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Publications.
Vol. 10
Boston
Ora Sthtz House
M C M XIII
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73
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OCT 8 1968
CONTENTS
The French at Boston During the Revolution 9
Fitz-Henry Smithy Jr.
A List of the Inhabitants in Boston, 1695 . 79
Reprinted from Manuscript.
The Newdigate Fine 97
W. T. R. Marvin.
Salem Street Sunday School, List of Officers,
Instructors and Scholars, December 14,
1817 119
Reprinted from Manuscript.
Laws and Courts of the Massachusetts Bay
Colony 129
Frank E. Bradbury.
Index: — I. Names 163
II. Places and Subjects . . . 169
ILLUSTRATIONS
A French Battleship in the American Revo-
lution . . . . . . . Faces title
From a model.
Plan of the Fortifications at Hull, by Joseph
Palmer, February 27, 1777 .... 26
From the Original in the Massachusetts State Archives.
Lewis Ansart de Maresquelle .... 34
From a Portrait in the Town Library, Dracuty Mass.
The Newdigate Fine 99
From the Original in the Society's Collections.
Official Seal of the King's Bench, Westmin-
ster ........ 102
Affixed to the Newdigate Fine.
Christ Church and Salem Street Sunday
School, 1817 117
From a Wood Engraving by Nathaniel Dearborn^
about 182$.
Heading of the List of the Salem Street
Sunday School, 18 17 121
From the Original.
THE FRENCH AT BOSTON DURING
THE REVOLUTION
BY
FITZ-HENRY SMITH, JR.
COPYRIGHT, 1 91 3,
FITZ-HENRY SMITH, JR.
BOSTON, MASS.
THE FRENCH AT BOSTON DURING THE
REVOLUTION
With Particular Reference to the French Fleets and the Fortifications
in the Harbor
A Paper read before the Bostonian Society, Council Chamber,
Old State House, February 18, 1913, by
FITZ-HENRY SMITH. Jr.
WITH additions BY THE AUTHOR
jOR a number of years before any set-
tlement was effected, adventurous men
from the seaports of Western Europe
made voyages to the coast of New
England to fish and trade with the
Indians. Among the first to embark
in this enterprise were the French. Capt. John Smith
in the account of his first voyage to New England,
undertaken in 16 14, mentions two French ships which
" 40 leagues to the westward of Monhegan " had made
"a great voyage by trade." And when he reached
Massachusetts Bay, Smith made no attempt to explore
10 The French at Boston
it, notwithstanding that the region seemed to him the
i" Paradise " of all New England, because, as he says,
the French had secured all the trade, " having remained
there near five weeks." So he passed on to the south-
ward.
A few years later a French ship was wrecked on
Cape Cod, and those of her company that the natives
did not kill outright were made prisoners. About the
same time another French vessel anchored off Peddock*s
Island in Boston Harbor.* The fate of the crew of
this vessel was even more tragic. The story is told by
Phineas Pratt, in what is sometimes termed his " Nar-
rative," as related to him by the Indian Pecksuot, and
one cannot do better than to repeat Pratt's quaint ver-
sion of the account given by the wily savage, f
Said Pecksuot : —
Another ship came into the bay with much goods to truck.
Then I said to the sachem I will tell you how you shall have
all for nothing. Bring all our canoes and all our beaver and
a great many men but no bow nor arrow, clubs nor hatchets,
but knives under the skins that [are] about our loins. Throw
up much beaver upon their deck; sell it very cheap and
when I give the word, thrust your knives in the Frenchmen's
♦ The authority for this statement is Thomas Morton's New English
Canaan (Prince Soc. 1883), p. 130. And Morton says that the island
was "called Peddocks Island in memory of Leonard Peddock that
landed there."
t A Declaration of the Affairs of the English People that First In-
habited New England. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. (4th Sen), IV : p. 479.
During the Revolution 1 1
bellies. Thus we killed them all. But Monsieur Finch, mas-
ter of their ship, being wounded, leaped into the hold. We
bid him come up, but he would not. Then we cut their cable
and the ship went ashore and lay upon her side and slept
there. Finch came up and we killed him. Then our sachem
divided their goods and fired their ship and it made a very
great fire.
Such was the reception accorded the French visitor
to Boston by the aborigines.* A short time thereafter
a strange plague carried off almost the entire native
population living on the islands in the harbor and in
the neighboring country ; and of the French we hear
nothing more until after the founding of Boston. Mean-
while they were endeavoring to maintain the settlements
they had established farther east.
In January of 1632 word was received at Boston
"that the French had bought the Scottish plantation
near Cape Sable." Whereupon the governor "called
the assistants to Boston and the ministers and captains
and some other chief men to advise what was fit to
be done for our safety in regard they were like to
prove ill neighbors (being Papists)."! ^^ was agreed
that a fort should be begun at Natascott (or Nantasket),
as Hull was then called; and on the 21st of the month
• S. A. Drake in T^e Making of New England (p. 113) refers to
the incident as •♦ A Legend of Peddocks Island."
t The History of New England from /6jo to id^g^ by John Win-
throp (Savage's Ed. 1825), I : pp. 98, 99.
12 The French at Boston
the Governor with four of the assistants, three min-
isters and other worthies of Boston, in all a company
of about twenty-six, started down the harbor in three
boats. They arrived at Hull towards evening, and, a
storm coming up, were forced to spend the night there
in a broken-down shanty with no covering over them
other than the straw in which they lay. This experi-
ence seems to have put an end to what little enthusiasm
they had for the project — for it was not anticipated
that the fortification would prevent a vessel from enter-
ing the harbor — and in the morning, " upon a view of
the place it was agreed that to build a fort there would
be of too great charge and of little use."
From this time on, and so long as the French remained
in power, the attitude of the English colonists of Mas-
sachusetts to their northern neighbors, when not that of
actual hostility — as during the cruel wars in which the
two peoples became engaged — was, to say the least, one
of suspicion. And that curious episode in the history of
Massachusetts, when its rulers were induced to take sides
with La Tour in his row with d'Aulnay, is probably
not an exception. With the British masters of Canada,
France ceased to menace the colonies. Frenchmen were
then looked at in a different light, and upon the outbreak
of the Revolution the whole American people turned to
them for aid.
The French king was quite willing to assist the rebels
of his enemy, but hesitated to do so openly until the
During the Revolution 13
battle of Saratoga made it evident that there was a real
opportunity to deal England a blow. Then he entered
the contest as an ally of the colonies, and on April 1 3th,
1778, a splendid fleet of twelve ships of the line and
five frigates (one of which was subsequently sent back
with dispatches) set sail from Toulon for the Capes of
the Delaware. The fleet was commanded by the Count
d'Estaing and carried as passengers G^^rd de Rayne-
val, the first ambassador of France to the United States,
and Silas Deane, one of the American agents in Europe.
D'Estaing did not reach his destination until July 8th,
and meanwhile a solitary French frigate, the Nymphe,
on a " mission de surveillance " to the banks of New-
foundland, dropped anchor in Boston Harbor, where she
remained a fortnight — from May 5 th to May 19th.
This vessel, wrote her commander, the Chevalier de
Sainneville, was " the first warship of the King of France
that they had seen in Boston," and she was the cause
of a great commotion. The authorities invited the
Chevalier and his officers to a grand dinner, at which
they remained seated for four hours and drank nine
healths. When he went about, the Frenchman was
followed by the townspeople **of all ranks and ages,"
eager to know of the intentions of France and pressing
him with questions, which he said he answered as pre-
cisely as he could "but without saying anything." The
flag of France flying in their midst, he declared, was
looked upon by the inhabitants with the greatest satis-
14 The French at Boston
faction, " the most interesting spectacle " the discreet
captain "had ever enjoyed."*
In the so-called "Recollections of Samuel Breck,"f
it is said : —
Before the Revolution the colonists had little or no com-
munication with France, so that Frenchmen were known to
them only through the prejudiced medium of England.
Every vulgar story told by John Bull about Frenchmen
living on salad and frogs was implicitly believed by Brother
Jonathan, even by men of education and the first standing
in society. When, therefore, the first French squadron ar-
rived at Boston the whole town, most of whom had never
seen a Frenchman, ran to the wharves to catch a peep at the
gaunt, half-starved, soup-maigre crews. How much were my
good townsmen astonished when they beheld plump, portly
officers and strong, vigorous sailors !
The "Recollections" further state that while the
townsmen became convinced that they had been de-
ceived, they " knew '* that the French " were no better
than frog eaters, because they had been discovered
hunting them in the noted Frog-pond at the bottom of
the Common." Then follows an account of a dinner
« Quoted by Lacour-Gayet, "La Marine Militaire de la France sous
la rigne de Louis XVL" (Paris, 1905), p. 147.
Price agrees that the frigate was " the first French Kings Ship ever
jn this port." {Items From an Interleaved Boston Almanac for 1778^
Being a Diary of Ezekiel Price. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. XIX, p. 332.)
And he says that the dinner to the commander and his officers was held
" at Marstons," May 9th. {^Ibid.y p. 333.)
t H. E. Scudder Ed. (Philadelphia, 1877), p. 24.
During the Revolution 1$
given to d'Estaing and his officers by Mr. Nathaniel
Tracy of Cambridge, at which in the soup plate of every
Frenchman was placed a full-grown frog, — a story
which surely lost nothing in the telling.
Breck was but seven years old at this time, and while
his assertion doubtless contains much truth, it does not
wholly account for the interest of the people on the
arrival of the Nymphe, or of d'Estaing and his fleet.*
Much has been said about the extraordinary length of
d'Estaing's voyage — almost three months — at least a
third of which was required to get the fleet out of the
Mediterranean. The commander complained of the great
difference in the sailing qualities of his ships, referring
especially to the slowness of the Vaillant and Guerrier.f
The author of a modern French work J has explained
that the fleet was short of seamen, so that inexperienced
soldiers had to be employed to handle the ships. On
the other hand it has been stated that d'Estaing wasted
time in useless drills. § But whatever the cause, the
*The Boston Gazette of May ii, 1778, says that the frigate brought
*• very important dispatches for Congress, which were immediately sent
off by express to that august body."
t Chevalier, Histoire de la Marine Franfaise Pendant la Guerre de
V Indipendence Amiricaine (Paris, 1877), p. 108. The Guerrier must
not be confused with the ship of similar name defeated by the
Constitution in the War of 181 2. The Guerrier of d'Estaing's fleet
was a seventy-four, whereas the Constitution's opponent, though origi-
nally a French vessel, was a frigate of forty-nine guns.
X De Noailles, Mar-ins et Soldats Fran^ais en AmMque Pendant la
Gutrre de V Indipendence des Etats-Unis, (Paris, 1903), p. 33.
§ Cf. Mahan, Influence of Sea Power, p. 359.
