) a noted hunter, and as
cautious and cunning as any savage, got a shot at the big Indian as the two lay
in camp below Bellville. The ball cut loose his powder horn, which Joshua took
as a prize, and wounded him in the side, but he escaped."
L
It is probable that these were the warriors killed by Hughes.
No mention of them is found in the border strife after this time.
The killing of Carpenter was cunningly planned and executed
and they would have succeeded in their decoy with the bell, but
for the keen discernment of Hughes. Instead, they met a tragic
death at the hands of this renowned scout of the Monongahela.
On file in the Bureau of Pensions, Washinton, is the brief
military record of John Carpenter, a soldier of the Revolution and
an Indian spy on the Virginia border. He was born in Botetourt
County, Virginia, in 1764. In September, 1780, he enlisted from
his native county for six months in Captain John Bowles' Rifle
Company, Virginia Alilitia, and marched by way of Albemarle
Court House, Virginia, to headquarters near Guilford Court House
in North Carolina, where he joined the main army under General
Green. Carpenter participated in the fiercely contested battle
of Guilford, March 15, 1781, which was the principal event during
the term of his enlistment. He was discharged in April, and in -
Alay of the same year, he enlisted as a private in Captain David
May's Company, Virginia Militia, and was sent to various points, ■
including Williamsburg, Richmond and Raccoon Ford on the
Rappahannock River in Culpepper County, Virginia. There
General Wayne joined forces with the Marquis LaFayette. Car-
penter was at the siege of Yorktown and the surrender of Lord
Cornwallis the following Autumn. He was a member of the guard
which conducted a detachment of British prisoners to the Win- •
Chester Barracks, near Winchester, Frederick County, Virginia.
At the expiration of his term of service, he was discharged
by his Lieutenant, Wallace Astre, or Aster (name illegible). He
then returned home. In December, 1781, he enlisted for one year
under Captain John AicCoy to defend the Virginia frontier border-
ing the Ohio River, and was marched to West's Fort on Hacker's
Creek under orders of Col. William Lowther. He became actively
(7) See page 467.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \ irc.inia 209
engaged in spying thn^ughuul ihc region cnibiaccd between the
Upp^er Monongahela settlements and the Ohio Ri\-cr. He
reported at Bush's Fort on the Buckhannon and at Neal's Station
at the mouth of the Little Kanawha, as well as at West's Fort.
He was not at all times under ihe immediate orders of Colonel
Lowther, but was sometimes moved by orders from Colonel
Wilson and other subaltern officers as occasion and country
demanded. He was frequently engaged in recovering stolen
property carried off b>- the Indians. In Januar\-, 1782, he was
discharged by Colonel Lowther and returned home.
\u March, 1783, he enlisted as a private Lidian spy in Captain
Peter Hull's Company and was sent to where Lewisburg now
stands, in Greenbrier County, where he scouted throughout
the adjacent country. At the expiration of his term, he received
his discharge from Captain Hull. This ended his services as an
enlisted militiaman, but subsequently performed many services
of value to the frontier.
It is not known just when John Carpenter settled on Hacker's
Creek, but he resided there in 1832, when he successfully applied
for a pension as a Revolutionary soldier. He evidently was living
on the Trans-Allegheny border in 1792, at which time he speaks of
his house being burned by the Indians. It is very probable that
he was at that time a resident of Hacker's Creek. That the
State Militia east of the mountains was sometimes assigned to
duty on the L'pper Monongahela border is apparent from If addell,
who states that at a county court martial, held October 27, 1779,
"Ensign James Steele reported the desertion of sundry men from
their station on the west fork of Monongahela, they being sub-
stitutes for Augusta militiamen. Many other substitutes were
returned on the same day by Ensign Robert Christian for desert-
ing from his command at Buchanan Fort." (8)
This last desertion may or may not have been the fort at
Buckhannon, but that reported by Ensign Steele must have
occurred at West's Fort on Hacker's Creek, or Nutter's Fort at
Clarksburg.
It is not known that John Carpenter, the scout, and the set-
tlers on the Elk River were of the same family, but it is very prob-
able that they were, as they hailed from the same region. Bath
(8) See page 467.
210
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
County was formed from Augusta, Botetourt and Greenbrier
Counties in 1791.
Among the volunteer troops who served in Dunmore's War
from Botetourt County, were Richard Willson Carpenter, Thomas
Carpenter, Soloman Carpenter, Jeremiah Carpenter and John
Carpenter, all privates. The name is given as Carpender. (9)
Thomas was wounded at the Battle of Point Pleasant.
(9) See page 467.
CHAPTER XXI
The border had receded: the fix)nlier was no longer Trans-
Allegheny; it was Trans-Ohio. Wayne's defeat of the Indians at
Fallen Timbers in 1794 had effectually secured the Virginia
settlements from Indian forays. The Twenty Years War, pro-
voked b\' the white man, had closed; and a new era had dawned
for the Trans-Allegheny. Peace fearfully bought had settled
over the romantic Monongahela and the beautiful Kanawhas.
The plumed warrior, the untutored patriot of the Northwestern
wilderness, had succumbed to the inevitable, and was again facing
the sunset. Life on the Upper Monongahela was now tof) tame
for the sanguine spirit of Jesse Hughes, the pioneer, ranger, Indian
fighter. He grew restive, and chafed under the inactive life
forced upon him. \\ ith the dying echo ot the last war-whoop of
the painted warrior among the hills of Virginia, Jesse Hughes
appears to have made preparations to follow him toward the west.
In the fall of 1797 or 1798, he sold his land to his brother-in-
law, James Tanner, (1) and turning his back on the scenes of his
many daring adventures and marvellous escapes, struck into the
wilderness of the Northwest. W ith his lamih' and live stock, he
moved overland to or near Vincennes. But the child of the high
forests of the AUeghenies could not flourish in the swamp woods
of the Wabash. His family suffered from chills and fever, and
this made him resolve to return again to his old paradise. Little
is known of his life in that marsh country, and I can give but one
occurrence ot interest.
The Indians were in the habit of coming to the tort with turs
and hides to barter for goods and rum. One da\', a drunken
Indian amused himself by approaching people unawares and biting
them on the shoulder. Observing this, Jesse remarked "If that
Injun bites me, he will never bite another man." \'ery soon the
Indian came upon Hughes, and closed his teeth on the scout's
shoulder. Hughes, whirling, struck the Indian, and at the same
time kicked him in the stomach, knocking him trom a high plat-
form or porch, killing him instant)). The Indians said that the
fall killed their brother, and the\- did not attempt to molest
Hughes in the least.
(1) See page 4<)7.
212 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
From Vincennes, Hughes moved by land to eastern Ken-
tucky, where he remained until the spring of 1799 or 1800, when
he moved again, overland, to what is now Jackson County, West
Virginia. On this trip they camped at the mouth of Twelve Pole
Creek, Wayne County, West Virginia, where, "setting his hooks,"
said his daughter Massie, then twelve years old, "my father
caught the largest catfish I ever saw." He continued up the Ohio
until he reached the mouth of Turkey Run, just above the present
town of Ravenswood, Jackson County, West Virginia. Here
he built a cabin and settled down for a few years. His main sup-
port, as in years past, was his rifle. Finding that the game was
disappearing in that locality, and that it was more plentiful back
from the Ohio River, he moved eight miles up Big Sandy Creek,
and settled one mile north of where Sandyville is located. Here
he entered a tract of land, built his last cabin, and seemingly
settled to spend the remainder of his days in the seclusion of this
sylvan retreat. But, as the sequel will show, he was doomed to
disappointment.
The record of his career in this region is extremely meagre.
No early history of Kentucky has ever been written, and the
annals of the southwestern part of West Virginia is not so replete
as the other portions of the State. The passing of the pioneer,
and the great changes wrought in the latter section by the Civil
W' ar, which was followed by an inroad of strangers, has had much
to do with the loss of traditions pertaining to the early days.
Tradition on the Big Sandy River says that in previous times,
Jesse Hughes scouted and hunted all over eastern Kentucky;
that he was an associate of Alatthias Harman of Ingles' Ferry
on the New River, and that he or his father was one of the famous
"Long Hunters." (2) On one occasion he swam Red River, hold-
ing his rifle and shot-pouch high and dry in one hand. This was
either a tributary of the Cumberland River in Tennessee or a
small contingent of the Kentucky River in eastern Kentucky.
Red River is spoken of by the "Long Hunters," who first came
upon it in 1769. (3)
By his immediate descendants in Jackson County is pre-
served the following story of Jesse Hughes:
Among the associates of Hughes were one Morgan and one
Straley. Morgan's two children were captured by five Indians
in a cornfield. And Jesse and the father went in pursuit, and at
(2) See page 469. (3) p. 470.
BORDKR SeTTLKRS OK \()R IlIW KSIKRN \ IRCJINIA 213
ni^ht came upon the Indians and iheir captives, sleeping at the
foot of a sN'caniore tree. I1ie\- shot two of the warriors, and
rushing in, tomahawked the other three before they could recover
from their surprise or offer an\' resistance. One of the Indians
they flayed, and tanning the skin, manufactured it into shot-
pouches.
I'he scene of this incident is lost, but it could not have hap-
pened after Jesse left Hacker's Creek. The fact that Morgan
and his two children were such conspicuous figures in the tragedy,
gives strength to the inference that the story may have had its
origin in the famous fight near Prickett's Fort, in 1779, between
Morgan and two Indians in defense of his two children, and its
ghoulish sequel. (4) As has been shown, Hughes was often at
Prickett's Fort, and no doubt engaged in the stirring scenes
enacted around that fortress. The revolting outrages perpetrated
upon the bodies of the two dead warriors would have been in keep-
ing with the savage instincts of Jesse and his border associates.
For Jesse Hughes the day of actual conflict had passed. The
red warrior no longer haunted the Virginia wilderness, but desul-
tory bands of friendly Indians, degraded by the vices of the white
man's civilization (5) still lingered round their former homes and
the graves of their people. These spent much of their time in
wandering about through the white settlements and often indulged
in drunken carousals. Against these beings, Jesse continued to
glut his insatiate thirst for Indian blood. He had doubtless m.any
opportunities for waylaying the unsuspecting tribesmen who occa-
sionally passed over their primitive thoroughfares in this region,
living as he did on the old Indian path, locally known as the
"Interior Trail." This led from the Little Kanawha to the Salt
Licks on the Great Kanawha, and crossed the warpath running
from the Ohio up Sand Creek. This latter was a noted trail,
which crossed from Sand Creek to the headwaters of Reedy
Creek, Spring Creek and Henry's Fork, all tributary to the Little
Kanawha; also Mill Creek flowing directly into the Ohio, and
Pocotaligo and its tributaries feeding the Great Kanawha.
Jesse's awful vow of his younger days, "to kill Injuns as long
as he lived and could see to kill them," was fearfulh- and savagely
kept in the eventide of life. The laws for the protection of life
were inefl'ective on the border and were seldom enforced when the
victim was a "despised redskin." Too often have the minions of
(4) See page 470. (5) p. 472.
214 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the law winked at, or shielded the blighting hand raised openly
against the peaceable Indian. His daughter Massie used to tell
that Hughes once killed three Indians and hid their bodies in a
cave, since known as Haynes' Cave. (6)
Several years after Jesse settled on Sand Creek, he was visited
by one of his former associates from Hacker's Creek. Accompan-
ied by this friend, Jesse repaired to a secluded part of the forest
and took from the cavity of a hollow beech tree eight rifles, the
property of peaceable Indians whom he had secretly murdered.
Another version of this tradition is that it was not Jesse, but his
brother Elias, who displayed the hidden rifles as trophies of his
prowess on the Licking River, in Ohio, where he settled in 1789.
But some of Jesse's immediate descendants declared that Jesse
alone was the founder and sole proprietor of the Beech Tree
Museum. Elias Hughes, as hereafter shown, had a like collection
of arms in a hollow sycamore.
At one time, Jesse Hughes, in company with a few compan-
ions, and at a rendezvous somewhere near the Ohio River, sat
about a camp fire. They were joined by an Indian, who had a
club foot. After carefully scrutinizing their visitor, Hughes
remarked to one of the company: "I have tracked that old devil
all over Northwestern Virginia." Subsequent conversation with
the red hunter verified this statement, (7) it was evident that
Hughes would not deal gently with the Indian, who with a
deformed foot, had been so successful in evading him in the forest.
The weary Indian accepted an invitation to spend the night with
the hunters, and after partaking of food furnished him, wrapped
himself in his blanket and lay down by the fire to sleep. The
next morning when the party arose, Hughes was gone, and the
lifeless body of the Indian was found to have a knife plunged to
the hilt in his heart.
When an old man, Jesse spent much of his time fishings
always armed with his tomahawk, from which he was inseparable.
Upon one occasion, he went fishing along the Ohio accompanied
by one of his little grandchildren. In the afternoon, they came
upon five Indians sleeping on the river bank, a tell-tale jug lying
empty near them. Scanning the recumbent forms a moment,
Hughes remarked, "They are drunk;" then went on with his
fishing. But angling for the finny tribe no longer held charms
for him. He became restless, going from place- to place, yet ever
(6) See page 472. (7) p. 473.
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
215
hovering about the objects that had so roused his lagging propen-
sities. He was the hereditary foe of the Indian in peace and in
war, and the sight of these inebriated wretches had fanned to
flame that hatred which ever rankled in his bosom.
Finally, as the day waned, he turned to his little companion
and said: "Go along home. I will come soon." The lad wended
his way homeward, leaving the old man still lingering near the
sodden slumbering Indians. As the shades of night settled over
the beautiful river and its forest-clad shores, Jesse Hughes
returned home, but the five wretched Indians were never again
seen or heard of. They had in some mysterious way disappeared;
but what had been their fate.'' Had they aimlessly stumbled into
the dark gliding Ohio, to be forever swallowed up by its murky
tide.'' Charity for the memory of the grizzled scout would suggest
as much, but the probability is that he first tomahawked his help-
less victims, and then threw their bodies into the river. In fact,
there is Httle doubt that this was the doom of these intoxicated
friendlles.
CHAPTER XXII
We now come to the closing scenes of the turbulent career of
Jesse Hughes. The swirling storms of threescore years had swept
his path, leaving on his brow the heavy touch of time's relentless
hand. His auburn locks were thin and grizzled. His lithe form
was not so erect, nor his eagle eye so keen as in former years, when,
daring the dangers and fearful privations incident to border life,
he traversed the deep forests of the Monongahela wilds, meeting
and challenging the skill and endurance of the most wily of his
hereditary foes. He had laughed at danger's toils, and played
"toss up and catch" with death in a hundred daring adventures,
and always won. The great object of his life had been revenge.
With death ever at his elbow, he had successfully run the grim
gauntlet of war, striking down in his passage the warrior, the
mother, and the child. And now, as the shadows were falling to
the east, they thickened and became black, and the sunset of life
was overcast with bitter disappointment, gloomy reflections,
sorrow and despair. Touching the pathetic ending of the life of
this remarkable borderman. Judge R. S. Brown, in his Centennial
address delivered at Ravenswood, West Virginia, July 4, 1876,
says:
"Jesse Hughes, brother of Thomas, before spoken of, was the son of Thomas
Hughes who settled on the Monongahela River in 1776, and was soon after killed
by the Indians, leaving a large and helpless family in the wilderness. (1) Jesse
grew up in the school of hardship to be a brave, handsome, active man. The
stories of the murder of his father and other kindred and friends embittered him
against the Red Man, and terrible was the retribution he visited upon them.
"His name was a terror to the savage foe and a household word of comfort
to the scattered settlers on the Buckhannon River, Hacker's Creek, and elsewhere
where he visited with the brave and chivalrous spirit of the knight-errant to ward
off the savage blow. Always on the alert and courting danger at every point,
he pursued the savage with the pertinacity of a bloodhound and never stopped
short of his prey. Hughes' River, a large navigable stream north of us, was so
named in honor of his exploits. (2) He was justly regarded as the peer of the Zanes,
McCoIloghs and Wetzels. A history of the deeds of this brave man in defense
of his people would fill a volume. When the Indians fell back Jesse Hughes
followed them, first to the Muskingum, and then to the Wabash, and only after
their complete surrender to General Wayne did he make peace. (3)
"He came back here and settled on the Sandy (4) where Mr. J. S. Dilworth
now lives near [Sand3'\'ille], where he obtained a patent for a piece of land, and
(1) See page 473. (2) p. 473. (3) p. 473. (4) 473.
Closing Days or Jesse Hughes 217
made improvements. He was the first settler on that creek. He planted an
orchard and cleared some land for a home in his old age; but after living there
many years he found his land was long previously granted to John Allison, so
Jesse Hughes, the hero of a hundred bloody battles in defense of his country and
his race, like his great friends Simon Kenton and Daniel Boone, (5) was a homeless
wanderer at the age of seventy-nine years. He went to live with his son-in-law,
George \V. Hanshaw, on the farm now owned by Mrs. VV. S. Proctor. Worn out
with toil and exposure and stung with the ingratitude of his countrymen, he wan-
dered one day with his gun in the woods, and there, alone in a leafy grove, just
on the run (6) near where we are met, he died. He was buried here on the bottom
but no stone marks the spot where reposes the dust of the brave pioneer."
After the loss of their home, Jesse and his wife li\-eiJ for a
time with their son, Thomas, who resided on the Ohio just below
Ravenswood. Afterwards they made their home with their daugh-
ter, Nancy Aj^nes Hanshaw, who lived at the mouth of Turkey
Run, perhaps on the site of Jesse's former home. Here Jesse died,
as narrated by Judge Brown in the last of September or the first
of October, 1829.
In his old age he became ver}- childish, and at every noise
imagined that Indians were around. Then, taking down his rifle,
he would go out and look for them. It was, perhaps, in one of
these sallies against an imaginary enemy, that the old scout met
death in the lonely, silent woods. His death was a fitting one.
He had spent most of his career in the wilderness — a part of the
wild savage life about him. Oft had he heard the reverberating
echo of his deadly rifle answered by the moaning cadence of the
sobbing wind, wailing in the gloomy forest a sad requiem over the
dying warrior who had fallen a victim of his vengeance. Again
had he listened in superstitious awe to the demoniacal shrieking
of the might}- Manitou whirling and crashing in fury through the
deep fastnesses of the sombre mountains, as if in protest against
the withering hand of the pale-face lifted so unremorselessly
against the red children of his wooded domain.
At last, in the beauteous mellow of the Southern autumn
day — in the dreamy haze of the soft Indian summer — there
alone under the trees he loved so well, death came to the old
woodsman.
The grimness of the irony of fate is reflected in the closing
career of this, the greatest of the pathfinders of western Virginia.
Of all the vast regions that he had been so active and ruthless in
wresting from the rightful owners, not an acre did he possess. His
<3) See page 473. (6) p. 474.
218 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
very grave is lost to the second generation of his family. No one
knows where Jesse Hughes was buried. I have tried through
every available source to locate the grave of the renowned scout,
but without success.
Jesse Hanshaw, his grandson and namesake (line of Nancy),
was born in 1831, at the home where his aged grandfather had
died two years before. The cabin in which Mr. Hanshaw was
born stood on the present site of the residence of W. S. Proctor,
who still owns the farm. The place at that time consisted of two
cabins, and was known as "Beggar's Town." Mr. Hanshaw
declared that his mother pointed out to him the place where his
grandfather was buried, and that this was on their home-farm,
now owned by Proctor, and above Turkey Run, on the upland in
the old orchard. He believes that he might be able to locate the
spot, though no stone marks the grave. In 1893, while digging a
post-hole near his residence, Proctor found a human skeleton,
which may have been that of Jesse Hughes. The location where
this skeleton was found — on the high ground back of where the
Hughes cabin stood — corresponds with that given by Mr. Han-
shaw, as pointed out by his mother.
There is an old burial ground between the road and the river,
on the lower part of A. J. Rolif's farm, which adjoins that of Mr.
Proctor, where repose the remains of some of the oldest settlers of
that region, and it has been suggested that Jesse Hughes might
have been buried there. Another tradition says that he was buried
near "Hughes' Eddy," (7) below Ravenswood. But I am inclined
to believe that Mr. Hanshaw is right in his location of the grave of
the old scout. There is no doubt that Mrs. Hanshaw knew where
her father was buried, and her son should know, within a reason-
able degree of accuracy, the location of the grave.
After the death of Jesse Hughes, his wife lived with her daugh-
ter Massie, at Gandeeville, Roane County, (now) West Virginia,
where she died in January 1842. She was buried at Gandeeville,
and at this writing her grave is shown only by a crude stone. It
is hoped that the numerous descendants of this pioneer mother
will mark with an enduring and appropriate monument her last
resting place, before it, like that of her renowned husband, is lost
to the world forever.
A few years ago, the old rocking-chair that belonged to Mrs.
Jesse Hughes was still preserved by some of her immediate descend-
(7) See page 474.
Closinc; Days of Jesse Mixuies
219
ants in Jackson Count)', West X'irginia. What became of this
chair is not known to me, but it is, in all probability, still in pos-
session of some of the family in that region.
Mr. Samuel Alkirc of Hacker's Creek, was once in possession
of an old gun charger that belonged to his great-grandfather, Jesse
Hughes. This charger was finely carved from a prong of the antler
of a deer, and evidenth' measured out death to more than one
Indian in the wikls of the Monongahela. Unfortunately, this
interesting relic, perhaps the last memento of the great scout, was
lost about thirt\- years ago, by a squirrel hunter, on lower Hacker's
Creek, which had been the theatre of the most turbulent scenes
in the wild life of Jesse Hughes.
CHAPTER XXIII
Thomas Hughes, Senior — Settled on Elk Creek, in (now)
Harrison County, (West) Virginia, and killed by Indians on
Hacker's Creek in 1778. It is not known where he was born,
but the evidence is cogent that the most of his life was spent on
the border, (1) and that his removal to the Upper Monongahela
was from the Wappatomaka. The majority of the pioneers of the
country in which he settled came from that region, and there is
strong proof, in the birth of his son, Elias, that he resided there
in 1757.
It is not certainly known whom Thomas Hughes, Senior,
married. I have been unable to find any record touching that
phase of his life. Some of the older descendants of his son Elias
think that his wife's maiden name was Baker.
The number of children, their names, and the dates of their
births, are not with certainty known. The names of some of
them, however, are known.
Jesse Hughes was born in 1750, settled on Hacker's Creek
in 1771-72; married Miss Grace Tanner the year of his settlement
there; became one of the most famous scouts and Indian fighters
of all the west; moved to the Wabash in the fall of 1797 or 1798;
moved thence to eastern Kentucky the following fall, exact
location not known; moved thence to western Virginia in the
following spring, and settled at the mouth of Turkey Run, in
what is now Jackson County, West Virginia; afterwards settled
on Sand Creek, same county, near where Sandyville was after-
wards built; died at the mouth of Turkey Run, just above the
town of Ravenswood, in the Autumn of 1829.
Thomas Hughes, Junior, was born about 1754; settled on
the West Fork about 1775; was an active scout during the entire
border wars, and was Lieutenant of a Company of Spies. He
afterwards settled in Jackson County, W'est Virginia, where he
died in October, 1837. His wife died three months previous.
Her name is unknown to me. They left one child, Thomas, born
1774, who was still living in 1854.
Elias Hughes was born in 1757, in now Hardy County,
Virginia. He was called "Ellis" Hughes by many of the early
(1) See page 474.
Genealogy of The Hughes I'\\mii,y 221
settlers, the name "I'.Uis" being applied as the result of the
inattention of the pioneers to the exactness in speaking names.
(2) He came to Harrison County while only a boy and grew up
to be a scout and Indian fighter second only to his brother Jesse.
W as in Battle of Point Pleasant and subsequentl)' commissioned
a Captain of Spies. He married Miss Jane Sleeth. In 1797,
moved to the Muskingum in Ohio, and the next year to Licking
County, Ohio. Was Captain of Militia ami commissioned Second
Lieutenant, Col. Rennick's Regiment Mounted Ohio Volunteers,
War 1S12. Died near Utica, Ohio, December 22, 1844. His
wife died in 1S27.
SuDN.A, daughter of Thomas Hughes, Sr., married Colonel
William Lowther, who settled on Hughes' River, and w-as a pioneer
in Northwestern Virginia, and active in the protection of the
settlers from the attacks of the Indians.
Job Hughes — History of this son not known to me. He
married Mar}- Hamm, 1791, in Harrison County, (West) \'irginia.
Died and was buried in Jackson County, now West Virginia.
Another Son was killed by the Indians. His name is not
known, nor can it at this time be determined where or when the
tragedy occurred, but it must have been on the western waters.
Another Daughter, name not know^n to me, was married
to Joseph Bibbee, who settled on the Ohio River below the present
town of Ravenswood, in what is now Jackson Count}', \\ est
\ irginia.
A marriage license was granted in Harrison County, Virginia,
in 1795, to William Bibby and Deborah Hughes. William was
a brother of Joseph Bibbee; Deborah may have been the daughter
of Thomas Hughes, Sr. Tradition among the descendants of
William Bibby, or Bibbee, in Jackson County, West Virginia,
says that the Bibbee brothers either married sisters or cousins.
\\ illiam Bibbee was a noted hunter and killed the last buffalo in
now Jackson County, West \ irginia.
In the same year (1795) Benjamin Cox and Mary Hughes
were married in Harrison County, Virginia.
Descendants of Jesse Hughes.
Martha, born in December, 1773, captured by the Indians,
December, 1787; returned from captivity, December, 1790; mar-
ried Jacob Bonnett in 1792, a brother to John Bonnett who was
(2) See page 474.
222 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
killed on the Little Kanawha, and lived all her life near West's
Fort, now Jane Lew, just below the main road and opposite the
present Methodist Episcopal Church, where she died in December,
1834, and was buried at the old Harmony Church Cemetery on
Hacker's Creek. Her grave is marked by a plain sandstone slab,
on which is the following inscription:
Martha, Daughter of Jesse Hughes
Born December, 1773
Made Prisoner by the Indians Dec, 1787
Returned from Captivity, 1790
Married Jacob Bonnett, 1792
Died Dec, 1834
Aged 61 Years.
Martha left a long line of descendants on Hacker's Creek.
Some of the best families of the valley, including the Bonnetts
and the Alkires. To the late Elias Bonnett, a grandson of Martha,
and to his son, Henry G. Bonnett, I am especially indebted for
some of the incidents in the life of Jesse Hughes.
Rachel, married William Cottrell; lived on Hacker's Creek
near the mouth of Life's Run until the death of her husband, when
she moved to Spring Creek, six miles from Spencer, Roane County,
West Virginia, where she died; buried near Spencer. The old
Cottrell cabin of hewed logs is still standing on Hacker's Creek,
just below the pike, and near the bridge spanning the creek, on
the road leading up Life's Run.
SuDNA, married Elijah Runner; lived and died near Sandy-
ville on Big Sand Creek, Jackson County, West Virginia.
Elizabeth, married James Stanley; lived and died on Mud
Run, a tributary of Big Sand Creek, Jackson County, West
Virginia.
ALa.ssie, born on Hacker's Creek, in 1786 or 1787; married
Uriah Gandee; lived for a time near Sandy ville, Jackson County;
in 1824 moved to where Gandeeville now is in Roane County,
West Virginia; her husband died in 1855, when she went to live
with her son, J. S. Gandee, where she resided until her death,
May 30, 1883. She was buried on the home farm near Gandee-
ville.
Nancy Agnes, married George W. Hanshaw; lived at the
mouth of Turkey Run, above Ravenswood; later moved above
the mouth of Straight Fork on Big Sand Creek,- Jackson County.
Genealogy oi- Thi: Hi?ghls Family
223
LouRANEY, married Uriah Sa\re; lived at the mouth of
Groundhog Run, on the Ohio River, in Meigs County, Ohio. (3)
Thomas, Hved on the Ohio River below Ravensuood, where
he died. I do not know who he married.
W'lLLLAM, married a Miss Statts; lived and died on Mill
Creek, three miles below Ripley, in what is now Jackson County,
W est Virginia.
Jesse, married Susana Mock in 1800. His history is unknown
to me.
Thl \\ ILLIAM Cul IKI'-LL CaBIN
Photographed 1909
Originally this cabin stood near the right-hand bank of Hacker's Creek, on the
opposite side of the valley. The logs were hewed after they were placed in the walls.
A spacious fireplace occupied nearly the entire right end of the room. A narrow
vent, not unlike a porthole, is concealed by the conspicuous board fust to the right of
the only door. There are no other openings or windows.
The above are the children of Jesse Hughes, the scout, ranger,
pioneer, and famous Indian fighter.
It is said that in size, features and complexion, W illiam
Hughes was almost an exact counterpart of his noted father.
Massie, the daughter of Jesse Hughes, who married Uriah
Gandee, had twelve children, to wit: Sarah, Jesse, William,
George, Cynthia, Grace, Lucinda, Samuel, Mar\' (who died when
nine years old), a child unnamed that died in infanc\', Martha, and
James Stanley. Of this family ten li\cd to maturit\'; but two
are now living: Samuel, born l''ebruar\' 24, 1S24, and James
Stanley, born July 27, 1X32.
(3) See pag; 47^.
224 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
The Gandee children, Hke those of many other post-pioneer
famiUes of Northwestern Virginia, were reared in the woods with-
out the advantages of education. James Stanley, the youngest,
named for the husband of his Aunt Elizabeth, did not attend
school more than ninety days all told. He learned to write, and
the rudiments of arithmetic, after his first marriage. He was
married twice, and true to the traditions of his forest clan, reared
many children to the honor of his country — twenty-one in all —
eighteen of whom are still living. Mr. Gandee has filled many
positions of trust in his county, from constable to high sheriff, and
was for several years president of his township Board of Educa-
tion. He laid out the town of Gandeeville on the old home farm
in Roane County, West Virginia.
To Mr. Gandee, more than any other person, am I indebted
for facts and incidents connected with the Ufe of Jesse Hughes.
Pertaining to genealogy and family history, Mr. Gandee is the
best informed of any of the immediate descendants of the cele-
brated scout. His opportunity for obtaining data regarding the
biography of his grandfather was, perhaps, unsurpassed, by any
person now living.. His grandmother made her home with his
parents from 1827 until her death, January 1842, and his mother
resided with him during the last quarter century of her life.
Descendants of Elias Hughes.
Elias Hughes married Miss Jane Sleeth. I am unable to
give the names of their children in the order of their ages, but
will set them down as furnished by Mrs. Pansy Hall Thatcher,
a descendant of Elias Hughes. The names are as follows:
Margaret (married Jones), Mary (married Foster), Susanna
(married Leach), Sudna (married Marlin), Jane (married Hight),
Sarah (married Davis), Kate (unmarried), Thomas, Henry, Job,
Elias, David, John and Jonathan (the youngest). Two others
died while quite young.
Mrs. L. Bancroft Fant, of Newark, Ohio, writes me that one
daughter married Ratliif.
Records in the U. S. Treasury Department show that the
pension due Elias Hughes at the time of his death was paid to his
children as follows: Susanna Leach, Margaret Jones, Sarah
Davis, John, Elias and Jonathan Hughes, and Sudna Marlin.
Jonathan Hughes was born January 14, 1796, in Harrison
Genealogy of The Hughes Family
225
County, Virginia, and came with his parents to Ohio in 1798.
In IS 15 lie was apprenticed to a carpenter and joiner in Mt.
Vernon, Ohio. On June 9th, 1S17, he married Lavina Davis, who
was born June 14th, ISOO. They had hve children: Clarinda,
born December 7th, 1818; Louisa, born November 17th, 1820;
James M., born March 31, 1827; Adaline N., born December 7th,
1829. James moved to Indiana.
Jonathan Hughes "never drank whiskey as a beverage, never
tasted tobacco but once, never smoked a cigar, never voted the
Democratic ticket but once, and that was for Jackson. Mr. Hughes
is a strong prohibitionist." (4)
(4) Sec page 475
CHAPTER XXIV
Elias Hughes survived his two noted brothers, Jesse and
Thomas, several years, and was among the last of the Virginia
frontiersmen. As a scout, he excelled in some respects either of
his two brothers. He rose to the rank of captain and was the recog-
nized champion rifle shot on the western waters. Like many of
his contemporaries, the border annals contain but little of his
early life. Withers mentions him in connection with four inci-
dents only; three of these are quoted in the preceding pages of
this volume, and the other will be given in the course of this sketch.
More is known of his subsequent life in Ohio, where he moved
soon after the Treaty of Greenville.
In many instances historians have dealt confusedly with his
personality. I have had occasion to mention that while his given
name was Elias he was generally known as "Ellis." Under this
double sobriquet he went through life to the grave and passed into
history. For even a vague conception of the deeds of this great
borderman, various historical works must be consulted, where
the reader becomes mystified by this diversity in his name. Owing
to these conditions, it has been deemed desirable to reproduce
here in a concise form, all that could be gathered concerning his
life. Lewis says: (1)
"Belonging to General Lewis' army was a young man named Ellis Hughes.
He was a native of Virginia, and had been bred in the hot-bed of Indian warfare.
The Indians having murdered a young lady (2) to whom he was very much attached,
and subsequently his father, he vowed revenge, and the return of peace did not
mitigate his hatred of the race. Shortly after Wayne's treaty with the Indians
in 1795, he forsook his native mountains, and in company with one John Ratcliff
removed north of the Ohio, where they became the first settlers in what is now
Licking County, in that State. Hughes died near Utica, that County, in March,
1845, at an advanced age, in hope of a happy future, claiming and accredited by
all who knew him, to be the last survivor of the battle of Point Pleasant. He was
buried with military honors and other demonstrations of respect."
The following paragraph is found in connection with the
Battle of Point Pleasant:
"The admittedly last survivor of those who personally participated in this
memorable fight was Mr. Ellis Hughes, one of the remarkable family of border
(1) See page 475. (2) p. 475.
Elias HiGHEs 227
settlers and Indian tigliters of that name. After Wayne's treaty, he and a neigh-
bor, Radcliff, removed to Ohio, and were the first to settle in (now) Licking County.
Hughes died in 1K4.\ near Utica, aged in the nineties." (3)
The L.ast Slrvivor.
"It is adniittcd by all that the last survivor of the battle of Point Pleasant
was Ellis Hughes, who died at Utica, Ohio, in 1>S40, aged over ninety years." (4)
The Last Survivor of the B.\ttle of Point Pleasant.
"The assertion has been made, and I have never heard it disputed, that the
last survivor of the battle of Point Pleasant was Ellis Hughes who died in 1840,
at Utica, Ohio. This is clearly a mistake. There was certainly a soldier in that
battle who survived Ellis Hughes several years, and who died in February, 1848,
in that portion of Randolph County which became Tucker County in 1856.
"Samuel Bonniheld was born .Xpril 11, 1752, where Washington City now
stands. * * *
"In the summer of 1774 Samuel Bonniticld went on a visit to Fauquier County,
Virginia. At that time Governor Dunmore was preparing for a campaign against
the Indians in Ohio, and Bonnifield joined the army, although he was not a citizen
of \'irginia. When the march began for the west, he found himself under General
Lewis. They marched to Lewlsburg in Greenbrier County. Here Bonnifield
first met Isaac Shelby, with whom he formed an intimate acquaintance, and of
whom he afterwards frequently spoke. The army proceeded to the mouth of the
Gauley, and from that point a portion made canoes and went by water to the
Ohio. Among these was Bonnifield. His reminiscences of the battle of October
10, contain a few minor details which I have never seen published. He relates
that he and Isaac Shelby were behind the same log, and had, for some time, been
trying to discover the spot from which occasional bullets had been coming which
apparently had been fired at them whenever they showed themselves. Finally
Bonnifield made the discovery; but at that moment his gun was empty, and he
therefore pointed out the head and face of an Indian some fifty yards distant,
protruding from behind a log. Shelby took careful aim, fired, and when the
Indians yielded ground shortly after, they found the warrior lying behind the
log, shot through the head.
"None of the published accounts of the battle which 1 have seen mention
the fact that the retreating Indians were observed while in the act of crossing the
Ohio. Bonnifield speaks particularly of seeing them crossing in large numbers.
To him the sight seems to have furnished amusement; for he related with much
merriment how a dozen or more Indians would set out from shore on a single log,
how the log would roll and careen despite their efforts to steady it; how one by
one they would fall off, and strike out swimming for the Ohio shore, while the
log perhaps would float away without a passenger." (5)
"Ellis" Hughes, of the foregoing citations, and Elias Hughes,
the scout, were one and the same person. In the Census of Mo-
nongalia County, Virginia, 1782, he is listed as Elias Hughes at
the head of a family of hve. In the Census of Harrison County,
(3) See page 475. (4) p. 475. (5) p. 475.
228 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Virginia, 1785, he appears as Ellis Hughes at the head of a family
of six. Both enumerations included parents. (6)
Elias Hughes came early to the western waters. The record
of homestead entries in Monongalia County, 1781, shows that
he was granted "400 acres on West Fork [river] adjoining lands
of James Tanner, to include his improvement made in 1770." (7)
He assisted in the building of Nutter's Fort and was closely identi-
fied with the border wars, which intervened from the Battle of
Point Pleasant to the Treaty of Greenville. We get a glimpse
of his career during this period, from the evidence which he sub-
mitted with his claim for pension as a Revolutionary soldier,
heretofore unpublished.
In his deposition, executed August 23, 1832, he states that
as near as he could recollect he was then about seventy-five years
old. He entered the service at the commencement of the war,
and was commissioned a captain of spies under Col. Benjamin
Wilson, and served as such for about two years. Col. Lowther
then took command, and he was under him with the rank of captain
for over a year; when it appears that Col. Lowther left the service.
Hughes was under the impression that the colonel resigned, but
was not positive. Col. George Jackson then took command of
the scouts and Hughes continued in service until the close of the
war.
Hughes states that when Col. Jackson assumed command,
owing to some new arrangement in the disposition of the Indian
spies, he did not retain his commission as captain. According to
the then regulation, the services of the spies were no longer required
in companies. They were separated in bodies of two, and bounda-
ries assigned over which they were to scout. They met at certain
points, reported their observations and carried any appearance of
the enemy to the nearest stations.
In his petition, Hughes was vouched for by Jacob Riley and
Stephen McDougal, but he was not granted a pension.
In 1834, Hughes made a second declaration, which is so
fraught with historic interest that I give it in full:
' The State of Ohio
Licking County
"Personally appeared before me, the undersigned, a Justice of the Peace
within and for the County aforesaid, Elias Hughes, who being duly sworn deposeth
and saith that by reason of old age and consequently loss of memory, he cannot
(6) See page 475. (7) p. 475.
Ki.iAS Hughes 229
minutch enter into a detail of his services in tlic Revolutionary War. Deponent
saith, however, without fear of contradiction, that he served as a ranger and spy
during the whole of the Revolutionary War, from the year 1775 to the year 1783,
and also prior and subsequently thereto, that his first engagement against the
Indians was at the battle of Point Pleasant on the Big Kanhawa in the year 1774,
that his last services were performed in the year of Wayne's treaty with the Indians,
in the year 1795 (as he thinks), in the neighborhood of Buchannon against a
party of 22 Indians by pursuing them and giving the alarm to the settlement —
that said Indians succeeded in getting off with Mrs. Bozarth (wife of John Bozarth)
and two of the children as prisoners, who were delivered up to General Wayne
after the treaty.
"Deponent saith that after the declaration of war in 1775, he volunteered in
the service in the Virginia States troops (he thinks), under one Captain James
Booth under whom, to the best of his recollection, he continued to serve up to
the year (in the spring) of 1778, when his father Thomas was killed by the Indians
on Hacker's Creek, V'a. Deponent states that about that time one Stephen
Ratcliff or Ratlift who held a commission as Captain (under Col. or Major Lowther)
left the service and went back on to the south Branch of the Potomac. Deponent
saith that he was then commissioned by Col. Benjamin Wilson as a captain to
supply the vacancy occasioned by reason of the said Ratcliff leaving the service.
Deponent states he well recollects that his commission was printed but by whom
it was signed he cannot saj% but under the impression that it was signed by the
Gov. of \'a. Deponent states as he has before stated in his original
declaration that he served not less than three years as captain of the Rangers
or spies, that he may perhaps he mistaken (from the great length of time which
has elapsed and from loss of memory which he is sensible has failed him very
materially), in the order and disposition of arranging Col. Benj. Wilson and
Col. Wm. Lowther as officers of the Rev. at the time he was so engaged
and serving under them as aforesaid, he is, however, satisfied that they were the
two principal leaders in the commencement of the Revolution in West Augusta
Co., Va., and whether they did or did not at that time hold commissions under
the Government as Col. or Major he cannot say positively (they have at least
subsequently acquired those titles); he is satisfied however that they either assumed
or had in fact such authority delegated to them by the Government that they
took upon themselves the organization and disposition of the troops in that section
of the country and of paying off the soldiers, recommending the appointment of
officers, etc., and that he did in fact hold a commission and served as a captain
in the Rev. for not less than three years as before stated. (Deponent
states on having his memory refreshed that he is mistaken in saying (as stated
in his original declaration) that he was commissioned as captain at the commence-
ment of the War, that it was not until the spring of 1778 (as he thinks).
"Deponent states that from his youth, he always had a fondness for his gun
and that his principal occupation was that of hunting from the time he was able
to carry a gun up to the time of the Rev., that a number of years before
the time of the Rev. (does not recollect the year) he removed with his
father in the neighborhood of Clarksburg, V'a., together with several other families,
John Hacker, Wm. Hacker, Samuel Pringle, Wm. Ratcliff, John Cutright &
John Hacker with their families, that on the breaking out of war, his services
230 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
being required, he of clioice volunteered his services as he has before stated, that
his name is mentioned in the Border Warfare, a worlc published by Alex. Withers,
at Clarksburg, 1831, and in which a part of his services is detailed (though not
generally or particularly). Deponent states that his services may be computed
as follows, viz: as a private from the year 1775 up to the year 1778, as a captain,
from 1778 up to the year 1781, and from the year 1781 up to the year 1783 as a
private. Deponent states he has sent on to Virginia in order to prepare the testi-
mony of witnesses who served with him and by whom he expected to be able to
prove his services both as a private and as captain in the service, but in consequence
of the death of Alexander West and the absence of David Sleith, his most important
witness, he has not been able to establish his services as satisfactorily as he expected
to be able to do. Deponent states positively from his own knowledge that he
has actually served as above stated, that he did service faithfully during the whole
of the Rev. War without any interruption, and that he also served after
the peace of 1783 up to the year of 1795. Deponent states that he is unable to
say whether he will be able to procure any further testimony in regard to his
services than that which is attached to his original declaration, to wit, the testimony
of Wm. Powers, Esq., and Jesse Lowther — that he does not know at this time of
any person living within his knowledge (except David Sleith) whose testimony
will be material. Deponent states that for three years past, he has been entirely
blind and from his limited means he is unable to be at further expense in order
to establish his services. He hereby proposes to submit to the Department his
original and amended declaration with the testimony accompanying the same
with a view that the same may be acted upon giving the department a discre-
tionary power to grant him a pension as captain or private, as the evidence \n
the case may in their discretion seem to justify. , .
Elias X Hughes
mark
Sworn and subscribed to Dec. 5, 1834.
M. M. Caffer, Justice of the Peace."
The foregoing declaration was followed by several lengthy
testimonies among them one from Tarah Curtis, a clergyman, all
speaking highly of Hughes as a man of veracity and whose state-
ment could be relied upon. Some of these affidavits are of more
than passing interest, of which a full synopsis is here given.
Under date of September 8, 1834, before John Mitchell, J. P.,
William Powers, of Harrison County, Virginia, states that he
was then sixty-nine years old, and that he first became acquainted
with Elias Hughes in 1774 at the building of Nutter's Fort, near
where the town of Clarksburgh now is; that he thought Hughes
was then seventeen years old, and resided with his father at a
place now called Westfield, in Lewis County, Virginia. From
that time to 1796, he was more or less acquainted with Hughes,
and for a portion of the time participated with him in the scenes
Elias Hughes 231
of warfare then going on between the whites anei Indians on the
western frontier of Virginia.
Powers could not state from personal knowledge of Hughes
service from commencement of the Revolution, 1776 to 1783, as
he was not in the same company of spies, but frequently met him
in connection with the discharge of his duties during that period.
He states that he was present at one time in the spring of 1781,
when Colonel Lowther with sixteen others, of whom Elias Hughes
was of the number, returned to Clarksburgh with five Indian
scalps, a great quantity of plunder and two prisoners, whom they
had taken and rescued from the Indians. Powers further states
that after the peace between C^reat Britain and the United States
in 1783, the war with the Indians did not subside for a number of
years; consequently a force was necessary to be kept up for their
mutual defense against the Indians. He states that by this
means he and Elias Hughes were thrown together on numerous
occasions (from the year 1783 up to the year 1795), and he had
an opportunity of forming a pretty good opinion of the character
of Hughes as an Indian warrior; that he believes the country in
those days did not contain a more vigilant, brave and efficient
soldier; that from all that he had seen and heard of Elias Hughes,
he was, when his services were needed to go on an expedition, at
all times ready to go at a moment's warning.
September 10, 1834, Jesse Lowther, before John Davis, J. P.
for Harrison County, Virginia, states that he was then sixty-one
years old; born in Harrison County, Virginia, w^here he resided
ever since, and w-as well acquainted with Elias Hughes from the
time that he was capable of knowing any person, and the most
that he could relate respecting said Hughes as an Indian warrior
was information derived from his father, William Lowther, and
others; that during the Revolution he was too young to partici-
pate in the scenes of warfare then going forward on the western
frontier of Virginia. Lowther states that he well recollected at
one time that Elias Hughes was engaged with his father, William
Low^ther, then a Major, in March 1781, with fifteen others pur-
suing a party of fourteen Indians, who were then retreating from
Randolph County, where they had been murdering and plundering
a number of inhabitants. His father and other men pursued the
Indians from Arnold's Fort, sometimes called Lowther's Fort,
to Indian Creek, a tributary of Hughes River, where they over-
232 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
took and killed five of the Indians and returned with their scalps
to said fort, having rescued two of the white prisoners, Daugherty
and Mrs. Roney, whose son was accidentally killed during the
attack on the Indians. Mr. Lowther well remembered that the
plunder taken from the Indians at that time, when shared to each
man, amounted to £14 17 s. 5d.; that amongst the plunder
taken were nine guns, six silver half-moons, one whole moon and
one war club and spear, a number of "Tom Hawks" and scalping
knives, silver arm bands, earrings and nose jewelry, one cap con-
taining 44 silver broaches, a number of (as he thinks) Kowaknick
pouches (of otter skins) and paint bags.
Lowther states that as far back as his recollection extends,
and from information derived from his father and others, Hughes
was from the first among the foremost to go forth against the
Indians when his services were required, and understood that he
was Captain of Spies, but at what period he could not tell. He
further states that he has been at Hughes' house in Ohio since he
left Virginia, and is satisfied that he is the same identical Elias
Hughes mentioned in his original declaration made in Licking
County, Ohio, August 23, 1832, now here exhibited No. 4776.
Mr. Davis, Justice, adds that Jesse Lowther's statements are
entitled to credit.
In an affidavit, February 25, 1842, before John Moore, J. P.,
Licking County, Ohio, General Thomas W. Wilson, son of Colonel
Benjamin Wilson, deceased, who figured prominently in the border
wars of western Virginia, states that he was then 38 years old,
and up to the time he was twenty-two years of age he continued
to reside with his father in Harrison County, Virginia. He had
frequently heard his father relate many incidents relative to
border warfare, in which Elias Hughes played part. His father
always spoke of Hughes in the highest terms, as a brave and
efficient soldier and spy, and in whom he had the most implicit
confidence; that from his peculiar sagacity and knowledge of the
Indian character combined with his personal activity, persever-
ance and bravery he ranked him amongst the foremost of the
Rangers and Spies of his day.
General W^ilson stated that he had often heard his father say
that Hughes was appointed Captain of the Rangers and Spies in
place of one Ratcliff, who was discharged, as he understood, on
account of his cowardice; that it was necessary for the safety of
Elias Hlghes 233
ihc C()Uiur\' ihat said Ralcliti be rcinnxcd, aiul lluirhcs appointed
in his place; that said Ratclitf was a careless, trilling, cowardl}' dog
and not to be depended upon. Hughes recei\ed his appointment,
as the (jeneral thought, on Sunday morning before da\light, and
started upon the scout and pursuit of Indians, and thought it
was the same trip that he returned with the scalps of seven Indians.
The (jeneral had heard man\" circumstances and anecdotes
told of Hughes hv those of his actiuaiiitances, in relation to his
encounters and exploits among the Indians in the time of the Revo-
lution, and that from the character given him by all he was highly
distinguished for his braver}', and must have contributed much
to the defense of the countr\' during the war of the Revolution.
The pursuit and defeat on Hughes River of the warriors who
desolated the Leading Creek settlement in 1781 had no parallel
on the western waters. The number of Indians killed has been
variously estimated, ff'ithers, as previously quoted, placed this
loss at five, which number is confirmed by the testimony of Jesse
Lowther, Gen. \\ ilson, who got his information from Col. Benja-
min Wilson, states that the number slain was seven. This tallies
with the report of John Cutright, who participated in the affair.
(8) The Indians were so adroit in their movements, that they
were seldom anticipated, or punished in these border forays.
Comparatively few incidents in the Virginia frontier life of
Elias Hughes have been preserved. I am indebted to Rev. Daniel
Cj. Helmick for that which immediately follows:
Elias Hughes and one Brown, for whom Brown's Creek in
Harrison County, West Virginia, was named, were hunting in
the vicinity of Lost Creek near the \\ est Fork River, when Hughes
shot and wounded an elk, which made off. There was a rivalry
between the two men as to their personal endurance; to settle
which it was agreed that they give chase until the game was over-
hauled, or one, or both of the hunters ready to say "quit." The\'
immediately started at a swinging trot, but the proverb that a
"stern chase is a long chase" was to be amply verified. Hour
after hour went by with no let-up to that relentless trot.
The quarr\- was finally overhauled on lower Turke\' Run,
or Peck's Run in (now) L'pshur County. Hughes did not suffer
materiall}' from this remarkable run; but not so with Brown. The
tendons of his lower limbs were badl}' strained, which contracting
into corded knots, disabled him for several days.
(8) See page 475.
CHAPTER XXV
The memory of Elias Hughes in later years is inseparably
connected with that of his kinsman and associate, John RatcliflF,
who accompanied him to Ohio. The following biographical sketch
of these two bordermen is by Isaac Smucker: (1)
Our Pioneers
Capt. Elias Hughes and John Ratcliff.
1798.
"Elias Hughes and John RatHff were our first settlers, and closed their lives
here, hence their names are as much interwoven with the history of Licking County
as is the name of General Washington with the history of the United States, or as
are the names of the Presidents, Lincoln and General Grant, with the history of
the late rebellion. And to attempt the production of a history of our country
without making Hughes and Ratliff prominent actors therein would manifestly
issue in failure.
"Elias Hughes was born near the South branch of the Potomac, a section of
country which furnished Licking County many of its early settlers and most useful
citizens. His birth occurred sometime before Braddock's defeat in 1755. Of his
early life little is known, until in 1774, we find him a soldier in the army of General
Lewis, engaged in the battle of Point Pleasant. Gen. Lewis, you are aware, com-
manded the left wing of the army of Lord Dunmore, who was then Governor of
the Colony of Virginia, and successfully fought the distinguished Shawanese Chief,
Cornstalk, who had a large force of Indians under his command. One-fifth of
Lewis' command was killed or wounded, but Elias Hughes escaped unhurt in this
hard fought battle, which lasted an entire day. At the time of his death, which
occurred more than seventy years after the battle, he was, and had been for years,
the last survivor of that sanguinary conflict.
"We next find Hughes a resident of Harrison County, in Western Virginia,
where his chief eniployment, during the 21 years that intervened between the
battle of Point Pleasant and the treaty of Greenville in 1795, was that of a
scout or spy, on the frontier settlements near to or bordering on the Ohio River.
This service, which was a labor of love with him, he rendered at the instance of his
State and of the border settlers that had been for a long time greatly harassed by
the Indians, who had murdered many of the whites on the frontiers, their women
and children included, under circumstances of atrocity but seldom paralleled.
Hughes' father and others of his kindred, and also a young woman to whom he
was betrothed, had been massacred by them. These acts of atrocious barbarity
made him ever after an unrelenting and merciless enemy of the whole race of Red
Skins, and in retaliation for their numerous butcheries his deadly rifle was brought
to bear fatally upon many of their number in after years. It is but an act of
simple justice to the memory of this veteran pioneer, who was well known as an-
(Ij See page 475.
Elias Hughes 235
Indian hater, and an Indian ivillcr, that llic provocations he had, be fully presented,
and properly understood. Born and raised on the frontiers, among a rude and
unlettered people, and untaught and wholly uncultivated and unenlightened as he
was, it is not surprising that, under all these circumstances, considering, too, the
horrid aggravation he had, he should have given rather full play to strong and
malignant passions, and that he should have cherished, even to old age, the harsher
and more revengeful feelings of his nature. His vindictiveness or sense of justice
led him to keep accounts about balanced between the whole race of red men and
himself. This he did fully, so long as the Indians maintained a hostile attitude
towards the whites — perhaps a little longer. He owed them nothing at the final
settlement.
"The treaty of Greenville, commonly called 'Wayne's Treaty,' made and
ratified in 1795, terminated Indian hostilities, or rather the defeat of the Indians
the previous year, by General Wayne, in the battle of the 'Fallen Timbers,' near
the rapids of the Maumee, brought about that result, and hence scouts were no
longer required. Elias Hughes, like the Moor in Shakespeare, when he reached
the conviction that 'Othello's occupation's gone,' now finding his services as a
scout no longer in demand, surrendered his commission of Captain of scouts, and
directed his attention to more pacific and less hazardous pursuits. And here It
may be stated that he had been commissioned by that distinguished frontiersman,
Col. Ben Wilson, the father of our fellow citizen, Daniel Wilson, and of the late
Mrs. Dr. John J. Brice, as a captain of scouts.
"In 1796 Hughes entered the service, as a hunter, of a surveying party, who
were about to engage in running the range lines of lands lying in part, in what is
now Licking County. The fine bottoms of the Licking were thus brought to his
notice, and he resolved to leave his mountain home in the 'Old Dominion,' and
locate himself and family on the uncultivated and more fertile lands of the Licking
Valley, beyond the white settlements. Accordingly, in the spring of 1797, he
gathered together his limited effects, and with his wife and twelve children started
for the mouth of the Licking, most of them going on foot, and the remainder on
pack horses. This point had been made accessible to footmen and horseback
travelers by the location and opening in the year before, by Zane and others, the
road from Wheeling to Maysville; and also of a road previously cut out from
Marietta up the Muskingum River. (2) John Ratliff, who was a nephew of
Hughes, came with his wife and four children, with the latter, and in the same
manner to the mouth of the Licking. Here they remained one year, and in the
spring of 1798, both families, numbering twenty-one persons, moved in the same
style to the 'Bowling Green,' twenty miles up the Licking from its mouth, and
there made the first permanent white settlement In the territory now forming
Licking County. They erected their cabins near the mouth of the Bowling Green
Run, about four miles below Newark, on the banks of the Licking, and about
half a mile, or less, apart. They found the 'Bowling Green' a level, untimbered
green lawn or prairie, and they at once proceeded to raise a crop of corn. Whether
the 'Bowling Green' was a natural prairie, or had been cleared by the Indians or
some white persons, remains an unsettled question. The nearest neighbors of
Hughes and RatlifF, for two years, lived about ten miles down the Licking, one of
whom was Philip Barrick, who, in ISOl, moved up the valley and located near the
'Licking Narrows.'
(2) See page 475.
236 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
"The Hughes and Ratliff colony subsisted mainly on the meat of the wild
animals of the forest, and on the fish caught and 'gigged' in the Licking, although
a considerable crop of vegetables and corn was raised the first and subsequent
years. The elk and buffalo had disappeared, but bear, deer, wild turkeys and a
great variety of the smaller game, as well as fish, were in such abundance as to
supply the full demands of these early settlers. Berries, wild fruits, nuts and
other spontaneous productions of the earth also contributed for many years, in
no inconsiderable degree, to the subsistence of the pioneer settlers.
"Ratliff, in some particulars, was a different style of man from Hughes., He
was much more given to the peaceful avocations of life, and for one reared on the
frontiers, had not been largely engaged in border warfare; although he as well as
Hughes, was considerably devoted to the chase, to fishing, trapping, bee hunting,
as well as to the pursuit of the ferocious animals of the forest, and the birds of
prey that tenanted this wilderness.
"In 1799, a son was born to Elias Hughes, and he was the only accession to
the Bowling Green colony in that year. * * *
"In the year 1801, an event of no inconsiderable importance transpired at
the 'Bowling Green.' Two Indians came along one night and stole four horses.
They belonged to Elias Hughes, John Ratliff, John Weedman, a recent emigrant
(from Pennsylvania), and a Mr. Bland, who lived at the mouth of the Licking,
but who was at that time visiting Hughes. In the morning after the horses were
stolen, their owners determined to pursue and kill the thieves, feeling assured that
they were Indians. Weedman backed out, but Hughes, Ratliff and Bland, being
well armed, started in pursuit. They were enabled to follow the trail, readily
tracking them through the grass and weeds. Overtaking them on Owl Creek,
they shot them. Bland's flint did not strike fire, but Hughes' and Ratliff 's did,
and those Indians stole no more horses. When the Indians were overtaken and
it was evident that the horses would be recovered, Bland and Ratliff relented,
and feeling less sanguinary than when they started on the pursuit, they suggested
to Hughes to let the thieves escape, after the horses were obtained, but the latter
was not that style of man. He negatived their proposition in such emphatic
terms, and in use of such forcible expletives of the profane order as were common
among frontiersmen in those days, as to soon bring them to the determination
with which they set out. When Hughes said a thing must be done, and he could
do it, or cause it to be done, it was done. This was one of the cases — he had his
way — they had agreed to kill the Indian horse thieves — and they did. Hughes
knew them and believed them to have been engaged in stealing horses and then
returning them to their owners for a compensation in skins and furs.
"This sanguinary transaction necessitated the erection of a blockhouse on
the 'Bowling Green' as a means of protection against the infuriated friends of the
defunct horse thieves, who were greatly incensed against those they suspected of
killing them, but it never became necessary to defend it, the Indians finally decid-
ing it inexpedient to assault it. One evening, however, after the excitement had
nearly subsided, two well armed Indians entered Hughes' cabin, and in a menacing
manner introduced the subject of killing those Indians. Mrs. Hughes seeing that
trouble might be had with their visitors, quietly sent for Ratliff, who readily
responded, rifle in hand. Hughes, in those days always carried a butcher knife
in his belt, and he also had a rifle at hand. Bloody work seemed imminent, but
I*!lias Hughks 237
llic Indians, after remaining face lo face with those veteran back-woodsmen all
night, sometimes in rather spirited discussion, deemed it wise, in the early morning,
to retire without any hostile act. * * *
"In 1S02, Elias Hughes was elected captain of the first company of militia
raised within the present limits of our county. This company he commanded a
number of years. They had to go to Lancaster to attend battalion drills. Cap-
tain Hughes had four children born to him after he settled at the 'Bowling Green,'
making the sum total of his children sixteen. Jonathan is the only one of the six-
teen now living in Licking County. He was born in Harrison County, Virginia, in
1796, was brought to the mouth of Licking in 1797, and was two years old at the
time of his father's reinnvai in 179S Xn tlic 'Bowling Green.' The older children
liad to walk, on their removal up tlie Licking, but Jonathan and his brother
David (who also was too young to walk), were brought up in a salt sack thrown
across a horse. Jonathan was put in one end of the sack and David in the other,
openings being first cut in the sack for their heads to go through. The sack was
then slung across the pack saddled horse, and a rider or two, with the other loading,
put upon him and then started for the 'Bowling Green,' while the others walked
or came up in a canoe. It would, indeed, be an interesting picture that gave us,
on canvas, an accurate view of this original colony of emigrants while in motion.
Jonathan, the salt sack boy of 1798, is now more than seventy-six years old, and
is the oldest settler of our county— emphatically, our Pioneer.
"RatlifT's wife died in 1802, and was probably the first white adult person
that died within the present limits of our county. * * * Ratliff married again,
his second wife being the daughter of a pioneer by the name of Stateler, w-ho lived
near the mouth of the Rocky Fork. He also raised a considerable family but
none of them now live, if living at all, in our county. He had a son in the army
during the War of 1812, who, after his return from the ai'my, removed to Louisiana.
He also had a daughter, Mary, who intermarried with a Mr. Evans. Some of the
issue of this marriage, being grandchildren of John RatlitT, are still living in our
county, principally, I learn, in Perry Township.
"RatlifT finally removed to the south side of the Licking near the mouth of
the Brushy Fork, where he died about theyear 1811. He, no more than Hughes,
seems to have had nnicli success in the acquisition of property. Indeed, it is not
probable that either of thetii ever had much ambition in that direction.
"Capt. Elias Hughes, on all other subjects except Indian warfare, was gen-
erally of a taciturn disposition, but he was fond of relating his exploits and successes
as a scout; sitting up whole nights, sometimes, to relate to willing interested lis-
teners his hair-breadth escapes and adventures, and the thrilling stories, heroic acts
and deeds of renown in which he had borne apart. He was unassuming, temperate,
honest, mild-mannered, unpretending, unambitious, but firm, determined, unyield-
ing, and some thought him vindictive. When he resolved on a certain line of
conduct he commonly pursued it tu success, or failed only after a vigorous effort.
Fond of adventure, he displayed in border warfare, in battle, in pursuit of Indians,
and in explorations of new countries, and in the pioneer settlement of them, the
energy, bravery, self-sacrificing virtues, that so conspicuously distinguished the
early pioneers of the Great W'est.
"In the War of 1812, Capt. Hughes, notwithstanding his age, volunteered
for the defense of Fort Meigs. On the formation of a company for that service,
238 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
ho wai elected to conduct the men to headquarters at Worthington for organiza-
tion. At the election of company officers he was made a Lieutenant, the late
General John Spencer being p'ccted Captain. He was patriotic to the core and
- ■ were fis sons, not less than three of them being eng.-.ged in the same war. One
^f ciiom contracted disease while in the service of his ou.itry, of which hf died. (3)
"Elias Hughes lived many years on the North F "; k, a few miles abov.j Newark,
and also for several years at Clinton, in Knox Co". u'y, from whe-^ce he removed to
Monroe Township, near Johnston. Here, in 1827, Mrs. Hu^'t-' died. (4) She
had the qualities which admirably adapted her to discharge the dudes of a pioneer
wife and mother. Her training had been in the Presbyterian faith, and the instruc-
tion to her children was in accord with . ". Upon her death, most of his children
having married and removed from the .Muntv. Capt. Hughes became a welcome
inmate of the house of his son, Jonathjn wh-; uved in Utica. He, you remember,
was introduced to you as the salt sack 'grant of 1798.
"For many years Capt. Hughes was a pensioner, regularly receiving from
his beneficent government the means to enable him to spend his declining years
in the full enjoyment of all the blessings of life, kindly ministered unto by Jonathan
and his family, with whoin he spent the last seventeen years of his life.
"Capt. Hughe^ was the subject of more varied vicissitudes, adverse fortunes
and experience: m?re diversified than usually fal' to the lot of man, but he met
them in the heroic sp.r^t -f those who are determinec to encounter them success-
fully, and meet the steri^ realities of life like men. Enduring as he did, for the
last sixteen years of his lite, the terrible affliction of total blindness, he was, of
course, deprived of the enjoyment afforded by v'ews of the glory and grandeur of
the Creator's works, but he was resigned to this afflictive dispensation of Provi-
dence, feeling disposed to endure all meekly, calmly, patiently, and to trustingly,
hopefully 'bide his time.'
"In his declining years his attention was directed to religious subjects to
which he gave much thoughtful and serious consideration, and for many years
he cherished the cheering hopes of a happy future inspired alone by the Christian's
faith. He died in December, 1844, and was buried with military honors and
other demonstrations of respect. His age is not certainly known, but the best
information obtainable makes him at the time of his death about ninety years old.
"Such was the life and career, thus imperfectly sketched, of one of the most
remarkable men that ever lived in our county. His was a life full of privations,
adventures, hardships, toils, exposures, excitements, anxieties — a life providentiall}^
preserved through so many years of constant peril, and of exposures to unusual
hazards and dangers. It is one of our chief duties, as a Pioneer Society, to pre-
serve from the oblivion the recollection of the heroic deeds and achievements of
cur pioneer settlers, and to keep fresh and green in our memories, and in the mem-
ories of those who are to come after us, the sufferings and noble deeds of the self-
sacrificing men and women who first settled in these forests, erected cabins, cleared
the land, and converted the wilderness into fruitful fields, and made comfortable
and pleasant homes for their descendants, the men and women of the present
generation. And none of all the meritorious pioneers of our county are better
entitled to this service at our hands than Capt. Elias Hughes and John Ratliff,
and their wives and children, who composed the colony of twenty-one that made
the first settlement in the territory that now forms Licking County."
(3) See page 476. (4) p. 476.
Elias Hughes 239
"In 1820 an Indian squaw of the Stockbridge tribe was shot near the county
line, between Utica and Martinsburgh. She was taken to Mt. Vernon where she
died. One McLane shot her, and was sent to the penitentiary for it. He and four
others named McDaniel, Evans, Chadwick, and Hughes (not Elias) were engaged
in chopping, when this squaw and others of the tribe came along and camped near
them. The diabolical proposition was made and accepted that they should play
cards, and that the loser should shoot her. McLane was the loser, and did the
shooting. His confederates, or at least some of them, were tried and acquitted.
In Norton's History of Knox County it is stated that 'Hughes shot this squaw,
simply to gratify his hatred of the Indian race.' How an intelligent man, writing
history could justify himself for making such a gross mistake, regarding a matter
on which he could easily get correct information from a thousand residents of this
county and of Knox, it is hard to conceive. Elias Hughes had neither part nor
lot in the matter, directly or remotely, but condemned the outrage in unmeasured
terms. He was not guilty, and this emphatic denial is deemed an act of simple
justice to Mr. Hughes." (5)
Hozve (6) says Licking County, Ohio,
"* * * was first settled, shortly after Wayne's treaty of 1795, by John Ratliff
and Ellis Hughes, in some old Indian cornfields, about five miles below Newark,
on the Licking. These men were from Western Virginia. They lived mainly by
hunting, raising, however, a little corn, the cultivation of which was left, in a great
measure, to their wives."
Howe gives the following account of the shooting of the Indian
horse thieves:
"Hughes had been bred in the hot-bed of Indian warfare. The Indians having,
at an early day, murdered a young woman to whom he was attached, and subse-
quently his father, the return of peace did not mitigate his hatred of the race. One
night, in April, 1800, two Indians stole the horses of Hughes and RatliflF from a
little enclosure near their cabins. Missing them in the morning, they started off,
well armed, in pursuit, accompanied by a man named Bland. They followed
their trail in a northern direction all day, and at night camped in the woods. At
the gray of the morning they came upon the Indians, who were asleep and uncon-
scious of danger. Concealing themselves behind the trees they waited until the
Indians had awakened, and were commencing preparations for their journey.
They drew up their rifles to shoot, and just at that moment one of the Indians
discovered them, and instinctively clapping his hand on his breast, as if to ward
otf the fatal ball, exclaimed in tones of aflfright, 'me bad Indian! — me no do so
more!' The appeal was in vain, the smoke curled from the glistening barrels, the
report rang in the morning air, and the poor Indians fell dead. They returned to
their cabins with the horses and 'plunder' taken from the Indians, and swore
mutual secrecy for this violation of law.
"One e\ening, some time after, Hughes was quietl\' sitting in his cabin, when
he was startled by the entrance of two powerful and well-armed savages. Con-
cealing his emotions, he gave them a welcome and offered them seats. His wife,
a muscular, squaw-like looking female, stepped aside and privately sent for Ratliff,
(5) See page 476. (6) p. 477.
240 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
whose cabin was near. Presently Ratliff, who had made a detour, entered with
his rifle, from an opposite direction, as if he had been out hunting. He found
Hughes talking with the Indians about the murder. Hughes had his tomahawk and
scalping-knife, as was his custom, in a belt around his person, but his rifle hung
from the cabin wall, which he deemed it imprudent to attempt to obtain. There
all the long night sat the parties, mutually fearing each other, and neither summon-
ing suflicient courage to stir. When morning dawned, the Indians left, shaking
hands and bidding farewell, but in their retreat, were very cautious not to be shot
in ambush by the hardy borderers.
"Hughes died near Utica, in this county, in March, 1845, at an advanced age,
in the hope of a happy future. His early life had been one of much adventure;
he was, it is supposed, the last survivor of the bloody battle of Point Pleasant.
He was buried with military honors and other demonstrations of respect."
This was Elias Hughes of border fame.
The pursuit and shooting of the Indian horse thieves by
Hughes, "Jack" RatlilT and Bland, is given by Norton (7) and is
practically the same as Howe's version, but not so elaborate, and
closes with this statement:
"Our old townsman, Wm. Mofford, informs us that when improving his farm
on Mile Run, Wayne Township, he was clearing off' ground on which to build his
house, and he then plowed up the two Indians killed by Hughes, and also a rusty
gun barrel, brass guard and other pieces of a gun, which had not decayed. This
was in 1835, and Jacob Mitchel now (1862) has the old relics.
"George Conkie gathered up the bones and buried them, and the house was
built on the spot — the old Peck Place on Mile Run bottom, where Mrs. Acre now
lives. In early days there was a favorite camping ground for the Indians, about ^
where these Indians were killed."
Norton states that Hughes died in March, 1845.
Among the Draper Manuscripts (8) are the following commu-
nications from Col. Robert Davidson, in response to inquiries
from Dr. Draper. They are here published for the first time.
"Newark, IQth March, 1850.
Mr. Lyman C. Draper.
"Dear Sir, Yours of 23d Nov last to Mr. William Van Buskirk requesting infor-
mation as to the adventures of his father John Vanbuskirk and others in the border
warefare along the Ohio River at an early day has been handed the subscriber (as
an old acquaintance of his fathers) by M"". W™. Buskirk to reply thereto. Last
week I placed in the postoffice directed to you the Granville Intelligencer contain-
ing a detailed report of the desperate conflict of Adam Poe, his brother Andrew,
and others with the gigantic Indean, Bigfoot, and brothers, five in all July 1782
and next week look for the Newark Gazett of this place containing some notes of
the adventures of Jno Van Buskirk written and published for your convenience
and to do some justice to the memory of a very worthy man wom I always esteemed
as one of the fronteere defenders when I was too young to defend my self.
(7) See page 477. (8) p. 477.
Elias Hughes 241
"If \ ou shall desire it, I can send \()U a more detailed account of Elias Hughes
who at the age of IS was in the batti at Point Pleasant October 10''' 1774
and continued from that, emplojed in hunting, spying, and killing Indeans until
after Gen. Wains Treaty 1794 [1795].
"You will pleas excuse my friend Wni. Buskirk in not writing you. In the
first place he thought the information would come with a better grace from one of
the early aquantances of his father than from him He is a fine young man but
reluctant to write would rather attend his saw mill a day than write an hour.
If \-ou shall wish for an\- mure on the subject the border wariors write to him.
Very respectfully yours, &c
Rom . D.wiDsoN.
Mr. L) Mian C. Draper Ksc)
Leverington
Philadelphia County, Pa."
"Xkw.akk, February 22, 1S51 (9)
**::{( 9|c 9|c :4c 3^ :te ^ 9)e
"I wrote some time past to know of Jonathan Hughes wiiere his father was
born and to what religious denomination he entered But have not yet heard
from him I presume he has been from home or by other means has not received
my letter. As to Elias Hughes, it is something uncertain but he considered him-
self 18 [years] of age when in the battle of Point pleasant, Moutii of Kanawa,
under Colo. Lewis — I am not positive as to the Religious denomination to which he
inclined but think it was to the Methodist Episcopal Church. His daughter in
law M"^*. Jonathan Hughes was my informant as to his vengeance disposition
not long after his death I was then (in addition to what I knew) endeavoring to
collect more knoledge of his life and adventures for the purpose of writing the
obituary notice which soon after appeared in the Newark .Advocate which I sent
last year.
"When I saw Gen. Thomas Wedsday last, he enformed me that he would
[be] in Philadelphia this winter and that he intended to do himself pleasure of
calling upon you —
"If I shall soon hear from M^. Jonathan Hughes I shall write again (10) I
should have remarked on the other side that I think Elias Hughes was born on
the South branch of Potomac Va. and that his father at an early day moved
thence to Harrison county, Va. and there was held [killed] by the Indeans.
".Although I have been acquainted with Dr. Coulter many years I[t] was but
lately I learned that he knew any[thing] about Capt. Bready But have not the
least of his statements
V'ery respectfully \-ours &c
ROBT. DA\inSO.N'."
'N. B. Since writing the foregoing Dr. Coulter informs me that he thinks
Capt Bready was from 30 to 35 years of age when he died. (11 j
Lyman C. Draper Esq
Leverington
Philadelphia Count)-, Pa."
(9) See page 477. (10) p. 477. (11) p. 477.
242 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Last of the Border Warriors. (12)
"Died on the 22nd ult., Capt. Elias Hughes, aged ninety years, at the residence
of his son, Jonathan, near Utica, O. He was buried with military honors by the
mihtary of the vicinity.
"At an early day Thomas Hughes & family moved from the South Branch of
Potomac to Harrison County, North-Western part of Virginia, where his son, Elias,
became one of those extraordinary, active and daring spies and soldiers of the day.
"At the age of eighteen, under the command of Col. Lewis, he was in the
battle of Point Pleasant, which continued from early in the morning until near
night before the Indians gave way, October 10, 1774. On returning home he
joined a company of spies under Capt. Boothe, for the protection of the then
exposed frontier settlements.
"At one time, being out spying with a comerade, they examined the localities
near the steep bank of a run, under smoke of rotten wood to keep off the gnats
& lay down upon their arms for the night, their moccasins tied to the breech of
their guns. (13) Some time after, hearing something hke the snapping of a stick,
& looking in the direction, saw at a distance three Indians approaching. In-
stantly the whites sprung to their feet, leaped down the bank and over the run.
The Indians in pursuit, not knowing the place so well, fell down the bank. The
whites, hearing the splash, stopped an instant, put on their moccasins, raised a
yell & put off at full speed, leaving the Indians to take care of themselves.
"Capt. Boothe in time being killed by the Indians, Joseph Ratliff succeeded to
the command, but lacking, as a soldier, the confidence of the men, left the country,
and Hughes on a sudden emergency being appointed in his place, under Col.
Lowther, put off in pursuit of Indians, found them, & returned with 6 or 7
scalps. (Date not known at present.) (14)
"In June, 1778, three women were in the field near West's Fort picking greens,
when they were fired upon without effect by one of a party of four Indians. The
women screamed and ran for the fort, and one Indian in pursuit speared Mrs.
Freeman. Being fired upon from the fort without effect, the Indians ran off in
different directions. They were soon pursued by Jesse Hughes, Elias & others.
After some time, at a distance they heard the howl like that of a wolf. They ran
some distance in the direction and stopping at a suitable place, Jesse howled also.
He was answered, and two Indians were soon seen advancing. An opportunity
offering, Elias downed one, (15) the other ran. The whites pursued, but he running
into a small hazel thicket and they round on each side to take him in the outgoing,
he watching them ran the back way and escaped. In the meantime he who had
been shot recovered so much as to make off also, and a shower coming on pre-
vented the pursuit by obliterating the blood on the track.
"In March, 1781, a party of 14 Indians, nearly depopulated the settle-
ment upon Leading Creek (Taggart's Valley) and put off. They were pursued
unsuccessfully by a party from Clarksburg, (16) but in the meantime. Col. Lowther
& Capt. Hughes, learning by spies that the Indians had been seen near the
mouth of Isaac's Creek, put off with a party of 17, and on an evening,
Hughes being alone in advance for the purpose, discovered the Indians on a branch
of Hughes' River, coolly putting up for the night, apparently not apprehensive of
pursuit at that distance.
(12) See page 477. (13) p. 477. (14) p. 477. (15) p. 477. (16) p. 477.
Elias Hughes 24-3
■"On the rc-turn to tlie party it became an object of interest, not to risk tlic
li\es of the prisoners, Mrs. Roney, her little son and Daniel Dohcrty; therefore,
when it was thought the Indians might be sleeping, the Captain crawled near
enough to discover the position of Mrs. Roney and Dohcrty, but saw nothing of
the bo}-. Before day the whole party, in perfect order, crawled close & fired
upon the Indians, one only escaping.
Mrs. Roney and Doherty were uninjured, but the boy, having been sleeping
in the bosom of an Indian was killed by a ball after passing through the Indian's
hi.;id. 'I'lie plunder sold the 17th of the niontii, pnxluced a dividend of 14£. 17s.
and 5d. 1(1 each one of the seventeen.
"In September, 1785, Lowther, Hughes and others, in pursuit of a party of
Indians who had stolen horses from near Clarksburg, slept near them on the third
night, not knowing it. Next morning the whites parted, taking different routes.
Hughes & party soon discovered the Indians, and fired upon them, killing one.
The rest ran off in various directions, and one coming near Lowther's party was
shot by the Colonel as he ran. They then started for home, and before going far
were fired upon, & John Barnet (17) wounded so that he died before reaching
home.
"At another time (date not known) Hughes and party discovering a party of
Indians, fired upon them. The Indians ran in different directions: Hughes after
one, was gaining upon him fast, in a piece of bottom land in which were no trees,
when the Indian turning quickly about with loaded gun uplifted. Hughes' gun
was empty, & no tree to spring behind. But instantly springing obliquely to
the right and left, with a bound, & outstretched arm. flirted the muzzle of the
Indian's gun one side, and the next moment had his long knife in him up to the hilt.
"After Gen. Wayne's treaty, Capt. Hughes & family settled upon the waters
of the Licking, Ohio. The Indians having, at an early day, killed a young woman
whom he highly esteemed, & subsequently his father, the return of peace did not
eradicate his antipathy. In the month of April, 1800, two Indians having collected
a quantity of fur on the Rocky Fork of Licking, proceeded to the Bowling Green,
stole three horses and put off for Sandusky. The next morning Hughes, Ratliff
and Blair, going out for the horses, and not finding them, did not return to apprise
their families, but continued upon their trail, and at night discovered the Indians'
fire on Granny's Creek, some few miles N. W. of where Mt. Vernon now stands;
lay down for the night, and the next morning walked up to the Indians as they
were cooking their morning repast. At first the Indians looked somewhat embar-
rassed, proposed restoration of the horses and giving part of their furs by way of
conciliation, to which the whites did not dissent, but were thinking of the whole
of the furs and future safety of the horses. It being a damp morning, it was
proposed to shoot off all their guns and put in fresh loads. A mark was made,
Hughes ostensibly raised his gun to shoot, which attracted the attention of the
Indians to the mark, and was a signal. Ratliff downed one, Blair's gun flashed,
but Hughes turning quickly around, emptied his gun into the other Indian's head,
setting fire at the same time to the handkerchief around it. On returning, they
kept their expedition a secret for some time. Many more interesting incidents
might be related, but not with desirable accuracy of the present day.
"Capt. Hughes' memory failed him considerably the last three or four years.
Previously his eyesight failed him entirely, but partially returned again. With
(17) See page 477.
244 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
patience he waited his coming end, firmly believing that his Redeemer lived, and
that through him he should enjoy a happy futurity." — Communicated.
That Elias Hughes continued to murder Indians after going
to Ohio is undeniable. He once returned on a visit to the settle-
ments on the Upper Monongahela, and some of his old acquain-
tances noticing his restless movements and constant watching
on every side, said to him, "Ellis, I see you're still hunting Injuns."
"Yes, and I'll hunt 'em as long as I live." "Have you had any
luck since leaving here.'"' "Not much, but I know where there
are fourteen guns hid in an old sycamore in my country."
Through the kindness of Mrs. Pansy Hall Thatcher, a lineal
descendant of Capt. Elias Hughes, I am enabled to give a personal
description of the old scout, by two of his granddaughters, who
were still living in Licking County, Ohio, in 1907.
Elias Hughes was small in size, of light build, small hands and
could wear a woman's shoe. His hair was combed down smooth
and cut off evenly at the shoulder. His hair showed no signs of
grey, even at his death. His eyes were blue and his face was
always clean-shaved. He was eccentric in his dress, at all times
wearing a hunting shirt and refusing to wear a coat. This shirt
was of blue trimmed in red, and with red fringe around the edge.
He also refused to have a button on his hunting shirt, tying it
with small pieces of tape.
A family tradition says, that "Elias Hughes was lying asleep
in the house, when he dreamed that his children were in danger.
When he awakened, a friend, who was in the same house, was
loading his gun. Elias asked him what he was going to do. He
said, "I hear a wild turkey; I am going to shoot it." Elias said,
"I will get your turkey for you." He went out and returned in a
few minutes with the scalp of an Indian, whom he had found in
his cornfield near where his children were playing. The Indian
had imitated the turkey's call in hopes of luring some one from the
house."
This tradition may be the growth from Jesse Hughes' experi-
ence with the turkey at Clarksburg, and of David Morgan's
remarkable dream and combat with the two Indians near Prickets
Fort in 1778, cited elsewhere in this volume. It is probable that
EHas Hughes was connected with the revolting sequel of Morgan's
battle, which might account in part for the story.
In 1782, Elias Hughes had an adventure with Indians in a
Ili,i.\s Hitches 245
cornricld on ihc West Fork Ri\'er, but with uitfcrciit results from
that of the foreiroiii^ tradition.
"In August as Arnold and Paul Richards were returning to Richards' Fort,
they were shot at by some Indians, lying hid in a cornfield adjoining the fort, and
both fell from their horses. The Indians leaped over liie fence iniinediateh' and
tomahawked and scalped them.
"These two men were murdered in full \ icu of the fort, and the firing drew
its inmates to the gate to ascertain its cause. W hen they saw that the two Richards
were down, they rightly judged that Indians had done the deed; and Elias Hughes,
ever bold and daring, taking down his gun, went out alone at the back gate and
entered the cornfield, into which the savages had again retired, to see if he could
not avenge on one of them the murder of his friends. Creeping softly along, he
came in view of them standing near the fence, reloading their guns, and looking
intently at the people at the fort gate. Taking a deliberate aim at one of them, he
touched the trigger. His gun flashed, and the Indians alarmed, ran speedily
away." (18)
It is claimed that Captain Hughes could read and write,
although his signature appears in his declaration for pension and
other statements with an "X." This, however, may have been
on account of his blindness at that time. Like his brother, Jesse,
Captain Hughes died in indigency. His life had been devoted to
the trail and the chase; and his wants measured only by his present
needs, were supplied from the forest and streams. For two-score
years his supreme joy had been a saturnalia of blood, and not until
the loss of his sight and when there were no more "Injuns to kill,"
did his thoughts turn to the "future life."
Captain Hughes is buried near the center of the cemetery at
Utica, Ohio. At the interment crossed cannons were discharged
over his grave, which is yearly decorated with flowers. A gray,
flat stone marks the last silent catnp of the ""Last of the Border
Warriors r (19)
(18) See page 477. (19) p. 477.
CHAPTER XXVI
For one who figured so prominently on the Trans-Allegheny
border, Colonel William Lowther has received but meagre consid-
eration from the historian. The following brief summary of
his life by Withers is practically the source from which all subse-
quent writers have drawn:
"There was likewise, at this time, a considerable accession to the settlements
on Buchannon and Hacker's Creek. So great was the increase of population in
this latter neighborhood, that the crops of the preceding season did not afford
more than one-third of the breadstuff, which would be ordinarily consumed in
the same time, by an equal number of persons. Such indeed was the state of
suffering among the inhabitants, consequent on this scarcity, that the year 1773
is called in the traditionary legends of that day, the starving year; and such were
the exertions of William Lowther to mitigate that suffering, and so great the
success with which they were crowned, (1) that his name has been transmitted to
their descendants, hallowed by the blessings of those, whose wants he contributed
so largely to relieve."
To the foregoing, Withers adds the following note:
"William Lowther was the son of Robert, and came with his father to the
Hacker Creek settlement in 1772. He soon became one of the most conspicuous
men in that section of country; while his private virtues and public actions endeared
him to every individual of the community. During the war of 1774, and sub-
sequently, he was the most active and efficient defender of that vicinity, against
the insidious attacks of the savage foe, and there were very few, if any, scouting
parties proceeding from thence, by which the Indians were killed or otherwise
much annoyed, but those which were commanded by him.
"He was the first justice of the peace in the district of West Augusta — the
first sheriff in the county of Harrison and Wood, and once a delegate to the General
Assembly of the States. His military merits carried him through the subordinate
grades to the rank of Colonel. Despising the pomp and pageantry of office, he
accepted it for the good of the community, and was truly an effective man.
Esteemed, beloved by all, he might have exerted his influence over others, to the
advancement of his individual interest; but he sought the advancement of the
general weal, not a personal or family aggrandizement. His example might teach
others, that offices were created for public good, not for private emolument. If
aspirants for office at the present day were to regard its perquisites less, and their
fitness for the discharge of its duties more, the country would enjoy a greater por-
tion of happiness and prosperity, and a sure foundation for the permanence of
these be laid, in the more disinterested character of her counsellors and their
consequent, increased devotion of her interests." (2)
Although an officer during the greater period of the border
(1) See page 478. (2) p. 478.
Colonel W illlam Lowthlr 247
wars and at times, in general command of the military, and accred-
ited w ith leading many of the pursuits of marauding Indians,
Withers notes but two such occurrences. These have already
been cited elsewhere in this volume. Lewis gives the following
brief of the Colonel's life: (3)
"William Lowther — Henry, George and William were the sons of Henry Low,
and were English miners; for their superior skill and meritorious service Uher^
was added to the name by royal edict. William had a son Robert, who with his
wife, Aquilla Rees Lowther, emigrated to America in 1740, and came to the Hacker
settlement in 1767, accompanied by their son William, the subject of this sketch,
was born in 1742. The latter married Sudna Hughes, sister of Elias, Jesse,Thomas
and Job, of Indian war fame, and settled on Simpson's Creek in 1772. Many of
their descendants are now living in Clarksburgh and the surrounding country.
"W illiam Lowther became distinguished as a skillful and courageous frontiers-
man, and for his unselfish devotion to the good of the colonists. The population
of these frontier settlements increased so rapidly that the supply of provisions
became insufficient, and the year 1773 was called in the early traditions of the
section, 'the starving year.' Such were the exertions of William Lowther to miti-
gate the sufferings of the people, and so great was his success that his name is
transmitted to their descendants hallowed by their blessings. During the war
1774, and subsequently, he was the most active and efficient defender of the settle-
ments in that vicinity, against the savage foe, and many a successful expedition
against them was commanded by him. He was one of the first justices of the
peace in Harrison County, also the first sheriff' of Harrison and Wood Counties,
and a delegate to the General Assembly of the State. He also attained all the
subordinate ranks in the military service until promoted to that of colonel, and
by his unassuming good qualities endeared himself to all with whom he became
associated. He died October 28, 1814."
Many of Colonel Lowther's descendants deny that the name
was changed by royal edict as late as set forth by Lewis. Mrs.
Iva Lowther Peters, of New York, a lineal descendant of Colonel
Lowther, line of his son William, after devoting several }'ears to
the stud}" of the family history, is confident that the change, if at
all, could not have been made so recent as the days of the Colonel's
grandfather, Henry Lowther. That the name in its present form
is ancient, and is found in connection with the nobility and law-
makers of England, cannot be gainsaid; and from a practical and
social point of view, the authenticity of the story may well be
questioned.
Two famih' traditionary accounts of the origin of the name
and the migration to America are at variance, and are here given
for the first time. That which immediately follows, is from the
Draper Manuscripts, and is fraught with historic interest: (4)
(3) See page 478. (4) p. 479.
248 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
"Robert Lowther was born in Ireland about the beginning of the seventeenth
century whose primitive name was Low the Lowther generation in Ireland and
England were miners to trade and from some extraordinary discovery in the mineral
business the King of England added "Ther" to their name which made it Lowther.