1(5 The French at Boston
fleet took so long to cross the Atlantic that news of its
coming reached America in season for the British to
prepare to receive it. And this Howe did with com-
mendable energy, abandoning Philadelphia and station-
ing his weaker force at New York in such a way that
the task presented to the French was anything but easy.
For learning that the enemy had moved, d'Estaing
detached a frigate (La Chim^re) to take Gerard to
Philadelphia and proceeded with his fleet to Sandy
Hook.
Then followed a series of unfortunate incidents fam-
iliar to all. The attack on New York was given up,
because, it is said, the pilots hesitated at taking the
larger French vessels into the harbor, and the fleet was
dispatched to Narragansett Bay to assist General Sulli-
van in his operations against Rhode Island. Howe
followed, and d'Estaing put to sea to meet him. The
fleets manoeuvred for an advantage without a general
engagement until on the night of the nth of August
there arose a violent gale which dispersed both. A
number of the French ships were badly damaged,* and
d'Estaing, despite the intervention of both Greene and
Lafayette, declined to operate further, and assembling
his ships as best he could, on August 23rd headed for
* D'Estaing's flagship, the Languedoc, was completely dismasted
and lost her rudder, the Marseillais lost rudder and foremast, and
the Protecteur was otherwise crippled. "So fierce was the storm,"
says Fiske, "that it was remembered in local tradition as lately as 1850
as • the Great Storm.' " ( The American Revolution, II : p. 93.)
During the Revolution ly
Boston to refit. Only temporary repairs were made at
Newport, and the French admiral said, on leaving, that
if he found at Boston the material he so urgently needed,
he would be ready to start anew to fight "for the
glory of the French name and the interests of America."
Nevertheless Sullivan felt that he had been left in the
lurch, and he did not hesitate to say so, and much bit-
terness was engendered.
The American general was happily able to withdraw
in safety from the difficult position in which he found
himself, and the tendency of historians has been to sus-
tain d'Estaing, as he seems to have been sustained by
those in authority at the time. A council of his officers
advised the course he took, and undoubtedly he was
acting under explicit orders given him for just such an
emergency.* Dr. Hale has shown that the destruction
by the British of some twenty of their vessels when the
French fleet appeared against Newport, taken into con-
♦ See Fiske, p. 94, and cf. Lacour-Gayet, p. 169. Sullivan wrote
the Executive Council of Massachusetts to urge upon d'Estaing to
return with at least a part of his fleet. The Count replied that he
was ready to march at the head of his land forces and place them
entirely under the American's directions. But he pointed out that it
would scarcely be judicious for him to send back a part of his fleet,
as Howe might beat it with superior numbers, and it was impossible
to consider returning with the whole French fleet until the necessary
repairs had been completed. The Council apparently agreed with this
reasoning. (Mass. Archives, Doc. C. C, pp. 26, 29 and 32.) And in
this connection I wish to express to Mr. Tracy and his assistants in
the Archives my appreciation of their kind help and interest in my
search for the material of this paper.
1 8 The French at Boston
sideration with the other effects of d'Estaing's arrival
on the American coast, made his exploits by no means
inconsiderable.* But a view so dispassionate could not
well be expected of the American people of 1778, and
their disappointment over the abrupt termination of the
Rhode Island campaign, from which so much had been
anticipated, must be borne in mind when we come to
consider events which afterwards took place in Boston. f
It is now time for us to take note of the vessels that
put into Boston harbor and of some of the commanding
officers in the fleet.
The vessels were the Languedoc of 90 guns ; the
Tonnant of 80; the seventy-fours, C^sar, Hector, Zd6,
Marseillais, Protecteur, and Guerrier ; the Vaillant, Pro-
vence and Fantasque, sixty-fours ; the Sagittaire, 50 guns,
and the frigates Aimable, Alcm^ne and Engageante of
26 or 30 guns each. The Languedoc was d'Estaing's
flagship, except that when she was dismasted in the
storm he went aboard the Hector, and on the arrival of
the fleet in Boston he transferred his flag to the Z61^
when he thought he was about to be attacked.}
* Rev. E. E. Hale, The Naval History of the American Revolution^
in Narrative and Critical History of America, VI: pp. 580, 581.
t See the interesting Extract du Journal d'un Officier de la Marine
de VEscadre de M. le Comte cTEstaing (1782), p. 38, upon the effect of
Sullivan's charges.
I The three flagships, together with the C^sar and Marseillais, all
under other commanders, afterwards took part in the campaigns of
de Grasse. And the Zele was in a large measure responsible for Lord
Rodney's defeat of the Frenchman in 1782, for, being injured by col-
During the Revolution 19
The rise of the commander-in-chief of this powerful
force had been very rapid.* He was only thirty-three
when made a lieutenant-general and rear admiral, and
thus given high rank in the navy as well as in the army,
notwithstanding that he had been bred a soldier and
had seen no naval service other than to participate in
several commerce-destroying undertakings. In 1777 the
title of third vice-admiral was created for him, and the
next year he received the important command of the
expedition to America. At this time he was forty-nine
years old and had been in the navy but fifteen years,
so a French writer has said that ** perhaps the least
known at Toulon among the general officers of the fleet
was the commander-in-chief himself." f
As might be expected, in the light of his inexperience
d'Estaing did not have the confidence of his officers,
among whom were some of the ablest in the French
navy ; % and though " brave as his sword " and the idol
lisions with two of her companions so that she had to be taken in tow,
de Grasse was forced to accept battle at a disadvantage. The C^sar
and Hector suffered terribly in this fight and were among the five ships
captured by the British, but they proved of little worth to the con-
querors, the former being accidentally burned the night of the battle
and the latter lost on the way to England. The frigate Aimable was
captured after the battle.
• Charles Henri Theodat d'Estaing Du Saillans, called the Count
d'Estaing, was bom at Auvergne 1729, and died at Paris April 28, 1794.
t Lacour-Gayet, p. 139.
X Chevalier, p. 1 54 : Writing anonymously, one of these officers said,
" We will finish the portrait of this] commander by saying that he is
not really profound upon anything, but superficial upon everything."
Quoted by Lacour-Gayet, p. 229: "Suffren wished that d'Estaing's
seamanship had equalled his courage." {^Ibid., p. 230.)
^ The French at Boston
of his men, he did not succeed as a naval commander.
But he did have at least one qualification for the work
assigned him, namely, an intense hatred of the English,
which he manifested throughout his life, and he told the
judges who condemned him to the guillotine in the French
Revolution to send his head to the English, as they
would pay well for it.
First among the other officers may be mentioned
d'Estaing's chief of staff, the able Chevalier de Borda,
" major-general " of the fleet, but better known to the
world as a scientist and geometrician.* Pldville Le
Feley, of the Languedoc, " lieutenant de port " in the
fleet, after an active service, retired in 1788, and was
minister of marine under the Directory.! And Count
Barras de Saint-Laurent (usually referred to as Barras),
captain of the Zd^, who later succeeded to the com-
mand of the squadron of Ternay, will ever be grate-
fully remembered by Americans for his timely arrival
before Yorktown with the siege train of the French
army.
In command of the Guerrier the French admiral had
with him an officer who, like himself, had first served
* Jean Charles de Borda was bom at Dax May 4, 1733, and died at
Paris February 20, 1799.
1 Le Peley had a remarkable history. Early in his career he lost
his right leg, which was replaced with a wooden one, and twice there-
after this wooden one was shot away. As will be noted later, he was
one of the victims of a riot in Boston. For his life see Balch, The
French in America^ II : p. 200.
During the Revolution %\
in the army, but who, unlike the commander-in-chief,
obtained distinction upon the sea, — Bougainville, the
celebrated circumnavigator of the world.*
The captain of the Fantasque was Suffren, perhaps
the greatest naval officer that the French nation has
produced, whose fierce encounters with Sir Edward
Hughes have won for him the admiration of our Captain
Mahan.f And on the Sagittaire was d' Albert de Rions,
in Suffren's estimation the foremost officer in the French
navy4 D'Estaing's opinion of de Rions was no less
laudatory. Indeed, of all the officers of the fleet who
were with him at Boston, he recommended but two —
de Rions and Suffren. For them he solicited the title
♦ Louis Antoine, Count de Bougainville, was bom at Paris, Novem-
ber II, 1729. Brought up to be a lawyer, and a mathematician of no
mean ability, he entered the army in 1754, went to America as an aid
to Montcalm, and served with distinction at Quebec and in 1761 in
Germany. Upon the conclusion of peace in 1763 he left the army for
the navy, and three years later, having failed in an attempt to found a
settlement on the Falkland Islands, sailed around the world. (Dec. 15,
1766, to March 16, 1769.) He commanded under both d'Estaing and
de Grasse, and afterwards seems to have received in turn the titles of
field-marshal and vice-admiral. On the outbreak of the revolution in
France he retired from public service to devote himself to scientific
pursuits, but was a senator under the Empire. He died at Paris August
31. 18".
t Pierre Andre de Suffren de Saint-Tropez, called the Bailli de
Suffren, was born at Saint-Cannat, July 13, 1728, and died at Paris
Dec. 8, 1788. (See Influence of Sea Power, Ch. 12.)
X Francois Hector d'Albert, Count de Rions, was bom at Avignon
in 1728, and died October 3, 1802. Chevalier says that after the death
of Suffren, de Rions was regarded as the officer most capable of com-
manding a large fleet.
33 The French at Boston
of brevet "chef d'escadre," meaning " commodore " or
"flag officer."*
All of d'Estaing's vessels did not reach Boston at
one time, for the Cdsar being separated from the fleet
by the storm, made no attempt to rejoin it, but pro-
ceeded alone to Boston, where she arrived on the after-
noon of August 22nd. She had a terrible fight with an
English fifty-gun ship, the Isis, in the course of which
her captain, the Chevalier de Raimondis, lost his right
arm. General Heath went to see him as soon as the
C6sar arrived, and expressed regret at the Frenchman's
misfortune, to which the latter replied "that he was
ready to lose his other arm in the cause of the Ameri-
cans." " Remember this," writes Heath, " ye Americans
in future times." f
The other vessels arrived in Boston on the morning
of the 28th, and d'Estaing at once disposed of the fleet
so as to be able to meet an attack. The Languedoc,
Marseillais and Protecteur, which were most in need of
* Suffren was made fourth vice-admiral of the French navy, April 4,
1784, a special office created for him, which ceased at his death. D'Es-
taing was made admiral, Bougainville and Barras vice-admirals, and
de Rions rear-admiral, in 1 792. And there were other officers in the
fleet that afterwards attained high rank. For a roster of the fleet see
de Noailles, Appendix II, p. 365, and I^cour Gayet, Appendix V,
p. 629.
t Memoirs of Major-Genl. Heath, N. Y. 1904, p. 204. De Raimondis
was granted two pensions, but the captain asked in addition for the
order of Saint Louis, "le cordon rouge," on the ground that he was
the first officer to lose an arm during the campaign. He left for France
with Lafayette on the Alliance, January 6, 1779.
During the Revolution 23
repairs,* were anchored in the inner harbor ; f and the
exigency was considered so great that the French were
permitted to work upon the Sabbath "with as little
disturbance .... as possible, during the time of divine
Service." J
The remaining ships-of-the-line were stationed in Nan-
tasket Road, and to make their positions more secure
the fortifications at Hull were appropriated and manned,
and George's, Lovell's and Gallup's Islands, together
with Long Island or Peddock's Island, were occupied
and put in a state of defence.§ To accomplish this the
• In addition to the damage done by the storm, the Languedoc had
been attacked by the Renown, of fifty guns, and the Marseillais by an-
other fifty-gun ship, which Lacour-Gayet (p. 168) says was the Preston.
t Cf. Chevalier, p. 118. Lacour-Gayet says (p. 171) " Quincy Bay,"
but adds in a note that d'Estaing wrote " King's Road." September
8, 1778, the French were given leave to land sick sailors on Governor's
Island, " which lyes next the Marseillais, the Ship the nearest to the
Town." (Mass. Archives, Doc. CLXIX, p. 151.)
} Council Records XXII, p. 435. Lacour-Gayet speaks of the trouble
which the French experienced in refitting their vessels in America be-
cause of the lack of arsenals. And d'Estaing wrote that they had to
send to Portsmouth for the masts needed by the Languedoc, and could
not find any suitable for a vessel larger than a sixty-four. So they
took the masts out of the Protecteur, 74, and gave them to the 90-gun
flagship. The Protecteur was fitted out with the masts of the Vaillant,
64, and the new masts placed in the Vaillant. Report of d'Estaing to
the Secretary of Marine in H. Doniol, Histoire de la Participation de la
France d, V Etablissement des Etats-Unis, ill (1888), p. 459. Heath
notes that the work on the flagship was completed October 5, and that
she then "fell down to Nantasket Road and joined the squadron."
Memoirs, p. 208.
§ D'Estaing wrote " Pettik." (Doniol 1 11, p. 458.) Lacour-Gayet
includes all but Long and Peddock's Island, and the documents in the
State Archives mention only George's and Long Island.
24 The French at Boston
three frigates were taken into Hull Bay and almost
completely dismantled ; * and Chevalier says that by
Sept. ist they had thirty i8 and 24-pounders mounted at
Hull and on George's Island, two batteries and six mor-
tars, one battery containing eleven 24's, and the other
eight i8's and 24*s. Whether this statement is entirely
accurate may be doubted, and it is probable that the
rush on the defences did not begin until the presence of
an English fleet was reported on August sist.f
The *' fortifications " at Hull consisted of a fort on
Telegraph Hill and two batteries on Gushing Hill, and
it is a question as to just what the French did there.
It is assumed in some French accounts that the works
were built by d'Estaing, and the impression has existed
in this country that their design at least was attributable
to his engineers. But this is an error. The fortifica-
tion of Nantasket Head was undertaken shortly after
the British evacuated Boston, and as early as July, 1776,
a committee of the General Court reported the work
* In 1848 an immense anchor, said to have weighed "about 8,000
pounds," and presumably belonging to one of d'Estaing's ships, was
grappled off Peddock's Island. Notes on the South Shore by the *'Shade
of Alden;' (Boston, 1848), p. 21.
t Sept. ist the Board of War was directed to supply d'Estaing with
" ten Gundoloes or flatt-bottomed boats .... for transporting of Can-
non," and Heath informed the Council, Sept. 2, that the Count was
" fortifying some of the Islands with the utmost dispatch & has got a
considerable number of cannon on shore mounted in the works which
he has thrown up." Sept. 5, application was made to the Council for
two beds for 13-inch mortars which d'Estaing "proposed" to place on
George's Island.
During the Revolution 25
"about half finished." In November, 1776, and again
in January, 1777, other committees reported it "well
constructed and nearly finished," and each referred
specifically to the fort and the two batteries. The re-
port of the last-mentioned committee is signed by Joseph
Palmer, and describes the defences at Hull as including
a " pentagonal " fort and two batteries, one west of the
fort with eight embrasures, and the other to the north
with five, the fort itself having sixteen embrasures.
And in the State Archives there is a plan with Palmer's
name, dated February 27, 1777, showing the fort, which
it is interesting to note is called " Fort Independence,"
and a " draft " of the batteries.
In an undated committee report, indexed in the Ar-
chives as June, i yjj^ it is said, " That the works now
at Hull, tho* pretty well constructed are far from being
compleat, or Sufficient if made so, at that place." But
another undated report shows that when the committee's
investigation was made, probably in August of 1777,
they had found at Hull a fortification " called the Eight
Gun Battery," containing four 42-pounders and two 9-
pounders, and " nearer the Waters Edge the three Gun
Battery so called," with three 42-pounders, together with
a large fort mounting nine 9's and two i8's.
This clearly indicates that the fortifications at Hull
had progressed well toward completion long before the
arrival of d'Estaing ; and considering the fact that their
earthwork mounds, as they remained until very recently.
26 The French at Boston
were, in design, precisely as drawn on Palmer's plan —
except that the northern battery had openings for but
three guns — there is little foundation for the tradition
about their French origin.*
So far as Hull was concerned, d'Estaing's efforts
were devoted largely to supplying a deficiency in men
and arms. The committee of the General Court which
reported in November, 1776, had doubted whether the
place could be made tenable, and had suggested in con-
sequence that few guns be risked there, and the troops
in the harbor forts had been dismissed in April, 1778,
on the arrival of the transports for the Convention
prisoners. Not until the end of July does the Council
seem to have again considered these defences. Then
they directed General Heath ** to retain one commis-
sioned officer, one Serjeant, one Corporal & one Gunner
.... to be stationed at .the Castle and at Hull for the
Purpose of hailing vessels, examining Passes, making
Signals, etc." Very likely this small guard was all that
d'Estaing found upon his arrival. The other defences
of Nantasket Road were unquestionably begun by the
French admiral, though he was not the first to realize
* The three-gun battery which was near the edge of Gushing Hill,
facing Boston Light, gradually disappeared as the bluff washed away.
But it was not until the modern fortifications were begun after the
Spanish War that any considerable destruction of the fort and eight-
gun battery took place. And the late Lewis P. Loring of Hull informed
the writer a few years since that •* seventy-five years ago one could drive
in front of the three-gun battery with a horse and wagon." Now all
that can be seen are the tips of the crescent.
Q. '^
Q.
■< o
2 £
h- O
During the Revolution 27
the importance of some of the positions,* and he had
to land the cannon for them because, he says, " we could
not obtain any from the Americans."
A well-known member of this Society, Mr. John W.
Farwell, owns a chart of Boston Harbor, which he picked
up in Paris and which may have belonged to a member
of d'Estaing's force. It is a French reproduction of
the familiar Des Barres chart, somewhat smaller than
the original, and written with a pencil upon it, in French,
is the note, " Defense of Boston by the French fleet
under d'Estaing 1778 August or [.?] April." The chart
shows, in pencil, a fort on Telegraph Hill and one on
George's Island. Stretching in line from Windmill Point,
Hull, to Rainsford Island, are represented four three-
masted square-rigged vessels, and in the same line, north
of Long Island, five more such vessels. Anchored off
Long Wharf, Boston, in two lines heading south, is
shown an American flotilla as follows : the Independence,
Tyrannicide, and Speedwell, in Hne near the wharf, and
the Warren, Raleigh, Deane, Sampson, Hancock, and
Massachusetts, farther away.
The chart thus accounts for the nine battleships
which d'Estaing left in the outer harbor, but it differs
with all records of the episode in placing more than
half of these ships in what was then "King Road."t
* Cf. Committee Report, Jan. 31, 1777, printed at the end of this paper.
t Now called President Roads. The plural Roads is also commonly
used today in respect of the anchorage at Nantasket, but I have kept
to the old singular form in this paper.
28 The French at Boston
D'Estaing reported that the nine serviceable liners were
"left at Nantasket,** and that they were arranged broad-
side in a semi-circle, so that a hail of shot could be dis-
charged at a central point. He explained that he chose
Nantasket in preference to — as he wrote it — "King's
Road " for the reason that, although the latter was
larger and safer, an enemy occupying Nantasket Road
could blockade it. He recalled that the English had
moored at Nantasket without risk after Boston had passed
out of their possession, and it seemed to him " indispens-
able " that they should not be permitted to do so again.
It is to be observed, however, that Mr. Farwell's chart
shows two courses into the harbor, — one from the sea
south of George's Island, and the other from Broad
Sound into King Road. The disposition of the battle-
ships as marked on the chart may have been made at
some time during the Count's stay at Boston, and in
either situation we can probably agree with d'Estaing
that in the offing his ships presented " a most imposing
order." *
Nantasket Road has seen many fleets since the com-
ing of the white man. It was the starting point of many
of the expeditions against Canada, such as Sir William
Phips's ill-fated undertaking in 1690, the expedition of
• September 2, Ezekiel Price wrote in his Diary : " This day went
with the Selectmen and a number of other gentlemen to Hospital [now
Rainsford] Island, had a view of the French fleet then in the harbour,
as well as those stationed in Nantasket Harbour ; they made a very
formidable appearance, and were so disposed as to protect us from any
approach of the British Navy."
During the Revolution ^
171 1, and the Louisburg expedition of 1745 ; and a part
of Lord Amherst's huge force seems to have stopped
there in September, 1758. With the War of Indepen-
dence, however, began a great era in the history of
sailing men-of-war. From 1759 to 1770 under Choiseul
there was a tremendous revival of the French navy.
Frenchmen were the master builders of the ships of the
period, and we like to imagine the picture which an
artist might make of the scene which d'Estaing has
described.*
The Council helped on the new fortifications by fur-
nishing tools, materials and other necessaries, and in
response to d*Estaing*s request for someone to oversee
and direct the work, sent him on August 31st a fellow-
countryman, then in the service of Massachusetts, " Lewis
de Maresquelle, Colonel of Artillery and Inspector Gen-
eral of the Founderies of the State."
This officer was one of the many foreigners who
sought employment with the colonists during the strug-
gle with the mother country. His full name was Marie
Louis Amand Ansart de Maresquelle, but he ordinarily
* "The hull of the Constitution was modeled after the best French
practice." (Hollis, The Frigate Constitution, p. 38.)
30 The French at Boston
signed himself in this country Lewis de Maresquelle,
using the English spelling of Louis.* He arrived in
I Tj6y being then thirty-four years old, and on December
6th of that year proposed to the General Court of Mas-
sachusetts to establish furnaces and provide the State
with all the iron cannon that it might need.