Robert Lowther emigrated from Ireland to America he was a quaker and fled
from the Storms and Persecutions incident to quakers in those Days and Settled
in Pennsylvania the home of the quakers after a short stay in Pennsylvania he
emigrated to Virginia and settled in Augusta County there young Wm was born
who is the subject of our narrative. Wm Lowther was Born in Augusta County
va who was the son of Robert the quaker he was Born Dec 22d in the year 1743
and there he receivd his education (5) and when a youth of about seventeen
years of age he volunteered his services under David Scott to repel the Indians
from the borders of Augusta County and he was occasionally in that service some
length of time.
"we pass over several years of Wm Lowthers life and come directly to his
emigration to Northwestern Virginia Wm Lowther emigrated with his father
Robert to Harrison County from Augusty County va in the year 1772 he had
not been long in that country before he was appointed Capt of a small boddy of men
to defend the infant settlement of Harrison County va from the fury of savage
cruelty he defended the settlement with unexpected success with a small boddy
of hardy Virginians and in a short time Capt Lowthers worth and valure was
known in the most parts of Virginia and the adjoining states he remained as capt
several years still repelling the savages with unabating zeal untill George Rogers
Clark Caled for volunteers in northwestern Virginia and of this call hear the declara-
tion or surtificate of Wm Powers co compiler of Border Warfare.
"In the year 1781 General George Rogers Clark caled for volunteers he
called espesially on Capt Wm Lowther and offered him a commission if he would
come and join his Legion Lowther acceded to the call and there was a company
made up of volunteers and joined Clark at fort pitt and Capt Lowther was appointed
Major of that company George Jackson was appointed Capt of said company
and during their march down the ohio River many of the volunteers Run off Major
Lowther finding his company very much weakened they had fallen below his expecta-
tion and in consequence of which Major Lowther threw up his Commission and
Clark accepted of it and he returned home
"and in the year 1787 he was appointed Col of the Northwestern territory
of Virginia he had the whole command and to superintend all that region I saw
his commision I heard it red, and he superintended and defended it with vigilence
and care, and retaind his commission untill Wayns treaty with the Indians at Gran-
ville given under my hand this 26 day of December 1850. Wm Powers co compiler
Border Warefare no sooner than he had returned home from Clark's campaign
than his attention was caled to the defense of his respective Settlement he had
Forts of defense and Safty built in each respective Settlement he had raingers
and spies imploid in reconnoiterlng the Country and when the faithless Deviles as he
frequently caled them would commit murder in the Settlements he would follow
them in person and frequently overtake them kill and disperse there company
Such were his ardent zeal and percevearance that the Indians grew very cautious
and were hard to follow and suffice it to say that there was nothing done in any
(5) See page 479.
COLOXEI. \\ II.I.IAM LOWTIIER 249
expedition against the Indians witiiout his presence he was fearless and undanted
in all his undertakings.
"he was a man of extraordinary strength and action was of the Billious tem-
penneni his stature was five feet eleven inches commonly weighed one hundred
and eightv pounds he was cherry and undismaid amidst the most trying circum-
stances in life
"Col Wm Lowther was caled the defender and protector of Northwestern
Virginia he defended in time of war protected in time of famine and if it had not
been for his energy and sympathy for his fellow beings in the year 1773 the inhab-
itants of the infant settlement must have perished with hunger he roamed amidst
danger and alarm kiled venison elks Buffalow and Bear and tiuis lie supplied all
their wants
"Col Will l.owther was a Lyon in time of war and famine a lamb in time of
Peace and plenty he was kind an affectionate to all his friends and acquaintencies
his house was the home of the widow and fatherless an asylum for the Preecher
and wavfaring man the heralds of the cross would frequently call on him in time
of the Indian war and be very fearful and frequently quote this passage of Scripture
the wicked flee where no man persueth but the Righteous are as bold as a Lyon
and they would ask Col Lowther how the passage could be true for they the
Preechers were feerful but Col Lowther was bold as a Lyon
"his house was a common house to repair to for his neighbors children to
have the bonds of matrimony Solemnized he gave to all sheard of his bounty he
has given some, lasting habitations
"he cared not for wealth or Personal aggrandizement his purse was not his
own his Neighbors sheard it with him we will give the reader to understand that
when Wm Lowther Received his commission as Col his business became very
extensive he was charged says Powers, to take care of the differant Stations on
the Ohio River he visited each Station occasionally supplied them with ammunition
and provision gave directions for defense had raingers appointed to observe the
movement of the enemy and what could be done by any mortal being in person he
performd with unabating zeal
"now suflfer me to say in conjunction with Border warfare he was the first
justice of the Peace in the district of west Augusto the first Sheriff in Harrison
and wood [counties] and the first Capt, first major, first Col once a delegate to the
general assembly of the states and then retired to private life
"Enough he cries I'm freed from care And toil and pain
My countrys liberty and peace is gaind
"we see Col Lowther witii peace and quietude frcmi 1795 to the war of 1S12
with Great Britian and the united States.
"I was but a boy of 12 years old and I could see him amidst the multitude
Animating his country man to enlist in the cause of their country when he could
do no more he would frequently Sing war Songs tel deed of Bravery and renoun
all to inspire his countryman with zeal and courage to inlest in the cause of their
country his youngest son embarked in the cause of his country in 1813 and 14
the old Col gave him up that he never Should See his face again and so it turned
out to be for Col Lowther Died before his son returned.
"as many other men he had his favorites among his children like Jacob of
250 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
old he had his Joseph and his Benj amine when he died his Benj amine was gon to
fight the Battles of his country and a few minetes before he expired he caled his
Joseph unto him laid hands on him and imparted unto him his Benediction
"Exhorting him to serve the true and living God he died in the full triumphs
of a living faith in the Salvation of all Adams fallen race.
"your humble writer would have written more extensively concerning Col
Wm Lowther but being a relative he feels a dilacy in following through all the
mianderings of Col Wm Lowthers life it is enough for me to say that CoLWm
Lowther was one of the first to defend his country from savage cruelty and the
last to lay down his arms of defense.
"Wm Lowther Died amids the struggle with Great Britian and the united
states he Died in the fall of 1814 aged 71 years and ten months.
"Dear Sir I have gone threw with this little narative you are at liberty to
correct any errors you may perchance to see amend or abridge as you see proper,
yours with due respect
Lyman C. Draper"
Memoranda by Draper — This statement was mailed at West Milford, Va.,
January 11, 1851, and furnished at my request.
Mr. Granville S. Lowther, of West Virginia, a son of Elias J.
Lowther, writes me:
"The Lowthers are of Scotch Irish descent, whose original name was Low.
I cannot give dates for this, but during the knighthood days of England it Avas
customary to appoint days for athletic sports, over which the king and his royal
court presided. Pitching the quoit, or stone, was among the tests of manhood,
and one day a stranger entered the arena and selecting a large stone, cast it farther
than could any of his competitors. The king, astonished at this feat, had the
champion brought before him and inquired his name. 'Low,' was the reply.
'Then,' said the king, 'I will add 'ther' and for your valor you shall be called Low-
ther.' He was afterwards appointed clerk of the King's Bench, as Sir Henry
Lowther, which position has since been filled by others of his name.
"Their emigration to America dates back to the Pilgrim Fathers at Plymouth
Rock, where two brothers landed. One of them died during the terrible dearth
of the colony, but the other, Henry, survived, and subsequently removed to Albe-
marle County, Virginia. There his son, Robert, married Aquilla Rees, and was
the father of Colonel William Lowther, of whom you inquire."
It is not known where Colonel William Lowther was born,
further than it was within the bounds of the territory then known
as Augusta County, Virginia. It is quite evident that the greater
part of his life, prior to his removal to the Trans-Allegheny, was
spent on the Wappatomaka. It is claimed that the birth of his
Colonel W illlx.m Lowther 251
son William, Januar\- 11, 1769, was at Moorcticld, in now Hardy
Count}-, West Virginia. It was in that region that he met his
wife, Sudna Hughes, whose parents resided there in 1757. It is
safe to say that with his father, he came from that region to the
Upper Monongahela, in company with Elias Hughes, Ratliffs and
other settlers.
It is notable that Withrrs and L,-:ris diHcr in regard to the
year of the settling of Colonel Lowther and his father on the
western border. The error is with Lricis. The first permanent
settlement on Hacker's creek was not until 1769, and the advent
of the Lowthers into that region was in 1772, as stated by Jfilhcrs.
In the homestead records of Monongalia County, 1781, we
iind that a certificate of entry was granted "William Lowther,
400 acres on Hacker's Creek adjoining lands claimed by Jesse
Hughes, to include his settlement made thereon in 1772 with a
preemption of 1000 acres adjoining." Colonel Lowther was a
man of resources, and acquired several tracts of land by pur-
chasing the claims, or improvements of other settlers. In this man-
ner he secured several thousand acres on the western waters. (6)
It would be difficult to determine by the homestead records
just where Robert Lowther actually settled. He must have died
prior to 1781, when Colonel Lowther inherited title to 400 acres
at the mouth of Hacker's Creek, "settled" on by his father in
1775. In 1781, Joseph Lowther, as "Heir-at-Law of Robert
Lowther," secured a grant for 400 acres on Washburn's Run in
(now) Harrison County, "to include his settlement made thereon
in the year 1775." In the same year was granted to — "Samuel
Rubels, Ass'e, to Robert Lowther, 400 acres on Rubels Mill
Run, a branch of Cheat River, to include his actual settlement
in 1770." There was also issued a certificate of title — "Arthur
Trader, Assignee, to Robert Lowther, 400 acres on Roberts Mill
Run, adjoining lands of Samuel Ruble, to include his settlement
made in 1770." These two entries were doubtless made on the
same stream, Rubels Run, and the variations in the name are due
to carelessness on the part of the recording clerk. In 18CX), one
William Lowther was a subscriber to St. John's Parish. Brook
County (West), Virginia. (7)
The census of 1782, which however, is \ery incomplete, shows
that William Lowther and Joel Lowther, both residents of Monon-
galia County, constituted the only families of this name in the
(6) See page 479. (7) p. 479.
252 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
state. Joel's name reappears in the enumeration of Harrison
County, 1785, but that of WilUam does not. It is very probable
that Joseph Lowther, who inherited the homestead of Robert
Lowther on Washburn's Run, and Joel Lowther were one and the
the same person, and perhaps a brother of Colonel William
Lowther.
Jonathan Lowther, killed by Indians on Hacker's Creek in
1778, was a son of Robert Lowther. Thomas Hughes, father-in-
law of Colonel Lowther, was killed at the same time. This tragedy,
as narrated by Withers^ has been given elsewhere in this volume,
but a tradition among the Lowthers gives a different version.
Hughes and Lowther were on their way from Clarksburg to give
warning at West's Fort of an Indian alarm, and were shot down
within one mile of the latter post. The Indians, fourteen in num-
ber, fled, and Colonel Lowther at the head of a party of settlers,
gave pursuit. They crossed the Ohio at Blennerhassett's Island
and overtook the retreating warriors and surprised their camp not
far from Chillicothe, and killed thirteen of them. The whites
made a hurried march, and reached the settlements in safety.
This is purely a mistake. Not even the fierce desire for
revenge, which would, in this case have prompted Col. Lowther
and the Hughes' to great exertion, could have carried them and
their followers so far into the Indian country.
By referring to Withers, it will be seen that when Hughes and
Lowther were killed, two of the company, being intercepted from
West's Fort, fled to Richards' Fort, (8) not only for safety, but
to give warning as well. This last precaution was unnecessary.
Isaac Washburn had been found shot and scalped at no great dis-
tance from Richards, and the alarm spread before the arrival of
the fugitives. The Indians committed no further depredation,
nor were they pursued by the settlers.
In a letter to the Governor of Virginia, March 22, 1793, Col. ■
Lowther tells of a party of Indians stealing six horses within about
seven miles of Clarksburg; and of his pursuing the marauders
with a company of sixteen men, to the Ohio River, where, being
re-enforced with five men, went down the river from Williams
Station, to about four miles below Belleville, crossed the river and
continued the pursuit fifty miles in the Indian country, came upon
the Indian camp in daytime. "One we killed and the other got
much wounded. He dropped his gun in the pursuit, which we
(8) See page 479.
Colonel W illlxm Lowtmkr 253
got, but unfortunately for us he got into the thick bushy woods
and we lost him. We re-took four of the horses, before we got up
a party of Indians had left the canip and took off two of the
horses. My men were so fatigued and our provisions exhausted
that I pursued no further."
In following the "ditlerent windings taken b\' the Indians"
the whites traveled about 186 miles, nearly the same distance to
return, occupied fourteen days. Captain John Haymond, one of
the part}', lost a valuable horse; one other horse strayed awa)' in
the woods, which they expected to recover.
On the 26th of the same month, the colonel writes the (jov-
ernor informing hini of great numbers of Indians crossing the
Ohio, and anticipated a blow. Indians had paid them a visit,
"as you will discover by my former letter, to the proof of which
I ha\c sent }i)u the skin of one of their heads."
The colonel was of opinion that neither "General Wayne's
army nor the talk of peace can be of any safety to him."
Col. Lowther could not have remained for any considerable
length of time on Hacker's Creek. No local tradition connects his
residence with that settlement. He was closely identified with
the region about Xutter's Fort during the earliest davs of its
existence. He resided on a large homestead on the West Fork
River, about seven miles from Clarksburg, and near one and a
half miles from West Alilford. What is said to be his main original
cabin is still occupied by some of his descendants. It is built of
hewed logs and measures sixteen feet by twenty feet. The joists
are flattened timbers, three and a half inches by seven and a half
inches. The fire place is five feet and four and a half inches in
height. The cabin had at some time been torn down and rebuilt.
Its age is computed from 1772, the year of the colonel's advent
into the settlement. This, I believe, is nearly correct. There is
strong evidence that Col. Lowther did not remain on Hacker's
Creek more than one }ear, and that he resided in the Clarksburg
settlement during the ''starving year,'^ 1773. The house is among
the oldest, if not the oldest, in that part of the state. Lt't it be
preserved. (9)
Tradition accredits Colonel Lowther, Jesse Hughes and Flias
Hughes with the first actual exploration of the Little Kanawha,
and its main trihutar\-, Hughes River, in 1772, (10) at which time
Jesse Hughes conferred his own name on the latter stream. The
<^M See page4Sl. (10) p. 481.
254
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
explorers gave such names to the principal affluents of the tv/o
rivers as were suggested by some peculiarity or object observed in
connection with the stream. With a single exception, these names
have all been retained. Walnut Creek, so named from the great
number of walnut trees fringing its bank, was the scene of the
surprise and defeat of Captain Bull's camp, and release of the
Colonel William Lowther's Original Cabin
Photographed June, 1908
Leading Creek captives by Colonel Lowther's Rangers in 1781,
since which time it has been known as Indian Creek. (11) The
explorers. It is averred, passed up the West Fork River and crossed
to the head of the Little Kanawha by way of Sand Creek.
Another version of this tradition places the explorations in
1774. The party reached the Little Kanawha by way of the
Indian trail up Polk Creek and down Leading Creek. After
striking the Ohio, the Hughes brothers proceeded to Point Pleas-
ant, where joining the forces of General Lewis, participated in
the battle fought there in October of that year. Colonel Lowther
went up the river to Fort Pitt on some business of importance.
(11) See page 481.
Colonel W illl\.m Lowther 255
The following story was told Mr. J. S. Hall, by Colonel
Lowther's son Jesse, some sevent}'-five years ago.
"When 111}- father with sc\eral other families settled on the
West Fork River," said Mr. Lowther, "grain was so scarce that
it was impossible to buy corn for bread. They were compelled
to rely on game for food until a crop could be raised. It was
agreed that my father and Jesse Hughes, the best hunters in the
party, should furnish provisions while the others cleared and
cultivated the land. These two hunters not only supplied plenty
of game and fish for their own people, but they gave assistance to
others in need on Hacker's Creek. Before the crop matured,
my grandfather visited us, bringing a knapsack of biscuit. I was
then a small bo}' and my mother gave me one. I tasted it, then
threw it down and called for 'jerk.' Mother cried at the thought
of living in the wilderness so long that her children had forgotten
the use of bread." (12)
This incident is very similar to that related of the Hacker
famil}' elsewhere in this volume. It could not have occurred
during "starving }'ear, " 1773. which was the year of Jesse Low-
ther's birth.
At one time the inhabitants were driven to the fort b_\- Indians
when provisions were extreme!}' scarce. The inmates were on
the verge of starvation, when a large turke}' lit on some grape-
vines near the stockade and Col. Lowther shot it. Under the
protection of the garrison rifles, Mrs. Lowther ran out and brought
it in. She said: ''^God has sent this to preserve our lives."
Colonel Lowther did not confine his military exploits alone
to the local defense of the border. In 1781 he was identified with
General Clark's attempted expedition against Detroit, h. rare
summary of this phase of his life is the evidence submitted b}' his
children in support of their claim for bounty land due their father
as a Revolutionary soldier. This record is preserved in the \ ir-
ginia State Library, and is here produced for the first time.
From an affidavit before Abner Abbott, Justice of the Peace
for Lewis County, Virginia, bearing date November 7, 1832, it
would appear that Jesse Carpenter, aged 70, and Thomas Cottrell,
aged 73, served as Indian spies under Captain W illiam Lowther,
about 1778; when they first knew him as an officer. In 1781,
Lowther went to Pittsburg as a Major and joined Colonel Joseph
Crockett's Regiment, and descended the Ohio under Cieneral
(12) Sec page 4Sl.
256 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Clark. After his return he continued in the command of soldiers,
issuing orders to Indian spies and subaltern officers; first as Major
and then as Colonel until the end of Indian hostilities about 1795.
He was a faithful and vigilant officer during all the years of the
war that they knew him. Abbott, the Justice, vouched for Car-
penter and Cottrell as "credible men and their statements entitled
to full credit."
To the foregoing testimony was added that of Jacob Bush,
November 24, 1832. Bush, whose declaration for pension appears
in Chapter X, this volume, knew Lowther as early as 1779, at
which time he was captain. He was then promoted to the rank
of Major, and in 1781 was with Col. Crockett in General Clark's
campaign. Upon his return was made Colonel, and so continued
until the close of the Revolutionary War and Indian hostilities in
1795. He was brave and vigilant during the entire Revolution,
devoting all of his time and energy to his country's service. He
died in 1814, leaving children: Robert, William, Elias, Thomas
and Jesse. Thomas never married and was then (1832) dead.
Michael Stump, Justice, testified to the good character of
Jacob Bush, which entitled him to full credit on oath. The testi-
mony of two of Major Lowther's men is here given in full.
"Endorsed, Public Document, The Executive Department for the State of
Virginia, Richmond, Virginia (Weston, Virginia, 11th February), February 23,
1833, submitted to the Council of State and advice required, John Floyd.
"Lewis County 1
-, >TO wit:
Virginia J
"Lewis Bonnett aged seventy-one years and Peter Bonnett aged sixty-nine
years both personally appeared before the Justices of Lewis county court at the
courthouse now sitting at the February term thereof. And severally declared on
oath that they voluntarily entered the service of Virginia on the western waters
about the year 1780 to descend the Ohio river to act for an indefinite period
against the Indians that they embarked on the West Fork of the Monongahelia
river, and descended it with many men from what are now Harrison, Randolph
and Lewis counties. That they were under the command of Major William
Lowther, captain Jonathan Coburn, Ensign Benj. Sills, they were kept a while at
Red Stone fort (Brownsville now), thence to Newell's Store (Elizabeth now) and
about there and Pittsburg and Mature's Island, below Pittsburg, procured boats
[and] provisions for to descend the river to join General Clarke, proceeded down
the Ohio as they now think in the spring of 1781. Major Lowther was attached
to Col. Crockett's Regiment at Pittsburg. When the troops arrived at the mouth
of the little Kachawa, [Kanawha] Capt. Coburn and these affiants and some other
soldiers were stationed at Neal's Station to act as Indian [spies] and otherwise as
circumstances might require to defend the frontier of Virginia here they parted
Colonel W'h.llam Lowther 257
with their Major who proceeded on down the river with Col. Crockett's Regiment.
They saw no more of their Major till after they returned home which was in the
fall of 1782. They are of the opinion that Major Lowther returned in 1783.
He came back as a colonel and so continued and conducted or commanded spies,
rangers and scouts until the close of Indian hostilities about 1794. They knew
Col. Lowther until his death which was about 1814 in Harrison Co. These
affiants were well acquainted with Jacob Bush a soldier under Capt. George
Jackson and Maj. Lowther, he also went on toward Kentucky when they stopped
at Neal's Station, now Parkersburg. They further certify that Major Lowther
was a brave and excellent officer they knew him when he was a captain, then a
Major and lastly a Col.; in this last capacity they often after 1783 acted under
him as spies. Subscribed and sworn to in open court this fifth day of February
1833. ,.
his
Lewis X Bonnett
mark
his
Peter X Bonnett"
"Lewis County Court 1 mark
February Term 1833 J
"This day, Lewis Bonnett and Peter Bonnett, soldiers in the Revolutionary
War, personally appeared in open court and signed and swore to a Joint Declara-
tion of the Revolutionary services of the late Col. William Lowther who was a
Major in Col. Crockett's Regiment, and the Court do certify that it appears to
them that the said Lewis Bonnett and Peter Bonnett arc respectable men, and
their statement is entitled to credit.
A copy teste,
J. TALBorr, C. L. C."
"At the request of the heirs of the late Col. W. Lowther, I transmit the fore-
going statement of two respectable old men in this County. This is (by the heirs)
offered as additional evidence of the Revolutionary services of Col. Lowther, on
their applications for his land bounty. Please report to me the result of the
executive deliberations on this matter as soon as practicable.
V^ery respectfully, your obt. servant,
J. Wamslky."
Bount\' was refused Colonel Lowthcr's heirs, but for what
cause is not known. The evidence of his service is uncontrovert-
ible, and is the best record of his border life prior to 1792 extant.
There was no application for pension in his behalf under the Act
of 1806, which, however, provided for those only who incurred
wounds in the Revolution. The incomplete muster rolls on file
in the War Department contain no record of his military career,
as evinced in the following communication in response to an
inquiry:
"The name \\ iUiam Lowther has not been found on the rolls,
on tile in this office, of any organization of Virginia troops in serv-
258 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
ice during the Revolutionary War. The records show, however,
that one William Lowther served as a private in Captain Timo-
othy Hughes' Company, Colonel James Livingston's Battalion,
Continental Troops, Revolutionary War. He enlisted December
22, 1776, to serve during the war; was transferred about June,
1779, to Captain Dirck Hansen's Company, same battalion, and
was mustered to January, 1782. No later record of him has been
found."
In connection with Col. Lowther's military career, might be
mentioned that of Sotha Hickman, one of the earliest settlers in
the region of Nutter's Fort. It would appear from Hickman's
first declaration for pension that he was born on the eastern shore
of Maryland, June 10, 1748, and enlisted as a scout under Captain
William Lowther at Nutter's Fort in 1780, and served six months,
and in 1781, a tour of two months. In 1782 he enlisted for a
term of six months under Captain Thomas Nutter, same region.
His second declaration executed in Harrison County, July 17, 1832,
is of historic value, and is here given in full.
"Sotha Hickman first being sworn, stated that he entered the service of the
U. S. as a volunteer under Capt. William Louther of the Va. militia, Lieut.
John Pacverz (this is very uncertain), the ensign's name not now recollected
and William More being sergeant in the fall of 1780, that he continued in said
service until the expiration of six months, the period for which he had enlisted.
When he entered the service as aforesaid, he was a resident of Monongalia Co.,
that while thus engaged in the service at the time aforesaid, he was in no battle
or engagement, being employed in watching the frontier and protecting it from the
invasions and ravages of the combined Indian and British Canadian troops. That
another time he was called into the militia service of the state aforesaid under the
aforenamed Capt. Lowther on a report of invasions by the Indians and continued
in said service, scouting along waters of Ten mile creek and on the West Fork
river and below and around the now town of Clarksburg, then known as Nutter's
Fort. That he was again called into service as aforesaid by said officers to repel
an invasion of the country made by the Indians and punished them for the murder
committed by them on Booths creek, that while thus out there was no skirmish
with the enemy, they having immediately retreated and were not to be found
and that after being engaged in burying those who had been killed, and in pur-
suing the Indian trail, he returned after the lapse of 5 or six days. That at
another time he was likewise engaged in repelling an invasion of the country made
by the Indians and under Captain Lowther, together with Daniel Daripon (?),
Nathaniel Davisson, Stuffield, Baker, and others and Lieut. Powers, when con-
siderable mischief had been effected, and when upon coming near to the enemy,
they were discovered to be too numerous to be attacked by a body of troops as
small as that under the command of Captain Lowther, only about 24 or
COLONEI. \\ II.I.I AM LcnVTlIKR 259
25 men, and after bur\ing the killed, V <ir 10, tiie\ returned to Nutter's Fort for
security, where they had to remain until the Indians withdrew from the neigh-
borhood. That at several other times, he was in like manner called into serv-
ice and served until the company engaged with him was ordered by the officers
in command to return into fort or to their homes. He further states that although
he does not remember now, the length of time which he was those several calls
employed and engaged in service, yet he feels confident that, independent of his
tour of duty, for six months as first stated he was nearly if not quite three months
in actual service. Has no documentary evidence to prove his statements, and the
last persons he knew of who could substantiate his claim, were a Douglas near the
Ohio River and a Greeorv in Greenbrier Co. of \'a. .
ins
(Signed) Sotha X Hickman"
mark
Christopher Nutter testilied that Hickman was a soldier
under Captain Lowther at the time he (Nutter) was. Hickman
was granted a pension of ^40.66 a year.
The Douglas referred to by Hickman was e\idcntl\- Levi
Douglass, who was a boon companion of his during the border
period.
These men, while trapping on the Little Kanawha, were cap-
tured and taken to the Indian towns on the Scioto River. One
night they managed to elude the Indians while they were feasting
and dancing and by traveling at night, succeeded in effecting their
escape. Hickman was a great sportsman and came near being
shot by Indians while gigging fish with others one night in the
West Fork River, near Nutter's Fort. The Indians surprised
them from the bank, and attempted to fire on them, but owing to
a heavv fog, the priming in their guns had become wet, which
caused them to "flash in the pan." The whites dropped their
torch, and escaped to the opposite side of the ri\-er.
Notwithstanding all residents in the Trans-Allegheny capable
of bearing arms during the Revolutionar}' and Border wars, were
enrolled in some branch of the militar\-, and engaged acti\el\ m
repelling invasions or making expeditions into the enemies' coun-
try, local histor\' has done but little towards preserving their
identity. The names of man\- are lost forever. The fragmentary
muster rolls of both Virginia and the War Department are woefully
deficient in records of the border militiaman. The names of some
of them, however, are found in the archives of the Pension Office,
and in the Claims for Bounty Lands on file in the Virginia State
Librar\-. Although research in these departments is ofttimes
260 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
attended with disappointment, occasionally a narration of historic
value is unearthed. Such is that of Christopher Nutter whose signa-
ture often appears in evidence against those who were dropped from
the pension roll subsequent to their re-examination by Singleton.
Nutter made two declarations for pension, one July 16, 1832,
the other the 22nd of the following December. From these
documents it would appear that Christopher Nutter was born in
Sussex County, Delaware, January 21, 1760, and while yet an
infant, his parents moved with him to Augusta County, Virginia,
where they remained until 1769, and then removed to "Featt"
[Fayette] County, Pennsylvania. In March, 1772, they moved
to West Augusta, now Harrison County, West Virginia, where
young Nutter lived during the rest of his life.
He was residing in Nutter's Fort in 1780 when he volunteered
as a militiaman under Captain William Lowther and served six
months, ostensibly as scout. In the latter part of May, or first
of June, 1781, he volunteered under Captain George Jackson in
General George Rogers Clark's campaign to "serve during the
war." He left the village of Clarksburg and descended the West
Fork and Monongahela to Pittsburg, and from there down the
Ohio to its Falls, where Louisville now stands, at which point they
landed August 19, 1781. He continued in service "under Captain
George Jackson, George R. Clarke and Zachariah Morgan, a
colonel, until after the surrender of Cornwallis," when he was dis-
charged, as he remembered, in the same year at Louisville. He
was released from further duty because of his indisposition, but
all those of Jackson's company capable of service were continued
on the roll until after their return to Clarksburg.
During this tour, Nutter states that he was with some con-
tinental troops, regiments not recalled, but he remembered Cap-
tain Tipton, an officer by the name of Chevay [very illegible],
another of Blue, and a major, as he believed, by the name of
Wales, who were considered of the regular troops. Captain Tip-
ton and Chaplain were killed near the mouth of Bear Grass, in
going to Floyds and Sullivans stations. Nutter was in no battle,
but a skirmish took place at the Sandy Island below the Falls while
he was in service in which Captain Johnson of the militia and
Benjamin Wright were killed, and Jonathan Wright, Michael
Umbels, two men named Blair and Armstrong, with others were
wounded.
CoLONKI. \\l 1.1.1 \M 1.()\\T11I;R 261
Xutlcr's subscqueiU niilitar\' service was on the \ iiginia
frontier. In 17S2 he \-olunleereJ in CafUain 'I'honias Nutter's
Company and served six months, and in 1783 he again volunteered
for a like term in Captain Christopher Carpenter's Company,
during which time he was still a resident of Nutter's Fort. He
was called out several times by William Lowther, first as Captain
and then as Major, and served during his several enlistments as
private not less than two years.
Matthias Winters, James Radcliff, Joseph Morris and Richard
Hudkins testified in behalf of Nutter, and his service was proven
by Jacob Bush and Alexander West who were with him in General
Clark's campaign. He was granted a pension of eighty dollars
a year. He died February 21, 184-5.
Christopher Nutter married Rebecca Moorhead, June 28,
1785, in Harrison County, Virginia. Mrs. Nutter died October
16, 1861. The records contain no list of children.
In 1781, the Land Commissioners of Monongahela County
issued to Christopher Nutter a certificate for "300 acres on Suds
Run, a drain of Flk, to include his improvement made in 1772."
Nutter was only twelve years old when he made the "improve-
ment."
The Pension Ofiicc contains no record of Captain Thomas
Nutter. Jfitlwrs (13) says that in 1772 Thomas Nutter settled
on Elk in the vicinity of Clarksburg, near the Forge-Mills, and
that John Nutter settled on the West Fork, "near the place now
owned by Adam Hickman."
Thomas Nutter was granted a certificate for "400 acres on
Elk, adjoining lands claimed by Sotha Hickman, to include his
settlement made in 1775." It was on this tract that Nutter's
Fort was built in 1774; and Captain Thomas Nutter, whose name
it bore, certainly liv^ed there at that time; and there is no reason
for supposing that he was not settled there in 1772, as stated by
ffithers. Surely arc these early land records an anomaly, like
unto the riddle of the Sphinx.
Nutter's Fort stood about two miles from Clarksburg, on the
Buckhaniion Pike, and "the trolley line now passes directly over
the site of the old fort." Captain Nutter preempted 1,CX)0
acres adjoining his settlement right, and both tracts were sur-
veyed in 1785. The new Fair Grounds are located on this land,
and some of it is still occupied by Nutter's descendants.
(13) See page 482.
262
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
I have not found when John Nutter was granted a home-
stead but the records show that he claimed lands on Simpson's
Creek in 1781.
In the same year a certificate was issued to Mathew Nutter
for "300 acres on east side of Elk, to include his settlement made in
1772."
The census of 1782 shows that Thomas, Christopher, Mathew
and John were then residents in Monongahela County, Virginia;
and all are listed in the enumeration of Harrison County, 1785,
with the exception of Mathew, whose name nowhere appears.
LowTHER Coat of Arms.
CHAPTER XXVII
\\ c have a elinipsc of Colonel Lcnvlher's military service
subsequent to 1791, in the following excerpts from the Virginia
State papers: (Volume \ .)
Letter of Wm. Lowther to the Governor.
AIoRGANTOWN, June 7, 1792.
"D'r Sir:
"Agreeable to your request as to my part, as far as relates to my conduct, I
will endeavor to give as near as my memory will serve at present, which is as
foiloweth, to wit: I have under my command by order from the Executive (in
Harrison County) one Insign, two Sergeants, two Corprils, and forty privates.
I was authorized to appoint two Scouts by the Executive, which I have complyed
with. And by a letter received from Capt. McMachan of Ohio country was to
appoint one more in addition to the two. Capt. McMachan also appointed one
in conjunction with the one I appointed by his orders, which four scouts is now
under my command, two of which I have at the mouth of the Little Kanaway,
the other two on the frontier of the West Fork Settlement. The Rangers, I thought
proper to submit the distribution to a council of officers of Harrison, who advised
me to station them in three detachments, which I have Done along the West Fork
settlements, about forty miles, with a small deviation to wit: the little Kanaway,
being an exposed part of the county, and a small station near the mouth, I sent
a sergeant and eleven men with the two Spyes or Scouts as above mentioned. In
Randolph County, I have under my command a Lieutenant, two Sergeants, two Cor-
porals, and Twenty-five privates, the distribution of which I also left to a Council
of the Randolph County Officers, which they have done as foiloweth: The Lieu-
tenant and fifteen privates including the Sergeant and Corporal in the upper end of
the valley, and a Sergeant and eleven men at Buchannon settlement. The two
Scouts I was authorized to appoint for that county I have also made and is now
under my command with the rest of the Rangers of that place, &c.
"I have the Honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and Humble Serv't." (1)
William Lowther to the Governor,
"January 25, 1793.
"D'r Sir:
"I received your commission of Captain by the Hand of Hazekiah Davison,
which I do accept and find myself happy in having it in my power to render service
to your excellency and my suffering fellow citizens.
"I gave the vanity to flatter myself that past services has been pleasing, which
shall and ought to be motives to Induce me to gain a continuation of yours and
my fellow citizen's favor.
"Notwithstanding I have been informed that complaints were to be lodged
before you against Lieutenant Whitman and myself, how far the malitious haste
proceeded in laying complaints before you, I know not; but is suspicious they have
(1) See page 482.
264 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
had some effect against Lieutenant Whitman, particularly as I hear he is Discon-
tinued.
"We were both hard Threatened by one of our Scouts which we turned out of
service for his ill conduct, and Docked him part of the time he pretende to
serve. I have Reason to believe that some of our Delegates from this District were
active in doing Mr. Whitman an Injury to the woundin of his carructor and Pri-
vate feelings.
"Sir, should complaints have appeared before the Executive or any of the
Gentlemen of your counsell, I heartily wish they may be made publick, so that Mr.
Whitman may have It in his power to do himself Justice before you or a court of
law. The Bearer, Mr. Wilson, is able to give you information as Touching the
Premises. I presume it will be out of my Power to engage all young Experienced
men as Requested by your letter and none but those that are acquainted with the
use of the Rifle I wish to enlist. I wish you to Discourse with the Bearer on this
subject.
"I have made some progress in the Engagement of men, but find by those
who has been service last year they wish to receive their pay for past services
before they make any new engagements, which Difficulty I hope will be removed
upon the Return of Mr. Wilson, who by me is Empowered to settle my accounts
and Receive the money for the year 1792.
"By a former letter I requested you to write if the money was Ready but
as you did not write, I take it for granted you are fully prepared.
"I am with Regards, Your very Humble Serv't." (2)
John Jackson to the Governor. (3)
"Buck Hanan, January 25, 1793.
"Sir:
"I think it my duty to Infirm you that the conduct of Capt. Wm. Lowther,
extremely blamable for some time past Instead of attending to his duty, he im-
ployed his time in Gambling, Rioting, &c. he treated the men under him in such a
manner that it is thought he can git no others to ingage. Instead of paying his
men thar wages would seek occasion to purchase Clames on them and then stop
the money. I conceive that only the Intrust, but Reputation and dignity of the
commonwealth suffers, tis certainly an Imposition to have a man in public office
who disregards the public Intrust. During all the time he has been in service
he has not visited the Different stations, but has Imployed himself in amusements
of various Kinds. If the Information which this gives is Doubted, it may be known
from many."
This accusation was sent to the governor by Capt. Bogart,
together with a letter commending John Jackson.
Letter of James Wood to the Governor of Virginia, June
14, 1793.
"June 14, 1793.
"c
oir:
"On my arrival .in the Mongelia district, I found that Capt. Lowther, Ensign
Brown, and Ensign Davidson had not enlisted the quota of men assigned to them.
(2) See page 482. (3) p. 482.
COLONLI. \\ Il.l.l \M l.owrill.R 265
Tlic two ensigns declined their appointments and 1 nominated Jolinatliaii Cobuin
and Bartholomew Jenkins to succeed them. These gentlemen have completed
their quota since the men have been mustered, and are now in service. If this
nomination should meet the approval of the Executiv-e, I flatter myself, they will
be commissioned after visiting all the exposed parts of the western frontier, review-
ing the three companies, and mustering such as had not been mustered. I made
tlie disposition which will appear in the inclosed instructions given to Captain
Lowther. the Senior officer in the district. The scouts which have been emploj'ed in
the different parts of the frontier have great merit; they have discovered and fired
on several parties of Indians on their way to the Frontier at different times, and
who immediately retreated with precipation, and without doing any mischief,
if my proceedings should be approved by the Board, I shall think myself amply
compensated for my trouble.
"I have the honor to be with the greatest respect. Sir,
Y'r mo. ob't serv't."
June 14th, 1793. Capt. James Wood's Instructions to Cap-
tain W ni. Loutlier (enclosed in above letter).
"Ohio, 28tli May, 1793.
"Sir:
"From my observations on the frontier of this district, I am confirmed in
my opinion that to afford the best protection to the Inhabitants, will be to have
a respectable force judiciously posted on the banks of the Ohio, in order to effect
this purpose, I have placed Lieut. Willis' detachment of Captain Bogard's com-
pany at Hilliday's Cove, at the Mingo Bottom, and at the mouth of Shoal Creek.
Captain McCollock with his company will occupy the posts on the west bank of
the Ohio, above the mouth of Wheeling, opposite the mouth of Grave Creek, at
the mouth of Fish Creek, and at Martin's station at the mouth of Fishing Creek.
1 wish it was in my power to establish a post at the mouth of Middle Island, but
there is no Inhabitants, nor possibility of subsisting the men with con\cnience, 1
must be satisfied at present with posting twenty-five men at the mouth of the
Little Kanawha, either Captain Bogard, Ensign Coburn, or Ensign Jenkins must
take post at this place. In your quarter, I hope the scouts already appointed
with thirty men to be divided and posted at the mouth of Freeman's Creek, at
Salem, or at the mouth of Ten Mile Creek, will be adequate; those small Detach-
ments you will be pleased to post immediately. A sergeant & ten men I think
will be necessary to the Upper end of Tigris \^alley, and the same number in the
Buchannon Settlement, those you will post in the manner you may suppose
most likely to render service. I have nominated Johnathan Coburn & Bartholo-
mew Jenkins to succeed Ensigns Brown and Davidson; they both raised their
quota of men, which will enable you to make the disposition I have mentioned,
and which I trust will be made as soon as possible. With respect to the detach-
ment of your company at present commanded by Lieutenant Evans, I mean them
to be posted in the most advantageous manner for the protection of the exposed
parts of Monongalia County; as there is no scouts employed on that Frontier at
present, it will be necessary for Lieut. Evans to keep small Patrols constantly in
his front — you will be pleased to direct him where to take post, and how to emplo\-
266 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the men -under his command. Ensign Morgan with his detachment is to join
Capt. McColloch's company on the Ohio, where he will receive his instructions.
You will be pleased to issue your orders for his immediate march; the two scouts
in the valley may be discharged as soon as you appoint two others, who are to be
attached to the little Kanawlia Station. To you as senior officer on this frontier,
will be Confided the Command, superintending, and direction of all the Posts
within the district of Monongalia; and to you the Junior officers will be directed
to make their reports; and to communicate all material occurances which may
arise within their respective commands. As you are the officer on whom the
responsibility will be fixed, you are to take your own station at the place where
you may think most likely to answer the objects of your command. A report of
the State of the frontier, and of the different posts under your superintendency
you will make as frequently as opportunity offers to Winchester, where your dis-
patches addressed to the Governor will be forwarded by the Post Master, Mr.
George Norton; or if more convenient to you, forward them to the Postmaster at
Pittsburg, from whence there is a regular post via Philadelphia to Richmond etc.
* * * (Nothing of importance follows.)
"I have the honor to be with real esteem, Sir,
"Y'r Ob't Servant."
Col. Bogard to Col. Wm. Lowder, Harrison Co., Va.
,,.^ „ "October 3, 1793.
Dear Sir:
"After my respective compliments to you, I wish to inform you that the
Indains has been Near Neels Station, and has taken away 3 horses, and
got three days start of us. But we persude them and they crost the Big River
at the mouth of Deavil hole, and we followed them to a water called Raccoon creek,
which ar alowed to be sixty miles, and all the Men Being in bad state of Health,
we could not follow them any further. From thence we went across the country
to the falls of Hawking, where we discovered a great deal of Indian sign, whar
they had been this summer. Also I will inform you that Mr. Jenkins was taken
very sick at our Return Home. I wish to inform you that the Spyes has seen Line
of Indians Going up Big Elk River, and I should now be glad that you would send
word to the Head of the Valley as soon as possible you can, Sir. I will inform you
that there was a Spye Shot by the Indians at the mouth of Big Cannoway, this
one was shot through hips, and the other through the arm; the name of the
latter was Andrew Lewis, and the name of the other is unknown to us."
John \IcCollock to the Governor, Richmond, Feb. 8th,
1794.
I considered it my duty to arrest Lieut. Joseph Biggs of mj^ company of
volunteer militia on the charges which I have the honor to enclose. I immedi-
ately made a report to William Lowther, Esq., as commandant of the rnilitia
in actual service, in expectation that he would Direct a Court Martial. (4)
' I have the honor to be, etc." (5)
P. 179, under date of June 12, 1794, John McCollock writes
the Governor:
(4) See page 482. (5) p. 482.
Colon Ki. William Lowthkr 267
(1) That the Indians "killed 4 and took three of a family at the little
Canavvay early in May, and killed one man at Marata the last of May. They
have killed 4 and wounded 3 men on Allegheny river a few miles above
Pittsburgh.
(2) "They are so lacking in amnuinilinn they would not be able to follow
the Indians if invaded." (6)
Al this time there were many complaints of lack of ammuni-
tion and supplies, while the IiKlians were very active. Pay was
more than a year in arrears.
Chas. Wells to the Governor:
■•June 13, 1794.
"I am honored with your letter of the 18th of April, by Mr. Boggs, wherein
your excellency conceives that 1 complain of Injur)' in furnishing provisions at
the posts on the River.
"Your Excellency will please to observe that I did not mean the complaint
to extend to posts on the River only, the number on the River being increased since
the time of Messrs Wood's furnishing, and the Rations demanded at each post.
1 only wished the privilage of furnishing at the posts mentioned in m\' letter of
the 7th of January.
"Captain Lowther's inforniaticMi to your I'^xccUency respecting my construc-
tion of the contract must be very singular, as I have neither seen nor heard from
Captain Lowther since I undertook the contract, nor do I recollect of mentioning
m\' opinion to any Gentlemen on the subject.
"In March last. General Biggs mentioned to me that he had wrote to Captain
Lowther to meet him at West Liberty to arange the stations before or at the time
the troops were to be mustered in Ohio; on which account I attended to get instruc-
tions as to the supply, but was disappointed, and as I have not heard from Captain
Lowther, or where his detachment is posted, I have drawn the conclusion that he
has appointed a contractor to supply the posts under his Immediate inspection,
which perhaps was the object he founded his complaint on. If so, I wish him to
continue his contractor as the furnishing of his post or posts is not an object with
me, and I shall account with him or any other person for Quantity of rations fur-
nished under my contract as soon as the money comes to hand etc.
"In closing, the Indians continue depredations on our frontiers."
Cornelius Bogard to the (jovernor; Randolph County, Aug.
16, 1794:
"On recei\ing your orders I raised a Company of \ olunteers for the defence
of Monongalia District. On the 17th of March last I received orders from Col.
William Lowther to station the troops raised in this County at the head of Tygarts
Valley and Buchannon river." (7)
Sept. 4, 1794. John llaymond to the Governor:
" .Mr. Stilwell, I am informed, is sent b\- Capt. Lowther for money due the
soldiers on our frontiers. "
(6) See page 482. (7) p. 4S2.
268 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
William Lowther to the Governor; Harrison Co., Feb. 21,
1795.
"I rec'd your Excellency's instructions dated the last of December and
have noted the contents thereof. In conformity thereto you will herewith receive
the necessary papers and documents, in order that the money may be forwarded
I discharged the Scouts and Rangers immediately under my command on the first
of this instant, and as Colonel George Jackson, who was appointed by the Executive
to muster the rangers of Harrison was on the Assembly, I called upon Capt. John
McCally to perform that duty which he did. This I thought would be more proper
than to continue them in service till Colonel Jackson returned,
"I have sent you also through Thos. Wilson, Esq., Jonathan Coburn's papers
as well as my own, together with the papers of eight scouts of this county, and also
two ration abstracts, one for Ensign Coburn, and his men, and one for myself
and eleven men including our own additional rations as officers. You will dis-
cover they are made out in our own names, as there was no person who was author-
ized to furnish us with rations by the Executive within one hundred miles of us,
except while on the Ohio river, therefore we had to become contractors ourselves.
I flatter myself the papers are all properly authenticated. If there is substance
I hope your Excellency will not be so particular as to form. They are indorsed
and numbered. No. 1 contains my pay abstract, muster rolls of eleven men
immediately under my own command etc.
"I beg leave to mention that our scouts and rangers have received no com-
pensation for their two last year's services whereas, those other counties in the
district had received a partial payment etc.
To the Governor, 9th April, 1794.
" I am of the opinion it would be best to order the three companies des-
tined for the defence of the Western Frontiers to the Ohio River to be posted at the
best stations between Holliday's Cove and the mouth of the Little Kanawha; that
Captain Lowther as Commandant of the whole, fix his own station as near the
center of his command as possible. That he be instructed to visit the Different
Posts, to direct the mode of performing the Duty, and to take the most effectual
measures for protecting the frontier of the Monongalia District; and that he for-
ward by post, regular monthly returns of the companies under his command. "
(Signed) " James Wood. "
Wm. Lowther to the Governor, April 21, 1795. Clarks-
burg.
"Assigning reasons for docking John Jackson 19 days pay as scout for time
taken in attending to his private business and for his discharge from the service.
"Pay abstracts for scouts ordered into service under instructions from the
Executive in the year 1792, Harrison County.
"Ellis Hughes, Robert Lowther, David Carpenter, Jonathan Coburn, John
Hall, Thomas Herbert, Watson Clark, William Haymond, Christopher Carpenter,
Obediah Davison."
Colonel W illlxm I.owtiilr 269
W'm. Lowlhcr to ihc Cjovcriujr, Aug. 24, 1795, Harrison
County.
"From the repealed depredations comiiiittcd by the hostile tribe of Indians
1 iia\e been under the necessity at sundry times to call out parties of the militia,
but, by the delay occasioned by that round of order, find it still ineffectual. There-
fore, by counsel of others with myself, have thought it best to call out a Lieutenant
and a company for Harrison and Ensign and company for Randolph, and have
also augmented the number of scouts from six to nine for Harrison and Randolph,
and keep them stationed in the most exposed part of each county, to be ready
at any call, and to continue while necessity may require, or until 1 have further
instructions from your Excellency, and further I flatter myself to meet with
your approbation in what I have done etc." (8)
Win. Lowtlier to the (jovernor, Sept. S, 1794.
"Yours by express came to hand, and I am happy to inform you that the people
of this county have discovered no disposition to aid or abet the lawless Penn-
sylvanians, but still continue their attachment to our happy government.
"In a letter from Gen. Wood, I was desired to forward accurate returns of the
situation of the Posts, etc. The posts on the river are not yet fixed. I wrote
different times to Captain Bogard to march to the post assigned for his company at
Newberry, a few miles above the mouth Great Hockhocking, and he has not
complied, and I know not the reason, but expect it is owing to alarms in his own
county. However I learn he is now on his way.
"I had appointed the mouth of Middle Island for Ensign Coburn's station." (9)
William Lowther was Colonel of Militia, Randolph County,
\ irginia, in 1796.
Robert Lowther, whose name appears on the Moncmgahela
pay abstract for scouts, 1792, was Colonel Lowther's oldest son.
William, his second son, also took part in some of the border
forays just prior to the Treaty of Greenville. Of this son and
his descendants. Rev. Granville Lowther, D. D., says:
"My great grandfather, William Lowther, was Colonel Low-
ther's son and was an old man when I was a child. Some char-
acteristics of the man are as clear to me as anything of later date.
In physical appearance, he was about medium height, but very
muscular, high forehead, prominent nose, firm mouth, greyish
blue eyes with arching brow, strong, sinew\- and erect; but at
times a little bent and walking with a cane. Mentally he was
optimistic, proud, determined, willful, yet lo\-ing and tender as
a child. He used to take me on his knee and tell stories of his
Indian adventures until in m\" childish imagination, I could see
the chase, the trail, the tight ami all the realities of the border
(8) See page 482. (9) p. 482.
270 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
conflict. He would tell of how the pioneers lived in log cabins;
how they dressed in flax and tow-made garments in summer, and
homespun linsey in winter. He told how he used to work clear-
ing land, plowing and hoeing corn from before daylight in the
morning until dark at night, with only an hour for noon, and
during that hour he would weave on the old hand loom, except
what time he was at his meals. Alany of the nights were spent in
burning brush and logs, which tended to economize time and
advance the interests of the one end in view; the conquest of the
forest. His example, influence and traits largely stamped the
character of his descendants.
To illustrate: "His son, John A. Lowther, was a man of
superior strength, who with others were out hunting when they
came upon a herd of wild hogs. The old boar showed fight and
charged them as they were debating whether to run, climb trees
or fight. As he came, John sprang to one side, caught the boar
by an ear with one hand and beat him over the snout with a stick
until he was subdued.
"John was for a time sheriff of Ritchie County, and when
he got his hands on a man neither handcuffs nor other criminal
appliances were necessary, for he could outrun and overcome any
man he ever met. He at one time went to arrest a wrongdoer,
who had taken refuge with two of his friends in a cabin. He
approached the house and was about to enter, when his presence
was discovered. The inmates sprang to close the door, but not
until the officer had thrust his hand through the opening. The
shutter was slammed against his arm and the combined weight of
the three men pressed against it. With no apparent effort, Low-
ther flung back the door, seized his man and walked away.
"Another son, Alexander Lowther, (10) my grandfather, was
in temperament nervous, quick and excitable; a man of strong
will power, who scoffed at the idea of failure. He was hopeful,
cheerful and sociable, with enough imagination to have been a
poet, novelist or orator; but living where these powers were not
in demand, he exercised his imagination in laying plans for the
future of his children, building machinery and buying almost
every patent device that agents tried to sell to him. He was
hospitable to a fault, and for miles in every direction people knew
that if they reached 'Uncle Alex Lowther's,' about meal time or
(10) See page 482.
CoLONKL William Lowthkr 271
nighl, food or lodging ^^'^'i"*-' ^^ free as llic water from the well.
In this way, he gave to travellers hundreds of dollars, but gained
in return the information and sociability they brought into his
home, for it was before the days of newspapers, railroads or tele-
graph, and the principal source of information of a public character
was gained from travellers passing from place to place on horse-
back. He was never a member of church, inclining to a belief in
the doctrine of Universalism. When he was approaching death,
he appeared for a time a little disturbed about his destiny in the
future, until someone read to him the language of Christ, "I was
hungered and ye gave me meat; thirsty and ye gave me drink;
a stranger and ye took me in; naked and ye clothed me." When
the reading was finished, he seemed at perfect ease and to rest
his hope of salvation upon it. He was married twice; the first time
to Miss Sarah Ireland. By this marriage, there were six sons,
viz: Alexander, William I., John A., Jesse, Archibald, Robert
and Jackson; two girls, Elizabeth and Sarah. He married the
second time the widow Neal. There were no children by this
marriage. He died at the age of 62 years.
"My father, Jesse Lowther, was a man of smaller stature,
about five feet ten inches high, but very quick and muscular. He
is now living at the age of eighty-four years and is still strong.
(11) He, too, was of the pioneer type, who knew no defeat and
acknowledged no superior. He was captain of Virginia Militia
upon the breaking out of the war of the Rebellion. Excitement
ran high and many reports of raids and invasions from the Confed-
erates were rife. The colonel had ordered his regiment to West
Union, West Virginia, to meet a supposed enemy and to guard
the town. My father mounted a horse and rode it down, gather-
ing his compan\'. He rode a second one down getting equipment
and necessary preparations for the journe\' and camp. Then
they started on a forced march of eight miles across the hills to
West Union. When about half way, they were met b>- the col-
onel on horseback, who in anger and excitement commanded:
'Quick step. Run into town.'' My father retorted 'Run your-
self. We will be there to assist in any fight you may have on hand
when wc arrive.' This was insubordination, but he had inher-
ited the spirit of his ancestors and brooked no intolerance, even
from his commandant."
(11) Sec page 482.
272 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Mr. Granville S. Lowther, previously quoted, a great grand-
son of Col. Lowther, line of his son Jesse, tells me that soon after
the Treaty of Greenville, Col. Lowther's boys all immigrated to
the Ohio, and settled about Marietta, and on the Aluskingum.
Chills and fever drove them back to their former home, where
some of them settled on the West Fork near West Milford, Har-
rison County, which is known as the Lowther "Settlement."
Others located on Hughes River, Ritchie County, West Virginia,
and formed there a "Lowther Settlement" where many of their
descendants still live.
Col. Lowther, born 1742 or 1743, died October 28, 1814, and
is buried in the cemetery of his home farm, on the West Fork.
His grave is marked with a rough stone, which still bears his initials
(or name,) but all other inscriptions are practically defaced by
time. There is a movement on foot to mark his grave with an
appropriate block of granite. His wife, Sudna Hughes Lowther,
survived her husband several years, and died at the home of her
son, Elias, in Ritchie County, West Virginia, and lies in an
unmarked grave on the Flannegan farm, on Hughes River, above
Berea. Mrs. Lowther is said to have been low in stature and
dark complexioned.
There is confusion regarding the relative ages of the colonel's
children, but Mr. G. S. Lowther has given what is believed to be
the correct genealogy. Mr. Lowther copied the record with its
explanatory note from an old Bible now in his possession, which
belonged to his uncle, Jesse G. Lowther:
"Robert Lowther, born , 1765; Thomas Lowther, born
7 day March, 1767; WilUam Lowther, born 27 Jan, 1768;
Jesse Lowther, born 21 July, 1773; Elias Lowther, born 16
Sept 1776; this was taken from Grandfather's Bible by me, Jesse
G. Lowther."
Colonel Lowther's old Bible cannot be located, and is supposed
to have been lost some years ago.
It has been impossible to secure a genealogy of Colonel
Lowther's descendants, other than that of his two sons, Robert
and Jesse.
Robert's children were: William B. Lowther, married
Coburn; Jesse G. Lowther, married Switzer; Robert J.
Lowther, married Eliza Highland; Dr. John C. Lowther,
COLONKI. W 11.1.1 \M I.owrill.R
273
married Prichard; jaincs K. l.ou thcr, Jr., married
Knight; "Peggy," married Thomas Ireland; Susanna, married
Abraham Morrison.
The children of Jesse Low t her were: Dr. Jesse Lowlher,
Dr. Robert Lowther, William Lowther, Uriah Lowther, Klias
Jackson Lowther, married Miss Celina McW horter; Mary Ann,
married W illiam Hall; Sarah, married William Xorris; Drusilla,
married Bradley Morgan; .Millie M., married Daniel Wire; Kliza-
bcth, married Conrad Kester.
^^W
^^m^
CHAPTER XXVIII
There was a settler at West's Fort who did much towards
developing the country, and ameliorating the condition of the
pioneers. This was Henry McWhorter who was born in New
Jersey, November 13, 1760. A note in Border Warfare (1) states
that he was born in Orange County, New York. This data was
taken from his old gravestone, and is erroneous. The same note
places the date of his arrival on Hacker's Creek six years too soon.
Of his antecedents, but little is known. His father, a linen weaver
by trade, hailed from northern Ireland (date unknown) and set-
tled in New Jersey prior to the French and Indian Wars. The
name is Scotch. J. P. AlacLean, Ph. D., an authority on Scotch
Highland literature and clan history, says, that the family belonged
to the "Clan Buchanan," located along the eastern shores of Loch
Lomond, Scotland. The Highland appellation was "Na Canon-
aich." The coat of arms is given in illustrated clan works. The
badge was "Bilberry." The slogan was "Clare Junis," this being
the name of an island in Loch Lomond.
Mr. George C. AlcWhorter says: "The ]\Ic^^'horter family
is Scotch extraction. In Scotland the name is now generally
written McWhirter. In this country it is now written McWhorter.
The family belonged to Galloway, and at an early day formed
part of a small clan which bore the name of MacWhorter. Many
Scotch Lowlanders, and among them some of the MacW^horters,
emigrated to the north of Ireland. One of these families was cut
off in the Irish massacre of 1641, save one girl. She married a
MacWhorter. Of the history of the MacWhorters, except that
they were Protestants, little if anything is known prior to about
the year 1700.
"In the beginning of the 18th century we find Hugh Alac-
Whorter a prosperous linen merchant of Armagh. In 1730 he
emigrated, at the solicitation of his eldest son, Alexander, to
America and settled in the county of New Castle, Delaware,
where he became a prominent farmer and an elder in the Presby-
terian Church. By his only wife, Jane, he had eleven children.
He died in 1748. Of his numerous children the eldest, Alexander,
who had been educated for the Presbyterian ministry and had
(1) See page 482.
Henry McW hortkr 275
spent two \-ears in the I'niversit)' of Edinburgh, died in 1734 witli-
out issue: John removed to North CaroHna: Xanc\- married
Alexander Osborne of North Carolina, and Jane married John
Brevard of the same state. The descendants of John, Nancy
and Jane are numerous and have doubtless found their way into
various parts of the south.
"The youngest of Hugh MacW horier's children, the second
Alexander, was born July 15, 1734 C). S. He subsequenth' became
distinguished as the Rev. Alex. MacWhorter D. D. A sketch of
his life will be found in the funeral sermon preached by the Rev.
Dr. Griffin on the occasion of the death of his venerable predecessor
in the pastorship of the First Presb. Ch. at Newark; also in one
of the Presb. magazines for 1853. Appelton's Cyclopedia likewise
contains a biographical notice of Dr. MacWhorter from the pen
of the late George MacWhorter, grandson of Dr. McW'horter:
and corresponding member of the Historical Society of New
Jersey. Alexander MacWhorter, D. D., was born Jul\' 15, 1734,
O. S.' Died July 20, 1807.
"In 1758 Dr. MacW horter 'married Mary Cumming, daugh-
ter of Robert Cumming, of Freei|old, High Sheriff of the County
of Monmouth; and sister of the late Gen. Cumming of the Rev.
Army. He left four children viz.:
"(1) Mary who married Samuel Beebee, a merchant of the
City of New York.
"(2) Ann who married the Rev. Geo. Ogilvie, Rector of the
Episcopal Church at New Brunswick.
"(3) Alexander Cumming McW horter, born 1771, died
October 8, 1808. (See account below.)
"(4) John McW horter who married Martha Dwight of
Newark, b)- whom he had three children, only one of whom,
Alargaret McW horter, spinster, is now living. (1865)
''Alexander C. McW horter (see above) was the first to change
the spelling of the name. (2) He was a distinguished member
of the New Jersey Bar and one of the most eminent citizens of
Newark. Coleman, of the New York Evening Post, at the time
of Mr. McW horter's death wrote and published a very fine obituary
of him. Alex. C. McW horter married Phoebe Bruen of Newark,
and sister of the late Matthias Bruen of Perth .\mboy, N.J." (3)
"Mc\\'hortcr, George Cumniinjr, of Oswego, New York, president and com-
piler of the Oswego City Library, holds several prominent lay positions in the
(2) See page 482. (3) p. 4S.S.
276 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Protestant Episcopal Church; son of George H. of Oswego, N. Y., B. at
Newark, N. J., June 18, 1795, D. at Oswego, N. Y., June 1, 1862, for many years
a prominent citizen of Oswego, author of Handbook of the New Testament, Church
Essays, etc., a prolific writer for the press, held several positions of honor and
trust, member of Prot. Epis. Ch. (m. Feb. 9, 1819, Margaret T., dau. of John
Lawrence, judge advocate-general of the Rev. Army, and conducted the trial
of Andre); son of Alexander C. of Newark, N. J., b. there 1771, D. there October
8, 1808, an eminent lawyer (m. 1790, Phoebe, dau. of Caleb Bruen of Newark,
and sister of Mathias Bruen, a leading citizen of Perth Amboy, N. J.); son of
Alexander of Newark, N. J., b. at New Castle, Del, July 26, 1734, d. at Newark,
July 20, 1807, an eminent Presbyterian clergyman, a friend of Dr. Witherspoon,
and under him the First Presb. Ch. in Newark was built, he was Chaplin in Gen.
Knox's brigade, was at council of war before the army crossed the Delaware, .
intimate with Washington, his portrait by Copley is in Yale Gallery, New Haven,
Conn. (mar. Oct., 1758, Mary, dau. of Gen. Gumming of the Rev. Army); son of
Hugh of New Castle, Del., the first of the name in America. The McWhorters
were a small lowland clan, one went to the north of Ireland, whence a descendant,
Hugh came to America." (4)
It is reasonably sure that Henry McWhorter was the son
of one of the eleven children of Hugh McWhorter, the Hnen mer-
chant of Armagh, who settled in New Castle, Delaware, 1730.
Some of the family, as shown, settled in New Jersey and NewYork,
where their descendants still reside.
Henry was one of four known brothers, all famous for their
wonderful physical achievements. He was about five feet ten
inches high, broad shouldered, weight about one hundred and
seventy-five pounds; and was endowed with tireless energy and
endurance. He was fair complexioned, had blue eyes, light hair
and a Roman nose. His temperament was sanguine, but under
complete self-control.
Of his three brothers, Thomas, James and Gilbert, (5)
all were "mighty men" of prodigious strength and nerve. James
(Jim) was of ordinary size, but a noted athlete. It is related of
him, that with his fists alone he knocked out six rugged Keel
Boatmen, who came to his mother's house, taking liberties which
he would not tolerate.
The rivermen entered the cabin at meal-time and boisterously
took possession of the table. Jim was not staying at home but
happened to be there on a visit; and hoping to avoid a colhsion,
did not interfere until a protest from his step-father, an aged and
infirm Irishman, elicited from the rowdies a tirade of abuse. This
was more than the fiery Jimmie could endure,' and he perempto-
(4) See page 483. (5) p. 483.
Henry McW iiorter 277
rih ordered the men to leave the premises, lie was greeted with
a chorus of insulting' jeers and a combined onshiuuhi from the
crowd. The undauiiled \-oung athlete backed into a corner of
the room and struck so rapidh" and effectually that the six were
on the Hoor at the same time. As soon as they were able,
the\- picked themselves up and went away. The step-father
proudU' strikin.e the hero on the shoulder, exclaimed: "Och
fammie an' \'er the b\e fer me."
(Gilbert was a good-natuiCLl ^nant, who was ne\er known to
lose his temper but once, on which occasion he "cleaned up the
ttnvn." So great was his size, that the calf of his let: Hlled the
thigh of his brother Jim's pantaloons.
Their father d\'ing prematureh', left the famii}' in penury,
and the boys were "bound out" to work for their board and
clothing. Henr\- was apprenticed to a mill-wright, and mastered
his trade when but sixteen years of age. He then joined the
Patriot Army as a "Minute Man." These troops were a potent
factor in the Revolution, and like the "Shirt Man" of Virginia,
was a unique figure. McW'horter's declaration for pension, Sep-
tember 4th, 1832, and his re-examination b>- Singleton, December
7th, 1833, depicts an interesting phase in the career of this class
of troops.
He hrst enlisted in Capt. W'isner's Company of Minute Men,
from Orange County, New \'ork. This was in February or March,
1776, and the men were immediately marched to Fort Constitu-
tion, on the North River, and attached to Col. Livingston's Reg-
iment of State Militia; who also was in command of the fort. At
the end of four months, and before the term of enlistment had
expired, the regiment was disbanded.
In the last of July or the first o\ August, McW horter again
enlisted from the same County, in Capt. W'isner's Company
known as The Flying Camp; and hastened to Kingsbridge, over
Spike-and-Devil Creek, and attached to "Col. Isaac Nichols Regi-
'- ment; under Cjen. George Clinton." (SM)
While at this point, several companies were detailed to Long
Island, but while on the way, McW'horter with others, under
Lieut. Langdon was stopped at l'"oit Washington, on the Hudson.
near New York. While here, the Battle of Long Island was fought,
after which Lieut. Langdon's men were marched back to Kings-
bridge and rejoined their former companies.
(S)^) See page 484.
278 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
The day that the Battle of Long Island was fought, Gen.
George Clinton hurried to re-enforce the Americans, but the
ensuing night being very dark, he escaped marching directly into
the British lines, only by the timely discovery of the danger
by his scouts. The next day Gen. Clinton returned with his
forces to his old rendezvous, Kingsbridge.
Shortly after this episode. Gen. Clinton moved with his troops
to the White Plains. McWhorter was present but did not partic-
ipate in the battle fought there October 28, 1776. The wing of
the army to which he belonged was not brought into action.
After this battle Gen. Clinton moved to Peach Hills, on the
North River; where McWhorter lay ill all winter. He was sent
home on a furlough by Dr. Henry White, and his term of enlist-
ment expired before he was fully recovered.
In April, 1777, McWhorter entered from his home County,
Capt. Totliff's Company for one month as a substitute and served
at "Peramas Mamaps"(.0 (name not clear) and in May (1777)
enlisted for three months under Capt. Thompkins, to work on the
famous chevaux-de-frise ; (6) "which was placed in North River just
below New Windsor." Capt. Thompkins and one Gray had
control of this work. Thompkins, it was said, "turned Tory and
piloted the British ships through the gap that had been left."
In August, 1777, he again substituted from his home County,
for a term of three months under Capt. Parsons, and was sent to
Fort Montgomery, which was under the command of Gen. George
Clinton. A few days before the Battle of Fort Montgomery,
McWhorter was detailed to attend a ferry across the North River,
three miles above the Fort; and thus escaped this engagement.
Gen. James Clinton had command of Clinton's Fort, and was
wounded in the British attack upon these strongholds.
Immediately upon the expiration of this term, McWhorter
enlisted for one month under Capt. John Decker, of the "Insur-
gent" Militia of New Jersey, and was marched to Woodley, on
the Delaware River; where he was detailed on fatigue duty at
Red Bank Fort. While there Mud Fort was abandoned by the
Americans, who set fire to the barracks. The next day the Fort
was taken possession of by the British.
In March 1778, McWhorter went to Northumberland County,
Pennsylvania, and volunteered under Capt. Thomas Chaplain, as
a Ranger to serve against the Indians of that region. During
(6) See page 484.
IIenrv McWhortf.r 279
this time he was frequently employed in guarding the boats carry-
ing provisions to the army up the Susquehanna River.
In answer to some further questions by the court, McW hor-
ter stated. 1. "I was born the 13th day of November in 1760
in the State of New Jersey. 2. "I have the record of my age in
my Bible taken from my father's Bible. (7) 3. "When called
into service I was living in Orange County, N. W Married in
Bucks County, Pa., (8) moved from there to Hampshire Co.,
Va., in 1786, from thence to Harrison County, but now Lewis
in the year 1790 where I now live."
Alexander West, William Powers and several others testified
in McWhorter's behalf, stating that "as a man of truth he stands
as high as any man." On this declaration, he was granted a
pension of 373.33 a year, for twenty-two months' service in New
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania Line.
To his second declaration, Mr. Singleton gave this endorse-
ment:
"I'his is a very intelligent and honest man and is entitled to
all that has been awarded him."
However, his allowance was reduced to ^560. 00 a year, on the
grounds that four months of his enlistment had been employed
against the Indians. Apropos to this is the following:
"Weston, IVa.,] April 20, 1835.
"Sir:
"My pension certificate lias been required to be returned for correction and
as I understand will be reduced from allowance for twenty-two months service
in the Rev. War, to 18 months on the ground that four months were for services
against the Indians — it is true that much time was employed against them —
but whatever of the time I was not engaged against the Indians was employed
on other duties and it is equally true that the officers under whom I served was
employed by the Gov. either of the state General Government. I am now very
old and infirm and must submit to whatever may be done in my case still it seems
to me that my right to an allowance for twenty-two months service is just as clear
as it is to eighteen months.
"Mr. Singleton examined me twice and each time pronounced my claim
good and states he so reported. I had much rather have nothing than by a false
statement of facts to receive from the government one dollar unfairly.
I am with respect, etc..
(7) See page 4S4. (S) p. 484.
280
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
On August 1, 1783, in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, Henry
McWhorter was married to Miss Mary Fields, a noble woman,
to whom he owed much for his success in life. She was born in
1760. From Bucks County they moved in 1786 to Hampshire
County, Virginia. In 1790 with their little family, they sought
by wagon a home in the wilds of western Virginia, and settled on
McKinney's Run, a branch of Hacker's Creek, Harrison County,
where McWhorter built a cabin and cleared some land.
The Henry McWhorter House
Photographed by Professor G. F. Queen, 1894
Mr. Ned J. Jackson, a noted "Forty-niner," who then owned it, is seen at
door. The view is fronting the creek on the north.
Three years later, he moved near West's Fort, and on the
south bank of the murky "Wiya-nipe," built a house of hewed
logs, where he resided for thirty-seven years. This house is
eighteen and a half feet wide, by twenty-four feet long. It is
substantially constructed, and bears the marked characteristics
of pioneer architecture. The chimney, like that of the Tanner
house, described in Chapter XXI, is built inside of the room.
This was evidently a precaution against a vulnerable point of
Indian attack. If constructed on the outside it could have been
demolished and an entrance gained through the opening in the
Henry Mc WiioRTKR 2S1
wall which was alwa\s left the height of the fireplace lo guard
against possible conflagration. This opening was closed most
substantialh' with stone laid cvenh' with the outside wall.
After Indian hostilities, the cabin chinine\s were built on the out-
side of the house; giving more room on the interior. Logs were
sometimes placed upon the eaves of the cabins, t(j be cast on
Indians besieging the door. The fireplace is six feet ten inches
wide and three feet six inches high, with a stone arch. The original
depth can not be determined under present conditions, as the
back wall has been tilled in with false work. There are now two
rooms on the ground Hoor, and a garret room under the roof.
The building is in a splendid state of preservation, and should be
kept as hrst constructed. Buih in 1793, it is the oldest house
showing original construction, in the historic Hacker's Creek
\'alley, if not in central West Virginia. There is a fine hickory
grove standing between the house and the pike on the west,
grown from nuts planted b\- Mr. Ned J. Jackson, during the first
week in October, 1S57. They produce an excellent quality of
fruit. Jackson carried the seed-nuts in his hat from Jackson's
null on the \\ est Fork River.
After settling in the wilderness, McW horter experienced many
pri\'ations and hardships incident to frontier life. He often went
to \\ inchester with pack horses for salt; and once made the trip
in company with John Sims. On their return it grew desperately
cold in the mountains. They were compelled to dismount and
walk in order to keep from freezing. Sims was at length over-
come by the cold, and sat down by the trail to rest. McW horter,
well knowing the subtle nature of the threatening danger, had
been encouraging Sims to greater exertion, and now became
thorough!)' alarmed for his safety. He urged him not to give in,
and pointed out the imminent danger of his situation, but to no
purpose. Sims begged to be let alone. "I am so tired," he
drowsily murmured, "and so sleepy. You go on and I will come
soon." McW horter continued to plead with him, but he rapidly
sank into a state of lethargy. The death stupor was upon him,
and McW'horter realized that he could be saved only by the most
heroic treatment. From a beech tree he cut a keen limb, and
trimrning it of its branches, he applied it most vigorously to the
lower extremities of his half-conscious companion. It required
several stinging blows to arouse Sims, who made piteous appeals
282
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
to be permitted to "take just one little nap." His pleadings were
answered only by the fierce "swish" of the beech "gad" cutting
the frosty air as it descended in unabated fury on the suffering
victim. Finally the pain became unbearable, and Sims starting
up, made at his relentless tormentor. This was the result for
which McWhorter had been striving, and he dexterously kept
beyond reach. Failing in his attempt, Sims again sat down, but
only to feel a renewal of pain from the beech switch in the hands
A Mountain Corn Cracker
Photographed Jan. 1910, especially for this work. Kindness of Mr. J. A. Heaton
A mountain ''''corn cracker,^'' located in an unbroken forest, on Hickory Knob
Run, tributary of Bufalo Creek, Clay County. W. Va. This is the oldest mill in that
region, and is still in service, patrons coming twenty miles to have corn ground.
Capacity about fifteen bushels a day. The "jolly miller" is Mr. William (Uncle Billy)
Kyle, 74 years old.
of the obdurate Scotch-Irishman. Again did he start up in vain
pursuit of the fleet-footed wielder of the effective "persuader."
This drama was enacted repeatedly, and until Sims had become
thoroughly "warmed up," when realizing the certain death from
which he had escaped, and the danger of the situation, he required
no further incentive to hasten his lagging steps. The remainder
of the journey was made in harmony, and without further incident.
McWhorter crossed the mountains alone on one occasion, and
camping one night, he wrapped his blanket about him, and lay
down in the cavity made by the upturned roots of a fallen
tree w^hich was well filled with dry leaves. The night was cold,
and he drew the cape of his great coat over his head and slept in
Hlnry McW iiorter 283
comfort. riie next morning he fouiul that he was buried under
several inches of snow.
Xot of a warlike nature, there is no account of Henry McW iior-
ter engaging in any of the border forays. His life was devoted to
peaceful pursuits, and to the betterment of the conditions of those
around him. There could not be a more useful artisan, nor one
who was more appreciated in the new settlements than a mill-
wright. The old sandstone hand mill manufactured a poor qual-
ity of coarse gritty meal. McW horter as we have seen, was a
skilled mill-wright, and in the same year he settled at the fort, he
erected a mill on the creek, just below his residence. This mill
was built of hewed logs, and the clapboard roof weighted down
with poles. It was primaril)" for grinding corn only, but in later
years, when the settlers grew wheat and rye, it was equipped for
the manufacture of flour also. It was a fine structure for its day,
and later it was improved by having its roof nailed on. It was
the first mill built in (now) Lewis and Braxton Counties and for
man}- years the most accessible to the Buckhannon settlement. (9)
Mills of a more primiti\'e type are still to be met with in
certain sections of West Virginia. In 1896, my father noticed
one of them on the headwaters of the Gauley, in Webster CountA*.
It stood in the forest, a quarter of a mile from any residence, and
had no other roof than the overhanging boughs. Although no
one was in attendance, the mill was "running full blast." One
or two bushels of corn poured into the hopper kept it grinding
until noon, when another "turn" would last till night. The
drooping bough of a neighboring tree came within such close
proximity to the hopper, that a squirrel could use it as a pathway,
in carrying oflF the grain. While the "turn" was grinding, the
miller and his customer were, perhaps, in the forest hunting deer,
or trout-hshing. This was one hundred and six years after the
observer's grandfather had built his up-to-date corn mill on
Hacker's Creek, not more than fifty miles away.
An amusing incident occurred within the present century
during a court proceeding in Webster County, West Virginia,
where the value of one of these "corn crackers," as they are still
called, was in question. A typical mountaineer was on the wit-
ness stand.
"^ ou have seen the mill in question, have you not.'" asked
the attorne).
(9) See page 485.
284 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
"I reckon I hev."
"You go there to mill occasionally?"
"I take co'n thar onst in er while."
"What is the value of this mill?"
"Hit aint got no valer."
"You don't mean to say that this mill is of no value?"
"I 'low thets w'ot I sed."
"But it must be worth something; what is its capacity?" ^
"Hit aint got no kerpasity."
"What? has no capacity?"
"I 'low thets erbout hit."
"Did you not just now say that you go there with corn occa-
sionally?"
"I aim ter go thar onst every two weeks."
"Yet you insist that this mill has no capacity notwithstand-
ing you have grinding done there at least twice a month."
"I 'low thats ke-rect."
"Have you not seen this mill in operation?"
"I kalkerlate thet I hev seed her a humpin' ok-kasionally."
"Well, how fast can It grind?"
' "Jes' middlin."
"Will you tell just how rapidly the corn passes between the
burs, or grinding stones of this mill?"
"Bout ez fas' ez a man kin eat."
"How long could he keep this up?"
"Ontil he'd starve ter death, I low."
It would appear from Withers, that there was a mill on
Hacker's Creek in 1778, when Isaac Washburn, "who had been
to mill" on this stream, was shot from his horse and killed while
returning to Richards' Fort. (10)
This was evidently a "hand mill," even these rude imple-
ments for manufacturing meal were not common in the settle-
ments. When a boy I saw a fragment of one of the stones of a
mill of this kind lying by the roadside near the old residence of
John Hacker, on Hacker's Creek. (11) Usually corn was crushed
in crude mortars.
No patron, man or child, ever left the A-lcWhorter mill either
cold or hungry. I well remember, when a lad, listening to an old
man who told how, when a little boy, he would in the dead of
winter ride horseback, perched upon a grist of corn, all the way
(10) See page 485. (11) p. 485.
Henry McW mortkr 285
from the I'pper Hacker's Creek Valley to this mill. Huw his
breeches would "scruch" up and leave his legs bare, and by the
time he arrived at the mill, his shins would be blue with cold, and
so chilled and numb that he scarce could walk. The old man's
voice grew tender with emotion, as he added, "Then gran-daddy
McW horter would take me to the house and get me warm, and
give me some dinner."
One year there was a dearth of crops throughout the settle-
ments, and parties from Clarksburg and other points, offered
McW horter one dollar per bushel for all the corn stored in his
mill. He declined the offer, saying, "If I let this corn go, my
neighbors will suffer for bread." He kept the grain, and let the
needy settlers have it in exchange for labor, giving the accustomed
bushel of corn for a day's work, notwithstanding wages were only
twenty-five cents a day. Money in those days was not plentiful,
and the virtue of such unselfish generosity by one w-ho was as
poor as the majority of the settlers cannot be overestimated. In
1790, a sacrifice of this nature was made by Isaac Williams, the
founder of Williams Station, on the Virginia side of the Ohio,
opposite the mouth of the Muskingum. This deed immortal-
ized Williams. (12)
For sixty years McW horter was a member of the Methodist
Episcopal Church; fifty years of this time he was a class leader.
He was conducting a meeting at West's Fort with armed sentinels
standing guard, on Sunday, the day preceding the attack on the
Waggoner family. During that day Tccumsch and his two war-
riors lay hid in a ravine near the fort. Had the sentinels given
heed to the alarm of the dogs that continually barked, and dashed
towards the Indian concealment, the Waggoner tragedy might
have been averted. It was supposed at the time that the outcry
among the dogs was caused by wolves. Evidently Jesse Hughes
was not in attendance at this meeting.
Henry McW horter was one of the appointed trustees for
\\ eston, when that place was established a town (then Preston),
in lanuar)', 1(S18.
In 1827, McW horter was compelled, through financial embar-
rassment caused by security debts, to sell his home and mill, and
return to his former residence on McKinne\'s Run; where he
died, February 4, 1848. He was buried in the McW horter ceme-
tcr)' on his farm, by the side of his wife, who died in 1834. For
(12) See page 485.
286 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
many years, his grave was marked by a sandstone slab, bearing
this legend:
"He first engaged in Freedom's cause.
And fought for liberty and laws,
Then counting all earthly things as dross,
Became a soldier of the cross." (13)
After coming to Virginia, McWhorter lost all trace of his
people in the north. It is known, however, that some of their
descendants at a later day migrated to the southern states.
The children of Henry McWhorter were three in number:
John, Thomas and Walter.
John, the eldest, was born April 28, 1784. Early in life, he
studied law and without the advantages of an education, soon
became a barrister of extraordinary ability. As an advocate,
his logic was hardly surpassed, and his judgment on contested
points unerring. Not through his long career at the bar was he
ever known to champion the cause of wrong. Although of a
reckless nature during his earlier years, his respect for Christianity,
even in his wildest moods, was proverbial. He has been known
while at the card-table, to throw down his "hand," and in scathing
words, rebuke a boon companion for irreverent reflections on
Christianity. His generosity and kindness of heart were
unbounded, and he was ever ready with loosened purse-strings to
relieve the needy and the distressed. He was never married.
From his earliest childhood he was noted for his eccentricity and
absent-mindedness; and many are the amusing incidents related
of him in this respect.
Like most lads reared in the forest, he was fond of the rifle.
One morning he was charging his gun preparatory for a deer-
hunt, when his mother requested that he first bring a pail of
water from the spring near the edge of the clearing. Hastily
laying aside his rifle, he snatched a bucket and forgetting his errand,
strode directly past the spring. Oblivious to everything but his
expected hunt, he was soon buried in the deep woods of the hill-
side. Cautiously wending his way, he soon discovered a buck
standing partly concealed by the intervening brush. While seek-
ing a point more advantageous for a rifle-shot, the irrepressible
bucket pending from his arm came noisily in contact with a log
over which he was stepping. This brought the dreamy lad back
(13) See page 485.
Henry McWHortkr 287
to the realities of life with startling effect, as he saw the alarmed
buck bound away.
He was commissioned Captain of Militia and when the W ar
of 1812 broke out, raised a company of volunteers (14) and with
this band footed it to Parkersburg, u here they embarked on flat-
boats for Point Pleasant. There the men were mustered into
service, and on the 16th of November, 1812, he was commissioned
Captain in John Connell's First Regiment Virginia Militia. They
then proceeded on foot to the Alaumee River and were attached
to Gen. Harrison's command at Fort Meigs, until April 13, 1813,
at which time their term of enlistment expired. On the return
trip, which was made on foot, one of the men becoming exhausted,
the Captain relieved him of his camp baggage, adding it to his
own burden.
In 1S14 he was in the recruiting service of the United
States and March 17, 1814, he accepted a captaincy in Colonel
William King's Third Regiment, U. S. Rifles; and continued in
service until the close of the war. He was then commissioned
Colonel of Militia, and was ever afterwards known as "Colonel,"
and in later years as "Judge." Although his law office was in
Clarksburg, his interests were centered largely in the southern
part of the county, now generally embraced in Lewis County.
With the settlers throughout this region the young Colonel
was very popular, and when a division of the county was agitated,
by common impulse they demanded that he represent their cause
in the coming session of the Legislature. In this race, he had
strong opposition, but his colleague. Dr. Edward Jackson, had a
clear field. Under the old constitution of Virginia, all voting was
done at the count}' seat, where the polls were open three days.
It was very difiicult to secure a full cast of the votes, scattered
over so vast a region. But the Colonel was equal to the emergency,
and at his call, the settlers flocked to the polls from the Kanawah,
L'pper \\ est Fork, and other remote settlements; dressed in their
best homespun. Each man carried a rifle, also a knapsack con-
taining a "johnny cake" (a corruption of journey cake) and
jerked venison. Mone}' for tavern bills was not dreamed of.
Hunting en route to the polls was indulged in by many, and no
small amount of game secured. This was turned over to the
friends of the candidates, who were expected to entertain the
voters during their stay at the polls. It was understood that the
(14) See page 485.
288 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Colonel was to deliver the voters, while Jackson and his friends
were to see that they were cared for.
The opposition, having secured the leading hotel, the home
of Dr. Williams became headquarters for the Jackson-McWhorter
party. Here, for three days and three nights, the savory pot
ceased not to boil, and often during this time Mrs. Williams, in
doing her work, was compelled to step over the bodies of sleeping
men, with scarce room to set her foot. Notwithstanding each
candidate had a barrel of whiskey and tin cup at the polls, and
after casting his vote, every man was at liberty to help himself,
yet Mrs. Williams and her family were treated with the highest
respect by these rough honest woodsmen. Many others found
commodious quarters by roaring camp fires in the adjoining
woods, where the appetizing venison roast, the merry jest and the
wild hunter stories, regaled the passing hours.
The Colonel was elected, and in 1816, he and Dr. Jackson
originated the bill that created Lewis County. Buckhannon was
constituted a town the same year, and the Colonel was one of the
appointed trustees. He afterwards served in the Upper House
of the Virginia legislature, and was for many years Prosecuting
Attorney of Lewis County and Braxton County, residing at
Weston.
Mention has been made of his great absent-mindedness.
This trait grew with years, and the cares of public life. Many
amusing incidents are related of him in this respect. One was his
"bachelor day" efforts at tailoring; after fifteen minutes spent in
diligently sewing a button to his coat, he let go the button only
to see it fall to the floor. By the roadside near his house, and
where he had passed hundreds of times, stood a large black gum
tree, whose branches hung low over the highway. In the autumn
this tree was laden with dark rich-looking berries of nauseating
bitterness, but in appearance not unlike the sweet palatable
black-haw, of which the Colonel was extremely fond. One day,
with mind deeply engrossed, he rode under this tree, when the
berries hanging so temptingly near arrested his eye. He snatched
some of them as he passed by, and emptying his mouth of a "quid,"
filled it with the supposed haws. The effect can be better imagined
than described, and unlike the traditional Christian, the Colonel
invoked his God after the feast.
He was passionately fond of "egg custard," and at a banquet
Henry McW iiorter
289
in ClarkshuiL'. he hclpcLl hinisclt lihcrall}' to what he supposed
was his favorite dish. The slave-waiter, who was aware of the
Colonel's weakness, approached and said politely, "Colonel, dat
am not custard, it am ground hoss-radish." Humiliated at his
own blunder, and irritated at what he regarded as an imperti-
nence in the waiter, the Colonel exclaimed,"! reckon I know what
I am doing." He then lilled his mouth with the fiery portion.
Tears rolled down his cheeks; but otherwise he endured the
excruciating torture with the stoicism of an Indian warrior.
He was notorious for his bad penmanship, irritable temper,
and emphatic expletives. While Prosecuting Attorney, he one
da)' presented to the Court an indictment drawn in his own hand-
writing; so intricate and unintelligible to the clerk did it appear,
that that dignitary's most scholarly efforts failed in deciphering
its meaning. The Colonel was called upon for a "translation."
SlCNATURE OF CaPTAIN JoHN McW HORTER, AS IT ApPEARS WITH HiS
Application for Pension, May 27, 1781
Solemnly scanning the document for a moment, a puzzled expres-
sion came over his face. Utterly unable to read it, he was about
to lay it down, when becoming irritated at the suppressed tittering
of the bar, he burst forth, "Now who in hell wrote this, why the
devil couldn't read it." When informed that it was his own pro-
duction he bravely declared that "anybody could read it," and
proceeded to do so without further trouble. Members of the bar
often amused themselves, and disturbed the dignity of the court,
by stealing the Colonel's papers when he was deeply absorbed in
pleading. "Just to hear him rave," they said, and seldom, if
ever, were they disappointed. His voice, a deep gutteral bass,
was, unless provoked, low and well mcululated, his language
sedate and dignified, but on such occasions, he was licensed to
"swear in open court," which he would do most beautifully.
A client one day asked him to fight some litigation thivugh
the courts. The Colonel listened in polite silence as the gentle-
man unfolded his plan, but it was obvious that he was growing
indignant at the bra/.en duplicit\- of the plotter. To the anxious
290 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
inquiry, "Colonel, can I win the case?" came the prompt reply,
"That depends upon the jury. If you have an unscrupulous or
fool jury, you are likely to win; but if you have an honorable and
intelligent jury, they will see at once that the whole scheme is
based upon damned rascality." The case never appeared in court.
After withdrawing from the bar, he served as Judge of the
Lewis County Court under the old regime for several years. When
old age compelled his retirement from public life, he was ordained
a local minister in the M. E. Church. It was through his means
that a small church was built on Rush Run, in Lewis County,
where he often preached. He died April 14, 1880, and was buried
near his home on Rush Run.
Thomas, the second son, born July 15, 1785, inherited a part
of the home farm on McKinney's Run, and was a prosperous
farmer. He was a man of sterling worth to his community during
his short life. He died December 28, 1815, and was the first
buried in the McWhorter cemetery.