In the " Proposal " Maresquelle described himself as
" an old Captain of Infantry *' who had " been brought
up in the Forges of France (his Father & the Marquis
of Montalembert, his relation, having furnished, for
many years, all the Iron Cannon in the Service of the
French King)." He then went on to say that at one
time all cannon were cast with a cylinder, but that
this process always left little holes or cavities, frequently
the cause of bursting, and that in 1750 his father "cast
many solid Cannon, and found them superior to those
cast with a Cylinder," with the result that at the time
of the proposal none but solid cannon were cast in
French forges. He said his father had invented a
machine to do the boring, and that with it a twenty-four
pounder could " be bored, polished & the spruce cut off
in twenty-four hours." And he agreed that if the State
would supply the place, machinery, and materials, he
would construct the furnaces, and when the mills were
* Due apparently to the fact that Maresquelle was employed by the
State of Massachusetts ; his name does not appear in the recent pub-
lication of the French Government entitled Les Combattants Frartfais
de la Guerre Amiricaine (Paris, 1903). Nor have we found him men-
tioned in Stone's Our French Allies (Providence, 1884), nor in Balch
or the other works on the French in America during the war.
During the Revolution y\
ready for boring would " furnish one Cannon ready for
Service every twenty-four Hours out of the common
Iron Ore within this State." He also agreed to dis-
close to such persons as the State might select all his
knowledge upon the subject, which included a " peculiar
method of softening the Iron by a mixture of Ores &
Minerals," and he stipulated that if he did not fulfill his
promises he would not only waive all claims against the
State but would forfeit the sum of a thousand pounds.
In return, Maresquelle asked from the State three
hundred dollars in cash to reimburse him for the ex-
penses of his trip to America and one thousand dollars
a year until the end of the war, " and after that time
the Sum of Six hundred Sixty-Six and two-thirds Dol-
lars yearly during his life." He also stated that he
"expected" the ^^ honor of a Colonel's Commission to
give him Rank,'* but without pay or command as such.*
The Court accepted the proposition, and besides
granting Maresquelle a colonel's commission made him
Inspector of Foundries. Indeed, it is probable that
they were only too glad to avail themselves of the op-
portunity. For Drake says that "in the beginning of
the Revolution cannon was the most essential thing
wanted," and he quotes a letter dated at Boston, Sept.
I, 1776, telling that the demand for guns to fit out
privateers was so great that they were taking up the
♦ The text of this interesting contract may be found in the Court
Records, XXXVI, p. 298.
33 The French at Boston
"old things" that had been stuck in the ground at
street corners and restoring them to service.*
That the Frenchman made good his part of the con-
tract is evident from the fact that the State paid him
the salaries agreed to, to the fraction of a cent, until his
death in 1804.! During the war, to be sure, the pay-
ments were not always made promptly, but thereafter
with ever-increasing regularity and exactness. His pay
was figured at the rate of ;£300 a year — which was
agreed to be the equivalent of the $\yOQO voted him —
until the 5th of May, 1783, when "the peace establish-
ment," so called, went into effect. Then his salary was
fixed at ;£200 a year, and paid sometimes quarterly and
sometimes semi-annually until April 5, 1795, from which
date he received regular quarterly payments of i> 166.66.07,
with the milles left off at intervals.
Further the State showed no disposition to drive a
hard bargain. In June, 1779, when Maresquelle in-
formed the Court that, owing to the high price of pro-
visions and the depreciation of the currency, his agreed
* Historic Mansions and Highways Around Boston (Boston, 1900),
PP- 33. 34.
t The last warrant authorized by the Council in this matter was on
Aug. 28, 1804, "for Eighty seven Dollars three cents and two milles in
favor of the legal representative of Lewis Ansart Esqr., late Inspector
of the Founderies, now deceased, in full of the balance of his salary
due at the time of his death."
In April, 1780, a committee of the General Court reported that
Maresquelle had fulfilled his contract "in part and he has ever dis-
covered a Readiness to perform the Whole had the State Enabled him
to do it." *
During the Revolution 3J
salary was not adequate for his support, they voted him
an additional allowance of ^£3 a day. Ten months later,
as the value of the currency further declined, they gave
him j£9 more in order to make his pay commensurate
with **the original contract." Both orders were re-
dated back several months, and the additions were paid
him until October of 1780, when it seems to have been
thought that the "new emission" would restore the
balance between the currency and his pay. The next
month the Court made up all discrepancies by a lump
sum payment ; but the people did not take kindly to the
new bills, and although hard money became more plenti-
ful Maresquelle appears to have experienced continued
financial embarrassment, and in January, 178 1, he asked
for a nine months* leave of absence " to visit his friends
& family in France " (from whom he had not heard for
some time), and to secure the necessaries suitable to his
rank which his pay had not enabled him to purchase in
this country. At the same time he offered to under-
take any commission which the State might have for
him in France. The request was promptly granted,
with the sole condition that he first settle his accounts.
This he did after some bother in ascertaining the proper
board to account to, and he was given his pay to the
date of the accounting and upon his return for the
period of his absence ; further evidence, if any be needed,
of the good faith of the State and the high regard of
the authorities for the man.
34 The French at Boston
Notwithstanding that Maresquelle had stated he ex-
pected no command, he could not resist the longing for
active service, and when the Rhode Island campaign was
organizing he sought an opportunity to go to the front.
July 31st, 1778, the Board of War sent him to Sullivan
with a letter in which they described the Frenchman as
one "Glowing with Ardor to signalize himself in the
intended Expedition,'* who "comes to offer himself with
Chearfulness to any service for which you may think
him qualified." And they stated that ** from the long
personal knowledge and acquaintance we have had with
him we can recommend him as a brave and worthy man,
and flatter ourselves he will so acquit himself as to de-
serve that Approbation from his General for which he
is so eagerly panting" — certainly a splendid tribute.
He served as an aide to Sullivan, and a month later was
dispatched to d'Estaing, as has been noted.
December 9th, 1781, Maresquelle married at Boston
Catharine Wimble, and after the war moved with her to
Dracut, Mass., where there were born to them, so far
as the records show, eight children, — three sons and
five daughters. Probably there were others born before
this. In 1793 he petitioned the Legislature for author-
ity to drop the de Maresquelle from his name, inasmuch
as he was about to take out naturalization papers and
wanted to be naturalized as Lewis Ansart, "his Christian
& Family name." This was granted, and the French-
man lived out his life at Dracut, a prominent and re-
LEWIS ANSART DE MARESQUELLE
(From a Portrait in the Town Library, Dracut, Mass.)
During the Revolution 35
spected member of the community,* and was buried there
in the " Old Woodbine Cemetery," where his grave is
marked with a stone bearing the inscription :
ERECTED
In memory of
COL. LEWIS ANSART
Who departed this life
May 22 AD 1804
>Et 62
Col. Ansart was a native of France : he arrived in this country
in 1776, and by the Authorities of Massachusetts was immediately
appointed a Colonel of Artillery & Inspector General of the Found-
eries, in which capacity he served until the close of the War of
the Revolution.
That the French manned the new defences is certain.
Fiske states that d'Estaing had with him 4,000 troops,
but de Noailles and Lacour-Gayet mention only a thou-
sand, of the regiments of Hainaut and of Foix ; and in
his reply to Sullivan, the French admiral intimated that
his available land force did not amount to more than
800 men.f
* His widow, who was not quite twenty at the time of their marriage,
died Jan. 27, 1849, at the age of 86 yrs. 10 mos. ; one son, Felix, rose to
the rank of lieutenant of artillery in the regular army in the War of 18 12.
Mrs. Sara Swan Griffin has collected considerable data about
Maresquelle in a paper read before the Lowell Historical Society May
II, 1904. See Contributions Lowell Hist. Soc. I, No. i, p. 54 Cf. also
the pamphlet In Memoriam Citizen Soldiers of Dracut^ Mass.^ published
by the Old Middlesex Chap. S. A. R. 1904. She says that Maresquelle
was a large man, standing six feet and weighing 200 pounds, and that
he occupied the "Old Ministree" house (so called) at Dracut, and
entertained there Lafayette, with whom he was well acquainted.
t The American Revolution^ II, p. 88 ; Marins et Soldats Francois
en Amirigue, p. 372; La Marine Militaire sous Louis XVI^ p. 143;
Mass. Archives, Doc. C. C, p. 32.
36 The French at Boston
Referring to d'Estaing's report, we find that the
" detachments of Hainaut and of Foix became the gar-
rison of the peninsular of Hull," under the command of
Bougainville, and that the Count de Broves (of the
Cdsar, chef d'escadre) had charge of Gallup's, and the
Marquis de Chabert (captain of the Vaillant) of Ped-
dock's. The arrangement in respect of George's is not
so clear, but it seems that the mortars there were in
charge of Captain Duchatelet of the "regiment de Foix,'*
and that marines were given to de Rions and placed in
the other batteries on the same island. And d'Estaing
wrote that Lovell's had "only the appearance of defence,
a camp ^tendu without soldiers to occupy it." * Heath
also says that Bougainville had charge at Hull, and he
tells of witnessing there the manoeuvres of a "squadron"
of marines who had been trained by Major M'Donald, "a
Scotchman whose father was in the rebellion in England,
and with his son fled to France."
It is manifest, therefore, that the largest force was
landed at Hull. Indeed, the French so completely over-
ran the little town that the American general wrote
that the inhabitants were "really to be Pittied," adding,
" and such ever will be the case of those whose Lot it
is to have Troops Quartered among them."t The towns-
people registered their protest in a vigorous petition to
* Doniol, III, p. 458, but cf. Lacour-Gayet, p. 171.
t Heath, Letter to Council, Sept. 8, 1778. (Mass. Archives, Doc.
C. C, p. 69.)
During the Revolution. j^
the Council. The petition was presented in behalf of
the town by Captain Daniel Souther, " an old sea com-
mander " then residing at Hull, whom the Council
had previously recommended to d'Estaing because of
his knowledge of "the Ground in Nantasket Road."
Souther's petition was dated Sept. 5th, and represented :
" That the Troops of his most Christian Majesty burn
and destroy the Fences of the Inhabitants of the Town
of Hull. That they take from them their Wood, their
Hay from the Cocks, open their Barns and waste their
Grain. That they take up their Spread Flax and con-
vert it to beds. That they take their Cooking Utensils
from their Houses, take from [them] their Fruit and
their Poultry. That they destroy their Potatoe Yards
and their Cornfields." And he prayed for "such relief
as Justice and Humanity require." * The Council trans-
mitted the petition to d'Estaing, and the Count took
steps to make payment for the harm done. Nevertheless
in November we find the town voting to petition the
General Court " to make good the Dammiges the Town
received by the french troops."