On Easter morning, 1807, Thomas McWhorter, married
Delila Stalnaker, daughter of Samuel Stalnaker, Sr., an old resi-
dent of Hacker's Creek. Their children were Tabitha, married
David H. Smith; Henry, married Hannah Jones; Salina, married
Elias J. Lowther; Rulina married Washington Sleeth; Mary, mar-
ried Hamilton J. Nutter.
His only son, Henry, was a commissary Sergeant, Com-
pany E., Third West Virginia Volunteers Cavalry. He was killed
in a fight at the Gibson house on Greenbrier River, Pocahontas
County, West Virginia, January 22 or 23 (near midnight), 1863.
Early in the engagement, he fell mortally wounded, and congrat-
ulated himself that it was his privilege to die in battle for his
country. A few moments later he was shot through the heart.
Two of his sons were non-commissioned officers in the same
company and saw their father killed. One of them. Fields, was
captured and sent to Libby Prison, but at the end of three months
was exchanged and returned to his regiment and promoted to
Commissary Sergeant.
At the battle of Sailor's Creek, Virginia, three days before
Gen. Lee's surrender, he captured a confederate flag and received
the guns of seven prisoners, for which he was granted a thirty
days' furlough. For this signal bravery, it is said that he was
awarded a special medal by Congress, but this I have not verified.
IIexrv MlW hortkr 291
He participated in the Battle ot Salem, \ irginia, December
1863, and on the retreat in crossing a badly swollen stream, a
four-horse team became stranded and were drowning. General
Averil ordered McW'horter to swim out and cut them loose, which
he successfully accomplished. The team was saved, but the
health of the brave soldier was ruined fore\-er. It was bitter
cold, and within a few moments after emerging from the icy
waters, his clothing was frozen stiff. He contracted a severe
cold, which settled on his lungs, and ultimatch' caused his death
in April 1877.
The other son, Rev. John S. .McW horter, M. D., was also in
the Salem fight where he suffered extremeh' from frozen feet.
While at Salem he called at a house for a lunch, for which he paid
the woman fift\- cents. The hungr\' soldier devoured this and
came near d}ing; the food contained poison. Afterwards he
contracted kidne)' trouble, followed b\' a severe attack of pneu-
monia. Finally he was injured by the fall of his horse, from
which he has never fully recovered. He served as a corporal.
Walter, the third and last son of Henry McWhorter, Sr., was
born October 31, 1787, married Margaret Hurst in 1806. He
inherited, with his brother Thomas, the homestead on AlcKinney's
Run. Under the old military law, \\'alter was Major of Militia.
He was a noted athlete, and never met his equal in wrestling,
jumping or foot-racing. Lithe and acti\e, and fond of daring
sports, he would toy with a living rattlesnake, avoiding its quick,
deadly blows with all the ease of an East Indian snake charmer.
He delighted in hunting, and often engaged in this fascinating
sport. (15) In one of his hunts he fired at a deer, which fell seem-
ingly dead. W hen he attempted to knife it, he was "kicked so
high, that when he landed from his aerial flight, the deer was
bounding away."
At another time, he and his son-in-law, Samuel Stalnaker,
were hunting on the headwaters of the Buckhannon, and found
where a bear had gone into winter quarters in a cleft among the
rocks. They succededed in routing bruin, who proved large and
very fat. The entrance to the den was small, and the animal was
some time in squeezing through. Stalnaker took his stand in front,
with rifle levelled to fire the instant that the bear had emerged
sufficiently, that when shot, it would not drop back into the den.
The Major stood just over the entrance, with tomahawk raised
(15) See page 485.
292 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
ready to strike, should the shot prove ineffectual. Stalnaker
gave warning that he was "going to shoot." The Major withheld
the blow, as he afterwards said, "expecting every instant to see
the fur fly, as the half-ounce of lead crashed into the bear's skull."
In another moment, he did see the "fur fly," but intact with a very
lively bear, which wriggled through the crevice and scampered
away. After the animal had disappeared, Stalnaker was humili-
ated to find that in his excitement he had failed to draw back the
hammer of his rifle.
There was no church in the neighborhood, and the Major's
house, as with his father, was the recognized place of public wor-
ship. It was also the free home of the itinerant minister, and
traveller. His wife cheerfully bore this additional hardship to
the burden of caring for a large family, without murmur or com-
plaint. It was the unenviable privilege of the Major's boys to
cut and haul from the forest a store of hickory wood, for the great
open fireplace, during the "winter revivals." These revivals, or
"big meetings," with their "mourners bench," were regarded as an
essential adjunct to the spiritual welfare of the community.
Occasionally an amusing feature would bubble up at these meet-
ings. One poor sinner who had "wrastled" at the altar night
after night, and concluding that an open confession was the only
road to salvation, exclaimed in a loud voice, "Lord, why is it that
I cannot get a blessin' ".^ Then as if in answer to his own inter-
rogation, he continued, "I know. Lord! I-have-cussed-and-I-have-
swore; and-I-have-back-bitten-my-neighbors, and, L-o-r-d, how-
I-have-1-i-e-d !" It is hoped that this penitent found that peace
of mind which his honest confession merited.
Walter died August 12, 1860. His wife died December 27,
1853, from injuries sustained in a fall from the back of a runaway
horse. Both were buried in the McWhorter cemetery. Their
children were:
(1) Dr. Fields McWhorter, married Miss Margaret Kester.
(16) His second wife was Sarah O. Darr.
(2) Mary McWhorter, married Benjamin Morris.
(3) Elizabeth McWhorter, married Samuel Stalnaker, Jr.
(4) Rev. Eli McWhorter, married Jane Morris.
(5) Levi McWhorter, married Eliza Alkire.
(6) Sally McWhorter, married Nicholas Straley.
(7) Cassandra McWhorter, married William Colerider.
(16) See page 485.
Hknrv McWhortkr 293
(8) Mansfield McW huilcr, died while \uung.
(9) Thomas McW'horter, died while young.
(10) Rev. John Minion, M. D., married Rosetta Marple;
second wife, Phoebe C. Cunningham, nee Hardman.
(11) Waller, married Ailce\' Lawson.
(12) Rev. Mansfield (named for his deceased brother) mar-
ried Sarah Francis; second wife, Sarah Davis.
(13) Margaret, died before maturity.
(14) Amy, died before maturity.
(15) Elsie, died before maturity.
(16) Gilbert, died in infancy.
(17) Marion, died in infanc>'.
Of this famih', only two are now living, Dr. j. M. and Rev.
Mansfield. The latter was second Lieutenant of Militia and was
for sixteen years a magistrate and a member of the Lewis County
Court under the old regime. Both he and Eli, the eldest son,
were ministers in the M. E. Church. Dr. J. M. espoused the
Universalist faith, and was the pioneer promulgator of that doc-
trine in his part of the State. He used to say that when a boy he
spent days cutting wood for the "big meetings" held by the Meth-
odists at his father's home and while thus engaged, the preachers
were remorselessly shaking him over the fiery lake for his unright-
eousness.
In May, 1909, at the age of 87, the Doctor visited his boy-
hood home of which he writes:
"The old McWhortcr stand in Harrison County is all blotted over with dwel-
lings, factories and one or two stores. It does not look like the home, when mother
stood on the high front porch and called us boys to dinner. I took a drink from
the old well, whose fountain is still pure and cold; but the noise and confusion of
public life has destroyed the beauty and harmony of our old home. As the world
progresses the hum and bustle of trade silences the sweet music of domestic life,
and reminds us that our existence is —
'but one breath from Times old hoary nostrils blown,
As scouring o'er the spacious earth, we hear his dismal moan.'
— a short span, and we too must pass on to the great unknown, silent and
mysterious." (17)
During the latter thirties and early forties. Major McW horter
held contracts for carrying the mail from Clarksburg to distant
points in Lewis, Gilmer, Braxton, Upshur, Barbour and Randolph
Counties. The mail was carried horseback, and J. M. and W alter
,(17) See page 486.
294 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
did the riding. Alost of the route lay through unbroken forests
and was fraught with many dangers. The boys were never
armed, and in a few instances met with thrilUng adventures, one
or two of which have been recorded elsewhere in this volume.
Walter was waylaid by two highwaymen in the Cheat Mountain,
and escaped capture only by his cool bravery and remarkable
presence of mind. These boys often swam their horses through
the waters of the West Fork, Little Kanawha and Tygart's Valley
Rivers, when the "mush ice" was running. They would get up
at three o'clock in the morning, in the dead of winter, and ride
fifteen miles for breakfast; that too, with clothing frozen stiff with
ice from fording the deep unbridged streams. They rode sixteen
hours out of the twenty-four with only two meals a day. The
compensation for horse and rider was one dollar per day. The
savings were applied to a grinding family debt. The same spirit
of energy prompted these boys, when young men, to engage as
helpers in driving stock on foot to Baltimore, Maryland, at twenty-
five cents per day. On the return trip they were allowed one
cent per mile for walking, with two meals a day. With the money
earned on these return trips, the older brother, J. M., paid for his
wedding suit, resplendent with brass buttons, and the cloth costing
five dollars a yard. He also engaged in freighting with a six-
horse team from Cumberland, Md., to Clarksburg, (West) Va.,
and from Parkersburg to Beverly, (West) Virginia.
Walter was instantly killed by a passing train on April 16,
1901, at a railroad crossing near his own gate.
Dr. Fields McWhorter, like his father, was a noted athlete.
He later moved to Sullivan County, Missouri, and was a Fife
Major in the 23d Missouri Regiment, Federal Army, participating in
the Battle of Pittsburg Landing. He had two sons in the same army.
Walter F. McWhorter, sergeant in Company B., 9th
Virginia Regiment, was killed at the battle of Cloyd's Mountain,
Virginia, May 9, 1864. He had served during the entire war, and
was a soldier of more than ordinary fighting ability. It is related
of him that he was not only daring on the field of battle, but was
absolutely immune to fear.
A singular incident is connected with his death. Although
shot through the heart, he was not instantly killed. The regi-
mental surgeon saw him fall and hastened to his side. The dying
soldier asked the surgeon to examine for the ball, which was found
Henry McW iiortf.r 295
lodged under the skin at his back. This he requested removed. He
was informed that it was useless, as he could not live. "I know that,"
he gasped, "but 1 want you to give the bullet to my brother Henry."
His request was granted, and the conical minnic ball, whose con-
cave end had collapsed, enclosing a small fragment of the dead
soldier's vest, is now in the possession of the surviving brother.
Henry Ci.ay McWhorter enlisted for the entire war, Sep-
tember 16, 1861, as a private in Company G, 9th Virginia Infantry
and on the 30th of the same month was mustered in as Second
Lieutenant of Company B, same regiment. On March 1, 1862,
he was appointed Captain of Company G, and resigned September
17, 1863, on account of an accidental wound received December
8, 1862, on Patterson Creek, Hardy County, Virginia. During
the balance of the war, he was Chief Clerk of Provost Marshals,
Enrollment Office (for drafting) at Charleston and Point Pleasant,
West \'irginia. He was later Speaker of the West Virginia State
Senate and Judge of the Supreme Court of that State.
Joseph Marcellus, an older son of Dr. Fields McWhorter,
filled several positions of public trust. Was clerk of County Court
of Roane County, West Virginia, State Auditor of West Virginia,
an eminent barrister and late Judge of Circuit Court of that State.
He is the oldest great grandson now living of Henry McW hor-
ter of the Revolutionary War. (18)
Mary Morris, nee McWhorter, had three sons in the Federal
Army. Thomas and Walter M. enlisted September 15, 1862, in
Company E, Third Regiment, West Virginia Volunteer Cavalry,
and were mustered October 20, 1862.
Thomas was Second Corporal, Walter was promoted Bugler,
but as he could not "toot" effectively, he continued a private.
Both were fearless soldiers and experienced hard service, not only
on the battle field, but with b us h-zv hackers in the hills of their
native state. Walter has written an interesting manuscript
memoir of his personal army life.
W iLLi.AM H. was mustered March 1, 1864, as volunteer pri-
vate in Company E, First Regiment, W est Virginia Light Artillery,
and served to close of war. Flis hearing was greatly injured by
the heavy detonation of his gun.
Ervin H., son of Rev. Eli McW horter, was also a volunteer
private in the same company during the period of W m. H. Morris'
enlistment. He died soon after the close of the war.
(18) See page 486.
CHAPTER XXIX
The Regers were active men on the Virginia frontier during
the latter years of the Revolution, and the stormy period that
immediately followed. They were not of that class of bordermen,
who were likely to be prominent in the recorded annals of their
■day. They had not that aggressive temperament which immor-
talized many of their contemporaries. While brave and fearless,
and not hesitating to take up arms when occasion demanded, they
had early learned that "Every human heart is human," and not
in tradition can we find where they ever caused wanton suffering,
even to the most deadly of their foes. If they shot fewer Indians
than did some of their associates, they at least took out more
grubs and planted more corn.
Jacob Reger, the principal founder of his family in western
Virginia, came from Germany. He was married in his native
country to Barbara Crites, and they with a few of their oldest
children landed at some port in Virginia, probably about 1765,
although it has been claimed that their arrival was much earlier.
It is said that immediately after landing, the children complained
of hunger and the mother purchased a loaf of bread at a nearby
bakery. She gave them some of it, but was surprised to see them,
after tasting it, throw it away. The parents then tasted it and
they too threw it aside. It was their first experience with corn
bread. They settled in the Shenandoah Valley, but later moved
to the Wappatomaka, where they resided until after the close of the
Revolution. They then moved to Big Run, near the village of
Burnersville in (now) Barbour County, West Virginia.
In 1781, a certificate was issued to Jacob Reager (Reger) for
400 acres on Second Big Run, to include his settlement made in
1776. Reger made an "improvement" there in 1776, but it is
known that he did not take up actual residence until sometime
after 1782. He was still residing on the Wappatomaka, in April
1782, when Isaac, his youngest child was born. The census of
1782 shows that he was at that time a resident of Hampshire
County, Virginia (now West Va.), and was the head of a family
of eleven. (1) This illustrates the caution that should be exer-
cised in fixing a positive date of an actual residence settlement,
based on the date of the Trans-Allegheny homestead certificates.
1) See page 486.
I'hl: Rkgers 297
Jacob Reger had a brother John, who was also a resident of
Hampshire Count}', \'ireinia, in 1782, at the head of a family of
four. (2) John Rceer improved, or claimed land on Tygart's
River. I'he date is uncertain but it was in the earliest settling
of the country. In 1773, he made an "improvement" on the
Buckhannon. He at that time entered 4(J0 acres on each side of
the river, adjoining lands claimed by Timothy Dorman. Leonard
Reger, a sergeant in Captain William Darke's Company, 8th
X'irginia Regiment, Re\-olutionar\- War, was doubtless a son of
til is John Reger.
Jacob Reger raised a large famil_\' of children, and a notice of
I hem, it is believed, will be of interest.
Anthony, the eldest son, was a volunteer in the Patriot Army,
Revolution. He was commissioned an ensign, April 16, 1777, in
Captain Silas Zane's Company, 15th \'irginia Regiment, under
Colonel William Russell. It is not known for what length of time
the young ensign enlisted, nor can anything be learned of his
army career. He doubtless saw active service, judging from the
fighting record of his commanding officers. (3)
The date of Anthon\' Reger's advent into the Buckhannon
country is not known. In the census of 1782, one Anthony
Reger is listed without a family in the enumeration of Hampshire
County, \'irginia. (4) This was doubtless the young ensign of
Captain Zane's Company.
The census of 1784 shows the enrollment of one Anthony
Reger, as head of a family of ten, in Hampshire County. (5) This
person is believed to be a brother of Jacob Reger, Sr. According
to the best information Ensign Reger went to Ohio with his brother
Jacob, but nothing is known of his subsequent life. He married a
Widow Simmons.
J.ACOB, Jr., the second son, was never married. He seems
to have spent his time in the Buckhannon and surrounding settle-
ments. He was a noted hunter, and during the later years of
Indian hostilities, was a scout of recognized ability. In this capac-
ity he often rendered valuable service to the settlements on the
Upper Monongahela. One Schoolcraft was his associate and
boon companion in these hunting and scouting excursions.
During one of their hunts, Reger's dog attacked a bear near
their camp in the night. The dog could not be called off, and
Reger, got up, remarking, "If I don't go and kill that bear, that
(2) See page 486. (3) p. 487. (4) p. 4S7. (':>) p. 487.
298 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
dog will follow it all night." Taking his rifle he sallied forth, and
coming near, he shot the bear through the body, but the wound
was not fatal. The animal, rendered ferocious with pain, now
charged his new assailant with fury. Reger was of gigantic
stature and wonderful strength, but he was no match for the
enraged brute. It seized him by the hip with its great jaws, and
hurled him violently to the ground. It then caught him by the
shoulder and "shook him as a dog shakes a rabbit." Things
looked desperate for the stalwart hunter, and the fray would cer-
tainly have terminated fatally for him had not Schoolcraft hurried
to his assistance, and placing his rifle to the bear's side, fired,
killing it instantly. Reger was badly hurt. His hip was so man-
gled, that afterwards in dressing the wound, his brother used a
razor freely in cutting away the hanging shreds of flesh.
Tradition says that Jacob Reger, Jr., once owned a tract of
land on the Ohio, where Cincinnati now stands, but forfeited the
title through unpaid taxes. He is supposed to have died there..
Philip, the third son, was born in Hampshire County, Vir-
ginia, in 1767. He was still a resident of that county in the
spring of 1782, when at the age of fifteen he volunteered as pri-
vate in Captain James Simmerel's Company, Virginia Troops,
Patriot Army, and served six months or until the close of the Rev-
olution, the following November. He was employed in guarding
the Yorktown prisoners confined in the Winchester Barracks,
Virginia. For this service he was granted a pension in 1832,
But little is known of Reger's life on the border. He was
sometimes employed as a hunter in Henry Jackson's surveying
parties, and also engaged in scouting during the last years of
Indian hostilities on the border. With Samuel Jackson, he was
watching an Indian trail on the Upper West Fork waters, and
while lying concealed in a thicket, was bitten by a rattlesnake.
Reger soon grew blind, and Jackson, a very strong man, carried
him and their two guns to the nearest settlement, some ten or
twelve miles distant. Reger suffered intense agony from the
wound, but under the application of such remedies as were at
hand, he eventually recovered.
Philip Reger was one of the appointed trustees for Buckhan-
non, when that village was created a town in 1816. He was the
first Sheriff of Lewis County, and was a Justice of the Peace for
forty years. He married twice. His first wife was Sarah Jackson.
Tm: Ri:(;i:rs 299
His second wife was Mar\- Bozarth, a daughter of John Bozarlh,
Sr., whose famil}' suffered the last attack made by the Indians on
the \'irginia border previously referred to in this volume. (6)
JOHN, the fourth son, who participated in the fight at Buck-
haniion, was born in Hardy County, \ irgiiiia, Jaiuiar\' 15, 1769.
He stood six feet two inches in his moccasins, with well-rounded
and muscular proportions. .\ veritable Hercules, he was re-
nowned for his enormous pinsical strength, which was unequalled
on the western frontier. He married Elizabeth West, "Little
Bettie," as she was called, a daughter of Edmund \\ est, Sr., of
West's Fort. The wedding took place the year after the bride's
father was killed by the Indians, December 5, 1787. .At the
ceremony the bride sported a "store gown" to procure which the
bridegroom -elect walked from the Buckhannon settlement to
\\ inchester and back with rifle on shoulder. During the wedding
festivities, the bride stood in midair on the groom's outstretched
hand. The newly-wedded couple settled near where Burnersville
(Barbour County, \\ est \ irginia) now stands, where they resided
as long as they lived.
John Reger's nature was as kindly as his physical strength
was great. I cannot refrain from giving a few incidents in his ca-
reer on the border, illustrative of the rude, happy-go-luck of those
days. He could easily swim the flood-swollen rivers in his excur-
sions, holding his gun, shot pouch and clothing high and dry in
one hand. He was a noted hunter and many are the accounts of
his daring feats and great endurance. On one of his hunting
trips, he killed a yearling bear earh' in the morning and after
taking out the entrails, he slung the carcass over his shoulder and
carried it with him during the entire day's hunt
As a bear hunter he excelled, and once when hunting with
several others, it was agreed that he should hunt for bear, while
the rest of the party went for deer. A boy who was with them
decided to go with Reger; and it was not long before the dogs
engaged a large bear in a dense laurel thicket, where it had its
lair. Soon dogs and bear were engaged in a fierce combat, and
Reger crawling on hands and knees along a narrow winding path,
shot the bear, but not fatally. With the report of the heavy rifle,
and the sting of the leaden missile, bruin seemed to realize that
things were becoming decidedly hot at home, and that he would
(6) See page 487.
The Hercules of the Border"
From a Pencil Sketch, Date Uncertain
Kindness of Miss MacAvoy
Tin: Regers 301
vacate. W ith this sudden impulse, he bolted for the only exit of
his domicile, which was completely blocked by the muscular form
of the hunter. None but those who have attempted to penetrate
the tangled depths of a Virginia laurel bed, can form any concep-
tion of its density. When bruin turned in retreat the dogs held
on, and a running tight ensued. The hunter had no time to retreat,
neither could "he dodge the issue" by stepping aside. His only
recourse was to throw himself face down upon the ground, and let
the rage of battle pass over him. This he did, and the bear was
kept so busy with the dogs, that it had no time for its prostrate
enemy. Reger escaped unhurt, and when he emerged from the
thicket, his young companion was nowhere to be seen. Reger
halloed, and was answered from a nearby gum tree, where the lad
had taken refuge.
Perhaps it was during this same hunt that a bear's den was
found in a rock-cliff. Reger crawled into the cave and guided by
the gleam of the bear's eyes, shot it. He then backed out from
the narrow passage and waiting until the death struggle ceased,
re-entered feet foremost and kicked bruin on the head to ascertain
if life was extinct. Finding there was no response to his most
vigorous kicks, he again crawled out, only to re-enter head first.
He twined a stout hickory withe about the neck of the quarry,
then came forth and with the help of his comrades drew it from
the den. (7)
At another time the dogs engaged a bear in a cavity made b}-
an upturned tree, and when Reger came to the brink of the pit,
the earth suddenly gave way beneath his weight and he was pre-
cipitated onto the struggling mass of bear and dogs. As he went
down, he caught with one hand a bush growing on the brink, and
the other arm coming in reach of the bear the enraged animal
sunk its claws into the sleeve of his strong homespun hunting
shirt. The dogs had fastened on the bear's hams, and were pull-
ing with all their might in the opposite direction, while the bear,
with equal energy, was endeavoring to drag the hunter's hand
within reach of its fangs. The Herculean strength of the mighty
woodsman was taxed to its utmost resisting the combined weight
and strength of bear and dogs. At times the bear was lifted clear
off the ground by the opposing efforts of hunter and dogs. More
than once Reger felt the hot breath of the infuriated brute upon
his hand, so nearly did it succeed in overcoming the iron sinews of
(7) See page 4SS.
302 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the man. Human strength could not long endure the terrific
strain, and the hunter felt that he would soon lose his hold upon
the bush. Fortunately for him, one of the dogs let go its hold
and seized upon the bear's jaw, when it released its hold on Reger's
arm to box away this tormentor. Reger then soon ended the
fray with his knife.
Reger went to Winchester on one occasion with pack horses
for salt, dressed in homespuns and moccasins. A horse carried two
bushels of salt weighing eighty-four pounds per bushel. (8) This
amount (measured) was regarded as a sufficient load for a horse
whose principal feed consisted of "browse" during its long trip
through the mountains. While getting ready his salt, Reger was
ridiculed by some of the town gentry and local toughs. The
easy-going borderman deigned no reply to their coarse banterings,
but when his salt was secured, he lightly slung two sacks over his
shoulder, and taking one in either hand, eight bushels in all,
walked leisurely to where his horses were tied. This feat gained
him the admiration of his tormentors.
The fame of his strength travelled far, and one day, while
sitting on his porch, a powerfully built stranger accosted him, and
challenged him to fight. Reger, who was peaceably disposed, said
that he had nothing to fight for. The stranger insisted and
became obdurate, stating that he could whip any man that he had
ever met, and hearing of Reger's prodigious strength, had come
a long way to fight him and would not be disappointed. Reger
would not fight, but he suddenly seized the stranger and threw
him upon the porch roof. The pugilist now expressed himself as
satisfied, and after partaking of refreshments, he departed without
further testing the strength of his self-sought antagonist. (9)
But this good natured Titan was not always so lenient with
the braggart. During those days, the militia met for muster at
Beverly, and it was no unusual occurrence at such gatherings for
a few "ring fights" to take place. There was a stalwart bully by
the name of Kerns living in Tygart's Valley, who was the acknowl-
edged champion of the "ring" throughout the surrounding country.
At public gatherings, musters, log-rollings, house-raisings and wed-
dings, this redoubted brave would, at an opportune moment, leap
upon a stump, flop his arms vigorously and crow. This was a
challenge for anyone to meet him in a "square up-and-down
fight;" and woe to the hapless aspirant for pugilistic honors who
(8) See page 488. (9) p. 488.
Tin: Rkgers 303
had ihc icnicrity to answer with a like challenge. Rerns had never
met his match. At one cjf the musters referred to, Reger attended
with the avowed purpose of accepting the challenge of this woods-
tyrant, who had so terrorized his community. When Kerns
learned that the "Hercules of the Border" was on the ground, he
did not crow. Reger's modest)' forbade an\' exultation over his
easily-won victory.
The following incident is related of Reger, and it illustrates his
good humor and gigantic strength. Reger had made bacon of
some bear meat which he sold to a Mr. Black at twelve and one-
half cents a pound. To pay for this bacon, Mr. Black worked for
Reger in the harvest field at fifty cents a day. The weather was
hot, the work heavy, and Reger would taunt Black by frequently
exclaiming in broken English, "Hurrah for de bear pork." It
was Reger's eighty-second birthday, and as they were returning
to the field from dinner, Black and Reger's son, both large strong
men, thought to take advantages of the old man, and "wallow"
him. Slipping up, each caught hold of a leg, then throwing him
and whirling him upon his back, both immediately sprang on him,
one on either side, with arms tightly hugging the old man's shoul-
ders. For a moment Reger lay surprised, and occasionally ejacu-
lating, "Poys, you had better let me be," at the same time feeling
for a secure hold in the waistbands of their strong homespun
pantaloons. Having secured a satisfactory hold on each, he
slowly lifted them from him, swung them in mid-air, cracked their
heels together, then jammed their heads together a few times and
cast them from him, and laughing, rose to his feet.
John Reger died May 14, 1844, and was buried in the ceme-
tery on his home place. He left four children: Jacob, Abram,
Barbara and Elizabeth.
J.ACOB, married Permilia Arnold. But ver\' little is known of
his life.
Abr.am, born 1793, married Leah Brake, daughter of Jacob
Brake, hereafter referred to. He was commissioned lieutenant in
Captain John Bozarth's Company, \'irginia Troops, \\ ar of
1812. He was known as "Maje" Reger, but I do not know
how he came by the title. Most likeh' he was Major of Militia
after the war closed. Abram Reger had two sons in the Civil
War. Rev. John \\ . Reger, D. D., who enlisted September 2,
1861, as private in the 7th Virginia Infantry, Federal Arm)'. He
304 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
was shortly afterwards appointed Chaplain, and served in that
capacity with only a brief interval, until the close of the war.
The latter part of his enlistment was as Chaplain of the Military
Hospital at Grafton, West Virginia. The other son. Major Albert
G. Reger, espoused the Southern cause, and at the commence-
ment of the war was commissioned captain of the "Barbour Greys,"
recruited at Philippi, Twenty-sixth Virginia Infantry. He was
soon promoted to the rank of Major, and served in this capacity
until the close of the war. He saw hard service under Generals
Thomas J. {Stonewall) Jackson and Longstreet. He was a law-
yer of ability, and served in the State Senate for eight years.
Another son. Rev. Alfred A., was for many years an able orthodox
minister.
Of the two daughters, Barbara wedded James Teter and
Elizabeth married Jacob Crislip. In the Teter family is pre-
served an immense German Bible brought from Germany by
Jacob Reger, Sr.
Elizabeth, the fifth child of Jacob Reger, Sr., was married
twice. Her first husband was Cottrell Talbot, who settled about
one mile from Burnersville on the Buckhannon River. Talbot
met a tragic death. He shot and wounded a large buck, which
took refuge in the river, where it was followed by Talbot's dog.
The harassed buck turned on the dog, which was no match for
the enraged animal in the water. Talbot went to the dog's
assistance and was drowned. (10) Elizabeth's second husband
was Christian Hall. She left a long line of descendants through-
out central West Virginia.
Abram, the sixth child, was born in 1774. He also was a
man of large stature and great physical strength. Although quite
young, he was said to have participated in the Indian battle at
Buckhannon. He was married to Miss Mary Reeder, and they
reared a large family of children, whose names were: John,
Isaac, Jacob, Abram, (Rev.) Hanson, Anthony, Mary, Nancy,
Elizabeth and ^Martha.
John was Colonel of Militia, and was a skilled hunter. I
well remember the Colonel, a tall, venerable and kind looking old
man. He had light eyes and a soft musical voice. Ele often
visited at my parents, and it was with feelings of av^^e that we
children listened to the thrilling hunter stories of his younger
days. He took pride in demonstrating to his young auditors
(10) See page 489.
Tm: Rkcers 305
how supple were his joints, attributing this to his regular diet of
bear meat during the greater part of his life.
The Colonel was early distinguished for his fearless nature
and iron-like nerve. These qualities, coupled uitii an amiable
disposition, won the esteem of all who knew him, and made him
a favorite and a leader among his companions in their annual
hunts.
Elizabeth Reger married Jonathan Hall. Mr. John Strange
Hall, of W'alkersville, West Virginia, referred to elsewhere in this
volume, is a son of this marriage.
Anthony Reger recently died in Buckhannon, West Virginia.
He was ninety years old and the last grandson of Jacob Reger, Sr.
Barbara, the seventh child of Jacob Reger, Sr., wedded
Samuel Jackson. Many of her descendants still reside in the
state.
Anna and Mary, eighth and ninth children, married brothers:
Anna, John Bozarth; Mary, George Bozarth. These brothers
were the sons of John Bozarth, Sr., whose family was attacked,
and some of them killed, by the Indians on Fink's Run, in 1795.
They were the two boys mentioned by IVithers (11) who were
helping their father haul grain when the attack was made. John
was a commissioned captain in the \'irginia Volunteers, War of
1812. It has been claimed that George was a non-commissioned
officer, same war, but I have been unable to verify this statement.
Both brothers were identified with the early history of Lewis
County; both acting justices. With their families they moved
to Indiana at an early date, and were lost sight of by their Vir-
ginia friends.
Isaac, the tenth child, was born on the Wappatomaka, August
19, 1782. He was married to Mary Magdaline Brake, daughter
of Jacob Brake, the Indian captive. Isaac inherited the Reger
homestead on Big Run, but in 1830 sold it, and settled on Upper
Hacker's Creek, where some of his descendants still reside. Isaac,
like his older brothers, was a great hunter, and had some thrilling
experiences in this pursuit.
When a boy, he went coon-hunting one night, accompanied
by two hounds, a cur, and a small fice. Most hunters kept a
fice in their pack, as they proved most efficient in bear fighting.
They would tree a bear when the larger dogs could not. The
fice will invariably attack in the rear, and then get away before
(11) See page 490.
306 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the bear can turn or seize it. Bruin can not long endure this
mode of warfare, and will soon "tree." The noisy fice also excelled
in treeing the dreaded panther.
On the night in question, Isaac's dogs were attacked by wolves,
and getting the worst of it, they fled to their master for protection.
The wolves pursued, fighting the dogs within a few feet of the boy,
who stood with rifle ready to fire, had there been sufficient light
to distinguish wolf from dog. Emboldened by the presence of
their master, the dogs turned upon the wolves, and drove them a
short distance, only to be forced back in turn. Thus the battle
raged, the wolves often coming near, and with such violence that
the dry leaves were thrown about Isaac's feet. Finally, the dogs,
badly hurt and exhausted, gave up the fight. The hounds crawled
into a nearby sink-hole, where their enemies dared not follow.
The cur remained close to the boy, but the fice had disappeared.
The wolves hung close around, and the boy, disdaining to abandon
his hounds, remained on guard until the first rays of dawn, when
the wolves fled. Isaac, with much coaxing, induced the hounds
to come from their subterranean retreat. The fice was never
heard of afterwards, evidently having been devoured by the
wolves.
At a later time, when Isaac was about eighteen years old,
he went coon-hunting, and during his rambles he reached the
crest of a hill, or knob, where he paused for a short rest. Suddenly,
the stillness was broken by a wild piercing scream, emanating
from the hillside just below where he stood. His dogs immediately
gave pursuit to some object, circling the hill, and baying furiously.
Soon the chase had reached the starting point; where again there
came that same wailing shriek, so intense and penetrating, that
the boy, although inured to the dangers of the forest, felt the
blood chill to his heart. On sped the dogs in that endless circle,
and once more at the same point there arose above the deep bellow-
ing of the hounds that awful scream. A thrill of unaccountable
terror shook the boy, as again and again the gloomy hill-top was
circled, and at regular intervals was repeated that frightful cry.
This was more than he could stand, schooled as he was in the
superstitions of the woods. He intuitively associated the myster-
ious being and its ominous cry with the supernatural, and calling
off his dogs, he hastened from the haunted hill, under the firm
conviction that they had been chasing the devil. Years after, in
Till Ri;(;ers 307
relating' the incident, Isaac said that he had no doubt but that
the creature was a panther, or some species of wild cat; but for a
long time he was unshaken in his belief that the t]uarry was his
Satanic majesty himself.
Some years after Isaac had settled on Hacker's Creek, a bear
killed a hog on an adjoining farm, where his son-in-law, John W.
^larple, settled. Having gorged himself on pork, the bear went
only a short distance and la\- down. Isaac was notified, and he
immediately took his rifle, and accompanied by his dogs, went to
where the hog had been killed. The dogs soon routed the bear,
which started for "Bear Knob," followed and worried by the dogs.
When about half-way up the mountain, the bear took refuge in
a poplar tree, where Isaac killed it with his rifle. This tree was
felled and sawed into lumber a few years ago.
Tradition sa\-s that from the foregoing incident Bear Knob
derived its name. It is claimed, however, that the knob bore its
present appellation before Isaac Reger settled on Hacker's Creek.
The early settlers first called it Potato Hill, because of its supposed
resemblance to a "hill" of this growing tuber. The Knob has
always been an object of interest, and the resort of Easter Sunday
parties. It was originally covered with a dense forest, but has,
in recent years, been cleared, and is now clothed with blue grass
from base to summit. It is the highest point on the Hacker's
Creek waters.
The superstitions of the early settlers is instanced in the fol-
lowing: Isaac Reger's son, David B., when a small boy, became
the proud possessor of a young wolf, which he determined to keep
as a pet. One day while feeding it, the wolf bit him. This so
angered the boy that he struck it with a mallet, causing its death.
David's mother, who was well versed in the occult, was standing
near, and told him to hold his hand in the wolf's mouth while it
was dying, and he could e\er afterwards cure the "thrash" in
children, by using the hand thus treated, in washing the afflicted
child's mouth at a stream of running water. David acted upon
his mother's suggestion, and until he was seventy-five years old,
he was called upon to exercise this mysterious art of healing. He
always performed this dut\' with reluctance, contending that there
was no virtue in the operation. Strange to say, howe\-er, that in
every case the treatment was followed b)' a speedy cure. Mr.
Nicholas Linger, who resided on the Upper W est Fork, acquired
308
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
in a like manner this power, and was reputed to have successfully
treated many cases of thrash. David Reger died in 1905, the
last of seven children.
Isaac Reger's children were: Philip, died young; Ruth, mar-
ried John W. Marple; Rebecca, married Nicholas McVany; Lydia,
married Henry Jackson; Elizabeth, married David T. Wolf;
David B., married Elizabeth Nealy; Maria, married Nimrod Scott.
I
CHAPTER XXX
There was a noted character living in the Buckiiannon set-
tlement at this time. Jacob Brake was captured by the Indians
on the Wappatomaka when eleven years old, and remained in cap-
tivity ten years and ten months. It is said that his brother Abram
was also made prisoner at the same time. Their mother was
killed there by Indians in 1758 (1) and it is probable that the cap-
ture was made at the time of this tragedy, but this is not known
to be true.
Jacob was adopted into a family of four brothers, one of
whom was killed in a massacre, or fight, at Romney, Va., and he
took the place of this fallen brother. The most of his captivity
was spent in northwestern Ohio, southeastern Michigan and
northeastern Indiana. After the treaty of 1763, a fur trader
found him with a band of Indians on White Woman's Creek, (2)
who promised upon his return to the settlements to notify his
family; but failed to keep his word. During the years which
ensued, Pontiac ravaged the entire western border, and not until
sometime after the restoration of peace in 1765, was Jacob met
by another trader who carried the news to his people. John
Brake, Jr., immediately arranged to return with the trader and
claim his brother under the terms of the treaty. They were to
meet at Fort Pitt, but John's anxiety caused him to appear at that
post a month before the appointed time. They at once proceeded
to the Indian towns and found that a band of hunters including
Jacob, were to leave the following day on the great annual fall
hunt. There was but little difficulty in arranging for his release
and Jacob returned home with his brother.
Nothing is known of his life during his captivity, only that he
acquired those inevitable traits of character so peculiar to the
Indian race. His step was light and noiseless, and in passing
through the forest he left no visible trail. He was taciturn and
would sit silently by the fireside drawing solace from his pipe.
He was subject to fits of savage temper and at one time while
butchering hogs, he flew into a violent rage and terrorized those
near him with wild flourishes of his knife and threatening exple-
tives in the Indian tongue.
(1) See page 490. (2) p. 490.
310 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
It is related of Jacob Brake that he knew of a lead, or copper
mine, perhaps the latter, in Michigan, where the Indians resorted
for supplies of that mineral. The excavation was kept concealed
from the whites by refilling and building a camp fire over the dis-
turbed spot. Brake became acquainted with the mine while a
captive, and in later years agreed to pilot a party of settlers to the
locality with the understanding that he was to share in all the
profits accruing from a commercial development of the mineral.
A company was organized with Henry Jackson as leader, whose
object was to survey and "enter" a large body of land on which
the mine was located.
The party left Buckhannon, and after several days travel
through the wilderness. Brake one evening, announced that they
were within a few hundred yards of their goal. They pitched
camp, and the next morning Jackson without further preliminaries
began his survey; when Brake, ever suspicious, became incensed
and refused to guide them further. It was in vain that Jackson
and his companions sought to allay his fears of treachery, and to
get from him the location of the coveted treasure. His Indian
intuition of the white man's avarice had been fully aroused, and
he was obdurate and steadfast in his refusal. Jackson and his
party continued the survey, but in an opposite direction; and
Brake, as he afterwards declared, taking advantage of their
absence, went directly to the mine. Completely foiled, the adven-
turers returned home in disappointment.
Jacob Brake married Miss Mary Slaughter, sister of Jesse
Slaughter, and settled near where the present Baptist Cemetery is
located. His cabin stood on the bank of the river, where North
Buckhannon now stands.
In 1781, a certificate was granted to "Jacob Break" [Brake],
assignee to Samuel Pringle, 400 acres on Buckhannon, adjoining
lands of Peter Pufenglory, to include his settlement made in 1776."
Jacob Brake was a Lieutenant in Captain George Jackson's
Company of Spies, or Rangers, in 1779. His knowledge of Indian
character fitted him admirably for this position.
Jacob's father, John Brake, who during the Revolution
resided about fifteen miles above Moorefield on the Wappatomaka,
was a German nobleman, a baron, who migrated from Germany
several years prior to the breaking out of the American Revolu-
tion. He was the first of the Brake family in Virginia. (3)
(3) See page 490.
Jacob Brake, Indian Captive 311
The (jernian clement in the Colonies in general espoused the
cause of freedom, but the barcjii remained loyal to King George
and during the latter years of the war, became noted for his zeal
and energy in the Tory cause. There is a tradition that the baron
recei\'ed from King George a royal grant for a tract of land l\ing
along the \\ appatomaka where he lived, and that this, coupled
with his love for royalty, was the main or real reason for
his loyalty to the British Crown. It will be remembered that
King George was of German descent, and would iiaturalK- feel
well-disposed towards this German nobleman.
W hen (jeneral Cornwallis invadei.! \ irginia with his formid-
able army in June, 1781, the Tory element on the W appatomaka
became restive and manifested signs of rebellion. Under the
leadership of John Cla\ pole, a Scotchman, who resided on Lost
River, a tributary of the South Branch, they raised the British
flag and refused to be amenable to the Continental authorities.
The home of the rich baron was the recognized headquarters for
this band of loyalists. (4)
A small company of militia from Hampshire County was sent
to assist the local officers in enforcing order, but finding the Tories
too strong for them, they withdrew without accomplishing the
object of their errand. This emboldened the Loyalists, who then
regularly organized, and made John Claypole commander-in
chief, and only awaited a favorable opportunity to join the British
forces. To suppress this uprising, a volunteer army of four hun-
dred wild mountain riflemen, well armed and mounted, under
the command of General Morgan, left \\ inchester about the 18th
or 20th of June and headed directly for the scene of the disturb-
ance. The army marched by Claypole's, captured that chieftain
and scattered his followers. Claypole was released on bail, and
the command passed up Lost River and over the South Branch
Mountain, dispersing and capturing a few Tories as they went.
In some instances, the reckless troopers inflicted wanton torture
on their prisoners before releasing them. One, an aged man, was
killed by a drunken Irishman. John Payne w^as branded with
a hot spade and IMathias W'ilkins w^as threatened with hanging by
having a rope placed about his neck.
General jVlorgan's objective point w-as the noble baron's, and
when he reached there, he halted his army. The horses were
turned into the unharvested meadows and oat fields; and for two
(4) See page 491.
312 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
days and nights the men revelled in the best that the splendid
estate of the baron could produce. His fields were stocked with
fat cattle, sheep, and hogs, with the usual complement of barn-
yard fowls. Possessing also a well stocked mill and a large dis-
tillery, the unrestrained troopers fared most riotously. The
Tories being subdued and scattered, IMorgan now marched his
men back to Winchester, where they were disbanded. (5)
This incipient uprising of Tories was the only one in (now)
West Virginia during the war, and it was far from serious. Evi-
dently the most of Claypole's adherents were only half-hearted
in the movement, for many of them soon after enlisted with the
Patriots and marched against Cornwallis. (6)
There is a tradition which says that sometime after the sup-
pression of the Brake-Claypole uprising, the baron, smarting
from the humiliating indignities which he had suffered at the
hands of his enemies, defiantly raised a large British flag over his
castle-like residence. He was ordered by the Continental troops
to haul it down, but with the tenacity of purpose which has made
the German race famous, he refused. The troops tore it down
and destroyed it. Another version is, that when the baron refused
to haul the colors down, the troops destroyed his buildings and
laid his fine estate in ruins. However, this may be, the episode of
the flag did occur, and with the sequel, that the baron soon after-
wards went back to his native country, never to return to America.
For the following genealogical table, I am indebted to Mr.
Carl Reger, a great-grandson of Isaac Reger. Mr. Reger has
compiled a very complete and up-to-date genealogical record of
the Reger-Brake families, but the scope of this work will not per-
mit of its insertion in full. Mr. Reger also rendered other valuable
assistance in the sketch of the Reger family.
The baron, John Brake, had four children.
(1) Elizabeth, married Captain George Jackson, the oldest
son of John and Elizabeth Jackson. (7)
(2) John married twice. His first wife was Elizabeth
Wetherholt, who died leaving one child, Elizabeth, who married
Colonel Edward Jackson, as his second wife. John's second wife
was Catherine Shook.
(3) Abram, married Miss Davis, whose mother, Sophia, was
a daughter of the "first John Jackson who settled in this country."
(5) See page 491. (6) p. 491. (7) p. 491.
Jacob Brakk, Indian Captive
313
(4) Jacob, the captive, niarried Miss Mary Slaughter, as
before stated, and had h\'e children:
(1) Leah, married Major Abrani Reger.
(2) Mary Maiidalen, married Isaac Reger.
(3) Name unknown, married |(«se[Mi Shreves.
(4) Abram, married Miss KHzabetli Jackson.
(5) John, whose wife's name is unknown to me. His
descendants are numerous in the Buckhanimn countr}-.
Jacob, the captive, died in 1831. His wife died in 1S30.
Both are buried in the Heavner Cemetery, Buckhannon, West
Virginia.
CHAPTER XXXI
Jacob Cozad, Sr., was born in 1755, and was said to have been
the fourth Jacob in the direct Hne of the Cozad family. As nearly
as can be ascertained, he came from New Jersey, perhaps with his
father, and settled on Cheat River, Virginia, just prior to the Rev-
olutionary War. The name was originally Cossart, and is Flem-
ish, belonging to families in Rouen, France, as also in the French
portion of Belgium. It was pronounced without the final "t" in
France, and with the "t" made to "d" in Belgium. The name
appears Cossart, Cosart, Cozard, Cosad, Cozad, and in several
other forms. The Cozads first settled in this country in New
Jersey, and were associated with the Buttons, who are said to have
come from England, and settled in or near New York City. Some
of the Buttons also migrated to Virginia, where the two families
remained in close touch for many years. David Sutton, who
settled at the mouth of Kinchelo Creek, now Harrison County,
West Virginia, was of this family. He died there, and was buried
in the Broad Run cemetery.
The following certificates of land entries were granted to
Jacob Cozad, Sr., by the Land Commissioners convened at the
house of Colonel John Evans, near Morgantown, in 1781.
"... Jacob Cazad [Cozad] ass'ee of Moses Templin, is
entitled to a preemption of one thousand acres of land in Monon-
galia County, adjoining his settlement on Cheat River, made in
1770."
"... Jacob Cazad [Cozad] ass'ee to Samuel Sutton, on
Morgan's Run, a branch of Cheat River, to include his settlement
thereon 1770."
"... Jacob Cozad heir of William Drago, 400 acres on the
head of Drago Run at the right-hand fork, to include his improve-
ment made thereon."
At the time, 1770, that these entries were made, Jacob Sr.,
was but fifteen years old, and it is obvious that some of them, at
least, were made by his father, Jacob the third, whose wife was
Elizabeth Sutton.
Jacob, Sr. (or Jacob the fourth), while yet in his teens, was
married to Miss Mercy Woodward. This couple, at a later day.
Jac(jb Cozad, Indian Cai'tixk 315
settled un Hacker's Creek, (1) about one mile below Berlin, where
Lewis Morrison now resides. Their hewed log cabin, only removed
within the last few years, stood where Mr. Morrison's wash-house
is now located. A larpe pear tree, of the sugar variety, which
stands directly between the roail and the ^ite of the cabin, was
planted by Jacob Cozad, Sr., soon after settling there. This
venerable tree measures over sixty feet from outer branch to outer
branch, and o\-er three feet in diameter, eight feet from the ground.
It is still vigorous, and produces an abundance of delicious fruit.
Jacob Cozad, Sr., was a Baptist minister, and was one of the
early pastors of the Baptist church, organized at Buckhannon in
1786. (2) He afterwards moved to Fairfield, Ohio, and was min-
ister of the early Baptist churches near there. He died in Fair-
held, August 22, 1S27. His wife died in 1S35, aged eighty years.
They had several children; among them, William, Jacob, Benja-
min, John, and David; also two daughters, Mary and Mercy.
\\ illiam became his father's executor. If there were other chil-
dren, no record has been found of their names.
\\ hile the Cozads were residing on Hacker's Creek, a tragedy
occurred which made the famih" historic. A tolerably concise
account of this occurrence is to be found in JJ^ithers, (3) which is
deemed unnecessary to copy here.
On Ju!\- 26, 1794, four of the boys, William and Jacob, with
two of their brothers, said to have been "Benny" and David, were
bathing in the creek a short distance below the mouth of Little
Stone Coal Run, (4) which enters the creek about three-quarters
of a mile below the present village of Berlin.
The creek at that time was bounded on either side by a heav\-
growth of forest, while its banks were lined with willows and tall
weeds. The boys were enjoying themselves as only healthful
bo\s can, and doubtless their shouts of hilarity betrayed them to
some Indians lurking on the ridge just south of the creek. At
this point the stream skirts the base of the hill, which rises abrupt
and steep from the creek bed. The Indians could not make a
direct descent upon the unsuspecting youths, without danger of
discovery. They therefore descended to the stream a short dis-
tance above the bathers, and were among them before they knew
of their presence. One of the Indians caught at Jacob, Jr., who,
supposing that his assailant was a neighbor boy trying to surprise
him, exclaimed, "Jake Sleeth, you can't catch me," and immedi-
1) See page 492. (2) p. 492. (3) p. 492. (4) p. 492.
316
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
ately dived beneath the water. But when he came to the surface,
he was seized and led ashore. In the meantime, the other boys
were being secured. A small ravine, densely canopied with weeds,
broke through the creek bank nearby. Into this one of the lads
crawled, but was seen and dragged out by an Indian.
It was the object of the Indians, in this case as always, in
either entering or leaving the settlements, to avoid the low valley
r— .^"^^
The Cozad Beech Tree
Photographed by Mr. Kent Reger, October 8, 1898
and travel on the high ridges as much as possible. They could
move more readily, discover danger, and avoid the deadly ambus-
cade. They could also more effectually conceal their trail on the
dry uplands, where the vegetation was less rank. But in camping,
when the weather necessitated a fire, they were compelled to seek
the shelter of some valley, or narrow ravine, where they were
occasionally surprised by the enemy. In order to regain the ridge,
the Indians with their captives proceeded up the creek to the
mouth of Little Stone Coal Run. The boys carried their clothes
and donned them as they travelled. At this point, the youngest
of the prisoners, a lad only six years of age, cried piteously for his
Jacob Co/ad, Indian C"\i'ti\e 317
mother. One of the Indians seized him h\- the heels am.! killed
him h\' strikini: his head against the roots of a beech tree. He
was then scalped, and his bod}' left at the foot of the tree, where
it was afterwards found, and buried in what is now the Morrison
Cemetery, on the old Cozad homesteail. 'This lad "s name was
''Benny." Another, perhaps later son named Benjamin, sur-
vived his father in Ohio.
The evident design of the Indians in this raii.1 was to secure
prisoners. Two days previously they had captured the daughter
of John Runyan but two of the band carried her away and killed
her. The remaining four Indians hid in the settlements for two
days, doing no further damage than shooting one or more of Car-
der's cattle. The little Cozad boy who was dashed to death
against the tree was making an outcry which jeopardized the
safety of the Indians. From their standpoint this weeping child
had not the requisites of the coming warrior, and this hastened his
death.
There has been some doubt regarding the identity of the tree
which figured so prominently in the Cozad tragedy. Mr. J. K.
P. Maxson, of Berlin, \\ est \'irginia, a grandson of Jacob Cozad,
Jr., and who was raised in the immediate neighborhood, assured
me that his grandfather pointed out to him, not only the tree,
but the heavy spur-root against which he saw the Indian dash
the head of his little brother. This tree stood in the bottom
near the west bank of the run before mentioned, and not far from
the creek bank. The cut here given of this tree is from a photo-
graph made especially for this work. Mr. Maxson accompanied
the photographer and designated the fatal root, by thrusting a
walking-stick into the ground by its side. This stick can readily
be discerned in the front, and to the side of the center of the tree.
W hen photographed, this legend, cut in the bark of the tree could
be read, "Jacob Cozad, 17 — ". The last two figures of the date
could not be deciphered. The tree at that time was dead, having
put forth its last coat of leaves the preceding year. It was a
large tree, but for several years onl\- about twcnt\' feet of its trunk
had been standing. The primitive forest had been cleared from
around it, and it stood alone, a silent, decaying monument to one
of the man\- pathetic tragedies of a century before.
After killing the little bo_\', the Indians turned westward, and
climbed the point of the ridge facing the east. While ascending
318
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
this hill, Jacob conceived the idea of possibly alarming the whites
by giving a loud and prolonged whoop. This he had no sooner
uttered than he was knocked senseless with a rifle in the hands of
one of his captors. Jacob said afterwards, in relating this incident,
that when he came to his senses, a squaw was dragging him up the
\
Scene of the Cozad Tragedy
Photographed March 20, 1910
Hacker's Creek is to the right and the place of capture was at the base of the
or "first bench'' seen in the distance. On the left is shown a sectiofi of the hill up
which the Indians retreated with their captives.
The square block of stone marks the exact spot where stood the beech tree against
the root of which the Indian dashed the head of Benny Cozad. This monument was
placed March 19, 1910, by Mr. John B. Swisher of Berlin, W. Va., and bears this
legend, "Benny Cozad, killed by Indians, July 26, 1794." To Mr. Swisher must be
credited the first patriotic work of this kind in the historic Hacker's Creek Valley.
hill by one foot, the others of the party having gone on ahead.
There were but four, some claim only three, Indians concerned
in this adventure, yet Jacob declared that it was a squaw who
dragged him by the foot. It is not improbable that occasionally
women accompanied war parties in raiding the border. (5)
The solicitude of this Indian woman for the boy, surrounded
as they were by the most deadly peril, betrays a tenderness of
heart not usually attributed to the race under like circumstances.
(4) See page 492.
Jacob Cozad, Indian C\i'Ti\e 319
llcjwcver, the fearlessness inanifcsled in the lad's attempt to
alarm the whites would appeal strongly to his captors and win
their admiration. They were not likely to deal more harshly b\'
him than their own safety demanded. The party reached the
West Fork River that niuht. and camped near where the old
Jackson mill now stands — the birthplace of "Stonewall" Jackson.
After arriving at their town on the Scioto River, the Indians
displayed a fresh scalp which the Cozad boys recognized as that
of their little brother. It, with others Jacob mentioned, was
sold. .\l no time <Md the j^risoners dare manifest any signs of
grief or bewail their condition. They were held at the different
Indian towns until the Treaty of Greenville the following year,
when two of them were delivered to their father. He attended
the treaty in compan\- with John Hacker and John Waggoner, as
noted in a previous chapter. Cozad was recognized by some of
the Indians, they having often seen him plowing in his field.
Jacob, Jr., remained with his captors until the next year,
when he was found at Sandusky by his older brother and brought
home. (6) He had been adopted into the family of a chief. One
day while at work in a cucumber patch with his foster mother,
some of the little children were playing nearb\'. One of them
came upon a large rattlesnake and was in imminent danger from
the reptile when discovered by the child's mother. These Indians
held the rattlesnake in reverence and wouKl not kill nor molest
it. But the love and solicitude of the pocjr niother for her
imperiled child overcame her superstitious veneration for the
deadly serpent-god, and while she would not injure the reptile, she
permitted Jacob to kill and conceal it from the other Indians.
Ever after he was a favorite of the grateful mother, and it was not
long until she was enabled to show her gratitude in a substantial
way.
After the crushing defeat of the Indians by Wayne's army
in 1794, Jacob was condemned by his enraged captors to be burned
at the stake. Every preparation was made for the execution of
the awful sentence, and he was permitted to bid farewell to those
of his friends assembled to witness his death. While passing
through the throng for this purpose, he felt a light touch upon his
shoulder, and turning, was face to face with a strange Indian
woman. She covertU' signed him to follow her, and unnoticed,
led the way to a wigwam. Here she concealed him among some
(6) See page 402.
320
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
trunks and covered him with blankets. Soon he was missed and
a great commotion ensued. Diligent search was made for him,
many of the Indians coming into the wigwam where he lay, even
removing the blankets, but their quest was futile. Jacob after-
wards said that he was fearful lest his presence should be revealed
by the heavy beating of his heart, such was his anguish and dread
of discovery. When the excitement had died down, two of his
foster brothers secretly conveyed him to the Old Delaware TOwn,
where he remained until after the Treaty of Greenville. He
never again saw the strange woman who helped him to escape;
nor was he ever mistreated again after returning to his adopted
home. The sudden furious outburst against him had been
prompted greatly by the baleful influence of whiskey, which the
Indians had procured in quantity.
Mrs. Cecilia Pifer, of Buckhannon, West Virginia, a grand-
daughter of Jacob Cozad, line of his son Woodward, often heard
the old man relate incidents in his captive career.
When the boys were captured, their father and mother were
alone at the house. They were asked the number of men there,
and answered, "Twelve." The leading warrior ejaculated, "Too
many mans; too many mans."
Jacob said that his foster father was very fond of him when not
under the influence of intoxicants. Both he and most of the men,
if not all of them, were drinking when he was given up to die.
The captive lad often had the care of the smaller children
and he learned to sing to the crying pappoose. The following is
a fragment of the song as remembered by !\Irs. Pifer. The last
part of it is missing.
i
The Cozad Indian Song
It is noticeable that the last word of this song is almost, if
not wholly identical with the "Pa-la-wa" of the Turkey clan of the
Shawnees.
Jacob was instructed in the hunter's craft, and often accom-
panied the hunter bands in the wilderness. . On these trips they
Jacob Co/ad, Indian Captive 321
sometimes suffered exceedinj^ly from hunger. Once when reduced
to the verge of starvation, a wild turkey was shot and Jacob's
portion was the entrails. He always declared that this was the
best feast of his life.
At another time he was made to climb a "bee tree" which
ihev' had discovered, with instructions to secure and toss the
honey to the hungr}' baiKJ on the ground. The boy was so fam-
ished that he first sought to appease his own sufferings; at which
the Indians called to him in a threatening manner. He replied by
brandishing his knife at ihcin, which so pleased them that he was
greeted with laughter and exclamations of approval.
He was put through the most rigorous treatment to inure
him to the hardships of the hunter and warrior.
At one time his head was shaved and then bathed in warm
water; and after being divested of all clothing, he was sent into the
intensely cold forest to carry firewood. He said that he never
suffered with the cold so much in all his life. This seeming cruelty
was not enforced through any spirit of animosity or ill will, but
was a part of the schooling of the young Indian boys.
After returning from captivity, Jacob married Sarah Taylor
and settled on part of his father's estate, where his son-in-law,
George Lawson, now resides. The site of his first cabin is now
occupied b}- Mr. Lawson's garden. The cabin was burned down,
and Cozad then built a frame house near the site of the first.
This house is still standing, and is a part of Mr. Lawson's present
residence. Jacob moved to Fairfield, Ohio, and was living there
in 1807 or 1808. Later he returned to Hacker's Creek, where he
resided as long as he lived. By his first wife he had six children,
Woodward, Jacob, Samuel, David, Mercy and Jackson, all of
whom, except Samuel and David, lived to be grown, married and
raised families.
Jacob survived his first wife, and married Ruby Beeman.
B}" her he had four children, whose names were Elijah, Frank,
Clerenda and Elizabeth. Clerenda married Mr. George Lawson,
whose son, G. C. Lawson, of Meadow Bluff, West Virginia, ren-
dered material aid in the preparation of this sketch. Elizabeth
married Mr. John A. Maxson, the father of .Mr. J. K. P. Maxson,
of Berlin, West Virginia. In later years Jacob, Jr., was again
left a widower, and again married. His third wife was a Skid-
more. Jacob Cozad, like his father, was a "Hard Shell" Baptist
322 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
minister, and preached at Buckhannon and elsewhere. He was
also a "Sweat and Herb" doctor, having learned this art of healing
from the Indians during his captivity. He owned slaves, but
before his death he freed them, willing them one hundred dollars
each when of age. Cozad died at his home in 1862, in his eighty-
ninth year, and was buried in the Morrison Cemetery.
The adventure of Jacob Cozad with the rattlesnake, while
among the Indians, is interesting and most significant.
With primitive man, as far back as record or myth extends,
the serpent has been an object of mystery and veneration. Man
in the hunter state has ever been a close student of nature. Con-
stant contact with the living creatures upon which he preyed, or
contended in the fierce struggle for existence, schooled him in the
habits of all manner of life about him. His mind incapable of
grasping and reasoning out the potent elements governing the
actions of certain animals, birds, and reptiles, he associated them
with the supernatural. This led to the individual, or tribal
adoption of the creature as a sub-deity, or totem, and its worship
as such. The noiseless uncanny glide of the serpent, without vis-
ible means of locomotion, and its subtile power over its prey, has
doubtless been a prime factor in placing it among the chosen
totems of primitive man. There are but few religious systems in
the world that does not pay in some way, homage to the serpent.
With the American Indian various animals, birds and reptiles
were worshiped as emblematic or representative of the Master of
Life. In many localities the historic Indian has painted, or
carved the images of these totem-animals upon the smooth surface
of stone in the neighborhood of his abode. We also find them
upon the walls of the secluded and sacred temple cave of the medi-
cine man and prophet. These crude pictographs and petroglyphs
:speak plainly of mystic and religious ceremonies. They are the
pathetic record of the strivings of the children of nature to solve
the mysterious problems of life, and to probe the dark night of
the future.
Interesting examples of the petroglyphs may be seen on a
large fiat stone on Lost Creek, Harrison County, West Virginia.
Also on the walls of a small cave, or rock shelter, on Two Lick
Run, same county. In 1888, I brought the existence of this cave
to the notice of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, which
Jacob Co/.ad, Indian Captixe
323
culminated in a thorough examination of it in the same year by
Professor W. H. Holmes of that Bureau. (7)
Of serpents, the rattlesnake was the favorite totem of the
Red Man. We find the conventional form of this reptile etched
on the shell gorgets, buried deep in the tumuli (A the mound-
building Indians. This points strongly, if not conclusi\el\ . tf) its
lotemic significance with that ancient people. (8)
It is not know n by what tribe Jacob Cozad, Jr., was held cap-
tive; but it is supposed to ha\-e been the Shawnee, or possibly the
Delaware. The incident of the rattlesnake implies that his cap-
tors were worshippers of that reptile. That such was the custom
in vogue among the Chippeway-Ojibwas, we learn from Henry's
observance of this practice while a captive with the Chippewas. (9)
This specie of worship was also observed among the Menom-
inee, by Colonel McKenney, (10) while encamped on Fox River,
Wisconsin, in 1827. In this case, however, sentiment was not so
highly developed as with the Chippewas, but partook more of the
nature of Fetich ism. (11)
(7) See page 492. (S) p. 492. (9) p. 492. (10) p. 49 5. (11) p. 4'^.>.
CHAPTER XXXII
The Hurst family settled on Cheat River. The head, William
or Henry, name uncertain but probably the first given, was a soldier
in the Revolution and served during the greater part, if not the
entire period, of that conflict. I have been unable to trace his
military record, as no claim for pension was ever filed and the
muster rolls in the War Department are very incomplete. From
the information at hand it would appear that he came from the
Wappatomaka to the Cheat River. Tradition has it that the fam-
ily first lived in Hardy County; and later in Hampshire County.
Hurst died early and his widow, whose maiden name was
Sims, came with her family to the West Fork country when her
eldest child, John, was fourteen years old. The widow remarried
and the children, eight in number, were placed in different families
to work for their board and clothing. They were John, Kather-
ine, Nancy, Daniel, Margaret, Samuel, Sallie and William. John
married Winans; Katherine married John Shall, and moved to
Ohio; Nancy married a Mr. King, and settled in Harrison County,
West Virginia; Daniel married Eleanor Powers, nee Davidson;
Margaret married Walter McWhorter; Samuel married
Romine, and settled on a branch of McKinney's Run, Harrison
County; Sallie married John West, a son of Alexander West, the
scout, and settled on Fink's Creek, in now Gilmer County, West
Virginia; William married Sigler, and moved to Ohio, and
later to Missouri; died in 1869. His descendants are scattered
through the west and Pacific slope. John and Daniel were sol-
diers in War of 1812.
John Hurst was a private in Captain John Bozarth's Com-
pany, Fifth Regiment, Virginia Militia, under Col. Isaac Booth.
His service commenced August 30, 1814, and expired March 19,
1815, during which time he was at Norfolk, Virginia.
This soldier settled on Fink's Creek, in now Gilmer County,
West Virginia, ten miles from any human habitation and when
that region was an unbroken wilderness. He completed his cabin
and moved on the 10th day of April, and carved from the heavily-
timbered bottom land a corn patch the same season. He grubbed
and cut down trees and piled the brush in the day time and at
'I'll I I liRSTs 325
night would tire the brush hcaj'is and cut ihc trunks into lops by
the liuht of the blaze. \\ lien tatit'ued, lie would lay down within
the circle of light where the wild animals would not \'cnture, and
sleep soundh'. \\ hen refreshed, he would replenish his fires and
proceed with his chopping anel otttiines the ring of his axe
resounded throughout the entire night. The held he thus cleared.
Hurst cultivated in corn for thirty consecutive years, with no
perceptible diminution ot fertility. Iht- back-water o\-erflow
from the creek amply replenished the soil.
Hurst cleared land and shot wild animals during the week-
days and devoted his summer Sunday's killing poisonous reptiles.
These latter were very numerous, and the hrst year he destroyed
seventy of them b}' actual count. One night he arose to give one
of the children a drink of water, and when he stepped on the
loose puncheon fioor, a rattlesnake sounded an alarm in the cor-
ner of the cabin. The intruder was dispatched.
Hurst's antipathy for these reptiles was augmented in an
early day. W hen a boy and residing with his parents on Cheat
River, he was cow hunting one evening during the first warm
days of spring. He stepped upon a large boulder to listen for the
bell. A rattlesnake crawled from under the rock, and he struck
it with a stick. In its dying throes it sounded an alarm, when
others made their appearance. The lad was soon kept busy
knocking them from his perch, as they advanced from every side.
Before realizing his danger he was surrounded, and was nearly
overcome b\' the nauseating aroma from the loathsome angr\"
swarm. This odor, which is always perceptible, is greatly
increased when the serpent is in a state of excitement. Hurst
was bare-footed, and his only means of escape was by leaping over
them, which he did, and ran for a small creek only a short distance
awa}-. But he was not to escape so easily. The reptiles pursued
him so closeh' and in such numbers, that he was compelled to
continue his flight across the stream, which at this point was both
narrow and shallow. Two of the rattlers swam after him, and
these he killed.
The habit of the rattler and the copperhead is to congregate in
dens in the fall, where they hibernate during the winter. These
dens occur in favored localities, usualh' among the rocks on the
sunny side of the hill, or mountain. During the first warm days
of spring, the inmates will make their appearance and bask in the
326 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
sun. In the early days of the country, and even now in sparsely
settled and mountainous districts, the reptiles have been seen by
the hundreds lying in tangled masses about their dens. This
they continue to do for a few days before scattering throughout
the surrounding country. It was such a den that Hurst happened
upon. (1)
Just before moving to the West Fork, a bear came near the
Hurst cabin one night and the dog chased it up a tree on the
river bank. John, who, it must be remembered, was only thirteen
or fourteen years of age, procured his father's gun and a torch and
hastening to the spot built a fire with the intention of remaining
there until morning when he could shoot the bear. In the after
part of the night a terrific storm burst over the forest and the rain
descending in a deluge the fire was soon extinguished. The lad
sought shelter in the house but the faithful dog remained on guard.
Just before daybreak, bruin came down from his perch when the
dog, a strong, courageous animal, engaged it in deadly conflict.
The struggle was protracted for one of its nature. The uproar
was plainly audible at the cabin and the mother experienced great
difficulty in restraining the intrepid boy from going to the help
of the brave dog. Finally the tumult subsided and the dog came
home badly hurt. Soon as it was light, the lad hastened to the
scene of the fight and found the sand bar on which it had been
waged, stained with blood and other signs attesting to the desper-
ate nature of the battle. The bear had made off leaving a trail
of blood. This the boy followed to the top of a bare ridge where
it was lost.
After settling on Fink's Creek, wild animals and reptiles vied
in making Hurst's life strenuous. Panthers were so fierce and
numerous that the children were not permitted to go alone in the
woods. One autumn day the father left home to secure help for
a "house raising." Not returning in the evening, George, the
eldest boy, went to bring the cows from the forest. He had pro-
ceeded about a quarter of a mile from home when he stepped from
the path to pick up a few hickory nuts. While thus engaged, a
small dog which accompanied him and had preceded him some
three or four rods, gave a yelp of agony. Cautiously peering
ahead, he saw the dog in the clutches of two panthers. Unob-
served by the animals, he climbed a dog-wood bush, while they
carried their prey a short distance up the hillside and concealed it
(1) See page 494.
The Hursts 327
in a small ca\crn in a ledge of rocks. The boy descended from
the bush and ran home. The dog's body was never afterwards
disturbed, but eventually shriveled away. Panthers are extremely
dangerous when guarding their prey.
Hurst was hunting one day near the summit of a ridge when
he discovered the partly-eaten carcass of a deer only recently
killed, and buried in a mound of leaves. W hilc examining the
find, he was startled by a series of screams emanating from the
lower slopes of the hill; and looking he saw a large panther charging
dircctl}- toward him. A steep bluff intervened, and as the animal
climbed this, it was hidden from view for a moment. Hurst
sprang to the side of a large tree and raised his rifle. When the
panther reached the brow of the declivity, still shrieking with rage,
it paused to locate its enemy; when the rifle rang out and it fell
dead.
Hurst was a splendid marksman. Once while watching a
lick from a ''blind," he caught the glimpse of a shadowy form
approach the brow of the bluff just over the lick. It stopped and
remained motionless, with only a spot of it, some four inches in
diameter, visible through the dense foliage of the thicket. Hurst
not knowing what the animal was refrained from tiring, trusting
to secure a deer. But as the sun sank behind the forest-clad hills
and no other game in sight, he determined to take a shot at the
strangely silent visitor on the bluff. At the report of his rifle
the animal bounded twenty feet through the bushes and disap-
peared. Upon investigation, the hunter found a large panther
stone dead. It had only made two or three leaps, the ball having
passed directly through its heart. It, too, had been lying in wait
for deer.
At another time while hunting with a companion, their dogs
chased an immense panther which took refuge in a lofty tree. It
walked upon a large limb where it crouched watching its enemies
on the ground. Hurst declared his intention of shooting it in the
eye. His companion remonstrated, pointing out the imminent
danger of an attack should he miss, or slightly wound the animal.
He should aim at the vital part of its body, where the heavy ball
would be sure of disabling it. Hurst, self-confident, disregarded
the warning and fired. The panther toppled from its perch and
fell lifeless among the dogs. The bullet had entered the eye so
cleverh- that not even a lash had been damaged.
328 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Hurst's hair was turned prematurely gray by the following
incident: He often in the summer time slept alone in the woods,
preferring the open air to the close cabin. He would build a
"smothered" fire to "smudge" the insect pests, rake up a few dry
leaves for a couch and pillowing his head on the root of a shelter-
ing tree, sleep soundly. One night he was awakened by a stealthy
creeping noise at no great distance from where he was lying,
followed by a light tapping in the dead leaves. This was succeeded
by the same gliding rustle as if some animal was crawling towards
him. Again it ceased, when once more came that ominous: tap,
tap, tap, like the measured toll of a funeral bell. This was
repeated at successfully nearer points, while Hurst lay helpless
and unable to see the supposed danger. He had not the least
doubt but that he was being stalked by a panther. The tapping
was made by its tail as it paused in its approach. Hurst grasped
his knife, which, with his rifle, was at his side, but dared not move
for fear of provoking an immediate attack. After a seemingly
long interval, he discerned a light spot on a dark and dimly out-
lined body flattened to the ground only a few feet away. This
proved to be his dog, who forbidden, had followed him and con-
scious of disobedience, was endeavoring in its mute way to curry
favor with a displeased master. It is needless to say that the
faithful animal was greeted kindly. Hurst's hair from this time
on turned rapidly white.
Perhaps it was this same dog, whose disobedience upon
another occasion, was probably instrumental in saving his mas-
ter's life. Forbidding the dog to follow him, Hurst was watching
a deer lick where the dog soon joined him, manifesting great
uneasiness. He was scolded down, but immediately looking up
into the tree overhead, he bristled his mane and growled. Hurst's
glance followed and he saw a great panther in the act of leaping
upon him. Like a flash his rifle went to his shoulder and the
panther came hurtling to the ground dead.
Bears were numerous around Hurst's wilderness home. One
autumn while hunting his winter's meat, he came upon the trail
of four bears where they had entered a dense laurel thicket, or
"bed," as usually called. Hurst crawled after them on hands
and knees, and after much difficulty located the game lying fast
asleep in a depression made by the upturned roots of a fallen tree.
Selecting the fattest he dispatched it with a single shot, when the
Tin: I liRSTS 329
olhcr ihrce scampered a\\a\-. The (me killed pr()\-ei.l lo he very
fat, weighing some four hundred pounds. 'I"he hunter exjieri-
enced hard labor in rolling it from the cavity onto ground where
the carcass could be dressed. The hams cured as bacon, weighed
when sold in Clarksburg the next spring, forty pounds each. The
price was twelve and a half cents a pound.
Hurst had innumerable adventures with both bears and
panthers but the folknving was, he afterwards declared, the most
trying ordeal in his hunter life. He shot and wounded a bear
near his home and it escaped into a nearby laurel bed. He called
to his children, George and "Betsy," to bring two young dogs which
he was training. The children came in haste to see the sport.
The dogs took up the trail and entered the thicket but immediately
came out with accelerated speed closely pursued by the enraged
bear. The children ran screaming to their father and clung
tightly to the tail of his hunting shirt; while the dogs with true
canine instinct also sought the protection of their master. Around
the hunter and children in a narrow circle raced the demoralized
dogs with bruin growling at their heels. Hurst could not use his
rifle with safety and the situation began to look desperate. Finally
clubbing his gun, he succeeded in felling the bear and then dis-
patched it with his knife.
But few excelled Hurst as a hunter. The wary turkc\- he
decoyed to its death by calls upon the hollow wing bone of this
bird; and the wolf by imitating the peculiar pack-gathering howl
of this animal. These feats, however, were not uncommon with
the hunter.
Wolves were numerous, and Hurst, for years, could keep no
sheep because of their depredations. One night a band of four
of them attacked his hogs and in turn were set upon by the dog.
As Hurst opened the door, a powerful wolf threw the dog at his
feet. The light from the open fireplace streaming through the
doorway frightened the pack away. The next morning Hurst
went in pursuit and trailing them about half a mile, he discovered
a single wolf standing in the brush, and hred. 1'he animal fell,
when another one leaped from the thicket and ran down the hill.
Reloading his gun, Hurst howled and was answered in the dis-
tance. Repeating the call, he soon had the wolf within rifle
range, when it, too, was killed. In this way he dispatched a third
one and then went in search of the one he saw running. He was
330 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
surprised to come upon its dead body. Unawares to him, it had
stood in line and beyond the wolf first killed, and the bullet had
slain them both. Four wolves with three shots before breakfast
was no mean achievement even in that early day.
Hurst found a cavern in which a mother wolf had her young.
He did not disturb them, but just before the puppies were old
enough to leave the nest, he captured them, letting the old wolf
escape. This he did for three or four consecutive seasons, realiz-
ing eight dollars a scalp, the bounty paid by the state. Later, as
the number of wolves grew decimated, and the injury to the live
stock industry decreased, the bounty was reduced to four dollars.
It was not unusual for settlers to "breed" wolves for bounty
money as did Hurst; nor was it regarded as illegitimate gain.
There was a large hollow chestnut tree on the farm where I was
raised, from which for two years young wolves were secured by
Thomas C. Hinzeman, a local hunter. This was at a later day
and when the animal was nearing extinction.
When a young man, Hurst walked through the wilderness to
the salt works at Charleston and cut wood for the furnace at
twenty-five cents a cord. He was very athletic and made four
cords a day. It was practically the only place in the country
where money was paid for labor and he remained until he had
earned the munificent sum of forty dollars. When starting on
his return home he was short of powder, nor could any be pro-
cured at the works. He left at noon and as he passed the last
isolated cabin in the settlement, he ofltered the settler twenty-five
cents for two loads of powder, which was refused. Hurst pro-
ceeded about a half-mile further when he shot a fawn and encamped
for the night. He roasted venison for supper and soon his camp
was invested by wolves. Some of them came so near that he
heard them gnawing the bones which he had cast aside. A rifle
shot dispersed them for the night.
Hurst lay down by his camp fire in repose. Inured to a
hunter's life he was a light sleeper and far in the night was aroused
by the approach of stealthy footsteps. An intuition of impending
danger prompted him without rising to glide beyond the blaze of
his camp fire. He took shelter behind the upturned roots of a
tree and with rifle thrust over this effective screen, he watched
and listened. Soon a dog came into the camp light and was
recognized as one seen at the cabin where the ammunition had
The Hursts 331
been refused him the evening before. Cautious steps drew nearer
and presently there appeared on the opposite side of the low-
burning fagots, silhouetted against the dark background of forest,
the form of his friend of the powder episode. He was carrying a
rifle and at his belt hung a long murderous-looking knife. The
sinister design of the night prowler seemed fully manifest. In
negotiating for the powder Hurst had disclosed that he was from
the salt works where he had been employed and the stranger,
right!}' surmising that he had money, had followed him with evil
intent. For a moment the man stood scrutinizing the deserted
camp and then turned away. During this brief interval Hurst
drew careful aim at the intruder and twice did his nervous finger
touch the trigger. Reflecting, however, that he was in no imme-
diate danger, he restrained his impulse to fire. Hurst did not
return to his camp that night, nor did he see or hear anything
more of his unwelcome visitor.
The next morning after a breakfast of roast venison, and pre-
paring a steak to serve for dinner, he set out on his journey. It
was forty miles to the settlement on Steer Creek, now Gilmer
County, and he reached there early in the evening. Hurst lived
to old age and died at his home on Fink's Creek, W est Virginia.
Daniel Hurst volunteered at Clarksburg, Virginia, as a sub-
stitute for Thomas Bond in Captain John Bozarth's Company,
Fifth Regiment Virginia Militia, under Colonel Isaac Booth.
He was mustered in at Bridgeport, Harrison Count)", Virginia,
about September 1, 1814. Captain John McW'horter was the
United States Recruiting officer of that station at that time.
Hurst with his company, was marched to Norfolk, Virginia,
where he was honorably discharged in February or March, 1815.
On the return trip home, which was made on foot, the soldiers
suffered so intensely from lack of food, that Hurst, who was
marching in the rear, came one day upon the closely picked bones
of a dead horse by the road-side. He said afterwards: "I would
have been glad for a piece of the meat, but those in advance had
taken every scrap." Hurst afterwards received warrants for two
hundred and eighty acres of Militarj' Bounty Land.
On May 31, 1818, Daniel Hurst married Olenor Powers and
settled on Duck Creek, (2) Harrison County. Later he moved
to Fink's Creek, Lewis County. In his declaration for pension
his wife's name is given as Ellen Davison. Hurst was allowed a
(2) See page 495.
332 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
pension of $96. 00 a year. He died in Lewis County, West Vir-
ginia, October 7, 1872.
Daniel Hurst was a good-natured, sympathetic man but
often incurred the displeasure of others by his impetuosity and
readiness to decry any apparent injustice to the weak or unfortu-
nate. Once, in company with my father, driving stock across
the miountains, and while in Staunton, Virginia, they were regaled
with stories of slave floggings by several rough slave overseers.
One worthy loudly boasted: "I have tied up many a nigger,
stripped him, and given him a hundred lashes before breakfast."
Hurst sprang to his feet, his eyes flashing with indignation, and
shaking a finger in the face of the blustering stranger, burst forth,
"Yes, and you ought to be in Hell before breakfast. Why, damn
you, you don't know how to treat a nigger. In our country we
feed them and keep them as fat and slick as stable horses, and
when the master wants to shave he calls Sambo and uses his face
as a mirror. We don't whip slaves, and if you were half as decent
as the meanest nigger, you would find no occasion to use the lash."
The boaster quailed before this furious outburst and was content
to make no reply.
In the widow's claim for pension she states that her maiden
name was Eleanor Davidson, and that she married Powers who
died about fifteen months later; and then she married Daniel
Hurst.
I
CHAPTER XXXIII
In the boyhood days of my fatlicr there Hved in his neighbor-
hood on McKinney's Run, an honest, eccentric, good-natured
character by the name of James Bent, Belt or Broadbelt; usually
called "Jim Belt." The variation was owing to the careless mode
of speaking names in certain sections of the country, and did not
reflect on the good reputation of its possessor. Jim was a tall,
handsome, well-proportioned specimen of the Virginia mountain-
eer; free-hearted and generous to a fault. His voice was like the
roar of a lion and his soul embraced the universe. Not an habit-
ual drinker, yet was he better at his cups than the accumulation
of this world's goods with its accompanying worry and annoy-
ances. His boast was: "I came into this world with nothing and
I want to leave it in the same way, with all accounts squared."
His hope was realized.
Jim's conscientiousness was proverbial. He decried chican-
ery in all of its forms; a man should live up to his word and moral
obligations. \\ hen drinking, his ideas of right and wrong were
ofttimes somewhat confused. John Fletcher, a neighbor, bor-
rowed his saddle which he was to return the same evening. On
that day Jim took a few eggs to Jane Lew, the nearest village, to
exchange them for a pound of coffee and incidentally got drunk.
The afternoon came on wet and drizzly, and Jim, ever loath to
leave genial companions, did not start home until long after night-
fall. By the time he reached his domicile, the rain had increased
to a steady downpour, and the night was pitchy black.
Owing to the inclemency of the weather, and the fact that
Jim had no horse and could make no immediate use of the saddle,
Mr. Fletcher did not return it as agreed. This aroused Jim's ire,
and despite the earnest protest of his patient wife, he tramped a
mile back over the muddy road and calling Fletcher from his bed,
berated him roundh' for his negligence and lack of integrity.
Fletcher took it good-naturedly, closed the door and went back
to his couch.
Jim returned home, still "preaching," and on his way back
was met by a belated neighbor who inquired why he was out so
late in such a storm, and the cause of his perturbation. \\ ithout
334 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
halting, the stickler for truth replied: "I am saying curse John
Fletcher: and curse the man who would not get up at the hour of
midnight to burn his shirt to see how to curse him: I will curse
him 'til the end of eternity; and then, curse him, I will double
my diligency on him." The next morning Jim called on Mr.
Fletcher with a profuse apology and the offer of his saddle so long
as he had need for it.
At a later day Jim's grey horse, Jack, the only one that he
owned, broke into his cornfield, and he was drunk enough to
believe that he should enforce the law against the culprit. Placing
a rope about Jack's neck, he led him to the summit of Buck Knob,
(1) and seating himself on a log, still holding the rope, there alone
in the woods, proceeded to preach old Jack's funeral.
"Well Jack," exclaimed the self-constituted judge and moral-
ist, "this is a damned pretty scrape in your old days. Your past
life has been a credit to you and your country. For your previous
good record I fain would spare you: but you have fallen. Meteor-
like, you have flashed athwart the way, only to go down in the
oblivion of night. All too late have you learned that the aeonian
career of the tiniest atom in the Milky-way, is, far preferable to
that of the greatest of shooting stars. You have violated the law
and the morals of the universe cry out against you. Immutable
Justice demands that your life atone for your wrongdoing. In
the evening of life, when homage and grandeur should be yours,
here, on this magnificent mountain top, canopied with the trees
of the ages, and overlooking the scenes of your youth, are you to
die in disgrace. You are sentenced to be hanged by the neck
until you are dead, dead, dead.'"
Jim now fixed a running noose in the end of the rope about
Jack's neck, and then bent down a stout sapling to which he
securely fastened the other end. Then bidding poor Jack an
affectionate farewell, he let go the bush, which in its rebound,
threw the executioner over the brink of the summit and sent him
rolling down the steep declivity. Scrambling to his feet he
climbed back to the scene of action, but the horse was nowhere
in sight. The rope breaking, Jack had decided that it was a
reprieve and galloped away.
Jim gazed around awe-struck and mystified. "Why, where
is Jack.''" he exclaimed. "Well, now!" he mused, "perhaps I
James Belt 335
was mistaken. Jack, aflcr ail was not so bad. Like Knoch and
i"",lijali, he has l^cen translated. "
)im was a soldier in the War of 1812, and served from August
l-.t, 1814, to September 20th, 1814; as private in Captain Edward
Digg's Company, \'irginia Militia. He was extremch' proud of
his militar}' abilit\' and training.
At log rollings, where the ubiquitous jug alwa\-s appeared,
Jim would "tea up," and at the close of the day's labor muster the
men as a company, armed with handspikes and march them
to the house with all the dignity, pomp and precision of a true
Martinet.
Like many others, Jim's courage was wanting in some respects.
Napoleon, the military scourge of Europe, would pale at the sight
of a cat; while our hero of 1812 stood in mortal terror of a toad.
One day at a log rolling Jim, during the noon hour, was sent
to the cellar for a bucket of "hard cider." In anticipation of
coming joy, he placed the vessel, and as he turned the faucet his
eye fell upon a large toad ensconced by the side of the barrel. He
sprang back and stood gazing transfixed at the goggle-eyed mon-
ster, until a half-hogshead of cider had gushed forth and flooded
the floor. The proprietor wondering at Jim's delay, entered the
cellar and in amazement inquired the meaning of such waste.
Without shifting his eyes the captain of the "hand-spike brigade"
pointed to the terrible batrachian now sitting "belly deep" in the
sparkling beverage, and exclaimed: "Do-you-see-that-damned-
thing-sitting-there-by-the-bar-;r/.'"
At another time Jim was mowing grass for a neighbor on low
marshy ground, infested with numerous "spring" frogs. One of
these on being disturbed sprang against the mower's scythe, which
caused him to pause in considerable agitation. He resumed work,
however, until his ankle was struck by another of the leaping
terrors. This was more than the grim fighter could stand, and with
an exclamation of dismay, he shouldered his scythe and abruptly
left the held saying: "The whole earth seems polluted with the
cursed things."
Jim, like many others of his day, was wholly uneducated and
could neither read nor write; but was both pleasing and polite in
speech and bearing. This, with his nati\e dignity and really
good character, made him a general favorite with all who knew
336 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
him. When in his cups he was fond of oratory, and the village
boys supplying him with a few drinks and "ofhcial documents,"
consisting usually of old almanacs, would mount him on a store-
box in the street and call for a speech on some topic of vital impor-
tance. Jim was ever ready to respond to these patriotic appeals,
and after making some extravagant statements would say: "Now,
gentlemen, I will prove this by my doc's;" (documents) and pro-
ceed to quote elaborately from his last year's almanacs.
Jim possessed not an acre of ground, but when in these moods
he imagined that he was very wealthy. He "owned" all the land
from Jane Lew to his home, distant two miles. At such times,
in his boundless joy, he would hurl his hat high in the air, giving
vent to a wild throat bursting roar. Then, as he listened in
ecstacy to the echoes rolling along the wooded hillside, he would
bellow: "/j" it possible that we are in the land of the living and the
land that flows with milk and honey?"
Some of Jim's escapades were pathetic. One day while
drinking, he conceived the munificent idea of buying a wool hat
for each of his "six boys." He was, at that time childless and had
no money, but the unscrupulous merchant well knowing his
honesty, let him have the goods on credit. The next morning Jim
went to flailing wheat at fifty cents a day to pay for the useless
hats, costing one dollar each.
Jim was a magnificent horseman, and at one time rode as
mail carrier on the Benjamin Bell contract. His splendid appear-
ance on his fine cream-colored saddler was remarked by all, and
was recognizable at a great distance upon the highway. He once
owned a small bay pony called Sam. Unlike the recreant Jack,
Sam was the joy of his master's life, sharing his light-hearted pov-
erty and entering into his military exploits with an intelligence
and equine affection that was almost human. Jim resided on a
branch of McKinney's Run. He often went to Jane Lew, where
he would usually take aboard a cargo of "bust head" before start-
ing home. Whether from genuine endearment for Sam and a
deep solicitude for his comfort, or from some other cause, these
trips were generally made on foot. Some distance below Jim's
lowly mansion was a bottom field, perhaps one-fourth of a mile in
length, open to the commons. In this secluded sunlit dale, Sam
was wont to while away his time nibbling at the short goose-pasture
found there.
James Bki.t 337
Jim, erstwhile meandering home, hilarious with "tangle-
foot" and swelling with patriotism, when reaching this held,
would call: ^'' A-t-l-e-n-t-i-o-n: To A-r-m-s:" Recognizing the war
cr\' of his ''pard/' Sam would respond with alacrity, rushing
to Jim's side with every nerve tense and ciui\ering with anticipa-
tion of the coming "fray."
Throwing himself on Sam's bare back, this grim warrior
would proceed to marshal an imaginary army in battle array. In
a stentorian voice that could be heard for a mile, the "general"
would arrange his forces in divisions, regiments, battalions and
companies. Then in tones that reverberated among the surround-
ing hills, would thunder:
''''C-h-a-r-g-e the E-n-e-m-y:'' With no restraining bit or rein,
Sam would dash away at the top of his speed for the far end of
the field. As the cavalcade reached the goal, "M-a-r-k T-i-m-e:"
would resound above the thunder of hoofs and Sam would imme-
diately "take up."
''Right about face:^^ and Sam would wheel and stand motion-
less while the "general" rearranged his shattered host for the
counter charge. These maneuvers the "pards" would go through
by the hour and ofttimes long after nightfall, with perhaps not a
soul in sight. Often Jim would take Sam to the summit of Buck
Knob, and there command his "army" so vociferously, as to be
heard all over the surrounding country.
Peace to the memory of the "pards."
Jim died at his residence near Jane Lew, October 11, 1851,
and was buried either in the Harmony Cemetery or at Broad Run.
On April 18, 1878, his widow, Mrs. Jane Scarf, nee Sims,
applied for, and was granted a pension on account of her husband's
military service in War of 1812. She was then residing near Jack-
sonville, West \ irginia. In her claim for pension, she stated that
she believed that her husband's name was Bent. She died April
3, 1887, aged eighty-four years.
CHAPTER XXXIV
The belief in witchcraft and auguries was intuitive with the
border settler. The Witch, and. the Black Wizard were mediums
of evil spirits, or the Devil, to do secret injury to the human race.
The baleful influence of these invidious enemies of mankind was
more to be dreaded than the visible dangers besetting the wilder-
ness home. The scout and the hunter knew not at what hour a
"witch spell" cast over his usually trusty rifle, would render it
impotent in the conflict or the chase. Not only the rifle, and the
shot-pouch with its contents, but his own person was subject to
those appalling "spells." Flagrant, or continued "bad luck" was
always attributable to the malignant "witch spell." These could
be broken only by negative conjury and necromancy. In every
settlement there was usually a conjurer, or "witch doctor." These
gifted persons, successfully combating the malevolency of the
witch, were regarded as public benefactors. Their status among
those believing in sorcery, was scarce below that of the good
Indian "medicine man" with his own people.
These superstitious fallacies were so strong with our first
settlers, that it is no surprise that we still find the occult among
their descendants in the isolated and mountainous districts. It
is no unusual occurrence at this day for the stalwart mountaineer
to be saddled, bridled and ridden to some distant town and return,
in a single night. One unfortunate, living on the headwaters of
the West Fork of the Monongahela, was subjected to this indig-
nity. He was galloped to Weston, the county seat, a distance of
ten miles and back; but in this case the impressed steed fared
most sumptuously. The gratitude of his invisible rider was
attested in a generous feed: "Eight big y'ars uv yaller co'n jes'
like I wus a hoss." The effects of this strenuous night journey
and the bounteous "feed" were such that it was necessary the
next day for the jaded "broncho" to tramp seven miles to a
Witch Doctor, for the purpose of having the "spell" broken.
I remember an old Virginian, a tenant on my father's farm,
who was a victim marked for the witches. He could not keep a
cow: if he did, a neighboring woman, who was said to be part
Indian, would draw the milk by spreading a table cloth over a
Witchcraft ^^9
hollow stump and then "stripping" at the four corners. He lost
a horse through the machinations of a witch, or sorceress, whose
enmity he had incurred. The long-suffering victim determined,
if [X)ssiblc, to rid the community of this Machiavellian curse. He
would kill the witch. This could be done by burning the dead
body of the horse, and perforating it with a pointed stick while
being consumed. Proceeding to carry this scheme into effect,
and while the "killing" was in progress, the executioner was
startled to see a shadowy black cat leap from the flames and vanish.
This was the witch, now destroyed forever.
But there were others, and the persecution continued. The
old gentleman was lamed by a "ha'r ball" shot into his leg by one
of these malicious creatures. These "balls" are composed of hair
and other foreign material, and are very troublesome. He thought
to remove it by incision, but was deterred from further effort
when he felt the point of his jackknife grate on the end of a wire.
His wife, by using due caution, escaped many of the personal ills
which befell her less fortunate spouse. In crossing a field, she
avoided the bars, or gateway', nor would she climb the fence con-
secutively in the same place.
This family was not alone in misfortune. A near neighbor
lost several pigs through the agency of a witch. The proof of
this was apparent when the skins of the dead porkers turned dark.
The half-Indian woman was the guilty party, but in this case the
"execution" by fire and spear proved ineffectual. The "witch"
lived for many years after.
In another instance, which came under my observation, a
farmer dismantled a small log stable and burned it with the body
of a "bewitched" horse that had died therein, for the purpose of
annihilating the witch.
Mr. John S. Hall, who has been referred to often in the course
of this volume as one well versed in local history and traditions,
gave me the following story. It dates back within forty years of
the close of the Virginia border, and is the same occult philosophy
that swayed the minds of the first Monongahela pioneers. It is
not unlike others that were told me in childhood by the mountain
people, and is interesting to the folk-lore student.
"llie only person exercising the occult in bchalt of some of
my earliest acquaintances," said Mr. Hall, "was Elkany Roby,
known as 'Elk\'."' He was a pioneer of Collins Settlement, in
340 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Lewis County, West Virginia, and at my earliest recollection he
had reached the zenith of his fame. His summary method of dis-
posing of witches gave him notoriety. He shot them with a silver
bullet. Roby's chief work as wizard was in removing spells from
guns. The old flint locks were very subject to these spells; but
sometimes the spell was on the hunter. It was the wizard's work
to ascertain the cause, and apply the remedy. For this purpose,
the gun was first examined, unbreeched, and every piece scruti-
nized and cleaned. If no trace of the witch was found, the shot-
pouch was then examined, which generally proved that the spell
was on the hunter. Sometimes the witch was found to be young
and timid, and could be frightened away without resorting to
drastic means. In other cases the depredation was so great that
the ow^ner was advised to dispose of the gun to a gunsmith for
what he could get, and to buy a new one. He was not to sell or
trade it to anyone in the neighborhood, under pain of the severest
spell that the wizard could conjure.
"Roby's execution of a witch was weird and unique. A
charcoal outline of the witch was drawn on a board, which was
then set up against a tree, facing the south. Then taking his
position in front of the witch-board (the witch was invisible to
the uninitiated) he would load his gun. A charm which he took
from his mouth was carefully pushed down on the bullet. Then
muttering an incantation, unintelligible to the few permitted to
witness the scene, he aimed, and discharged the weapon. Usually
a splotch of blood would appear on the drawing, which indicated
that the shot was fatal. Sometimes the process had to be repeated
before such a result was obtained. If only wounded, the witch
was liable to return when healed. No bullet mark was ever visi-
ble on the board, and that the outlined figure should flow blood
was a wonder. But all is mystery in the occult.
"When well advanced in years, Roby moved to the Little
Kanawha, now Gilmer County. The fame of his achievements
had preceded him, and fortunately he arrived when his help was
most needed. He had occupied his new home but a few days
when he was called upon to slay the most malevolent witch that
had ever visited the community. It was just at the opening of
the sugar season, and a neighbor found a large 'turn-off' of
sugar unfit for use. It had a salty taste and a disagreeable odor.
Even children, so fond of sweets, refused it with disgust. Roby
\\ ITCH CRAFT .l41
was suninioiic'd, and after a careful examination of the premises,
pronounced it the most malicious and diabolical case that had
ever come to his notice. No mercy should be shown such a witch,
and he would exterminate it if in his power. If successful, he
would e.xpect a compensation of hft}- pounds of sugar; this was
satisfactory to the victim, and Roby proceeded to business.
"He first directed that the spiles be withdrawn from the trees,
and the troughs emptied, washed, and set up to drain. While
this was being done, the wizard returned home to prepare for the
conflict. In the afternoon he appeared, bearing his trusty rifle,
and a board on which was drawn in bold lines the figure of a witch.
This was placed against a noble sugar tree near the center of the
grove; then calling his patron to witness the operation, the execu-
tioner took his position in front of the image. He carefully
charged his rifle, exhibiting the shining bullet before thrusting it
to its place, with the secret charm added. Then invoking a
'spell,' he took deliberate aim and fired. As the echo of the shot
rang through the grove, and the wizard was yet wreathed in smoke,
the excited patron exclaimed, 'Begosh, yer hit 'er, old man, I see
blood.' 'Yes,' was the solemn reply, 'I seed the witch drap and
vanish.' The blood showed a wound near the heart, and conse-
quently fatal.
"All hands, including the women, were then called to replace
the spiles and troughs, the wizard assisting. The next morning
the disenchanter was on hand to note the result. Pure sweet
water was flowing and the troughs well filled. The magician took
charge of the furnace while the family did the outside work. That
night they had a 'turn-off' to delight an epicure. The salutary
result of the incantation was complete, and the hero of the occa-
sion was gratefully invited to take control of the furnace, and
share in the 'run'.
"The late William Bennett, of \\'alkers\-ille, a gentleman of
intelligence and veracity, got closer to Roby's conjuring than any-
one else. This he accomplished by patronage and flattery. The
Bennetts were renowned hunters, and for one so distinguished to
bring his gun for treatment appealed to the old man's vanity.
After a long and intimate study of Roby and his 'Black Art,' Mr.
Bennett expressed the belief that Roby was honest and sincere in
his assumption of magical powers."
CHAPTER XXXV
Of the carnivora of West Virginia, the common or Black Bear,
the Grey or Timber Wolf and the Panther were the principal: and
the last two by far the most ferocious. Owing to the many game
preserves established by the different sporting clubs in recent
years, the first of these animals, which, more properly speaking,
is omnivorous, have increased in such numbers as to become a
menace to the domestic stock in their vicinity. The panther is
still met with in certain remote regions, but the wolf is practically
extinct. A few are said to haunt the more obscure wilds of the
Alleghenies and the gloomy recesses of the Gauley Mountains in
Pocahontas County, but their pack-howling has long since
ceased to be a source of dread to the belated traveler. In Sep-
tember 1902, Mr. William E. Connelley heard them one dark
night in the deep forest between Buffalo Creek and Gauley River,
in Nicholas County. (1) The last one seen on the waters of
Hacker's Creek, was about 1854, by Mr. Thomas Boram, on the
farm where I was raised on Buckhannon Run. The last one killed
in that section was by Mr. Thomas Hinzman, on the head of the
right-hand fork of the same stream.
The settler pursued the wolf with rifle, trap and poison; but
Doddridge claims that the rabies was the prime factor in their
extermination. (2) But some of them, at least, escaped all ene-
mies and died of old age. \\'hen the Hurst family was residing
on the Cheat River, the children going to the spring one morning
found a wolf lying dead nearby w^ith no visible marks of violence
upon it. An examination revealed that it did not have a tooth in
its head, and that it had succumbed to the ravages of hunger and
senile decay.
Owing to the crafty nature of the wolf, comparatively few of
them fell before the hunter's aim. The strategy by which they
secure their prey enabled them to flourish in vast numbers through-
out this uninhabited wilderness teeming with game. Their cun-
ning in this respect has always been proverbial; (3) and today
among the western Indians, the success of the most noted hunter
is usually attributable to the skill or "power" obtained from the
wolf through the occult. The young Indian whose tutelary is the
wolf, will be sure to excel as a hunter.
(1) See page 495. (2) p. 495. (3) p. 495.
Carnivora oi- W kst Virginia 343
Singly the wolf is cowardly, but when driven by extreme hun-
ger it is then very bold. \\ hile my grandparents were living on
McKinney's Run, a wolf caught a sheep in daylight and throt-
tled it against the corner of the house. My grandmother hearing
the disturbance, ran out and chased the marauder away. \\ hen
banded together in hunting packs, they are exceedingly fierce and
dangerous. They overran the entire Trans-Allegheny. (4) No
one was safe alone in the woods at night, or at any time during
the winter when the wolves were often in a starving condition.
Treed by Wolves.
Late one evening Henry Glaze was hunting on the right-
hand fork of Buckhannon Run, near the base of the mountain and
not far from the trail which led from West's Fort to the Buckhan-
non settlement; on land later owned by David Wilson, when he
discovered fresh wolf sign. The State paid a bounty for the
scalp of this animal, and with the view of decoying one or more of
them within rifle shot, he uttered a howl so like that of the wolf
that ere the echoes had ceased there came an answering cry from
the woods. This was in tur,n answered at intervals from several
points in the forest. Elated with his success, the wily hunter
repeated the cry and was answered at closer proximity. Flach
successive howl brought a response more numerous and from a
rapidly narrowing circle. Before the hunter realized his danger
he heard the swift patter of feet among the dry leaves, and hastily
dropping his rifle, he had barely time to spring into the branches
of a large dogwood bush. He was immediately surrounded by a
cordon of hungry beasts, which, made fearless by numbers, surged
and snarled at the root of the tree. Safely ensconced in the
branches of the sturdy dogwood, the hunter gazed down into the
green and baleful eyes of the hungry pack. The deadly fangs of
a hundred froth-covered jaws gleamed and snapped in the fitful
starlight. The sanguine hunter was now himself hunted. Dur-
ing the entire night the wolves growled and fought beneath him.
Finally they began to leave, one by one. When the last wolf had
slunk into the dark thickets the hunter descended and hurried to
camp, content to return without wolf scalps.
At a later day, Mrs. Edmonds, who resided on McKinney's
Run, was coming home from Lost Creek late one evening, and
(4) Sec paec 496.
344 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
just as she reached the brow of the ridge dividing those two
streams, she was startled to find that she was being closely pur-
sued by wolves. Escape by flight was impossible, so she took
refuge in a beech tree. There she was held prisoner, until after
dark, when her family, knowing the danger of the forest path,
went in search of her with torches. At the approach of the
lights the wolves vanished. Mrs. Edmonds then descended from
her uncomfortable perch, and the party returned home in safety.
A Wilderness Mystery.
When Lost Creek was first visited by hunters and home seek-
ers, they discovered signs of some one having been there previously,
and who seemingly was lost. From this, the stream was named.
Various trees on which ' T. G." had been carved were found. One
such stood near a brackish, or "salt" lick which the hunters found
on a branch of the creek; a great resort for deer. To this day
this branch is known as "T. G. Lick Run." The letters were
supposed to be the initials of the unfortunate one, whose coming
to that wilderness ever remained as deep a mystery as was that
of his subsequent fate.
Stalked by a Panther.
The perils experienced by the early settlers from the panther
cannot at this day be realized.' Though cautious and stealthy
to the point of cowardice, this animal, when driven by hunger or
disturbed at its prey, is extremely fierce and dangerous. Innum-
erable adventures of pioneers with this animal in the Virginia
forests could be recounted, of which the following are illustrative:
One of the Bozarths was cow-hunting near his home one eve-
ning, and, contrary to the general rule, was unarmed. For the
purpose of listening for the bell, and a possibly wider view, he
mounted a large rock where he was stalked by an enormous
panther; which he discovered in the act of springing upon him.
Knowing the power of the human intellect over the lower animals,
Bozarth met its glance with a steady and unflinching eye. This
cowed, but did not vanquish the foe. It began circling the rock
CaRNUORA Ol W KST \ IRCJIMA 345
to seek an unguarded point from which to attack, but Bozarth
turned with it and at the same time called loudh' for his dogs.
Fortunately the\- heard him and coming to the rescue, the panther
made off.
A Baby Swkd hv a Fice.
A pioneer famil\- settled on Cheat Ri\er. One summer
morning the husband started hunting leaving the wife alone in the
cabin with her baby sleeping in a cradle near the open door. A
full-grown panther entered the \'ard, and was carelessly mistaken
by the mother for a calf. The animal, gaunt with hunger, thrust
its head in the doorway and sniffed at the unconscious child, when
a little fice which was in the room, flew at the intruder and chased
it up a tree. There the little dog bayed it until the woman called
her husband, who had not yet passed beyond the reach of her
voice, who came and shot it.
Combat in the Dark.
Perhaps one of the most remarkable encounters with the
panther in the Trans-Allegheny, occurred in the southern part of
now West Virginia, in the early years of the last century. A set-
tler was returning home from one of his neighbors in the evening
just after dark. His path led over a "foot-log," which consisted
of a tree felled across a stream not far from his cabin. As he
stepped from the log, a large animal rose from out the shadows of
the stump, and fastened one paw on his shoulder and striking him
on the cheek with the other, attempted to seize him b\- the neck
with its teeth. The man, a powerful athlete, was wholly unarmed;
but he caught his strange assailant by the throat and struck it
three heavy blows with his fist. It loosed its hold and with a low
moaning cry sank to the ground. The man, badly torn about the
face and shoulder, and bleeding profusely, made his way to the
house. The next morning he returned to the scene of the combat
and found an immense panther lying dead where it had dropped
in the fight. The sledge hammer-like blows had landed directh"
over the heart, breaking three ribs and causing instant death.
The animal made no resistance after receiving the first blow.
346 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Heroic Woman.
Heroic combats with the panther were not confined to the
men alone. Tradition and history abounds with the intrepidity
of the pioneer women, in every phase of wilderness life. One
winter day a panther entered the yard of a Mr. Gothrup, living in
now Taylor County, West Virginia, and caught a sheep. In the
absence of her husband, Mrs. Gothrup seized a rifle and shot the
marauder, breaking its back. Disabled, the savage animal lay
writhing in pain, uttering frightful growls and shrieks. Having
no more powder, Mrs. Gothrup requested a neighbor who was
passing, to dispatch it with an axe. This honor was declined, and
the courageous woman took the axe and with a well-directed blow
ended its misery.
A Mail Carrier's Thrilling Adventure.
Panthers continued to be a source of menace to the isolated
settlers for many years after the border was freed from the raids
of the red warrior. In 1841, my father, then a lad carrying the
mail through central western Virginia, had an adventure not
unlike that of Mr. Bozarth. One bright sunshiny day, while
riding down Leading Creek, just below the mouth of Camp-
meeting Run, in Lewis County, he saw what he supposed to be a
large dog on the hillside above the road, and halloed, expecting it
to run. At the sound of his voice the animal stopped, looked
around, and Instead of running away, changed its course and
came trotting into the road only a few yards ahead of him. There
it stopped and crouched down. The boy at once saw that it was
a panther, and fully realized the imminent danger confronting
him. The animal was large, gaunt, and appeared very hungry,
but the fearless boy, wholly unarmed, did not for a moment waver
in his determination to deliver the mail on schedule time. He
pressed his horse so close to the savage beast, "that I could," he
afterwards said, in relating the incident, "have struck it with an
ox-gad." His horse hesitated, snorting with fear and excitement.
The great cat crouched low, ready for a spring. Its muzzle was
thrust forward, and its ears laid close to its head. It gave invol-
untary notice of its intentions to spring by instinctively thrust-
ing out its immense claws, and nervously twitching its long slen-
der tail. With these ominous warnings, it would instantly lift its
head, every muscle drawn tense. But the boy, keen, alert and
Carm\'or.\ oi- \\ Ksr \ ikcima 347
well aware of his enemy's one weakness, met its fierce appalling
e\'e with a calm unwavering gaze. The panther quickly shrank
back, only to repeat ihc inaneu\ers, hut at each attempt to leap,
it was held in check by the lad's fearless eye. While this thrilling
eve duel was in progress, the lad thought tc) frighten his wily
enenu' with loui.! blasts upon the post-horn, with which all mail
carriers were equipped, for the purpose of heralding their approach
to the postoffice. The attempt was vain; the hungr>' beast did
not for an instant relax its \-igilance, nor abate its attempt to leap
upon its prey unawares. The boy was still urging his horse for-
ward, and at length came opposite the animal. Slowly he moved
on, and at the same time turned in his saddle to keep his eye on the.
enemy. In this fashion he rode away, leaving the panther still
crouching in the road. In that position it remained until he had
ridden several hundred \-ards and passed beyond its sight in a bend
of the road.
In December, 1839, this lad was crossing the Cheat Mountain
with the mail. It was about four o'clock in the morning, and
very dark. He was on the summit of the mountain, far from any
human habitation, and where the road on either side was hemmed
with an unbroken wilderness of sombre hemlock and dense laurel.
On one or two previous occasions travelers had at this point been
attacked by a panther, and even in daylight the place with its
gloomy tangle of impenetrable thicket was calculated to inspire
the bravest with a sense of loneliness and instinctive dread. As
the boy, numbed and sleepy with cold, was letting his horse plod
along, he heard, only a few rods from the road, what seemed the
hoot of an owl, blending gradually into the dismal howl of the wolf,
but ending in a wild shrieking scream. The startled boy attempted
to urge his horse, a very frisk}- animal, to greater speed. To his
dismay, he found that the bit had slipped from its mouth. The
horse was laboring through a snowdrift which reached the saddle
skirts, and the rider could do nothing but let it proceed at a walk.
He fully expected every instant to feel the panther's claws in his
back, but from some cause he was not further molested.
A SlRPRISED P.\Nriii:R.
Sometime m the first quarter of the last centur\', Stephen
Martin, referred to elsewhere in this \'olume, was hunting near
the mouth of White Oak Run, on the .Middle Fork Ri\er, in
348 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Randolph County, West Virginia, and camped one night by the
side of an immense fallen oak tree. Gathering a quantity of the
thick dry bark, he built a fire, and after eating a repast, lay down
near it, and under the sheltering side of the log.
Far in the night, Aiartin was aroused by the stealthy move-
ments of some animal on the opposite side of the trunk, and
instinctively he knew that it was a panther. Knowing the terri-
ble strength and savage nature of his foe, and not daring to move,
he secured his knife and awaited the assault with some misgiving.
The fire had died down leaving a bed of extremely hot coals, so
characteristic of oak bark. This was completely masked by a
covering of feathery white ashes, which showed conspicuously in
the darkness. Presently the panther reared up against the log
directly over Martin, whose keen ear detected in sniffing the air
trying to locate Its prey. Suddenly it leaped and struck the ash-
hidden fire with deadly precision. There was a surprised panther,
and action was decisive. Maddened with pain and fury, it filled
the forest with the most terrifying shrieks and screams. The
frenzied animal was a whirlwind of agility, as grappling with its
mysterious foe the glowing embers were scattered in every direc-
tion. There could be but one sequel to such contest, and in a
moment the vanquished cat bounded away, still screaming, into
the forest. Its cries were heard growing fainter and fainter until
they finally died in the distance. Martin replenished the demol-
ished fire and then returned to his couch of leaves, knowing that
he would not be molested again soon by that panther.
A Scared Darky.
Occasionally the actions of these fierce animals in attacking
man, are strange and eccentric. "Black Wash," a mulatto, was
a slave, born near the Blue Ridge in Virginia, and with other
slaves was brought by Thomas McDonnald, to Lewis County,
(now) West Virginia, about the year 1850. "Wash" was a young
man, tall and muscular, trusty and a good worker. He was hired
out to work for Jackson Arnold, on the "Indian Farm" referred
to elsewhere in this volume. Wash lived alone, caring for the
stock and doing general farm work. One autumn day he went
to help a neighbor kill hogs some two or three miles distant. The
work was not completed until after dark, and Wash was advised
Carmvora (>i W i:s r \'ir(,ima 349
in returning home nol lo go (nor the forest path, as a panther had
recentl}- been seen there; but to tra\el the main road, altliough
the distance was greater. Wash declared that he had seen
"Painters" afo', and that he was not afraid of any in the woods.
Carrying a small piece of meat ani.i his big knife, Wash started
over the hill path. When in the depth of the woods, a huge pan-
ther suddenly appeared in the path in front of him. It crouched
and sprang, going over Wash's heail, w ho struck at it but the blow
went wild. Thoroughh- frightened. Wash turned facing his nim-
ble assailant, which again crouched to spring. With eyes gleaming
like coals of hre, it went into the air, and soared over the head of
the six-foot man, who this time succeeded in plunging the long
blade of his knife full l°ngth in its flying body. The animal made
a peculiar moaning wail as it struck the ground, and vanished
among the trees. W ash hurried home, and the next morning in
company with another man, he returned to the place of the attack
where, following a trail of blood, they came upon the dead bod\- of
the panther, not more than twenty steps away. The random
knife blow had passed directly through its heart.
A Hunter Pursued.
In the autumn of 1S78 a striking instance of the ferocious,
craven nature of the panther came under my personal observa-
tion. A hunting party was rendezvoused on the waters of the
Greenbrier Ri\er in Pocahontas County, West Virginia; and one
dark rainy day five of its members were overtaken by night some
three miles from camp. The forest at this point was a dense,
pathless tangle of pine and laurel, through which no sunbeam
could penetrate, even on the brightest of days. The rain was
a steady downpour, and a thick fog coupled with the pitchy
night, rendered the otherwise gloomy woods a veritable dungeon
of blackness. Fallen timber constantly obstructed their steps,
and the men became separated and considerably scattered as they
laboriously climbed the prostrate trunks, or crawled under the
snarls of dripping laurel. They were guided by the occasional
discharge of a heavy rifle b}' those at the camp, which was termed:
"Shooting the lost into camp."
For three hours the drenched and weary hunters struggled
through this chaos of hidden dangers, and were still a half-mile
350 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
from camp. Suddenly my older brother, Cyrus S. McWhorter,
who was several yards in the rear, was startled by the loud crash-
ing of brush as some large animal charging in great leaps over the
laurel, came down within four or five feet of him. Several times
during the evening he had detected stealthy steps following him,
and he instantly surmised that it was a panther. Turning quickly
he faced his invisible assailant, and thrusting his rifle towards
where he knew the animal to be crouching, he fired. The lurid
flash and report frightened it, and it fled noisily through the thick-
ets. Soon after this the gleam of a torch carried by a rescue
party lit up the surrounding gloom, and it was not long until the
fatigued men were all gathered about a roaring log fire within the
sheltering camp. The attacking animal was undoubtedly a
panther, as one had been heard "yowling" in the forest during
several of the preceding nights. Had the young man attempted
to flee, even if such had been possible, he must have been killed.
A Startled Irishman.
Not far from this same locality and only a few months previ-
ously a young man named Cofl^, while hunting cattle was over-
taken by darkness several miles from home. Wearied with the
day's tramp, he sat down upon a log for a short rest and was soon
dozing. Presently he became aware of a light measured tap,
tap, tap, in the dry leaves just back of him; which, in his half-
somnambulent condition, he attributed to a rabbit. This timid
little animal has a habit while gamboling at night, of stopping
abruptly and striking the ground with its hind foot with the result
as described. The noise was continued at short intervals and at
closer points; and Coff^, realizing a sub-consciousness of impending
danger, suddenly turned his head, when a huge panther leaped
away and ran screaming through the forest. Its cries were heard
until it passed over a distant ridge. The disturbance in the leaves
was caused by the nervous twitching, or beating of the panther's
tail, which invariably accompanies the movements of this animal
when creeping upon its prey.
The Last Panther.
The last panther killed in Lewis County, West Virginia, was
by John Rifile, on Oil Creek, nearly sixty years ago, just above
Carnivora ()I \\ i:st X'ircima 351
where the village of Confluence is now located. The animal had
committed several depredations and one da\- entered a Held where
there was a herd of cattle belonging to Alexander Skinner. The
stock was in mortal terror of the intruder, while the panther seemed
in the best of humor. It would crouch and snitT alontr the ground,
gambolling and frisking like a kitten Occasionally it would bound
towards the cattle, then suddenh' stop and watch the affrighted
animals run away. This panther had often been hunted with the
best dogs in the community, but had in\'ariabl\- eluded its pur-
suers. Finally a noisy flee chased it up a tree and it was shot as
above stated, llie heroic little dog was killed b\- having its head
crushed in the jaws of the panther during the death struggle.
The Last Bi;ar.
Perhaps the last bear ever seen on the lower waters of Hack-
er's Creek, was on McKinney's Run, about the }ear 1828. My
father, who was just "old enough to hoe corn," went into the
orchard one day during the noon hour, before returning to the
corn field. He saw what he supposed was a large short-tailed
dog climb the fence some fifteen or twenty feet away, and go into
the woods. A dozen years later he saw a bear in a show and then
for the first time he knew that the big short-tailed dog was a real
bear.
A Daring \\ oman.
When Hacker's Creek was being settled, a Mrs. Wolf was
out hunting cows not far from her cabin. A small dog which
accompanied her, chased a bear up a tree. Having no gun and
seeing that bruin was inclined to come down, the dauntless woman
took a penknife, the only weapon that she had, and with hickory
bark lashed it to the end of a pole and used this as an effective
"prod" whenever his bear-ship attempted to descend. In this
way she prevented the animal's escape until her husband came
and shot it.
Ill MORous Bear Story.
When a bo}', an old huntiM- and a neighbor told iiic about
shooting a bear on the tarni where 1 was raised, on Inickhaniion
Run, a branch ot Hackers Creek.
352 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
"I wus a huntin on the north side uv the hill, in yanders-
cove," said the ancient nimrod, pointing to the deeply wooded
hillside, "when I run onter a big bar' a raken uv the leaves fer
mast. I ups with my rifle an' let him have it jest back uv the
shoulder. At the report uv the gun, he rolled over on his side a
clawin' at the hurtin' place an' a bellerin': ''Oh Lord! Oh Lord!
Oh Lord! He didn't see me an' the win' wus ag'in him an' he
couldn't git me located; but I tell yer that he made the leaves fly
fer a minit. I hurried, but a-fore I could git a-nuther load down
the old flint lock, that-er bar' up an' skeedadled an' I see'd nuthin'
more uv him. Why didn't I wade inter him with my huntin'
knife arter shootin' him.'' Wall, that-er bar' wus a snorter, an'
he had a mighty fine hide that I didn't wanter spile; besides, I
wus purty bizy jest then a ramin' a bullet down my rifle, an' I
hadn't no time ter spar'. I guess, sonny, yer never see'd a big
bar' all crazy with hurtin' an' a rantankerin' in the woods, didyer."*
Wall when yer do, I bet yer don't go a spilen' uv his hide with a
knife."
The First Buck.
"An' right up yander," continued the old man, designating
the south hillside, "on the Huckleberry Pint, I killed my fust
buck; an' he was a whopper too. I wus a little-like shaver, an' my
dad had never let me go huntin' with the gun. That day arter I
had begged fer sometime, he give me the flint lock an' two loads uv
powder an' said: 'If yer don' come back with a deer I won't let
yer go no more.' Thar' wus snow on the ground but hit wus not
cold an' the sun wus a shinin' and thawy-like an' I knowed that
the deer would likely be whar' the snow wus meltin' an' all shel-
tered from the wind; up thar' whar' yer dad's sheep like ter stay
on sich days. I wus mighty anxious ter find a deer, an' when I
come on the upper bench an' looked over the bluff an' see'd
four a layin' down, my heart give a jump an' I feel sorter qua'r;
but I took sight at a big buck an' broke his back an' the others run
away. I finished him with my knife an' I bet yer that Gineral
Washington didn't feel bigger at the Battle uv Waterloo than I
did when I went home ter git a hoss an' bring in that-er buck.
An' I killed one arter-wards, over thar' whar' the wilier tree is a
growin' by the spring at the foot of the hill on the north side uv
C\RNI\()R.\ OI W i:ST \ IRGINIA 353
the bottom. \cv see my dad let me ^o huntin' often arter 1ki\ in
sich good luck the fust time."
A MoDl.RN NiMROD.
The followinu interesting letter was a reluctant compliance
with the rceiuest of my father for a brief synopsis of a hunter's
career. Bearing no date, it was written in April, 1907, and is the
record of a typical mountaineer; a simile of the hundreds who have
spent their lives in killing game throughout the ranges of the
mightv Alleghenies. In 1889, my father visited Mr. Arbogast,
and went with him to one of his bear traps some three or four
miles from his house and up the (jreenbrier River. The trap was
constructed of logs, and contained a yearling bear, which was
dead. The hunter had dela\ed his rounds one da\- too long.
"DiAK I)k. j. M. McWhorter:
1 will try to answer a few of your questions. I killed first deer in 184S with
a riiiu lock rifle. About 1852 I had the lock changed to percusion. I killed the
majority [of deer] with [this] mountain rifle. In 1878 I got a 45-60 Winchester.
The first fall after I had the [flint] lock changed I killed 8 [deer] next fall 20; next
[fall] 25. After that I killed from 25 to 30 every fall. 32 was the most I killed
in one fall. I killed 2 to 5 Red Deer every Summer which w^ere not counted in
fall hunts at that time. I killed 2 at one shot 3 [different] times. 1 killed 4 a day
2 [twice] I killed 5 in half day out of six I saw with muzzle loader. I made an
estimate I have killed between 6 and 7 hundred [deer] 25 was the highest number
1 sawin one day — I killed and caught several Bear — I shot one wolf and Poisoned
and caught several others in trap. We have had 8 sheep killed in sight of house
and many less numbers at difi"erent times by wolves Bear and Panthers. I killed
2 Panthers [in] one day. My father had a dog that treed 11 panthers that he killed.
Dog went out on his own accord and treed one. Panther came down and killed
the dog. Was snow on the ground — was a young dog along with him came back
next morning wounded by the panther. Father took his back track to where the
old dog was killed. The panther had carried him into a laurel thicket [and] had
eat him about half up [and] was laying by the dog. When father followed the
trail to where the dog was the panther walked away. Father w'ent about 2 hundred
yards in the thicket. Panther had stopped twice in that distance til he saw
Father coming, so he thought. Was a soft snow in April which made things plain.
A Bear came at night when I was a small Boy father was not at home — took
a small hog from where they lay at night before we had gone to bed; heard it
squeal as the Bear carried it off. Must have been 200 yards away when stopped
squealing. The hog bed was about 50 yards from house. Second night after, it
came back caught a fat hog in pen about 30 feet from house. Father heard it
squeal went out with gun was too dark to see it He hallooed [and] as it climbed
over pen he shot at the noise did not hit it. I had a salt lick for deer at the root of a
354 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
chestnut tree; deer and groundhogs dug down through the roots. Went thare
one morning to salt it — a deer had put its head down between the roots got its
head fast was dead, and warm yet. I had killed a number of deer thare before
and after — I killed an eagle that had swallowed about 6 inches of a deer's rib one
end was broken off slanting very sharp the other end being a joint was round.
This end was in its craw the other end stuck out about 2}^ inches to one side
of back bone. The part that stuck out was bleached as white as a bone that
had laid on ground several years, and wore as smooth as if it had been done with
sand paper. I suppose in using its wings the feathers wore it smooth.
I only had one close call in the woods that I know of. Was out hunting
snow was about a foot deep commenced sleeting in a short time crust on snow
bore me up and slick as glass. Feet slipped from under me was on a steep hill-
side. Down the hill I went feet front about 30 yards to a large log, the gun stopped
against the log. I went over turned head in front about 30 yards run into a bunch
of dead brush which caught in my clothes by breaking off, the snags caught
which I think saved me from getting killed or badly hurt. It was about 100
yards to stream of water nothing in way to stop me. I worked my way back to
where my gun stopped at log, by breaking through the snow crust with heel of
shoes. Then used breech of gun to break through crust of snow, until I got down
to a stream of water which led to river and home. I met Father about half a
mile from home going to look for me. I was born in a cabin 20 feet from the
house I now live in, 72 years ago 6th of last Anarch 1907 lived here all the time.
I wish I had kept a statement of every day's hunt during my life taken down
every evening. I give this as a true statement &ct.
Kindest Regards to any one who by chance may read this statement.
A. M. V. Arbogast.
Dunlevie Pocahontas Co W. Va.
I
APPENDIX
1
Lord Dunmore
Courtesy of Wisconsin State Historical Society
Reduced from, an old engraving in JVisconsin Historical Society's Library.
APPENDIX I
A published Descriptive List of the Manuscript Collection of
the Stair Historical Society of IVisconsin, has onl>' recently placed
the Dr. L\maii C. Draper Manuscripts within the reach of the
general student of pioneer history. They consist of four hundred
and sixty-nine volumes, and are the most valuable of their kind
extant. Research along special lines in this great mass of hitherto
unclassified material was attended with such cost and uncertainty,
that it was practically inaccessible to other than the local student.
Thirty-three volumes consist of data for a series of sketches
on frontier wars. Two of these. Volumes XX and XXI, are
devoted entirely to material for a new edition of Withers Chroni-
cles of Border Warfare.
This work Dr. Draper commenced in 1890, and was thus
engaged when stricken with death, August 26, 1891. The vol-
ume was afterwards completed b\- Dr. Thwaites, and published
in 1895, by The Robert Clarke Company, Cincinnati. The cor-
respondence here published for the first time is interesting in con-
nection with some of the topics treated in this volume. \\ ith but
two exceptions, the letters bear the date of 1891, and some of
them within a few days of Dr. Draper's death. The Manuscripts
were not accessible to me until 1908, and after all but chapters
31 and 32 had been written; and any reference in previous chap-
ters to these documents has been inserted subsequent to this
date. The correspondence is given under catalogue numbers.
"HUCKHANNON ToWN LeWIS Co. \'a.
Febry 24tli, 1S49.
"L. C. Draper Esqr.
"Sir: I now proceed to answer your Enquires in your 3 Letters to me of Octo-
ber 17th, 1848 Janry 15 1849 and Janry 22^ 1849. I should have answered you
sooner but have been waiting to obtain some information on some points whicli
would have been use to you in getting up the needful information you desire, but 1
have been unable to obtain the information desired in consequence of the advanced
age of the persons from whom I expected to Learn the facts of several Transactions
of importance, but their old age and doted condition of their minds has prevented
me from doing so. Mr. John Cutright for whom you enquire is one. You first
enquire about the Bull affair, this place is situated on the Little Kanawha River
(in the County of Braxton \'a.) now known as the Bull Town salt works, where
Lick salt is made, David White, the brother of \V'". White was taking [taken]
358 Appendix I
prisoner some time previous to the destruction of Bull Town, and was present
at the taking of Stroud's family in the summer of 1772, this occurence led to the
destruction of Bull Town, David White knew the property and household fur-
niture of belonging to the family of Mr. Stroud and after White escaped from the
Indians he in company with others frequently went to the settlement at Bull
Town on hunting expeditions, and when he saw the goods and Chatties of Stroud,
White inform^ the settlement of Buckhannon and it was fully believed amongst
them that the inhabitants of Bull Town were a harbour and shelter for the un-
friendly and invading savage foe, and no doubt was the case (1) this enraged the
white settlement to think that the Indians who professed friendship was a place
of Refuge for the foe &c. so a party of 5 or more men went and doubtless destroy^
the place, kiH the whole party & perhaps throwed the bodies in the River. W™.
White VJ^. Hacker Samuel Pringle and Andrew Skidmore were four of the party,
perhaps John Pringle Andrew Friend and David White and Elijah Runner was
also of the party. Samuel Pringle is one of the 1st. settlers that settled on the
Buckhannon River who settled at the mouth of Turkey Run about three miles
from our Town. Pringle resided in this neighborhood untill he died he was up-
wards of 100 years of age, Hacker also died an old man on his farm on hacker's
creek (you enquire) what finely became of White, White was a Terror to the
Indians they had several chances to shoot at him but was afraid to do so for fear
they would miss their mark and then he would retaliate. White was the stay of
Buckhannon fort, and was the Leader of many of the scouting parties and the
parties following and Chastizing the Indians for the depredations committed on
the Citizens. White being dead when the information was gathered for Co'.
Wither's cronicle It was therefore gathered principly from the friends of Lowther,
Sleeth, Wilson, and Hacker and not giving White the Honor due him. White
was taken prisoner twice By the Indians and managed so as to disguise himself
and was enable[d] to make his escape at one time in making his escape he kiled -
an Indian feeding his Horse (2) White took the horse and flew for his safety after
traveling some distance passing near Other Horses feeding one of White['s] followed
after the one White was Riding so he took them both away Riding Them by Turns
the Indians followed him closely for a Long distance one of their dogs over took
him and the Dog knowing White followed him off also — White fought at the
Battle of Point Pleasant his Brother David White fought Bled and died in that
Battle, kiled several Indians on that day, he stated that he had IS fair Shots
and saw them all fall, he said 5 in One heap. L^. frog was shot By an Indian in sight
of White the Indian ran up to scalp Frog frog raising and grapling with the Indian
untill White could single out the Indian from Frog, White then shot the Indian •
so another ran up and was Shot By White also and so on untill five Indians were
laid in One heap — after the Battle was over White took some of his company of
Virginians to the Spot and Shew[ed] them the Heap of Dead Bodies, Frog has
by this time expired when the white[s'] examined the 5 persons kild. by White
the features of one of them has the appearance of a white man accordingly he was
washed and recognized By his Brother Thomas Collet of Tygerts Valley This
was George Collet (3) that was kiled he encouraged the Indians throughout all
the fight with Loud Hussaws and was seen firing a Large Gun up into the air and
crying fight on fight on we will soon whip the white Damnd. Suns of bitches, White
was in company with John Cutright and others in capturing the Stolen Horses,
(1) See page 496. (2) p. 496. (3) p. 496.
Draper Correspondence 359
at wliicli liiiR- Cutriglit was wounded in tlic side as spoken of b)' Wilher's cronicle
page 210 (4) — this John Cutright spoken of was John the younger son of Ben-
jannn[.] John Sen''. I think remo\ed at an early day to Kentucky. He was the
one that fought at Point Pleasant. John Cutright the younger was a brave man
and frequently accompanied White in exccrsions through the country spying &c
at one time. White and Cutright was out on Culrights farm weeding corn one
would work and the other standing guard, in the c%cning when they went to
Leave they Turned out their Horse and Salted iiini on a Rock. the\' then left
for home, the Indians took the Horse before lie had took but a few licks of the
salt, they no doubt was watching White and Cutright but was afraid to attact
them, on the next day when they returned to llicir labor ihey found the Horse
gone and the salt yet Laying on the Rock, they followed the Trail for about
6 miles when they found the Horse turned Loose with a Bell on him, and found
first sign of the Indians, they crept up to the Horse stoped the Bell and made
their way off Cutright on tlic Horse and \\ hitc on foot the\' had not went far
when Cutright espied a Large Buck he dismounted and in spite of White would
shoot the Buck, White told him the Indians would be on tiicm before thelyl could
dress the Deer, so Cutright fired and kili^. the buck. White walked ahead Cutright
dressJ. the Buck t[h]rowed him on the Horse mounted and Rode on after White
the Indians follow^, in close pursuit to within one half mile of the fort, when they
arrived at the fort Cutright, White & several others returned on the trail in hopes
to Meet the savages on the pursuit and thus be enabled to take them by surprise,
but not going more than one half mile the[y] found they had discovered them and
Left the path — no doubt but \\ hite kiled number of Indians, he at one time was
arrested an[d] took to Winchester Jail and there plac'd in Irons, this act enraged
the friends of White they raised a company of some 100 or more and march'l. to
Winchester at the break of day all Black'^. except two of the M"". Fryes who would
not paint themselves they were the commanders, they went to the Jail & demanded
the prisoner tiie Jailor refused thc[y] cocked their guns on him and told him to open
the Door and Release the prisoner the Jailor gave them up the key they took him
out took him to the smiili sliop cut oiT his Irons S: brought him Home, last of all
he was kiled by the Indians in sight of Buckhannon Fort, he was betrayed into
the hands of his enemies by a white man named 'I'imothy Dorman Dorman lived
about 2 and a half miles from the fort, and while the other inhabitants fled to the
fort, Dorman remained at home apparently unconcerned, saying there was no
danger, (had White treated Dorman to the same severity that he did John Bull,
for harboring the Indians, Dorman would have rept his reward as a traitor before
the betrayal of Wiiite.) One day he professed to have fears for his safety and
desired White to come down on the next day and aid himself and family to the
fori. \\ Ivite promised him to do so, and accordingly went, and wlicn lie got there
lie saw signs of Indians in the yard, White told Dorman that the Indians had
been their and that It was a plot between him Dorman and the Indians to kill
him and said he would go away and leave him with them. Dorman denied knowing
that the ind^. had been there and Beged of White not to Leave them there for the
Indians would kill him and all his famih' White consented to remove them to tiie
fi irt by a back road after they had passed on to wliere the two Roads run togeth[er|.
The Indians in ambush fired on him 3 balls passing through his body not with-
-tanding the \o. of Wounds he had Received he still remained on his horse for
(4) See page 497.
360 Appendix I
some time and It was believed that If liis Horse [had] not become so frighted and
Ran into the falhng Top of a Tree he would have made his escape to the fort
safely with his scalp, though he was wounded mortally, he fell in sight of the fort
the men from the fort got to him before he was Dead he still knew his friends.
the[y] had the River to cross in a canoe before they could reach him or they would
of saved his scalp from the savages. (5) Dorman & family went off with the
Indians, and soon returned again at the head of a party and conducted them to
the dwelling of his friends and aided in the Buchery of them, he was worse
than a savage — his character is Given by Col. Withers in his cronicle page- 250,
251, (6) on the eight of Fabry 1782, (7) John Fink was kiled while engaged in
hawling rails to his farm on Buckhannon River the savages fired several guns at
him and before he could unloose the Horses from the sled he fell his father was
with him he mounted on one of the horses and rode of[f] making his escape. John
Fink fell within a few yards from where my office now sta:nds near the center of
our Town, this occurence took place 1 month previous to the murder of White.
(8) Page 229 (9) while John Jackson and his son George was returning to the
fort, passing within one half mile of our town and upon my present farm the Indians
fired on them but fortunately missing both, George discovered the smoke from the
Indians Gun rising from behind a forked tree prepared himself and as the Indian
peaked through the croch of the Tree Jackson fired at him the Ball struck too Low
in Crotch and thus glancing perhaps over the savages head. Jacksons then made
their way with all spead to the fort not knowing but what they were more Indians
in reach, the Horse on which George Jackson was Riding Took fright and ran to
the fort the Horse pass^. out of his Girt & left Jackson & the saddle lying on the
ground safely landed at the fort gate &c.
You enquire for the chief Bald Eagle the account giving By Co'. Withers in his
work is correct 105. (10) or at Least as much so as I can give, as I cannot find any
person Living that can give any further particulars of the murder of the old chief.
It is said he was kild by Jacob Scott, (11) W^". Hacker and Elijah Runner, they
are all three Dead. Runner while wrestling with a friend fell and Died in
a short time after was Burj-ed one half or three fourths mile from this place.
There are many small errors committed by the information Given to Co'.
Withers such as rong names &c It was David Conly that struck the Indian
over the head with the Drawing knife instead of Ralston as discribd. by Withers.
(12) Petro (13) who was taken prisoner with White was said never to be heard of
after. Petro was heard of, when some of the prisoners return^. the[y] stated that
he died at detroit before peace was made. My father was but a boy in the days
of invasion here, he Resided on the South Branch, at one time the Indians
came to the House of John Wilson who was his step Father, after Wilson had done
with the Labors of the daj^ laid himself on his bed to rest while the wife was
preparing the supper, the Dogs sprang from their slumber to an attact in the yeard
the night being dark the old Gentleman knew too well the cause, he spring from
his Bed the Door was standing open and throw^. back against the wall from where
the old man were, he consequently had to pass the Door way to get to the Door
and shuved it shut, while he was closing the Door the Indians struck with a stick
on the Door step, the old man making fast the Door calling to the old Lady to put
out the fire, after he had fastened the Door as well as he could he took down his
(5) See page 497. (6) p. 500. (7) p. 500. (8) p. 500. (9) p. 500. (10) p. 500.
(11) p. 500. (12) p. 500. (13) p. 500.
Draper Corriisi'ondknce 361
old rusty ^'iin prepared her for action, while tlie old Lad\' took the axe and my
father took an old rusty sword, the Indians made several attempts to forc(cl open
the Door, but not being able to do so, again the\- would fall back to get rid of
the Dogs, at every attempt they made at the Door, the old man would incouragc
the Dogs, they being very cross no Doubt but they took hold to the savages at
every attempt they made to force open the Door, they thus continued during the
night until the appearance of Day drove them off, knowing If they waited till I.iL'ht
tiiat the Old man would reak his \ingence on them for disturbing himself and fam-
il\- during the night.
I could mention a number of circiiinstances of the Indians making their
appearance and trying to decoy persons in tlRir hands, but not knowing whether
such information is desirable to you I w ill therefore desist. / 7>ifan suck as the
following, at one time while my mother was a mear child (Daughter of W"^.
\\'hitc) was playing near the fort in the dusk of the evening, an Indian passing
near them, held out to some of the smallest of the children in his hand some nuts
in order to get them to come silcnth' to him, but being discovered by one of the
Larger children and cried out Indians the children all ran towards the fort. White
ahva\'s quick and ready Rushed to the gate Just in time to see the Indian pass in
to a thicket of Timber, the Indian seeing White had discovered him he spring
behind a laru'c tree and kept White and the tree in a range untill he pass behind
Bluff or bank, and thus made his escape, at an other time two boj's went out
to bring up their cows, while driving the cows homeward, they discovered some
milk keelers Laying in the path which had been placed ther after they had pass^.
out. (these vessels had been taken a few days previous from a neighboring house)
One of the Boys was in act of stoping to Look — while the other one cried out
run. (knowing the object) as soon as the boys commenced running the Indians
whistled and then call^. stop, stop, but the boys was off homewards — Tigerts
\ alley so called is now the County of Randolph was named after David Tigert
who first settled on this valley uppon what's now calH. the Valley River[.] Tigert
It seems was a trapper followed the waters for the purpose and Lastly made a
Trip and never returned back to this Valley again I have no knowledge of any of
his decendants — I now close my communication By saying 1 have not been able
to obtain as much information as I had expected I should — W"\ White as I before
mentioned was kil^. and Treacherously kil^ too, and deserves more Honor for
active service in defending his country against a savage foe than his memory
e\er receiv'ed in the pages of History, White had but two children one son & one
Daughter; his son W"'. W. White still lives here the Daughter Elizabeth married
Joel Westfall my Father, raised a large family and died here Whites widow never
married but lived to an old age and died near this place.
Respectfully yours
(Signed) Henry V. Wkstfai.l (14)
' I am Co', of a Regiment of Infantr\' ix P M at this place.
To L. C. Draper Esq
from H. F. Westfall P M
Lyman C. Draper Esq
Philadelphia Pa
Box 797 P O"
<U) See page 500.
362 Appendix I
(Draper A'ISS. 8ZZ4S.)
Harmony grove (15) April 12th 1849
Mr Draper Sir, yours of the 16th of Jan was duly received when received I
was Laying with a fevor which kept me prostrate 4 weeks then I had an attac
of Cholera but I yet Hve this is the appology I offer for my delay.
"As my uncle W^. Hacker & Wi". Powers of this neighborhood wrote the
Borderwarfare thare is to be found all or nearly so that can be had of information
as to the difficulties of this region with the Indians.
"I have been to see Jonathan Hacker (distance 20 miles) a Bro. of Said W^.
Hacker but cannot get the time that Bald eagle was kilH. nor nothing that might'
be of advantage to you
"The William Hacker referd. to in the case of Bald Eagle was Brother to Old
John Hacker first settler on Hacker's creek (as in Border warfare), his scouts &
campaigns are not known it is said he was the foremost in danger the bravest in
peral & the first to assist In need, When one of his comerads I understood a mr
Cutright was shot through the flesh of the brest W™. Hacker drew a piece of silk
through the bullet hole to dense & then bound up the wound, & one old man says
he once had the name of doctor from his attention to the wounded, he moved to
the Read banks of Ohio River in Kentucky Shortly after the Death of Bald Eagle
— Reports say he moved from Ky to Canady & became wealthy this by some is
doubted But I believe it true — he must now be dead for I am informed he was
Older than my Grandfather Old John Hacker we cant hear of any W"^. Hackers
Decendants
"I am Very Sorry that I cannot give you more
"William Hacker the writer of the Border Warfare was the son of John Hacker
But my Grand uncle W™. Hacker Was the Man that assisted in distroying Bull-
town &c.
"This I have done I would have done more with pleasure but I can get nothing,
more of Use to you."
(Signed) Yours David H. Smith (16)
Addressed: Mr Lyman C Draper Philadelphia Pa
(Postmarked Jane Lew [Va] April 16)
(The following correspondence is all from the Draper MSS.
3U.)
"Green Clay Co Kan Jan 20 1891
'Mr Draper
"Dear Sir
' I received your letter yesterday after examining carefully I will proceed
answer it the best I know how. my grate Grand Father come from England in
1740 and my Grand Father (John Hacker) was born about 3 weeks after landing
in America near Winchester va (17) what time in the year I am not able to say
(write H. M. Hacker my son Jane Lew W va he will go to the simetury & take
the right date off the tomb stone) he died April 24, 1824 at the [age] of 84 years.
he filled no office but Indian scout, he had 6 sons and 4 daughters his oldest
son William was a Preacher a Majestrate and School teacher in that early da}',
as I have answared all the questions you have ask me I remain 5^ours truly
J. T. Hacker
(15) See page 500. (16) p. 500. (17) p. 501.
Drapkr C'orrkspondknce 363
"if you desire any other infertnatioii coimiianti iiic I meanc about tlic family
records I am at your surves J. T. H."
"Grkkn Kan Jan 26 1K91
"Mr Drapkr
"Dkar Sir
"as for my Grand Father ever scouting in ohio is soniething I cannot say.
as for the collections being facts I suppose there arc no doubt; but my Grandfather
did not collect an\ of iheni: il was ni\ uncle William Hacker his oldest son &
William Powers who collected the facts of the Indian troubles in W va and my
uncle died before he completed the work; and his Heirs were not able nor willing
to go on with it and Powers and the Hacker sold to Mr Withers. I suppose Judge
Duncan had something to do in ihc collection of facts. I am not shore about
the date of my uncles death; the tomb stone will tell; he was buried in the same
semetory that my Grand Father was. (18) if my memory serves me right he died
in 1830 I suppose that what is written in the border warefare is truth but perhaps
it is not all that might have been Collected and written
Yours very truly
J. T. Hacker
"an old democrat in my 79i'' year only 39 days till my burth day I was 12
when my Grand Father died \\'"^. Hacker my uncle and ni\'self are all the
Preachers of the famih'."
"Janelkw W. \a Janua 28ili/91
"Mr. Ly.man C. Draper
""Sir I received yours of the 23"''^ but I was not able to take the trip to the
jravyard till yesturday it is 5 mis from here I send you a true coppy of the Inscrip-
tion and you can use just what you want of it. I also send you his wifes birth and
death, if you dont need it all right it costs nothing to send it
I will Just sa>- to you if there is any more information you wish from here
that I can gather up I will gladly do so. and I will say now that I wish the agency
of this State when the work is ready for sale hoping to hear from you soon I am
yours
H. M. Hacker"
[Copy]
"'I'liis luonunient erected in memory of John Hacker Born 1*' of January,
1743. Settled on this farm in Wilderness, 1769, endured innumerable privations
by Indian hostilities— died April 20tl' A. D. 1821, (19) aged 81y. 3m. 9d. was
the first intered in this graveyard. Prepare to follow me
"Margaret Hacker, wife of John Hacker, was born in Ireland, June 24. 1747
—Came to America, 1748. Died May 8th 1832— aged 84 ys 10 m & 14 days."
"Green Kan Feb 13 1891
"Mr L. Draper Esq
"Dear Sir
"I received you letter yesterday
"examined its contents and to my best recolections there was but two Children
>f my Great Grandfather and they were both Boys Wm and John, and they were
*be only family of that name I ever heard of being in .\merica. at that early
d8) See page 501. (19) p. 501.
364 Appendix I
date. Wm went down the Mississippi to what was then called the Red Banks*
and that was the last account as for my Grand Father ever being in Illinois I
cannot say. Jacob Hardman a grand son living in South Bend Indiana (dead
now perhaps) wrote to me 14 years ago for accounts of the family and I gave him
dates &C he was writing a Book if he is not living some of his family may be he
was to send me a Book but I never got it. all the Hacker boys went to Ind.
"all well and striving for Heaven.
"Kansas has turned upside down politically
"I say huray for Democracy
Yours trely
J. T. Hacker"
*[Note by L. C. Draper]
Red Banks or Hendersonville, Ky: Dr. Hildreth in American Pioneer, II, 102.
"South Bend, St. Joseph County,
Indiana, March 20, 1891
"Lyman C. Draper
"Dear Sir:
"Dr. Jacob Hardman died in this city several years ago. Was very old at
the time of his death but had a good memory. He has one daughter living in
this city — Miss Maggie Hardman. Hon. Wm Hacker, Shelbyville, Ind., a cousin
of Dr. Hardman would be of service to you in looking up the family history. He
is quite a historian and a great masonic leader and teacher.
Respectfully
Elmer Crockett, P. M."
"Green Clay Co Kan April 13/91
"Dear Bro Draper I reed your letter a few days ago & I now will try to answer
it as near as I can. Wm Powers lived on Hackers Creek 5 Ms below where Wm
Hacker lived close to Jane Lew and was a farmer and owned a fine farm in the
valley of Hackers Creek, and died there: as for his age I cannot tell had 3 sons
Benjamin Ezeckial & Wm they moved off I know not where j'-ou can get his age
and death by writing to Col James W Jackson Jane Lew Lewis Co W va as for
the extent of the ade he gave my uncle I cannot inform you but I always under-
s[t]ood they were equal pardners. Hacker died first, as for Wm Hacker in Shel-
byville of whome you wrote I know nothing: he must be a cousin of mine
yours trely
J. T. Hacker"
"Green Kan may 12/91
"Mr L C Draper
"dear sir
"I received your letter yesterday and I now procede to answer it 1st Wm
Powers clamed an equal share with Wm Hacker and Hackers Heirs and Powers
himself before his death, sold to Withers what they received I know not.
2nd of this W™. G. Hacker of Wichita I know nothing he clames to be a
\
I
Draper Correspondence 365
grandson of Alex Hackers who says you say that his father* colectcd the matter
used by Wethers. It cannot be true for this was all done before the oldest son of
Alex was grown. Alex Hacker Wife [died] and he bound his boyes all out, and went
to Ind. and married again, there were 6 Boys of John Hacker my Grand father,
and Alex was the 5th one and 2 Girls before Alex. W ni was the 1st you can see
the policy of it
3rd I cannot answer that whether the Indians killed Wm Hackers Wife & family
or not my father had told me often that iiis unklc W'illiam had no family he acted
as sergcnt in the Indian wars
4th in reference to the killing of the Indian Chief Bald Kagle 1 know nothing;
but if the Border Warfair says so I suppose it is true, of these other Men that
you write was with Hacker I know nothing
5. I was raised on Hackers Creek and lived iIktc liie most of my life: was born
.March 6 1812 therefore I was seventy nine March 6 last
7th Wither got the Collections for a trifle I always understood; 1 know [not] how
much
•Sth I knew Withers Persanly and my idea is that he in reference to education he
was limited and not strictly honest (this is confidential)
'^) I cannot [say] any thing about Israel
10 W. Powers has a son living in Norton Co Kansas norton is the town his name
is Wm D Powers lives in Norton Co Norton P O Kansas
I have answered the 10 questions to the best of my knowledge. My Father has
often told me that his uncle William Hacker went down the Mississippi to what
is called the red Banks: whether he ever had any heirs or not I am not apprised
"1 am very much under obligations to you for the Magazine you sent me
yours trul_\-
j. T. IIackkr
*It was grandfather, .Mexr. Hacker."
"Green Kan May 25/91
".\Ir Draper
"Dear Sir
"your letter of the 19 reed will say first that I was mis informed about the
address of W' m D. Powers and gave you the rong one, have learned cince that his
adress is Wichita Sedgwick Co Kansas you will not be likely to hear from that letter,
you say that perhaps my grand father furnished some scheches [sketches] to his nefew
my uncle William my uncle was my Grand Fathers oldest son: perhaps he did furnish
some; but I do not know that he did my Grandfather was born 3 weks after his
Parents landed in America his Bro Wm was born in Engeland how old he was
when they landed in America I cannot say. The last depridation committed in
west va was in the year of 1795 after pease made Wm Hacker my Great uncle
went down the Mississippi to the read banks was supposed to have died there: in
reference to his family being kiled or his being wounded or fighting in 111 as I wrote
before I know nothing: only what the Border Warfair says; which you can read
for )-our self.
"as for this Dr. Wm .\. Hacker in Hi know nothing there is \ Wm Hacker
the Mear [Mayor] of Leavensworth Kan you may get some information [from]
him my uncles Hacker four of the Boys, moved in an early day to Shelby Co Ind
and consiciuenth- I lost sight of them
366 Appendix I
as for my Grandfather's Brother Wm what I said or intended to, if I did not
that he came to Hackers Creek and acted as surgen and had no family tho the
Indians were on the warpath before that. I said if the Border Warfair said his
family were killed by the Indians it must be true but when he came to Hackers
Creek he had no family so I have understood
J T Hacker
' excuse bad speling and writing for my education was gotten in the wilderness of
W va in a log school House with paper window glass your friend
JTH"
"Green Kan May 30 1891
' Mr Draper Dear Sir
I received your letter yesterday and I will proceded to answer it to the best
of my judgement my memory (from what my father said) is that Wm Hacker my
Grand fathers Bro was about 23^ years the oldest; but my understanding is that
he never had any family, in reference to the destroying and murdering the Indeans
at Bulltown it is true my father has told me often about it; and blamed his uncle
much for the masacree. for they were friendly Indians and it was so inhuman
they kiled Wimen and Children caught the poore little Children by the heels
and nocked their brains out against there huts, this horable story has been told
me by my Father and several old Indian wariers on Hackers Creek, it is horable
but true. Its not worth while to deneigh it. those men said, gnits would make
lice; and the Bulltown Indians harbered the wariers there Were several of the old
wariers who scouted and fought the Indians that remained on Hackers Creek and
died there so I got many Indian storyes when there would 2 or more get togather.
(as for Wm Hacker of shelbyville I would love to know whose son he is an his age)
as for Scott and Runner, or White I can give you no certain account: or there
decendance my opinion is they went to Kentucky down about Louisville or below;
this is only my opinion not from any evidence only impression, as for the cheaf
Bald Eagle I have said in a former letter I know nothing but will say as I have
allread}^ said to you in other letters that that is written in Withers work is true
considdered so by all the old warriers with whome I have converst Withers was
not consedered strictly upright but honest in compiling the Book People thought
he aught to have sined Hackers and Powers name to the Book insted of his own.
tho that matter but little
My Dear Bro I am still of the opinion that W^" Hacker my grand Fathers
Bro was never marrierd my Father always told me so it has been some time since I
have read the Border Warfair: I do not remember whether it is mentioned in the Book
of W"i Hackers family being killed by the Indians if it is mentioned there I will
beleave it and if it is not there I will think it ought not be there. I am honest
and I dont want you to think otherwise
I have done all I could to collect my mind togather to find the trouth and to
keep off of what I have read in withers work suposing you had it and give you
what I have from memory and tradition no more at this time
but remaen your sincear friend
and bro in Christ
J. T. Hacker" (20)
(20) See page 501.
Draplr Correspondence 367
"Wichita Kansas March 17''' ISVI
"Lyman C. I3rapi;r Esq.
Madison, \\ isconsiii.
"Dear Sir
"Your loiter of Feb. 25ih to hand whicli has been delayed on account of my
name being addressed Granvill Hacker. I am known in this country only by the
name of W. G. Hacker I have been here in Sedgwck Co. going on 21 years. I
resided in Illinois 4 years previs to that time I lived in V'a where I was borned and
raised on Hackers creek now Lewis Co. West V'^ You speak of the Rev. William
Hacker. I do not know of such a man on our side of the house. My fathers
name is Thomas S. Hacker, he was born in 1816 and died in Letart Falls* in 1885;
my father's father's name was Alexander Hacker, his fathers name was John
Hacker the Mary Hacker that the border of Warfare speaks of was the daughter
of John Hacker and a sister of my fathers father was scalped and stabbed seven
(7) times by the Indians on Dec. 5th 1787 (21) in the year 1760 (22) my great grand
father John Hacker and his brother William Hacker came from the valley of V^
not far from Lexington, to the old fort Buckhannon now West V", our family
arc quite numerous and wonderfully scattered, there is a great many of them
L'ncle Jonathan Hacker's children reside in Indiana; Uncle Philip's are in Ten-
nessee and Kentucky. Uncle William's in Kentucky &. Indiana My great, greal
grandfather, John Hacker, and his brother William resided where Buchanon
now stands. Some eight or ten years before tiic arrival of Smuel Pringle, (23)
John and Benjamin Carturighi and it appears that Samuel Pringle and my great
grand-father John Hacker had a dispute in regard to what we call claims on land
John Hacker and John and William Radicliff taken up their farms in about one
and a half miles of where Jane Lew now stands, (and later) know now in later
days as Powers farm on the creek what is known then as a branch of the Monon-
gahela The creek was named after my great grand-father John Hacker as Hacker's
creek in the year 1769 You speak of or asked me if I knew of any of my kinsmen
furnishing any of the chronicals of the border of war fare to Alexander Withers,
I beg to say while it appears on the pages of border of war fare in the beginning
that Alexander Withers was the author of the Border of War Fare, or history of
the settlements by the whites of North Western V^ I say he is ntu the author,
m\- grandfather Alexander Hacker, my fathers father is the original writer and
had the manuscript ready for publication about the year 1830 but was not able to
bear the expens of publication at that time, my father informed me also my mother
of who was Charlotte Hess her father Heschia Hess who went through the Revolu-
tionary [&.] War of 1812 whom I knew when I was a small boy just beginning to
pry into historical writings — that .Alexander Withers did make a bargain with my
grandfather Alexander Hacker, if he would allow iiim to \\nw a "jreat many of
the books published and have controll of their sale he would bear the expences of
the publication and that Alexander Hacker should have the credit of writing the
book, this my grandfather agreeded to, j'ou see on the first page, under the fly-
leafed cover, that Alexander S. Withers did steal the right and title of the cronicles
of the Border of Ware Fare, from GrandfalluT Hacker: and tlie Withers family
*.Meigs County, Ohio. 1. \ . \KW.
(21) Sec page 501. (22) p. 501. (23) p. 501.
368 Appendix I
is intitled to no credit for the writing of the Border of War Fare ma[li]ciously
stolen away from my ancestors. I beg to give Mr. Withers credit only for having
the money to bring about the publication of this valuable book now open before
my eyes. I refer you to pages 93 and 105 and 280 & 281 for facts printed and
published in the Border of War Fare, (24) my kinsman in V^ are numerous namly
Smith's Baton's Allman's Alkires Post's Bonnet's Morrison's West's many others
to tegious to mention. I will say that I myself and a cousin of Indina have
traced our ancestors through North America back- to England even to Colonel
Francis Hacker who read the death warrant of King Charles the (1) first where
he was beheaded at White hall England after the thirty years war and the end
of the Romish yoke by Lord Cromwell and others. The name was then spelled
previous to this, Hecker; under the old Anglo Saxon of Germany, it was spelled —
Heckeredt: We go on farther to the seven high priests, that our sacred history
gives an account of, long before John Knox's time when they resolved to form a
band and called themselves Knight Templars and drew their swords in defence
of the widows the orphans and the Christian religion from thense we came and
now we stand my cousin informs me it would cost about ^800 to have his manu-
script published in book form, it appears that he does not want history of our
people published till after his death. I persume he is waiting to add to the last
days and moments of our lives, or his life while he remains with us on earth. I
would be very glad to know who this H W Hacker of Jane Lew is and what age
he is, if he is a man of means and moral and in good standing 1 could give him a
position with our manufacuring astablishment would like to correspond with him.
I am unable to make out who this Rev. William Hacker is perhaps he is a descendant
of my great grand father John Hacker's brother William. 1 had a cousin John
Hacker that was a preacher about Jane Lew. I beg of you in honor to the Hacker's
in general not to allow the name of Alexander Wither's to bear any connection^
to your rewriting the Border of War Fare. I knew a Rev Mr. Clark who I think
was connected with the Cincinnati Publishing Company about 42 years ago.
Could this be any relation to R. C. Clarke — if so, I know him to be a good preacher.
In answer to yours I could not say right now whether & where there any living
children of my grandfather. I think that Jonathan Hacker my fathers brother
is dead. I know that my father died in 1885 I think that William Hacker my
uncle is living in Tennessee. You might write L'ncle Daniel Helmick at Tenbon-
parise Tennessee if he Is living he can give you the desired information, he married
one of my fathers brothers daughters I think, or my grandfathers only sister 1
don't know which, there were seven children in my grandfathers family six bo}'s
and one girl. I will cheerfully do so from time to time, and hope to hear from
you often. I have a better head than I have a stead[y] hand, my daughter Mary
Ella H. has written this letter for me very hurridly and in a very much embarrased
condition this being the first attempt of writing a letter dictated, hope you will
excuse all urse and omittances and more aspecialy our paper, as I only received
your letter yesterday and under the pressure of buisness have been hurried to
answer your communication now approaching the "wee" hours of the night,
please find enclosed two cards which one will you choose.
I remain Yours Very Truly
William Granvill Hacker"
(24) See page 502.
Dk.m'kr Correspondknck 369
"W icinTA, Kas, May KH'' 1S91
"Lyman C. Drapkr
"Dr Sir: My father was born in 1816 his name, 'I'h^ S. Hacker. I was
his oldest child, born in 1841, & the only one living.
".My fatlier's father was Ale-x"" Hacker, a son of John Hacker. John & his
brother William Hacker settled at old fort Buchannon. John locating about
a mile and a half from Jam- I.iw. on the road from Jane Lew to Jackson's Mill
on the West Fork. (25)
"I did not say that my grandfather, .Mexr Hacker wrote ihe Chronicles of
Border Warfare, but by his father, John Hacker. (26) 1 cant iielp what other
claim, that VV^'" Hacker, John's son, wrote the Chronicles; or what John T. Hacker,
a Methodist minister, says, that W"^ Hacker, a .son of John, & one W"! Powers
did the gathering of the materials for the work. Thinks they are not old enough.
"The father of W'" Powers, married into the Hacker family. I knew W">
Powers when [I was] a small boy. John T. Hacker wd like to have owned the
whole world, but only got enough of it to lay his body on, after he came out of
the Confederate army. (27) ♦ * * *
"Sail\- Hacker, daughter of Jnlm Hacker, tiic pioneer, married l^avid Smith—
she lived to be 84 years old
"In answer to your question what did Withers pa_\- for the manuscript he
used in his work. Have no knowledge of Israel, the publisher. Have often heard
my parents speak of Wither's book, that he defrauded the Hackers out of the
title or authorship of the work. I have seen them shed tears over it. Withers
did [not] pay anything for the work, nor promise to pay anything. There was
some consideration made, I know, in regard to the publishing of the work with
John Hacker. There was a great intimacy between my father & Henry Withers,
son of .Mexr Withers, who kept a store some 6 or 7 miles on Hackers Creek, handed
down by his father There was something wrong about the publication of the book.
I c<l have known more, but I left that countrv in 1859, when I was abt. 18 vears
old.
"William Hacker, brother of John Hacker that came to Hackers' Creek —
there is not much known of him only as an Indian fighter. I suppose you are
aware that he lost his wife in the early settlement of Virginia near old fort Buc-
hannon— murdered by the Indians in a lull of peace, after they came to Hacker's
Creek about the year 1769 or 1770. From this time on, we find him killing Bald
Eagle on Hacker's Creek on tiie frontier with Jacob Scott & Elijah Runner. W"^
Hacker also took more Ind" scalps at BuUtown, in retaliation for the murder of
his family: The family of Strode [Stroud] living on Gauley river — in company
with a party of 5 men, two of whom were W"' White & W>" Hacker [destroyed
Bulltown.] Respectfully
W. C. Hackkr
B\' Eli, A Hacker"
"Lyman C Drapkr ".May IS'li 1891
"Madison, Wisconsin
'Dear Sir I am happy to inform you tiuit Uncle William Hacker married
a Scotch lady she was murded by the Indians about the time or .■^ome little time
(25) See page 502. (26) p.' 502. (27) p. 502.
370 Appendix I
before the second coming of Samuel Pringle in the year of 1768. I know of Pringle's
they with the Hackers Jackson's and Sleath's Davis Brown's and Hughes and
Radchif's settled in and around Buckhannon, my grand father Hesicha Hess
Peter Wagner my uncle David Smith Jaboc Cocad I have heard them talk this
over that W™ Hacker's wife had never been mentioned in the Border of Ware
Fare I have often when I was a small boy heard Peter Wagner once a captive
talk about these matters when he was a very old man I used to work for him,
spreading hay in harvest and have heard him tell Indian massacres and of his
capture. I have also heard Aunt Math Bonnet speak of WiUiam Hacker's wife
being murded by the Indians I have also heard the above parties speak of Aunt
Mary Wolf being murded. In the year according to record of Withers 1768 we
find that W"^ Hacker and John Hacker his brother my fathers grandfather with
others let out from Buckhannon or Bushs Fort and went on to the West Fork
of the Mongalia the following year now known as Hackers creek. And that W^-i
Hacker Jess Hugh's was the hunters with others that killed the game that supplied
those that tilled the ground and give considerable service to the new settlements
and once and a while take in an Indian on the sly I have heard folks speak in very
sly way about parties killing Indians and tha[t] W°> Hacker was getting revenge
or I should say did get revenge but there was but few people that knew it. W™
Hacker at the time his wife was murded did not have any children or as I never
heard any of his children spoken of. I seen that his brother John Hacker had a
girl a sister to Edmond West['s wife] a daughter of John Hacker 11 years in 1787
this Mary Hacker was my fathers great aunt that was scalped and stabbed seven
times in the body threw over the fence for dead by order of Lenard Schoolcraft
a trator to the whites, you take 1768 and 1787 and deduct the lesser from the
greater and you have 19 years between the time of the settling of Buckhannon
by the Hacker and the massachres and captures of the daughter of Jess Hughs
■on Hackers creek you take the eleven years from the 19 years and you have left
8 years, now this is supposed to be the youngest daughter of John Hacker, the
■oldest daughter marrying the Hess and Hughs, would bring the time or the elapse
of 8 years down that W"^ Hacker must have got married about the time his brother
John did my grandfather Hess. (28) I have heard him talk, with my father and
mother about killing an old Indian up above the mill dam by Jackson mill at
Jane Lew (29) and cutting him open filling him full of sand and sinking him in
the water I have went to the place to see if I could see him myself when I was
smal I cannot explain why W™ Hackers wife was not mentioned in the border of
War Fare any more than I can tell why this Indian grandfather Hess killed was
not mentioned by Withers, this is where I have heard the folks talk that Withers
hadn't all of the Hacker manuscript published I can not help what honorable
W"' Hacker of Shelbyville says, but I have heard Peter Wagner Jacob Corcad
Richard Baton Aunt Math Bonnet maiden name Hacker (30) Uncle David Smith
my father my grandfather Hess, and mother speak of the BuUtown that was
named Bultown by the Indians masachred and was spoken in a way that it was
W"^ Hacker and the two whites and two other parties that Withers has left out
that did murder those Indians for revenge now since I have written you the first
letter I called to memory what is known at the North edge of Braxton and South
edge of Lewis Co's a farm of plantation known as the Hacker by some Hacke
flats and Hacker plantation or Hacker farm near Jacksonville not a great ways
(28) See page 502. (29) p. 507. (30) p.507.
i
Draper Correspoxden'ce 371
from Sutonville talking with Mr. Law a few days ago of which he claimed relation-
ship to me, of which I have only known him a short time less than a year Mr Laws
wife was a Keth and her grandmother was a Hacker now I have no doubt in my
mind but that William Hacker married the second time in amongst the children
of his associates as I do know that he did associate with Jesse Hughs and that
Hughs and Keth's and Slegthcs and M^Xcamor Mackletess and Hackers arc all
related, with others I have not mentioned some of these a little distant relation
above mentioned to somewhat some others are a distinction being between John
H and W"" Hacker it is very evident that W"> Hacker has carried his side of the
relationship in a se[c]ond marriage to that of John H his brother as to the Bald
Eagle the old Indian cheif I am unable to say wether Bald Eagle had any hand
in the killing of Wm H. wife or not. (31) In regard to Elijah Runner the associate
of William Hacker and Jacob Scott as to Jacob Scott I have never seen but have
heard him spoken of frequently as to Elijah Runner I have been in his son's black-
smith shop or the original Elijah Runner I don't know which many a time when
I was about 8 or 10 years old Mr Runner was a very old man at that time and had
his home and shop located of Jessie Run Lewis Co W V^ my father was a very
intimate friend of Mr. Runner (32) I do not know of any of his family that is
living I have not known anything of Mr Runner for about 40 yars I have given
you the dates and all the information and what I have heard talked of when I
was small in regard of the killing of Mrs Hacker Bald Eagle and others that I
can it matters not what Mr Withers book has not chronocclized or has cronciklized
I have only given to you what I have learned and heard before I ever saw the
Border of War Fare that book I never saw until after I was 16 or 17 years old
then I precured one and read it and found that it did not contain all that I knew
before I saw the book as my memory from others and from old heads was my
education by listening reletting and remembering was all tiiat I had to speak of
I never could write to amount to anything or read writing to our last civil war I
will give you the name of a relative of ours that lives on Hacker creek West V*
Lewis Co. by the name of Nicklos Alkire who might give you information in regard
to Elijah Runner or Jacob Scott's children that would give the diserd information
W'hich you request of me. I will also refer you to Iscic Jackson Jane Lew West V^
I believe that I have answered all of your questions and the facts as near as I
possibly can
Yours Respetaly
W G Hacker (33)
Per E"
"Pen'nsboro Ritchie Co W Va
June 5/91
"L C Draper Esqr
"Dr Sir
''I received your letter and will try to get mydaughters Husband Mr T.\Brown
attorney at law at Elizabeth Wirt Co W V'a to attend to your request but if he
cant spare the time I will consider the Proposition my self the Book was written
by Grandfather Powers and a Friend at his own house I have the table uppon
which it was written. Withers was only employed by him to make it ready for
the Press in case Mr Brown will undertake it I will furnish him with what informa-
(31) Sec page 507. (32) p. 507. (33) p. 507.
372 Appendix I
tion I have and can collect, which I think will be considerable. Please write to
him and if he cannot undertake the correspondence I will do the best I can to help
you out with your undertaking.
with the best wishes that you may sucksead in seting rite a long standing
wrong to my Grandfather and his descendents to God and mankind I bid you
A Respectful adiew
William. M. Powers
PS — always consider me at your service Wm M. P."
"Pennsboro Ritchie Co W Va
June 27/91
"L C Draper L. L. D.
''Dear Sir
as I roat to you before I met with an accident that nearly cost me my life
but am getting some better so that I am able to write a little agane I have written
to various ones for information and I think we will soon begin to reap a rich harvest
I am doing every thing I can to ade in the cause and I would thank you for any
suggestion you think Proper to make you asked in your first letter if Grandfather
was a Publick man yes — under the Virginia law of his day. I have understood
that the madgistrate was appointed instead of elected as is now the case and
after being madgistrate for so long then they served a turn of Sheriff and then
Madgistrate for so long againe at any rate my Grandfather was [has] filled the
two offices for a grate number of years he also held a commision as captain (34)
in the Indian war and had charge of some posts on the Ohio River and was a can-
didate for the legislature but was defeated by one voat. He was a Freemason
and was known and respected as far as any man in western Virginia in his day
and when he died he was buried in the honors of war the melistia was commanded
by Col. D. H. Smith now dead and the general Program was aralnged by Hon
Blackwell Jackson of Jane Lew now dead now as to this statement I will write
and find out some of the statement who of his old nabors are living and give you
thare address: he drew a Pension from the U. S. Government you ask in the second
letter who aded Grandfather: W">. Hacker the first male white child born on the
crick and the crick was named after this W^. Hacker (35) to what extent did he
assist whether in writing or gathering the statements I dont know but as I have
always understood that grandfather was the author of the book it would be reson-
able to suppose that Hacker furnished infermation and grandfather did the writing
as grandfather was a good scribe and a well educated and informed man for the
backwoods: this would seam the true case but to as I have never herd the Hacker
Family lay any clame to the authorship of the Book in such cases we only can
infer from what reason teaches at what Period did your grandfather work — I
dont know; but would suppose him to be from 50 to 60 years old when he done it
what araingements did he make with withers I always understood that withers
was only imployed by grand father to correct or rather to devide in chapters and
such like, so as to be ready for the Press without delay so that the type setting
could be gone on with without delay; but what Pay he was to have I dont know-
did withers fulfill what he agreed to do in the matter I have understood that he
left out considerable that should have ben in it especially some fites with indiens
which grandfather was in was this assistant of your grand -father connected with
(34) See page 507. (35) p. 507.
I
Ukapkr C(jrrespondknce 375
this withers arraingemciit I think not 1 never herd so; in fact, 1 never herd tiiat lie
lade any claim to the work. 1 think if he demanded any thing that grandfather
must have satisfied liim. what became of the manuscript statements Joseph
Israel the Printer, ran of to the west and took the manuscripts with him and that
was the reason always asigned by grandfathers family wli\ trrandfather didnt
go to law for his property and I think he was getting old. and altho a very brave
man and grate tighter, 1 tiiink rather tiian go to law he would suffer wrong, how
many Pages of them wasc ihare or about how many? 1 have no Knowledge
when and whare did your grandfather die and at what age? at his home near
Jane Lew June 6" 1855 in his 90''' year, dont know when born but know he was
nearly 90 when he died whare was he born at what was then known as Powers
foart on Simpsons Crik wliarc the town of bridgeport now stands in Harrison
County, W. Va. (.16)
and when settled in west \ a 1 Joni know when his failicr setied in w va but he
came from Hagersluwn M. D. lha\- once owned liie land thai hagerstown stands
on; thay decended from very welthy europeans, 1 bclive thay ware inglish:
grandfather's grandfather once owned 10 merchant ships was he old enough to
take any part in the Indian wars yes and did take Part and was not given credit
with it in his own book on p 105 (37) of withers work is given an account of the
deth of Bald Eagle what was it led to his murder I dont know but will try to find
out on p 10() (38) the destruction of Bulltown is it correct I dont know but will
try to find out do you know when and whare Jacob Scott & Elijah Runner died &c
thare ages & descendants do not I know a Elijah Runnion perhaps he is one L C
Draper a man I gratly respect let me apoligise for this delay I could have got
others to write in fact made the trial but met witii such Poor success that I stoped
untill I could write myself now kind old friend he sure and write all you want to
and ask all questions you want and he assured I will L'iadh' do my best to answer
them correctly as I can of course I know nothing only by tradition but of course
that is all you can expect and to dont send stamped envilopes to me I will not put
you to that expense in your old days altho a Poor Enjinear &: inventor yet it dos
me more good than you think to correspond with a man of your integrity lerning
and such — now may you live to complete all your works and to enjoy the fruits
of your labors and when you go hence as we all must inay you find the Peas which
Paseth understanding
Kind Friend fair the well
W'm. M. Powkrs"
"Pennsboro RrrciiiK Co \\ \'^
July 4791
'"L C Drai'kr
"1)r Sir
"I received your letter a day or two ago and will tr\- to answer your inqur>'s
the best I can
"1st Grandfathers Fathers name was John; dont know when he was born
or when he died or his age: he owned a farm at VV'estfield on the West fork river
5 or 6 miles below weston the 1st site of Lewis Co but the site was moved to wcston
and the town dwindled to nothing I think thare is where he died Kather moved to
Kans and took his Grandfathers large Eamih' Bible witii him a lari/e planly eUL'raved
<3()) See page 507. (37) p. 507. (38) p. 507.
374 Appendix I
Bible costing ?17 dollars at that time would cost about ^3.50 only now Father is
dead and I fear I cant find the record of Great Grandfathers birth but at any
rate I have wrote to day to my Brother in Kansas to send me the records of Grand-
father and his Father and a copy of Grandfathers commission as captian of the
post on the ohio river if he can find them I have understood from outside partys
that the name of the Fort at Bridgeport was Powers fort; (39) I never herd our
■family call it by that name; but I dont doubt but that was the name of the fort
I have herd Grandfather sa}^ he knew when the city of Clarksburg was all
in the woods and that is only 5 miles west of Bridgeport now Joseph Johnson was
once Govner of Virginia and a relation of Grandfathers he was living a few years
ago but is very likely to be dead by this time but his children might know all about
the Powers Family while they lived at Bridgeport he had a soninlaw by the name
of English who used to visit Grandfather often, some years before he died. I
am satisfied If he is living he could give you very valuable information: 2d yes,
Father and me Placed a marble Headstone at his grave in 1861 that will give the
dates in full & it may be his Father was buried there (at Broad Run Graveyard)
also 3d I have understood he had the office of sheriff several terms. I recollect
the last time he had it when he was eighty odd years old and could not ride the
County and sold the office to other partys: he has a Grand Son by the name of
Levi Bond at Lost Creek Postoffice Harrison Co W Va who must be about 70 I
expect he knows how often he had the ofliice and mite have other valuable informa-
tion but if you address him dont mention my name as we ar not on good terms
"4 never saw Joseph Israel he must have Run off soon after publishing the
Border warefare 5 Elija Runnion died (40) about 1858 aged about 60, thirty years
or more younger than Grandfather was a renter & laborer; lived in Lewis & Harri-
son Countys and liked a dram; has a son Wm Runnion at Jane Lew or Buchanen
I dont know which
"Wm. D. Powers was my father he is dead I have written more letters of in-
quiry & will write some more be assured your letters is always welcom
Your True Friend
William M. Powers"
"Pennsboro Ritchie Co W Va
July 20/91
"Lyman C Draper
"Dr Sir
"I have ben wating to hear from the letters I wroat to difron Parties for inform-
ation in regard to Grandfather & his works but have received no answer as yet I
have written to the P M in Kansas to find my Brothers address as I havent got no-
answer from the letter I sent my Brother he must have moved I have written
other leters of enquiry and hope to gane some information from some of them I
have lerned from enquiry that Luther Haymond the Cashier of the 1st National
Bank of Clarksburg is still living he is as Honerable Alan as West Virginia affords
he was an old friend of Grandfathers I believe if you would write to him he could
give you more information about Grandfather & his Book & his Indian fighting-
than any other man now living I recollect of hearing the old folks talk of two
fights that Grandfather had with Indians one was with Elis & Jess Hughes & Alex
West Grandfather & others the indeans had taken a lot of Prisoners and these-
(39) See page 507. (40) p. 508.
Draper Correspondence 375
men folowed them and overtook them at night and wated till in the nite and the
attacked Indians and recaptured the Prisoners John Rony a white Boy captive
was I believe the only white one kiled in the battle he also was in the fight with
them I think some whare in the country in company with Col Lowther and others
and one of thare Party one John Bonnet I think was kiled in the fight and they
caried his remanes as long as thay could and rapt him in a blanket & buried him
in a cave in the rocks.