D'Estaing was very anxious to have a redoubt on
Point Allerton, which in fact had been proposed by more
than one committee of the Legislature. He thought
that fifty men would be sufficient to construct and gar-
rison the place, but stated that he had already supplied
* Mass. Archives, Doc. CLXIX, p. 144.
38 The French at Boston
so many posts he was unable to furnish any more men.
This was on September 8th, and four days later the
Council gave instructions for Colonel Burbeck to be de-
tached with the force mentioned and to undertake the
work.
Washington became interested in the defence of Bos-
ton to such an extent that on September 29th he directed
Brigadier-General du Portail to proceed to the town and
" form a plan from a view of the whole local situation
of the place which shall appear to give it the most
effectual security that circumstances will permit/' keep-
ing in mind a co-operation with the French squadron.*
The Chief Engineer of the American Army arrived in
Boston October 6th, and made an examination of and
report on its defenses, which report Heath sent to the
Council, with a letter, on the 21st of the month, but
what has become of it does not appear.
It early was made evident that the fortification of the
headlands at the entrance of the harbor had not been
undertaken with undue haste. August 30th the Select-
men of Plymouth sent word to the Council "that a
fleet of twenty sail of ships, some of them very large,"
had been " discovered in the Bay." This resulted in a
meeting of the Council at five o'clock the next morning.
Steps were taken to convey the news to d'Estaing ; the
militia were ordered to assemble with three days' rations,
* Mass. Archives, Doc. CC. p. 124.
During the Revolution 39
and a spy boat sent out, in command of one Peter Guyer,
to verify the report.
The report was so generally known as to be printed
in the Boston Gazette of August 31st ; and Heath says
that on that day he, together with " the President of the
Council, Gen. Hancock and others, went down the har-
bour to confer with the Count D'Estaing." One is,
therefore, surprised at the Count's charge that "Gen-
eral Heath and the Americans, following their usual
custom, denied the existence of the British force, and
they advised me in writing that there was not a vessel of
the enemy in the bay, when the whole fleet had been
there for four days." * Perhaps the communication to
which he refers had been written before the arrival of
the express from Plymouth. In any event d'Estaing
came up to town September ist, and was about to sit
down to dinner with Heath when signal guns were heard
and the alarm was given by a Mr. John Cutler, who
seems to have been on watch from the steeple of the
Old South Church, that the fleet was ofiF the harbor.f
The Count immediately left for his ships, and the
militia were ordered in ; but whether the French seemed
to be too strongly posted, or the wind was unfavorable,
the enemy did not attempt to enter the harbor, and the
♦ D'Estaing's Report, Doniol III, p. 458.
t Heath, Memoirs^ p. 205. The Gazette of September 7 says that
the appearance of the fleet ''was announced by signals and the dis-
charge of cannon on the heights of Hull, which were answered at the
other posts."
40 The French at Boston
next day had disappeared.* Nor did the British again
menace Boston until the end of October, and just as
d*Estaing was preparing to leave. Then word was re-
ceived that Admiral Byron, who had succeeded Howe,
was planning an attack upon the town. This time,
however, the elements elected to maltreat the English.
A tempest sent their vessels into port, many of them in
no shape for combat, and d'Estaing slipped away to the
West Indies.
In this storm was lost a now famous vessel, the sixty-
four-gun ship Somerset, that "British man-of-war" so
picturesquely described by the poet Longfellow in " Paul
Revere's Ride : "
A phantom ship, with each mast and spar
Across the moon like a prison bar.
She was wrecked on Cape Cod November 3, 1778, and
all of her crew that survived were captured by the local
militia.f
* As described in the newspapers of the time : *• The militia turned
out with their usual ardor. The regiment of this town [Boston] im-
mediately paraded, making a very respectable and martial appearance ;
gentlemen of the first character and fortune being under arms." (See
the Gazette and Independent Ledger of September 7.)
In the assignments made by the Council on August 31, Colonel
David Cushing's regiment was ordered to Hull, but the next day the
various commanders were directed not to proceed to their posts at once
but to hold themselves " in readiness to march on the shortest notice."
And the immediate disappearance of the enemy seems to have ren-
dered unnecessary any fulfillment of the assignments.
t The prisoners gave the State no little trouble, and it was not
known exactly what to do with them. The services of some were ac-
During the Revolution 4i
The authorities in Boston extended to the French
every consideration. D'Estaing or some of his officers,
as we are told, sat almost every day at General Han-
cock's table, much to the discomfiture of Madam Hancock.
And there is the story that on one occasion they came
down upon her in such force that, in order to meet the
situation, she was compelled to send out and milk all
the cows on the Common, — an incident which, be it
related to the credit of the owners, is said to have
amused rather than have angered them. The Count
reciprocated by holding a banquet on one of his ships.*
But there were other people in Boston to be reckoned
with, and on the night of September 8th, 1778, a riot
occurred which ended seriously and threatened still more
disastrous consequences.
It seems that the French had set up a bakery for the
fleet in the town, and as a result of a refusal to deliver
bread, the Frenchmen in charge got into a row with some
outsiders and a fight ensued. And two officers of the
squadron, Pl^ville Le Peley and Lieutenant the Cheva-
cepted on the Alliance, which took Lafayette to France in January, 1779.
The frigate was short-handed, the Marquis eager to be on his way, and
the course seemed a partial solution of the difficulty. As might have
been expected, a mutiny was planned before the ship reached her des-
tination, but being seasonably warned, the passengers and officers
united were able to quell the mutineers.
* For an account of this dinner see Magazine of American History,
XIX, pp. 507, 508, and Sears, yb-iw Hancock^ p. 260 (note). Mrs. Adams
tells of dining with d'Estaing on the Languedoc, and is particular to
note the abstemiousness of the French officers. Familiar Letters of
John and Abigail Adams (Boston, 1876), p. 342.
42 The French at Boston
Her de Saint-Sauveur, who attempted to intercede, were
wounded, the latter mortally. Bad enough in itself, the
affair was magnified by the rank of the officers concerned,
for Saint-Sauveur, who was attached to the Tonnant,
was not only an adjutant of the fleet but the first cham-
berlain of the King's brother and brother-in-law of the
Count de Breugnon, one of d'Estaing's two flag officers.*
It was felt that the very existence of the alliance with
the French might be at stake, and the authorities were
greatly troubled. Guards were ordered to patrol the
streets to prevent further disturbance, and the Council
promised a reward of three hundred dollars to anyone
who should give information against the rioters. But
nothing came of it, and it has never been determined
just who was responsible for the affray. The morning
after. Heath notified the Council that the disturbance
was " between a number of French officers and a num-
ber of Sailors or Inhabitants." Later in the same day,
when he must have had more detailed information, he
wrote d'Estaing that the participants were "a number
of Frenchmen belonging to your squadron and a number
of American sailors." And he made a similar report to
General Washington.
The situation was one calling for calm judgment, and
whatever d'Estaing's qualifications as a naval commander
may have been, he exhibited on this occasion a restraint
* De Breugnon had his flag on the Tonnant, the other " chef d'es-
cadre " being de Broves of the Cesar.
During the Revolution 43
and good sense which will ever make Boston and the
whole country his debtors. In his letter to the French
admiral, Heath had stated that " some of the hands be-
longing to the Marlborough privateer are suspected of
being concerned in the riot." The crew of the priva-
teer was said to contain British deserters, and d'Estaing
was quick to make use of the intimation that the riot
was excited by British sympathizers. In his reply to
Heath (written on the loth of September) he declared
that "our common enemies hesitate at nothing," and
Heath was able to write Washington that the Count had
assured him that he was " fully satisfyed the Inhabitants
had no hand in the affray," much to the relief of the
American commander-in-chief, who sagely advised that
"all possible means should now be taken to cultivate
harmony between the people and seamen, who will not
be so easily reconciled as their officers, not having so
much sense to direct them."
The newspapers of the time contain surprisingly little
about the incident, but the following communication in
the Independent Ledger of September 14 shows how
thoroughly the conduct of the French was appre-
ciated : —
The riot which occasioned the issuing a proclamation by
the Council of this State, offering an high reward for the
discovery and apprehension of those concerned therein, was
begun, it's said, by seamen captur'd in British vessels and
some of Burgoyne's army who had inlisted as privateers just
44 The French at Boston
ready to sail. A body of these fellows demanded, we are
told, bread of the French bakers who were employed for the
supplying the Count D'Estaing's fleet ; being refused, they
fell upon the bakers with clubs, and beat them in a most
outrageous manner. Two officers of the Count's being ap-
prized of the tumult, and attempting to compose the affray
were greatly wounded ; one of them is a person of distin-
guished family and rank
We are well informed that his Excellency the Count D'Es-
taing, upon hearing of the violence that had been committed
.... though much grieved considered the matter in the
calmest and most prudent light, and was thoroughly satis-
fied that it was highly disagreeable to the inhabitants and
that every proper method would be taken for finding out and
punishing the offenders. Such prudence and moderation
mark this great man and must disappoint the hopes of our
enemies, who would be glad that every such incident might
prove the means of creating dissentions of a more extensive
and important nature.
A correspondent observes, that there is a striking contrast
between the behavior of the British military of this town,
and that of the French. The former, though coming from
what we formerly regarded as our mother country, and with a
professed design to support law, and protect us, yet in a
wanton and butcherly manner fired upon the inhabitants of
Boston, without any just provocation, before they received
any assault that might afford even a pretence to so bloody a
procedure ; the latter now become by the oppression and
cruelties of Britain our allies and protectors when assaulted
themselves by unknown ruffians, have left their protection and
During the Revolution 45
satisfaction entirely in the hands of the civil magistrate. Nay,
we have it from good authority, that the General, the Count
D'Estaing, has desired that should any inhabitant appear to
have been concerned in this affray, he might not be punished,
and the centuries at the French baking house were prohibited
from using any violence in defending even so necessary an
article as bread for their fleet.
Saint-Sauveur died at Boston on the 15 th of Septem-
ber. The next day the General Court of Massachu-
setts, expressing its detestation of "the Perpetrators and
Abettors of this horrid Deed,*' voted as a mark of
respect to the memory of the deceased to attend his
body to the place of interment and to " provide a monu-
mental Stone to be placed in the burial Ground where
his Remains shall be deposited, with such inscription as
his Excellency the Count D'Estaing shall order." Col.
Thomas Dawes was made a committee to see to the
erection of the stone.
D'Estaing was much affected, but seems to have
thought it wiser to have the funeral less public, and the
unhappy victim of the brawl was buried at night — it is
said in the crypt of King's Chapel, — " dite chapelle du
roy," as the secretary of the fleet has it in his account
of the burial, quoting which, de Noailles* says that the
ceremony exactly conformed with the last wishes of
the deceased.