Vour 'I'ru Friend
\\M. M. PowiiRs"
"Pennsboro W \'a Aug 12/91
"Lyman C Drapkr Ritchie Co
"Dr Sir
"I have just received a letter from my Brother giving old family records &c
he says thare is no exact record of the birth of our grate grandfather John but will
suppose he was born between the years 1740 & 1745 since the record of the birth
of his eldest son Thomas is 1763 John Powders the husband of Prudence was born
Probably about 1742 and deceased Oct 26 1823 his son William the 2nd son of
John and Prudence and the Husband of Hannah was born Nov 9 1765 and de-
ceased June 6 1855 he say he cant tiiid Grandfathers commission as captane
in the Indian war but has sean his land warrent for 160 akers of land entitled to
him as a soldier I lia\e written several letters of enquiry about Grandfather but
only Part of them have been answered and such as was was not of any value if
this had only ben begun some 15 years ago before some of those who knew about
old times died it would have ben an easy mater to find out about it but now it
seam nearly impossible to obtain much information on the subject I have ben
informed by one who I wrote to for information that Aliss Withers a grandaughter
of the Clament of Border warefare is at work overhawling hur grandfathers Book
with the intention of having it republished I understand that Noah Flesher of
Weston Lewis co is Prepareing a similar work for Publication I wish to keep you
informed about such matters as well as I can
"You wrote me in your last letter that your Lady was very sick Pleas re-
ceive my sympathy for you & hur we have had sickness in our family at times
I know the trouble and the sorrow of it and if what we see with the hewman eye
was ail it would be sad indead but when we look through sickness sorrow Pane
and death with the eyes of the spirit upheld by our Savior then we have hope of
eternal safety beyond the river that we all must cross may she be upheld by his
Spirit that he Promised to send us all and when she starts over the Jordan that
Jordan that we all must cross may she cross not with sadness & regret but with
the Joy of the blest
From your ever Gratefull
Friend
Wm M Powers"
"Jane Lew W \a May 26 91
"Mr Lyman C Draper
"Dear Sir I Received yours of 9 and in Reply I do not know very Much
a bout the Early Settles of this Country all Though my Grand & Create Grand
376
Appendix I
Fathers was a most the first Settlers of this Country tha Emigrated her[e] from
New Jersey 1st you wish to know How the Work of Withers Border War Fare
Was goten up and How the People Regarded it. I think Withers Wrote it and
Wti. Powers gave Him the Most of the Sketches I was acquainted With Both
that is Withers & Powers and they Were Good Men and I think Whot Sketches
thay give were very Corect as far as I know; I never Read it but understand it
to be only a few of the Many accurences With the Indians in this Section of the
Country I Supose thar is no person here that knows anything about the killing
of Indian Bald Eagle tha is a Mr Cutright (41) at Hinkle's Ville Upshur Co W V*
I under Stand he is 91 years old he mite give you some good infermation I do
not know any descendants of Jacob Scott or Elija Runnen W™. Powers Has a
Grand Son Lives at Pennsborough Ritchie Co W V^ Martime Powers the Reason
I did not Write Sooner is I thought I Mite git Some More infermation but I do
not know of any More I Have Heard My Grand Father Jackson & other Old
People Tell a good deal about the Early days of this Country but I was young
then and tha ar all pased a way and thar is but few that can give Much account
of the Indian Times in this Country Now. So I Give you all the Infermation
I cold
Yours &C
J. W. Jackson" (42)
(41) See page 508. (42) p. SOS.
APPENDIX II
The former presence of the liutialo, i»r American Bison, has
been traced as far east as Ca\etown, Marx hmel, and records show
that it was not unknown in the j-iroximity of the (leor^ia coast,
f LA HISTORIA GENER
AL
'^'^'^^^lM:::.-^
yenoj.in : finsdnentc cs animal ko y fiero dero-
ftro,y cucrpo, I luyC' de los los caujUos por fii ma-
la caMdura,o por nuiica los nuer vifco. No ticnen
fus durhos otra dqiieia , m haiicnd j , dcllos co-
n;en,l>euen,vilkn,c.il^an , y liaien mudias colas
■dcJosciicros,cani$,cali;ado,veftidoyro[;a«:dcIo»
Jiuciros,piin9C)Hcs:dclos iieruios,v pdos, hilo;d<j
los ctieinos,biii.lics,v bcxigas , valbsidclas bcni-
^as,Uimbrc:y debs tci ncras , odits , eii que traen
y ticiitn aptia : liazen en fin untas colas deilos
quinus Iian meitf Iter, o quantas las baftan p"ara
-fii Inuienda.Ay tatnbicn orros animales, un pran
jclfs coirio cauallo.sqiie por tcner cucnios , y lali»
^fiiifijK'S llaman cariicros,y diren , que cada cucr-,
no pt(i dos airouas. Ay t.imbicn grandcs pciios,
que
J
The Buffalo of Gomara
Courtcsv of Smithsonian Instiiiiiidii
but no remains of it has ever been found adjacent to the Atlantic
seaboard. Handbook of American Indians, Part I, p. 169.
While the animal was known to some of the inland valley
Indians east of the Appalachians, and where its presence in his-
toric times is attested b\- an occasional geographical name, it was
not common in that region. This miijht\' mountain range was a
378 . Appendix II
barrier to eastern migration, broken only by a few passes. It was
crossed by buffalo and Indian trails at- —
Cumberland Gap, Kentucky and Tennessee.
Head of the James River, Virginia.
Head of the Potomac River, West Virginia.
Head of the Juniata River, tributary to the Susquehanna,
Pennsylvania. Hulbert's Washington and the West, New York,
1905, pp. 17, 18.
Wagon roads, then railways have been built through all of these
passes, practically following the old paths, or trails in question.
The great range of the buffalo was between the Allegheny
and the Rocky Mountains, with general migrations North and
South. While a recognized plains animal, it was more widely
diffused throughout the Trans-Allegheny and western Virginia,
than has been supposed; but never in extensive herds. This, in
a measure, was owing to the great dearth of grasses in the dense
forests; which, however, was more open then than at a later period.
Especially is this true in those regions where this animal and
droves of deer and elk were wont to feed. Clear Creek, Clearfield
County, Pa., was so called by the Indians because of the exten-
sive aeries there cleared of underbrush, destroyed by buffaloes.
On the Border with Colonel Antes, p. 67.
In dealing numerically with the Trans-Allegheny buffalo,'
there was one factor that has never been properly considered.
The animal, a lumbering beast, lived there the year round, and
its numbers, especially in winter, must have been greatly deci-
mated by the innumerable packs of timber wolves which infested
this vast wilderness. Young calves and isolated individuals fell
an easy prey to this voracious, fleet-footed carnivora. Escape
by flight was impossible. Doddridge, p. 104, speaks of the destruc-
tiveness of the wolf to the cattle of the early settlers. Waddell
testifies to their former great numbers, their scourge to the west-
ern settlers and bounty paid for their scalps. — Annals oj Augusta
County, pp. 22, 42.
Easily hunted, the buffalo became practically extinct soon
after the advent of the white man on the western waters, and
allusion to it by the chronicles is casual. It was a century before
the more wily, tenacious elk was exterminated in the alpine-like
regions of the Alleghenies. The following data on the subject is
from the Draper Manuscripts, LBB46-49, Wisconsin State His-
BlFFALO IN W ESTERN \ IRGIMA 379
torical Society. ^''The Buffalo or Bison in West I'irginia,''^ "frotn
Geological Survey of Kentucky,^'' ''''The Ainerican Bison" by J. A.
Allen, 1876.
"Warden also refers to tlie former existence of buffaloes in the western part
of Pennsylvania and to tlieir early extinction there and in Kentucky. (1) Gallatin
says: The name of Buffalo Creek, between Pittsburg and Wheeling, proves that
'hey had spread thus far eastwardly when that country was first settled by the
Anglo-Americans. (2) Further to the southward, in West \'irginia, in the \'allies
of the Kanawha and its tributaries, as well as thence westward, the former abun-
dance of the buffalo is well attested.
"One of the earliest references to the existence of the buffalo in West \'irginia
is that contained in the Journal of the Rev. David Jones, who in 1772, made a
journey to the Indian tribes west of the Ohio River. (3) Under date June 18,
1772, he writes: 'Went out to view the land on the east side [of the Little Kanawha]
to kill provisions. Mr. Owens killed several deer, and a stately buffalo bull,
i'he country is here level, and the soil not despicable.' In speaking of that part
if the \'allcy of the Ohio near the mouth of the 'Great Guiandot,' he says under
date of January, 1773: 'In this part of the country even at this season, pasturage
is so good that creatures are well supplied without any assistance. Here are great
abundance of buffalo, wliicii are a species of cattle, as some suppose, left here by
the former inhabitants.' In describing the country about Wheeling he says:
'The wild beasts met wiili iicre are bears, wolves, panthers, wild cats, foxes, rac-
coons, beavers, otters, and some few squirrels and rabbits; buffaloes, deer and
elk, called by the Delawares moos.' (4)
"Buffaloes are well-known to have existed on the Monongahela, and (5)
throughout the region between this river and the Ohio, over the area drained by
the Little Kanawha, Buffalo, Fishing, Wheeling, and other small tributaries of
the Ohio, where it is said to have been much interval or open land, (6) and thence
southward to the Great Kanawha. As already noticed, there is abundant evi-
dence of its former existence on the sources of the Kanawha, extending to the
head of the Greenbrier Rivers, in Pocahontas County, and thence eastward, at
times at least, over the sources of the James.
"Gallatin states that in his time (1784-85) "they were abundant on the southern
-ide of the Ohio, between the Great and Little Kanawha. I have during eight
months lived principally upon their flesh.' (7). The following additional testi-
mony, contained in a letter written by Dr. Charles McCormick, dated Fort Gibson,
Cherokee Nation, August 18, 1844, is furnished by Dr. P^lliott Coues. Dr. McCor-
nick says: 'I have just seen Capt. [Nathan] Boone, and he promises to write
nd tell you all about it.' In the meantime, he says, he killed his first buffalo
- imewhere about 1793, on the Kanawha in Virginia. He was then quite a small
iioy. He has also killed buffalo on New River, and neai the Bic Sand\-, in \'irginia
in '97 and '98. (8)
"The Bison Americanus, or wild buffalo, had retired from Western New
York and Pcnnvslvania to the Ohio V'allev.
"H. T. Wiley's Hist, of Monongalia Co., JF. I'a., p. 26, says: \\ mile or so
(1) See paee 508. (2) p. 508. (3) p. 508. (4) p. 508. (5) p. 508. (6) p. 508. (7) p. 508.
(8) p. 508.
380 Appendix II
from Stewart-town is the 'Buffalo Pond' — a long, narrow hollow, with high rocky
sides running back from Cheat River, and terminating in a wall ten or twelve
feet high. It is asserted that the Indians used this as a trap for buffaloes. They
drove the bison up into it from the river, and then shot them."
"Buffalo Creek in Logan Co., W. Va. — on scrap of W. Va., in Mitchells'
Atlas of 1884.
"1756 — Buffalo killed on Shawnee expdn. on Sandy Tug Fork: — Withers,
63-64 [p. 83, new edition]. (9)
"1767-69: Buffalo on Buchanan R. — Barbour Co. — Water of Monorigahela:
Withers, 91-93 [pp. 120-122, new edition]. (10)
"In 1784, in descending the Ohio, Gen. Aluhlenberg first mentions killing
buffalo, below Hockhocking.
"In Oct. 1785 Gen. Butler mentions first buffalo killed at Big Sandy.
"1770 — In the autumn of 1770, when Washington made his Ohio Tour, he
went as low as the Great Kenhawa and up that stream about fourteen miles,
finding 'buffaloes and other wild game in great abundance.' Sparks^ Washington,
I, 121, II, 524, 525, 528.
"In 1780, buffalo were so plenty on the Little Kenhawa that Col. Brodhead
sent hunters there for a supply of buffalo meat for use of his troops at Fort Pitt.
(Hist, of Fayette Co. Pa., p. 86.)
"1773 — Rev. D. Jones' Journal mentions buffaloes — p. 30.
"Doddridge is indefinite as to buffaloes in Monongahela country — pp. 8 J,
123, &c.
"About 1742, in Augusta Co., Va., Withers, 43 [p. 50, new edition]. (11)
"Between 1763 and 1774, there were some buffaloe and elk to be seen in the
Greenbrier country. Kercheval's Hist, of the Valley, 2nd edn., 230.
"Range of the bison: see The Nation, Aug. 16, 1877, 105." (12)
This history of the bison in western Virginia is far from
complete.
Christopher Gist, who was sent into the Trans-Allegheny by
the Ohio Company in 1750-52, saw droves of forty to fifty buffalo
on the Little Miami River, Ohio. Gisfs Journals, Pittsburg,
1893, p. 55.
Killed one barren buffalo cow on the Little Miami River,
Ohio, p. 56.
Killed two buffalo on the Little Kanawha, p. 60.
Killed a buffalo on the Big Kanawha, p. 64.
1752, Killed two buffaloes on the waters of Monongahela
River, p. 73.
1752, Killed four buffaloes while camped at mouth of Law-
wellaconin Creek (Pond Creek, Wood County, West Va.), p. 76.
1752, Molchuconickon, or Buffalo Creek (Middle Island
Creek, in Tyler, Doddridge and Pleasants Counties, West Va.,)
p. 16.
(9) See page 508. (10) p. 508. (11) p. 508. (12) p. 508.
Buffalo in \\ fstkrn \ ir(;ima 381
1752, Xeemokeesy Creek, "saw signs of buffalo, elk and deer,
which frequented a large cave to lick a kind of saltish clay which
I found there in the cave" (cave 50 by 150 feet wide), p. 76.
Gist speaks of killing a black fox at this place.
173-, John Macky hunts buffalo on the Shcnaneloah and
James Rivers, in Virginia. Xotc by Draper, Withers, p. 50.
1738-40, John Sailing, a captive with the Cherokees,
kills a buffalo at the Salt Springs in Kentuck}-. Withers, p. 48.
176-, The Pringles purloin jerked buffalo meat from
Indians on Buckhannon River. Chapter IX, this vol.
1769, John Hacker kills buffalo cow on waters of C^reat
Kanawha. Chapter \T, this vol.
1788, Buffalo in Kentucky. Withers, p. 373.
1796, Buffalo on Fishing Creek. (Wetzel County West \'a.)
If 'it hers, p. 374. Deli ass gives the date 1786, p. 294.
Buffalo killed in (now) Jackson County, West Va., by
W illiam Bibbee, date unknown. Chapt. XXIII, this vol.
1772, In a hunt on New Year's day settlers kill seven buf-
faloes on Elk Creek, in (now) Harrison County, West Va.
1790, Buffalo bull killed in autumn, on Hughes River, in
(perhaps) now Ritchie County, West \ a.
1791, Two buffaloes killed in March, on the West Fork of
the Little Kanawha River.
1792, Two buffalo hunters killed b\- Indians while canoeing
on the Little Kanawha.
Haymo7id^s History of Harrison County, If est J a., pp. 21,
122, 359, 360.
1774, May 17, 300 buffaloes seen at a "salt spring" on Ken-
tucky River.
.1774, Aug. 4, "a gang of Buffaloes" met on the Kentucky
River, two killed.
1774, Oct. 17, Indians seen hunting buffaloes on I he lower
Great Kanawha River.
1774, Oct. 26, buffalo "sign" observed on the Ohio side of
the river opposite Point Pleasant.
Dunmore's JVar, pp. 122, 133, 286, 369.
1805, last buffalo seen in the region of Huntington, Cabell
County, West Va.
"'I'lic last buffalo killed in Kanawha County. West \ a., was in 1815, on the
waters (if tlic l.ittio Sand\- Creek of Klk Ri\er. about twei\c- miles from Charleston.
382 Appendix II
The last elk killed in that country was in 1820 on Two Mile Creek of Elk River,
about five and a half miles from Charleston." Trans-Allegheny Pioneers — p. 62.
The same authority continues "It is said that vast herds of buffalo summered
in the Kanawha Valley, 'in an early day,' within reach of the Salt Spring, or
'Buffalo Big Lick,' as it was called, and in the fall, went to the grass regions of
Ohio and Kentucky, and the cane brakes of the Kentucky streams. Their routes
were — for Kentucky, down through Teay's Valley, and for Ohio, down Kanawha
to Thirteen Mile Creek, and over to Letart, where they crossed the Ohio River.
Colonel Croghan, who came down the Ohio in a boat in 1765 encountered a vast
herd crossing at Letart."
"In 1825 — at least as late as that — a buffalo cow and her calf were killed at
Valley Head, near the source of Tygart's River, * * * * About 1830 the
wife of Thomas B. Summerfield shot an elk at a lick near the head of Sandy Creek,
a branch of the Dry Fork of Cheat River. Five years later Abraham Mullenix
killed another elk at the same place. In 1840 another was killed on Red Creek,
in Tucker County. In 1843 three hunters from Dry Fork, Joab Carr and two
men named Flannagan, killed three elk on the Black Fork of Cheat River, near
where the present town of Davis now stands. So far as known these were the
last elk killed on the soil of West Virginia, but the animal was not extinct for
fifteen or twenty years later. Hunters were not able to bring any in, but they
knew their haunts, and spent considerable time chasing them, almost as late as
the beginning of the Civil War. The animals last range .was in the Canaan Valley
in Tucker County, and one of the last hunters to pursue them was William Losh
of Tucker." Trans- Allegheny Historical Magazine, pp. 200-201.
In 1867 an elk was killed by an unknown hunter at Elk Lick
on Middle River, Pocahontas County. I heard it related in a
hunter's camp on Greenbrier River in 1878, that only a few years
previous, the enormous antler of an elk, recently cast, had been
found in the mountain fastness of Pocahontas County. Tracks
of the animal had also been seen near the headwaters of the Cheat
River, no later than 1873.
Buffaloes the maker of "McColloch's path," (Preston County,
WestVa.) mentioned in Washington's Diary of Sept. 1784. Wash-
ington and the West, Vol. I, p. 67.
Buffalo and Indian path, or trail followed by the Baltimore and
Ohio Southern Railway, Doddridge, and Wood Counties, West Va.
Hiilberfs Historic Highways, Cleveland, 1904, Vol. I, p. 138.
"Granny's Creek," in Braxton Cou;ity, received its name
when Henry Jackson commenced a survey thereon and one of his
hunters named Loudin, killed a buffalo cow, which was so old and
tough that the men declared her to be the grandmother of all
buffaloes.
The low gap between Rover's Run and Buckhannon Run,
Buffalo ix \\ ester x \ irgixia 3S3
just cast of my boyhood home on the last named stream, was
known as a "Buffalo \\ allow, or Slumping (jround." The soil is
a stiff red clay, and over an area of perhaps a quarter of an acre,
there was a depression of from one to two feet, devoid of timber.
I was familiar with this "wallow" while the ridge was yet covered
with forest; but it has since been practically obliterated by the
plow. There was also a small "bear wallow" on the opposite high
ridge next to Bridge Run, which was visible only a few years ago.
A slightly brackish or saline spring, on Bone Creek, a tribu-
tary of Hughes River, Ritchie County, West Virginia, was evi-
dently a resort of buffalo aiul other large animals. The spring,
or lick, is on the old Somerville farm near Auburn, and is located
at the head of a shallow marshy ravine in the creek bottom. The
deep paths worn in the banks of the ra\ine by the hoofs of the
animals were still visible when I visited it in 1879. The Creek
derived its name from the numerous bones and teeth found at
this "Bone Lick." Some of the teeth were very large. One seen
and described by Captain John Somerville as a "double molar"
was evidenth' that of a mastodon. Another remarkable specimen
was a "tusk" which, when "placed with either point on a table,
described an arch through which a large in\'erted teacup could
be passed."
Evidence of an occupation of this bottom b}- the aborigines
were not lacking. A grooved, well-polished, hard stone axe,
about six inches in length, was ploughed up just above the lick.
In another part of the same field, and near a living spring, stood
an oak, not less than three feet in diameter. This tree was made
into rails, and when cut, it was found to have been ineffectually
girdled when onh' about five inches in diameter. The girdling
was about two feet from the ground and was a series of bruises
from a blunt implement, such as would be produced with a stone
axe. The injury caused a swelling, or ridged growth, in whicii at
one point a small cavity had formed. In this was a sandstone,
one inch in thickness — other dimensions not given.
In 1886 Captain Somerville in digging a fish pond about tift\'
feet below where the last mentioned spring now comes to the sur-
face, at a depth of three feet took out a quantity of stone where
the spring had at some former time, been systematical!}' walled.
Flint implements and other relics of primitive industry have often
been unearthed by the plow contiguous to these springs.
384 Appendix II
Buffalo Geographical Names of West Virginia.
For assistance in the following compilation, I am indebted to
Mr. David B. Reger, Assistant State's Geologist of West Virginia.
Gannatt's Gazetteer of West Va. (Bulletin No. 233, U. S. Geological
Survey, 1904) was also consulted.
Buffalo Creek, tributary to the Little Kanawha; Braxton
County.
Buffalo Creek, rising in Pennsylvania and flowing west through
Brook County, into the Ohio.
Buffalo Calf Fork, branch of Middle Island Creek, Doddridge
County.
Buffalo Creek, small tributary of Meadow River; Fayette
and Greenbrier Counties; so named from quantities of "buffalo
grass" found there by first settlers.
Buffalo Fork, affluent of Meadow River; Fayette County.
This stream is called "Buffalo Lick Branch," in Col. Fleming's
Orderly Book, where "Camp 5th" was pitched by Gen. Lewis'
Army on the night of Sept. 15, 1774. Dunmore'' s War, 321.
Buffalo Creek, small tributary to New River; Fayette and
Summers Counties.
Buffalo Creek, tributary to North Branch of Potomac;
Grant County.
Buffalo Creek, tributary to Monongahela River; Harrison
County.
Buffalo Creek, Jackson County.
Buffalo Lick, tributary to Mill Creek; Jackson County.
Buffalo Lick, small affluent of Elk River; Kanawha County.
Buffalo Fork, small branch Hughes Creek; Kanawha County.
Buffalo Fork, branch of Smither's Creek; Kanawha County.
Buffalo Lick, small unchartered stream entering Hacker's
Creek from the south, just east of the John Hacker homestead;
Lewis County.
Buffalo Creek, small branch of Mud River; a tributary of
Guyandot River; Lincoln County.
Buffalo Creek, small left-hand tributary to Guyandot River;
Logan County.
Buffalo Creek, small right-hand branch of Guyandot River;
Logan County. (Noted by Draper.)
Buffalo in \\ estkrn \'irc;ini.\ 385
BufTak) Mountain, Logan and \\ ymnine Counties: elevation,
2000 to 2500 feet.
Buffalf) Creek, small branch <if 'I'uir I'l'ik <i(' Big Saiuly Ri\er;
Mingo Count}'.
Buffalo Creek, large tributary to the Moncmgahela Ri\er;
Alonongalia and Marion Counties.
Buffalo Creek, tributary to Mlk Ri\er; Nicholas and Clay
Counties.
Buffalo Hills, elevation, 2000 to 2500 feet; Pendleton County.
Buffalo Run, now called "Trout Run," near Franklin; Pen-
dleton Count)'.
Buffalo Run, iorincr name of a small tiibular}' to Cheat
River; Preston County.
Buffalo Creek, large tributary to Cheat River; Preston
Count}'.
Buffalo Mountain, spur-ridge near where the Staunton and
Parkersburg Pike scales the Allegheny Mountain; Pocahontas
County. So named because of its resemblance to the profile of
an enormous buffalo. Rev. \\ illiam T. Price, of Marlington,
\\ est \ a., writes me: "From a point of view one or two miles to
the southwest, the contour of this spur is suggestive of the 'Amer-
ican Spread Eagle.'
Buffalo Ridge, summit in Marthas Ridge; Pocahontas County.
Buffalo Fork, tributar}' to East Fork of Greenbrier River;
Pocahontas Count}'.
Buffalo Run, small branch of Deer Creek, tributar}- to North
Fork of Greenbrier River; Pocahontas Count}'.
Buffalo Creek, tributar}' to the Great Kanawha; Putnam
Count}'.
Buffalo Ridge, Putnam Count}'.
Buffalo, post-village, named from Big Buffalo Creek; PutJiam
Count}'.
Buffalo-lick, post-village; Roane Count}'.
Buffalo Fork, small tributar}' to Clear Fork of Coal River;
Raleigh Count}'.
Buffalo Run, two small branches, having the same name, of
Middle Island Creek: Tyler Count}'.
Buffalo Lick Run, small unchartered branch ot Bull Run;
Upshur Count}'.
386 Appendix II
Buffalo Bull Knob, summit in Webster County.
Buffalo Run, tributary to Right Fork of Middle Fork of
Little Kanawha; Webster County.
Buffalo Lick Great, forks of Elk River; Webster County. See
Chapter VI, this vol.
Buffalo Fork, tributary of Back Fork or Right Fork of Little
Kanawha; W'ebster County. See Chapter VI, this vol.
Buffalo Run, branch of South Fork of Fishing Creek; Wetzel
County.
Buffalo Creek, small branch of Little Huff Creek; tributary
to Guyandot River; Wyoming County.
Buffalo , tributary to Pond Creek; W^ood County.
There are a number of streams within the State which bear
the name "bull;" such as bull creek, bull run, bull fork and bull
lick. It is more than probable that the most of these, if not all
of them, were named from some incident connected with bull-
buffaloes. The majority of our watercourses were named in the
earliest settlement of the country; and these names can hardly
be associated with our domestic cattle. This deduction will also
hold when applied to the several geographical appellations denoting
^'cow," and "calf."
Buffalo in Virginia East of the Allegheny Mountains.
Buffalo Gap; middle branch of the Shenandoah River.
Withers, p. 50.
"The buffalo roamed at will over these hills and valleys, and
in their migrations made a well-defined trail between Rockfish
Gap, in the Blue Ridge, and Buffalo Gap, in the North Mountain,
passing by the present site of Staunton." Annals of Augusta
County, p. 7.
A section of a buffalo path is still to be seen one mile north of
the bridge crossing the Cowpasture River, on the Harrisonburg
and Hot Springs Pike; in Bath County.
Old hunters reported that buffaloes frequented the salt licks
at (now) Saltville; in Smythe County.
Buffalo Run; Amherst County.
Buffalo River; Amherst and Nelson Counties.
Buffalo Ridge; Amherst and Nelson Counties. Elevation
1,000 feet.
Bui TALO IX W kstern \ irgima 3^7
Buffalo Ilill; Augusta County.
Buffalo Branch; tributary to Shenandoah River, Augusta
Count}".
Buffalo Cap; caused by Buffalo Branch, in Little North
Mountains, Augusta County.
Buffalo Gap; post village, Augusta Ct)unt\'. .\ltitude.
1,882 feet.
Buffalo Creek; affluent Roanoke River, Bedford and Campbell
Counties.
Buffalo Creek; tributar}- Roanoke River, Botetourt County.
Buffalo Gap; tributary' James River, Buchanan Count)'.
Buffalo Creek; tributar\' Roanoke River; Ilalifa.x Count}'.
Buffalo Lithia Springs; post village, Mecklenburg Count}'.
Buffalo Junction; post village, Alecklenburg County. (Named
from Buffalo Lithia Springs.)
Buffalo Creek; tributary James River, Nelson County.
Buffalo Station; post village, Nelson Count}'.
Buffalo Springs; r. r. station. Nelson County.
Buffalo Ridge; post village, Patricks Count}'.
Buffalo Creek; branch of Appomattox River, Prince h'.dward
Count}'.
Buffalo Creek; righl-hand tributar}' James River, Rockbridge
Count}'.
Buffalo Creek; left-hand tributar}' James River, Rockbridge
Count}'.
Buffaloforge; post village, Rockbridge County.
Buffalo Mills; post village, Rockbridge Count}-.
Buffalo Ford; crossing the North Fork of Holston River,
Russell County. Consult Gazetteer of f'irginia. (Gannett.)
APPENDIX III
At various times human bones have been found at Indian
Camp, described in Chapter VIII, this vol. These consisted of
fragments of bone, among them pieces of skull. Some of the latter
have been thrown up by woodchucks burrowing under the wall at
the north end of the camp. Such instances were noticed by me on
several different occasions when making observations there. An
occasional tooth was found but they were not plentiful.
The Indians frequently resorted to this shelter. It was a
favorite location, if we are to judge from the amount of camp
refuse and potsherds found. The abundance of these last would
indicate that women were largely identified with its occu-
pancy. Pottery is seldom associated, and never In quantity,
with camps occupied by men exclusively; such as war parties or
members of the priestcraft. A few fragments of steatite vessels
have been secured, mistaken by treasure seekers for "crucibles."
A piece obtained by me in 1883, was of superior workmanship.
This ware is more properly identified with the tribes of the South;
the Catawbas, Cherokees, Creeks and others. It was in vogue
on a smaller scale among some of the Northern tribes, while in
California its usage was considerable.
In 1892, Prof. G. F. Queen and myself made a hurried exam-
ination of Indian Camp. Bones, or kitchen refuse; shells of the
mussel, shreds of pottery and rude and broken arrow points;
a bone awl and the rim-fragment of a solid sandstone pot
or vessel were found. The outside surface of this last relic
shows a series of long, rasp-like marks of uniform depth, while
the interior is smooth. The top was finished with a slightly
projecting rim. The contour of the vessel rounded and narrowed
towards the bottom, but its capacity could hardly be determined
by the fragment obtained; but perhaps about one gallon,
maybe less.
In 1893, with Mr. Ernest Phillips, I made a thorough investi-
gation of the floor debris of the Camp; with the indisputable
proof of both remote and recent occupation by the aborigines. Six
separate fire-hearths were discovered at various depths. The
principal one used by the Indians was at the north end of the
Archaeology axd tiii: I.ost Mines 389
Camp and measured four feet by four feet. It was six inches thick,
and was buried under ten inches of vegetable mould. It was near
this hearth that the woodchucks unearthed the several pieces of
human skull. A smaller hearth found nearby evidently antedated
it many years. It was twelve inches by twelve inches across,
three inches ihick, and was bcncatli a bed of what appeared to be
clay burned to a bright reddish color, free from sand or grit. This
deposit seemingly had been systematicalh' arranged and was of the
same size of the uni^lcrlying ash bed; and was one and a half inches
thick. Beneath the cla\- and hearth, at the dcjith of two feet
three inches was lounil the bone from the foot of a hear, just
back of the large altar-like stone at the entrance of the Camp, at
the depth of eighteen inches was found a human skull crushed into
fragments. W hile the cavern had for several years been used as a
stable, there had been no rapid accumulation of vegetable mould.
On the contrary, Mr. Lothan Phillips, the owner, had hauled
considerable of the original rich debris and ashes and scattered
them on an adjoining "truck patch;" and in all probability the
skull was not then covered deeper than when first buried. It was
here that the old hunter had many years previously uncovered
the eighteen skeletons.
Near the center of the Camp and at a depth of sixteen inches,
on a rough block of stone, seemingly the natural floor, was found
a quantit}- of a substance which we could not entireh' identify.
This deposit was three inches thick in the center, six inches wide
and twenty-four inches long; tapering to an edge on everv side.
It extended in a southeasterly and northwesterl\' direction. In
color it combined all the hues of the rainbow. It resembled
ochre, or a paint-pigment and was probably a mass of decorative
paint in preparation by the Indians. The different mineral ingre-
dients had not yet been thoroughly kneaded or mixed. In texture
it was free from grit, soft and pasty. Unfortunately the large
sample secured was, through accident, lost before it could be
analyzed. The Yakimas tell me that their old people used to
obtain a clay-like substance from a cavern in Mt. Adams, which
they made into war-paint, first subjecting it to a burning process.
Doubtless this deposit had been so treated; and that which was
overlaying the fire-hearth mentioned, was found as placed in the
method of baking.
A few hundred yards south of this Camp, about 1S81, Mr.
390 Appendix III
Burton Phillips unearthed with his plow, twenty perfect flint
implements of the spear-head class. There was also one common
polished stone celt and an ordinary water crystal. I was fortu-
nate in securing thirteen of the spear-heads in perfect condition,
also the stem or base of another one which had been broken after
discovery. The others were scattered or destroyed before I
learned that they had been found. Those obtained are nicely
chipped thin blades of chalcedony or jasper. They vary in color
from pure white to black, while some are translucent. With but
one exception they are of the leaf-shaped pattern with notched
base. One is un-notched. They are of medium size and show a
similarity of workmanship; and are doubtless the handiwork of
the same artisan. Mr. Phillips declared that they were found
some ten or twelve inches below the surface, planted point down-
ward, in a circle about two feet in diameter. They are a finished
product, and the manner in which they had been buried precludes
the idea of the ordinary "cache" so often noted in preliminary
chipped or unfinished flint implements.
Some eighteen inches below these spear-heads was a heavy
slab of sandstone in its natural condition. It measured about four
feet by six feet across, and some twelve inches thick. In his
search for treasure, Mr. Phillips uncovered this stone, carrying
the excavation down one side to a point below and under it. Not.
having at hand the means of lifting it, a charge of blasting powder
was exploded beneath it which cracked it into two or three pieces.
These were not removed. I saw the stone in its original position
after it had been broken, and evidently it had not been placed
there by man nor had it any connection with the flint implements
buried over it. (1) Such a find of relics is unusual in that region.
Ash Camp, four miles east of Indian Camp, on the waters of
Ten Mile Creek, tributary of the Middle Fork River, was so
named from its vast accumulation of ashes. The estimate was sev-
eral hundreds of bushels when I first saw the camp in 1883, and
old settlers claimed that the quantity had greatly deteriorated
within their recollection. It was a noted rendezvous, and was
much frequented by the red men, as was also a rock-shelter on
French Creek, affluent of the Buckhannon River. In a visit to
Ash Camp in 1892, I noticed traces of human remains mingled
with broken pottery and other refuse. There were a few other
rock-shelters scattered throughout that region, but Indian Camp>
(1) See page 508.
Archaeology and the Lost Mines 391
and Ash Camp, situated as they were on an Indian trail or war-
path, were preferred haunts of the tribesmen until about the
opening of Dunmorc's War in 1774. It is not at all probable that
these resorts were ever used by the- Indian iiunter-bands after
the Bull Town and Indian Camp massacres.
Near Indian Camp until a few )-ears ago, there stood a beech
tree on which was carved the outlines of an Indian warrior in full
costume. This work was old and was supposed to have been the
handicraft of some of the first settlers on the Buckhannon; or pos-
siblv "Snath," of whom, more anon.
About Indian Camp there hovers an interesting tradition of a
"Lost Mine," and buried treasure of fabulous richness. Its ori-
gin antedates the Revolution, with some apparent foum-lation of
truth; although this region is not alone in its claim to the scene
of original operations; but covers portions of Kentucky and Ten-
nessee as well. The mine was worked b\- a party of Spanish and
English adventurers, who were subsequently nearly exterminated
by their Indian allies. It appears that there were Spaniards by
the name of Petro, or Pedro, on the I'ppcr Monongahela as early
as 1777, whose descendants are still living in Randolph County.
(2) Nothing is known of their previous histor\'. Their presence
in the settlements ma>-, perhaps, be traced in the tradition. There
were Petros in Hampshire County, Virginia, in 1782, if not earlier.
It is believed by some investigators that straggling bands of the
early Spanish explorers of the Southern tide water, penetrated the
Virginia and Kentucky wilderness. It would have been in keeping
with the traditions of these insatiable gold seekers to have done so.
Near Indian Camp, in 1883, I was shown the ruins of the
"ancient mine," and also a small polished stone relic, resembling
a disc, and a fragment of dross}- lead, claimed to have been taken
from the debris or waste of this mine. With these relics were found
pieces of basketry and a buckskin moccasin. I also examined an
interesting figure carved on a large sandstone boulder in a nearby
grotto, known as the "Chimney Rocks." Owing to the porous
nature of this boulder, the figure had been nearly obliterated by
vandals, and its outlines could not be accurately deciphered. In
appearance, it rudely represented the compasses. The trace of
a camp fire was observed in the smoke-tinged wall at the back of
the grotto.
An interesting \-olume could he written trom data at hand,
(2) See page 509.
392
Appendix III
regarding the "mine." The wild legends relating to its discovery
and working; its subsequent forced abandonment through the
hostility of the Indians, brought about by the reckless deed of one
of the miners; the burial of vast treasure; the battle; the massacre,
and final flight and escape of but two of the party, — all are
fraught with thrilling romance.
On July 15th, 1867, Dr. L. S. S. Farnsworth, resident dentist
of Buckhannon, brought to light some legendary rock inscriptions
on the head of Stone Coal Creek, which were supposed to have
connection with this mine
WAS FouciHT Fob
THE- Rich m\//dz
2WARTU2 C/1/A/^cu
DO/VE WHILE THE BATCL
and its disastrous tragedies.
These had previously been
found by a squirrel hunter
named Calvin Smith, who
determining to seek a home
in the west, revealed to Dr.
Farnsworth the location of
his discovery. In company
with Mr. Valentine
Lorentz, Dr. Farns-
worth repaired to
Fig. 1
the region indicated by the hunter,
where they found in the woods on a
high ridge, an immense flat stone bear-
ing the inscription shown in Fig. 1.
About three-fourths of a mile
northwest of this mysterious monu-
ment, was found an upright stone,
^'resembling a tombstone" bearing the
legend shown in Fig. 2.
The soHtary "S" is supposed to
signify Silver.
Dr. Farnsworth had this relic in
his office for several years, where it
was seen by a number of persons.
Three-fourths of a mile further
northwest was found a small cave, or
shelter formed by a rock projecting some
1 55^ Uz
2,2EPERAT
ED FRO/A
7^
Fig. 2
Archaeology and tife Lost Mines
39i
1m<;. 3
ten or fifteen feet from the hillside. This grotto had at some
time previous been cjccupied as a camp. Back from the entrance
and lying on the floor was a heavy slab of stone, measuring several
feet across, which had in more recent years fallen from over-
head. Carved in the roof of the cave was a rude circle, with the
four cardinal points of the compass
designated by the usual alphabetical ^
characters. Across the surface of this /^?l^\
circle, extended a well-defined "point- /^ \
er," not unlike the needle of a com- __J /y
pass. The fallen fragment of the roof ^^-^J^,^ G^/
had evidenth' carried awa}' an inscrip- / T^ '
tion, as shown b>' the accompanying
cut. (Fig. 3.) This stone could not
be overturned for the purpose of de-
ciphering the full inscription, but it required but little imagination
to determine that Gold and Snath were largeh- its component parts.
By the aid of his compass Dr. Farnsworth writes me, it was
apparent that the "pointer" at this cavern and the finger of the
inverted hand on the upright stone, indicated lines which con-
verged at a point on the Buckhannon River just below the cross-
ing, or ford at the village of Sago. Afterwards four other stone
"pointers or guides" were found near the Sago ford, which appar-
enth' had connection with those on Stone Coal.
My brother, C. C. F. McWhorter, who was for many years
County Clerk of Upshur County, saw and examined the inscribed
stone, in Dr. Farnsworth's office. It appeared ver\- old and
weather worn, the lettering evidently had been done with a small
pointed steel instrument, and, while crude, was very legible.
Mr. McW horter has a cop}- of an inscribed stone, made bv
the late Col. Henry F. Westfall, local historian of Buckhannon.
This inscription is ver}' nearly that which Dr. Farnsworth savs
was on the large immovable stone (Fig. I), but its contour is verv
much that of Fig. 2. The accompanying cut (Fig. 4) is from a
photograph of the Westfall copy, which is made on the discolored
fly-leaf of an old book, with no attempt at imitating the handi-
craft of the mysterious Snath. The Colonel, it should be noted,
places the discovery of this stone in January 1866. This ma\-
perhaps be the discovery by Smith referred to. It is proper to
state that Figures 1,2 and 3, are from copies which Dr. Farnsworth
394
Appendix III
made from memory; not having at hand the originals which he
carefully executed at the time of his discovery.
AislAil^O^ d'^'Hr ^-'nrU
X" '"■""■" "^>-. '■ '
/ '■''^' '' -i\ '
r' ' "^
''^■■>^yA:. /,y ,,„M^
/><J.'i.
'^'•-/- <v.,....,..
' '/'- A/?/^,,//4 /,%,//^;,-,^
Fig. 4
Cuiright says in connection with Indian Camp: —
"There is other data pointing to this rock as the rendezvous of the Indians.
On the Buckhannon river west of Sago and Ten Mile, certain stones are planted
in the shape of a spearhead, whose sharp end points in the direction of Indian
Camp Rock. These rock or pointers the author himself has observed and there
may be others whicli aim in the same direction, evidently for the purpose of telling
wandering bands of Indians where they might find a safe seclusion, sheltering
protection and a temporary home." (3)
Whether or not Mr. Cutright's theory in regard to the pointed
rocks is correct, it is certain that speculation relative to the "mine"
and buried treasure ran high; and not all of which was confined
to local circles. Parties from across the water made fruitless
quest with "chart" and "key" for the secreted bullion. There are
those still living who have not abandoned the search, and who
believe that success will yet be theirs.
Mr. Outright gives a narrative of three Frenchmen who
(3) See page 509.
Archaeology and the Lost Mixes 395
crossed the mountains at an earlier period, perhaps in the forties,
in quest of gold and camped for man\" \ears under a shelving rock
on the waters of the Little Kanawha, near Rock Cave Postofhce,
in Upshur County. One of them e\entually died and was buried
by his comrades, under the rock whicii had sheltered them so
long; and where a century later a Caucasian skull was unearthed.
(4) The two survivors recrossed the mountains never to return.
It is not known that these adventurers were in any way connected
with the later achievements of Swartus Cnancu and Snath, but
their dreams of wealth in the western wilderness were never realized.
Legends of the celebrated "Swift Adines" are linked with
Indian Camp and its connecting stories of "buried treasure."
One version of the original discovery of the mine, or mines, is that
an Indian appeared in Jamestown, Virginia, wearing arm-bands
and other ornaments of silver and when interrogated, offered to
pilot a party across the mountains where there was "plenty" of
such metal. This he afterwards done, and on the sequel hangs the
wild, weird story of Swartus Cnancu, the resourceful Snath and
their unfortunate companions, in the wilderness of the Buck-
hannon.
While working the "mine" at Indian Camp, so runs the tra-
dition, the Indians were friendh' until late in the season and after
a large quantity of the metal had been smelted, one of the adven-
turers, in an altercation with an Indian while hunting, struck the
red man, which precipitated hostilities, fatal to the expedition.
To avenge the insult, the Indians attacked and killed several of
the miners and held the camp in a state of siege. The survivors
foreseeing their probable doom, attempted to obliterate all visible
traces of the mine by blasting great fragments of stone from the
overhanging cliff and letting them drop into the opening of the
shaft, or tunnel. W hile this was being done and while the battle
still raged, Snaih managed to extricate himself from the beleagured
camp, and at various places set up stone "pointers," and con-
structed a "key" and "chart" by which a return to the mine could
be accomplished.
A lull in hostilities induced the belief that the Indians had
abandoned the wilderness and the miners prepared to return east
of the mountains. They buried vast quantities of bullion and set
up additional "markers" by which it could be subsequently located.
In the meantime they were again set upon by the Indians and only
{■i) See page 509.
(^
fe.
E^ 5
Archaeology and thi: Lost Mines 397
-\vo, with the "chart" and "key" escaped. These instruments
lave been variously deciphered and seemingly applied alike to
jifferent localities.
The old "drill marks" which I examined on some blocks of
stone at this "mine," appeared to resemble certain fossil imprint
belonging to the carboniferous period. The same can be said of
the "frying pan"done in intaglio on the face of the cliff where the
blasting had been done. However, the lapse of more than one
hundred years might have a tendency to produce in the porous
sandstone the noticeable irregularity of surface in both the "drill"
cuts and the "frying pan;" this last a supposed "marker." A
large "drill" groove was also observed on the front of this cliff.
In 1883, report came to me that a few ancient looking tools,
supposedly those of the "Mound Builders," had been discovered
in a small cave on Grass Run not far from Indian Camp. Upon
investigation it was learned that the implements, whatever they
were, were of iron and very rusty; and ignorant of their impor-
tance, the finder had taken them to a local blacksmith, who ham-
mered them into articles better fitted to modern domestic use.
The}' were described as "strange looking tools," and no one knew
how they came to be placed there.
I have an old map done in ink on parchment, which tells of
money cjr mineral in a cave on the Buckhannon River. It was
given me b}' the late Joseph M. Wilson, of Berlin, West \ a., in
1891, who found it among some papers left by his grandfather who
died a few years after the close of the Civil War. Mr. \\ ilson
could tell but little about the map, further than that when a boy
in his early teens, he accompanied his grandfather to Marion
County, to obtain a companion paper, or "key" to the map; and
the old gentleman said to him on the return trip: "I now have
the paper that I wanted and I can go directly to the cave and find
the money." The old man was soon afterwards taken ill and never
recovered. I remember him distinctly.
It was more than a year after his death that the map and
"key" occurred to Mr. Wilson, and he went to his step-grand-
mother and asked her about them. She produced a bundle of
papers and among them was the map. The most diligent search
failed to reveal the other paper and the inference was that it had
been destroved. The old lad\' was ver\" illiterate aiul acknowl-
398 Appendix III
edged that she had "burned a lot of such trash," deeming it of
no value.
Mr. Wilson in commenting, said: "My grandfather had no
doubt about the authenticity of these papers and their import;
otherwise he never would have ridden across two counties, nearly,
to get one of them. He told me that the map was given him during
the Civil War by a party whose name I do not recall, in Monon-
galia County; and who was then on his way to secure the treasure,
but was deterred on account of the dangers encountered. Not
only were contingents of both armies to be met with, but the
dreaded "bush-whacker" infested every mountain pass. He
informed my grandfather where he could find the "key" with the
party in Marion County, and promised to return after the close of
the war, when they would go together and find the hidden money.
The man then rode away never to be seen again."
The map locates this treasure or mine, near the head of the
Buckhannon River, and adjacent to a mountain on the right-
hand side of the stream. It is on a "Wor Path" which crosses
the Cheat River at the "Hoss Shoo." Both Indian Camp and
Ash Camp are on an old Indian war path, or trail.
Of the Swift Mines in Kentucky, the following contribution
from Mr. Connelley is apropos. The mystery is only deepened
by this anomalous written record, added to the unaccountable'
stone inscriptions of the mountain fastness. It is hoped that
some writer will enter this romantic field and rescue from oblivion
the fascinating legends of the "Lost Mine" and "Buried Treasure"
of the Trans-Allegheny.
Swift's Journal — The Apperson Copy
by william e. connelley.
The first account of Swift's Silver Mines that I ever saw is
the following Journal. It was put into my hands when I was
eleven years old. The constant reading of this paper developed
in me a desire to learn and preserve all obtainable information
concerning John Swift. It was the momentary impulse of a good
man that placed this copy of Swift's Journal in my possession.
At the close of the Civil War the Hon. Richard Apperson, of
Archaeology wd thk Lost Mixes 399
Mount Sterling, Kentucky, was, for a sliorl time, the Judge, or
the acting Judge, of the Circuit CV)urt of Mat'offin County, where
m)' father, Constantino Conncllc\ , ji., ihrn H\ed. When in our
village Judge Apperson aKva\s stopped with \\ illiani Adams, the
founder of the town and the pioneer settler in tliat part of the
count) . Ml-. Ai-lams had three sons near my own age, and we were
inseparable companions. Judge Apperson possessed a deep love
for children; I think I can truthfully say that he made an acquain-
tance and friend of every boy in the village during the first week
of his sojourn. He was an excellent conversationalist and an
entertaining stor\-tellcr, as well as an able and popular Justice.
He told stories b}- the score of the ad\cntures of Kentucky pio-
neers. And I remember that he enjoyed our ju\enile sports, and
that he never failed to join our game of marbles when he had a
leisure hour; we looked upon him as a friend and regarded him as
a companion.
At the end of one of his terms of Court, one of the Adams
bo\\s and m^'self were assisting him to gather up his books, papers,
and a few articles of clothing. We were stuffing these into a pair
of saddle-bags preparatory' to his departure for the next count}' ir:
his circuit. We requested that he tell us one more story before
leaving; he readil\' complied. I remember that he told of .Mrs.
Hannah Dennis, and her escape from the Shawnees by concealing
herself in a hollow sycamore log on the bank of the Scioto River.
\\ hen leaving the room some one of us found this copy of Swift's
Journal. Whether he did not wish to re-open his crowded saddle-
bags to stow it away, or whether he did not care for the paper, I
do not know. He looked it over a minute, then handed it to me,
telling me to keep it, and not to destroy it nor lose it. I never
saw Judge Apperson after that day.
I kept the paper twent}'-nine years, and \ahied il much; I
lost it through the stupidity of an inexperienced typewriter tc
whom 1 entrusted it to cop\-. 1 did not then know of Judge
Apperson's death, and wrote to him to enquire if the cop>- the
typewriter made was accurate, and to ask him where he had ob-
tained the paper. His brother replied, informing me of the Judge's
death several years before. I received the intelligence of his
death with deep regret.
I beiiexc tlie cop\- made for me is an exact copy of the orig-
inal. It follows:
400 Appendix III
Started on the 25th of June, 1761, from Alexandria, Virginia,
and came to Leesburg; thence to Winchester; thence to Little's;
thence to Pittsburg; thence to the headwaters of Wheeling; thence
to the Little Kanawha; thence to the Big Kanawha; thence to the
Guyandotte; thence to Great Sandy Creek; and from thence to
the Great Ridge bearing in a southwesterly direction; and from
thence to a large river the name of which was unknown to us; and
from thence to a large and very rocky creek; and from thence to
the mines, where we remained from the 18th of July to the 26th
of October, 1761, when we left them and returned over the same
way we had taken to come out. And on the 28th of October our
scouts discovered six savages; by altering our course we avoided
them. On the 30th we were pursued by savages, but we esccaped
from them. We saw no more of the savages until the 9th of
November, when they fired on us and shot a hole in our lading
which soon enlarged and spilled the silver. We fired in return
and they must have fled for we saw no more of them; we did not
camp this night until after we had crossed the Kanawha. \\ e
arrived at the settlements without further conflict, December 2nd.
1761.
April 15th, 1762. We this day started back to the mines.
W"e arrived there on the 10th day of May without accident except
the spilled rum.
August 1st, 1762. \\ e this day left the mines to return home.
We came to a sudden halt and camped a short time on the 2nd of
August when we were alarmed by savages. We escaped from them
and camped on our creek. We were greatly pestered but came
through safe; we left a valuable prize on the south of the big Gap
where we marked some trees with our names and curious marks.
From this place we went to Cassell's Woods, and from that place
we went to Virginia, where we remained until the next spring, 1763.
We then started on the 1st day of May, 1763, and came to
New River; and from thence to the Holston; and from thence to
the Cumberland Valley.
Here we set our course and went to the place where our mines
are situated, arriving there the 2nd of June, 1763.
We remained here until the 1st of September, when we set
out for home. We went through Cassell's Woods, and stopped
with Cassellman for five days. From Cassellman's we went to
the settlements, and arrived home October 12'th, 1763.
Arch \i:(JLOGY and ihk Lost Mines 401
We started from home on the 1st of October, 1767, and got to
the mines on the 4th of November, 1767. We stayed until the
1st of April, 1768, when ue set out for home. \\ c went by the
way of Sandy Creek, meeting with nothing material on the way
to the settlements.
\\ (• left Alexandria on the 4tli o| Juir-, same _\ear, 176S. and
arrivetl safely at the mines on the 1st of Jul\ . We remained here
till the 26th of October, 1768. .Arrived at home on the 24th of
December. Our horses stolen by the Indians was a great loss to
us as we were compelled to conceal and leave their lading at the
mouth of a large creek running due east.
We left our homes in .North Carolina on the l6th i.la\' ot Ma\',
1769, and started ior the mines. W e went by the way of the door
in the Cumberland Mountains and arrived at the mines safe and
sound 24th of June. 1769.
We sta\ed at the mines until 19th October, 1769. On that
da\' we started home, and went by the way of Sandy Creek. At
the Forks of Sand\' we lost two of our horses, stolen by savages,
and here we concealed their lading, a great loss to us, but we escaped
with our lives, and got safe home 1st December, 1769.
1 was at the place again, and came by the place where we left
the two-horse loads, and the valuable pri/.e, and found all things
as we left them in 1762 and 1763. |17681
On the 1st September, 1769, we left between )^22,()()().()() and
,s3(),()CX).00 in crowns on a large creek running near a south
course. Close by the creek we marked our names, Swift, Jefferson,
and Munday, and other names on a large beech tree with com-
passes, square and trowel. About twenty or thirty poles from the
creek stands a small rock, and between it and the creek }ou will
find a small rock of a bluish coloi' with three chops made with a
grit-stone by rubbing it on the rock. By the side of this rock
you will find the prize. We left prizes here at three different
times. At no great distance from the place we left )^15,000.(X) of
the same kind, marking three or four trees with marks. Not far
from these trees, we left a prize near a forked white oak, and
about three feet underground, and laid two long stones across it,
marking several stones close about it.
At the Forks of Sandy, close b\- the fork, is a small rockhouse
which has a spring in one end of it, and between it and a small
branch we hid a prize under the ground. It was valuetl at
402 Appendix III
36,000.00. We likewise left ^3,000.00 buried in the rocks of the
rockhouse.
Directions to Find Swift's Silver Mines in Kentucky.
The furnace that I built is on the left-hand side of a very
rocky creek at a remote place in the West. To find the best ore,
climb up the cliff at the left-hand side of the furnace and go a due
south direction until you strike a small branch nearby. Go to
the head of the branch without crossing, and you there see my
name on three beech trees. From these trees go due east to the
top of the low ridge. Pass a small knob on top of the ridge to
the right-hand when you will see a big rock which has fallen from
a high ledge. Behind this fallen rock we got our best ore. This
vein runs northeast and southwest, lying and being in latitude
37 degrees and 56 minutes N. And ore is also found in latitude
38 degrees and 2 minutes N. By astronomical observations and
calculations you will find the location of both these veins of silver
ore to be on the 83rd meridian of longitude or very close to it.
Description of the Country.
The creek heads southwest and runs northeast. It abounds
with laurel. It is so cliffy and rocky that it is nearly impossible
to get horses to the furnace. So extremely rough is the way that
we rarely took our horses nearer than six or seven miles of the
place.
There is a thicket of holly a quarter of a mile below the fur-
nace and a small lick a mile above. There is a large buffalo lick
two miles from the small lick on another creek that we called Lick
Creek. The creek forks about three miles below the furnace and
the left-hand fork is the furnace creek. Below the forks the creek
is a small stream of water running generally in a northeasterly
direction.
Between the forks and holly thicket you will find my name on
a beech tree, cut in the year 1767, and about one mile below, you
will find Munday, Jefferson and Swift's names in the year 1762,
1765 and 1767.
Between the small lick and the furnace is a remarkable rock;
it hangs out quite over the creek, and the water runs under it.
The mountains and hills are covered with laurel and water-
Arciiaeoi,0(;v .\\n riii-: Lost Mixes 403
courses so much thai a man can not get along without much dif-
ticultv where jiaths arc not cut. Most of the mountains and hills
ha\e but little timbei' and are poor and barren. North of the
furnace about three miles is a larger hill seven or eight miles long
upon which there is good timber of different kinds, but south of it
there is little timber worth notice.
l''urnace Creek forks about thiee miles aboNc- i hr lick, and in
the forks upon the foot of the hill you will tind three white oaks
growing from one stump. On each of them is cut a small notch
with a tomahawk. We sometimes went to a salt spring up the
right-hand fork, and came this wa}- back which was the cause for
our marking the trees.
From the door in the Cumberland Mountains, on the top at
the north, you will run north, forty degrees west, we supposed
forty-one miles, and if on the right course }-ou will find trees
marked with curifuis marks all the way. In the course we crossed
man\' creeks and one river.
l^he first company in search of these mines was composed of
Stale)', Ireland, McClintock, Blackburn and Swift.
We concealed much silver in bars and crowns in the Indian
cave. Set Aour compass on the west side of the furnace under
the rockhouse, and go due west fifty poles, when >'ou will find a
tree in this form Set }'our compass at the second
turn and go south twenty poles and )'ou will find a large tree and
a limb growing out of the south side near the ground; under this
limb we buried four ten-gallon kegs full of crowns.
Set your compass on the south side of the furnace and steer
south two hundred poles and \()U will find a tree that grows in this
form Set your compass at the second turn and gc
south twenty poles. Inder the large limb of a big tree which
leans down the creek you will find ore. ^ Ou cannot miss finding
the furnace if you find the .
The journal ends abrupt!}-, and I do not know whether it is
because 1 never had all the journal in my possession or not. A
part of the paper ma\- have been niislaid b\' Judge Apperson, or
he may never have completed the cop>' which he gave me.
This copy is c\'idcntly an amplification of the preceding cop}%
or the original from w hich that one has deteriorated. The arrange-
ment is somewhat difierent. but it seems clear to me that the two
404 Appendix III
papers are closely related. A more logical arrangement appears
in this paper; and still it has the unfortunate tone of insincerity
and want of cohesion at more than one place. I do not value it
highly.
VPUBLISHED BY PERMISSION;
Chenute, Kansas, September 20, 1903.
My Dear Mr. McWhorter.
Complying with your request, I am sending you the Judge
Apperson copy of Swiff s Journal. I doubt if the riddle of this
Jotiriial, and your rock inscriptions, of which you wrote me, will
ever be solved. The secret has vanished with the mighty wilder-
ness, which knew and gave it birth. The mystery will deepen as
the years go by.
Just this time last year I was going through Braxton, Clay,
and Nicholas Counties, West Virginia, portions of the regions
referred to in the Journal. I found much of it covered with primal
forest, as when these mysterious adventurers pierced its awe-
inspiring solitudes nearly one hundred and fifty years ago. I was
entranced with the charm of the "everlasting hills." I stood on'
Powell's Mountain and looked far over the valleys and lower hill-
ranges. The blue haze of Indian Summer hung aloft. The woods
took on every hue of known color. I could see the smoke from
the cabins in the valley of the Gauley. At my feet was the little
gem, the valley of the Muddlety. Cattle fed on a hundred hills.
To the north I supposed that I discerned the outlines of the Elk
River Valley. I saw the saucy squirrel as he shook down brown
chestnuts in my path. I thought of the simple folk living in happy
content in these romantic woods. I envied them. Man dis-
quiets himself and runs to and fro in the earth. He seeks pleasure
— a vain pursuit. The West Virginian or the Kentuckian who
is content in his beautiful valley with its clear water, entrancing
forests, mild and healthful climate is wise — much wiser than I
have been in striving to carve a name on the tablets of fame. My
only recompense is the thought that the old blood of the Celts
has girdled the world and been the pioneer stock in every country
raow known to civilization; and that I was urged on by the energy
Akchakology and the Lost Mines 405
developed by my ancestors and yours when they were dwellers
on the shores of the Baltic and Black Seas. That must be your
solace in youi- new honie and western cnxinmnients.
1 have seen the vast, arid plains of the Columbia; and the
deep forests of Oregon and Washington. 1 have looked into the
green waters of the great Sound. I have gone up the most beauti-
ful of Western valleys, the W illamettc. I have been tossed on
the bosom of the mighty Pacific; but there was ever with me a
remembrance of the blue hills of old Kentucky. Such memory
is put into the soul of ever}' mountaineer.
Dut\- calls us to strange places, and while we ma\- be strangers
in a strange land, we can do our duty there. I have often looked
at the full moon swung in the heavens and imagined that mv
friends on the Southern hills might be gazing there, too. God's
providence hedges us about whether we are on the dark rolling
Columbia or the romantic Alonongahela. Man is worth nothing
without an ideal, and one of mine is the old home-land where the
beech nuts drop, the waters are blue and the folk generous and
honest without the destructive lust for wealth so characteristic of
the modern American. It is the background of my life and my
inspiration.
But 1 will tell you of my journey. I left Clarksburg on a
cloudy morning in October. At Weston it was raining; and it
continued to rain all the way to Sutton, as it only can in the foot-
hills of the Alleghenies in the autumn. The following day was
cloudy, but one of those days when you know that it will not rain.
I worked at Little Otter, in Braxton County, and that night I
stayed at Frametown, on Elk River. This village consists of a
mill and a small hotel, named in memor}- of old man Frame, once
a Justice of the Peace, and who first settled there. He became
famous for punishing a constable for summoning witnesses to
attend his court on the day there was a shooting-match for beef.
He had proclaimed all shooting-match days holidays.
From Frametown 1 started at daylight to the home of Abner
Ramsey, near Enoch, in Clay County, guided by Hughes, a great-
grandson of Jesse Hughes, the pioneer and Indian tighter. Ram-
sey lived on the top of a crag seemingly a mile high and over-
hanging Buffalo Creek; on which stream the father of my guide
had once owned a mill and where he died. It was the pension
•claims of two surviving widows, which I was investigating for the
406 Appendix III
Government Bureau of Pensions. It appeared that he had mar-
ried one without getting a divorce from the other.
It was five o'clock before I was ready to descend from the
crag on which Ramsey dwelt, and I had to get to Nicholas Court
House or Summersville, that night. Hughes left me at Ramsey's,
and I had for guide my driver, a rather rough customer by name
of Thayer, a boy of nineteen, who had already killed his man.
When we were leaving Sutton he came armed to the teeth and
with two quarts of bust-head. I prevailed on him to leave both
behind, telling him that I would protect him. He insisted that
he had enemies who would kill him and demanded to know "what
kind uv weepins yo' totin'." I told him that I only carried a
small pocket-knife and had no expectation of needing to use even
that. He was skeptical and I had much trouble in getting him
off without his artillery, but finally succeeded in having him dis-
card both weapons and whiskey.
Thayer was familiar with most of the roads, but was appalled
when I told him that I should go to Summersville yet that night.
The road is through a ninety-six thousand acre tract without a
stick amiss. It was darker than Egypt, and I had to walk and
feel for the road several miles over the mountains; but we struck
the Gauley at the mouth of Muddlety at midnight. From that
point to Summersville it is a beautiful country with good roads.
The next day we drove from Summersville to Sutton, crossing
Powell's Mountain on the way. The day was grand, and I would
give much for a photograph of the view from the mountain look-
ing west; a finer view I have not seen. They had recently erected
a monument on top of the mountain in honor of some Confederate
officer who fell there in the Civil War, but I had not time to get
the facts. Do you know about the circumstances.'^ I should
like to have the particulars. (5)
I shall not forget this trip to my dying day. The smoky
haze drifted idly, and the blending of a thousand hues made the
day ideal. At Birch River, or Big Birch, at the foot of the moun-
tain, we had dinner. The hotel was kept by a widow. The
daughter cooked our meal and waited on the table. In all my
travels I have not seen a fairer girl nor one of more native intel-
ligence and modesty. She said she often thought she would like
to see more of the world, and knew that she should like a good
education and be able to fit herself for a higher sphere; but her
(5) See page 509.
Archakoi.ogv and Till-; L(;st Minks 407
mother needed her liclj^ in the "tavern" and she must remain.
She was content and happy in this duty to her mother, though
she had full confidence in her ability to make her way in the world
and secure a good education; but she was willing to forego all, that
the burden might be lightened for her parent. Her self-sacrifice
is but a single one of the tragedies being enacted in the far-off
mountains we both love so well.
\\"c passed through Little Birch and over nuumtains and
reached Sutton before sundown. That night I walked a mile to
interview W illiani Carpenter, of whom I have written you. (7)
He wanted nie to remain over night and go with him to Scott's
Mountain to shoot wild turkeys. He also promised me some rare
sport trailing a famous coon which had eluded all the dogs in the
country for some years. He assured me that I should shoot a
bear if I desired, as there were many in the woods.
I saw a number of deer on the trip and heard wolves in the
forest between Buffalo Creek and the Cjauley. I heard witch
and ghost stories and more folk-lore than I could gather in the
west in a lifetime.
Your friend,
\\ ILLIAM E. CONNELLEY.
APPENDIX IV
Correspondence favoring executive clemency for John Clay-
pole and his adherents, in the Tory uprising in Hampshire County,
Virginia, 1781.
"Hampshire County, April 14th, 1781.
"Enclosing "Return" of Two Battalions in that county — Instructions had
come from Genl: Clarke not to march the militia until further Orders — He has
issued the order for the full number required by the Draft, but, adds, "I am afraid
they will not be complyed with, by Reason of the disaffected people amongst us.
(A Collector of one of the Divisions for making up the Cloathes and Beef was Inter-
rupted in the execution of his office.) A certain John Claypole said if all the men
were of his mind, they would not make up any Cloathes, Beef or Men, and all that
would join him shuld turn out. Upon which he got all the men present, to five or
six and Got Liquor and Drank King George the third's health, and Damnation to
Congress, upon which Complaint was made to three Magistrates. Upon which
there was a warrant Issued for several of them, and Guard of Fifty men with the
Sheriff. When they came to the place they found sixty or seventy men embodied,
with arms — After some time they capitulated, the Sheriff served the precept on
the said John Claypole, but he refused to come with him or give up his arms; but
agreed to come such a time, which time is Passt — Inclosed you have a Copy of
a Letter they sent me, and the answer I sent them — I was informed there was one
hundred and fifty of them to Gether the next day. I am informed there are several
Deserters amongst those people, Some from the English Prisoners. Some Eighteen
Months men, and some Eight Months men which they support and conceal."
Refers his Excellency to Mr. Woodson the bearer for further particulars."
The letter enclosed, with reply—
"Sir,
"Having consulted the Majority, it is the Desire of them that their Conduct
that has past Lately may be forgiven, as a great part of it was occasioned by Liquor,
and as there is things that is Laid to the Charge of Sum, that is clear of the Charge,
but moreover we acknowledge our behavior was not Discreet, if you would Please
to pass it by, we will submit to pay our Tax as the Law directs; and are willing to
pay our District tax or Beef and Clothing if they can be purchased, and likewise
to Complyable to the Laws of the State, as far as our ability will allow, the Request
of the majority I have hereunto set my hand —
From Sir, yr: humble Servant
To Colo. Van Meter — April 3d 1781. Josiah Osburn."
Reply —
"April 4th, 1781.
"Sir,
"I rec'd yours dated the third Inst: and am very Glad to hear the A-Iutineers
Begin to see their Folly, they may Depend I shall shew them all the Lenity the
Tory Uprising on iiii; \\ aim'atomak \ 409
circumstance of the Case will admit of. but those char^'able with breaking; the Law I
cannot clear, as I am but an Individual, unless they who are in the warrant Comes
in and Clears themselves — from your friend, while \ou are friends to yourselves
and the United States.
CiARKi ri \'.\nMi;ti:r."
'I'm josiali Osliurn — -
Letter from (larrctl \ an.Mcter Co. Com: to (lovcrnor Jeffer-
son— From Calt-ndar oj I iri^inui State' Paprrs, \ ol. II, jip. 40-41.
"RocKi.NGHAM CoiNTV. .\ut:ust 2nd. 17sl.
"Sir.
"1 have llie honour to enclose to your l',.\celienc_\' a petition troin John Clavpdk-
and others, concerned in tlie late Insurrection in Hampshire County; which I wish
from motives of good policy, as well as humanity may have the desired effect. .Vs 1
apprehend it would be attended with pernicious consequences to hold out pardon
to those who denied to surrender tiiemselves to Justice, or delayed to submit to the
Laws of their Country, uniill they were sure of escaping punishment; and at the
same time to prosecute those who readily submitted the Investigation and punish-
ment of their crimes, to the Laws of the Land: since it would certainly operate as
an Encouragement to future offenders to stand out untill the\' were assured of
Indemnit)'.
"Another political reason I beg leave to assign, is the many relations & con-
nexions that the Claypole Family have in that part of the Country: as there is the
leather &: 5 sons, with many grand children, who b\- inter-marriages are connected
with the most considerable Families on those waters, and the strongest friends to
our present Constitution, and to prosecute him with \igour, whilst the ringleaders
have evaded Justice by flight, and those in similar circumstances of Guilt arc par-
doned, would probably sour the minds of his numerous connexions, and perhaps be
rcguarded b\- them as pointed and partial.
"I must also add, that he has a letter from (jeneral: Morgan engaging to pro-
cure his pardon, on his returning to his Dut\- — Humanity also pleads strongly in
their behalf, for on my attending the intended Court of Oyer the 10th ult: for the
Trial of those Miscreants, as directed by your Excellencies Letter, I had the oppor-
tunity of viewing the distressing Scenes of aged mothers, wives, & children crowding
to the Court House to take the last Leave of their unhappy Sons, husbands & fathers,
apprehending that Execution would be immediate on the Sentence of Death, which
in spite of all my aversion to Tories, strongly atTected my feelings — I need not
mention to a Gentleman of your approved Goodness of Heart, the maxim of a
celebrated Writer "that it is the Enormity, or dangerous Tendency of a Crime that
alone can warrant any Earthly Legislature in putting him to Death, that commits
it." And tho' the crime of the petitioners was of the most dangerous Tendency, \-et
they transgressed more thro Ignorance than Design; and their offence proceeded
rather from Error &: prejudice, than an)' deliberate Intention of Injuring the State,
or disturbing Government: from all which considerations I would humbly presume
that the hoiible Board will extend the Act of Indemnity, as well to the petitioners
410 Appendix IV
herein referred to, as to all those, who were by the Examining Court, bound over
to be indicted at the next grand Jury for the County" &c &c
" I have the honour to be, Your Excelly's
most obt & very humble Servt."
Letter from Peter Hog to Governor Nelson, containing peti-
tion from John Claypole and others — From Calendar of Virginia
State Papers, Vol. II, pp. 284-285.
"Hampshire County, November 26th, 1781.
"Having been examined by a called court "hath been set for further trial,"
but in as much as "the same ignorance and unaccountable infatuation" seems to
extend to this unhappy man "that actuated those deluded people, and although he
was the worst of them, he hopes, if it be consistent with wisdom that he may also
"experience the lenity of the Legislature" — A few of "the deluded wretches" still
remain out, particularly a certain John Woolf, who had broken Jail, and has never
been seen since — He has taken every means to have them all apprehended — He
will at the command of His Excellency call a Court of Oyer & Terminer for the trial
of Smith and others, but hopes the Legislature may "incline to pass an act of
indemnity for the whole of them."
Is much in need of a copy of the new Militia Law and the Articles of War, not
being able to "try delinquents" in consequence — Asks for a number of blank com-
missions to supply the new nominations made — His declining health forces him
to resign his commission as Co. Lieutenant, but as Mr. Joseph Nevill who has
been recommended to succeed him cannot act until commissioned, he will endeavour
to act until A/lr. Nevill qualifies, especially as Col: Cresap, next in command lives
in so remote a part of the Country. He sends this by Mr. Woodrow, as an Express?
as neither of the Delegates are going down, and hopes his expenses will be allowed.
Letter from Colonel Garrett VanMeter to Governor Nelson.
— Informing him, "that Robert Smith one of the Ringleaders
of the late insurrection in this County hath voluntarily sur-
rendered himself." — From the Calendar of Virginia State Papers ^
Vol. II, pp. 624, 625.
To His Excellency Thos: Nelson Esqr. Governor &c and the Honorable
Council of Virginia.
The petition of John Claypole, Thos: Denton, David Roberts, Jr., Mathias
Wilkins, and George Wilkins, Inhabitants of Cacapon in the Count)- of Hampshire
Humbly Sheweth
That your petitioners living in an obscure and remote corner of the State, are pre-
cluded from every Intelligence of the State of affairs, either by Public Papers or
from Information of Men of Credit and Veracity, and at the same time infested by
the wicked Emissaries or pretended Emmissaries of the British who travel through
all parts of the Frontiers, and by Misrepresentations and false news poisoned the
Minds of the Ignorant and credulous Settlers: That your petitioners from narrow
and confined notions, & attached to strongly to their Interests, conceived the Act
Tory L prising on tiu: W ai'I'atomaka 411
of laying the enormous Tax of Eiglitj' 'I'wo Pounds paper Moiie\' on evcr\" hundred
pounds of their property, rated in Specie, and a Bount\' for the Recruits of the Con-
tinental Arnn-, and the Law subjecting them, at the same time to be draughted for
the said Service, and the further Act for Cloathing the Arm\, as unjust and oppres-
sive after paying such a iiigh tax on their Assessed propert)', and those wicked and
designing men by their artful! insinuations & false Intelligences industriously
propagated to delude & seduce your petitioners, too readily prevailed on them to
oppose the Execution of the said Acts, and take ii[-i Arms in defence of what those
wretches called their l.ibertv and propert}'. But your Petitioners Humbly shew
that they never concocted or conspired the destruction of Government, or the hurt
of any Individuals, further than to defend themselves when attacked or ccjmpellcd
to yield obedience to those Laws. .\nd wlien your petitioners were made sensible
of their Error, b\- the Gentlemen from the Adjacent Counties, who marched a bod)-
of men sufficient to have put all the disobedient & deluded crew to the Sword, but
from motives of humanity &. prudence attempted the more mild method of Argu-
ment to dispel the delusion, and bring them back to their dut\', \-our Petitioners,
ready to receive information, and open to correction rcadii\' v'a\e up their Arms and
engaged to deliver themselves to Justice and submit to the Laws of their Country
when called for; which they have since done and stood their Trials in the County
Court of Hampshire, and were by that Court adjudged to stand a further Tryai
before a Special Court of Oyer and Terminer, appointed to meet at the Court House
on the Tenth Day of July last, but the Gentlemen nominated as Judges by the
Hon'ble Board failing to attend, the prosecution was postponed. .\nd your peti-
tioners were then Informed by a Proclamation under the hand of the County Lieu-
tenant, that tiic Executive, ever prone to adopt the most lenient measures to peni-
tent otfendcrs. offered pardon and Indemnity to all those concerned in the late insur-
rection, if thc'\' would return to their duty, and helia\e as good Citizens in future.
And >our petitioners impressed with a deep Sense of the gracious Intentions of
your Excellency and the Hon'ble Board, towards the Ignorant and deluded, were
encouraged to sue for pardon; and that the same Act of grace might be extended
towards them, since they humbly conceive their Conduct has been more Conso-
nant to the Duty of good Citizens, who conscious that they have Transgress'd
against the Laws of their Country, readily delivered themselves to Justice and to
Tryal by their Peers, to suffer the punishment due to their crimes, tho' committed
thro' Ignorance and misguided zeal; Whereas tliosc who ha\c availed themselves
of the said Proclamation, tho' equalh' t:uilt\ . did not conie in umil tiieir safety
was insured to them b\' the promise of pardon.
Wherefore, your Petitioners humbly hope, from the known Cleuiency ot your
Excellency, and that Equianimity that governs the Councils of the Hon'ble
Board, that they will be graciously pleased to pardon their past offences, and include
them in the Act of Indemnity so mercifully held out to offenders under the like
circumstances, and they engage, on the Eaith of honest Citizens to Act a true and
faithful part to the State in future, if they are released from further prosecution,
and restored to the privileges of other Citizens: which your petitioner John Clay-
pole is more encouraged to expect, from a letter of Gcnl: Morgan's to your said
Petitioner, wherein he promises to procure his pardon, on his returning to his Alle-
giance and becoming a Good Citizen; this he humbly conceives his behavior has
412 Appendix IV
done since he was convince of his Error, and freed from those mistaken prejudices
that seduced him from his duty —
Wherefore, in deep contrition for their past misconduct and sincere promise
of conducting themselves as good citizens for the time to come, they humbly pray
for Pardon, and that the Hon'ble Board will save their innocent wives and children
from ruin and misery, which they must necessarily be involved in, for the crimes
of their deluded Husbands and Parents,
And your Petitioners shall ever pray &c."
Papers relating to the pardon of John Claypole and others. —
From Calendar of Virginia State Papers, Vol. II, pp. 682, 683.
Petition of Citizens to the Executive, for the Pardon
OF John Claypole, on account of his previous good standing
AS AN "honest, peaceable, WELL MEANING MAN."
Hampshire County, 1781.
Numerously signed, the following names appearing among
the signatures — Vandeventer, Ruddell, Hutton, Bullett, Bird,
Hite, VanMeter, Randall, Vause, Lynch, Ashby, Harris, Shanklin,
and many others. — From Calendar oj Virginia State Papers,
Vol. II, pp. 683, 684.
"Hampshire County, 1781.
"PETITION OF JACOB BRAKE (1) AND OTHERS, for pardon for having
through ignorance, and the persuasion of others, joined in the late 'Conspiracy ,
against the State the object of which was to refuse payment of Taxes, and to oppose
the Act of Oct: 1780 for raising Troops for the Service" —
"Setting forth the same reasons given in John Claypole's application, why
they should enjoy Executive Clemency, and adding, that they 'have been instru-
mental in detecting and bringing in some of the Principal Conspirators to Justice Sec.
"Signed by —JACOB BRAKE, Adam Rodebaugh, John Mace, Michael
Algrie, Isaac Brake, John Mitchell, Saml: Lourie, Leonard Hier, Jacob Hier, George
Peck, John Casner, Jacob Yeazle, Thos: Nutler, Thos: Stacey, John Rodebaugh,
Henry Rodebaugh, Jacob House, Jeremiah Ozburn, Jacob Crites, Anthony Reager,
Josiah Ozburn, George Lites, Charles Borrer, Jacob Pickle. John Wease, Adam
Wease, & Adam Wease, Jur: — "
From Calendar of Virginia State Papers, Vol. II, p. 686.
(1) See page 509.
NOTES
>
u
u
u
■-,
o
r^
-;^
''^
■^.
■^
■^
o
o
^^
^
^v.
a s
^
5 s
« ■
•^ ^
>^
<^ i
XCn'KS ox CIlAPTl-.R
(1) \\ai'-i'A-to-ma-ka: also spelled, If'a-po-iom-i-ka: the Indian appellation for
the Soulli Branch of the Potomac River. 1 have adhered to this aboriginal
coijnomen, which was bestowed by some tribe of the Algonquian family; most
probably the Leni-lenapc (Delaware), or the Shawnee. On a map of Virginia,
1769, it is written "W'appocomo, or South Branch of Potowmac R." Other forms
of the name are met with in the earliest records. The meaning has been inter-
preted by some writers: "river of wild geese;" which I am inclined to doubt.
Tlic name contains the Delaware and the Shawnee root, wap, or wamp (white I.
It is very similar to Wah-pi-ko-me -kah (white waters), the Delaware and the
Miami name for the White River of Indiana. Otiier names of corresponding
import might be mentioned. Wakatomika, Shawnee town on Muskingum River.
.\ village of the Munsee branch of tlie Delaware nation, located on White
Ri\cr where Muncie, Indiana, now stand.s, was called JFapicomrkokf (Wah-pi-ko-
mc-kunk) "White-river town."
Wapeminskink (Wah-pi-mins-kink), was a Delaware town on the west fork of
this stream at the present site of Anderson, Indiana. It has been erroneously
identitied with Jf'apicomekoke. Hand Book of .American Indians: Bureau of
Ethnology, Washington, 1910, Part 2, p. 912.
Wappatomica was the "upper Shawnee village" on tiic upper waters of the
Great Miami River, Ohio, during the Revolutionary War. The name has gone
into history in, perhaps, a dozen different forms. Buttcrhcld's History of ihf
Cirtys, Cincinnati, 1896. p. 74.
Wapakoneta (Wa-pa-ko-nc -ta), "White-jacket," was a small contemporary
village of the same tribe on the waters of Mad River; and after the Treaty of
Greenville, 1795, on the Auglaize River, Ohio. JVhite-jacket was a Shawnee chief.
The South Branch was known to the Iroquois by the name usually spelled
Coliongononita. In this is found the Iroquoin root for wild-goose, "kohank;" and
if the interpretation: "river of wild geese" is applicable to this historic stream, it
is through this name and not the JVappatomaka of the Algonquian, Delaware-
Shawnee. Unfortunately most of the Indian geographical names recorded by the
colonists arc greatly corrupted; and often tlie rendition, at best, can only be a
surmise.
(2) WiTiiKR.s — Border Jf'arfarc; Cincinnati, 1895, p. 117.
DeMass — Indian IVars of JVestern Virginia; Wheeling, 1851, p. 75.
Mo-non-ga-he-la: by far the most pleasing, euphonic geographic name
within the Trans-.Mlegheny. On some of the old maps and early records it is
spelled: Mi-nangiliilli, Mohengeyela, Mohongeyela, Mohongaly. Monongalia, and a
few other forms. Of Algonquian origin, the meaning is uncertain. That which
is generally accepted, and as interpreted, implies: "falling-in-banks," or "sliding-
banks." The peninsula formed by the junction of this stream and that of the
Youghiogheny, was called b}' the Delawares: Meh-non-au-au-ge-hel-ak, "place of
caving" or "falling banks," from which, doubtless, the present name, Mononga-
lu'la was derived.
416
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
-^
bMf.-'
K
■^
W'
3
-v^^
wT iiM*. .
p^^^
%i^Y
/Wsj J^ \^r
^p^S
^^8
^W ^^
-^^
1
m
^
The Pringle Sycamore of Today
Courtesy of Mr. M. C. Brake
For some of the Indian names of streams in West Virginia, see Hale's Trans-
Jllegheny Pioneers; Cmc\nna.t\, 1886. Report of Archives and History of the State
of West Virginia; Charleston, 1906.
(3) Turkey Run — This beautiful
little valley, made historic by the Pringle
Camp, received its name from the vast
numbers of wild turkeys found there by
the first settlers.
The spot whereon grew the Pringle
Sycamore, is on the land now owned by
Mr. Webster Dix; on the west side of
Turkey Run, about twenty-five feet from
the stream and some forty to fifty feet
from the bank of the Buckhannon River.
Withers, p. 119, speaks of the stump of
this tree as still standing in 1831. The
late Hon. William C. Carper, of Buck-
hannon, remembered seeing it about
1848. The cavity was not less than
twelve feet across.
This stump disappeared many years
ago and a second sycamore sprang up
from the roots of the parent tree. This
tree grew quite tall and straight. About
the year 1880, it was blown down and washed away by a flood. But as if reluctant
to fail to mark the site of the first primitive home of the white man in that region,
the roots shot forth a second sprout and this grew into a bushy tree. It has a '
cavity in its trunk that will shelter two or three men from an ordinary storm.
Mr. Dix has promised me that this historic land mark shall be protected.
(4) Prof. A. L. Keith, of Carleton College, Northfield, Minn.; a great great
•grandson of John Pringle and Rebecca Simpson, is confident, after exhaustive
research, that the two John Pringles are identical, and that Simpson the trapper
and Simpson the slave holder were one and the same person. This, however, has
not been truly verified. Several of the Kentucky Pringles were in the War of 1812.
(5) See Chapter IX, this Volume.
(6) For a further sketch of the Pringles, see Border Warfare.
Also, Chapter XVIII, History of Upshur County, West Fa., 1906.
All references herein to the several County Histories of West Vigrinia, have
been added since this volume was practically completed.
(7) See Chapter XXXIV, this Volume, for notice of the belief in witchcraft.
(8) Doddridge, in his Notes on. the Settlement and Indian Wars of Virginia and
Pennsylvania; Albany, 1876, pp. 140, 141, gives this description of the hunting
shirt.
Border Settlers oi Ncjrtuwestern \'iRt;iMA 417
"The hunting shirt was universally worn. This was a kind of loose frock,
reaching half way down the thighs, with large sleeves, open before, and so wide
as to lop over a foot or more when belted. The cape was large, and sometimes
handsomely fringed with a raveled piece of cloth of a different color from that of
the hunting shirt itself. Tlic bosom of this dress served as a wallet to hold a
chunk of bread, cakes, jerk, tow fur wiping the barrel of the rifle, or any other
necessary for the hunter or warrior. Tiie belt, which was always tied behind,
answered several purposes, beside that of holding the dress together. In cold
weather the mittens, and sometimes the bullet-bag, occupied the front part of it.
To the right side was suspended the tomahawk and to the left the scalping knife
in its leathern sheath. The hunting shirt was generally made of linsey, sometimes
of coarse linen, and a few of dressed deer skins. These last were very cold and
uncomfortable in wet weather."
See also the History of the J'alley, by Kercheval; an old edition, p. 33S. Dellass,
pp. 94, 95. Jnnals of the ff'est; Pittsburg, 1857, p. 339.
At a later day the hunting shirt was of a different pattern, a sort of long sack
coat or "wammus," minus the cape and belt. The material was homespun linsey,
usually colored red. The back was cut in one piece, with the front corners long
and pendulous. These corners were tied together in front, drawing the tail in
a close-fitting belt about the waist. This formed the body of the coat into a
capacious bag, extending entirely around the person of the wearer. In this handy
repository the hunter carried his food and small necessaries.
Several years ago a settler in Gilmer County, West Virginia, named Wilson,
was digging ginseng. In the back of his wammus he carried a ration of corn bread
and jerk. He was accompanied by his two dogs, and in the course of the day
came upon a bear. One of the dogs immediately fled to camp. The bear soon
threw the man, and was proceeding to "chew him up." Fortunately the bear
got hold of the corn pone, and while demolishing that savory morsel, the dog
which had remained faithful seized the bear about the head, causing it to release
its hold on both man and pone to deal with this canine adversary. Wilson, now
free, sprang to his feet and dispatched the bear with his rifle. Upon his return
to camp, he promptly shot the recreant dog, swearing that he would not keep a
dog that would desert him in time of danger.
The origin of the w'ord "jerk," as applied to dried venison, was thus humorously
explained by Abram Reger and Stephen Martin, two old hunters of the Buck-
hannon region: "The hunter often takes a bite of dried venison without cutting
it with his knife; and it requires a strong quick jerk with both hands and teeth
to sever it — hence the name."
(9) The following is part of a note written by me for the recent (1895) edition
of fFither's Chronicles of Border Warfare.
"Hughes was a noted border scout, but a man of tierce unbridled passions,
and so confirmed an Indian hater that no tribesman, however peaceful his record,
was safe in his presence. Some of the most cruel acts on the frontier are, by tradi-
tion, attributed to this man. While he was a great scout and Indian trader [trailer],
he never headed an expedition of note. This, no doubt, was because of his fierce
temperament and bad reputation among his countr\nien."
"Want of space alone," says Mr. Thwaites, the editor, "prevents me from
418 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
giving Mr. McWhorter's narrative of Hughes' long and bloody career. In study-
ing the annals of the border," continues the editor, "we must not fail to note
that here and there were many savage-hearted men among the white settlers
whose deeds were quite as atrocious as any attributed to the red-skins. Current
histories of Indian warfare seldom recognize this fact."
(10) Border Warfare, pp. 121, 122. DeHass, Indian Wars, pp. 77, 78.
(11) Border Warfare, p. 122.
(12) See Chapter XXV, this Volume.
(13) History of Upshur County, West Fa., p. 183.
NOTES ON CHAPTER II
(1) Border Warfare, Editor's Preface, p. 5.
(2) Draper's Memoir of Withers, Border Warfare, p. 11.
(3) This was William Hacker, Jr., the eldest son of John Hacker, the first settler
on Hacker's Creek. William Hacker, Sr., the scout, and John Hacker the settler,
were brothers. There was a sister named "Betsy," who, tradition says, was
Mrs. Merrill, of Kentucky border fame; while another version of this tradition
has it that she married a Mr. Freeman, although crediting her with the terrible
•achievements of Mrs. Merrill with an axe and a featherbed.
For an account of this occurrence, see Border Warfare, pp. 405, 406. DeHass,
pp. 297, 298. McKnight, Our Western Border, Chicago, 1902, p. 698.
(4) This was Elias Hughes. See Chapters XXIV, XXV, this Volume.
(5) Since writing this chapter I have come in possession of several interesting
letters on this topic, which are given in Appendix I, this Volume.
(6) I cannot refrain from here giving a few incidents of Mrs. Cunningham's
captivity as told by my step-mother, a granddaughter of Mrs. Cunningham; and
who often heard her grandmother tell the story of her adventures.
While concealed in the cavern, the searching party of whites came upon the
rock overhead so closely that Mrs. Cunningham said, "Not only were their
voices plainly audible, and I recognized some of them, but the slight rustle of their
shot pouches was borne to my ear. I was in mortal terror lest my baby should
cry, knowing full well that swift death would follow."
A pole which lay in the cavern showed for many years the cuts where the
Indians had hacked it with their tomahawks during their involuntary delay.
When Simon Girty was negotiating for her release at the Maumee Rapids
in the autumn 1788, the Indians seemed reluctant to let her go and haggled for
some time over the amount which they were receiving in exchange. Finally one
of them seized her roughly by the shoulder and shoving her towards Girty, exclaimed
fiercely: "Take her, we have nothing for our flesh and blood." He was referring
Border Settlers of Northwestern \'ir(;ini.\ 419
to the warrior who was mortally wouiuicJ by Kdward Ciinninirham when she was
taken prisoner.
Simon Girty was iiistrumcntal in restoring Mrs. Cunningham to her friends
after a captivity of more than three years; but McKcc, the British aKcnt. furnished
the goods that were given In exchange.
In the Autobiography of Rev. James L. Clarke, it is declared that .Mrs. Cun-
ningham, whose Christian name was Phoebe, embraced religion while on her way
to the Indian towns. She died in 1S4\ near Freed, Calhoun Ciuini}-, West \'a..
and was buried there.
For a general account of the Cunningham tragedy, consult: Border ffarfare,
Dellass, McKnight and Chapter \'I, I.owther's History of Ritchie County, IVest I'a.
Dellass and McKnight both state that the attack on the Cunninghams was in
June 1785; but Lieut. Duvall who was in command of the Harrison County Militia
at that time, gives the date "31st August," of that year, when he reported Mrs.
Cunningham killed. See Note 4, Chapter X\'II, this \'t)lume. for notice of Lieut.
J. P. Duvall.
Mrs. Cunningham in depicting domestic pioneer life, gave facts which I do
not recall ever seeing in print. Horse collars were made from the soft fiber obtained
from the linden tree. When the sap was in full flow the bark was stripped from
the trunk in long sheets and thrown into the water and left there until the sap-
fiber became loosened; when it could be separated from the rough outer coating
in thin ribbon-like layers. This was plaited into thick pads and used as horse
collars. Grape vines, or hickory bark twisted into ropes, answered for traces.
There was among the Cunninghams, one Joe, captured by the Indians when a
small boy and retained by them until grown. The traits of his forest life were
indelibly fixed. He wore large rings in his ears and in many ways retained the
Indian dress. .\ heavy hunting knife always hung at his belt, and he had an
unpleasant way of slipping upon persons unawares and suddenly whipping out
his knife, feign stabbing them, accompanying the motion with a gutteral "/FAom."
He was known as '"Indian Joe."
(7) Border Warfare, pp. 309, 310.
(8) Border Warfare, p. 290.
(9) Border Warfare, pp. 247-258.
00) Border Warfare, p. 370.
'11) The "Messrs. Bonnetts" were Lewis, Peter and Jacob; brothers to Samuel
and John Bonnett, referred to elsewhere in this Volume. They came from Hardy
County, Virginia. Lewis and Peter were granted pensions for services as Indian
spies from 1779 to 1783. Their narratives are interesting, setting forth at length
their services along the Ohio River and country adjacent to the upper Monongahela
settlements.
Lewis states that "In .\pril 1783 in a skirmish with a band of Indians, had a
brother John killed, we put his body in a well known cave in Lewis Co. where his
bones are yet to be seen." (1833.)
John Bonnett was killed in September 177S.
Lewis Bonnett was born in liardv Countv, \'a., in 17(i2.
420 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
The declaration of Peter Bonnett is practicall}- the same as that of his brother
LeAvis, and both were granted pensions.
Jacob Bonnett was pensioned for services as private in Col. Crocket's Virginia
Regiment. He died in Lewis County, Va., in December, 1847. His wife, Martha,
a daughter of Jesse Hughes, died in December, 1834. They left the following
children: Martha; Delilah, married Abram Hess; Eliza, married Fleming Sprouse;
Lucinda, married Jesse Butcher; Samuel, Gracie, Elizabeth.
All but the last three children were still living in Lewis County, Va., in April
1860. Samuel, Gracie and Elizabeth had died previously, leaving descendants.
Adam Flesher secured a pension for two years alleged service in Col. Duvall's
Regiment, but upon the recommendation and evidence secured by W. G. Singleton,
both Flesher and the Bonnetts were dropped from the pension roll as being too
young to have served in the Revolutionary War.
Flesher's declaration is of interest, setting forth in detail his experiences during
the War. He was the son of Henry Flesher, the first settler at Weston, and he
states that in October, 1781, he went with his father and family to the Buckhannon
Fort where he engaged in a five days scout for Indians. The Flesher family
remained there until the following spring. There were no disturbances during
the winter, but "in February the Indians came within 2 miles of the Fort, and killed
John Finch, [Fink] the alarm was given the men of the fort including myself; we
went out, found the body and buried it. I was engaged in this matter two days."
Henry Flesher was born July 29, 1764; making him seventeen years of age
at the time of his service at the Buckhannon Fort. Many served in the Revolu-
tionary War at that age and even younger. On February 22, 1792, Flesher married
Elizabeth Staats, who was born October 12, 1776. Flesher died November 4, 1854.
Jesse Carpenter and Thomas Cottral were also granted pensions for military
services on the border, but were subsequently stricken from the list for the same^
reason as were the Bonnetts and Flesher. Cottral claimed to have served through
the seasons of 1779, 1780, 1781 and 1782. His declaration is barren of incidents.
He was born in Pennsylvania, January 22, 1762. Singleton v/as instrumental in
having several others of that region eliminated from the pension roll, mostly on
the same grounds as the foregoing cases. In many instances his rulings appear
very arbitrary and unjust.
(12) For a notice of Col. John McWhorte'r, see Chapter XXVIII, this Volume.
(13) Now deceased. See Note 17, Chapter XXVIII.
(14) Border Warfare, p. 366.
(15) Border Warfare, pp. 217, 218.
(16) Border Warfare, pp. 135, 137.
NOTES ON CHAPTER III
(1) The reader will hardly fail to notice the striking similarity of the two pre-
ceding incidents and those related of Lewis Wetzel, by the same author, DeHass,
pp. 349, 353.
Border Settlers of NOrthw esterx \'irc;inia 421
These sketches of Hughes, and JVetzel, are also found in McKnight's Our
Western Border, pp. 330-332, 669-671.
(2) Without doubt this incident occurred at West's Fort. It is hrietl)' men-
tioned in Border Jf'arfare, pp. 287, 288. A full account of the transaction will be
found elsewhere in this \'oIumc.
(3) Local tradition sa\s that two of the garrison at Tort JelTerson, Ohio, were
lured into the woods just west of the Fort and there killed. In this manner, in
the summer of 1792, Capt. Shaylor, the commander of that Fort, with his son,
"a lad of fine promise," were decoyed from the fortress and the latter killed.
The Captain escaped closely pursued and wounded in the back by an arrow.
See Burnet's Notes on the Northwestern Territory, Cincinnati, 1847, pp. 112, 113,
where Shaylor is ranked as Major. Also, Howe's Historical Collections of Ohio,
Volume I, pp. 529, 530.
Samuel Drake, a youth and a rifleman in Gen. Harrison's Army, War of 1812,
used to relate that while in camp where Detroit now stands, he heard turkeys
calling for two mornings back of his tent. Early on the second morning he stepped
outside and was examining his rifle for the purpose of going to shoot the turkey,
when an old woodsman with a rifle on his shoulder called: "Samm\' where are
you going with that gun." Just then there was another call from the turkey and
Drake replied: "I am going to shoot that turkey." The old borderman heard it.
and then carefulh" stationed Drake at the rear of the tent and told him to stay
there and watch and he would "go shoot the turkey and give it to him." The
scout then went about a half mile down the river and disappeared in the woods.
While Drake was watching the place from where the cries issued, he heard the
report of a rifle and saw an Indian throw up his hands and fall across a log. Soon
the old rifleman came back and told Drake to "go get the turkey and cook it."
(4) History of Augusta County, J'irginia; Staunton, 1882, p. 353.
XOTES OX CHAPTER TV
(l) C. V. Woodson, in his memoranda of the Hughes Family, of Powhatan
County (Virginia), p. 208, Volume \', Virginia. Magazine of History, 1897, says:
"Record (as far as now known) of the Hughes famih', who originalh' owned
Hughes' Creek, in Powhatan, Va.
"Jesse Hughes and his wife (French Huguenot) came from the mother country
in company with a large number of other Huguenots, and settled in this State
while yet a colony of England. W'ith others who obtained grants of land from
King Charles II, of England, Jesse Hughes settled Hughes' Creek, on James
River, in Powhatan, Va., and on this place he and his family lived and died. Xo
record of births, deaths or marriages extant. Hughes' Creek was entailed, accord-
ing to the English law. Continued in the family through four generations. Martha
Hartwell Hughes, who intermarried with Francis Goode (son of Robert Goode,
the third), of Whitby, was the last owner, when it fell into other hands.
'Jesse Hughes' son, Robert Hughes (first) married and left sons and daughters.
Xo record of births, marriaees and deaths of himself and familv now extant.
422 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
' Robert Hughes (the second) son of Robert Hughes (the first), married Ann
Hartwell, of New Kent. They had three sons, Jesse Hughes, Robert Hughes
(the third) and David Hughes; also two daughters, Fanny Hughes and Temperance
Hughes. She married Henry Watkins, of Bush River, Prince Edward Count}-.
They had five sons and two daughters. No record of family now extant as to
births and deaths.
"Jesse Hughes, son of Robert Hughes (the second), was a pioneer and explorer
of the mountains and the west of Virginia. He was a man of energy and bravery.
He died on one of his expeditions to the mountains. Died unmarried, and from
him his brother, Robert Hughes, inherited Hughes' Creek. See DeHass for an
account of Jesse Hughes' career in West Virginia as Indian fighter, etc.
"Robert Hughes (the third) served in the Revolutionary War as captain of
a volunteer company; married previous to the war, Mary Mosby, a daughter of
Littleberry Mosby and his wife. Elizabeth Netherland was a daughter of his
first wife.
"Robert Hughes (the third) died soon after the close of the Revolutionary-
War, leaving three daughters, Martha Hartwell Hughes, Elizabeth Netherland
Hughes and Ann Hartwell Hughes. No sons."
It is very probable that Mr. Woodson errs in stating that Jesse Hughes was
a French Huguenot. During the terrible persecution of the Huguenots in France,
many of them migrated to England, Germany and other European countries,
while others settled in Africa and the North American Colonies. It is not im-
probable that the wife of Jesse Hughes, the founder of this family in Powhatan,
Avas a French Huguenot and that they were accompanied by others of her country-
men to Virginia. It is hardly necessary to note that Mr. Woodson has confounded
Jesse Hughes, who died in the mountains, with Jesse Hughes, the scout of border
fame.
(2) Albache's Western Annals, Pittsburgh, 1857, p. 174.
(3) Border Warfare, pp. 89, 118.
(4) Following is the version of this tragedy as narrated in Border Warfare,
pp. 240, 241:
"In the last of April, a party of about twenty Indians came to the neighbor-
hoods of Hacker's Creek and the West Fork. At this time the inhabitants of
those neighborhoods had removed to West's Fort, on the creek, and to Richard's
Fort on the river; and leaving the women and children in them during the day.
under the protection of a few men, the others were in the habit of performing the
usual labors of their farms in companies, so as to preserve them from attacks of
the Indians. A company of men, being thus engaged, the first week of Alay, in
a field, now owned by A-Iinter Bailey, on Hacker's Creek, and being a good deal
dispersed in various occupations, some fencing, others clearing, and a few plough-
ing, they were unexpectedly fired upon by the Indians, and Thomas Hughes and
Jonathan Lowther shot down; the others being incautiously without arms fled
for safety. Two of the company, having the Indians rather between them and
West's Fort, ran directly to Richard's, as well for their own security as to give the
alarm there. But they had already been apprized that the enemy was at hand.
Isaac Washburn, who had been to mill on Hacker's Creek the day before, on his
return to Richard's Fort and near to where Clement's mill now stands, was shot
Border Settlers oi Northwestern \"irc;ini.\ 423
from his horse, tomahawked and scalped. The tindiii^' <jf his bod}-, thus cruelly
mangled, had given them the alarm, and they were already on their guard, before
the two men from Hacker's Creek arrived with the intelli^'cnce of what had been
done there. The Indians then left the neighborhood without effecting more
havoc; and the whites were too weak to go in pursuit, and molest them."
It was claimed by the old settlers, that Isaac Washburn was shot on the river
bank, and feeling his wound mortal and to save his hair which was long and lux-
uriant, he leaped into the deep water just above the mouth of the run which still
bears his name. The crossing was on a ripple a little further down.
Mr. Clark VV. Helmick of West Milford, West Va., writes me that he often
Talked with Jesse Lowther, a lad of about ten years at the time of the Washburn
tragedy, who lived in the Richard Fort, and if Washburn was scalped at all it
was while he was in tiic walcr.
Several years ago a party while seining this same hole, brought to light an
old rifle supposed to have been Washburn's. The barrel is octagon, measuring
forty-three and three-fourths inches in length, and partly rusted in two. Most
of the stock was gone but part of the heavy wood and the lock are in a fair state
of preservation. The flint was missing from the lock. Mr. D. B. Rider, one of
the seiners, carefully preserved the relic. It is now in the possession of Mr. W. M.
Bird of Lost Creek, West Va., who also has the bullet with which the gun was
loaded at the time of Washburn's death. It weighs half-ounce, and is oval at
the point and flat at the base. (See cut and Note 6, Chapter XVJ, this Volume.)
Jesse Lowther narrated that when Washburn was killed some of the men
were out hunting and came near being ambushed. Thomas Hughes fled for the
fort, hotly pursued by three Indians. x\s the scout drew near the stockade one
of the men perched on the wall near the gate kept halloing: ''Run Tom, run Tom,
er they'll ketch ye.'' This constant urging annoyed Hughes, who, as soon as he
came up exclaimed: "Shut yer damned hollerin'; do ye s'pose a man would run
booby with three Injuns after him?"
There were five brothers of the Washburns, and like the Schoolcrafts, the
family was nearly exterminated during the border wars.
Benjamin was the only one to escape, and he in company with Benjamin
Shinn and William Grundy, was fired upon in 1778, when returning from a deer
lick on the head of Booth's Creek, near Baxter's Run, Grundv was killed. Withers
p. 247.
Later in the same year while gathering pine knots from which to manufacture
shoemakers wax, preparatory to leaving the country because of Indian hostilities,
James and Stephen were fired upon and the latter killed and scalped. James was
taken to the Indian towns and beaten to death while running the gauntlet the
second time. Withers pp. 250, 251.
It is tradition that a few nights previous to his death, Stephen dreamed that
he was scalped, which filled his mind with gloomy forebodings of coming fate.
In June 1782, an Indian shot and scalped Charles Washburn, while he wa&
cutting wood near his own dooryard. Withers, p. 345.
Tradition says that a sister was carried into captivity and adopted into an
Indian family. One day two scouts, one of whom was Lewis Wetzel, came upon
two squaws near the banks of a river in the Indian country and they determined
to drown them. One of these was the Washburn woman, who making herself
424 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
knowri was rescued and brought home by the scouts, but her campanion was
drowned.
This adventure is very similar to that of the scouts, Robert McClellan and
one White, in 1790, as told in Our Western Border, p. 563.
The scouts had been sent out from Fort Gower, on the Hock-hocking River,
in Ohio, and were spying on the Indians from an eminence since known as Mount
Pleasant. White went to a spring for water near the river bank and was discovered
by two squaws, who came within a few feet of him. The surprise was mutual;
but the elder woman recovering, gave the alarm halloo. The scout seized them
both and rushed into the river and attempted to drown them. The older squaw
soon succumbed, but the younger one made a stout resistance and spoke to him
in English. White released her, when she informed him that she had been a
captive for ten years, was taken with her brother below Wheeling, but the brother
had effected his escape on the second night. With the girl, White hurried back
where McClellan lay concealed, and where they immediately had a fight with
pursuing Indians, in which the girl took an active part. Under cover of night,
the party eluded their enemies, and in time reached the fort. The rescued girl's
name was Washburn; her mother and a sister were killed at the time of her capture.
McClellan was a noted frontiersman, and was identified with many stirring
events on the border. Was in the battle of the Fallen Timbers, and subsequently
a trader among the western tribes, and eventually drifted to Astoria, Oregon, in
the interest of the Astor Fur Company. With a few comrades, he started to return
to the States, and the entire party had nearly perished of hunger and hardships
encountered on the desert and in the mountains. This was -in 1812. McClellan
died two years later.
(5) For a biographical sketch of Elias Hughes, see Chapters XXIV, XXV, this
Volume.
(6) Henry Flesher settled on the present site of Weston, in 1776, or soon after.
He entered and secured certificate for 400 acres. It is said that his flailing, or
thrashing floor was where the court house is now located. His cabin stood about
fifty yards from where the Bland Hotel was afterwards erected, and at the head
of Main Street. At the time Flesher was attacked by Indians, he was hauling
logs for a stable.
(7) See Chapter XX, this Volume, for a sketch of Adam O'Brien.
(8) The report of Mr. Singleton and the ruling of the Pension Ofiice in Hughes'
case are most singular. In many of his conclusions regarding the service and
status of the border militia scouts, it is difficult to believe that Singleton was not
swayed by a spirit of uncharitable discrimination. In a few instances his charge
of dishonesty is based upon the testimony of men whom he, in other cases, branded
as frauds. He decried others, whose good character was vouched for by men of
unquestionable integrity. This inconsistency is painfully manifest in more than
one case.
The Act of Congress, June 4, 1832, pensioning soldiers of the Revolutionary
War, are the clauses under which Hughes and most of the militia or border scouts
applied for pensions. See Statutes at Large, Twenty-Second Congress, First
Border Si:tti,krs ok Xorthwestern \'ir(;ini.\ 425
Session, Chapter CXXV'l. The limitation contained in Section 2 was removed
by Act, Frebuary 19, 1833, and construed not to embrace invalid pensioners.
(9) In 1757, the privates in Capt. Hogg's Company of Augusta County, Virginia,
rangers were paid twenty pence (about fifteen cents) a day, and they found their
own clothing. Annals of Augusta County, Richmond, 1886, p. 100.
But if the scout's temporal wants were poorly provided for, his spiritual
welfare was certainly not neglected. In October of the same year. Governor
Dinwiddle wrote to Major Lewis: "Recommend morality and sobriety to all the
people, with a due submission and regard to Providence. Let swearing, private
quarrels, drunkenness and gaming be strictly forbid."
The \'irginia General Assembly of October, 1782, enacted:
"And whereas, the allowance to scouts employed for discovering the approach
of Indian or any other enemy on the frontiers is inadequate to their fatigue and
trouble. Be it enacted, that every scout who shall hereafter be employed, as b\'
law directed, shall be entitled to receive for every day he shall be so employed,
the sum of five shillings per day, to be audited and paid in the same manner as
the militia in this .\ct is directed to be paid." — Hening, "Statutes at Large " Vol. II,
p. ISl.
In 1791 scouts employed at the forts along the Ohio were paid b>' the govern-
ment, "five shillings, or eighty-four cents a day."
(10) Border Warfare, p. 246.
(11) Abridged from William Hanford,in The JVest Virginia Historical Magazine,
Volume 4, pp. 220-223.
(12) Border Warfare, p. 123.
03) SaffclPs Records of the Rez'olutioiiary War, Xew York, 1858, p. 242.
(14) The Conspiracy of Pontiac, Boston, 1888. pp. 40, 41.
For advocacy of the use of bloodhounds in Indian warfare, see Bouquet's
Expedition Against the Ohio Indians, Cincinnati, 1906, p. 41.
(15) It is claimed by the immediate descendants of Jesse Hughes that he atone
time owned all the land on Jesse's Run. If he claimed lands other than the 400
acres acquired by settlement, it must have been under the questionable right of
"tomahawk improvement." I have been unable to find of record that he even
acquired by preemption the 1,000 acres to which his homestead entitled him.
"There was at an early period of our settlements, an inferior kind of land
title, denominated a tomahawk right, which was made by deadening a few trees
near the head of a spring, and marking the bark of some one, or more of them with
the initials of the name of the person who made the improvement." — Doddridge,
p. 130.
The land laws of \ ireinla were \cry crude and incfiiclcnt. Kentuck\- inherited
them and had endless trouble as the result. One law allowed a settler four hundred
acres for building a cabin and raising a crop, and this gave him the right to preempt
one thousand acres additional. Another law allowed anyone who planted a patch
of corn, one hundred acres of land for each acre in his corn patch. This was called
a Corn Right. In 1779, \'irginia enacted a law which provided for the land entries
made by the Trans-Allegheny settlers, securint: to ilicm a sound title. Those who
426 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
had not actually settled, but at their cost had sent others to settle on public land.
were entitled to four hundred acres for each family settled, at a cost of two dollars
and twenty-five cents for each hundred acres. Each settler having the above right
could preempt one thousand acres additional at forty cents an acre.
Tomahawk claims, while not legal, were usually recognized by newcomers, who,
if desirous of settling on one of them, preferred to pay the claimant something
rather than enter into a quarrel, as friendship was essential for mutual protection
against a common foe. Occasionally, however, some stalwart borderman, endowed
with a pugnacious disposition, would take forcible possession of a tomahawk
claim, and if the former claimant was too annoying in his importunity for a com-
pensation he was sometimes given a "laced jacket," that is, a flogging with hickory
switches.
If the virtue and efficiency of the "tomahawk right" was vested solely in the
lighting qualities and the physical abilities of the claimant to defend his holding
against violent invasion, Jesse Hughes had what was the equal of a warranty deed
to his wooded domain.
Jesse Hughes' tomahawk claims will be referred to again in the course of this.
Volume.
(16) On page 285, Trans-Allegheny Historical Magazine (1902), Prof. Hu
Maxwell, in writing of the "Pioneers in Alonongalia County," claims that there
were permanent settlements made in this region as early as 1766, and that one
of these was in (now) Braxton County, as follows:
"In the same year James Workman penetrated to the region now forming-
Gilmer County and built his cabin and became a settler. His cabin stood on
the west bank of the Little Kanawha. He sold his claim to William Stewart."
Professor Maxwell bases his conclusions on the following certificate of home-
stead entry, granted in 1781.
"William Stewart, assignee of James Workman, 400 acres on the Little-
Kanhaway, on the west side of said Kanhaway, in right of said Workman's residence
to include an improvement made in the year of 1766, with a preemption to 1,000'
acres adjoining thereto."
I have the highest regard for Professor Maxwell as a historian, but I doubt
seriously if there is sufficient ground for asserting that James Workman actually
settled in that remote region as early as 1766. While Workman is credited with
a "residence," it must be borne in mind that this certificate was not issued until
1781. Nor does it imply that such "residence" was made in 1766. It is significant,
however, that the certificate was worded to "include an improvement made in
1766."
As previously cited, a few trees girdled near a spring were, in those days, a
recognized "improvement." Indeed, as I shall have occasion to show elsewhere
in this Volume, land claims were sometimes recognized by the establishment of
a hunter's camp only. In the case of Workman, the logical inference is that his
"improvement" of 1766 consisted of a "tomahawk improvement," and that his
residence, if otherwise than that of a hunter, was made at a later period.
For additional data regarding the early "claims" and homestead grants on
the western waters, see Chapters XII, XVII, XXVI, XXIX and notes in Chapters-
XXIV and XXX, this Volume.
i
BoRDKR SkTTI.KRS OF N ORTH WESTKRN \'lR(;iNI.\ 427
(17) Poisonous reptiles were not the least of the dangers which beset the early
settler. Doddridge devotes an entire chapter to this plague. Their proneness
to crawl into the cabins made them the more to be dreaded. .\ small child of a
pioneer on the Cheat River was playing on the sunny side of the cabin one morning,
when she came running to the door and exclaimed, "Mamma, there is a big yaller
worm in the side of the house; come and kill it." The mother, thoughtless of
danger, nplltd, "\"\\ kill it." Tlu- iliild soon returned, declaring that she could
not kill it. TiiL- imitlRr went out ;nKl was dismayed to find an immense yellow
rattler ensconced between tlu- Iol's of tlu- cabin. So comfortable was the reptile
in the warm rays of the sun that the child's light blows with a stick had not dis-
turbed it. Hut tile rattler \\;is not always so gentle mannered. See Chapter
WXll, tins \nluine.
xcrrKs ox c"iiap'i'i:r \
(1) Probably named for John McKinney, or McKcnncy, who was ainoiiL' the
earliest, if not the first to claim land or settle on this stream.
(2) This was Hacker's homestead, for which he received certiticate "for 400
acres on Hacker's Creek adjoining lands of John Sleath, Sen., [Sleeth] to include his
settlement made in 1773." IVkhers says that Hacker settled on Hacker's Creek
in 1769. Border fFarfare, p. 122. This is correct, hut Hacker was one whose
first crop was destroyed by hiitlalo, and he did not bring his family permanently
from the South Branch until the winter of 1770, or later. .\ few years ago the
hewed log house built b\- Hacker was still standing, though in a ruined condition.
In the later years <if Indian hostilities this house was used as a fort or blockhouse,
by the immediate settlers. It has now been removed, and some of the logs used
in building a stable nearby. The foundation of the capacious stone chimney has
been left intact by Mr. David Swisher, the present owner of the farm. When
the chimney was torn down, the date, 17M7, was found cut on the surface of one of
the stones. This stone is now in the foundation of Mr. Swisher's house. But
this was not Hacker's original cabin. He first settled about one-fourth of a mile
east of where this more pnetentious house stood.
John Hacker was granted certificate for "400 acres on Huckhannon, adjoining
lands of George Jackson, to include his settlement made in 1774." In these early
land grants, the term "settlement" was synonymous, and applied alike to actual
settlement, settlement by tenant, and settlement by "improvement." This
vhould be borne in mind, otherwise the reader is likely to become confused. The
laws governing these land-cedings were very plastic.
Hacker was also allotted 108 acres in the "Clark Grant," in Indiana, for
service as private in Colonel Clark's Illinois Campaign, 1778. See English's
Conquest of the Xortlrurst, \'olunie II, p. 845.
(3) See Chapter A'.V.V/, this \olume.
'4) This little \alle_v, while yet covered with an unbroken forest, was named
'.:x'm the following incident: My grandfather, Walter McWhorter, and John
r'-dmonds, were there hunting; and the latter seeing at a distance through the
428 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
woods what he supposed to be a wolf, fired and killed his favorite dog, "Rover."
The stream has ever since been known as Rover^s Ru7i.
(5) After the examination of this mysterious monument, the excavation was
re-filled and the stones carefully placed in their former position. This policy
was strictly adhered to in the many investigations that were made among the
remains of the aboriginal inhabitants of the valley.
(6) All relics obtained through many years of field collecting, with full data,
were placed permanently in the Museum of the West Virginia Historical and
Antiquarian Society, Charleston; since created the Departme^it of Archives and
History.
(7) Rooting Creek was named as early as 1781, but the origin of the name is
unknown. The traditional account is, that in the settlement of the country,
hogs, escaping from their owners, became wild and frequented this stream, and
hunters found the surface of the rich bottom lands widely disturbed by the rooting
propensity of these long-nosed porkers, hence the name. This explanation is
perhaps correct.
(8) Many of the old "Indian Fields" have their legends of hidden treasure and
weird tales of supernatural visitations. A gentleman who had lived all his life
in close proximity to the ash-circle on Rooting Creek, gave me the following "well
authenticated" story. It fully illustrates the tenacious hold of superstition on
succeeding generations of the native hill and mountain people.
From the time of the earliest settlement of the little valley, said the narrator,
there was a tradition of buried treasure of unknown richness. This was guarded
by the disembodied spirit of the former owner, or, as was more probable, that of
some unfortunate victim sacrificed when the treasure was deposited, and whose
spirit was forever doomed to hover about the fatal spot until released from its
vigils by the removal of the trove. Oft in the evening twilight, the lone hunter
by his camp fire, or the belated passerby would be startled by plaintive and ghostly
callings from the gloomy forest. Emanating from a certain point, the wild weird
sounds — like a voice from the sepulchre — would wail, "Come here! Come here!
Come here!" Then, as the last cadence of that mysterious cry died in the distance,
the darkening shadows on every side re-echoed, "Come here! Come here! Come
here!" until the entire surrounding forest would be filled with an uncanny indis-
tinct murmur of ghostly voices, ending in a broken sob of despair. Many times
had the hardy hunter or straitened settler, mastering superstitious fear, sought
diligently for the treasure, but without success. Years passed into the endless
cycle of time. Settlers cleared the stately forest from the rich bottom and the
lower hillslopes of the valley. The calling of the wilderness spirit was still heard
at regular intervals from out the gloaming; but succeeding generations ceased to
regard the supernatural disturbance with that same degree of awe as did their
simple-minded ancestors. Indeed, some of the inhabitants came to observe the
"spooky" visitations with resentment. A climax was reached one evening, when
a foolhardy settler seized his rifle and discharged it in the direction of the wood-
crowned hill, from whence the voice proceeded. Instantly the cries ceased, and
at the same moment, from beneath the floor of the offender's cabin, there came a
terrible uproar, mingled with demoniacal shrieks and stifled groans; succeeded by
Border Settlers oe Northwestern \ irgi.nia 429
the oppressive stillness of death. The frightened, awe-stricken settler dared no
further molestation of the woodland ghost. Soon afterwards the uncanny dis-
turbance ceased. A few days later, some parties passing near where the mysterious
callings had emanated, were startled to find a deep excavation near the roots of
a large tree. Peering into the depths of the newly-dug pit, they beheld the imprint
of a large iron pot evidently hut recently removed. Here had been buried the
long sought treasure. The lucky tinder was never known, but the guardian spirit,
now released from its odious task, had departed forever.
A similar story was told and believed by the early settlers regarding a small
earthen mound situated near an old Indian village site, on bottom land owned
by the late William Bargerhoof, on Saul's Run, near Lorentz, Upshur County.
This mound, when e-xamincd by me in 1880, measured from fifteen to twenty feet
across, and about two feet six inches in height. At that time it showed a shallow
pit in the center, where, a few years previous, some farmers one night sunk a shaft
to the original surface of the ground. They were searching for treasure, but met
with the usual disappointment. Two of the party informed me that in the excava-
tion they found numerous flint chips and arrow points; while near the bottom of
the mound were "several poles resembling hand-spikes." These were in a fair
state of preservation, which would induce the belief that the mound could not lay
claim to great age. Parties who lived near the mound all their lives said that
before it had been degraded b\- the plow, it was very symmetrical in contour, and
about six feet in height.
The story in question averred that if a stick were thrust into the mound and
left there until nightfall, unearthly shrieks and screams would issue therefrom,
until the perpetrator of the outrage, unable to endure the frightful disturbance,
repeated nightly so long as the stick remained in place, would remove the stick
and fill up the hole. This done, the unaccountable noises would instantly cease.
It is needless to say that the experience was seldom repeated. This story, relig-
iously believed in by the first settlers, for more than two generations, secured the
mound from the obliterating influence of the plow. It is regrettable that it ever
lost its prestige. See The Archaeologist, Volume 1, No. 5, p. 96.
XOTl'-.S OX CHAPTER \ 1
(1) This legend of the sly hunter was told me by Washington Alkire, a ureat
grandson of Jesse Hughes, and well versed in local traditions.
When a boy, I often heard the story of John Bozarth, the pioneer, and his
son George, "gen-senging" on Turkey Run, of the Pringle camp. George, a lad
in his teens, knelt to quench his thirst at a spring or rivulet, and noticing a peculiar
looking stone protruding from the bank, chipped it with his hoe and was surprised
to see revealed by the fracture, a dull metalic surface. He called to his father who
was some distance away, that he had "found a mine." The old gentleman, who
was of a brusque nature, ordered him to his work, adding "you are always finding
something." The boy obeyed but first detached two or three small fragments of
the stone and placed them in his wallet. That night after returning home, the
specimens were examined and found to be rich in lead. .\ diligent search was
430 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
instituted for the strange spring, but the quest proved fruitless. George could
never identify the spot, and the "mine" eventually became a tradition of the
wilderness.
(2) Drake's Indians of North America, Alden, New York, p. 623.
(3) Hatch's A Chapter on the War 1812, Cincinnati, 1872, p. 89.
(4) The Shawnee belonged to the Algonquian linguistic stock of Indians. They
have been the greatest wanderers among the North American tribes. They were
fierce and always ready for war, and were driven from place to place by those tribes
with which they warred. They have lived in most of the country east of the
Mississippi, first in one locality and then another. They were pushed westward
about 1727 to 1730 with the Delawares. In the Ohio Valley in historic times,
their chief seat was what is now the southern part of Ohio. They lived on the
Lower Muskingum at the time the Wyandots had their towns on the upper waters
of that stream. The last of their Muskingum towns were destroyed by the cam-
paign of Col. Angus McDonnald, in Dunmore's War. They went to the Scioto.
The Shawnees were called younger brothers by the Delawares, and between
the two tribes there was always a strong attachment. They moved westward
before the advancing whites, and began to cross the Mississippi at the close of
Pontiac's War. They lived in Missouri, and about 1828 were located on the
south bank of the Kansas River from its mouth to a point beyond Shawnee County,
in a country unsurpassed for fertility and beauty. They live now among the
Cherokees and Senecas in the Indian Territory. Some of the greatest Indian
captains, orators and statesmen were Shawnees; among whom were Cornstalk,
Paxnous, Blue Jacket and Tecumseh.
The Shawnees were plundering and murdering on the frontier settlements
of the colonies. Western Virginia and Kentucky suffered more from them than
from all other tribes. There are among them now families founded by captive
men and women from the best families in Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania.
The Shawnees were called by the French, Chaouanons. They called themselves
the Shawano. — William E. Connelley. All subsequent notes written hy Mr. Connelley
will be signed with his initials only.
(5) Shawnee blood is found among the various tribes from the Mexican Border
to the British Line. Both they and the Delawares were known in the Treaty
between the Republic of Texas and the Cherokees and their Associate bands,
February 23, 1836. It may be noteworthy that in this treaty there is mention
of the "Younger Brothers" of the Cherokees, a name by which the Shawnees were
recognized by the Delawares.
The only known son of Chief Tecumseh was a signer of this treaty; but I
have been unable to identify him among the seven other signers. (See Texas
Library and Historical Commission, First Biennial Report, XX, p. 36.) His name
as known in history was Pugeshashenwa — "cat or panther in act of seizing prey,"
or "crouching" or "watching his prey." He was also known among his tribesmen
as Nah-thah-way-nah, 'who is it.'" as generally used in reference to some person
approaching or standing near. Neither of these names are connected with the
treaty in question. This, however, may be accounted for. in the Indian pluralit}'
of names. Indians frequently changed names, ofttimes commemorative of some
I
Border Settlers of Northwestern X'irginia 431
e\cnt in their lives, but not al\\a\s from sucli caprice or fancy. Siiould a warrior
signalize himself by inflicting loss or humiliation upon an enemy, it was expedient,
at times, to assume another name in order to better escape retaliatory vengeance.
Many of the old tribesmen have explained this phase of tribal life to me.
PuGESHASHENWA was born about 1796. Mamate, his mother, was divorced
by Tecumseh, after the Indian custom, but she cared for the child until he was
seven or eight years old. He was then taken over by Menezvaulakoosee, or Tfcuni-
sapeas, the only sister of Tecumseh, for wiiom he had great atTectitjn, oftlimcs
making her costh' presents. It is said that this boy afterwards became an officer
in the British military. He was presented with a sword and was gi\'en a pension
by the British, in honor of his father's service to the Crown.
PuGESHASiiENWA had a son, Jf'apameepto: "giving light as he walks."
better known as Big" Jim," corrupted from "Dick Jim;" born on the Sabine
Reservation, Texas, in 1832. In 1872 he became Chief of the Kispicotha; known
as Big Jim's Band of Absentee Shawnees. He died in .August, 1900, of smallpox,
while in Mexico, on a mission of procuring a place for his people where they would
be free from the influence of the white man. He was succeeded by his only son,
To-tom-vio, or "Little Jim," born about 1875. His name is given by some writers
as To-no-mo; but Mr. O. J. Green, Superintendent of the Absentee Shawnees,
Oklahoma, writes me that he is known by the name as first given.
Tuo.MAS Washington', whose mother was a sister of Jf'apajneepto, was also
Chief of the Absentee Shawnees.
Tecumseh had other wives tlian Mamate; the last of whom was JVa-be-U-ga-
ne-qua: "white wing." He lived witii her from 1802 to 1807, but it is not known
that he had other children than the one son; but there may have been others.
There is living among the fourteen Confederated Tribes, known as the Yakimas
of Washington, a tali, spare, sinewy man just past the meridian of life, who differs
in some respects from the tribesmen about him. This is Chief Tecumseh Yak-a-
tozv -it, who gave me this fragment of his family history.
"Mine," said he, "is an inherited name on my father's side. I am descended
from a long line of warriors. My father was Yakatowit, Chief of the Klickitats.
My grandfather, whose name I cannot recall, was a noted warrior who came from
far to the east, I know not the locality. His father was a great chief named Tecum-
seh, who was a mighty warrior. 1 know but little of his history, nor am I certain
of his tribe. I only know that my father told mc that he fell in battle fighting
with King George's soldiers against the Americans. This was a long time ago.
I know not how man}- years. It has been long since that battle was fought."
While Tecumseh enjoys but slight education, he is a man of strong mentalit}'
and high moral integrity. He has always been a leading spirit in tribal affairs,
and on March IS, 1912, was chosen "Head Chief of all the Yakimas." This,
however, was in a factional fight and being a man of sensitive honor, he has never
pressed his claim. I have often met with him in tribal councils and visited at his
home. When I first met him, he had never read of this most renowned Shawnee;
nor does he know the meaning, or interpretation of his own name. He explained
that "Tecumseh," in Klickitat, has no primal rendition, but is "onh' a name." He
is proud of his traditional lineage, and justly.
Chief PtKEESHENo: "1 light from flying."' the father of 'lecumseh, was
432 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
killed in the Battle of Point Pleasant, October 10, 1774. His eldest son, Cheeseekau,
fought with him.
Meetheetashe or Methoatask: "a turtle laying eggs in the sand," the mother
of Tecumseh, is said to have been a Creek woman. She died among the Cherokees,
where she went soon after the death of her husband, Pukeesheno. Tecumseh was
then but six years old, and Cheeseekau, a great warrior and a man of high integrity,
took him under his care and gave him the training which, perhaps, largety moulded
his future meteoric career. Cheeseekau was killed in battle with the whites on the
Tennessee border in 1788 or 1789. A younger brother, Sauwaseekau, a brave
warrior, was killed in the Battle of Fallen Timbers, August 20, 1795, while fighting
at Tecumseh's side. Some place this tragedy at Harmer's defeat, 1790.
Tecumseh was k illed in the battle of the Thames, Ontario, Canada, October
5, 1813. His son, Pugeshashenwa, fought with him in this battle, and Wasegoboah:
"stand firm," a valiant warrior and the husband of Menewaulakoosee, was slain.
The body of Tecumseh was not fully identified by the American troops, but that
which was supposed to be his was flayed, in part, and the cuticle carried away as
mementoes and made into razor strops and other objects. Although the body
was lying within the light of the camp fires of the victors, it was recovered the
following night and carried off by his surviving warriors. Eggleston's Tecumseh
and the Shawnee Prophet. New York, p. 318.
Drake gives the Indian and British loss in this battle, 100 killed and 200
wounded. American loss, 18 killed and 58 wounded. Drake's Indians of North
America, 15th Edition, p. 622.
At the onset of the battle, the British, under Gen. Proctor, fled, leaving their
brave Indian allies to stem the brunt of the fray. Tecumseh fell in the thickest
of the fight, at the head of his warriors of whom 120 were left on the field. Drake^s
Indians, p. 620. The great chieftain had a premonition that this was to be his
last battle, and just before the engagement he discarded his British uniform of
Brigadier General, and donned his Indian buckskin shirt. He gave his sword to
one of his chiefs and said: "When my son becomes a noted warrior and able to
wield a sword, give this to him." This incident should not be considered as evi-
dence that Pugheshashenzva was not with his father in this battle. Only seventeen
years old, he was not regarded as a "noted warrior," nor entitled to wear the
sword, which in Tecumseh's case was an emblem of authority. This greatest
of Shawnees was rightly dominated by the English, " Ki7ig of the Woods." Con-
sult Hatch's A Chapter of the History of the War of 1812. Drake's Life of Tecumseh.
Wood's Lives of Famous Indiaii Chiefs, and many other histories of the western
border.
(6) Buck Knob, so named from the incident of an early settler killing a buck
thereon. It is the highest elevation in the vicinity and a prominent land mark.
Its summit is pointed and stony. In one of the graves opened in this burial ground,
I found a small ornamented stone pipe with the characteristic funnel-shaped
orifices of the ancient, or pre-Columbian period. With it was a rather irregular
water-worn pebble of a few ounces, highly polished and of granitic texture and
pleasing hue. It evidently came from the glacial drift of the Northwest, probably
Ohio. It is very similar to some which I have observed cherished by modern
Indians, and supposed to possess talismanic virtues. Such charms or fetish,
are always prized very highly.
Border Sktti.ers ok Northw kstern \ iRt;iM.\ 433
(7) Border War jure, p. 122.
(8) See .Ippendi.x 1 1, this \'olumc, for notice of buffalo in Western X'irginia.
XOTKS DX ClIAP'l'I'.R \'n
(1) Bordt-r U'arjart-, pp. 136-13S.
Thzvaites says that Stroud resided on Elk River.
Gatlky River — This name is French, which some writers contend signifies
*"l"he River of the Gauls." 'i'liis definilion is far fi-lchcd and fanciful. The
stream was named for Gauloisc, a I'reiich trapper wlio haunted its banks in an
earh' da\'. The present appellation is an ImiuHsIi corruptit)n of the oripinal.
It is said that this stream was called by the Miamis, Chin-qou-ta-na, and by
the Delawares To-ke-bel-lo-ke, or water of the falls. It has the clearest water,
and is one of the most wideh' picturesque streams of the Great Kanawha system.
(2) The Delawares were one of the principal tribes of the .Mgonquian family,
and were divided into three sub-tribes: the Minsi, Monseys, Munsees, or Minisinks;
the Unami, or Wonameys; and the Unalachtigos. The Minsi lived on the head-
waters of the Delaware River, their territory extending down to the mouth of
the Lehigh. The country of the Unami was the valley of the Delaware from the
mouth of the Lehigh southward. The Unalachtigo country was about the mouth
of the Delaware River, and extending southward. The Delawares did not extend
west of the valley of the Delaware until after contact with Europeans. The
valley of the Susquehanna was occupied by the Susquehanocks, Iroquoians, and
the Delawares were forced into it by pressure of English settlements. The Minsi
had no part in the treaty with William Penn.
The upper valley of the Delaware, however, was pre-eminently the liome
of the Minsies (the historic Minisinks), where they built their towns, planted
their corn and kindled their council fires, and whence they set out on the hunt
or on the war path. The Minsies, Monsies, or Muncys, were the most warlike
of their people, and proverbially impatient of the white man's presence in the
Indian country. The murder of one Wright at John Burt's house in Snaketown,
in September of 1727, was the act of Minsies, and subjects are told of Kindassowa,
who resided "at the Forks of the Susquehanna above Mechayomy." The follow-
ing notice of the physical peculiarities and traits of these mountaineers, is copied
from a paper, in the hand writing of Mr. Heckewelder. ".According to my obser-
vation and judgment of Indian tribes, the Minsies have a peculiarity which sig-
nalizes them from other nations or tribes; and I have seldom failed in pointing
them out among a crowd, where they. Delawares and Mohicans were together.
The principal distinguishing marks with me, arc — robust or strong-boned, broad
faces, somewhat surly countenances, greater head of hair and this growing low
down on the foreheads, short, round-like nose, thick lips seldom closed, or rather
having their mouths generally somewhat open, which I am inclined to believe,
may be owing in some measure to an awkward custom of this people, who, instead
'f pointing to a tiling or object with their hands or fingers, as other Indians doj
434 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
generally draw out their mouths or lips in the desired direction. They are averse
to manners, prone to mischief, and friends of war. Their natural complexion is
dark, more so than any Indians I have seen yet, but being within these twenty
years much mixed by inter-marriages with other tribes, their color has become
lighter or fairer." — Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society, 1, pp. 255, 256.
The matter which the author refers to in his History of The Indian Nations,
and to which attention is called in his note, is that transaction in the history of
the Delawares and the Six Nations whereby the latter induced the former to become
women in order to better conserve the peace among the Indian tribes. In the
work above referred to the author treats the subject at great length, and has
received the disparagement of critics who know nothing but fault-finding. Both
the evidence and the probability are in favor of the account given by Heckewelder.
And the matter does not rest solely upon the Heckewelder account. In the edition
of his History of the Indian Nations, published in 1881, edited by the Rev. William
C. Reichel, who was himself an authority on the history of the Delawares and
other tribes, may be found the following note (pp. 59, 60):
The following is the passage from Loskiel, which that historian copied from
David Zeisberger's "Collection of Notes on the Indians," compiled by the mis-
sionary during his residence in the valley of the Tuscarawas about 1778. "Accord-
ing to the account of the Delawares, they were always too powerful for the Iroquois,
so that the latter were at length convinced that if they continued the war, their
total extirpation would be inevitable. They therefore sent the following message
to the Delawares: 'It is not profitable that all the nations should be at war with
each other, for this will at length be the ruin of the whole Indian race. We have
therefore considered a remedy by which this evil may be prevented. One nation
shall be the woman. We will place her in the midst, and the other nations who
make war shall be the man, and live around the woman. No one shall touch or
hurt the woman, and if anyone does it, we will immediately say to him, 'why do
you beat the woman.^' Then all the men shall fall upon him who has beaten the
■woman. The woman shall not go to war, but endeavor to keep with all. There-
fore, if the men that surround her beat each other, and the war be carried on with
violence, the woman shall have the right of addressing them, 'Ye men, what are
ye about.'' Why do you beat each other.'' We are almost afraid. Consider that
your wives and children must perish, unless you desist. Do you mean to destroy
yourselves from the face of the earth.'" The men shall hear and obey the woman.'
The Delawares add, that, not immediately perceiving the intention of the Iroquois,
they submitted to be the woman. The Iroquois then appointed a great feast,
and invited the Delaware nation to it; when, in consequence of the authority given
them, they made a solemn speech containing three capital points. The first was,
that they declared the Delaware nation to be the woman in the following vv^ords:
'We dress you in a woman's long habit, reaching down to your feet, and adorn
you with earrings;' meaning that they should no more take up arms. The second
point was thus expressed: 'We hang a calabash filled with oil and medicine upon
your arm. With the oil you shall cleanse the ears of the other nations, that they
may attend to good and not to bad words, and with the medicine you shall heal
those who are walking in foolish ways, that they may return to their senses and
incline their hearts to peace.' The third point, by which the Delawares were
exhorted to make agriculture their future employ and means of subsistence, was
Border Settlers oi Xorthwestern \'irginia 435
thus worded: 'We deliver into your hands a plant of Indian corn and a how.'
Each of these points was confirmed by delivering a belt of wampum, and these
belts have been carefully laid up, and their meaning frequently repeated.
"The Iroquois, on the contrary, assert that they conquered the Delaware
and that the latter were forced to adopt the defenseless state and appellation of
a woman to avoid total ruin.
"Whether these different accounts be true or false, certain it is that the Dela-
ware nation has ever since been looked to for preservation of peace, and entrusted
with the charge of the great belt of peace and chain of friendship, which they must
take care to preserve inviolate. According to the figurative explanation of the
Indians, the middle of the chain of friendship is placed upon the shoulder of the
Delaware, the rest of the Indian nations holding one end and the Europeans the
other."— /Fwi. E. C.
(3) Border Warfare, p. 136.
(4) On page 137, Chronicles of Border Warfare, is the following statement by the
Editor, R. G. Thwaites, in a note made up from information furnished him by me:
"Mr. McWhorter writes me that two others were Jesse Hughes and John
Cutright (corruption of Cartwright.^), both of them settlers on Hacker's Creek.
* * * The massacre of the Bull Town Indians was accompanied by atrocities as
repulsive as any reported by captives in Indian camps; of these there had long
been traditions, but details were not full}- know n until revealed by Cutright upon
his deathbed in 1852, when he had reached the age of 105 years." * * *
It is to be noted that Mr. Thwaites is mistaken in saying that Cutright was
a settler on Hacker's Creek. He was a settler on the Buckhannon. See Chapter
IX, this Volume. Not only was Cutright's confession made on his deathbed,
but the details had been narrated by him when he was in full possession of all his
faculties, on more than one occasion and to more than one person.
Col. Henry F. Westfall says that "Wm. White, Wm. Hacker, Samuel Pringle
and Andrew Skidmore were four of the party, perhaps John Pringle, Andrew
Friend and David White and Elijah Runner were also of the party." See Westfall's
letter, Appendix I, this Volume.
There was in the settlements a man named Rceder, from the Wappatomaka,
a notorious renegade, who is believed by some to have been in the Bulltown mas-
sacre. His hatred for the red race was insatiate. He killed peaceable Indians
secretly and by the most inhuman method. He first plied his \'ictims with whisky
until helplessly intoxicated, and then thrust his ramrod full length up into their
intestines, causing death, but leaving no visible marks of violence. He is known
to have killed no less than fifteen in this way, and four of these at one time.
(5) Those who would find excuse for the retaliation by the borderers in the
Stroud murder, should bear in mind that, viewed in the same light, the Shawnee
had just provocation for aggressive vengeance, and the tragedy at Stroud's was
of that nature.
"The last news we have had here is the killing of nine Shawancs Indians in
Augusta County, Va., who were passing this way to the Cherokee Nation, to war
against them, and had obtained a pass from Col. Lewis, of that county. Yet,
notwithstanding a number of county people met them a few miles from Col.
Lewis' and killed nine, there being but ten in the Company."
436 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Extract from a letter from Fort Loudoun, 1768, History of Augusta County,
Virginia, Staunton, 1882, p. 143.
(6) Border Warfare, p. 136.
(7) Appendix I, this Volume.
(8) A parallel to this pathetic incident is found in the Kennebec Indian, who,
prompted by the same motive that drove Captain Bull from his Kanawha home,
exhumed the body of his child and carried it two hundred miles to his people
in Canada.
NOTES ON CHAPTER VIII
(1) Border Warfare, p. 137.
(2) For a further notice of Indian Camp, see Appendix III, this Volume.
NOTES ON CHAPTER IX
(1) Border Warfare, p. 122.
(2) Appe7idix I, this Volume.
(3) See letter of David H. Smith, Apperidix I, this Volume.
(4) Withers, p. 247, gives the date of Booth's death, June 16, 1778. He was
killed on Tuesday. Cutrighl places the tragedy one year later, which is erro-
neous.
The Draper Manuscripts, 100, 79, contains the following pension statement
of John Cutright:
"John Cutright, Lewis Co. Va., Dec'n Aug. 7, 1832. In May, 1778, volun-
teered in Capt. James Boothe's company, at West's Fort on Hacker's Creek, for
18 months. In June, 1779, Capt. Boothe was killed by the Indians, on Boothe's
Creek, in now Harrison Co. Va. &c."
(5) See Chapter A'A'A', this Volume.
(6) From 1777, the bloody year of the border, to 1780, Virginia was hard pressed
for troops and drafting became necessary. An act of the State Legislature, May,
1777, ordered that unless the number of men required were enlisted by the tenth
of August, they should be drafted. In the interval, the Virginia troops suffered
considerable loss, especially at the Battle of Germantown; and in October of that
year another act was passed for recruiting the regiments by drafting unless the
quota was enlisted by the twelfth of February, 1778. Only unmarried men were
liable to this impressment. Annals of Augusta County, p. 163.
An act of October, 1778, required each county, except Illinois, to furnish the
"one twenty-fifth man" of its militia for the Virginia regiments by May 1, 1779,
to serve for three years, or during the war. The war spirit had cooled considerably,
and volunteers not forthcoming, it was ordered by Act of the Legislature, May,
I
Border Settlers of Xortiiwesterx Virginia 437
1779, that the "one t\vcni\'-hfth man of the militia" be drafted fur eighteen months.
Annals oj Augusta County, p. 167.
An act of the Legislature, May, 1780, provided that the several counties,
exclusive of the County of Illinois and the territory in dispute between Virginia
and Pennsylvania, should furnish one fifteenth man of the militia to serve in the
Continental Army until December 31, 1781. Staunton was place of rendezvous.
In October, 1780, the Legislature called for 3,000 men drafted for eighteen months
if not furnished b\- volunteering. This was the last enactment on the subject
during the war. Annals of Augusta County, p. 174.
Destitution among the \'irginia troops during this period was appallinc.
An inventory of the "arms, accoutrements and clothing" of fifty-three men com-
manded by Major Isaac Beall, 4th \'irginia Regiment, when returned June 21,
1778, consisted of: 46 muskets, 39 bayonets, 39 b. slings, 47 cartouch boxes,
14 hats, 46 coats, 28 vests, 11 pairs breeches, 19 pairs stockings, 38 shirts, 46 pairs
shoes, 32 blankets, 20 knapsacks, 30 overalls, 3 camp kettles and 3 canteens.
In some instances a soldier could boast a pair of stockings but no shoes, while
others possessed a blanket but neither hat, breeches nor overalls. One, Gallent
Crosbay, was fully armed, while his wearing apparel was accounted for in a pair
of shoes and a knapsack. William Lipscomb's exclusive possessions consisted of
a musket, bayonet, b. sling and cartouch box. I'irginia Magazine of History
and Biography, Volume 1, p. 207.
Under date, "Camp Charlotte, 7 December, 1780," Major-General Nathanial
Green, wrote General Washington: "Nothing can be more wretched and dis-
tressing than the condition of the troops, starving with cold and hunger, with-
out tents and camp equipage. Those of the Virginia line are literally naked;
and a great part totally unfit for any kind of duty, and must remain so until clotii-
ing can be had from the northward. I have written to Governor Jefferson not
to send forward any more until they are well clothed and properly equipped."
Sparks ^'Correspondence of the American Refolutio7i ." Volume III, p. 166.
Lender these conditions, coupled with the uncertainty of a moneyed compen-
sation it can hardly be a wonder that the discouraged Virginians refused to leave
their homes and their woods to engage in a cause which appeared well nigh hopeless.
The territorial dispute between Virginia and Pennsylvania at this time waxed
warm, and was also a great drawback to the state enlistments and the American
cause. The following interesting letter found among the Draper manuscripts,
and here published for the first time, portrays the temper of the \'irginia border
colony relative to this trouble.
"MoNONGALi.v April lUii' 1780
"Dear W"
"I have Started John of to W'ms Burg for the Surveyors Com", which I Could
not get for him without his appearing there in person (how ye. lad will make out
I Cannot tell for he Drives on partly in ye. Old Way) But let that be as it will it
has taken all the money I Could spare to fitt him out for the trip Besides
Given Richard Orders to Draw on you for £300 to help out with his expences which
Ric^. is to Borrow from some one and you must by no means refuse the Order
in Case he should Draw one on you — I shall leave this place in a Da\' or two for
the falls — there is Certain Accounts Brought to pitt of the Indians taken 2 Boats
and that they are ver\' thick on the River the passage witiiout irreat Care wil!
438 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
be Daingerous — the people is in great Confusion heare on account of the Dis-
puted line and is Determined to Declare them selves a Separate State which will
be Done before the Last of this Month George Rooks is at the head of it.
I am yr. Afft Br
Gael A/Iadison
I shall rite to you
by the first opv from
the fals if I Gt the.
Addressed: To M^. William Madison Botetourt
Endorsed: Letter Gab. Madison 80." Wis. Hist. Soc. 5zz73, A. L. S.
(7) Among those dropped from the pension roll in Lewis Co., was Patrick
McCan, of McCan's Fort. He was awarded $9S a year for alleged two years'
service as private and sergeant in Col. Broadhead's Regiment, Revolutionary War.
It afterwards appeared that McCan was too young for service in the Revolution,
and his pension was stopped. He had a brother killed in the Patriot Army.
The McCans came from Ireland, and in 1785 were residing on lands owned by
John Powers. Patrick was noted for his eccentricity and self emulation. Be it
said, however, that his stories were of a harmless nature, usually bordering on the
miraculous. He was once hunting, and reaching the brow of a hill, he beheld
a great commotion among the tall weeds growing on a lower flat. Supposing that
the disturbance was caused by a deer, he silently approached^ in order to get a
shot. On coming to the place he was amazed to behold a log rolling back and
forth, so crooked that it could not lie still. This gave rise to the proverb still
current in that region, "Crooked as McCan's log."
(8) This was, perhaps, in 1780, when Cutright was wounded on Laurel Lick, a
branch of Hacker's Creek, and not far from Berlin, W. Va. See Border Warfare,
p. 290. On that occasion, Cutright displayed most reckless courage and was
admonished by his comrades to exercise more caution, but to no purpose. When
shot, Cutright was in the little valley, and the Indian fired from a laurel bed some
distance on the hillside. At the report of the rifle, Cutright leaped into the air
and screamed, "/'m shot." Tradition says that the ball took effect in his arm.
(9) The Virginia militia organized under the Convention ordinance, July 17,
1775, were constituted "minute men" and each was required to "furnish himself
with a good rifle, if to be had, otherwise with a tomahawk, common firelock bayonet,
pouch, or cartouch box, and three charges of powder and ball." They were subject
to military service from the age of sixteen to fifty, and if shown by affidavit that
a militiaman was unable to furnish arms he was supplied at public expense. "The
officers were required to equip themselves, and officers and men were liable to a
fine for failure in this respect." Annals of Augusta County, p. 157.
The militiaman of the Virginia border was a unique figure in the Revolution,
Proud, arrogant and wholly self-reliant, these wild, deadly riflemen chafed at
restraint and military discipline. Like the Indian, whose warfare he emulated,
he could not at all times be relied upon in open battle; but when left to his own
resources, and native tactics, he was sure to win the respect, but hardly the admir-
ation of his more methodical adversary. Clad in the picturesque hunting shirt,
he was regarded with mingled scorn and dread by the gorgeous "Red Coat," who
derisively dubbed him "Shirt Man."
Border Settlers oi Nokthwestern Virginia 439
A letter among the Draper Manuscripts (45 J. lUl A. L.) from Lieut. Gov.
Henry Hamelton, to Gen. Guy Carleton (British), dated at Detroit, Dec. 4th, 1775,
says: * * * "The Virginians arc haughty \'iolent and bloody, the savages have a
high opinion of them as Warriors, but are jealous of their encroachments, and
very suspicious of their faith in treaties, the \'irginians having furnished them
with frequent cause, seizing their chiefs & detaining them as hostages, during
which time their treatment has not been as mild as good policy should have
dictated. In the inroads of the \'irginians upon the savages, the former have
plundered, burnt and murdered uiihuul mercy." * * * Revolution on the Upper
Ohio, \Ud\son, 1908, p. 129.
(10) Lossing, Volume 1, pp. 331, 332.
(11) Sec Westfall's letter, .Ippendix I, this \'olumc. Dunmore's War,
Madison, Wis., 1905, p. 422.
(12) Border Warfare, pp. 288, 289.
(13) For additional mention of Cutright, see Col. Westfall's letter, Appendix I,
this \'olumc, also Border Warfare, and History of Upshur Co., IF. J'a.
NOTES OX CHAPTER X
(1) Kercheval's History of the Valley, pp. 129, 130, 132, 140, 141.
(2) It is thought by some that Lieutenant John White, who was killed and
scalped in Tygart's Valley In 1778, was of this family, but I have not looked up
his antecedents.
Lieut. White was a leading man in his community, and his death was deeply
deplored. It was generally supposed that he was not slain by Indians, but was
ambushed and shot by two deserters from the American Army, who were hiding
in the mountains and suspected White was seeking their apprehension. History
of Randolph County, 1898, p. 184.
That many outrages on the border then, as in later years, were committed
by renegade whites and charged to the Indians, cannot be denied. Kercheval
gives an instance, where, in 1758 two white men disguised as Indians were mistaken
for such and were pursued and killed by the settlers near the present site of Martins-
burg, Virginia. Their Intentions were robbery. Kercheval adds: "The Indians
were frequently charged with outrages they never committed." History of the
Valley,^. 114.'
(3) See Kercheval, pp. 140, 141. Dunmore's War, p. 422. Also Col. Westfall's
letter. Appendix I, this Volume.
Col. John Sevier's military career did not end with the battle of Point Pleasant.
He served as a Commissary and Colonel of North Carolina Troops during the
Revolutionary War, and was one of the Colonels in command at the Battle of
King's Mountain, and conducted two campaigns against the Cherokees. He was
the first militia general of the territorj^ of Tennessee and the first Governor of that
State. He was made a Brigadier General of the United States Army, July 19,
440 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
1798, and was honorably discharged June 15, 1800. He died near Fort Decatur,
Alabama, September 24, 1815.
His son James served under him during 1780, 1781 and 1782.
(4) Border Warfare, p. 136.
(5) Kercheval, pp. 140, 141, 142.
(6) Border Warfare, p. 135.
(7) For notice of the earliest military organization of the Buckhannon settle-
ment, see Chapter XVII, this Volume.
(8) Withers, pp. 232, 233, gives this account of the capture of White and Petro:
"In September of this year (1777) Leonard Petro and Wm. White, being
engaged in watching the path leading up the Little Kanawha, killed an elk late
in the evening; and taking part of it with them, withdrew a short distance for the
purpose of eating their suppers and spending the night. About midnight. White,,
awaking from sleep, discovered by the light of the moon, that there were several
Indians near, who had been drawn in quest of them by the report of the gun in
the evening. He saw at a glance the impossibility of escape by flight; and pre-
ferring captivity to death, he whispered to Petro to lie still, lest any movement of
his, might lead to this result. In a few minutes the Indians sprang on them,
and White raising himself as one lay hold on him, aimed a furious blow with his
tomahawk, hoping to wound the Indian by whom he was beset, and then make
his escape. Missing his aim he affected to have been ignorant of the fact that he was
encountered by Indians, professed great joy at meeting with them, and declared
that he was then on his way to their towns. They were not deceived by the arti-
fice; for although he assumed an air of pleasantness and gaity, calculated to win
upon their confidence, yet the woeful countenance and rueful expression of poor
Petro, convinced them that White's conduct was feigned, that he might lull them
into inattention, and they be enabled to effect an escape. They were both tied
for the night; and in the morning White being painted red, and Petro black, they
were forced to proceed to the Indian towns. When approaching a village, the
whoop of success brought several to meet them; and on their arrival at it, they
found that every preparation was made for their running the gauntlet; in going
through which ceremony both were much bruised. White did not however remain
long in captivity. Eluding their vigilance, he took one of their guns and began
his flight homeward.^ — Before he had traveled far, he met an Indian on horseback,
whom he succeeded in shooting; and mounting the horse from which he fell, his
return to the Valley was much facilitated. Petro was never heard of afterwards.
The painting of him black, had indicated their intention of killing him; and the
escape of White probably hastened his doom."
See Westfall's letter and Note 5, Appendix I; and Note 2, Appendix III;
for death of Capt. White, and further notice of Petro.
(9) Mrs. White witnessed the shooting of her husband and saw the Indian when
he attempted to secure the scalp of his victim. She soon afterwards became a
mother, and the child developed unmistakable Indian traits of character. Not
only his swarthy features, but his movements and habits were those of an Indian.
He grew to manhood and became a great hunter, remaining In the wilderness alone
lioRDKR Si;'ni,i;Rs oi Northwestern \ irc;inia 441
for days and weeks at a time. He could scarcely be induced to perform physical
labor, nor could any influence that was thrown around him ever constrain him
to adopt the higher ways of civilization. Some of the present generation remember
seeing him with his rifle and hunter garb, a wild reminder of an era of the past.
He was a "poet," and ciften composed satiric verse against those who incurred his
displeasure.
Captain W liitc Icti bul diic otlier ciiikl, I'.lizabelh. w iiu in 17VS, married Joel
Wcstfail.
(10) Borclt-r Warfart-, p. 340. See note 5, .Ippfndix I, this X'ohime.
(11) BorJ,-r lf\irf(irc\ pp. 340, 341.
(12.) John Kink was the son of Henry l-'ink, who came to the Buckhannon settle-
ment at an earb' day. In 1781 a certificate was issued to "Henry Phink lFink|,
assignee to Henry Rule, 400 acres on Buckhannon River, adjoining lands of David
\\ ilson, to include his settlement made in 1770."
Tradition says that when Henr}' fink tirst came to the scttKnuni, lie with
his family made their abode in the cavit\- of a large s}"camore near the mouth of
Fink's Run, just west of Buckhannon. I remember seeing the stump of this tree,
but the tradition is without foundation. See Col. Westfall's letter and Note 5,
Jppendix I, for further account of Fink.
(13) Under the auspices of the Elizabeth Zane Chapter of the D. .\. R. of Buck-
hannon, on July 4th, l'>12, a fitting granite monument was dedicated to Capt.
William White aiui Jnhn Fink. The cost (55600) was raised by popular local
subscription, and a contribution from the County of Upshur, under a late State
law permitting such patriotic use of the public funds.
(14) The treaty of F'ort Slanwi.x in 176S by wliich the Six Nations ceded a.\\ their
^'rights" to the \ast region west of tlie .Micgheii}' .Mountains and south of the
■Ohio River, was not an extinguishment of the full Indian title. The Delawares
and Shawnees refused to sign the treaty; and the rights of the Ohio Indians, the
true owners, were wholly ignored. Their title was "extinguished" by Dunmore's
Conquest six years later, of which the sequel was the Battle of Fallen Timbers
in 1794, after twenty years of incessant border wars.
Dki.awark Indians on the Monon(;ahi;la Ri\i;r
"Mr. Walker being sworn — says — That he was apptd a Comr & attended
at F": Stanwix — CJenl: Lewis, other CDini" was called ofl^ — Sir Wm Johnston had
a state of Virg^ claim — who said ilie Indians acknowd Vir^ claim^ — -refused a
•copy of minutes — promised autht^ documents — gave deed of cefsion — deferred
giving any other papers — got a copy of Treaty from Gents at bar — Com^s of
any State only asked Questions abt respecti\'e claims — No Comrs held any
conference with Indians — Considered himself in signing In^ claim — not as Comr
but as witnefs — beleivcs if he had been called in as Comr, he should have signed
it in that character as he was informed the Lands could only be had on those
terms. In F'. Stanwix treaty, Indians complied with \'a claim — Pamphlet of
India* claim a perfect record of the transaction" — *****
"Nothing said of any land lying west of Ohio — On F",x"'' of deed, thinks
Indians were called to table & acknowledtred it, and belie\es marked it — Cus-
442 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
torn for Indians to treat by cheifs- — one cheif generally signing for his nation
— Saw Indians who s^ they lived at Squirrel Hill, hath heard that Delaware^
lived on Monongahala — Shawanese had towns opposite Mouth Scioto in year
1756 — at this purchase, considered territory as delivered up on Exo" of Deed.
as far as Deed went — Letters from M^ Stewart claimed part of this land for
Cherokees — Indians always bound lands sold by natural boundaries- — Remem-
bers North Indians with Braddock, supposes they were invited by him. Had
Converon with Sir W™ on treaty of Lancaster — thought in finishing treaty at
fort Stanwix that the affair was concluded." — From Calendar of Virgmia State-
Papers; Volume I, pp. 297, 298.
For notice of Indian habitations on the Upper Monongalia, refer to Chapters
V, VI, and XV, this Volume.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XI
(1) Cornstalk and Logan.
(2) Winning of the West, Sagamore Edition, New York, 1900, Volume 2, pp.
33, 34.
(3) History of Randolph County, West Va., 1898, p. 42.
(4) Border Warfare, p. 143.
(5) Winning of the West, Volume 1, p. 184.
(6) Winning of the West, Volume 1, p. 182.
(7) Border Warfare, p. 143.
(8) Wiyining of the West, Volume 1, pp. 236 to 238.
(9) The character of these Kentucky interlopers was strongly attested in 1778,,
when, on the 12th of November, Col. James Wood of the 8th Virginia Regiment,
wrote Gen. Washington from Williamsburg, attributing the prevalence of desertion
among the troops raised on the border, to the: "pernicious measure of sending a
body of men for the protection of the settlement on Kentucky, which does not
consist of more than sixty men, most of whom are land robbers and runaways
from different states, which has formed a harbour for deserters and every other
species of villains. Besides, the idea was ridiculous to think of extending our
territory, when we ought to be making use of every exertion to secure what we
already occupy." Sparks Correspondence of the American Revolution, Boston,
1853, Volume II, pp. 229, 230.
See Note 2, Chapter XXI, this Volume, for additional Information on the
Long Hunters.
(10) Border Warfare, p. 136.
(11) Border Warfare, pp. 135, 136.
(12) Indirectly the whites stand charged with the responsibility of this conflict
In an indictment by Benjamin Franklin, who, after stating that the Indians "have
no intoxicating liquors but what they have received from us," continues:
\
Border Settlers of Xortiiw estern \'irgima 443
'n'he dreadful war in 1774 between the Shawancse, some of the Mingoes,
and the people of Virginia, in wliich so many lives were lost, was brought on by
the consequences of drunkenness. It produced murders which were followed
by private revenge, and ended in a most cruel and destructive war." Quoted from
On the Frontier with Colonel .hites, Camden, N. J., 1900, p. 127.
(13) Border JVarfare, pp. 135, 136.
(14) Monongahela of Old, Pittsburgh, 1858-1892, p. 88.
(15) Border If'arfare, p. 135.
(16) At no lime during the interval from the closing of Pontiac's War in 1765 to
Dunmore's Conquest in 1774, did the whites cease in acts of aggressive bloodshed.
The annals of the Virginia border are lurid with such crimes. A letter dated
Winchester April 30, 1765, contains this passage:
"The frontier inhabitants of this colony and Maryland arc removing fast
over the Alleghanies in order to settle and live there. The two hunters who killed
the two Indians near Pittsburg, some time ago, are so audacious as to boast of
the fact and show the scalps publicly. What may such proceedings not pro-
duce? One of these hunters, named Walker, lives in Augusta County, \'a."
Extract of a Letter from Carlisle
"A number of men from this settlement went up to Shamokin (Fort Augusta)
to kill the Indians there, which caused them all to fly from that place."
From Lord Botetourt, 1770
"I send the body of John Ingman, he having confessed himself concerned
in the murder of Indian Stephen. You will find there never was an act of villainy
more unprovoked and more deliberately undertaken."
From Fort Pitt, 1771
"1 take the liberty to enclose for your perusal the copy of an affidavit relative
to the murder of the two Seneca Indians. I have had several meetings with the
chiefs, who seem well pleased with the steps taken in the affair."
Peyton's History of Augusta County, Fa., p. 143.
The letter quoted in Note 5, Chapter \ II, this \"olunic, should be included
in the foregoing list.
(17) The circumstances attending the treachery by which the Indians of Logan's
camp were induced to cross the Ohio to Baker's house, where they were murdered,
are now well known and universally condemned. Accounts of this tragedy may
be found in JVestern Annals, p. 219; Appendix to Jefferson's Notes; Drake's Indians
of North America, pp. 537, 538, and many other works on the early history of the
States in the Ohio \'alley.
(18) Hildrcth's Pioneer History, pp. 93,' 94.
(19) On April 18, and May 5, 1778, the County Court of Rockbridge County,
\'irginia, sat for the examination of Captain Hall and Hugh Galbraith: "upon
a charge of suspicion" of being guilty of the killing of Cornstalk and two other
Indians in November, 1777, and they denying their guilt, and no one appearing
against them, w-ere acquitted. This farce of justice was fully carried out on both
occasions by the sheriff making proclamation at the door of the court house for
444 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
all persons who could give evidence against the accused, to come forward and
testify. No one volunteered, and the murderers went free.
Annals of Augusta County, Va., Richmond, 1886, p. 164-.
(20) Border Warfare, pp. 245, 246.
This was evidently John Sleath (Sleeth) to whom a certificate was issued in
1781, for "400 acres on Hacker's Creek, adjoining lands of John Hacker to include
his settlement made in 1777.'"
The same year David Sleath (Sleeth) secured a grant for "200 acres on the
waters of Hacker's Creek, adjoining lands claimed by Samuel Bonnett, to include
his settlement made in 1770."
David W. Sleeth was an enlisted scout on the western waters during the
Revolution. From his declaration for pension made Aug. 7, 1832, it would appear
that he was born in Frederick County, Va., May 18, 1762.
He was a member of Capt. James Booth's Company of rangers and spies in
1777-78; place and time of enlistment. West's Fort on Hacker's Creek; May 1777,
term of service eighteen months. After the death of Capt. Booth in June, 1778,
the company was under the command of Lieut. Edward Freeman, for the remainder
of his enlistment, or until November, 1778, who went to Kentucky without giving
the men their discharges. Immediately after the expiration of his enlistment
with Capt. Booth, Sleeth joined Capt. George Jackson's Company of scouts at
the Buckhannon Fort, and served until the latter part of 1780. The sub-officers
of this company were Jacob Brake, Lieut., Timothy Dorman, Ensign. Sleeth
states that he was in several skirmishes with the Indians during this enlistment
and often acted as scout in subsequent years. Sleeth's declaration is followed by
sworn affidavits from John Talbott and Henry AlcWhorter, testifying that Sleeth's
statements were corerct and that he was a reliable man. John Cutright and
Jacob Bush also vouched for Sleeth's veracity.
Sleeth was granted a pension, but on October 3, 1834, he was re-examined
by W. G. Singleton, Special Pension Agent, who, it appears received from him a
correct repetition of his former declaration. The result of this examination was
forwarded to the Pension Office with the following note by the examiner:
"This man Sleeth is the same who as magistrate certified such a number of
declarations from Lewis County, it is currently stated (and no doubt of the fact)
that he received from $\Q to 320 for each and every declaration of his certifying
through his corrupt means, many frauds have been committed. The narrative
of service here detailed by him, you will, I presume, compare with his declaration,
whether they be the same or not is wholly immaterial. There is no doubt of his
being an imposter."
(Signed) W. G. Singleton.
This report was, however, accompanied with statements from William Powers
and Christopher Nutter saying that Sleeth's declaration was in part erroneous,
that Freeman never succeeded Booth in command, and that there was no such
thing as an eighteen months' enlistment.
It should be borne in mind that Sleeth's declaration tallies with that of John
Cutright, that Capt. Booth's Company was organized for an eighteen months'
tour, although one places the date of enlistment May, 1777, the other, one year
later, but concur that Freeman succeeded Capt. Booth in command and that he
Border Settlers oi- Xortiiw estkrn \ iRt;iNi.\ 445
subsequently went to Kentucky. Usually the scouts were enlisted for a term of
nine months, but the latter 70's was the most stormy period of the border, and it
is probable that the eighteen months included two continuous enlistments of nine
months each.
Everything considered Mr. Singleton was unnecessarily severe in his denun-
ciation of Sleeth, who had previously been well vouched for. It is noteworthy
that the pension agent did not produce any evidence in support of his assertion
that the old scout had openly certified to fraudulent declarations.
Subsequently wc find a sworn statement from one of Sleeth's old associates
in arms, who says: "to the best of his recollection it was in 1778 or before that
time that David Sleeth enlisted under Capt. Booth, and says that he was out
under him, Elias Hughes, on one excursion when he, said E. Hughes, had the
command of a company of spies."
his
(Signed) Ei.ias X Hughks
mark
Dated Dec. 20, 1838, Licking County, Ohio.
Sleeth is well spoken of in connection with his testimony for Jacob Bush,
and perhaps others, and he seems to have stood well with the settlers in general.
Mrs. Elizabeth Butcher, John Cutright and Mrs. Phoebe Cunningham testi-
fied in behalf of Sleeth. Mrs. Butcher was the widow of Paulcer Butcher, a member
of the same company of spies with Sleeth.
David W. Sleeth was a resident on Leading Creek in Lewis Countv. 1834.
There is no mention of him by Withers.
(21) Border U'arUire, p. 275.
(22) Border Warfare, pp. 287, 288.
(23) See Border Warfare, p. 287, for note on Beech Fort.
(24) In the stiil nights of the .Appalachian forests, the notes of the great horned
ov.l can be heard a long distance. No benighted traveler of that land can ever
forget the cries of these night-birds heard while traversing the mountain roads.
Sometimes he will be startled by the uncanny, goblin-like laughter of a group of
owls gathered on the dead branches of some large tree deep in the forest and far
from danger. These peculiar cries can be heard for more than a mile. The owl
hoot, like the howl of the wolf, was a favorite signal call of both Indian and white
scout.
(25) See Chapter XXX\', this \'olume.
(26) There was a block house about three miles west of Bush's Fort, on Fink's
Run, where Jesse went to loose the stock. It was built by some of the Jackson's
on land now owned by Mr. Martin Reger. Prof. Maxwell refers to this building
as "Jackson's Fort." History of Randolph County, West Va., p. 414. It could
hardly be termed a fort, in the sense of that word. It was only a block house,
or a strongly built two-story log dwelling without a palisade; and never figured
as a defensive stronghold.
446 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
NOTES ON CHAPTER XII
(1) Border Warfare, pp. 310-313.
(2) "The moccasins in ordinary use cost but a few hours labor to make them.
This was done by an instrument denominated a moccasin awl, which was made
of the back spring of an old clasp knife. This awl, with its buckshorn handle,
was an appendage of every shot pouch strap, together with a roll of buckskin
for mending the moccasins. This was the labor of almost every evening. They
were sewed together and patched with deer skin thongs, or whangs as they were
commonly called." Kercheval, pp. 338, 339. Doddridge, p. 141.
In 1905, I saw an exact counterpart of the awl here described, in the hands
of a Warm Springs Indian woman, who, with a piece of buckskin and thong, was
deftly repairing a badly worn moccasin.
(3) See Chapters XXVI and XXVII for sketch of the Lowthers.
(4) Border Warfare, pp. 376-380.
(5) Dr. Thwaites, Editor, adds the following note:
"Another case of border superstition is related to me by McWhorter. Alex-
ander West had been doing sentry duty most of the night before, and on being
relieved early in the morning, sat with his back to a tree and, rifle across his lap,
fell asleep. On awakening he sprang to his feet and cried, 'Boys, look out! Some
of us will be killed today! I saw the red doe in my dream; that is the sign of
death; I never knew it to fail!' When Bonnett fell, it was considered in camp to
be a verification of the 'red sign.' Bonnett was carried by his comrades on a
rude stretcher, but in four days died. His body was placed in a cleft of rock and
the entrance securely chinked."
West claimed that often in their scouting expeditions, or in times of imminerrt
peril, he would have a premonition, or warning, of danger by seeing a red doe
passing before him in a dream. This startling vision was invariably followed by
the immediate death, or fatal wounding of some of his associates. West, it is
claimed by those who knew him, was of a religious or devotional nature.
(6) Conditions on the border have practically been the same from the Pequot
War to the massacre on the Wounded Knee. A horrible story of retaliatory^
vengeance on a cattle-raiding band of California Indians, in 1852-53, was told
me by one of the participants, Mr. Ned J. Jackson, a noted "Forty-niner."
"We had," said Jackson, "a small herd of cattle which we expected to butcher
for the mining camps. Our herd, we estimated, would dress about 20,000 pounds
of beef, worth one dollar per pound. One day Chief Padocia's band of Indians,
known as the Cotton Wood Creek Tribe, numbering about eighty-five persons, all
told, came upon the cattle in the hills, killed several and feasted upon the meat.
Going in search of our cattle we found the Indian encampment deserted, and the
slaughtered beef strewn around. Enraged at our loss, we gathered the meat and
burned it upon a pile of logs. We, however, preserved one quarter of a beef and
thoroughly saturated it with strychnine, leaving it in the camp. Strychnine was
used by the miners against wolves and other predatory animals. The Indians
returned and devoured this, from the effects of which sixty-five or seventy- of them
died. Terror-stricken, Padocia complained to some of'the whites of the myste-
Border Settlers of Xorthw estern X'irginia 447
rious power that had swept away so many of his people, who from no apparent
cause fell dead upon the trail, women and children not being exempt from the ter-
rible plague. The chief was upbraided for stealing the white man's cattle, and was
warned that the white man would not stand such conduct, and that he had power
to kill an Indian at any distance, whether in his presence or not. The simple
minded Padocia excused the theft by declaring that his people were starving, and
that they did not deem it wrong U> take llic cattle, as they were found on the
Indian's own land."
(7) Border Warfare, p. 240.
(8) Border Warfare, p. 246.
(9) The original certificate of this appointment is in the possession of Miss
Minnie McW'horter, a daughter of Judge H. C. McWhorter and a granddaughter
of the old postmaster.
Fields McWhorter, M. D., son of Walter and a grandson of Henrj- McW horter,
was an all round athlete. For several years, when a young man, he was "miller"
at the McWhorter Mill, and it was his set rule to "wrastle" with every able-bodied
man who came for grinding. He never met his match until he measured strength
with Benjamin Morris, who hailed from New Jersey. Morris only weighed one
hundred and twenty pounds at maturity, but he threw the doughty miller and
held him supinely until he acknowledged himself \anquished. Morris afterwards
married the miller's oldest sister, Mary.
(10) Spark's Washington, Volume \'II, p. 343.
(11, -g,^ "Fort Pitt, May 30th, 1781.
■'This will be delivered to your E.\cellency by Ens. Tannehill, Paymaster to
the 7th Virga. Regt., whom I have sent Express to Richmond in order to procure
the 4 months pay allowed by the Hon: the Assembly of Virga. towards the Depre-
ciation of their former pay, &c — I hope when your Excellency is Assured that
they have not received a single shilling for these twent\- months past, you will
interest yourself in their Behalf &c — * * *
"Inclosed is also my Acct: Expenses in forwarding the Powder from Carlisle
to this place for Genl: Clarke &c. * * *
"Genl: Clarke will write your Excellency by this opportunity, and I make
no doubt give you every information relative to the intended Expedition — I am
much afraid he will not be able to get many of the militia from this quarter, as
I have just heard that three hundred men from the Counties of Monongahela
and Ohio, have crossed the Ohio at Wheeling, and are gone to cut of the Moravian
Indian towns; if so they will hardly turn out on their return — Indeed it appears
to me they have done this, in order to evade going with Genl: Clarke — the Mora-
vians have always given the most convincing proofs of their attachment to the
Cause of America, by always giving in Intelligence of every party that came against
the frontiers; and on the late expedition, they furnished Colo. Broadhead and his
party with a large quantitj" of provisions when they were starving — For the news
of this post, permit me to refer Your Excellency to the Bearer Ens. Tannehill —
I have the honour to be Your Excellenc.v's
most obedient Humble Servt.,
Tno: Gibson- Colo. Comd. F. Pitt"
448 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Letter from Colonel John Gibson Comdt., at Fort Pitt, to Governor Thomas
Jefferson.
From "Calendar of Virginia State Papers,'' Volume 11, p. 131. See Note 4,
Chapter XXX, and Appendix IV, this Volume.
"On the breaking out of the Revolution, Gibson was the Western agent of
\ irginia, at Fort Pitt. After the treaty held in October, 1775, at that post, between
the Delawares and representatives of the Shawanese and Senecas on the one part,
and the Commissioners of the American Congress on the other part, by which
the neutrality of the former tribe was secured, he undertook a tour to the Western
Indians in the interest of peace. Upon his return, he entered the service, rising,
finally, to the command of the 13th Mrginia regiment, being sent back to Fort
Pitt as indicated by Washington, in the above letter, in the summer of 1778.
He remained at that post until the close of the war. He was a member of the
convention which framed the Constitution of the State of Pennsylvania in 1790;
and subsequentl}-, was a judge of Allegheny county, that State; also, a major-
general of militia. He was Secretary of the Territory of Indiana until it became
a State. He died in Fayette county, Pennsylvania, April 10, 1822."
'''Washington Crawford Letters'' p. 69.
(12) Border Warfare, p. 288.
(13) Heads of Families, Mrginia, pp. 36-90.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIII
(1) Border Warfare, p. 290.
(2) Border JVarfare, p. 246.
(3) DeHass, p. 257.
(4) There were many pigeon roosts throughout the mountain regions of Virginia.
Men and boys would go to these roosts at night, and b}- the light of torches slaughter
the birds by the thousand. The last great flight of pigeons occurred in 1873. I
well remember this never repeated scene, as the}' passed over the little valley where
my father then lived. One autumn morning a deep roar was suddenly heard,
and a great cloud of pigeons swept over the woodcrested hill on the north. For an
liour, with brief intervals, the sky was darkened in every direction as flock after
flock, in countless myriads, poured southward.
It has been supposed that this bird once so numerous, is now extinct, but I
see by the local press that in October, 1907, a flock estimated at about five hundred
was seen hovering about the tree tops near Addison, West Virginia; and from
their movements appeared to be foraging.
(5) Withers, p. 310, DeHass, pp. 256, 257.
Col. Westfall claimed that when attacked the Schoolcraft boys were on the
Buckhannon River, below Bush's Fort.
(6) In the first census of Virginia, 1782, the name of John Schoolcraft appears in
the enumeration of Monongalia Count}', but not in connection with a famih'.
Heads of Families, Virginia, p. 35.
Border Settlers oe Xorthwestern \ irgima 449
(7) Border IFarfare, pp. 2S2, 2S4, MO, 377 and 379.
(8) Perhaps it was the "phantom deer" that Mr. Isaac Posy, an old nimrod of
the upper West Fork, had an experience with when a boy. Posy related the story
to Mr. Hail, as follows:
"When about eighteen years of age, I crossed over to one of the upper branches
of the Sand Fork to visit friends and hunt where game was more abundant than
nearer my home. The next morning, with a cousin younger than myself, we
started on tiic liuni. \\ hen leaving, I told my aunt that we would come back
with a deer and would have venison for breakfast. But the old lady shook her
head and replied, 'No, Isaac, you will see no deer today.' Notwithstanding the
augury, we struck out with glowing anticipations, though we knew the old lady
was generally regarded as a witch. Strange to say though sign was abundant, we
tramped all day through the snow without seeing a single deer. Next morning I
determined to go home. My aunt told me that it would be best, but added, 'Y'ou
will see a deer today.' 'Well,' I replied, *if I kill one before I cross the ridge I
will come back and we will have our venison yet.' 'Never mind coming back,
Isaac, but you will see a deer today, and it will be a big one,' was the answer. I left,
and on approaching the gap in the ridge a magnificent buck stood before me, not
fifty yards distant.
"Well, did you get it?" Hall asked, as Posy hesitated. His reply was: "These
things make a body feel mighty queer. I just shook all over. I could hardly
hold the gun in my hands. For an instant I turned my head away, and when I
looked again, it was gone. I never felt like huntin' in them woods any more."
Tiic solitude of the wilderness was productive of mystery. It engendered
in the untutored mind of the Indian and woodsman a belief in the supernatural.
That which could not readily be accounted for by natural deduction, appealed
to him strongly, and intuitively it was associated with the occult. He was guided
by omens, signs and auguries.
Walter McWhorter, with others, was hunting on the Little Kanawha. One
Jay their dog passed swiftly and silently near them, seemingly on the trail of
some creature. He vanished, and the unnatural actions of the animal surprised
the hunters. They waited long for his return, and followed his trail a great
distance, calling loudly, but he was never again seen or heard of. Whether he
had been lost on the trail of the "Phantom Deer," or had met a tragic death in
conflict with some wild animal, was only conjecture. Such incidents made visible
impressions on the mind of the hunter, and was the foundation for many stories
of the supernatural.
An old hunter of marked intelligence, who in an early day frequented the
wilds of the Buckhannon and Middle Fork region, told me in all sincerity, the
following story:
"My pardner and 1 were hunting on the Buckhannon, and camped at Indian
Camp. One evening, just after nightfall, while reclining near our fire, we were
startled by hearing from the canopy of laurel which crowned the brow of the
overhanging rock, the soft notes of a melody, strange, weird and entrancing.
As the music floated down through the darkness, I was enthralled. Never had I
heard cadence of such mingled sadness and joy. It was the voice of a woman,
but not of earth; the carol of a bird, from Paradise. It seemed everywhere; it
450 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
filled the recesses of the cavern, it stole through the thickets and flooded the forest
with melody sweet and unreal. I was enraptured, transported, lost. I laughed,
I wept. My comrade, unable to control his feelings, sprang upon the large rock
in the entrance of the cavern and danced in mad abandonment. How long the
song lasted, I never knew. It died away as mysteriously as it came, and left us
wondering what it could be."
(9) At the time of this siege, Simon Girty, Indian name, Katepacomen — was still
loyal to the American cause and was then acting as interpreter for Col. George
Morgan, Indian Agent at Fort Pitt, for the Middle Department. Not only
Schoolcraft, but Withers, and many other writers have fallen into the error that
Simon Girty led the Indians against Fort Henry. Girty did not desert from Fort
Pitt until March 28, 1778. See Hildreth's Pioneer History, pp. 129, 130.
The number of Indians engaged in this raid has been variously estimated
and as high as 400. Butterfield, a recognized authority, makes it 200. History
of the Girtys, p. 43. The loss sustained by Adason and Ogle, was 15 killed and 5
wounded; although the computation has been placed at 23 killed. The Indian
casualty was one killed and 9 wounded. The rescue party of which Schoolcraft
was a member, numbered 14, all of them volunteers.
(10) "Gane," uncertain and evidently intended iorZane. For a noticeof Col.
Silas Zane, see Note 3, Chapter XXIX, this Volume.
(11) Schoolcraft, like Doddridge and Withers, errs in the date of Col. Broadhead's
Coshocton expedition, which took place two years after his campaign on the Alle-
gheny River, when the Seneca village Buckaloons was destroyed in 1779, referred
to in Note 14, Chapter XV, this Volume.