♦ Marins et Soldats Frattfais de Amirique^ pp. 47, 48.
46 The French at Boston
Eight sailors of the Tonnant bore the coffin on their shoul-
ders. I preceded them with the sexton and grave-digger ;
the recollet, M.M. de Borda, de Puys^gur and Pierv^res fol-
lowed ; the servant of the deceased and perhaps two or three
Frenchmen closed the procession ; we started in this order
at ten o'clock, and arriving at the church called King's
Chapel, found the basement of the church illuminated
with many candles, without ostentation. The vault was
opened and the Reverend Father deposited the remains
without ceremony ; the door of the vault having been closed
and padlocked, we returned to sign a certificate of interment
which I had already drawn up. In fine, what we had been
charged to do could not have been done with more precision
and exactness.*
" Could one read anything more cold and lugubrious ? "
says the French writer. " What a sad end for a young
officer 1"
The funeral having taken place, the leaders of the
allied parties then apparently endeavored so far as pos-
sible to forget the incident and to remove all traces of
ill feeling which it may have left. On September 22nd
d'Estaing and his officers appeared publicly in Boston
in full dress. They were saluted in the harbor and were
met upon their landing by a committee of both houses
♦ The recollet was a Franciscan monk and de Puysegur an ensign
attached to the Languedoc. The " vault " referred to in the account
has been thought to be the " strangers' tomb," so called, underneath
the porch of King's Chapel. But the Church seems to have no record
of the interment, and Foote's Annals of Kings Chapel (Boston, 1882
and 1896), makes no mention of Saint-Sauveur or of his burial.
During the Revolution 47
of the Legislature and conducted to the Council Cham-
ber. After the reception there they breakfasted with
Hancock, and before returning took punch with Heath
at headquarters. Perhaps this was the occasion when
Madam Hancock made her famous attack on the cows
on the Common.
Three days later the French were given a grand public
dinner in Faneuil Hall, which was attended by " up-
wards of 500 guests," and at which no less than twenty-
three toasts were drunk " under the discharge of cannon."
A list of these toasts, taken from Lacour-Gayet, is given
below* : —
1. America.
2. The King of France.
3. Congress.
4. The French Fleet.
5. Genl. Washington and the American Army.
6. The Independence of America.
7. The Alliance between France and America ; may it never be
broken.
8. The French Minister to Congress.
9. Franklin, the American Minister at the Court of France.
10. Liberty and the Friendship of France.
1 1 . Commerce, Art, and Agriculture.
12. M. d'Orvilliers and all his Army.
1 3. The Count d'Estaing and all the Officers of the French Fleet
in Boston Harbor.
14. (By d'Estaing.) The President of the Council and all Amer-
cans here present
* La Marine Militaire sous Louis XVI, ^. 173 note.
48 The French at Boston
15. Monseigneur, the Duke de Chartres.
16. The Queen of France.
17. M. Du ChafEault.
1 8. The Marquis de La Fayette.
19. American Ships and Sailors.
20. All the Women and Young Girls who have lost their Hus-
bands and Sweethearts in the Good Cause.
21. The Duke de Choiseul.
22. M. de Sartine.
23. M. de Maurepas.*
D'Estaing prepared an inscription for the monument
to Saint-Sauveur,t and thus, through the wisdom exer-
cised by both sides, was closed, for the time being at
least, a most unfortunate event. Here is the inscrip-
tion : — . '
This monument has been erected in consequence of a
resolution of the State of Massachusetts Bay the i6th Sept.
1778 in memory of Chevalier de St. Sauveur, First Cham-
berlain of His Royal Highness, Monseigneur Count d'Artois,
brother of His Majesty, the King of France.
This officer, an Adjutant of the French fleet and a Lieu-
tenant of the Tonnant, after having had the glory of risking
* The dinner was authorized by a vote of the General Court passed
on September 22, and the next day the Council directed the Board of
War to supply the dinner committee with such articles as it might ap-
ply for. The Board seems to have furnished little more than the wines
and liquors and the nails for the tables ; and Hancock's biographers
have asserted that although Boston got the credit, the dinner was paid
for by John Hancock. (Cf. A. B. Brown in John Hancock, His Book
(Boston, 1898), p. 229, and Lorenzo Sears, John Hancock The Pictur-
esqtie Patriot (Boston, 1912), p. 260,)
t As contained in the so-called Log Book of the Languedoc, it is
dated Sept. 28, 1778.
During the Revolution 49
his life for the United States, became in the performance of
his duty the victim of a tumult caused by the evil minded.
Dying with the same devotion to America, the ties of duty
and sympathy which bind his compatriots to the City of
Boston have thus been drawn tighter. May all efforts to
separate France and America end thus. Such will be the
prayer in the centuries to come of all Frenchmen and Amer-
icans whose eyes shall fall upon this mausoleum of a young
man taken from his friends who may be consoled at his loss
by seeing such funeral flowers spread upon his tomb.
This inscription proposed in Council by the Count d'Es-
taing, commanding the first squadron sent by the King of
France to his allies, has been engraved on this stone by or-
der of Colonel Thomas Dawes, designated for this purpose
by the Government.
The Admiral caused copies of the inscription to be
distributed in the fleet, that his men might know what
had been done ; but Washington's advice that peace be
restored between the people and the sailors did not
prove to be easily carried out. Rows are said to have
occurred on the 26th and 27th of September, and on
October 5th there was a street fight between the French
and "some American seamen," followed by secret hints
that " a much greater disturbance " would take place on
the next night ; whereupon the Council ordered Heath
to call out the troops, and intrusted to the Sheriff of
Suffolk County the not very enviable duty of attending
the troops to see " that no unlawful measure be taken
in Quelling the Riot."
50 The French at Boston
On the evening of October 12th the American brig
Hazard came into the harbor and dropped anchor im-
mediately alongside the schooner Dolphin, commanded
by M. Bouguier, an officer of the French squadron. Al-
though hailed and requested to move, the Americans
paid no attention except to reply in terms characterized
chiefly by force. The matter was then called to the
attention of the authorities by the French consul, who
feared the outcome, and the Council promptly told Capt.
Williams to move the Hazard at once, and ** to order his
men not to treat the men on board the Dolphin with
any opprobrious language in time to come." *
While clashes with visiting seamen have taken place
even in our day, the incidents we have mentioned reveal
the low regard of the American sailor of 1778 for his
French brother, and doubtless the " frog-eater " epithet
played its part in the proceedings. The energetic meas-
ures of the authorities, however, prevented further seri-
ous outbreaks, and it was not long before the French
left for less vigorous climes.
The Saint-Sauveur incident was rediscovered, as it
were, a few years ago, through an inquiry made by one
of the founders of the French Society of the Sons of
the American Revolution, asking where in Boston the
* Mass. Archives, Doc. CLXIX, p. 217. The Hazard was a Massa-
chusetts brig of 16 or 18 guns, commanded by John Foster Williams.
Built in 1777 she had a short but brilliant career, and was burned in
the Penobscot Aug. 1779 to avoid falling into the hands of the British.
During the Revolution 51
memorial to the Chevalier was located. As a result
Bostonians had a rude awakening. While the story of
the riot was not unfamiliar to local antiquarians, much
did not seem to be known about the final action of the
Court, taken out of respect to the memory of the vic-
tim, and less could be told about the place of his inter-
ment.
Upon an investigation 125 years after the resolve
was passed, it was found that it had never been carried
out. Just why, is a mystery. The writer saw nothing
in the State Archives to indicate that Col. Dawes ever
recalled the matter to the attention of the Court, al-
though he seems to have conferred with d'Estaing
about the inscription. Apparently the trying labors of
the authorities during the remaining years of the war
and at the birth of the new nation, served but too well
to cause them entirely to forget an affair which they had
every reason to hope had been ended for all time. And
it was not long before the Americans of 1778 found
themselves at war with their late allies.
Through the efforts of Capt. A. A. Folsom of Brook-
line, to whom the embarrassing inquiry above-mentioned
was addressed, the matter was brought to the attention
of the Legislature, and a committee was appointed which
made an investigation and a report,* in which may be
found many of the documents relating to Saint-Sauveur
* Senate, No. 336, April, 1905.
52 The French at Boston
and his death, referred to in this paper. And on June
26, 1906, a Resolve* was signed by the Governor, au-
thorizing the committee "to cause to be erected on
behalf of the Commonwealth a monument, with a suit-
able inscription, in the cemetery of King's Chapel in
Boston, subject to the grant of a site therein by the
City of Boston," and at an expense "not exceeding
fifteen hundred dollars."
Now almost seven years have passed, none of the
money has been withdrawn from the Treasury, Capt.
Folsom has died, and the monument pledged by the
State has yet to be raised. It has been shown in the
case of Lewis de Maresquelle that Massachusetts can
keep a contract with the living in spirit and letter.
May we not inquire whether a promise made in memory
of the dead is less sacred 1
D'Estaing left Boston in November, 1778, a part of
his fleet getting away on the 3rd and the balance on the
4th, and no considerable French force again appeared in
the harbor until nearly the end of the Revolution.! In
* Chap. 104 of the Resolves of the year 1906.
t The storm of November 2 gave d'Estaing the opportunity to
escape the British for which he was waiting ; but the departure of the
French fleet was not uneventful. The ill-fated Z^le grounded hard,
and the Protecteur and Languedoc behaved so badly with their new
masts that it was feared they would be wrecked. D'Estaing wrote that
the flagship was never in greater danger. She would not steer, and
"an irresistible current pushed her ashore." Only by immediately
anchoring was the vessel saved. One familiar with the tides at Hull
can easily believe the admiral's story.
During the Revolution 53
the interval, however, the town saw not a few French
notables, and Breck says that the war brought so many
French ships to Boston, " sometimes to refit and some-
times to escape the enemy," that a permanent local
agent to collect supplies became necessary, and that his
father was honored with the position. Indeed, Boston
seems to have been regarded by the French as the best
place for the equipment of their vessels.
In August, 1779, the town was visited by the new
French minister, the Chevalier de La Luzerne, who ad-
dressed the Council and was introduced to the members,
and afterwards tendered the invariable " public dinner."
Not quite a year later (April 28, 1780), Lafayette re-
turned from France on the French frigate Hermione,
Capt. La Touche, bringing news of the coming of
Rochambeau and his army. There was a popular out-
burst over the young Frenchman, and he was received
on his landing by an escort of Continental officers, and
by them accompanied to his lodgings, when he had paid
his respects to the Legislature. But the Marquis was a
man of action, and he left almost immediately for the
American army, not to return until Yorktown had fallen.
After his departure the gentlemen of Boston gave a ball
to the French and American officers in the town.
Balch* mentions the arrival at Boston during the
year 1781 of several vessels bringing funds from France,
* TTie French in America^ I : pp. 140, 141 and 148.