Coschocton: corrupted from the Indian name: Goschachguen, or Gos-
■chochking: "completed," or "finished," was located on the north side of the Tust
carawas River, at its junction with the Aiuskingum. It was a village of consider-
able extent; composed of log huts and a large council house. It was the chief
town of the Turtle clan of the Delawares, and the capitol of the tribe.
The atrocities attending the reduction of Coshocton is a substance of history
and forms a dark page in our border annals. It also instances the lawlessness
of the borderers, and their supreme contempt for restraint and discipline, if indeed
their commander was not a party to their acts. The village was surprised and
destroyed, and all the Indians captured "without firing a single shot." Chief
Pekillon, a friendly Delaware who accompanied the army, pointed out fifteen or
sixteen warriors among the prisoners who were suspected for their activity and
cruelty against the settlements. That night a council was held to determine the
fate of these accused, and the sentence was death. They were bound, taken a
short distance below the town and were tomahawked, speared and scalped.
The next morning a splendid looking chief came from the opposite side of the
flood-swollen river, under a pledge of protection for the purpose of making peace.
While he was talking with Col. Broadhead, a militia man, named Wetzel, came
up behind him, and whipping a concealed tomahawk from the bosom of his hunting
shirt, he dealt the unsuspecting chief a fatal blow on the back of his head. DeHass,
p. 181, alone of the chroniclers, gives the murderer's first name, John. In the
Draper Manuscripts (2 E 8), it is stated that Lewis Wetzel did the killing.
The same day of this outrage, the army, about 300 men, started on its return
B(;rui:r Sirrn.KRs oi Xortiiwkstkrn \'ir(;ini.\ 451
to Fort Pitt, and the prisoners, numbering,' about twenty, were placed under tlie
tender care of the militia. After proceeding a short distance, these were ail mas-
sacred with the exception of a few women and children, who were taken to Fort
Pitt and afterwards exchanged for an equal number of white prisoners. Accounts
of Col. Broadhead'^s achievements can be found by consulting Ileckewelder, Dodd-
ridge, Dellass, Drake, Withers, and many other works pertaining to the early his-
tory of the Ohio Valley.
(12) Schoolcraft was granted a pension. He died March 6, 1850. Mrs. Nancy
Schoolcraft, whose maiden name was Brown, was, as her deceased husband's
beneficiary, vouched for by Washington Bailey, Henry McWhorter and Carr Bailey.
She was not granted a pension, evidently abandoning her claim of her own accord.
She was married to John Schoolcraft July 18, 1805.
(13) See Butterfield's History of the Girtys. .MsoThwaite's Notes, Bordi-r War-
fare, pp. 224, 225.
(14) Indian Wars of Xorthzveslfrn fa., pp. 2S0, 2Sl; Our Wrslrrn liordt-r, pp.
525 to 527; Field Book of the .Imerican Rrvolut ion, XfAwmi: II. p. 4VS; Annals of the
Jf'est, pp. 356 to 358.
(15) Border Jf'arfare, pp. 356 to 357.
(16) In addition to Withers, see Delfass, pp. 269, 270, 280, 281, where both the
Zanc and the Scott claims are fully set forth. Also McKnight, pp. 525 to 527.
(17) Washington Irvine Correspondence, p. 312.
For notice of Capt. John Boggs, and the Boggs family, see Frontier Defense
on the Upper Ohio, pp. 65, 67, 68.
(18) Washington Irvine Correspondence, pp. 397, 398.
The Indian army numbering 238, was led by Capt. .Andrew Brandt (usually
spelled Pratt) with his forty rangers. James Girty (Indian name Swatswih) was
along but had no command. History of the Girtys, p. 201. Roosevelt in speaking
of the siege of 1782, without any foundation whatever, says: "Simon Girty with
fife and drum, led a large band of Indians and Detroit rangers against it, [Wheeling)
only to be beaten off." Winning of the West, Volume 2, p. 274. In a foot note
on the same page, this writer avers: ''we d(j not know wiiicii of ihc two brother^
Girty was in command, nor whether either was present at the first attack." (1777)
Roosevelt seemed to be ignorant of the fact that there were three of the Girty
brothers who acquired fame by affiliating with the Indians. They were captured
with others at the taking of Fort Granville on the Juniata in now Mifflin County,
Pa., in July, 1756. Simon, born 1741, was adopted by theSenecas. James, born 1743,
was adopted by the Shawnees. George, born 1745, was adopted by the Delawares.
They were returned from captivity in 1759. James and Simon deserted to the
British in the Spring of 1778, while CJeorgc remained loyal to the .American cause
until the following year. An older brotlicr. Tiiomas, born 173'>. was rescued when
the Delaware town Kittaning on the Allegheny was destroyed by Col. John
Armstrong in September, 1756. TIk- mother and a half-brother were retained
by the Delawares and delivered up with the other brothers in 1759. The step-
father. John Turner, was burned at the stake at Kittaning soon after the capture
in 1756.
452 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
(19) Gen. Clark's Expedition against Vincennes was in 1778. His Campaign
of 1781 was an attempt against Detroit.
Capt. John Floyd was shot and fatally wounded by Indians in ambush near
Floyd's Station, Jefferson County, Ky., April 12, 1783. He was brave and valiant,
and his death Avas a blow to the settlements of that region.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XIV
(1) Withers, p. 287.
(2) The conquest of the primitive races by civilized man has been practically
the same the world over. The early settlers of Australia, acting upon the principle
of economy, "killed the native black men because they were cattle thieves, the
women because they gave birth to cattle thieves, and the children because they
grew up to be cattle thieves." An old Austrahan ranger, in conversation with
me said, "I went from England to Australia in 1850, and settled in Queensland, and
engaged in the cattle business. The native blacks were born cattle thieves and
were very treacherous. It was lawful to shoot them wherever found, as they were
not susceptible to civilization, and were regarded as vermin. The settlers often
banded together and formed a 'ring hunt,' a general 'round-up' of the natives.
On such occasions, the hunters, well armed and mounted, would enclose an area
some fifty miles in extent, and drive the blacks to a common center, where they
were all killed- — men, women and children. Usually the men would die game.
I saw one of them armed only with a wooden spear, who after receiving eight
rifle balls in his body, charged madly at the cordon of well-armed men who hemmed
him in. Ofttimes a village or settlement would be surprised and the entire pop- ,
ulation captured. On such occasion, the prisoners were forced to dig a
trench sufficient to hold the bodies of the dead. Then all would be killed but
one stout buck, who after being compelled to inter his dead tribesmen, was shot
to death by his captors."
(3) One such case is set forth m Conspiracy of Pontiac,'Vo\vLTne.Yl,-pY>- 39 to 41.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XV
(1) A correspondent asks where, when and why the Buckhannon River gets its
name. The editor does not know. The river was named very early, at least as
early as 1781, as is mentioned in records of that date. The spelling has not alwaj's
been the same as now. There were persons of that name living in the region as
early as one hundred and six years ago." Trans-Allegheny Historical Magazine,
Volume II, p. 71, 1902.
Prof.Hu Maxwell in response to an inquiry on this topic says: "I am reasonably
sure that the name Buckhannon will never be found in records as early as 1779.
That name was first written 'Buck-Hannon's Creek' as is shown by the Monon-
a records. I believe that the name comes from some mian whose surname
Hannon, and whose given name was Buck."
BoRuiiR Skttllrs of .\(jrtuui:sti:rn \ ircima 453
A letter from John Jackson to the Governor dated Jan. 25th, 1793, was
written at "Buck-Hanan." See biographical sketch of Col. Lowther, this Volume.
BucKHANNON RuN was evidently so named because the trail from West's
Fort to the Buckhannon settlement led directly up this stream, which heads
against the ridge dividing the Hacker's Creek and Buckhannon waters: hence the
name Buckhannon, or "Hacker's Creek Mountain."
Since writing this chapter, Mr. Cutright^s History of Upshur County, If. fa.,
has been published. On pages 274, 275 the author endeavors to show that the
Buckhannon River bears the name of a "poor old Scotch clergyman, named John
Buchannon," who resided in Richmond, \'irginia, in 1785. Mr. Cutright says:
' * * * John Buchannon was a missionary minister and teacher for several
years after his arrival in this country, * * ♦. On one occasion his bishop sent him to
the headwaters of the Monongahela on a tour of inspection and a mission of help.
He crossed the mountains to Tygart's Valley and from thence was going to a
mission which he learned was on the West Fork near the town of Weston. We
are unable to find whether he made more than one trip, as we are also unable to
possess facts of his discovery and exploration. Our personal opinion is that he
thought that the river which runs from south to north through Upshur County
had not been discovered, named and explored by any white man thoroughly. He
assumed to do both and being desirous of perpetuating the dead, called the river
after his own name."
The mere fact that a mission on the West Fork was visited b\- this clergyman
subsequent to 1785 which is apparently the earliest notice that Mr. Cutright found
of him in Virginia, will hardly connect his name with the Buckhannon River,
which had been named at least four years previously.
While Mr. Cutright expresses his satisfaction with this "origin of the name of
our county seat and the principal stream in the county," he suggests that the name
may have been derived from that of the Earl Buchan, who was a friend of General
Washington, through whose instrumentality he became interested in Rev. Byron
Fairfax, who was heir to the great Virginia Fairfax Estate.
This hypothetical origin of the name in question is too chimerical to seriously
engage the attention of any student of border annals.
(2) Border Jfarjare, p. 40.
(3) Border Jfarfare, p. 75.
(4) Border Jfarfare, p. 119.
(5) Evidence of more remote occupancy of the Buckhannon \'alley by the
Aborigines has been met with. Traces of an Indian village are found where Buck-
hannon now stands. Flint chips and arrow points are still picked up at a point
just below the town, and on the opposite side of the river, while a few j'ears ago
the fragments of a large steatite pot were unearthed at a depth of about four feet
in a brick yard not far from the river bank. A few pieces of a similar kind were
uncovered at Indian Camp. Steatite implements found in that region are of south-
ern origin. Occasional fragments of such vessels have been found on Hacker's
Creek, one by a ditcher just below Berlin. In the year 1893, I plowed up a small
fragment along with a pitted hammer stone, near the roots of what had once been
a large black walnut tree, on my father's farm on Buckhannon Run. With these
relics were the traces of a camp fire, not extensively used.
454 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
In a small mound opened at Sago on the Buckhannon a few years ago, was
found a finely carved stone pipe. From the bowl projected the well shaped head
of some animal, ostensibly that of the wolf or fox. In general outline the pipe
resembled some of the ancient mound types met with in the Mississippi Valley.
A stone pipe of the more modified Indian form was taken from a grave on the
Buckhannon River, near the mouth of French Creek, and was placed by me in
the Museum of the West Virginia State Historical a^^d Antiquarian Society, Charleston.
(6) BucK-ON-GA-HE-LAS (breaker-iu-pieces). The name is spelled in various
ways, among others, Buokongahelas, Bukongahelas and Bokongehelas. The first
form, however, has precedence. See Hand Book of American Indians, Volume I.
This renowned chieftain was also known as Pachgantschihilas, and Fetch-
nanalas. According to Heckewelder, his name signified: "a ful-filler,^^ or "one
who succeeds in all he undertakes."
Plurality of names is common with the Indian, especially the warriors. I
have a close friend in a Warm Springs warrior, who fought the Modocs in the Lava
Beds, War 1872-73, and who joined the Bannock uprising in 1878, who is known
by eight distinctive names. A contemporary warrior of the same tribe, boasted
fifty-two names.
(7) BucKONGAHELAS, in a speech to his tribesmen, the friendly Aioravians of
Gnadenhueten, prior to the massacre of those unfortunates, gave just grounds for
his siding with the British. The many wrongs suffered by his people at the hands
of the "Long Knives" drove him to war. For this speech and a biographical sketch
of its author, see Drake's Indians of North America.
(8) Western Annals, pp. 656 to 661.
(9) Border Warfare, pp. 428 to 430. For a further account of the Bozarth
, tragedy, see Chapter XXIX, this Volume.
(10) Dawson's Life of Wm. Henry Harrison; quoted from English's Conquest of
the Northwest, Volume II, p. 791.
(11) Excerpt from letter of Mr. John Johnston, former Indian Agent at Fort
Wayne, Indiana, to Dr. L. C. Draper, April 27, 1849. Draper Mss. 11YY35.
(12) From letter of John Johnston to Dr. Draper, Dec. 1, 1850. Draper Mss.
11YY38. Frontier Defense on the Upper Ohio, pp. 117, 118.
(13) Data obtained from Mr. John Johnston by Dr. Draper, in June 1843.
Draper Mss. nYY9.
(14) See Life of Mary Jemison, Buffalo, 1877, p. 186.
BucKALOON OR BucKALOONS, was the name of a Seneca village on the Alle-
gheny River, in Warren Co., Pa. It was destroyed by Col. Broadhead in 1779,
the Indians fleeing upon his approach. It was called Kachuiodagon, 1749. Wash-
ington Irvine Correspondence, p. 43.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XVI
(1) Border Warfare, p. 342.
(2) Border Warfare, p. 342.
IJoRUKK Settlers oi Northwestern \ irginia 455
(3) Border Warfare, p. 428.
(4) Indian Wars, pp. 389, 390.
(5) Such confessions and revelations of plots and iiucndcd forays were not un-
common among the Indians. That of Kort Miami in 1763 is a typical illustration.
Conspiracy oj Pontiac, Vol. 1, p. 198. Captured Pottawatomie and Shawnee
warriors revealed to General Wayne at Fort Greenville important facts relative
to the strength and intentions of the enemy then marching against him. Western
.liitials, pp. 639-(42.
(6) I am the owner of an old flint-lock riHe, said to have been used in this
skirmish, cither by John Reger referred to, or his younger brother Abram, or
Abraham. Tlic ritlc is full stocked with hard maple, and has the old-fashioned
brass talluw box in the side of the stock. On the lid of this box, in large Spen-
cerian capitals are the clear cut letters, "A. D. R." On the barrel, near the breech,
in Roman figures and small English capitals, is tliis inscription:
105 Va. REGt. WASHINGTON.
Tiic lettering is plain and legible, though crudely executed. The gun weighs
nine pounds, fourteen ounces, and measures full length fifty-six and one-fourth
inches. The barrel is forty inches. It was, doubtless, originally some two or
more inches longer but was subsequently shortened at the breech on account of
being "burned out." It takes a ball one-half inch in diameter, and carries about
twenty bullets to the pound. Rifles of that period that carried more than forty-
five bullets to the pound were not "thought sufficiently heavy for hunting or
war." — Doddridge. The rear sight is extremely fine, and formerly was eleven
inches from the breech, but has at sometime been set back on the barrel four
inches. The bead or front sight is silver. The original lock is not on the gun,
but it still retains a typical flint-lock, and is in prime shooting order. It was
supposedly the property of an elder brother, Anthony Reger, who was an Ensign
in the Thirteenth Virginia Regiment, Revolutionary War. The regimental
number, if such, on the barrel does not correspond with that of Reger's regiment,
but it is not known that he owned it during the war; nor can it at this time be
determined that the number is regimental. It may be an enrollment number.
There are no printed rolls of the Revolution extant, showing the number of
regiments in the Continental Army, or the number that served from the State
of Virginia, \irginia is supposed to lia\e furnished 26,678 regulars to the Con-
tinental Army, and 30,000 militia, or state troops, which would not suffice to make
one hundred and five regiments.
Perhaps the most authentic estimate on this topic is that of Gen. Knox in
1790, when Secretary of War:
In 1775 he credits \'irginia with no continental troops, but estimates 2,000
men as serving in the militia of that State.
In 1776 he gives Virginia 6,1S1 men in continental pay, and does not con-
jecture the number of militia.
In 1777 \irginia had 5,744 continentals, 1,269 militia, and in addition, a con-
jectured estimate of 4,000 more militiamen.
In 177S \'irginia had 5,230 continentals, with a conjectured estimate of 2,000
militiamen.
The Reger Rifle and McWhorter Shot Pouch
(See Note 6, Chapt. XVI; and Note IS, Chapt. XXVIII.)
Tied to the trigger guard of the rifle, is the leathern cap, universally used by the
-■scout and hunter for the protection of the lock from rain and dampness. These were
made by stretching the green, or wet hide from the hock of a beef, elk or deer, over the
dock and breech of the gun and letting them dry there which gave permanent shape.
Those from the elk and deer always retained the hair; but the beef skins, as in the one
■here shown, were often tanned in the usual way, and kept well greased, making thern
more impervious to dampness. They were always attached to the guard with a thong
■of sufficient length to permit easy removal from the lock, as here depicted. These
dock shields were often used long after the percussion caps came into use.
The original red-buckskin "flap," or cover of the McWhorter shot pouch, ivas
lost in the latter nineties, and has been replaced with a similar one of Indian tan.
\
Border Setti.f.rs or Xorthwesterx X'irginia 457
In 1779 there were 3,973 continentals and an estimate of 3, OCX) militia.
In 17S0 \ irginia had 2,4S6 continentals and an estimate of 1,500 militia.
In 1781 the state furnished 1,225 continentals. 2,X94 militia and in addition,
about 2,000 more militia.
In 17cS2 there were 1.204 continentals and about l.(KK) militia.
In 1783 Virginia had 62*^ continentals.
See Amer. State Papers. Military Affairs, \'olume 1, pp. 14-1'>.
A very light percentage of Virginia's enrolled militia was c\er in the Conti-
nental service. They were, more often, engaged in state and frontier guard duty,
and in dcsultor\' campaigning and foraying against the Indians. From the returns
of 1780, 1781, Jefferson in his Notes on f'irginia, Boston, 1829, pp. 93-95, estimates
tiiai \ irginia then had 49,971 militiamen enrolled. Of these 4,458 were west of
the iMlegiicnlcs. Greenbrier County's enrollment was 502; that of Monongalia
County l.CXX). The estimate for the last named county were from returns a
little earlier than the dates given. All free males between the ages of sixteen and
fifty were enrolled militiamen.
The militia regiments increased in number as new counties were formed, and
regiments were organized in these counties. Beginning shortly after the Revolu-
tionary War with less than one hundred regiments, there were nearly two hundred
regiments in the militia before the Civil War. In 1792 the regiment of the highest
number was the One Hundred and First in Spottsylvania County.
In 1799 the K)5th Militia Regiment was formed in Washington Count\-,
Virginia, to which many of the commissioned officers of the old 70th were trans-
ferred. The militia were generally armed with muskets but the supply was inade-
quate for the men enrolled, and had to be passed from company to company for
drill purposes; consequently all sorts of guns were pressed into service. It is more
than probable that the rifle In question was owned by some militiaman of the
105th, and was carried by him to the county militia musters. However, it was in
service during the Revolution, and the troublous period on the Virginia border,
immediately following. It Is reputed to have killed the last Indian slain in the
Buckhannon settlement, near tiie mcnith of Fink's Run. This may ha\e been the
warrior killed by Jnhn Reu'er In the fit'lil referred to.
Roosevelt claims that the frontier rifle of the Trans-. \llegheny was of small
bore, and generally carried "a ball of sevent\% more rarely of thirty or forty, to
the pound; and was usually of backwoods manufacture." Jf'intiing of the West.
Volume 1, pp. 149-196. Volume 2, p. 59.
This is in contradiction to Doddridge, who on p. 177 states:
"Rifles of former times were different from those of modern date; few of
them carried more than forty-five bullets to the pound. Bullets of a less size
were not thought sufficiently heavy for hunting or war."
The same author on p. 176, says:
"A wellgrown boy, at the age of twelve or thirteen years, was furnished
with a small rifle and shot pouch. He then became a fort soldier, and had his port
hole assigned him. Hunting squirrels, turkeys and raccoons soon made him expert
in the use of his gun."
Roosevelt seemingly bases his theory on the measurement of one of Daniel
Boone's squirrel rifles; which, of course, was of greater length than the bo_\' rifle
-described by Doddridge. The frontier rifle was made to meet the requirements
458 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Qof the day, and such was the Reger rifle and the old rifle with
its half-ounce ball dragged up in a fishing net from its ancient
river bed near Richards' Fort; and described in Note 4, Chap-
ter IV, this Volume. Bullets which I have picked up near the
home sites of the border settlers, seldom weighed less than a half-
ounce.
It would appear from Doddridge, p. 281, that it was cus-
round in the tomary with the experienced frontiersman, to cut off the neck
Breech oj the q£ ^j^g bullet very close and when expecting an attack or a bat-
Isaac ffash- ^jg^ ^q scrape them for the purpose of reducing their size a little,
burn KijLe. g,^^ ^q ^gg "patches" half the ordinary thickness so as to avoid
r u 1 1 size; ^j^g possibility of "choking," or "jamming."
/utline of
Bullet
weight ^2 oz.
(7) For further account of the Regers, see Chapter XXIX^
this Volume.
(8) See Chapter X, this Volume.
(9) Border Warfare, pp. 341, 342.
(10) Border Warfare, pp. 396-397.
(11) Hist, of Upshur County, W. Va., pp. 202, 203.
(12) The land records of 1781 show that Gee Bush owned land near, or on Gee
Lick, a branch of Freeman's Creek, and that George Bush owned lands on the
West Fork River. One John Bush preempted 1,000 acres on Decker's Creek
(now A-Ionongalia Co.), which included his settlement made in 1770.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XVII
(1) Border Warfare, p. 342,
(2) One of the active scouts on the western waters was Edward Jackson, son of
John Jackson, settler at Buckhannon in 1769. He was a commissioned captain
of militia in Randolph County, in 1787, and was also a surveyor. In the Calendar
of Virginia State Papers, Volume 4, p. 299, is found this record:
Bond of Edward Jackson
"As surveyor of Randolph County, commissioned such by the Governor of
Virginia in the penalty of Two Thousand Pounds lawful money, June 25th, 1787."
Another scout, Roy, given name unknown, resided near West's Fort..
He was a very resolute man, often making the journey to Pendleton County alone.
He discovered an Indian taking a hive of bees from his yard one day, but the-
Indian fled and escaped.
(3) The scouts in their first visits to the Little Kanawha region, went by way of
Sand Fork. They soon learned that the Indian path on Leading Creek was the
shorter route, and that it led direct to the Little Kanawha and thence to the Ohio;
therefore the name "Leading Creek."
"Polk Creek" along which this trail passed, derived its name from a poke
Border Settlers of Xortiiw kstern \ ircinia 459
stalk that the scouts saw growing in a ca\ity at the top of a large sycamore tree
that had been broken off. This tree stood in the bend of the creek near the present
railroad depot at Weston. 'I'hc stream bore tliis appellation in 17K1, and is a
corruption of Poke Creek.
(4) The conligudusncss of the navigable waters of tiie Monongaliela and the
Little Kanawha, was brought to the notice of Gen. Washington in 17S4; whose
information was: "that the Portage does not exceed Nine Miles — and that a very
good Waggon Road may be had between — That from the Mouth of the River
Cheat to that of the West Fork, is computed to be about 30 Miles, & the Navigation
good — as it also is up the West fork." Hulbert's JVashington and the West, New
York, 1905, p. >7 . A railway now pasess over this "Portage," or low ^'ap.
This "liulian Carrying Place" was evidently where John P. Du\all was
granted a certificate for "400 acres at the Indian House on the waters of the West
Fork, to include his settlement made in 1776." The mention here in this early
record of the "Indian House" is significant, and the inference is that there was
some structure erected there and used by the Indians when the country was first
settled b\' tiie \\hites. h strengthens tiie claim that this was a thoroughfare of
importance, and that the "Plouse," built of poles, bark or other light material,
was a regular stopping place for any band of Indians passing through that region.
The plow still unearths evidences of an extensive village or camping site, and in
the ravine leading down to the Kanawha side, the base of a low cliff shows the
charred discoloration of continued camp fires. A mound of considerable magnitude,
for that locality, is still to be seen; as is also one on Canoe Run, referred to later
in the text.
John P. Du\all who home-steaded at the "Indian House" was prominent
on the border; in both civil and military affairs. He was one of the Commissioners
appointed to adjust land claims on the western waters, at Clarksburg in 1781;
and was subsequently County Lieutenant of Harrison County, Va. He was in
command of the County Militia when the Indians raided the Flesher, and the
Cunningham families in 1784-85; mentioned in Chapter II, this \'olume. In
reporting the Cunningham tragedy to the Governor, Duvall stated that the militia
was not organized, and ammunition very scarce; that he had sent out fifty men
and six spies. The effective force in the entire County was about "two hundred
and fifteen men, and about one hundred and thirty guns." In addition to ammuni-
tion, which he was sending for. Lieut. Duvall requested of the Governor, that if
"there is any Rifles Belonging to the State in any of the Back magazines, to wit,
Alexandria, Winchester or Fredericksburg, should acknowledge it as a singular
favor to send an order for about Two Hundred of tlu-ni." Calendar of J'irginia
State Papers, \'oIume IV, p. 53.
(5) History of the Girtys, Cincinnati, 1890, p. 54.
Tradition says that a stranger came to the home of a Mr. Morris, a settler
on Peters Creek in (now) Nicholas County, and stayed there a part of one winter.
Morris visited the Kanawha settlement, and described his visitor, who had a
peculiar scar on his face. He was told that he was harboring none other than
Simon Girty, the notorious renegade. Morris returned home and drove his guest
away. Shortly after this the Indians attacked Morris' home and killed two of
his children. .\ tree growing where the \ictims were buried is still pf)inted out
460 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
by the inhabitants of that neighborhood. Peters Creek was named for a slave
owned by Morris.
(6) This was in the region where Frenchton now stands in Upshur County. This
village was originally called Beech Town, which name dates to the great hunt
described. Jesse Hughes, when he saw the disturbed condition of the leaves by
the bears in search of beech nuts, exclaimed, "All the bears in the country must
have come to Beech Town."
The legendary version of this name as given by Cutright {Hist, of Upshur
County, W. Va., p. 323), is that the Indians when making forays into this section
of Virginia, had, for self protection, erected of beech logs and poles at this point
a number of huts, is purely mythical. These predatory war parties did not build
villages, and the environments of Beech Town, so far from any prominent water
course precludes the idea of an Indian village being located there.
(7) It was not unusual for the foraying warriors to carry the bow for use on such
occasions as depicted in the text. With this silent though effective weapon,
game could be killed in close proximity to the settlements without betrayal of
their presence.
(8) George Jackson Arnold was a successful farmer, a noted hunter, a surgeon
and an able lawyer. He succeeded Col. John McWhorter as Prosecuting Attorney
of Lewis County. Mr. Arnold was born in Fauquier County, Virginia, in 1815,
and died at his home on "Indian Farm," previously referred to, in 1899.
An Incident of the Seneca Trail
(9) Mrs. Heavner, a widow, with her two sons and four daughters, crossed the
mountains over the Seneca Trail and settled on the head of Abram's Run, on
the upper West Fork; named for Abram Bennett the first settler on the stream.
In recounting some of the incidents on the trail, she said, "I walked the entire "
heavenly road with Mamie, then one year old, on my hip."
(10) There was a Joseph Hall residing in Harrison County in 1818-1820, who in
the spring of 1776, enlisted as private in Capt. David Stephenson's Company,
8th Va. Regt., commanded by Gen. Mulhenberg, and served two years. Part
of this time, however, he was attached to the 12th Va. Regt., under Col. Bowman.
His declaration for pension in 1820 shows that he was in indigent circumstances
and had one child, Sarah, aged 28.
(11) History of Kanawha Cou?iiy, West Fa., pp. 119, 120, 121. See also Hale's
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, pp. 276, 277.
(12) Lewis History of West Va., p. 523.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XVIII
(1) Border Warfare, pp. 399, 400.
(2) "Soon after the establishment of Marietta, a rude wagon road was opened
through the forest between that colony and Redstone (Brownsville Pa.). This was
the road Carpenter was following." Note, Withers, p. 399.
Border Settlers oi Northwestern \ iroima 461
(3) History of the Ohio Valley, pp. 300, 304.
(4) This is the first account we have of Tecumseh leading a war party against the
white settlers. Drake, in his .-Iboriginal Races of North .tmerica, p. 616, cites the
Waggoner massacre, in the Spring of 1792, as Tccumseh's initiatory exploit as a
young warrior. Tecumseh is said to have received his first baptism of fire in 1786,
when Col. Benjamin Logan led a band of four hundred or five hundred mounted
Kentucky rifiemen against the Shawnee towns on Mad River. The fight took
place near where Dayton, Ohio, now stands. Some writers place Tecumsch's
first fight at Gen. Harmer's defeat, in 1790; which is evidently a mistake.
(5) This instance of abstinence from food while on a forced march in the\'irf.'inia
wilderness, was repeated by Tecumseh the following spring when retreating from
his successful raid on the Waggoner family on Jesse's Run, near West's Fort.
The children who were taken captive related, after their return, that during the
rapid retreat from the scene of blood, both Indians and prisoners had no food of
any sort until after they had gained the fastness of the wilderness beyond the
Ohio River. Here the Indians killed deer and roasted venison. Peter declared
that even in his famished condition, the meat "tasted like nitten wood," because
of the absence of salt.
For the vienu of the Indian warrior when on the warpatii, see the Heckezvelder
Narrative, pp. 163, 164.
(6) The Indian garb was peculiarly adapted to a life in tlie woods; and the hunter
and scout assumed it with but slight modification. For comfort and sanitation
the Indian dress cannot be excelled. It is well described by Dr. Doddridge in
his Notes on the Settlement and Indian IVars of the Western Parts of Virginia and
Pennsylvania, Albany, 1876, p. 142. Also Kercheval's History of the Valley, p. 339.
"In the later years of the Indian war our young men became more enamored
of the Indian dress throughout, with the exception of the match coat. The drawers
were laid aside and the leggins made longer, so as to reach the upper part of the
thigh. The Indian breech clout was adopted. This was a piece f)f linen or cloth,
nearly a yard long, and eight or nine inches broad. This passed under the belt
before and behind leaving the ends for flaps hanging before and behind over the
belt. These flaps were sometimes ornamented with some coarse kind of embroidery
work. To the same belts which secured the breech clout, strings which supported
the long leggins were attached. When this belt, as was often the case, passed over
the hunting shirt the upper part of the thighs and part of the hips were naked."
(7) Hildrcth's Lives of the Early Settlers of Ohio, Cincinnati, 1852, p. 14">.
(8) For a sketch of the life of Isaac Williams, see Hiidreth's Early Settlers of
Ohio; also his Pioneer History of the Ohio J'alley.
(9) Lewis, History of West Virginia, pp. 657, 658.
xoTi'.s OX c"ii.\P'ri:R xix
(1) It is not known at what date John Waggoner came to the Hacker's Creek
settlement; nor is it certain where he hailed from. The records of Monongalia
County, 1779, show that one John Waggoner assigned his claim to 4,000 acres of
462 Border S ettlers of Northwestern Virginia
land on BuflPalo Run, a branch of Cheat River, which included his "settlement
made in 1774."
The Census of Virginia, 1782, shows only one John Waggoner in the state,
residence Hampshire County, with four in family. There is but one John Waggoner
listed in the Census of 1785, residence Harrison County, five in family. In all
probability this was one and the same party.
(2) For an instance of this kind, see Life of Grey Hawk.
(3) See Bouquet's Expedition Agaiyist the Ohio Indians, Cincinnati, 1907, pp. 62,
67, for a graphic description of such scenes as depicted in the text.
(4) Drake's Indian Captivities, Buffalo, 1853, p. 183.
(5) Drake's Indian Captivities, pp. 185, 186.
(6) Border Warfare, pp. 408, 411.
(7) In an editor's note, p. 410, Border Warfare, Booher's name is given as
"Baker"; a typographical error.
Paint Creek: a tributarj^ of the Scioto, in Ross County, Ohio. It was the
former home of the Chillicothe branch of the Shawnees. Their village, "Old
Town," stood on the banks of this stream, near the present Chillicothe, in 1774.
It was laid waste by the Kentuckians in 1787; but the Indians were in possession
of the country until after the War of 1812.
One tradition says that the Delawares were the despoilers of the Waggoner
family. There may have been some member of that tribe with the marauders,
but the Shawnees were the authors of the tragedy.
(8) Drake's Indian Captivities, p. 190.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XX
(1) Border Warfare, p. 414.
(2) Adam O'Brien, to whose carelessness must be attributed the Carpenter
tragedy, was an eccentric man, who seemingly had been driven to the wilderness
because of some trouble in the settlements. He came early into the Trans-Alle-
gheny, and revelled in a life of freedom, "untrammeled by laws" and the restraining
influences of society.
The following is taken from The West Firgi?iia Historical Magazine, Volume
III, pp. 307, 308.
"One of the first settlers of the Trans-Allegheny country was Adam O'Brien,
if his roving disposition and movements would entitle him to the name of settler.
He had a cabin on Elk River at the mouth of Holly River; a long time he owned
two tracts of land, held by patents, in Randolph county; he lived on the Little
Kanawha and he lived and died on the Big Sandy of Elk in Kanawha county.
He seems to have been engaged in making settlements on good lands for others
and that he had made many. He said that all he had to do was to cut his initials
"A. O. B." on some trees, cut down a few saplings and plant a hand full of corn
and he secured a right to four hundred acres of land, though it afterwards cost a
good deal of hard swearing.
Border Settlers oe Northwestern \'irgini.\ 463
"When asked how he came to seek llie wilderness and encounter the perils
and sufferings of frontier Hfe, he answered that he liked it and did not mind it
a bit and in further explanation said, that he was a poor man and had got behind
hand and when that's the case, there is no staying in the settlements for those
varments, the sheriffs and constables, who were worse than Indians, because you
could kill Indians, and you dare not kill the sheriffs. That after the king's proc-
lamation for all settlers and surveyors to remove east of the big ridge, from off
the western waters, there was no people on the west side except those who had
run away from justice and here they were as free as the biggest buck agoing, and
after the peace of sixty-three, it was all quiet in the back woods. That there was
a settlement at Dunkard's bottom, and a small one where Clarksburg now is, and
some squatters here and there, that had their cabins, their corn and potatoes and
their guns with which they kept themselves in bear meat and venison, and while
they had no monej', they had skins with which they could secure powder and
lead and such things as they had to buy. He said that they lived quite happy
before the Revolution, for then there was no law, no courts and no sheriffs and
they all agreed pretty well, but after a while the people began to come and make
settlements and then there was need for law; and then came the lawyers and next
the preachers and from tiial time they never had any peace any more, that the
laywers persuaded them to sue when they were not paid, and the preachers con-
verted one half and they began to quarrel with the other half because they would
not take care of their own souls, and from that time, they never had an\'
peace for body or soul, and that the sheriffs were worse than the wild cats
and painters, and would take the last coverlit from your wife's straw bed or turn
you out in a storm, and I tell you, mister, I would rather take my chances and live
among savages than live among justices and lawyers and sheriffs, who with all
their civilit)", have no natural feeling in them. The settlers had to 20 to the field
with their gun and ofttiines their wi\'es had to keep watch with ritle while they
were at the plough."
In 1781, Adam O'Brien was granted a ccrtiticate for "400 acres on the VV^est
Fork, to include his settlement made in 1775;" also for "400 acres on Lost Creek,
to include his settlement made in 1781."
O'Brien and a man named Fink were tired upon by Indians while watching a deer
lick on Fink's Creek, a branch of Beech Fork of the Little Kanawha, wounding
Fink in the heel. The hunters fled up the creek, and when reaching the low gap
between this stream and Hardway's Run, Fink could go no further, and finding;
that the Indians were pressing them close he advised O'Brien to abandon him to
his fate and seek his own safety. This, O'Brien was constrained to do, and Fink
concealing himself shot and killed one of his pursuers as they came up. He in
turn was killed. The Indians, e\idently fearing an ambuscade, fled leaving their
dead comrade where he fell. When O'Brien with others returned a few da\-s later
they buried the two bodies on the low ridge, where their graves can yet be
seen. .\n account of this tragedy is given in Col. D. S. Dewee's '"Recollections,"
1904, p. 68.
(3) In the latter part of September, 1902, 1 was sent b>- the Bureau of Pensions
to investigate some claims in central West Virginia. I was a Special ICxaminer,
and I arrived at Sutton, the count\- seat of Braxton Count\-. the .H)th of September.
464 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
From that town I journeyed to make my investigations. The country is a lean
one so far as soil goes, or it looked so to me, after seeing the rich, black prairies
of the West. But the country fascinated me, for I was born and brought up in
a country very similar to it in eastern Kentucky. I had been in Clarksburg over
night; Monday morning (as I now remember, though I am not sure it was Monday)
I took the train for Sutton. The morning was dark and lowering, and the train
had not been long on the road until it began to rain; it rained more and harder as
the day advanced. The country had the peculiar drowned appearance common
to that land during heavy rains in the fall; the ravines in the hillsides ran bank
full, carrying down the soil, often eating down the rock. The trees were dripping
in their straggling foliage, now browned by the frosts, and much of it on the ground
— dead leaves drifted by the overflowing brooks, "branches," as they say there.
While the landscape was dreary, I had a ride of enjoyment. The large timber
on the rocky hillsides and the huge fragments of sandstone lying about the bases
of cliffs reminded me of my native country.
Of my travels while in the discharge of my duties I shall not speak at this
time. But while at Sutton I heard of an old hunter who lived in the village. I
went to see him one dark night while I was there. My work was not done until
late, and I found him in bed. His name was William Carpenter. He told me
the following concerning his family:
William Carpenter was born at Centralia, fourteen miles from Sutton, Braxton
County, West Virginia, April 17, 1827. His great grandfather came from England
and settled in the Big Bend of Jackson's River, given name of ancestor and date
of coming to America not now known with certainty. His grandfather, Jeremiah
Carpenter, was born at the Big Bend of Jackson's River. Withers would seem to
incline to the opinion that the Carpenters came from Bath County, Va. {Border
Warfare, 414.) When nine years old Jeremiah was captured by the Shawnees,
who made a raid into the Big Bend country, and by them carried to their country
where he was adopted by the tribe; he lived with them until he was eighteen.
Once during his captivity the Chief's squaw became enraged at him and tried to
kill him; she struck him on the head with a hoe. Her daughter rescued him and
took him to the Ohio River where she washed his head and dressed his wounds,
all the time weeping over the unfortunate boy, who never forgot her; it was even
supposed that he was to have married her had he remained with the Shawnees.
He remembered her as a gentle young woman of many personal charms and much
modesty, who spent most of her time trying to make people as happy as their
condition would warrant, a work which she received little enough encouragement in
the Indian village. The place of the captivity was Oldtown, opposite the mouth
of the Kanawha.
When young Carpenter was exchanged, an action which he regretted, so
complete an Indian had he become by habit, he returned to the Big Bend, where
he married. After he married he moved to the site of the present town of Centralia,
Braxton County, building his house about one-fourth of a mile above Dry Run.
This settlement must have been prior to the year 1792 {Withers, 414), though
Mr. Carpenter could not give me the exact date. He was the first settler in what
is now Braxton County. Adam O'Brien was the second settler, and he came
in the spring of 1792. {Withers, 414.) O'Brien settled on the town site of Sutton,
or rather on the bank of Elk River opposite the present town site, where he lived
Border Settlers ok Northwestern \'ir(;ima 4^5
in the liollow of a great sycamore tree. He blazed a trail from his house to Sali-
viile or Bulltown on the Little Kanawha, where he went to make salt. Bulltown
was named for Captain Bull, an old Indian, tribe Carpenter did not know; it
was so named by the Indians, and was their gathering place in that part of the
country, and was a ford on the Little Kanawha. O'Brien made other trails through
the country, and they endangered the lives of the settlers. The Indians came up
the Elk River every spring on their raids into the settlements. They came also
up the Little Kanawha, the various bands met at Bulltown for the last consultation
before the descent upon the settlers then beginning to come into that country.
One spring (Carpenter could not give me the date, but IFiiliers says it was in 1793)
the Indians discovered the trail blazed by O'Brien; perhaps it had been made
tlic preceding winter. They followed it to the Elk River, to Sutton, the house
of O'Brien, though they did not find him or his family. He had gone back to
the settlements, because he could not raise grain for his family until he had made
a clearing. iJVithers.) Carpenter had built a house on the river bank, and some
of the chips from his axe had floated down and were found in the Elk River by
the Indians when they arrived tiierc. Tiicy immediately surmised that someone
was living further up the stream, tiic banks of which they followed up with great
caution. Jeremiah Carpenter was accompanied by his brother Benjamin when
he came into that wilderness. Benjamin had gone back to the settlements and
married during the previous winter — some four months before this raid. He had
built his cabin on the bank of the Elk River, at the mouth of Holly Creek, about
twelve miles above Sutton. The father, mother, and sisters of the Carpenters
had now moved to the Elk River settlement.
In March Ben Carpenter had killed a large red buck (male deer). It was
very unusual to see a buck with his coat red at that season of the year. They do
not get red until June or Julv. Jeremiah told Ben that something awful was
to befall them, something terrible; the killing of the red buck foretold it. Ben
said he would wear moccasins made from that deer's hide, and he put it in the river
to soak to take the grain off, as they do in dressing deer skins.
There were two of these Indians. On the day they discovered the chips
floating on Elk River, Ben's mother and little sister came to visit him. They
went across the river to assist Ben in firing some log heaps in his clearing. Mrs.
Carpenter (Ben's wife) was sick and was left in bed. When Ben had worked
awhile he told his mother and sister he would go back to the house and help his
wife prepare dinner, and left them in the field still at work burning the great log
heaps. Ben crossed the river, but before going into the house took the hide of
the red buck from the stream and began to take off the grain. He had just put
it on the graining block and commenced work when one of the Indians who was
concealed behind a log fired on him but missed him. There was one large Indian
and one small one. The small Indian had shot at Ben. When the Indian fired
Ben ran into the house to get his gun. Now, the big Indian had gone into the
house and tomahawked Mrs. Carpenter while she was in bed, perhaps sometime
before Ben had returned from his clearing. After killing the wife he concealed
himself in the house to wait for Ben, should the little Indian fail to kill him. Ben's
gun was in the rack over the cabin door. When he ran in he reached up to get
it and as his arm was up the big Indian shot him and killed him. His mother
alarmed by the shot of the little Indian, was lookint; towards the house at the
466 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
moment, and saw the flash of the Indian's gun go under Ben's arm and saw him
fall back dead. She immediately concealed her little daughter in the hollow of
a large stump, covering it with a large flat stone, and ran for her husband, first
telling the child to make no noise under any circumstances. Ben's father came
from his cabin and went to Ben's cabin, and found the Indians gone, having carried
off Ben's gun and shot pouch and powder horn.
Jesse Hughes was the famous Indian fighter of that part of Western Virginia.
He roamed the whole of the country, and he had many places of temporary abode
in the wilderness — hunting camps, where he spent much time or little as the mood
might incline him. His home, so Carpenter said, was on Spring Creek, somewhere on
the Ohio. He told me, also, that Hughes died on Mill Creek, on the Ohio, but he
did not know where that was nor when he died. One of the favorite places of
Hughes was in Braxton County, and he had many points of "lookout" from which
he could observe the coming of Indians. He had also many places of safety to
which he fled when there was danger from Indians. The case I had for investi-
gation was one of contesting widows of one of his descendants. The fall following
the raid on Ben Carpenter's house, Hughes killed a big Indian and a little one.
The big one had Ben's gun, powder horn, and shot pouch, and it was supposed he
slew Carpenter's murderers. The circumstance of the killing is of interest.
It was after the settlers had gathered into their forts in the fall on account
of some Indian invasion. The fort was on the West Fork of the Monongahela
River. Hughes lived in the vicinity. He had a fine cow on which he put a large
bell and allowed to range the woods about the fort. The bell had not been heard
for some days, and Hughes knew that the Indians had killed his cow. One day,
towards sundown, the bell was heard in the woods approaching the fort in the
■way a cow would come — in a roundabout way as though the cow was returning,
stopping to browse, then coming on, etc. Hughes was accosted with, "Hughes,,
there goes your cow," and replied, "Yes, my cow is dead, but I will make that
bell ring in the morning."
During the night he painted and dressed himself like an Indian and went
out into the woods to the head of a "hollow" down in the depths of which the
bell was heard in the dusk of the preceding day. Here he concealed himself.
As soon as it was light he heard the bell begin to ring. After some time in creep-
ing softly about he saw a big Indian with his gun in position to shoot and the
little Indian with the bell on his neck walking about on hands and knees like a
cow feeding. Hughes shot the big Indian, then ran and got the gun of the dead
warrior and pursued the little Indian and finally came up with him and shot him
with his companion's gun, which was the gun of Ben Carpenter. Hughes was
so furious when he recognized the gun of his friend that he cut strips of hide from
the backs of the Indian and after tanning them used them for belts.
Carpenter's grandfather once discovered the presence of Indians in his neigh-
borhood. He knew he would be killed if he remained at home. He took his family
up Elk River to Laurel Creek and up this creek to Camp Run — waded all the
way. They went into a cave very difficult to find and lived there until the Indians
left the country. Carpenter's father was born in this cave while the family were
hiding there from the Indians. Once the Indians came into the cave and remained
a considerable time while Carpenter and his family were also in there, but they
did not discover the whites.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \'irginia 467
(4) A similar case is reported as tradition by Kerclirvalp. 143, which occurred
near Furman's Fort, east of the mountains, at an early date. A Mr. Hogeland
went out from the fort one evening in pursuit of the milch cows. He heard the
bell rattle continuously in the glen and suspecting the cause, ascended a ridge
overlooking the ravine, and saw an Indian with the bell attached to a small saplini;,
which he was gently shaking, causing the bell to rattle, hoping to decoy the owner
of the cattle to death. Hogeland shot the Indian through the body. Another
Indian started up, fled, and escaped. Another version of this tradition, narrated
by the same author, states that a young man with Hogeland shot the second Indian.
This, like the turkey call, was a favorite mode of decoy with the red warrior.
By it, fourteen men fell into ambuscade and were killed at Fort Laurens, in 17'>.i.
In 1790, "the Indians killed some cows on a creek in the upper end of Kanawha
County, and hung the bells on swinging limbs, so they would ring as the wind
blew. When the citizens went out to bring their cows home they were shot down.
The creek was named, from this circumstance, 'Bell Creek.'" Hale's Trans-
Allegheny Pioneers, pp. 275, 276.
(5) Pioneer History, p. 300.
(6) This was in July, 1791, wlicn a body of Indians lay in ambush one morning
in a cornfield at Marietta for the purpose of attacking the laborers in a flax and
oat field adjoining. The workers were delaj^ed in going to the field, and the enemy
despairing of success, left their place of concealment, where their tracks were
afterward found.
(7) Joshua Fleethart was born on the frontier of Pennsylvania, and grew up
immured to the dangers of the forest. Standing over six feet in height, and pos-
sessed of remarkable strength and dare-devil courage, he was one of the most
noted scouts on the Ohio border. For a time he lived on Blennerhassett's Island,
but subsequently removed to Farmers Castle (Belpry), where he was employed
as a hunter and scout. See Hildreth's Pioneer History, pp. 391, 401 to 405.
(8) Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, p. 174.
(9) Dunmore's War, pp. 407, 408, 409, 41').
NOl'l'.S ON CIIAI^'I'I-'.R NXI
(1) This was the farm owned by ilic late Bcnoni Milchcil, whose father purchased
it from Tanner. The large two-story hewn log house still standing in a good
state of preservation, was erected but not completed by Tanner. It is a fine
specimen of the fort-like residence of Virginia border days. The crevices between
the heav}' oak logs are still firmly chinked with stone and mud. The massive
stone chimney built inside the west end of the house is the most remarkable fea-
ture of this interesting relic of an era forever past. It is made of irregular cobble-
stone laid in cla\' mortar, and measures sixteen feet wide at the back. On the
ground floor, it is built in the shape of a half-diamond, each angle measuring ten
feet across. In cacli of these is a huge open fireplace, each facing a separate
room. Tlic lartrcsl of Uicse fireplaces is four feet higli by fi\e feet wide; the other
o
Border Si:tti,p:rs of Xortiiwkstkrx \'ir(;inia 469
is four by four feet. Tliev- are about two feel and six inches in deptli, but evidently
were much deeper when first built, false backs having been built in. The spans,
or arches, are composed of stone. On the upper floor the shape of the chimney
was modified to that of a half hexagon. The two side walls measure each five
feet across, while the center face is six feet, in which is a good sized fireplace.
The chimney is twenl>-cighi feet high and carries its width of sixteen feet to the
garret, where it narrows to eight feet. .At the top it measures six feet by two and
one-half feet.
The original front door was removed only a few years ago. It was a massive
affair, made of black walnut boards crossed diagonally and fastened together with
hammered nails. The boards had been cut with a whipsaw, or, as some declared,
hewed with an axe onl\ . The door was three inches thick, and was hung- on
ponderous iron hinges that reached nearly across its entire width, and were secured
in place with heavy hand-forged iron clinch-nails. The house, as it stood for
many years, has three rooms on the ground floor and two on the second floor.
It is now owned by Mr. John .\. Mitchell, a son of Benoni, and who gavx me
the above measurements. The house has not been occupied for the last few
years. It is in a splendid state of preservation; if steps are not taken to con-
tinue this, it will soon go the way of all such landmarks. Hacker's Creek would
do well to organize a society looking to the perpetuation of not only this, but many
other objects of historic interest in the valley. Places where known tragedies
in Indian warfare occurred should be marked with appropriately inscribed stones.
Indian village sites and burial grounds should also be located and marked. The
graves of old pioneers, not now properly designated, should have attention. Unless
this is done, every trace of primitive life, romance and tragedy in this beautiful
valley will soon pass into oblivion.
Lament — Since this note was written, the Tanner house has been dismantled.
(2) There was a Hughes among the "Long Hunters," but his given name is not
known. This hunter could not have been Jesse Hughes; but there is reason to
believe that it was a member of his family, perhaps his father.
In 1761, a number of hunters came into what is now Carter's Valley, in east
Tennessee, to hunt. There were nineteen men, the company being composed of
parties of men from different localities: some from several adjoining counties of
\"irginia, some from Pennsylvania, and one party from the Yadkin, in North
Carolina, seemingly, for Daniel Boone was at the head of it. He, however, left
when the company of hunters reached the place now occupied by the town of
Abington, \ irginia. These hunters remained several months in that region, and
gave their present names to Powell's Valley, Powell's Mountain, Clinch Mountain,
Clinch River, Copper Ridge, Newman's Ridge, Wallen's Ridge, and Scagg's
Ridge. It is said they ciUered Kcnluck\- through the Cumberland Gap, and
terminated their western journey fourteen miles beyond, at Laurel Mountain.
They returned year after year in larger and larger companies, and penetrated
further each year into the interior of the continent. In 1762. they came in b\-
the way of Flower Gap, in the Blue Ridge, Jones Ford on the New River, and
Blue Springs Gap, in Iron Mountain. They spent most of that year in what is
now Hawkins County. Tennessee. In the fall of 1763. they went through the
Cumberland Gap and hunted on the Cumberland River. In 17()+. tliev hunted
470 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
on the Rock Castle River and about the Crab Orchard, In Kentucky. Daniel
Boone came among them to learn the geography of the western country. One
of these hunters, Scaggs, was employed by Boone to explore the Cumberland
River country, which he did. This visit of Boone must have been in some sub-
sequent year, though it is set down by Judge Heywood as having been in 1764.
This party continued to hunt in the western wilderness every year, sometimes
numbering forty hunters, with pack horses. In 1771, they numbered twenty-two,
among them —
''James Knox, Henry Knox, Richard Skaggs, Henry Skaggs, Isaac Bledsoe,
Abraham Bledsoe, James Graham, Joseph Drake, John Montgomery,
Russell, Hughes, Wm. Allen, Wm. Lynch, David Lynch, Christopher
Stoph, and others — twenty-two in all, with several horses. They were so suc-
cessful in getting skins they could not pack them all back; and as their hunt was
prolonged, they built what they called a skin house, at a common center in what
is now Green County, upon the Caney Fork of Russell's Creek, almost upon the
very spot now occupied by the Baptist meeting house called Mt. Gilead. Their
hunt extended into the barrens of Green River. One of the hunters named Bledsoe
wrote on a fallen poplar which had lost its bark, near where Creed Haskins lived
until his death in 1851: '2,300 Deer Skins lost; Ruination by God.' Part of the
company returned to the settlements in February, 1772, but others remained
The party returned late in 1772, some of them having been out
from home for between two and three years; they have been known ever since
as the 'Long Hunters.' " Collins' History of Kentucky, p. 418.
Among these hunters were Henry Scaggs, Richards Scaggs, Matthias Harman^
several named Belvins- — all of whom lived afterwards in eastern Kentucky, on
the Big Sandy River. Tradition in that country says that Jesse Hughes came
there to hunt with these bordermen. They were all famous Indian fighters and
explorers. In some way Jesse Hughes must have become acquainted with them
before they settled in eastern Kentucky. There were long periods when we have
no account of Jesse Hughes.
Such scouts as Jesse Hughes were not developed in one generation on the
wilderness. It required two or three generations on the border to develop a man
with the qualities of Hughes. As we find this Hughes family scattered from
eastern Virginia to the Rocky Mountains, we must conclude that they were
ever in the van of civilization from their first arrival in America, and that the
hatred of the Indian which reached its supreme development in Jesse Hughes was-
the result of warfare against the race for several generations. As we find no other
family of this name in all the annals of the border, of enough prominence or ex-
perience to be a member of the company of Long Hunters, it is but reasonable to-
believe it was some member of this family. The evidence is all in favor of it.
Refer to Chapter XI, this Volume, for notice of the Long Hunters.
—fFm. E. C.
(3) Ohio Valley in Colonial Days, Albany, 1890, p. 190.
(4) Border Warfare, pp. 276, 277; DeHass, 247, 251.
The story of the flaying of the two warriors disabled by David Alorgan near
Pricket's Fort in 1779, and the manufacture of their skins into belts, shot pouches,
razor strops and saddle coverings, is well known to students of border history.
Border Settlers of Xortiiavestern \'ir(,inia 471
A very concise account of tliis occurrence is found in the authorities referred to,
also Our Western Border, but not so replete. Mr. W. A. Morgan, of Petroleum,
W. Va., writes me that he remembers seeing a piece of this Indian cuticle in the
possession of his father, Charles A. Morgan, a son of Morgan Morgan, of Morgan-
town, W. Va.
A striking example of hereditary depravity is instanced in the following
which is taken from Wiley's History of Monongalia County, JVest Virginia, pp.
496, 497.
"The Oregon War, called in ofHcial records the Yakima and other wars,
began in 1854-5 and continued nearly three years. It was the result of a general
outbreak of the Indians along the Oregon and Washington frontiers. They had
over 3,500 warriors engaged in the contest. Colonel Frank W. Thompson of
Monongalia, commanded Company A, 1st regiment Oregon mounted volunteers,
which was afterwards re-organized as Company C, Battalion Oregon and Washing-
ton mounted rangers. Dallas Price and Oliver Price, two brothers who were
descendants of the old Indian-tighting Morgans, and who were born and reared
in Monongalia County, were in Thompson's company.
"Among the hottest contests of this war was a four-days' fight on the Walla-
Walla River, at the point where Fort Bennett now stands — which fort, it is said,
was named in honor of Captain Bennett, of Marion County, who was killed in
that battle. The Indians were commanded by Peopeomoxmox, or Yellow Serpent,
one of the most famous Indians ever on the Pacific Coast. During the fight.
Colonel Thompson saw this chief killed by a Missouri soldier named Sam War-
field, who knocked him in the head with his gun and afterwards scalped him, in
retaliation for outrages committed by his warriors. After the chief had been
scalped, Oliver Price cut a piece of skin from his back, had it tanned, and made a
razor strop of it — another illustration of the savage hostility existing between
the Morgan blood and the Indian race."
While the battle of Walla Walla fought November 7, 1855, has no connection
with the Virginia border narrative, it is only proper to state that Peo-peo-mox-mox
was not in command of the Indian forces on that occasion. Two days previou s
this noted Chief of the Cayuse and Walla Wallas, with a few of his followers,
came under a flag of truce to Colonel Kelly who was then marching against their
village, and stated that he and his people did not want to fight and that they
would come the next day and have a talk and make a treaty of peace. The Chief's
sincerity was doubted and the peace delegates were informed that they could
remain as hostages, or return to their people, in which latter case their village
would be immediately attacked. With this alternative they showed good faith
by accepting imprisonment, but one of the party was permitted to return to the
village with a message of the agreement.
Colonel Kelly stated that when he moved against the Indians, that the latter
began the fight, but Mr. A. P. Woodward, an eye witness declared that to his
knowledge, one Jont, of Company B, committed the first hostile act. During
the battle the peace delegates were all massacred by their guards with the excep-
tion of one, a Nez Perce boy, who had accompanied them. It was claimed by
some that the Indians were killed while endeavoring to escape but others stated
that the guard attempted to tie them and met with resistance, which provoked
the massacre.
472 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Creditable eye witnesses declared that there was no effort on the part of the
prisoners to escape, and only one, IVolj Skin, an athletic Williamette, made any
resistance. When attacked, he drew a concealed knife and slashed desperately
at his slayers. Whatever the deduction, the damning fact remains that these
Indians entered the hostile camp under the sacred pledge of a flag of truce, and
in the end were forcibly detained and murdered. In point of atrocity, this crime
is a parallel to the massacre of the Shawnee hostages, Chief Cornstalk and others,
at Point Pleasant, 1777, alluded to in a previous chapter. For a similar outrage
in 1873, Kintpuash, or Keintpoos (Captain Jack), the Modoc leader of Lava Beds
fame, and three of his followers were hanged. There was no hanging at Point
Pleasant, or Walla Walla.
One gentleman, who was an early frontiersman and Indian fighter on the
Columbia River, stated to me in connection with the Walla Walla incident: "I
knew Warfield, the soldier who killed Yellow Serpent. He was a 'cultas' [worthless]
cuss, and capable of such deeds. Personally I know just how those soldiers felt.
We all believed that no Indian should live and we worked to that end."
When questioned about the flaying of Yellow Serpent, he replied: "I have
heard that story; it was talked of, but I never knew the trooper who did it."
Yellow Serpent had on previous occasions proven his friendship to the whites
in various substantial ways. He was a warrior possessed of many noble traits
of character.
(5) Civilization is a growth, an evolution, and no people in their primitive purity
and simplicity of nature has ever survived a sudden and continuous contact with
the higher order of life.
The moral debauchery by the whites of the Northwestern Indians was assured
in their defeat by General Wayne, in 1794. Before that time, the constant wars
so long waged on the border prevented a social mingling of the two races; but with
the signing of the Treaty of Greenville, this barrier was removed, and the rum-
steeped civilization of the Pale Face soon got in its deadly work.
The latent cause of the rapid degradation of those splendid tribes is graphically
set forth in the twenty-first chapter of that most rare work, Burnet's Notes on the
Northwestern Territory, Cincinnati, 1847. See also Hatche's War of 1812 in the
Northwest, Cincinnati, 1882, pp. 99, 110.
(6) This cavern was named for Johnl.Haynes. It is on the propert)' now owned
by his daughter, Mrs. C. B. Howes, and is located at a narrows, or defile on Sand
Creek, one-half mile from Crow Summit. At this point, the valley is not more
than one hundred and fifty feet wide; is flanked by high and abrupt cliffs, and was
an admirable place to watch for game. A few years ago, a branch of the Baltimore
& Ohio Railroad was built through this defile, and the cave completely obliterated,
the stone being removed for bridge building.
Mr. C. S. Wilcox, of Crow Summit, who has resided within one mile of the
cave for the past thirty years, gives me the following sketch of this local landmark:
"This cave was a great watering place for teams from the interior counties
■of Roane, Calhoun, Gilmer and Braxton. The cave proper extended back for
about thirty feet from the entrance, then forked, one fork running north fifty
or sixty feet, the other nearly due west for one hundred feet or more. In each
fork there was a stream of clear cool water, both of which are still running. Just
BCJRULR Sli'ITLKRS Ol XoKTHW i:S IKKN \ IRCINIA 473
above the mouth of the cave was a fine old elm tree with three lar>.'e roots, one of
which ran up the bare face of the rock to the soil; another to the rijiht over the
barren rock to its edge and then down to the soil; the third ran nearly perpen-
dicular down the naked rock, tapping the ground at its base. The cave showed
evidence of having been used for camping purposes. Under the overhanging rock,
and to one side of the entrance, was a fire hearth, and still further back in the
cave were several boulders, the size of a water i^aii, which showed traces of havinf
been in contact with fire.
W liile this cave was never scientifically c.xaniincd for the purpose of determin-
ing the nature of its occupancy-, it cannot be questioned that it was an Indian
resort, or camping place."
It is lamentable that one by one those historic landmarks, the silent reminders
of primitive life. oT stealthy hunter and warrior fierce, of a wild people's heroic
struggle for existence in their own land, of the pathetic disappearance of an out-
raged race into the shadowy twilight of oblivion, arc being swept away by the
remorseless hand of greed-crazed commercialism.
(7) The keen perception which enabled Hughes to recognize this Indian from the
imprint left by the deformed foot is remarkable, but in this accomplishment of
the trailer the white man never surpassed ihc Indian, and perhaps never became
his equal. Many remarkable instances are mentioned in history, one in the
Conspiracy of Po>itiac, \'olume I, p. 160.
xoTi-.s OX cH.\ini:R xxii
(1) As shown clscwiicre in this volume, the father of Jesse Hughes settled on Elk
Creek, near Clarksburg, and was killed by the Indians on Hacker's Creek, in 1778.
(2) This is a mistake. Hughes' River is not a navigable stream. But it was
named for either Elias or Jesse Hughes, probably for Jesse.
(3) This would imply that Jesse moved to the Wabash before General Wayne
defeated the Indians in 1794, which is error. As previously shown in this volume,
he did not leave Hacker's Creek until the autumn of 1797 or 1798. Jesse Hughes
never settled on the Muskingum, nor did he ever "make peace" with the Indian.
(4) Sand Creek.
(5) There is a striking similarity in the financial reverses which overtook these
three great scouts, Boone, Hughes and Kenton, in their old age. Boone and
Kenton, however, had some of their lands restored, while Congress granted Kenton
a small pension.
It is quite probable that these three men were close associates during part of
the border wars. Boone settled in the Great Kanawha Valley about 1786, and
lived there some ten years. Kenton, with two companions, Strader and Yager,
entered this valley in 1771, where they trapped and hunted until the spring of
1773; at which time their camp was attacked by Indians and Strader killed.
Kenton and Yager narrowly escaped without guns or blankets. It is said that the
hunters confined their operations to tlic KIk River retrion with headquarters at the
474 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
mouth of Two A4ile Creek, the scene of the tragedy. They disposed of their furs
to a French trader, who was located at the confluence of the Elk with the Great
Kanawha. Kenton afterwards returned to his old haunts where he remained
until the breaking out of Dunmore's War in 1774. For a sketch of Boone and
Kenton, see Our Western Border.
About twenty years ago (this, 1909) Joseph Druillard or Drouillard, died at
Gallipolis, Ohio, when nearly one hundred years old. He was a man of marked
intelligence, with an extraordinarily strong memory. He said that his father was
a French trader in the Northwest Territory, and that he had often heard him
speak of saving Kenton, when the Indians had him bound to the stake. Capt.
Drouillard of the U. S. A. is a son of Joseph Drouillard, Sr.
Pierre Drouillard was a French trader among the Northwestern tribes, and
interpreter for the British. Simon Girty prevailed on him to furnish the goods,,
worth 3100, with which to redeem Kenton at Sandusky, in 1778. After the war
Kenton took his benefactor into his Kentucky home and presented him with a
piece of land. Drouillard subsequently entered the service of the United States
in negotiating with the Northwestern Indians. In 1776 he married Angeline
Labadie. He died in April, 1803, leaving several children; among them George,,
who was with Lewis and Clark in their Expedition to the Pacific in 1803-06. Revo-
lution on the Upper Ohio, Madison, Wis., 1908, p. 128.
Some writers give the name of Kenton's rescuer: Druyr, a captain in the
British Northwest service.
A Joseph Drouillard was an interpreter in a council of the British and Indians,,
at Detroit, June 14, 1778. History of the Girtys, p. 63.
(6) Turkey Run.
(7) Hughes' Eddy is said to have been named for Thomas Hughes, a reputed
cousin of Jesse Hughes. I believe that it was named for Jesse's brother Thomas.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXIII
(1) There can be little doubt that Thomas Hughes, Sr., was an experienced
woodsman and hunter, and that he came of a family that had been in the van of the
advancing settlements a generation or more before his birth. American history
teaches that the most successful hunters and border settlers, scouts, rangers and
Indian fighters come of families that had been in contact with the Indians far in
advance of the settlements some generations. The qualities which produced
their success were necessarily hereditary to some degree. — IFm. E. C.
(2) Names often went through a process of transformation on the border. In,
one family graveyard in Pennsylvania, the tombstone of the first comer from
Ireland bears the name of O'Flannigan; the monuments of his children bear the
name of Flanigan; while those of a later generation bear the names of Flanikan
and Fleniken. — Wm. E. C.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \ ir(.inia 475
(3) Lewis in his History of If'fst I'irginia, gives the name of this daughter as
Lucinda.
(4) History of Licking County, Ohio, pp. 6'^6, 697.
XOTKS OX CIIAPri.K XX I\'
(1) Lewis, History of West J'ir<^inia, p. Lvv
(2) A tradition handed down in tlie Hughes faniiiy in Ohio, declared that the
Indians made prisoner the young lady here mentioned, and in their flight were so
closely pursued by Elias Hughes and others, that they not only killed their captive,
but severed the lifeless body and hung the fragments to the boughs of trees.
This outrage was the prime factor for Hughes' hatred of the race. The same
tradition avers that in later years the Indians killed two of his brothers-in-law.
(3) Hale's ^'Trans-.lllegheny Pioneers, ^^ p. 223.
(4) West Virginia Historical Magazine, Volume H, p. 35.
(5) Prof. Hu Maxwell in the Trans-Allegheny Historical Magazine, Volume I,
pp. 234, 235.
Gen. Lewis' army camped at the mouth of Five Mile Fork of Kelly's Creek,
a tributary of the Great Kanawha, in Kanawha County, VV. Va. In 1874 a party
of surveyors, among them Mr. Wesley Mollohan, a great grandson of George
Mollohan, whose tragic death is given in Chapter XVII, this Volume, while endeav-
oring to locate an early surv"ey, blocked one or more beech trees at this old camp,
and discovered on one of them, axe marks cov'ered with just one hundred annular
growths.
The advance of the army camped in the midst of a tine beech grove at Ruff-
ner^s Hollow, near where Charleston now stands. On the bark of one of these
trees was engraved the names of several of the officers in command, with dates.
This tree was cut down about sixty years ago by a party ignorant of its historic
value. It is claimed that when the main column came up, it encamped about a
half mile lower down, on the banks of the Elk River.
(6) Heads of Families, \'irginia, pp. 35-90.
(7) Elias Hughes was born in now Hardy County, West Virginia, about 1757,
and was approximately thirteen years old when he made his tirst "improvement"
on the West Fork River in 1770. For a confirmation of this, see his second declara-
tion for pension and the testimony of his vouchers, this sketch.
(8) See Chapter XII, this \'olume.
XOTKS OX CHAPTER XX\'
(1) Licking County, Ohio Pioneer Pamphlets, Newark, ().. 1872.
(2) The following statement was made by Elias Hughes' son, Jonathan, who
resided south of L'tica until 1890:
"M}' father came to Muskingum County in 1797 in a vessel made of a large
476 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
poplar tree. He started for Licking County in 1798, coming on foot and horse
back, travelling as fast as their geese could walk. He was 97 when he died, was
soldier in 1774 and was not married until he was 25. My father was a remarkably
smart man in old age. When he was 80 he started from Utica after sunrise, and
arrived at his daughter's in Muskingum County before sunset the same day, a
distance of forty miles, he resided with me from 1828 until 1844 when he died.
He had been blind in one eye before he made the walk spoken of, but found he
was totally blind when he reached his daughter's. Outside of this he was in per-
fect health until he died."
(3) It is shown by the records in the War Department, Washington, that Elias
Hughes, St., served as Second Lieutenant in Capt. John Spencer's Company, Col.
Renick's Mounted Regiment of Ohio Volunteers and Alilitia from May 5 to May
25, 1813. This included six days allowed for travelling home at twenty miles per
day, from Lower Sandusky. One Elias Hughes, Jr., served as a private in the
same company from May 5 to May 27, 1813, including eight days to return home
from the Lower Sandusky, allowing fifteen miles per day. This private Hughes
was evidently a son of Lieutenant Hughes, although the earlier records of the
war show that one Elias Hughes served as a Corporal in Capt. John Spencer's
Company, 3rd (Cass') Regiment of Ohio Volunteers and Militia, from June 1,
1812, to June 1, 1813. We could readily believe that these were one and the same
person, did not their terms of enlistment overlap. A granddaughter of Capt.
Elias Hughes, who was still living in Licking County, Ohio, in 1905, says that two
sons contracted "camp fever" while in the service and both died after returning
home. An inquiry to the War Department elicited the following reply:
"The records in this office show that one Thomas Hughes (name also spelled
Hughs) served as a private and a corporal of Captain John Spencer's Company of
Infantr}^, 3d Regiment (Cass') Ohio Volunteers and Militia, War of 1812. His
service commenced June 1, 1812, and he is reported on a roll from June 1, 1812,
to January 1, 1813, died October 24, 1812; and on a roll from June 1, 1812, to May
31, 1813, died on — of November, 1812. No more definite information as to his
death has been found.
"The name David Hughes has not been found on the rolls, on file in this
office, of any organization, of Ohio or regular army troops in service during the
War of 1812."
It is impossible to harmonize the term of service of this soldier, as evidenced
by the foregoing record with the date of his death. Even if there were two volun-
teers of the same name, there is still a discrepancy in the dates. Elias Hughes, Jr.,
was still living in 1844, and was one of the beneficiaries in the last payment of
his father's pension.
The memorable siege of Fort Meigs, Ross County, Ohio, by the combined
forces of Chief Tecumseh and Gen. Proctor, endured from the fifth to the ninth
of May, 1813, consequently Lieut. Elias Hughes must have participated in the
defense of that fortress.
(4) Miss Jane Sleath married Capt. Elias Hughes about the year of 1780 or
1781. Her remains lie in an unmarked grave at Johnstown, Licking County, Ohio.
(5) History of Licking County, Ohio, Newark, 1881.
Border Settlers oi Xortiiwlstkrn X'irginia 477
(6) Historical Collections of Ohio, Cincinnati, 1902, \olunic II, p. 65, 66.
(7) History of Knox County, Ohio, Newark, 1862, pp. IS, 19.
(8) Draper MSS. Catalogue nunilx-r SX\.i7.
(9) Extract) Draper MSS., S.\.\3S.
(10) It would appear that Col. Da\idson received no reply from Mr. Jonathan
Hughes. Owing to the many conflicting stories circulated concerning his father's
life, Jonathan Hughes eventually refused to give any information on the subject.
I am reliably informed that Elias Hughes was not identified with any church,
but he had strict religious principles; was a total abstainer, refusing wine or other
intoxicating stimulants even when very old.
(11) Evidently Capt. Samuel Brady, soldier of the Revolution, and renowned
scout of the Upper Ohio River. He was the son of Capt. John Brady, of the
Twelfth Pa. Regt. Revolutionary War, who was killed by three Iroquois warriors
in ambush on the West Branch of the Susquehanna River, April 11th, 1779.
Samuel was one of six stalwart brothers, of whom James, a magnificent
looking young man, was shot, speared, tomahawked and scalped by Indians on
the same stream, August 8th, 1779, and died five days later. These two tragedies
imbittered Samuel against the Indians, and like his contemporaries, the Hughes,
he swore eternal enmity against the entire race.
According to DeHass, p. 381, Capt. Samuel Brady was born at Shippens-
burgh, Pa., in 1756. Heitman's Historical Register, p. 96, states that he died Dec.
25th, 1795; while Our JVestern Border, p. 442, gives as the date of his death, about
the year 1800, at West Liberty, West Va.
(12) From the Newark (Ohio) Gazette, January 30, 1845; in the Draper MSS.
8XX30.
(13) "Buckskin moccasins kept on at night have a tendency to rot."^L. C. D.
(14) The sequel of the Leading Creek massacre in 1781.
(15) It was Jesse Hughes who sliot lliis Indian. Sec Chapter XI, this \'oiumc.
(16) .Vs previously shown in this volume, the unsuccessful pursuing party was
organized in the Tj-gart's \'alley settlements under Colonel Wilson.
(17) Bonnett, John.
(18) Jfithers, p. 345.
(19) Since the foregoing was written, .Mrs. I'ant informs me that through the
auspices of the Daughters of the .\merican Revolution, Hughes' grave has been
marked with a marble slab, and two bronze tablets commemorative of his services
in the Revolution, and the War of 1812.
For a brief of Elias Hughes, see Tenth Ohio .Innual Conference Daughters of
the American Revolution, 190S, p. 68.
478 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXVI
(1) It is claimed in a family tradition that Colonel Lowther owned slaves, by
which means he was enabled to produce larger crops than the other settlers, and
was thus prepared to mitigate the sufferings of the colonists during the "starving
year," 1773. This doubtless is true notwithstanding nine years later, 1782, the
census showed eighty-one blacks in Monongalia County, but none of them owned
by Colonel Lowther.
Mr. Granville S. Lowther writes me that he often heard his grandfather (Col.
Lowther's son Jesse) speak of these slaves, whose names were Dick and Job.
They were kept at work in the fields while some of the settlers stood guard on the
lookout for Indians.
Col. Lowther was not a hard taskmaster and the attachment between master
and slave was mutual.
The time-honored custom of burning the yew log during Christmas festivities
was sacredly observed. In the spring when the sap in the timber was heavy, the
blacks would cut a large gum "back log" and bury it in a swamp until Christmas
Eve, when it was resurrected, hauled to the cabin door and rolled into the capacious
fireplace. Until this soggy "back log" burned in two, the slaves were free to
come and go without restraint. This holiday invariably lasted until after New
Year and was looked forward to with anticipated joy by the poor blacks.
Dick and Job would never permit sassafras to be burned in the house. If
any of the Colonel's family had the temerity to place a stick of this timber on the
fire, they would immediately throw it outdoors, exclaiming, "Yo' b'un dat wood
an' dar'U be a fuss in de fambly afo' night."
On one occasion the Colonel sent Job to a distant part of the farm to make
rails. To reach the timber it was necessary to cross a field in which was a pugna-
cious ram. This "lord of the flock" resented all intrusion on his grassy domain,
but the peace-loving Job had hoped to pass unobserved. He reached the middle
of the field when he was discovered by the enemy. The wily black knew from,
experience the utter futility of attempting to stand before that maddened avalanch
of horn and wool, and had recourse to stratagem. He hastily drove his iron wedge
into the side of a stump letting it project a few inches, on which he hung his hat.
Then springing to the opposite side he bantered the enraged animal until it rammed
the decoy with a force that proved self destructive. With some misgivings Job
returned home and informed the Colonel of what he had done. "Well," said the
Colonel, "go take his hide and then make some rails, I guess he will bunt you no
more." The appreciative Job always averred that this was far better than a
whipping. Such considerate acts endeared the Colonel to the blacks who on more
than one occasion during Indian incursions, risked their lives for him.
Mr. Lowther writes further: "These slaves are buried in the Lowther ceme-
tery two miles below West Milford, where all the old set of Lowthers are buried.
Uncle Robert J. Lowther fell heir to this part of the estate and always cared for
the graves of Dick and Job as he did those of his ancestors. He has often pointed
their graves out to me."
(2) Withers' Border Warfare, pp. 127, 128.
(3) Lewis' History of West Virginia, pp. 548, 549.
Border Settlers of Northwestern \ irginia 479
(4) Draper Manuscripts, 36 J., 151-157.
(5) It is apparent that Col. Lowther was well educated for his day; but none of
his posterity, however, to the second generation, had the same facilities for learning
as he. If the early Trans-Allegheny pioneer was kept busy fighting Indians,
he also reveled in a forest teeming with game, where his wants were easily supplied
and for the first few years was practically exempt from any arduous agricultural
pursuits. These were the conditions which in most cases lured the hunter settler
across the mountains; but they soon passed, entailing on the two succeeding gen-
erations a life of unmitigated toil with but few and inferior educational advantages.
"Book larnen" was considered of secondary importance. V^ast forests were to be
cleared, hemp and wool manufactured into wearing apparel, and the able-bodied
boy or girl could, at most, be spared for onlj' a few weeks of schooling during the
mid-winter, .\ttainment to poor spelling, reading and writing, with a slight
degree in mathematics, were deemed sufficient.
The log cabin school house with its split rail benches, oiled paper windows and
great open fireplace has been too often described for repetition here. Indeed so
tenaciously did this isolated region cling to its pristine life, that my first school
days, one hundred years after its first settling, were spent in just such a building
with the sole improvement of a single glass window. With the rapid opening of
the richer country beyond the Ohio, the mighty wave of emigration swept onward
leaving the upper Monongahela isolated, wild and primitive, which romantic life
was destined to be broken only by the commercial development of the great mineral
resources, a century afterwards.
(6) Miss Minnie Kendall Lowther, of Fonze, West Virginia, a lineal descendant
of Colonel Lowther, has a deed executed to the colonel, in 17S6, for land in Harrison
County, Virginia. It is written on parchment, and is almost illegible. The deed
calls for 220 acres, located on the west side of the West Fork River, given by the
Commonwealth, "In Consideration of the ancient Composition of one pound five
shillings Sterling, paid by Wm. Lowther * * * Asse. of Robert Parks," and is
signed by "P. Henry," then Governor of Virginia.
(7) Doddridge's Settlement and Indian liars of Virginia and Pennsylvania,
p. 12.
(,8j See Note 4, Chapter I\ this Volume, for full citation from H'ilhers.
This is the only instance wiicrc Richards' Fort is mentioned by JVithers,
p. 24L DeHass speaks of it once, p. 240. It is occasionally referred to by the
scouts in their declarations for pension.
Brown's Fort, McCan's Fort, Jackson's Fort, Arnold's Fort, sometimes
called Lowther's Fort and Powers' Fort, were probably only strategic and strongly
built dwellings or block houses, where the immediate inhabitants fled on occasion
of sudden alarms, and where scouts had regular places of meeting. It is known
that some of these were of this character.
Bush's Fort, West's Fort, Nutter's Fort and Richards" Fort were the only
stockade strongholds on the Buckhannon and West Fork Rivers.
The location of Richards' Fort has been a matter of dispute. By some it is
thought to have stood on the west side of the West Fork River, near th;: mouth
of Sycamore Creek, some six miles from Clarksburg. It was at this point that
480 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Jacob Richards was granted a certificate for "400 acres on Sycamore Creek to
include his settlement made in 1771." Mr. Henry Raymond, author of The
History of Harrison County, West Virginia, writes me :
"Richards' Fort was undoubtedly located near the mouth of Sycamore,
although it is claimed that it was two miles further up the river."
In 1781 Charles Stewart received a certificate for "four hundred acres on
that branch of West Fork called Buffalo about three miles from Richards' Fort,
to include his settlement made in 1771." Buffalo Creek is some three or four
miles above Sycamore Creek.
Mr. C. W. Helmick of West Milford, who has resided all his life in that region
writes me In response to an inquiry:
"Richards' Fort stood about two and a fourth miles, or two and a half miles
above the mouth of Sycamore Creek. I have walked over the route many times.
The mouth of Buffalo Creek is about one and a half miles above the Fort site,
but the land on this Creek is rough for the first one and a half miles, and then
opens out very fine. The homestead of Charles Stewart was certainly on this
good land, which is two and a half or three miles above where the fort stood.
From the center of West Milford (a short half mile above the fort site) it is three
and a quarter miles to the mouth of Sycamore bj' the pike, and fully as far by the
county road down the river, as there are two large hills between the fort site and
the mouth of the last named creek, where the Richards' homestead is located and
the road makes considerable detour for grade. The fort stood on the old Clarks-
burg Pike, nearly nine miles southwest of that town, and about a third of a mile
north of the river.
"The site of Richards' Fort is marked by the spring which was inside of the
palisade and now known as the Fort Spritig. It would furnish water for all domes-
tic purposes, including stock. Furthermore a slight ridge embracing perhaps
half an acre still shows the contour of the stockade. I have often traced its bound-
aries, and in former years it was plainly visible, but now it is nearly obliterated by
the plow. The enclosure was an oblong square, extending east and west.
"A point three or four hundred yards further south would have been more
strategic, had there been water. As it was, the fort was overlooked by a hill
some two hundred and fifty or three hundred j'ards north. This distance, however,
was beyond the effective range of the guns used in those days, especially against
a stockade, and if the undergrowth was cut from the hill side, it would have been
difiicult for an enemy to approach without being seen. The valley here is about
a half mile wide.
"Clemen's Mill referred to by Withers, was not built until after 1800, on the
West Fork River, and was the beginning of West Milford. It continued in good
running order until destroyed by a flood in 1888. It has since been rebuilt on
the same site."
This statement from Mr. Helmick, who, when a boy, had the ruins of the old
fort pointed out to him by Jesse Lowther (who was residing there as a boy at the
time of the Washburn tragedy), should settle for all time the location of Richards'
Fort.
There were other Richards than Jacob on the border, mostly in the immediate
vicinity. Arnold Richards owned 300 acres on the West Fork adjoining lands of
William Lowther (1773). Paul Richards 400 acres adjoining Arnold Richards
Border Settlers oe Xorthwestern \'irginia 4S1
(1774). Conrad Richards, 400 acres at the mouth of Lost Creek (1774;, witli
preemption of 1,000 acres adjoining. Henry Runyon, assignee of William Richards,
400 acres on Lost Creek (1775). Adam O'Brien, assignee to John Richards, 400
acres on Lost Creek (1781). Isaac Richards, 400 acres on the waters of Elk Creek
(no date). Henry Richards 400 acres on Cheat River (1776) with preemption of
1,000 acres adjoining.
Of these men, Conrad's house was attacked by two Indians in October 1778,
who scalped, but did not kill a little girl playing in the yard. Richards barred
the door and shot and wounded one of the warriors, when thev fled, jrithers,
pp. 251, 252.
In August 1782, Arnold and Paul Richards were both killed wiiiiin sight of
Richards' Fort. An account of this incident is given in Chapter XXV, this Volume.
(9) Mr. J. M. Lowther, of Auburn, West Va., owns an old cross-cut saw,
which his great-grandfather. Col. Lowther, purchased in Winchester, Va., and carried
to the Clarksburg settlement on a pack horse. With this saw was cut the timbers
for Nutter's Fort, which was built in 1774.
(10) Miss Lowther, previously referred to and who lias spent many years collect-
ing pioneer lore of that region, writes me in regard to the Hughes-Lowther exploring
party: "I am satisfied that there is truth in this tradition. I have it verified
from various sources. Hardesty, in his history of this section, speaks of it, but in
many respects his statements are incorrect."
(11) Border Warfare, pp. 311, .312, 313.
Indian Creek, a tributary of Elk River, in Kanawha County, derived its
name from a similar occurrence. A small party of Indian warriors captured a
boy in the Greenbrier County, and were pursued by the settlers. They were
surprised in camp on this stream, one of their number killed, and the boy rescued.
(12) Bread was not always found on the domestic board of the pioneer. The
inroads of wild animals on the meagre "corn patch," or other causes often left the
lonely cabin with no sustenance save the products of the wilderness. But the
resourceful settler found a substitute for the "Staff of Life," in jerked v'enison, the
rabbit and the breast of the wild turkey; while the flesh of the bear often smoked and
baconed, supplied the genuine meat. Pure bear oil was freely drunk by the
early settler, who contended that it made his "jints supple, kept out the rheumatiz
and made him longwinded." One old hunter boasted that he could "drink a pint
of bar ile and it would stay down like warm coffee," and that he drank it till his
"skin wuz as 'ily as a bacon rine," and his "close smellcd jis like a bar." Maple
syrup and sugar were sometimes eaten with the lean and dr\' meats. Many of
the pioneer dishes were a counterpart of the Indian menu.
In 1832, George Catlin was feasted by Mah-to-toh-pa (the four bears). Second
Chief of the Mandans, upper Missouri River. The principal dish consisted of
pemmican and marrow fat. Pemmican was made by drying buffalo meat very
hard and pulverizing it in a large mortar until nearly as fine as sawdust. It was
then packed in bladders, or sacks of skin for future use. Marrow fat was collected
by breaking buffalo bones and boiling out the fat and pouring it into distended
buffalo bladders. After cooling, it became quite hard like tallow, and had the
appearance and very nearly the flavor of the richest yellow butter. This pemmi-
482 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
can and marrow fat were eaten as bread and butter, and were highly relished by
Mr. Catlin. Catlin's North Americayi Indians, Philadelphia, 1891, pp. 189-191.
The Caughnawaga Indians mixed rendered bear's fat and maple sugar until
the fat was almost as sweet as sugar, in which they dipped their roasted venison.
Drake's Indian Captivities, Buffalo, 1853, p. 198.
(13) Border Warfare, p. 127.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXVII
(1) Virginia State Papers, Volume V.
(2) Firgifiia State Papers, Volume VI.
■ (3) The four following letters are from Virginia State Papers, Volume VI.
(4) Lieut. Biggs brought counter charges against Capt. McColloch and a
general court martial was ordered by Brigadier General Benjamin Biggs, but the
Virginia State Papers contain no record of the results of such order.
The findings would have to be approved by the Council of State and it is
possible that a record of the proceedings is to be found in the Council Journals.
(5) Virginia State Papers, Vol. VII, p. 28.
(6) Virginia State Papers, Volume VII, p. 179.
(7) Virginia State Papers, Volume VII, p. 260.
(8) Virginia State Papers, Volume VII, p. 298.
(9) Virginia State Papers, Volume VII.
(10) From his widow's claim for pension, admitted December 15, 1879, it is
:shown that "Alexander Lowther, when twenty or twenty-one years old, was drafted
from Harrison County, Virginia, in Captain John Bozarth's Company, Virginia
Militia, War 1812, and served from August 30 to December 10, 1814. Was on
duty at Norfolk, Virginia, occupation farmer, born in Harrison County, Virginia.
Personal appearance: height, five feet, nine inches, hair light, eyes blue, fair com-
plexion. Died April 30, 1864. Widow's maiden name, Rachel M. Neel; married
Alexander Lowther June 6, 1842." Widow was granted eight dollars a month
from March 9, 1818, the date of the approval of the act.
This is the only military record of any of Col. Lowther's family that my
copyist has been able to find in the Government Pension Office.
(11) Jesse Lowther died at his residence in Chrisman, Illinois, Oct. 21, 1909,
two years after Dr. Lowther's letter had been written.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXVIII
(1) Border Warfare, p. 288.
(2) The changed mode in spelling the name by Alexander Cumming McWhor-
ter, born in 1771, evidently applies to the first syllable only, when, perhaps, "Alac"
may have been abbreviated to "Mc." In all records which have come to my
BoRDi-.R Sktti.kks ok Xortm wkstern \'ir(;ini a 4S3
notice, including a few prior to the Revolutionary period, the name is spelled
with "o" and in identically its present fnrm:"Mc\Vhorter." Usually in most records
"Mac" in any name appears as "Mc." In Scotland, as in this country, it is not
only spelled McW'hortcr and McWhirtcr, but also McWhertcr. Hugh McVVhorter
of Armagh who died in 1748, left but four known children from a family of eleven,
whose descent is followed in the text quotation from George C. McWhortcr. Others
of his family may have left descendants, but I have been unable to trace them with
certainty.
(3) Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, 1S65, N'olunic X, p. 66.
(4) American Ancestry, Volume III.
See Heitman's Historical Register for notice of .Mcxandcr McW'horter. Chap-
lain of Knox's .Artillery Brigade, Revolutionary War.
That the McWhortcr was a "Lowland Clan" is obviously a mistake. "Mac,"
or "Mc," meaning "son," is purch- Gaelic and is foreign to the Sassenach or Low-
land Saxon.
(5) In 1790, Gilbert, John and Thomas .McWhortcr, resided in Warwick Town-
ship, Orange County, N. Y.; two in each family. The only other of the name listed
in that State at that time was Matthew, with eight in family, who lived in Wash-
ington County. Heads of Faviilies, N. Y., pp. 147-193.