54 The French at Boston
— the frigates Astr6e (Capt. La Pdrouse), January 25th,
and Concorde (Capt. Tanouarn), May 6th, and the two-
decker Sagittaire in June ;* and the Boston Gazette of
September 10 makes note of the entry, four days pre-
viously, of the Engageante frigate ** with a Quantity of
Cash." Her commander was one of the four Kergariou
brothers who served in the French navy during the war.
The Sagittaire escorted a convoy of 633 recruits and
four companies of artillery, and there returned on the
Concorde the Viscount Rochambeau (son of the French
commander-in-chief) and Barras de Saint-Laurent, the
newly commissioned commander of the squadron at
Newport. With them came also the Baron du Bourg,
who wrote a description of Boston ; but the arrival of
these notables seems to have made little stir in the
town.
It must not be supposed that during this period the
British forgot the place ; the fact is quite the opposite.
The ships of His Britannic Majesty frequently cruised
in the bay and along the coast, picking up valuable
prizes, to the great detriment of the town's merchants.
The French were sometimes asked to go out against
them, and in May, 1780, La Touche coasted as far east
as the Penobscot. Later in the same month he sailed
from Boston to the southward and fought a drawn battle
* The latter was de Rions* old command which had been detached
from the main fleet in April, 1780, to re-enforce the squadron at Rhode
Island, and was now commanded by Montluc de La Bourdonnaye.
During the Revolution 55
with a British frigate, during which he was wounded in
the arm.*
September ist, 1781, an English sixty-gun ship, out
of Halifax, held up, at the very entrance of Boston Har-
bor, a French thirty-two, the frigate Magicienne, convoy-
ing a mast-ship from the Piscataqua. The Frenchman
was forced to fight, and, though he saved his convoy,
had to strike after an engagement of less than an hour,
during which he had thirty-two killed and fifty-four
wounded, while the British reported but one killed and
one wounded, — the usual discrepancy when a frigate
battled with a ship-of -t he-line. f All the time there
were several French vessels lying in the harbor, but
they seem to have been unprepared for action, and the
Englishman not only took his prize but got away
with it.
Notwithstanding that the battle took place so far
within the harbor that it created no little excitement.
* In July, 1 78 1, La Touche in the Hermione, and La P^rouse in the
Astree, fought a splendid battle with five smaller English vessels, and
captured two of them. Later in the war the former captain, while in
command of the frigate L'Aigle, was taken, with his vessel, under cir-
cumstances not very creditable to him. But he lived to attain the
rank of vice-admiral in the French navy. After the war La Perouse
was sent out by the French Government on a voyage of discovery.
His two vessels made extensive explorations for three years, when they
suddenly disappeared, and their fate has never been determined.
t Clowes' History of the Royal Navy, IV (1899), p. 74. The cap-
tain of the English vessel was Andrew Snape Douglas, and of the
French vessel, de La Boucheti^re. The ship fired a broadside of 534
pounds to the frigate*s 174, and carried 170 more men.
56 The French at Boston
and was plainly visible to the people who gathered to
watch it from the tops of houses and the heights in the
town, the stories of the affair are both meagre and con-
flicting.* In the local accounts the name of the British
vessel is incorrectly given, which, perhaps, is not sur-
prising. De Noailles says that the ship was the Chat-
ham, and in this he is borne out by the latest English
authority. He also says that the Marquis de Kergariou
pursued the British, attacked the Chatham, and made a
clean sweep of the waters around Boston, for which
service the merchants of the town gave him a ** splendid
dinner," at which a number of healths were drunk " to
the noise of salvos of cannon according to the custom
of the country." Whether Kergariou did all this alone
may be questioned, for his command (the Engageante)
did not arrive in Boston until September 6th. The
Gazette of September 3rd says that the French vessels
which went after the English ship were the Astr^ and
the Sagittaire. Kergariou may have joined and cruised
with them, and we know that on October 4th the mer-
chants of Boston gave an entertainment in Faneuil Hall
* Breck says {Recollections^ pp. 44, 45) that both ships were close
to the lighthouse, that he ran to the top of Beacon Hill to witness
the fight, and that it was not until four in the afternoon, and when
captor and captured were out of sight, that the other French vessels
started in pursuit, — the battle having taken place early in the morning.
But he had forgotten the year when the fight took place and is uncertain
about the vessels. That his Recollections are not always correct is
evidenced by the fact that he confuses Bougainville with Raimondis
as the officer who lost an arm on the C^sar in August, 1778.
During the Revolution 57
to " the Commodore " and officers of the French marine
in the harbor and to M. L*Etombe, the then recently
appointed Consul-General of France for the four eastern-
most States of America. The party, numbering about
one hundred and fifty, met at the Coffee House and
Bunch of Grapes Tavern and went in procession to the
Hall, where they dined at three tables. The Gazette
of the 8th of October has a list of seventeen toasts
which were given after the dinner, " at the interval of
5 minutes and accompanied with a discharge of Cannon."
One might wonder what would be the effect of so many
healths at such short intervals, but the account states
that "notwithstanding the largeness of the Company,
the most perfect Order and Decorum was preserved
thro* the whole."
The toasts were as follows : —
1. Congress and the United States of America.
2. His Most Qiristian Majesty, the King of France,
3. His Most Catholic Majesty, the King of Spain.
4. Their High Mightinesses, the States General.
5. His Excellency, the Governor, and Commonwealth of Mass.
6. His Excellency, Gen'l Washington, and the Army.
7. The American Ambassadors at Foreign Courts.
8. His Excellency, the Chevalier de La Luzerne, Minister of
France.
9. His Excellency, Count de Rochambeau, and the French
Army.
10. His Excellency, Count de Grasse, and the French Navy.
11. His Excellency, Count de Barras.
58 The French at Boston
1 2. May the Brave Remains of the American Navy Rise Superior
to their Numerous Enemies.
1 3. The Honorable Consul General for the Eastern Department.
14. The Commodore and Officers of the King's Ships in this
Harbor.
1 5. May the Union between France and America be as Lasting
as Time.
16. The Immortal Memory of Those Who Have Bravely Fallen
in Defending the Rights of America.
1 7. May America be as Successful in her Commerce as she is
Happy in her Allies.*
The news that Cornwallis was taken had reached Bos-
ton when Lafayette returned in December, 1781. The
reception of the Marquis was a veritable ovation, and
well it might be, for the aid of France, for which he was
so largely responsible, had proven its worth, f And
upon the birth of the Dauphin, a few months later, the
American people had an -opportunity to express their
gratitude to the French king. The event had been
celebrated by the American army on the 31st of May.
Hancock waited until he received "Official Annuncia-
tion" of the birth, and then (June 3, 1782), informed
the General Court, concluding that he would concur in
any measure which the members might think proper
♦ The evening before, Hancock had invited the Consul, the Com-
modore and his oflScers and some " Gentlemen and Ladies of Distinc-
tion " to a supper, before which " the Company within and the Spectators
without " were entertained with fireworks " exhibited on the Green
before His Excellency's House."
t Lafayette sailed from Boston December 23, again on the Al-
liance.
During the Revolution ^J^
"for expressing in some public manner our Common
Joy upon this Auspicious Occasion." The Court sent
back word that while they shared in the Governor's
"lively joy," they would like his views as to how it
could best be expressed " in a public manner." To this
Hancock replied that he felt himself "under peculiar
Difficulties," inasmuch as he and his Council might
"either fall short of or exceed" the Court's expecta-
tions, and he accordingly left it to the Court to select
the mode of celebration "most agreeable to the Occa-
sion." After considering the merits of a public dinner,
the Court finally decided that " a decent Collation " at
the public expense would be more suitable, to be held in
the Senate Chamber, attended by the Governor and
Council, both branches of the Assembly and "such
Gentlemen of Rank" as his Excellency might invite,
and accompanied with "such Firings as are usual in
Similar Occasions."
The celebration took place Wednesday, June 12, 1782,
and the newspaper account says : —
The morning was introduced by ringing the bells of the
several churches, and discharging the cannon from the cas-
tle and ships in the harbour. At noon a collation was
provided in the Senate chamber, when the doors were open,
and the Rulers of the Commonwealth, together with a crowd
of citizens convened to unite their tokens of joy. A number
of toasts were given adapted to the purpose, and the whole
assembly notified their happiness on the bright occasion.
6o The French at Boston
At evening the house of his Excellency and other gentlemen
of character were most elegantly illuminated, and a number
of rockets, wheels, beehives, and other fire works displayed
in the common; while the French, Continental and State
ships (some of which were beautifully hung with lanthorns)
fired in the channel. Indeed every order of men, in its own
way, shouted benediction to the Dauphin, which is a com-
pliment not only upon the patriotism, but the good sense of
the people, who did well to consider what importance (in an
hereditary kingdom) is the Dauphin ; who not only from his
infancy may be educated for the throne ; but (life preserved)
may save immense bloodshed, which so often happens where
the right of a crown is disputed. This alone is a reason
why even republicans, as far as they are friends of man-
kind, may rejoice when an heir to a great empire is born.*
Upon the surrender of de Grasse to Lord Rodney the
command of the French fle^t in the West Indies fell to
Commodore, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who had been
the flag officer of the rear division of the French in the
battle. Vaudreuil rallied his ships at Cape Francis (now
Cape Haitien) and on the 4th of July with thirteen ships
of the line, three frigates, a cutter and two American
brigs, sailed for North America to refit. Arriving at the
mouth of the Chesapeake, he detached a frigate on the
26th of July with a message to Rochambeau, informing
the Count that the fleet was on its way to Boston and,
* Boston Gazette^ June 17, 1782, and a similar account may be found
in the Independent Ledger of the same date.
During the Revolution 6l
receiving the Count's reply, headed north once more,
and reached Boston on the 9th of August, 1782.
Of the fleet which now assembled in the harbor at
least four carried eighty or more guns, the other liners
being seventy-fours.* Some came to anchor at Nan-
tasket, some in King's Road, and two came up near the
town.f One of the latter was the flagship Triom-
phant, and Breck says that she was placed directly
opposite Long Wharf and hove down by means of two
brigs stationed on her starboard side. He says he played
around her in a sail boat when she was in that position,
and that from the shore her exposed copper bottom
looked like **a green island." The other vessel which
moored in the inner harbor seems to have been the
Couronne.
As was the case with d'Estaing, Vaudreuil had not
been long in the harbor when it was feared that his fleet
might be attacked by the British, and the fortifications
at the harbor's entrance once more assumed importance.