It is claimed that Matthew McWhortcr came from Balibay, Armagh, Ulster,
Ireland, with Rev. Thomas Clark and his congregation, and landed at New York,
July 28th, 1764. This colony settled in then Charlotte County, N. Y., and erected
a town, naming it New Perth, now Salem. A Presbyterian Church was founded,
of which .Alexander was an Elder and a staunch contributor. He was active in
the Revolutionary War, and received a soldier's land grant. He was also a member
of the State Legislature at .Alban\', Kingston and Poughkeepsie, 1780-81-82.
He had several children, those known being Matthew, John, James, Jane and
Rebecca. Matthew, Jr., born 1767, it is claimed served in the Washington County
Troops, Revolution, and was given a land grant; but I have found no record of
his service. He died in Salcni, X. A'., I'cb. 15ih, 1S12.
The \'irginia branch of the family has it tlial Hcnr_\' had other brothers,
among them John and Robert.
It is found from regimental muster and payrolls, that James and Matthew
McWhortcr were enlisted in the Charlotte County, N. A". Militia, Revolutionary
\\ ar. and were granted 500 acres each Land Bounty Rights.
James McW[h]orter and John and Thomas McWhortcr served in the Orange
County, N. A'. Militia, 4th Regiment, Col. John Hathorn. This Regiment was
called out "on an alarm of Minisink," July 1777.
John McWhortcr served in Capt. William Jackson's Company, Col. Henrj'
B. Livingston's 4th Regiment Xew York Line, fnnii Mav 5th, 1778, to February
5th, 1779.
Thomas McWhortcr enlisted in the New A'ork, "The Levies," Col. Lewis
Duboise.
.\s "The Levies" were drafts from the different militia regiments and the
people direct, the two several enlistments of John and Thomas McWhortcr, may,
perhaps, have been by the same men.
484 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
William McQuarter was enlisted in the First Regiment New York Line; Col.
Goose VanSchaick, Revolutionary War. Evidently this soldier's name was
McWhorter, and the difference in spelling was due to the peculiar pronunciation.
By act of May 10th, 1779, Congress voted the officers and men of this regiment
its thanks "for their activity and good conduct in the late expedition against
the Onondagas."
A private of the New York State Troops was paid ?6.66 2-3 a month.
(5H) This was evidently Lieut. Col. Richard Livingston's First Canadian
Regiment, of which Isaac Nichols was First Lieutenant.
(6) The "chevaux-de-fris" was placed across the Hudson, or North River, at
Plum Point, at a cost of over a quarter million dollars, continental money. It
was an iron chain eight hundred feet in length, buoyed up with heavy spars and
rafts of timber. The work was surveyed in the autumn of 1776, but It was com-
pleted only a short time when the British destroyed it, October 7th, 1777.
Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Volume II, pp. 114, 164, 168.
(7) Henry McWhorter's old Bible is preserved by Judge J. C. McWhorter, of
Buckhannon, West Va., in a fine mahogany case made especially for that purpose.
(8) The census of 1790 shows that Robert McWhorter, with seven in family;
and Wm. McWhorter, eight in family, were then residents in Cumberland County,
Pa.; and that Hugh McWhorter, nine in family, was a resident of Northumberland
County, same state. Heads of Families, Pennsylvania.
One Robert McWhorter and Sarah Johnston were married in Philadelphia,
Pa., December 15th, 1743. There is but little or no doubt that this Pennsylvania
family were descendants of Hugh McWhorter who came from Armagh, in 1730.
However, this has not been verified.
One Robert AlcWhorter served in the Revolution. It would appear from
his declaration for pension, that In 1777 he was drafted at Middleton, Pa., for two
months In Capt. Crouche's Company, Col. Elder's Regiment Pennsylvania Militia;
and was engaged In scouting throughout the country about Wilmington and New-
port; and assisted to pull up and destroy a bridge over Whitley Creek, at the time
Gen. Washington was encamped on the hill near by. This was done for the pur-
pose of retarding Gen. Howe, then In pursuit of Washington.
McWhorter was discharged after serving only fourteen days but was imme-
diately drafted for two months in Capt. John Ruthaford's Company, Tenth
Battalion, Col. Alexander Lourey's Regiment Pennsylvania Militia. He served
his full term and was released; but In two months after, was again drafted for the
same length of time. In the same company and regiment and with no change of
officers. During this term he was in the fiercely contested battles of Brandywine
and Germantown. It will be remembered that In the first of these, the raw militia
distinguished Itself In repelling the onslaughts of the British regulars. After
serving this tour and In the fall of the same year, McWhorter joined Capt. James
Colier's Company, Col. Robert Elder's Regiment Pennsylvania Militia, as a
substitute for his brother William, who had been drafted for two months. During
this enlistment he was In several skirmishes but was subsequently marched to
Redding, and encamped at Perkj^omlng Creek for some time.
Afterwards, and near the close of the war, he was employed for six months
Border Settlers of Xorthw esikkn \'irginia 485
to take provision boats up the Susquehanna Ri\er, for Gen. Sullivan's army.
The boats, in number, went from Middleton to Sunbury, where he was
discharged, having served three and a half months.
Robert McVVhorter was born near Philadelphia, Bucks County, Pa., Feb. 1'j,
1747. He resided in Bucks and Lancaster Counties until about 1809, and then
moved to near Brownsville on the Cumberland River, Kentuck)-. He lived there
until about 1827, when he moved to Washington Count)', Indiana; and was still
residing therein November 1832, at which time his application for pension was
made. He was granted a certificate for iwcntj- dollars and fifty cents a year.
(9) In a former magazine article, I state that the McVVhorter mill was the first
in (now) Lewis and L'pshur Counties, which is a mistake. In this same article
and a subsequent brief of "Henry McfFliorUr and Descendants,'" there appear
several errors, mostly typographical, which are here corrected. See fVest J'irginia
Historical Magazine, Volume I, No. 3, \'olume II, No. 1.
(10) Border Warfare, p. 241.
See Note 4, Chapter I\", this Volume, for a full account of the Washburn
tragedy.
(11) The Harrison County records of 1784 refer to "Edmund West's Mill,"
which evidently was onl\- a water power hand-mill. It is tradition that John
Hacker's hand-mill was rigged to run by water power. Many of the settlers pos-
sessed only the mortar and pestle for crushing grain, and had often to go consider-
able distance for the luxury of a hand-mill.
(12) Hildreth's Lives of the Early Settlers of Ohio; pp. 486-488. Also, Pioneer
History of the Ohio Valley.
(13) In 1906, through the instrumentality of Dr. J. M. McWhorter, the graves
of Henry McWhorter and wife were marked with a modest, though substantial
granite monument.
(14) This company was mustered on the Alkire farm on Hacker's Creek, below
the mouth of Life's Run. Nicholas .-Vlkire, Sr., was a member of this company.
(15) Walter McWhorter was Major 137th Regiment, 20th Brigade, 3rd Divi-
sion, Virginia Militia. His commission on sheep skin, bearing date May 9, 1831,
is signed by John Floyd, Governor, and is in my possession. The pocket of the
Major's old shot pouch with knife scabbard, powder horn and gun charger is
owned by his grandson, L. D. McWhorter of Buckhannon, West Va. The charger,
neatly carved from buck-horn, measures a "squirrel load" only.
(16) Margaret Kester was the daughter of a Revolutionary soldier. F'rom his
two declarations for pension made at Clarksburg (West) Va., August 21, 1832,
and May 18, 1835, it would appear that Joseph Kester was born in Pennsylvania,
1753, and when nine years old removed with his parents to Brock's Gap, Virginia.
In 1780 he entered the militia as a substitute for Conrad Kester, on a three
months tour under Capt. Biddell, Major Hamilton and Col. Nails. The command
was marched from Augusta County to Richmond, Edmunds Mill and a creek
called Hot Water, where they were engaged watching the movements of the British.
Shortly after his discharge and return home from this service, he was called
out for a second term of three months in Capt. George Huston's Company, Col.
486 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
Benjamin Harris, Virginia Militia. They went from Brock's Gap to Richmond,
thence to Hot Water near WilHamsburg, where his regiment was sent in pursuit
of the British, who had taken some cattle belonging to Americans. The command
came up with the enemy about four hundred strong, and an engagement of two
hours ensued in which some seventy or eighty of the British were killed. The
American loss was light.
Soon after this occurrence, Kester was included in a detail of about four hun-
dred men who were placed on the road near "Old Jamestown" to cover the retreat
oi the Americans who were defeated there under "Generals Wane and Millenburgh."
(This was evidently the battle fought near Jamestown Island on the evening of
July 6, 1781, where the American forces under Generals LaFayette and Wayne
were led into an ambuscade and defeated by Cornwallis. Field Book of the Revolu-
tion, Vol. II, p. 466-468.)
The Americans fell back to the main army and Kester was afterwards marched
down the river to Portsmouth, thence back to Petersburg, where he was discharged
two weeks prior to the surrender of Gen. Cornwallis, Oct. 19, 1781, and twenty
days in excess of his enlisted time. Kester stated that he was not given a written
dnscharge, nor was it usual for the militia to receive such. He was vouched for
by Hamilton Gass, D. Morris, John Hoff and John C. Lowther, and was granted a
pension of 330.00 a year, which was afterwards reduced to ?22.22 a year. Singleton,
special pension agent, who re-examined Kester, gave him a favorable report.
Joseph Kester came from Brock's Gap, Rockingham County, Virginia, to
(now) Harrison County, (West) Virginia, about 1787, where he was still living in
1835. He died a few years later in Marion County, Ohio. He married Miss
Morrison, whose family resided on Hacker's Creek. Among their children were
Alexander, Joseph, Conrad, Archibald, Mary, Susan who married a Jenkins;
Margaret, and another daughter who married Cupp.
Joseph Kester was the brother and half-brother of twenty-seven children,
twenty-four boys and three girls.
He was a great wrestler, athletic and quick in movement. Once while at a
house raising and when the building was nearing completion, he was pitched head
first from the top of the wall, but caught with the instep of one foot over the
projecting eave-pole. He hung for a moment, and then purposely loosing his hold,
whirled in mid-air and landed on his feet.
(17) Since writing this chapter, Dr. J. M. McWhorter died at the residence of
his daughter, Mrs. Leni L. (McW.) Jenkins, in Buckhannon, West Va., November 9,
1909. For a brief sketch of his life see History of Upshur County, West Va.,
pp. 512 to 515.
Rev. ISIansfield McWhorter died at the home of his only child, Mrs. E. R.
Dyer, near Philippi, W. Va., January 5, 1915.
(18) Judge Joseph M. McWhorter, and his brother. Judge Henry C, have both
died smce this writing.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXIX
(1) Heads of Families, Virginia, p. 25.
(2) Heads of Families, Virginia, p. 25.
Border SiiXTLERs i)i- Northwestern \'irgi.nia 487
(3) Colonel Russell was an able officer in the Revolution, and was actively-
engaged on the border during the long Indian wars immediately following. He is
often mentioned in the border annals. He volunteered as a private in Colonel James
Wilkinson's Company of mounted Kentuckians in an expedition against the
Wabash Indians in 1791. He distinguished himself by leading the charge as a
non-commissioned volunteer in the only fight during that expedition. Burnetts
Notes, p. 121.
Captain Silas Zanc was an active partisan during the Revolution and the
border wars. He was commissioned First Lieutenant, 13th Virginia Regiment,
December 28, 1776; and was promoted to the rank of Captain, February 9, 1777,
and served until February 12, 1778. Captain Zane participated in the defense of
Fort Henry when it was besieged by the Indians and British in September, 1782.
Beach's Indian Miscellany, p. 59; Border Warfare, p. 357. tossing says that
Captain Silas Zanc was in the defense of Fort Henry when inv'csted by Indians,
August 31 and September 1, 1777. Field Book o} the Revolution, \'ol. II, p. 498.
Refer to Chapter XIII, this \'oIunie, for notice of the sieges of Fort Henry.
(4) Heads of Families, Virginia, p. 25.
(5) Heads of Families, Virginia, p. 69.
(6) Withers, pp. 428-30, says that the Indians "took Mrs. Bozarth and two boys
prisoners." The names of these boys were Lot and Zed.
Zed was a "jolly fool" and seemingly did not fully comprehend the fearful
work done by the Indians. While the warriors were engaged in killing the children.
Zed came up to them and demanded to know what they were doing. He cursed
them roundly, called them "Damned black rascals." This strange conduct led
the superstitious Indians to believe that the child was demented and was an object
of Divine commiseration and protection. Gently stroking his head, they ejaculated,
"Brave boy, brave boy." After reaching the Ohio country, the marauders were
safe from pursuit and they proceeded with leisure often camping and hunting.
They killed game and dressed some of the choice pieces to carry home to their
families. These epicurean morsels Zed would steal and devour. His captors, in
real or feigned anger, brandished their tomahawks over his head, threatening him
with instant death; but the half-witted lad cursed them loudly, answering deadly
threats with vituperative abuse. His mother, stricken with grief, fearing the
exasperated Indians would slay the child, urged them to "whip him soundly and
make him behave." Tenderly patting the boy's head, they would answer, "Him
too brave; him too brave. No hurt. Great Spirit." Zed once escaped from
his captors and took refuge in a hollow log. The Indians in their search for him
came so near that the boy heard them, and betrayed his place of concealment
by hurling at his pursuers a volley of calumnious epithets.
Tradition says that two of Bozarth's daughters were also carried off in this
raid, and that they returned from captivity with their mother and the two boys.
Philip Reger's second wife was the younger of these daughters. Elizabeth, the
older, became the second wife of Uriah Forenash and after his death, she is said
to have married James Morrison. She died 1862. Both Forenash and Morrison
were in Lord Dunmore's expedition against the Indians in 1774. Morrison was
an apprenticed cooper in England, but ran away before he had worked his allotted
time. His ocean voyage was paid, for which he worked after landing in America.
488 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
The "Forenash plantation" referred to by Withers, p. 121, was the farm of
Jacob Forenash. Jacob was an eas}^ going, honest man, content with his lot
and not over zealous in procuring either riches or renown among men. His
"plantation" consisted of fifty acres, mostly hilly land, and was a part of a tract
which had been abandoned by a former settler. Jacob bought the land of his
friend, Mr. Joseph Hall, and paid for it in work. He fixed up the abandoned
cabin, cleared a "corn patch" and lived in contented poverty. His improvement
was such a marked contrast to the large farms around him, that in time it was
dubbed the "Forenash Plantation" and as such went down in history.
The Bozarth homestead, the scene of the Indian massacre — the last committed
by the Indians on the Virginia frontier — stood east of the present railroad station
of Lorentz, south of the pike and opposite the residence of the late Valentine
Lorentz, the old homestead of Jacob Lorentz. Maxwell places the scene of this
tragedy on the Buckhannon River, and within the present bounds of Barbour
County, which is clearly a mistake. See History of Barbour Cou?ity, W. Va.
(7) As daring as was Reger's feat, it was eclipsed in a later day by Robert Som-
erville, in (now) Gilmer County, W. Va. A party of settlers, among them Som-
erville, were seeking new homes on the waters of the Little Kanawha, and while
passing over the bridle path leading along Bloody Run and Horn Creek, they
saw, after reaching the latter stream, the tracks of two large panthers in the snow.
The men followed the trail to a crevice in a ledge of rock, where the beasts had
entered. A fire was kindled in the mouth of the lair, with the purpose of "smoking
out" the game, but this was not accomplished. For some cause the smoke did not
enter the den. It was then suggested that some one go in and dispatch the fierce
cats; but one after another of the party found from actual trial that the entrance
was so small that it would not admit the passage of his body. Finally Air. Somer-
ville, the last man of the party, who was also the largest, weighing over two hundred
pounds, entered the cavern and shot the panthers. In point of daring, either this
or Reger's feat surpass that of General Israel Putman's celebrated achievement
of entering the wolf's den.
Bloody Rxjn derived its name from the following incident: Some hunters
in an early day had their rendezvous on this stream. Two of their number
quarrelled and so serious was the disagreement that they had recourse to arms.
Each with drawn knife sprang behind a tree, and from these sheltered positions
fought a bloodless duel. In derision of this farcical battle the stream was called
Bloody Run.
(8) Kercheval's History of the Valley, p. 344.
(9) A similar, though more ludicrous incident occurred in the same region at a
later day. Lewis Collins was widely known for his unsurpassed physical strength;
and one evening a tall muscular stranger mounted on a very diminutive mule
rode up to his gate and calling Collins from where he was lounging on the grass
near his cabin door, announced tha the was a "Kain-tuck-ian;" and while passing
through the country had heard of him as the strongest man in "these shur parts;"
and that he had ridden several miles out of his way to fight him. Collins, who
was noted for his peaceable disposition, demurred; but the Kentucky "colonel""
Explained:
Border Settlers of Xorthwestern \ irc;i.\ia 489
■'I hev nev'r met my match in a hght and if tliar's a belter man on Gwads
green airtli than me, I want ter know hit; an' yo' must fight."
During tliis colloquy, Collins had passed into the road and was now standinij
near his strange caller; and noting the striking disparity of the rider and his mount,
a humorous thought came to him and he said:
"Stranger that's mightj' purt\' mcul yo'r a ridin'."
""\"-as:" was the whimsical repl\% "an' he thinks a lot uv me; and I'm jes'
sot on him. Kact is we'r mos' like brothers an' when one's 'nsulted tother'n kicks."
"I see that's quite a 'semblance;" rejoined Collins, "but I didn't s'pose yo'
wus so close kin."
"Looker hyre stranger:" flashed the giant as a scowl of anger darkened hii
brow, "don't cast no inflections on this shur brigade; or 'III git down an' do wot
I come fer."
"I meant nuthin':" placated Collins, "I wus a complimentin' yo' both an' if
the nieul kin stan' hit, I cain't see whar yo' hev any right ter flar' up."
"VVal' be kerful:" was the half doubting yet ominous warning.
"He has the trimest laigs thct I ever seed on a meul," said Collins stooping as
if to make a closer inspection. "Will he kick?"
The Kentuckian lounged lazily in his saddle as he drolled. —
"He don' kick nuthin"; gentler'n a dawg."
Collins bent lower and getting his ponderous shoulder under the mule, he
gave a mighty upward heave, when both mount and rider was lifted clear of the
ground and sent sprawling over the low rail fence into the yard.
"Why I thought yo' said thet he wus gentle," exclaimed Collins in feigned
surprise as the discomforted pugilist extricated himself from the struggling mule;
"I hope yo' haint hurt none."
The giant got on his feet and was, at first. inclini.-i.l to anger; but as the lud-
icrousness of the situation dawned upon him, he burst into a loud laugh and
e-xclaimed:
"An' I hope yo' haint hurt stranger: That's an ol' trick uv hisn an' I only
wanted ter s'prise yo'. I reckon we wont fight none this time, an' if yo' air willin'
we'll shake ban's an' call hit squar'."
"Sartin:" exclaimed Collins as two brawny hands met in a hearty clasp across
the fence; "but yo'r not goin' yit. We'll put yo'r brother in the shed an' give
him some co'n an' yo'll go in an' sta}- all nii.'ht."
(10) The attachment of the early settler for his faithful dog was aflfectionate.
and often as strong as life itself.
The Hurst family (see Chapter XXXI, this \'olume), while residing on the
Cheat River, owned a magnificent dog, which had often protected the children
from the attacks of wild animals, and was no small factor in keeping the table
supplied with meat.
One day this dog chased a deer near the cabin, and the animal hard pressed,
clashed for the river, which was frozen over to near the center, where the water
ran swift and cold. \\ Ikii the deer struck the ice, it fell and slid into this open
channel and instantly disappeared. The dog following, went also into the water,
but reappearing caught with its front feet on the edge of the ice, but could not
climb upon it. The family soon gathered on the bank but owing to the frail
490 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
nature of the ice, which also sloped materially to the center, none could venture
on it. The dog whined piteously, and Hurst wanted to attempt to go to him, but
his wife, knowing that he would meet with certain death, prevailed on him not
to do so. Finally the poor dog became exhausted, and losing its hold, was swept
from sight by the icy current, while the entire family stood weeping on the shore.
(11) Border Warfare, p. 429,
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXX
(1) Kercheval, p. 121.
(2) A small branch of the Muskingum River, so named from a white woman
prisoner, Mary Harris, captured by the French and Indians when about ten years
old. She was, when Gist saw her there in 1750, upwards of fifty years old, and had
an Indian husband and several children. There was a small Indian town on White
Woman's Creek when visited by Gist. Gist's Journal, p. 41.
(3) It is shown by the Census of 1782 and 1784, that both a senior and junior
Jacob Brake were at that time residents of Hampshire County, Virginia. In 1784,
Jacob, Sr., represented a family of nine, an increase of one over 1782. The family
of Jacob, Jr., numbered four each enumeration.
In 1782-84, John Brake was a resident of Hampshire County, Virginia, with
three in family. This is supposed to have been John Brake, Jr., a son of the baron.
It is claimed by the descendants of the baron that he was the founder of the
Brake family in America. I have not looked up his antecedents, but it would
appear that another member, or branch of the family, was represented in Jacob
Brake, Sr., perhaps a brother to the baron. These are the only parties of the name
appearing in the Census of Virginia from 1783 to 1785. There was, however, one
Isaac Brake living in Hampshire County in 1781.
The first government census of the United States was made in 1790, but unfor-
tunately the schedules for Virginia are missing, having been destroyed when the
British burned the Federal Capitol, August 25, 1814. This loss is irreparable.
The Heads oj Families of Virginia as published by the United States Government,
1907, is compiled from some manuscript state enumerations of 1782, 1783, 1784
and 1785, and the tax lists of Greenbrier County from 1783 to 1786. Only thirty-
nine of the seventy-eight counties are represented in these schedules, which are,
as there is reason to believe, incomplete.
The early Census Enumerator met with difficulties now unheard of. It was a
new phase in the life of the settlers; many imagined that its design was an increase
of taxation, while not a few opposed it from a superstitious belief that it would
incur Divine displeasure. See Heads of Families, p. 5.
Jacob Brake, Jr., who is listed in the enumeration of Hampshire County, may
have been the returned Indian captive. The fact that the land records of Monon-
galia County show that he made a "settlement" on the Buckhannon in 1776, is
not proof that he resided there at that time. There is evidence that many more of
Border Settlkrs or Northwestern \ ircjima 4'M
those, who early secured homesteads in the Trans-Alle^'heny under the lax land
laws of \'irginia, were not actual residents of that region until after the close of the
Revolutionary War. The case of Jacob Regcr, Sr., noted in the preceding chapter,
can hardly be regarded as a solitary instance of its kind. \or should Brake's mil-
itary service at Buckhannon in 1779 be accepted as positive proof of a local resi-
dence. It was in that year that Augusta County militiamen were on duty in the
settlements, and it is not improbable that soldiers from Hampshire County were
also in such service.
(4) '-Hampshire County, May 22, 1781.
"Dear Sir,
"We are under the disagreeable necessity of troubling you for your assistance
immediately. I received an Express just now from the Commanding Officer of
this County, for as many men as can be had, not at any Rate, less than three hun-
dred from Frederick County. Col: Vanmeter recommends that they who can, be
mounted, may immediately mount & come & the Foot to follow as quick as Possi-
ble. We look upon it, that our lives & Fortunes are in danger of being taken, we
don't know how soon — Yesterday the militia of this county march'd to Capt.
Stumps; there made a halt, and sent a party of light Horse to see what Discoveries
they could make about Jacob Brake's Mill on the South Fork, they were repuls'd
by a fire & got off without any Loss, & brought with them two prisoners — they
can't make any Discovery of the number of the Enemy. I understood by one
Powel who came from Claypoles, on the Lost River (the Commander of the Tories),
that he expected by last night to command one thousand men — Col: V'anmeter,
in his Express, has left the proceedings in a great measure to my judgment, & I
think the only sure Remmedy to apply, would be to prevail upon GenI: Morgan to
take a Tower amongst them, which seems to be their chief Resin — they are daily
dareing him. The People of the County, who are our Friends, are so much con-
nected, as well as related, that they are, on these accts very bacward to turn out,
so that the welfare of our wives & children seems greatly to depend upon your
Immediate Assistance, they threaten, if successful, to kill Men, Women & Chil-
dren. I shall leave you to consider the deplorable situation of your Suffering
Friends & Neighbors — "
"N. B. Let the men be officer'd &; well arm'd"'
"Capt: Beall, the Bearer, has seen the Express & can inform you more particu-
larly the contents thereof. — "
Letter from Col: Elias Paston to the County Lieutenant of Freder-
ick— "Pr: Express."
From Calendar of Virginia State Papers, \'o\. II, pp. 113, 114. See note 1,
Appendix IV, this Volume.
(5) Kercheval, pp. 121, 195 to 199. Lewis Hist, of IV. Va., pp. 139-144.
(6) See Appendix IV, this Volume.
(7) Cutright says that the name of the eldest son of John Jackson was Joseph.
This is a mistake. History of Upshur County, IVest Virginia, p. ISl.
492 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXI
(1) Jacob Cozad was a resident in Monongalia County, Virginia, in 1782, six in
family. Heads of Families; Virginia, p. 35.
(2) History of the Rise atid Progress of the Baptists in Virgijiia, by Robert E.
Semple, Richmond, 1810, p. 336.
(3) Border Warfare, pp. 419, 421.
(4) This stream is also locally known as "Lawson" Run, but in a note on page
421, Border Warfare, it is called "Lanson" Run, a typographical error.
(5) It is not at all improbable that women sometimes accompanied the warriors
in their incursions into Virginia. I have been told by the Yakimas, Warm Springs
Indians and other tribes that very often their women, usually two or three in num-
ber, would voluntarily go with war parties even to distant parts. They performed
the ordinary duties of the camp; the preparation and cooking of food, keeping
moccasins and other wearing apparel in repair and looking to the general comfort
of the men. None but the bravest of women would venture on such expeditions,
and when fortunate enough to return they were ever afterwards entitled to sit in
all councils and participate in the war dance with the most valiant warriors of
the tribe.
The Indian Amazon will compare favorably with her sister of any race. His-
tory is not lacking in instances of her prowess. De Smet gives a vivid account of
Flathead women assisting in the repulse of a superior band of Crow warriors on
their camp in 1846. Early Western Travels, Cleveland, 1906, Volume 29, p. 333.
Two Moon, a Nez Perce warrior of note, told me that at the Battle of the
White Bird, Idaho, which was the opening fight of Chief Joseph's War, 1877, he
shot down a soldier and his wife ran to the wounded man and while he was raising
to his knees she unbuckled his cartridge belt and then went to another fallen
trooper and secured his belt and also a box of cartridges, and ran back with them
to her husband, who was still exchanging shots with the enemy. Later, at the
Battle of Big Hole, Montana, when the camp was broken and the Indians were
retreating, this same woman stopped and took from a wounded soldier not only
his cartridge belt but a box of ammunition which he had been carrying and was
holding close in his arms. With some of the other women she stood guard over
this coveted prize until Two Moon came and took charge of it. The former of
these feats, especially, will compare with that of Elizabeth Zane, or Mollie Scott,
at the Siege of Fort Henry, one hundred years before.
(6) Border Warfare, p. 420.
(7) An interesting illustrated description of Prof. Holmes' observation on this
cave can be seen in the American Anthropologist for July 1890, also Te^ith Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, pp. 475-478.
(8) Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans, Holmes, Second Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, pp. 289 to 293.
(9) Travels and Adventures in Canada, 1760-1776; by Alexander Henry, New
York, 1809; pp. 175, 179. Drake's Indian Captivities, Buffalo, 1853; pp. 330, 331.
Border Settlers or Northwestern X'iroinia 493
(10) Memories, Official and Personal; Thomas L. McKcnncy: New \'(jrk, 1S46.
\'olumc 1, pp. 100, 102, 107, 114.
(11) 1 have found uniiiislakablc evidence of reverence for the rattlesnake among
the Yakimas of Washington. Shut-to-mon-cn, "shea red-head" so called from the
peculiar mode of cutting the hair as practiced by his father and grandfather, who
were noted warriors and whose name he inherited: as one of the head men of the
tribe gave me this bit of lore on the subject.
"Long time ago Injun no kill Wahk-puch [rattlesnake] only when some man
die from bite of iiim snake. Then Injun kill some [rattlesnakes] for dead man.
Wahk-puch once talk same as people: but all Injun no understand him. You see
ke-nute over there?" pointing to an ancient land slide in the barren and rocky hill-
side nearToppenish Creek: "Lots Wahk-puch live there. Long time ago woman
see big Wahk-puch there near creek. Maybe fifteen feet long. Him had horns.
Wan -tah, big medicine man, tell me he once see this snake. Him horns tipped
with black; and red band across forehead. Him Head Chief all Wahk-puchs.
Some his people live at Selah Gap [twenty-eight miles away] some live over in
Rattlesnake Mountain. Chief have to run too much, him get headache. So him
send one his boys to be chief at Selah Gap; and one to be chief at Rattlesnake
Mountain. Him then leave one other boy to be chief at ke-nute : while him go
live at Dr\- Creek, over towards Bicklcton Mountain: where, maybe, him now
stay."
"Do the boy-chiefs still live at the places where thev were sent bv tlie Head
Chief.:-"
"I don't know: maybe so. Ma\be liiin go 'way. Train make too mucli
noise at Selah Gap. Make um iicad ache. Maybe all go "way from there. I
don't know."
Many of the older Yakimas have declared to me that they would not kill a
rattlesnake. If tliey did, the Wahk-puch Chiefs would know of the crime and
immediately determine in council what should be done with the offender. If he
was to be punished, one of their men [snakes] would be delegated to bite him.
There could be no escape; for the Wahk-puch is possessed with power to find an
enemy under any and all conditions. I have been told wonderful stories of such
occurrences. Only certain medicine men who have received occult power from
the Chief \\'ahk-puch, can anticipate the intentions and movements of these terri-
ble emissaries and forestall them. This sometimes has been done.
Formerly the Wahk-puch were very numerous; but with the advent of the
white man they greatly disappeared. The teamsters and cattle men waged inces-
sant warfare against them, using their long-lashed whips; and the Chiefs held
council and said: "No use: can't light him. We quit." Since that time the
Chiefs have lived deep in the caverns of the earth and are seldom, if ever, seen.
Death speedily overtakes any person, other than the medicine men referred to,
who chances to look upon a Wahk-puch Chief. There is only one such medicine
:nan now living who has seen one of these Chiefs. This man understands the lan-
guage of the Wahk-puch, and often hears them talking and laughing; and calling
to him from out the desert, while his companions can detect no noises breaking on
the stillness. With the "power" conferred upon him by the Chief Wahk-puch, he
can overcome the deadly poison of the rattlesnake's fangs, which lie has twice done
494
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
upon his own person. His skill as a healer, however, covers the scope of human
ills. He cannot be induced to speak of the source of his "power," only when prac-
ticing the occult. To do so idly would be to destroy the potency of his magic.
This gift from Wahk-puch is sacred, semi-divine, and must be referred to solely
when invoking its aid.
A Japanese gentleman recently told me that some of the old men in his country
declare that there is a monster serpent in the mountains where they go for nuts,
which, if seen, is swiftly followed by the death of the unfortunate one.
NOTES ON CHAPTER XXXII
(1) Before the country was settled, the rattler grew to a fabulous size.
A hunter on Cheat River saw what appeared to be the trail of some object
dragged through the weeds. He followed it to the river, where he found near the
water an immense rattlesnake with the body of a small fawn between its distended
jaws. The reptile had un-
dertaken more than it could
manage, and not being able
to disgorge, had made for
the water but died before
reaching it.
As late as 1841, two
small boys named Waldeck,
were setting "dead-falls" for
squirrels about a corn-field
on the Butcher farm on
Leading Creek, in Lewis
County. While, one of them
was on his knees fixing a
trap, he was struck in the
side between the hip and
first rib by a large rattler.
Its fangs entered his body
through homespun tow pan-
taloons, and shirt of the
same material. Before the
child could be carried home,
his body was entirely swol-
len. In the greatest of ag-
ony, he survived only a few
hours. A measurement of
the wounds left by the fangs of the reptile, showed a jaw expanse of six inches.
The following year, near this spot, a rattler was killed that measured a little over
eight feet in length.
The white man — many of the Indian tribes would not molest the rattlesnake
— was not the only enemy of these terrible creatures. The blacksnake pursued
The Deadly Rattlesnake
Photograph from Life.
BORDKR Sf.TTI.KRS f)l XoRTIIWESTHRN X'iRCINIA 495
both the rattler and the coppcrlicad to ilic death. Kaj^les and hawks preyed upon
them in common with other \arictics of reptiles: the wild hogs devoured them
wherever found, and even the timid deer was their most deadly foe.
Henry McWhorter, Jr., was hunting on Cove Creek, in Gilmer Count}', West
Virginia, and from the brow of a hill he saw on a neighboring ridge three deer stand-
ing in an attitude of alertness, gazing intently at some object near them. Sud-
denly, one after another they sprang upon the object and off again with such agility
that no perceptible pause could be noticed between leaps. This they repeated two
or three times, and then went away. McWhorter went to the place and found a
large rattler cut in pieces by the sharp hoofs of the deer.
The copperhead, in one respect was more to be dreaded than the rattler. The
latter seldom, if ever, makes an attack without first giving notice of its presence by
a warning whir-r-r of its tail; while the former is as silent as it is vicious, and strikes
with deadly precision at every moving object within reach. As "Ill-natured as
a copperhead" is a mountain proverb still in vogue in the Trans -Allegheny. The
pain attending the bite of this reptile is indescribable, as I can attest from personal
experience when a boy. A person accustomed to them can detect their presence
by the odor, which is not unlike that of green cucumbers.
Owing to their ease of detection, the rattler has been wholly exterminated
within the thickly-settled regions, while the copperhead is still more or less preva-
lent throughout the hill districts. In the earlier days, forest fires destroyed vast
numbers of these poisonous reptiles. They will not flee from this danger, but will
coil and strike until killed by the heat.
(2) Dl"ck Creek — The first settler on this stream shot a wild duck which was
so tough that it could not be eaten, hence the name.
NOTES OX CHAPTER XXX\'
(Ij See Conrielley's Letter, Appendix III, this \''olunic.
(2) Settlements and Indian Wars, p. 104-.
(3) W hilc riding across a sage-brush plain with a Yakima Indian hunter, his dog
"jumped" a jack-rabbit, which headed for a low place in a small ridge in front of
us and slightly to our right. The Indian remarked that if a coyote was after the
"jack," it would not follow as the dog was doing, but would go over the high ground
to our left and pick up its prey on the other side of the raise. I asked him how he
knew that the rabbit would turn that way. He answered: "Him always go that
way. But he no fool coyote." The dog was baffled at the point where the Indian
had predicted the change in the course of the "jack," and wiien tiie trail was aijain
found the truth of his assertion was verified.
At another time when sitting with this same hunter close to a camp fire in a
wild canyon on a cold night, suddenly the frosty stillness was broken by the long
quavering howl of a distant timber wolf; mingled with the treble notes of a coyote
or prairie wolf. The Indian listened attentively and said: "Wolf, him lickin'
poor coyote. Coyote have two children [cubs] and she put urn over hill away from
wolf: then fight um wolf so he no ketcii um little covote children." He had.
496 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
during the day, pointed out to me the tracks of a large timber wolf along with
those of a coyote. He then told me this story of the savage sagacity of the timber
wolf.
Years ago when some of his people were crossing the Cascades and when near
one of the big lakes far up in the mountains, they saw a large herd of deer, no less
than forty, surrounded by a cordon of wolves and being singled out and devoured
at leisure and as hunger impelled. From all appearances the slaughter had been
going on for some time, perhaps days, they could not tell. They saw some of the
corraled deer attempt to escape, but they were always throttled by the alert and
nimble sentinels. In those days the Indians did not dare attempt to cross that
part of the mountain, only in large bodies. Often small parties would disappear,
being destroyed by these dreaded animals. From some cause the wolves after-
wards became decimated in numbers.
(4) Jamais of Augusta County, pp. 7, 20, 22, 42.
NOTES ON APPENDIX
NOTES ON APPENDIX I
(1) The claim that David White "was present at the taking of the Stroud fam-
ily" can hardly be accepted as reliable. He may have had connection with the Bull
Town massacre, but evidently his captivity was during Pontiac's War, and long
prior to the Stroud tragedy. It must be conceded that Colonel Westfall was a
partisan, who sought excuse for the sanguinary deeds of his ancestor. But no
amount of pen veneering can ameliorate this crime of crimes. The massacre was
premeditated, and wholly unjustifiable. The friendly Delawares had nothing to
do with the Stroud murder.
(2) This was the time when Captain White and Leonard Petro were captured
while scouting on the Little Kanawha, Sept. 1777.
See Note 8, Chapter X, this Volume.
Border Warfare, pp. 232, 233.
DeHass, pp. 234, 235.
(3) This is the first account of George Collet that I have ever found. On page
422, Dunmore's War, his name appears along with those of Tovenor Ross and John
Ward, as whites who fought with the Indians in the Battle of Point Pleasant; but
it is taken from Col. Westfall's letter.
Early on the morning of the battle (Oct. 10, 1774) Joseph Huey and James
Mooney were hunting about one mile from the camp, when they were discovered
and fired upon by the Indians. Huey fell, but Mooney escaped and gave the alarm,
and within a few moments the general engagement was on. Ross may be accred-
ited with firing the first fatal shot of this memorable battle. It was his shot that
killed Huey. Mooney went down later in the fight. Dunmore^s War, pp. 271, 272.
Captain or Lieutenant John Frogg, also spelled Frogge, was a handsome,
BORDKR SkTTI.ERS Ol XoRTll WKSTKRN \ IRtilMA 497
dashing young man of Staunton, N'irginia, who, it is said, accompanied Gcnvral
Lewis' army as a sutler. Courageous, generous and gay, he seemed a great favor-
ite with the entire command. His fondness for display was, doubtless, his undoing.
Before going into the battle, he arrajcd in gaudy attire, donning a brilliant red
coat or jacket, and his hat decorated with feathers and ribbons. Such garb was
sure to attract the fire of the Indians, who evidently regarded him as a great leader.
This accounts for the desperate courage displayed in the attempt to secure his
scalp.
" * * * Amongst the slain were many brave men, both officers and pri-
vates; and a Magistrate of this place, Mr. Frog, a very worthy Gentleman, was also
killed, so eager were the Indians for his scalp, that one man shot three of them over
him, endeavoring by turns to scalp him." Extract from a letter written at Staun-
ton, Virginia, November 4, 1774. Draper MSS. 1 4J57. Dunmore's ff^ar. p. 296.
It is narrated that about noon in Staunton on the day of the battle, Frogg's
little girl awoke from sleep, screaming that the Indians were killing her father.
Her mother quieted her, and she again fell asleep, only to be aroused, crying, by
the same terrifying vision. This was repeated the third time, which so overcame
the mother, that she, too, cried out in anguish. Her neighbors were attracted by
the distress, and upon learning the cause, joined in the lamentations, "until all
Staunton was in a state of commotion." — Jnnals of Augusta County, pp. 136, 137.
(4) Old edition: new edition, 290.
(5) This version of the killing of Capt. White, varies somewhat from that given
in Chapter X of this Volume. The only material difference, however, is the num-
ber of Indians engaged. White was doubtless betrayed by Dorman, but he was
killed by one Indian only, nor was he scalped. JVithers: pp. 340, to 343, gives the
following account of the death of White, and Dorman's part in the tragedy.
"On the 8th of March [1782], as William White, Timothy Dorman and his
wife, were going to, and in sight of Buchannon fort, some guns were discharged at
them, and White being shot through the hip soon fell from his horse, and was tom-
ahawked, scalped and lacerated in the most frightful manner. — Dorman and his
wife were taken prisoners. The people in the fort heard tiie tiring and flew to arms;
but the river being between, the savages cleared theinscivcs, while the whites were
crossing over.
"After tlic killing' of Wiiitc (one of their most active and vigilant warriors and
spies) and the capture of Dorman, it was resolved to abandon the fort, and seek
elsewhere, security from the greater ills which it was found would befall them if
they remained. This apprehension arose from the fact, that Dorman was tlk^n
with the savages, and that to gratify his enmity to particular individuals in the
settlement, he would unite with the Indians, and /row his knowledge of the country,
be enabled to conduct them more securely to blood and plunder. He was a man of
sanguinary and revengeful disposition, prone to quarrelling, and had been known
to say, that if he caught particular individuals with whom he was at variance, in
the woods alone, he would murder them and attribute it to the savages. He had
led, when in England, a most abandoned life, and after he was transported to this
country, was so reckless of reputation and devoid of shame for his villainies, that
he Avould often recount talcs of theft and robbery in which he had been a conspicu-
ous actor. The fearful apprehensions of increased and aggravated injuries after
498 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
the taking of him prisoner, were well founded; and subsequent events fully proved,
that, but for the evacuation of the fort, and the removal of the inhabitants, all
would have fallen before the fury of savage warriors, with this abandoned mis-
creant at their head.
"While some of the inhabitants of that settlement were engaged in moving
their property to a fort in Tygart's Valley (the others removing to Nutter's Fort
and Clarksburg) they were fired upon by a party of savages, and two of them,
Michael Hagle and Elias Paynter, fell. The horse on which John Bush was riding,
was shot through; yet Bush succeeded in extricating himself from the falling animal,
and escaping though closely pursued by one of the savages. Several times the Indian
following him, would cry out to him, 'Stop, and you shall not be hurt — If you do not,
I will shoot you,' and once Bush, nearly exhausted, and in despair of getting off,
actually relaxed his pace for the purpose of yielding himself a prisoner, when turn-
ing around he saw the savage stop also, and commence loading his gun. This
inspired Bush with fear for the consequences, and renewing his flight he made his
escape. Edward Tanner, a mere youth, was soon taken prisoner, and as he was
being carried to their towns, met between twenty and thirt)^ savages, headed by
Timothy Dorman, proceeding to attack Buchannon Fort. Learning from him
that the inhabitants were moving from it, and that it would be abandoned in a few
days, the Indians pursued their journey with so much haste, that Dorman had
well-nigh failed from fatigue. They arrived however, too late, for the accomplish-
ment of their bloody purpose; the settlement was deserted, and the inhabitants
safe within the walls of other fortresses.
"A few days after the evacuation of the fort, some of its former inmates went
from Clarksburg to Buchannon for grain which had been left there. When they
came in sight, they beheld a heap of ashes where the fort had been; and pro-
ceeding on, became convinced that the savages were yet lurking about. They
however, continued to go from farm to farm collecting the grain, but with the
utmost vigilance and caution, and at night went to an outhouse, near where the
fort had stood. Here they found a paper, with the name of Timothy Dorman
attached to it, dated at the Indian towns, and containing information of those
who had been taken captive in that district of countrj^.
"In the morning early, as some of the men went from the house to the mill,
they saw the savages crossing the river, Dorman being with them. Thinking it
best to impress them with a belief that they were able to encounter them in open
conflict, the men advanced towards them, — calling to their companions in the
house, to come on. The Indians fled hastily to the woods, and the whites, not so
rash as to pursue them, returned to the house, and secured themselves in it as well
as they could. At night. Captain George Jackson went privately forth from the
house, and at great hazard of being discovered by the waylaying savages, pro-
ceeded to Clarksburg, where he obtained such a reinforcement as enabled him to
return openly and escort his former companions in danger, from the place of its
existence.
"Disappointed in their hopes of involving the inhabitants of the Buchannon
settlements in destruction, the savages went on to the Valley. Here, between
Westfall's and Wilson's forts, they came upon John Bush and his wife, Jacob
Stalnaker and his son Adam. The two latter being on horseback and riding behind
Bush and his wife, were fired at, and Adam fell. The old gentleman rode briskly
BoRUKR SlCTTLliRS ()l- N OrTIIW KSIKRN \ IR(,IN1.\ 499
on, but some of the savages were before him and endeavored to catch the reins of
his bridle, and thus stop his flight. He however, escaped them all. The horse
from which Adam Stalnakcr had fallen, was caupht b\' Bush, and both he and Mrs.
Bush got safely away on him.
"The Indians then crossed the .Mlegheny Mountains, and coming to the house
of Mrs. Gregg (Dorman's former master) made an attack on it. A daughter of
that gentleman, alone fell a victim tn tiiiir thirst for blood. When taken prisoner,
she refused to go with them, and Dorman sunk his tomahawk into her head and
then scalped her. She however, lived several days and related the circumstances
above detailed."
In Morton's History of Pendlelon County, If 'est J'ci., 1910, p. 64, is this item
touching the career of Timothy Dorman:
"In 1781 took place what seems the last Indian raid into this county. A party
of redskins, led by Tim Dahmer. a white renegade, came by the Seneca trail to the
house of William Gragg, who lived on the highland a mile east of Onego. Dahmer
had lived with the Graggs, and held a grudge against a daughter of the family.
Gragg was away from the house getting a supply of firewood, and seeing Indians
at the house he kept out of danger. His mother, a feeble old lady, and with whom
Dahmer had been on good terms, was taken out into the yard in her chair. The
wife was also unharmed, but the daughter was scalped and the house set on fire,
after which the renegade and his helpers made a prudent retreat. The girl was
taken up the river, probably to the house of Philip Harper, but died of her injuries."
To Jf'ithers' account of the killing of Capt. White, Thzvaites aMs, the following
note:
"L. \'. McWhorter informs me that White, who was a prominent settler, was
once with others on a hunting expedition, when tliey surprised a small party of
Indians. They killed several, but one active j'oung brave ran oiT, with White close
at his heels. The Indian leaped from a precipice, alighting in a quagmire in which
he sank to his waist. White, with tomahawk in hand, jumped after him. In
the struggle which ensued, White buried his weapon in the red man's skull. The
victim's father was among those who escaped, and for a long time — McWhorter
says 'several years' — he lurked about the settlements trailing White. Finally
he succeeded in shooting his man, within sight of the fort. Mrs. White was an
eye-witness of the tragedy. McWhorter claims that Withers is mistaken in saying
that White was 'tomahawked, scalped and lacerated in the most frightful manner.'
The avenging Indian tried to get his scalp, but an attacking party from the fort
were so close upon him that he fled before accomplishing his object. McWhorter
reports another case, not mentioned by Withers. One Fink was 'killed by Indians
in ambush, while letting down a pair of bars one evening, just in front of where
the Buckhannon court-house now stands.' "
Fink, here mentioned, is undoubtedly the John Fink who was killed just one
month prior to the death of White, and as depicted by Col. Westfall. Withers,
p. 318, says of this tragedy:
"On the 8th of February, 1782, while Henry Fink and his son John, were
engaged in sledding rails, on their farm in the Buchannon settlement, several guns
were simultaneously discharged at them; and before John had time to reply to his
father's enquiry, whether he was hurt, another gun was fired and he fell lifeless.
Having unlinked the chain which fastened the horse to the sled, the old man L'al-
500 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
loped briskly away. He reached his home in safety, and immediately moved his
family to the fort. On the next day the lifeless body of John was brought into
the fort — The first shot had wounded his arm; the ball from the second passed
through his heart, & he was afterwards scalped."
See Chapter X, this Volume.
(6) Old edition — new edition pp. 340, 341, 342.
(7) Old edition — new edition, pp. 313 — See Chapter X, this Volume.
(8) Colonel Westfall evidently wrote the date of young Fink's death from
Withers'' work. Refer to Chapter X, this Volume, for inscription on Fink's
gravestone.
(9) Withers — new edition, p. 313.
(10) Withers — old edition; new edition, pp. 135, 136. There is considerable
reference to the Bald Eagle tragedy throughout this correspondence. For the date
of the death of this historic chief, see Chapter XI, this Volume.
(11) Jacob Scott came to the western settlements early. In 1781, he was
granted a title to "400 acres on Scott's Run adjoining land claimed by David
Scott, to include his settlement made in 1771." Scott's Run flows into the
Monongahela in Monongalia County.
(12) The incident here referred to, occurred, according to Withers, in 1794, in
Tygart's Valley, where a few families were gathered for mutual protection. Mr.
Canaan and three of the children were killed and Mrs. Canaan made prisoner.
The Indian, who shot Canaan, was struck on the head with a drawing-knife and
brought to the ground by a young man named Ralston, who, with the other inmates,
fled into the darkness and escaped. Mrs. Canaan was afterwards redeemed from
captivity by her brother. — Border Warfare, p. 422.
Maxwell shows clearly that it was Joseph Kinnan and not Canaan, who was
killed, and the time of the tragedy was May 11, 1791. The warrior's nose was
severed by the blow from the drawing-knife in the hands of young Ralston, or
David Conley. The Indians retreated to the middle fork of the Buckhannon,
where they lay concealed several weeks, until the wounded warrior had recovered,
when they proceeded on uninterruptedly. History of Randolph County, West
Virginia, pp. 186, 187.
(13) Border Warfare, pp. 232, 233. Refer to Note 8, Chapter X; and Note 2,
Appendix III; this Volume, for further notice of Petro, or Pedro.
(14) Draper Manuscripts 8XX, 70, 71.
This letter, perhaps the only one extant of its class from Colonel Westfall,
conveys a fair idea of the nature and value of his original manuscripts destroyed
by fire several years ago.
(15) Harmony Church, the first built on Hacker's Creek. It was con-
structed of hewed logs, with a gallery, and stood on a slight eminence a short dis-
tance above the mouth of Jesse's Run. Since this writing it has been dismantled.
(16) Draper Manuscript, %7Z\S.
David H. was a son of David Smith, referred to elsewhere in this Volume.
Border Settlers oi Northwestern \ irgima 5Ul
David Smith married a daughter of John Hacker, tlie pioneer; was a Captain of
Militia and officiated at the mihtary funeral of William Powers, the soldier and
scout. He was tall and very erect at eighty.
(17) Mr. Hacker is evidently in error as to his great-grandfather's arrival in
America. John Hacker was born during the ocean voyage, or within a few weeks
after the landing of the parents.
(18) A careful search of the cemetery in question failed to disclose the grave
of any William Hacker.
(19) John Hacker died April 20, 1824, and such is the date given on his grave-
stone. The error made by Mr. H. M. Hacker in copying, is doubtless responsible
for Dr. Draper giving the year 1821 as that of John Hacker's death. Border If'ar-
Jare, p. 121.
The stone, which formerly marked Hacker's grave, bears this inscription:
"18 24
J. H.
A G E D 81 Y .
3 M. 9 D.
JOHN HACKER
BORN
JANUARY 1st
1 743 . O. S .
DIED APRIL 20th
18 2 4"
This monument was in later years supplanted by the present, more preten-
tious one, though both are slabs of native sandstone. The old one is now placed
at the head of a grave in the same row with Hacker and his wife, with three or four
graves intervening. These are doubtless some of their children, but they are
unmarked.
Some of John Hacker's descendants maintain that he was born on sea, during
the ocean voyage of his parents: and that the letters "O. S." appearing in conjunc-
tion with the date of his birth, denote "on sea." This may be true, but it is also
probable that they stand for Old Style, or the Julian method of recognizing the
time prior to September 3, 1752, at which time the English statute went into effect,
adopting the Gregorian, New Style Calendar.
(20) The foregoing letters from Mr. Hacker, and all subsequent correspond-
ence in this Appendix are from the Draper Manuscripts 3U.
Rev. John T. Hacker was born on Hacker's Creek, (West) Virginia, March 6,
1812. He lived there the greater part of his life, and for many years was a minis-
ter of the M. P. Church. In later years he moved to the middle west, and died at
Green, Kansas, December 13, 1896.
(21) This occurred at the time of the West tragedy on Hacker's Creek, noted
elsewhere in this V^olume.
(22) This was 1769 instead of 1760.
(23) A mistake — the Hacker's came witli the Pringles.
502 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
(24) Old edition — See pp. 122, 135, 136, 137, 378, 379, 390, new edition.
(25) John Hacker settled on Hacker's Creek, some five miles above West's Fort,
now Jane Lew, and in an opposite direction from "Jackson's Mill on the West
Fork." This is not the only mistake current with the residence of this early
pioneer. Cutright states as tradition, that after John Hacker settled on Hacker's
Creek, "he began the trade of a blacksmith. ***** go great became
the demand for his services, both in the Buckhannon river settlement and Hacker's
creek settlement, that business judgment advised him to open up a shop at Lor-
entz, a small place four miles west of Buckhannon town on the summit of the
divide between the waters of Hacker's creek and the Buckhannon river." His-
tory of Upshur Co., West Virginia, pp. 181-82.
No evidence has been found in support of this statement. The distance
between Jane Lew and Buckhannon is about sixteen miles and there could be no
business motive in Hacker removing his shop to the Buckhannon settlement.
Lorentz is situated about two miles east of the divide between the Buckhannon
River and Hacker's Creek, as the trail ran, and in the early settling of the country
it was unknown as a village. John Hacker, however, was not a blacksmith. He
"tinkered" at gun repairing only. One of his sons was a blacksmith in later years.
J. K. P. Maxson, of Berlin, West Virginia, owns an old grindstone, said to
have belonged to John Hacker and Jacob Cozad, Sr. I remember seeing the
date, 1770, that had been cut on the side of the stone. Long use in Maxson's
blacksmith shop has worn away that part of the stone on which this date was cut.
Beyond question, this was the first grindstone brought to Hacker's Creek Valley.
It should be placed in the Museum of that State.
(26) The obvious mistake in Mr. Hacker's preceding letter, that Alexander
Hacker was the author of Border Warfare, was due to a misunderstanding of his
daughter, who was receiving the dictation while "very much embarrassed." John
Hacker, the pioneer, supplied no small amount of the manuscript material for
Border Warfare.
(27) John T. Hacker did not serve in the Confederate Army, Civil War. He
was refused enlistment on account of age.
(28) This was Hezekiah Hess, who, with others from Lewis County, was-
dropped from the Revolutionary pension roll. From his declaration for pension,
made September 19, 1833, it would appear that Hezekiah Hess was born October 9,.
1756, in Dutchess County, New York, and was brought to Hampshire County,
Virginia, when but seven months old, where he continued to reside, exclusive of
his military service, until 1822. He then moved to Lewis County, Virginia.
In June, 1776, Hezekiah Hess with eleven other men volunteered from Hamp-
shire County (now Hardy County, Virginia), as a private Indian spy under Cap-
tain Pogue, of the Twentieth Battalion of Augusta A4ilitia, who was then recruiting
men to act as border spies. The Twentieth Battalion was commanded by Colonel
Hugart, but Colonel Sampson Mathews had general command of the Augusta
Militia. With his men, Captain Pogue immediately marched to the fort in the
Little Levels on the Greenbrier River, in now Greenbrier County, West Virginia,
and entered on the duties of spying throughout the wilderness on the headwaters
of Jackson River, Back Creek, Greenbrier River, New River, Kanawha, Gaulej^
Border Settlers oi Northwestern Vir(;inia 503
and Elk Rivers; Stoney Creek, Locust Creek, Mill Creek and other contiguous
streams. The scouts reported from time to time at the fort in the Little Levels
until November (1776). Cold weather setting in, they were disbanded and retired
to the fort at Warm Springs for the Winter. During this term of service, the
Indians committed no other mischief in the settlements, than merely to steal a few
horses, which occurred in September. The scouts immediately gave pursuit and
came up with the marauders, descending Ten Mile Creek. A few shots were
exchanged, but no lives lost on either side. The Indians fled, abandoning the
horses, which were recaptured and restored to their owners.
In March, 1777, at the Warm Springs Fort, Hess again volunteered for the
season as Spy and Ranger under Captain Pogue and Lieutenant Kennison, for ser-
vice principally in the same territory as the preceding year, with headquarters at
Pogue's Fort, in the Little Levels. During this Summer, the scouts made one
excursion down the Gauley River to the mouth of Birch Riv-er, from thence back
to the mouth of Meadow River, ascending this stream to Donnelley's Fort in the
Big Levels of Greenbrier. Here tiiey met Captain Stewart and Donnelley with
some of their Rangers of Donnelley's Fort. Captain Pogue with his spies con-
tinued up Meadow River to Pogue's Fort.
In August of this year, "a large body of Indians, supposed to number upwards
of one hundred warriors, appeared on Locust Creek, near the lower end of the
Droup." (Locust Creek is in Pocahontas County and flows into the Greenbrier,
north of Droup Mountain.) Captains Pogue and Chain formed a junction of their
men and marched to attack the enemy, who were found concealed among rocks
and fallen timber. The Indians were routed with the loss of eleven warriors killed,
and were pursued to the Gauley Mountains. The whites suffered no fatalities,
but five of their number were wounded. This was the only occurrence worthy of
note during the season. The spies continued in the field until December, when
they retired to the fort and spent two months in repairing and fortifying their
stronghold.
In February, the company under the same officers were again placed in the
field, and continued spying until the following December. During this time of
ser\ice, in spite of the vigilance of the spies, the Indians would enter the fron-
tier settlements and steal horses, but generally the thefts were detected and the
property retaken before the warriors could get out of the countrj\
In the month of July of this year, a family on the head of Tygart's Valley were
massacred by a band of straggling Indians, and Captain Pogue hastened to the
scene with his Rangers, but the Indians had fled beyond pursuit. Some men from
Warwick's Fort had buried the dead and then given chase to the foe.
In March, 1779, at the Little Levels, Hess again enlisted as a private in Cap-
tain Pogue's Company of Spies, and served principally under Lieutenant Kennison
until the last of the following November. In May of this year, a small party of
Indians made their appearance on Anthonius Creek (evidently Anthony Creek),
a tributary of the Greenbrier River, and killed a part of two families, burned their
dwellings and outbuildings and destroyed their cattle. The perpetrators of this
tragedy then bent their way across the Greenbrier River, over the mountains to
Gauley (River), thence to Peter's Creek (in now Nicholas County), where they
were overtaken and surprised by Lieutenant Kennison and eight men, including
Hess. -A vollc}' from the scouts brought down three of the warriors, when the
504 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
others, twelve or fifteen in number, precipitately fled, leaving three captive chil-
dren and some stolen horses, which were returned to the proper persons.
In July of the same year, Hess in company with five others, under Lieutenant
Kennison, was scouting on Big Elk River near the Fork Lick, and while making
preparations to camp for the night they were surprised and fired upon by a party
of Indians, slightly wounding one man in the shoulder. The scouts were vastly
outnumbered, and immediately took flight and were closely pursued until nightfall
closed the chase. The fugitives eventually reached the fort in safety. These
were the only occurrences of note during the season. Alarms were frequent, and
neighborhood horses stolen, but were usually recaptured.
Hess, in his first declaration, claimed never to have received any discharge
paper, but was merely dismissed by his captain; and that he was not under any
regular field officer, but his captain was subject to orders from Col. Hugart, Com-
mander of the 20th Battalion Augusta Militia; and of Col. Sampson Mathews,
Commandant of the whole County of Augusta. For sketches of Sampson Mathews,
see Annals of Augusta County, pp. 109, 148, 161, 166, also Peyton History of Augusta
County, p. 173.
Hess, it would appear, saw no further service as an enlisted scout. His decla-
ration was drawn by James Bennett, and he was vouched for by Abram Whetsel
and Jacob Wymer. In November 1833, Hess was allowed eighty dollars per
annum to begin March 1831. Subsequent statements from John Mitchel, Samuel
Bonnett and William Powers, to the effect that they being acquainted with Heze-
kiah Hess, knew that he was too young to have been a soldier in the War of the
Revolution, with the sequence that the soldier's name was stricken from the pen-
sion roll.
Under date July 14, 1834 or 1836 (date very indistinct) W. G. Singleton
•examined Hess and sent the following report of his age and Revolutionary service
to the United States Pension Office:
" * * * ,72 years old July 18th but has no record of his age, — sometime
during the Revolutionary War (as he thinks, cant say in what years) Capt. William
Pogue inlisted 10 men including himself at Morefield, Hardy Co. Va for 18 months,
and marched them to the Warm Springs, Bath Co. Va. marched from Hardy Co.
about Mar. 1st got to Bath the last of A'larch remained there until the next spring
then went to Cloverlick in latter (very illegible and maybe a county
name) county remained there until Dec. following. There were upwards of a hun-
dred men at Warm Springs, this was all the service he done and all he gave unto
James Bennett who wrote his declaration before Thomas Heneman. Bennett said
he must have the first draw, he replied it was too much. Bennett got all but $S.
Since his pension was granted has been to Weston the county seat of Lewis several
times, distant 11 miles to see after his money, — always walked.
Benjamin Copelan aged 82, Christopher Nutter aged 74 both gave Hess a
very bad name stating that he Is the greatest liar in the vicinity and are of the
opinion that his statement Is a fabrication."
(Signed) W. G. Singleton.
Evidently there were then, as now, scores of patriots (.') who felt no compunc-
tion in defrauding their beloved country, for which they had so valiantly offered
their lives; but in justice let It be remembered that the majority of these old fron-
tiersmen, Hess included, as evidenced by the familiar "X" in his signature, were
BoKDKR SkTTI.KRS Ol NoKTlIW l-.STl.RN \'lR(;iNIA 505
very illiterate and were victims of conniving mercenaries, who drew up and had
ihem sign mendacious "declarations," of which they were wholly ignorant. Admit-
tedly a boaster, it is hard to conceive that Hess would, in so short a time, make two
declarations of such varying import. Charity would suggest that like John Cut-
right, his illiteracy and credulity were imposed upon, his honor ruthlessly sacrificed
for a selfish motive. This undoubtedly is true. J. Wamsley was actively engaged
in writing fraudulent declarations on contract, and usually received as compensa-
tion all the first money drawn. Some were signed knowingly, others were not.
He wrote those of the "Messrs. Bonnctts," who could neither read nor write. He
offered to write declarations for Abram Reger, a son of Jacob Rcgcr, Sr., and Samuel
Bonnett, who were too young for service in the Revolutionary War; but the offer
was spurned. Many of the old soldiers fled to distant parts to avoid prosecution,
while others were financially ruined in their efforts at restitution. James Bennett,
a young man of ability, who wrote Hess' declaration, was inveigled into this busi-
ness by Wamsley, and became a fugitive in Texas. He was afterwards pardoned
and permitted to return home.
With no means of proving his military service, Hess' name was never restored
to the pension roll; and his last years were marked with penury and suffering. He
survived his wife, and lived with his daughter, Charity, on Hacker's Creek, where
he died October 4, 1848. The descendants of Hess claim that he served in the War
of 1812, but I have found no record of such service. No claim for pension was
ever filed.
Hezekiah Hess left the following children: Charity (married Thomas Hacker),
Mary (married Thomas Parsons), Matilda (married Stanley); Melissa,
and Abraham. He is known to have had another daughter, Nancy, who married
Isaac Williams and went west about 1S40, and nf whom nothing more was ever
heard.
Hess' declaration was sworn to before Thomas C. Hinzman, born in Harrison
County, Virginia, March 2, 1797. Xear the close of the War of 1812, he enlisted
with some Virginia troops, and was sent to Norfolk, Virginia, but saw no active
service. He lived on Buckhannon Run, Lewis County, the greater part of his life,
and was Justice for more than thirty years. He is reputed to have killed the last
wolf slain in that country.
His father, Henry Hinseman (as then spelled), was a Revolutionary soldier,
who settled on Simpson's Creek, Harrison County, sometime after the close of
the war, but removed to Hacker's Creek, about 1799, where he died December 24,
1827. It would appear from the evidence on the claim for pension made April 4,
1859, by his widow, Charity Hinseman, nee Coon, that he enlisted or volunteered,
at Philadelphia in the Summer of 1779 or 1780, for six or nine months and was
attached to the artillery. At the expiration of his term, he re-enlisted for three
years in a Pennsylvania Regiment and served till close of the war. His regiment
was commanded a part of the time by Col. Butler and one of his Captains was Gray
or Kenneda. This second enlistment was "about the time of the Revolt of the
Penna. Line at which time several of the Regts. were consolidated." This was
the famous revolt of thirteen hundred troops under Gen. Wayne. January 1781, at
Morristown, Penn. The widow stated that she married Henry Hinseman in
Harrison County, \'a., Sept. 16, 1794, by John Lovcbcrr.\-. a Baptist preacher; and
506 Border Settlers OF Northwestern Virginia
that she received Bounty Land from the U. S. under Act March 3, 1855. Henrv
Hinseman's name appears on the December 1780 Muster Rolls, Capt. Grey's Com-
pany, late Line of Pennsylvania.
Records in the Comptroller General's office May 31, 1791, show that the
"State of Pennsylvania is indebted to Henry Hihseman, late of the New Levies in
the sum of seventeen pounds, ten shillings with the lawful interest from the first
day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three. The same being due up
account settled in the office. Pursuant to Act of Assembly passed the first day of
April, 1784.
(Signed) John Donnaldson.
Reg. Gen. Office.
In October 1859, a certificate was granted to Charity Hinseman for 323.33 per
annum with back pay from March 4, 1848. On Sept. 4, 1860, her name was dropped
from the pension roll, but was re-instated June 16, 1866. In her petition made
May 26, 1865, at the age of one hundred and five years, in the County of Roane,
State of West Virginia, Charity Hinseman testified that she was unable to labor
on account of her advanced age and that she had not "in any manner encouraged
the rebels or manifested a sympathy with the cause of the rebellion." She died
March 13, 1872, at the home of her son-in-law, Stephen Starcher, near Spencer,
Roane County, West Va., when one hundred and twelve years old. Records in
the Treasury Department show that at the time of her death Mrs. Hinseman was
receiving 310.27 per month and the last payment was made to Stephen Starcher,
Administrator, and pension left children were Thomas C. and John Hinseman,
Mary Rains, Elizabeth Hughes and Rebecca Whitzel.
The following genealogy is copied from four leaves torn from the old family
Bible as testified to by J. M. McWhorter, Clerk of Roane County, and submitted
as evidence in Mrs. Hinseman's claim for pension. The name Charity, however,
appears on the margin, near the center of the list, but it is here placed in its proper
order:
"Henry Hinseman and Charity Coon was married in the year of our Lord
1794, Sept. 16th.
Abraham Hinseman was born the 29 day of June 1795.
Thomas Hinseman was born the 2nd day of March 1797.
Sarah Hinseman was born the 6 day of february 1799.
Massey and a
Elizabeth Hinseman was born the 19 day of March 1801.
Henry Hinseman was born the 20 day of March 1803.
William Hinseman was born March the 19, 1805.
David Hinseman was born May the 10, 1807.
Mary Hynman was born the 29 Jan. 1811.
John Hynman was born 11 July 1813.
Rebecka Hinseman was born the July 19, 1816.
Charity Hineman was born the 25 of february 1819."
It has been claimed that Henry Hinseman was a deserter from the Hessian
troops; but his grandson, Mr. David B. Hinzman, line of his son Thomas C, writes
me that such tradition is without foundation, and that his grandfather served six
years in the Revolution, part of this time under Gen. Morgan, and was wounded
three times.
Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia 507
(29) The McW'liorter Mill at West's Fort, was afterwards owned by the
Jacksons. In later years, there was a mill further up the creek, on the David Smith
farm, and in my earliest recollections was known as the "Boram Mill." It was
in the creek above where the dam for this mill was afterwards built, that the body
of the murdered Indian was said to have been sunk.
The killing of the Indian and sinking him in Hacker's Creek, must have been
perpetrated bj- another than Hess, who did not settle on the western waters until
1822. Tradition sa\'s that this Indian was killed on the David Smith farm, some
distance above the West Homestead, and was one of the party engaged in the West
tragedy in 1787 and who, on that occasion stabbed and scalped the little daughter
of John Hacker. It is probable that the warrior met death at the hands of some
of the Hackers, wiien \isiting the settlements during peace in after years.
(30) Mr. Hacker writes me, "When a lad, I was often at the house of .\unt
Martha Bonnett, widow of John Bonnctt, who was killed by Indians in 1787. She
was quite aged, and I sometimes did chores for her. I frequently heard her speak of
border times and Indian forays. She resided three or four miles south of Jane Lew.
There was a ledge of rocks, where the Indians once sat and repaired their mocca-
sins. Vou certainly remember the old 'Bug-a-boo Hollow.' "
(31) Bald Eagle was murdered about 1772, just prior to theBullTown massacre.
If William Hacker's wife was killed by the Indians, it must have been after these
events. The Mrs. Hacker, who was attacked by the Indians near West's Fort in
June 1778 {Border Warfare, p. 245), is claimed to have been the wife of William
Hacker. {History of Upshur County, West Virginia, p. 182.) I have been unable
to find any other data touching the case.
(32) This could not have been Elijah Runner, of notorious border fame. See
note 40, this correspondence.
(33) Rev. William Granville Hacker was born on Hacker's Creek, West Vir-
ginia, 1841, and like his kinsman. Rev. John T. Hacker, grew to manhood without
the facilities of obtaining an education. In September 1862 he enlisted as a private
in the Fifteenth West Virginia Regiment and served to the close of the war. He
participated in nineteen regular battles and twenty-seven skirmishes; and was
wounded three times, the most serious being in the right thigh, received during an
engagement near Richmond, Virginia.
Mr. Hacker was a clergyman for years, living in Wicliita, Kansas. Since tlie
writing of this note, he died April 13, 1911.
(34) Powers was ensign of a company of scouts under Colonel Lowthcr in 1783,
hut he never held the commission of captain.
(35) A mistake: This stream was named for John Hacker, the father of
the William Hacker referred to.
(36) William Powers was born in Frederick County, \'irginia, November 9, 1765.
(37) Old edition — new edition, pp. 135, 136.
(38) Old edition — new edition, pp. 136, 137, 138.
(39) Bridgeport is on Simpson's Creek, about six miles from Clarksburg. Here
was located Power's Fort alluded to in liorcirr Warfarr, p. 247.
508 Border Settlers of Northwestern Virginia
(40) This inquiry of Dr. Draper was in regard to Elijah Runner, who was con-
nected with the murder of the Delaware Chief, Bald Eagle. {Border Warfare, pp.
135, 136.) There was a family of Runyons living in the vicinity of Jane Lew at this
time, who were confused by Dr. Draper's correspondents with the Elijah Runner
of historic renown.
(41) James W.Jackson was a grandson of Stephen Jackson, a son of Captain
Edward Jackson, who settled on the Buckhannon with his father, John Jackson
in 1769. Stephen Jackson was a scout during the later years of Indian hostilities
on the border.
(42) Christopher T. Cutright, who died July 15, 1897, aged 93.
NOTES ON APPENDIX II
(1) "Warden's Statistics &c., I, 250."
(2) "Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc, II, I."
(3) "Journal of Two Visits, 17."
(4) "Jones' Jour, of Two Visits, 30, 84."
(5) "Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc, II, foot note 139, 140."
(6) "Hutchins' Top. 1 Description, 4."
(7) "Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc, II, p. 1."
(8) "Am. Naturalist, V. 720."
(9) This was at the Burning Springs. Two buffaloes were killed and their
hides suspended on the limbs of a beech tree. When retreating over this route a short
time later, the starving soldiers, who were not permitted to kindle a fire at night
although it was dead winter, cut these hides into long strips, or tugs, and roasting
them in the flames of the burning spring, ate them. From this incident Tug River
derived its name. Withers, p. 83. — For another version of the origin of this
name, consult the First Biennial Report of West Virginia State Archives and His-
tory, pp. 262, 263. — Z. V. McW.
(10) Alluding to the buffalo killed by Samuel Pringle while camped in the syca-
more tree in (now) Upshur County; and the destruction of the corn crop of the
settlers in 1769. — L. V. McW.
(11) Both Withers and DeHass give the date 1736, when Benjamin Burden
presented to Gov. Gooch of Virginia, a buffalo calf which had been caught on
the waters of the Shenandoah River, and tamed. — L. V. McW.
(12) Consult also Hand Book of American hidians. Part I. p. 169. — L. V. McW.
NOTES ON APPENDIX III
(1) The spear-heads secured, were, at a later day, along with other relics, placed
by me in the Museum of the West Virginia Historical and Antiquarian Society,
Charleston: since converted into State Archives and History.
Border Settlers of Xortiiwestern \'ir{;ini.\ 509
(2) Prof. Maxwell says: "The Pctro family (sometimes spelled Pedro) were
said to be Spanish. They were dark of complexion, and of spare build. When and
how they came to Randolph has never been certainly ascertained. They arc fre-
quently mentioned in the earliest county records, and their descendants arc now
numerous in Randolph and adjoining counties." History of Randolph County,
West Va., p. 183.
Refer to Note S, Chapter X., and Wcsifall's Letter, .Ippendix I, this \'olume,
for mention of Petro.
(3) History of Upshur County, If'est I'a., pp. 331, 332.
(4) History of Upshur County, IFest Va., pp. 332 to 335.
(5) PowcITs MiHiiUain is in liic Xiuthcrn part of Xichoias County. The monu-
ment noted by Mr. Conneiley, who got his information from his j.'uide who was
ignorant of the facts, is one erected to Henry Young, a civilian killed by the van
guard of Gen. Rosencrans' troops sent from Clarksburg to dislodge Brigadier Gen.
John B. Floyd, Confederate, who was encamped in the southern part of the County.
The Federals came upon Young near the summit of the mountain, then a wilder-
ness, and disregarding the order to halt, was killed. A Federal officer appeared at
the Young homestead and reported the particulars of the death of the husband and
father. Young was buried there and the monument afterwards placed with funds
secured by partisan subscription.
After the killing of Young, Rosencrans continued his march and on the 10th
of September, 1861, came upon Boyd's forces at Carnefix Ferry, where a severe
engagement ensued. The Confederates were defeated, and made a hurried retreat
into Virginia.
Judge Wm. S. O'Brien of West \'irginia, who is well versed in local history,
writes me that partisan feeling ran high in that sparsely settled region because of
the killing of Young, which was done by Ohio troops. His friends claimed that
he was a harmless man, and the victim of "bush-whacking" methods, so prevalent
throughout the mountains during the entire Civil War. On the other hand Union
sympathizers averred that Young was a "bush-whacker." The Judge is of opinion
that neither report is correct; and that Young, startled by the sudden appearance
of the Federals, fled, as he supposed, from certain capture or death; which hastened
his undoing. A negro who claimed to have been with the troops and witnessed
the shooting, gave Mr. Frank Scott, of West \'irginia, practically the same version
of the tragedy as obtained by the family from the reporting officer.
NOTES ON APPENDIX IV
(1) It is noteworthy that Kercheval and subsequent writers speak of the mill
owned by John Brake, a "German of considerable wealth," whose residence was
the rendezvous of the Tory element. It is very probable that Jacob Brake was
a brother to John, and the mill in question was joint property. It is significant
that the name of John Brake does not appear in any of the petitions for executive
clemency with that of Claypole, Jacob Brake and others. Perhaps he was among
those who had already fled the country.— Refer to Note 4, Chapt. XXX. this
Volume, for notice of Brake's mill.
The Crime Against
the Yakimas
By
LUCULLUS VIRGIL McWHORTER
56 pp., 34 Original Halftones; Color Engraved Paper Covers
PRICE 40 CENTS
A startling exposure of the sordid plot to loot a
helpless people of their homes, wherein a second Yak-
ima War was narrowly averted. A story of outrage
and graft, implicating Indian officials, politicians and
local citizens.
A FEW UNSOLICITED TESTIMONIALS
"Mr. McWhorter does not practice circumlocution."
Yakima Daily Republic.
"Truly you were well qualified to tell the 'sordid story.' "
Legal Aid Committee, Society of American Indians.
"I am glad that you wrote this story of loot and graft. Find
money order for ten copies, which send as follows: — "
Prof. W. K. Moorehead,
Member of Board of Indian Commissioners.
"Of rare interest,
interesting one."
The story, so well told that makes it an
W. P. Campbell,
Custodian, Oklahoma Historical Society.
"An 'eye opener.' You have made a splendid fight for your
people. I congratulate you for your fearless exposure of the
'Crime.'" W. D. Lyman,
Prof, of American History, Whitman College,
Walla Walla, Wash.
"McWhorter is a 'post,' a 'wall,' standing between us and the
white men, who, like wolves, are ready to eat us up."
Louis Mann, Corresponding Secretary,
Yakima Indian Council.
"I am sure the information it contains and the views presented
will be of great assistance in dealing with the question in Congress."
Hon. Miles Poindexter, U. S. Senate,
Washington, D. C.
The Crime Against
the Yakimas
By
LUCULLUS VIRGIL McWHORTER
56 pp., 34 Original Halftones; Color Engraved Paper Covers
PRICE 40 CENTS
A startling exposure of the sordid plot to loot a
helpless people of their homes, wherein a second Yak-
ima War was narrowly averted. A story of outrage
and graft, implicating Indian officials, politicians and
local citizens.
A FEW UNSOLICITED TESTIMONIALS
"Mr. McWhorter does not practice circumlocution."
Yakima Daily Republic.
"Truly you were well qualified to tell the 'sordid story.' "
Legal Aid Committee, Society of American Indians.
"I am glad that you wrote this story of loot and graft. Find
money order for ten copies, which send as follows: — "
Prof. W. K. Moorehead,
Member of Board of Indian Commissioners.
"Of rare interest. The story, so well told that makes it an
interesting one." ^_ p_ Campbell,
Custodian, Oklahoma Historical Society.
"An 'eye opener.' You have made a splendid fight for your
people. I congratulate you for your fearless exposure of the
'Crime.'" W. D. Lyman,
Prof, of American History, Whitman College,
Walla Walla, Wash.
"McWhorter is a 'post,' a 'wall,' standing between us and the
white men, who, like wolves, are ready to eat us up."
Louis Mann, Corresponding Secretary,
Yakima Indian Council.
"I am sure the information it contains and the views presented
will be of great assistance in dealing with the question in Congress."
Hon. Miles Poindexter, U. S. Senate,
Washington, D. C.
ADVANCE SritS( HIItKHS TO -ItOltDICIt SiyiTLKRS
OF >oitTHwi:sn:it.N vih<;ima."
Alderman, William A Rock Cave, West Va.
Allender, Mrs. Sarah L Oxford, West Va.
Alkirc, Nicholas Jane Lew, West Va.
Allmaii, J.I Jane I.cw, West Va.
Alfred, .Mrs. W. I Tacoma, Wash.
Batten, Sarah Jane Lew, West Va.
Bennett, I.. M Weston, West Va.
Brake, .A. R Auburn, West Va.
Brannon, W. W., .Attorney. . .Weston, West Va.
Bartlett, X. J., Co., Booksellers (2 copies)
Corn Hill Boston, Mass.
Berlin, A. K Allciitown, Pa.
Birkes, Mrs. Mamie North Yakima, Wash.
Bond, Fred Toppcnish, Wash.
Campbell, Miss Beryl Walla Walla. Wash.
Clark, The John Co., B<x.ksellers (10 copies) . . .
5511 Kuclid .\ve., Cleveland, Ohio.
Cobb, W. H KIkins, West \a.
Cookman, Dr. C. L Jane Lew, West Va.
Cowcn, Jesse F. Jane Lew, West \'a.
Curry, VV . H Buckhannon, West Va.
Cutright, Hon. W. B., Atty. Buckhannon, W. Va.
Davis, Hon. J. T Elkinr,, West Va.
Dyre, Mrs. Philena McW. . . . Philippi, West \'a.
Dowling, Mrs. Colista M., .Xrtist
742 Belmont St., Portland, Oregon.
Ferrell, Lloyd B Wichita, Kansas.
Foreman, Mrs. Rose Los Angeles, Cal.
Friedline, Mrs. Mamie. . .North Yakima, Wash.
Gandee, James S Peninsula, Ohio.
Gainer, Mrs. Olive Weston, West Va.
Gould, A.J Weston, West Va.
Gordon, D. J Jane Lew, West \'a.
Hacker, R. A St. John, Kansas.
Hacker, W. D Wichita, Kansas.
Hayden, Rev. Horace Edwin W'ilkes-Barre, Pa.
Hall, A. S Auburn, West Va.
Haymond, Hon. Henry, .Attorney
Clarksburg, West \"a.
Heavner, Mrs. Clara DuMont
Buckhannon, West Va.
Helmick, Clark W West Milford, West Va.
Hession, John Fairmont, West Va.
Hefner, T. J Buckhannon, West Va.
Hinzman, David F Buckhannon, West Va.
Hinzman, Knoch Buckhannon, West \'a.
Hughes, Draper Buckhannon, West Va.
Hughes, W. W., Atty. (2 copies) .Welch, W. Va.
Hughes, W. I Jane Lew, VVest Va.
Hughes, Thomas, Attorney
223 St. Paul St., Baltimore, Md.
Hurst, M. Dc, Attorney (2 copies)
Woodland. Cal.
Inpalsbc, Mrs. Iris McW., North Yakima, Wash.
liigalsbe. Walter Edwin. .North Yakima. Wash.
James, Prof. Edmund J., University of Illinois. .
Urbana, 111.
James, Prof. John N., State Normal School
Indiana, Pa.
Jayne, Prof. J. M Swatella, Cal.
Johnson, \Vm. E., Editor Now Republic
Westerville, Ohio.
Jenkins, Mrs. Leni McW., Teacher Elocution...
Buckhannon, West \'a.
Jett, T. J Weston, West Va.
Kittle, Judge Warren B.(2 copies) Philippi,W.Va.
Keedick, Mrs. Mabel Ferris
7m West 169th St., New York City.
Kelsey, Samuel , . .North Yakima, Wash.
Langdon. J. W Walla Walla, Wash.
Lawson, Percy F. Jeffer.son. Ohio.
Lawson, .Mrs. Flora McW., Meadow Bluff s,W.\"a.
Law, T. A Buckhannon, West \'a.
Law. M. J Jane Lew. West Va.
Lowther, Granville, D. D., North Yakima, Wash.
Lowther, Rev. C. I Ellensburg, Wash.
Lowther, MissMinnie K., Editor, Glenville,W.Va.
Lowther, Granville S Ireland, West Va.
Luce, Mrs. Sarah A Conrad, Montana.
MacLean, J. P., Ph. D.. (Second subscriber,
5 copies) Hamilton, Ohio.
McCroskey, Miss Birdie .Astoria, Oregon.
.McKinly, Aldo Jane Lew, West Va-
McWhortcr, Rev. MansAeld (Bequeathed to
eldest grandson) Philippi, West \'a.
McWhorter, Cyrus S., (First subscriber, 2
copies) Rcdiands, Cal.
McWhorter, T. I
516 S. Spring St., Los Angeles, Cal.
McWhorter, .Alden B Fresno, Cal.
McWhorter, K. H. (4 copies)
1 West .^4th St., New York City.
McWhortcr. .A. W., Prof, of English. ..........
Hampden-Sidney College, Virgini-i.
McWhorter, Ovid T., Dept. Agriculture, High
School (2 copies) Snohomish, Wash.
McWhorter, Virgil O., Bureau Animal Industry
(2 copies) Washington, D. C.
McWhorter, Cicero C. F., North Yakima. Wash.
.McWhorter, James, Printer Seattle, Wash.
McWhorter, Miss Minnie S., Teacher
Charleston, West \a.
McWhorter, L. E., Atty. . . . Charleston, W. \a.
McWhorter, J. Scott, Atty. . .Lewisburg, W. \'a.
McWhorter, PMavius J.. Buckhannon, West \'a.
McWhortcr. Lycurgus D. . Buckhannon. W. \'a.
McWhorter, Carlton B Weston, West \'a.
McWhorter, Dr. Ralph Weston, West \'a.
McWhortcr. Daniel G... .McWhortcr. West \'a.
McWhorter. F.lias S McWhorter. West Va.
McWhorter. W. G., Justice. . .Horner, West Va.
McWhorter, J. M Lost Creek, West \'a.
McWhorter, N. A Jane Lew, West Va.
Maxwell. Pro. Hu F^ingston. III.
Maxwell, Claud, Attorney Elkins, VVest \'a^
Maxson, J. K. P Morgantown, West NaT
Marple, Rev. O. U Huntington, VVest V'a.
Morris, Walter M Mount Clair, West V"a.
Morrison, M. D Buckhannon. We t V a.
Morrison. T. H Weston. West \ a.
Moore. Oscar L Topeka. Kansas.
Moorehead. Pro. Warren King. Dept. .Archae-
ology, Phillips Academy .Andover, Mass.
Morning Dove (Mrs. Christal McLeod) .......
Napoleon, Wash.
Nutter, W. D Lost Creek, VVest V'a.
O'Brien. Judge Wm. S . .Buckhannon. West Va.
Price, Rev. Wm. T Marlinton. West Va.
Prinelc. M. .\ Weston. VVest Va.
Public Library North Yakima. VVash.
Reger, Carl, .Arch. Eng. . . Morgantown. W. Va.
Reger, Roy, Attorney. . . . Charleston, VVest Va.
Reger, Kent Lorent/. VVest Va.
Reger, M. M Weston. VVest Va.
RifTee. C. A Buckhannon. VVest Va.
Rogers D. M Weston, VVest Va.
Ruebush-Elkins Co., Book Publisher* (8 copies)
Dayton, Va.
Rhodes, C. A North Yakima, VVash.
Springston, Mrs. Rev. J. D
615 E. Pine St., Portland, Oregon.
Sterling, Mrs. E. C. (3 copies)... Redlands. Cal.
Sw isher, .Albert VV Barnardino, Cal.
Swisher, John B Weston, West V^a.
Starcher, Mrs. Rebecca Lawson, Weston. VV. Va.
Starcher, G. VV Cox's Mill, West Va.
Stonestreet, Miss R. Elizabeth .■••.••
Buckhannon. VV . Va.
Stuttler. Boyd B., Editor, Grantsville, VVest Va.
Tavlor, E. O Weston. VVest Va.
Ta'ylor, R. C Horner. West Va.
Taylor, Luther Buckhannon. West \ a.
Vanhorn. Ruby Big Bend. West V'a.
Virginia State Library Richmond. Va.
Waggoner, .Alda Buckhannon, VVest V'a.
Waggoner, George B Jane Lew West Va.
Wilcox, C. S Crow Summit, West V'a.
Wilmoth, L. D Montrose, West V'a.
Wick. Henr}' Youngstown. Ohio.
Washington State University Historical Society.
Seattle, VV ash.
Western Reserve Hist. Society. . . Cleveland, O.
Wisconsin State Hist. Society. . . Madison. Wis.
Yakatowit, Chief Tecumseh. .Toppenish. Wash.
"A hot tamale — Look out that you are not waylaid on the
night-trail by some of those whom you have so mercilessly
flayed." Wm. E. Johnson,
Former Chief Special Officer U. S. Indian Service.
"I read the book with great interest. You ought to win out
for your people. They have been robbed and mistreated long
enough. I would like to see the thieves sent to the penitentiary."
Wm. E. Connelley, Topeka, Kansas.
"This story tells of the grievous wrongs that have been heaped
upon the Yakima Indians, and is told by one abundantly qualified
to recite the outrageous narrative." — The New Republic.
"You have handled the subject in a masterly manner. I do
not think that you could improve upon it. You certainly are
deserving of praise from every one possessed of the sense of right.
You have obeyed the Golden Rule in its highest attribute. The
cause is a noble one. If you have not proved yourself to be a
benefactor of mankind, then no such thing exists. You surely
baffled as rascally a set of scoundrels as ever lived; and that
without hope of reward."
J. P. MacLean, Ph. D., Franklin, Ohio.
PRESS COMMENTS PUBLISHED ON THE
YAKIMA INDIAN RESERVATION
"McWhorter is a member of the tribe by adoption and has
been a prominent figure at the public meetings and the councils
of the Indians during the past few years. Throughout the entire
pamphlet the writer sticks close to his text, bringing all manner
of documentary and other evidence forward to prove his points.
In its entirety, the pamphlet is probably the most comprehensive
review ever published, of the reservation situation and from the
Indian's standpoint. McWhorter makes out an exceptionally
strong case." — The Toppenish Review.
"Aside from the beauty of the publication it can truthfully be
said that there is a fountain of knowledge contained within its
covers. No man is more capable of placing the needs and require-
ments of the Indian before the public than the author. No man
is closer in touch with the Indian in his home life. Mr. McWhorter
is a member of the Yakima tribe of Indians by adoption. Dur-
ing the many years of his membership he has labored for the
uplift of his friend — the Indian. He has been foremost in urging
upon the government such legislation as would protect the Indian
in his vested rights. With the knowledge obtained through a
close observance of all that pertains to the welfare of the Indian,
the author seeks to show that the members of his tribe have been
more sinned against than sinning, and that he has succeeded
no reader will deny." — Wapato Independent.
Address all Orders to
L. V. McWhorter, North Yakima, Wash.