This time, however, the State furnished the men to do
the work. Vaudreuil had informed Rochambeau that
* The fleet was made up, according to de Noailles (p. 289, note) as
follows : The Triomphant 80, Couronne 84 (at p. 406 he says 80),
Auguste 80, Due de Bourgogne 80, Neptune 80 (at p. 406 he says 74),
and the Northumberland, Magnifique, Souverain, Brave, Pluton, Hercule,
Bourgogne, and Citoyen 74; the frigates Nereide and Amazone 36, the
Iris 32, a 14 gun cutter and two 16 gun brigs.
t Deacon Tudor* s Diary (Boston, 1896) p. 94. He mentions how-
ever only ten " large " ships. But the newspapers give a list of thirteen
ships of the line, corresponding with the French accounts.
62 The French at Boston
he was short of artillery and grenadiers and, anticipating
the wants of the French Commodore, Washington wrote
Hancock to be prepared to furnish him with such militia
as he might call for. When on September 7th Vaud-
reuil urged the Governor to assist him in defending
"the passages to Boston" Hancock at once complied.
In his request Vaudreuil stated that he had established
batteries on Nantasket peninsular and on the bordering
islands, but that his engineers and artillery officers
thought it necessary to throw up other works to pro-
tect his flanks, and he asked for intrenching tools and
materials, and for 250 men.*
These men were stationed at Hull, and as no provision
was made for their keep they were supplied out of the
French commissary. October 21st Vaudreuil wrote
Sam Adams, acknowledging the help the Common-
wealth had rendered him and advising the Senate that
as it did not seem likely any movement would be made
by the enemy, he had concluded to suspend work on the
forts. Whereupon the militia were withdrawn and
arrangements made to reimburse the French. Probably
little more was done at this time than to repair and
strengthen the existing defences, j-
* Mass. Archives, Doc. CCIV, p. 261. The State accounts mention
230 militia, but Vaudreuil always referred to the force as " workmen."
t Cf. de Noailles, p. 324. " Put in repair through the orders of the
Marquis de Vaudreuil," said a French officer, speaking of the works on
the islands. (Letter to L'Etombe, the French Consul, Dec. 28, 1782 ;
Mass. Archives, CLXXII, p. 266.) "Put in repair and augmented by
During the Revolution 63
The vessels of Vaudreuil's fleet were new to Boston*
and in the list of principal officers there is but one name
which recalls the four years previous, that of d 'Albert
de Rions, who with new laurels now returned in com-
mand of the seventy-four Pluton, a ship which he had
nobly handled under the unfortunate Count de Grasse.*
But all of Vaudreuil's ships-of-the-line had participated
in the Battle of the Saints, for the most part under the
captains who brought them to Boston. De Grasse
particularly recommended the Marquis for his work in
the battle, and Charitte, of the Bourgogne, and Mac-
Carthy Martaigue,t of the Magnifique, won praise for
their actions. The Couronne was gallantly fought by
her commander, the Count Mithon de Genouilly ; and
the new captain of the Auguste,J the Count Vaudreuil,
Marquis Vaudreuil," wrote L'Etombe to the Court in March, 1783, re-
ferring to the works on Gallup's Island and Nantasket peninsular.
(Mass. Archives, CCXXXIX, p. 136,) These letters called attention to
the thefts from the fortifications which took place after the departure
of the fleet. Indeed, the French seemed to have felt a peculiar interest
in the works " erected by the Count d'Estaing."
* Captain Mahan points out that although the Pluton was the ex-
treme rear ship of the French line in the Count's last battle, she never-
theless had reached a position near the commander-in-chief before he
struck. {^Influence of Sea Power ^ p. 502.)
t This man's name is written so many ways in the accounts that it
is hard to say what is the correct spelling, I have adopted the form
used by Lacour-Gayet, the most recent authority.
X The commander of the Auguste in the battle was Bougainville,
whom de Grasse seriously, but unwisely, blamed for the defeat of the
French. The other new commanders with Vaudreuil were Puget-Bras
on the Hercule, and de Medine on the Northumberland. In the battle
the latter had commanded the R^flechi, and the Count Vaudreuil the
Septre. Neither of the vessels last mentioned came to Boston.
64 The French at Boston
brother of the commander-in-chief, had been in the
thick of it on another vessel, when de Grasse went down
to defeat.
Vaudreuil stayed a long time at Boston awaiting the
arrival of Rochambeau's victorious army, and during
his sojourn he was joined at intervals by other vessels
until, at his departure in December, the fleet under his
command, as given by de Noailles, numbered thirteen
liners and nine frigates. Among the new-comers was
Suffren's old sixty-four, the Fantasque, which had been
disarmed at Brest in November, 1779, and turned into
a transport, and was now used as a hospital ship. She
was in such a state of dilapidation as to be unable to
leave with the rest of the fleet, and was left at Provi-
dence, R. I. Whether she ever got as far as Boston is
questionable.*
Almost as soon as Vaudreuil arrived, the authorities
greeted him and his officers at a public dinner, held
Wednesday, August 21, 1782, the Council stipulating
"that Mr. Marston be contracted with to provide for
the Entertainment."! When the French army reached
* The following interesting advertisement appeared in September
(1782) issues of some of the Boston newspapers :
" The Ship of the Line Fantasque belonging to his Most Christian
Majesty at this Time unnecessary for his Service is to be Let with her
Appurtenances, Rigging and Tackling, as she now lies in the River of
Providence. The Consul General of France, residing in Boston, will
receive any reasonable Proposition on that head."
t The dinner was held at Faneuil Hall and attended by " more than
250 persons," and the whole celebration seems to have been a pretty
noisy affair. Coming up the harbor the guests were saluted from the
During the Revolution 65
Boston, four months later, the vote in respect of the
dinner to the staff and field officers, which the Council
unanimously agreed " was not only expedient but neces-
sary," was even more explicit, viz. : that it be held " at
Colonel Marston's at the Bunch of Grapes in State
Street." *
The merchants presented Vaudreuil with an address
to which he graciously replied. There were dinners on
the Triomphant, and Due de Bourgogne and Vaudreuil
won the praise of the community by sending ashore
three engines and two hundred men when a fire occurred
at a *' Brew-House " in the north part of the town. Only
one incident occurred to mar the joy of the celebrations,
and that took place at an early date and was happily
mended. On entering or moving about in the harbor the
seventy-four Magnifique, in charge of a Boston pilot, was
run upon the western end of LovelFs Island, at a place
since sometimes called Man of War Bar, where she re-
mained fast and became a total loss, though her crew
and stores were saved. f
At the time there was building at Portsmouth, N. H.,
the seventy-four gun ship America, authorized in No-
Castle and from Fort Hill. Received by Governor and Council in
the Senate Chamber they "proceeded to the Hall through a croud of
spectators " where they were again saluted. And after the dinner there
were the usual toasts with more " discharge of cannon." Independent
Chronicle^ Aug. 26th, 1782.
•Wednesday, December nth, 1782.
t Tudor enters the event in his Diary under date of August 14.
The same vessel had very nearly sunk off Savannah in 1779, being
saved only by the most prodigious efforts.
66 The Fremh at Boston
vember, 1776, the first seventy-four constructed for the
United States Navy, and on September 3d, 1782, Con-
gress presented her to Louis XVI to replace the Mag-
nifique. The principal sufferer in the transaction was
John Paul Jones, to whom Congress had voted the com-
mand of the vessel June 26, 1781, and who had superin-
tended her construction off and on from that time. Just
before the gift to the French King, Jones had celebrated
on the ship the birth of the Dauphin and the Declara-
tion of Independence, supplying the guns and powder
for the former occasion at his own expense. He was
somewhat put out that nothing was said of him when
the presentation was made,* and on November 29th he
requested leave of Congress to join the French squad-
ron. The request was readily granted, and Jones was
commended for his zeal and recommended to the Mar-
quis de Vaudreuil. He came to Boston, was received by
Vaudreuil with distinction, and left on the Triomphant.
The America was launched November 5, 1782, and
turned over by Jones to McCarthy Martaigue, who had
commanded the lost liner. A few of the French ships
— including the Pluton and the Auguste — appear to
have been at Portsmouth on the occasion, and to have
remained there for some little time ; but it was several
months before the new vessel was ready for sea and
she did not leave with the fleet. The reader will
*See his letter to Robert Morris [October lo, 1783], m/ohn Paul
Jones Commemoration (Washington, 1907) at pp. 162, 163.
During the Revolution ^7
doubtless be surprised to learn from Lacour-Gayet that
although built with great care, the first American
seventy-four at the end of but four years* service was
in such condition " because of the poor quality of her
wood " that the French Minister of Marine decided to
demolish the ship and to replace her with another seventy-
four of the same name.* Some say, however, that she
was captured by the British off Toulon, June i, 1794.!
The pilot of the Magnifique afterwards became the
sexton of the New North Church, and the story is a
familiar one that he more than once found this couplet
chalked on the meeting-house door :
Don*t you run this ship ashore
As you did the seventy-four.
The French troops reached Boston early in December,
1782, and the town witnessed a real military pageant,
sufficiently described by Drake in his " Old Landmarks
and Historic Personages of Boston." The troops in-
*Za Marine Militaire sous Louis XVI, p. 417, note; Cf. Breck,
Recollections^ p. 46. " She was built of common oak, had been long on
the stocks, and I think I heard it said that she never went to sea after
her arrival at Brest."
t See Walter H. Fentress, Centennial History, Portsmouth Navy
Yard (1875), PP- 27-29; Emmons, Statistical History, U. S. Navy, p. 4.
But Preble says this is a mistake, and that the ship captured in Lord
Howe's engagement was a new ship launched a short time previous.
Capt. George Henry Preble in N. E. Hist, and GenH Reg. XXII, 393,
SLt pp. 397, 398. Although an unusually large vessel, Preble says that
on account of her peculiar lines the America, with lower decks closed,
presented the appearance "of a delicate frigate." And he quotes a
description of her as given by John Paul Jones. Ibid., p. 399.
68 The French at Boston
eluded the bulk of the force that Rochambeau had led
to victory in the struggle for the independence of the
English colonies, and they were the flower of the French
army. The commander-in-chief had parted with his
men at Providence, leaving it to Baron de Viom^nil to
accept the plaudits of the enthusiastic Bostonians. Re-
views, receptions, dinners and balls were the order of
the day, and the Baron was given an address of wel-
come. For the French soldiers, however, the fighting
was not over. France had need of them elsewhere, and
they were embarked on the ships as soon as possible.*
Under date of December 24th, Heath wrote in his
Memoirs, " His most Christian Majesty's fleet under the
command of the Marquis de Vaudreuil came to sail in
King and Nantasket Roads, and went out to sea having
the army under the command of General Viom^nil on
board." f And so ended a most interesting chapter in
the History of Boston.
♦ For the disposition of the troops on the various ships see de Noail-
les, pp. 407-409. The troops which were to have gone on the Fan-
tasque were afterwards taken by the America.
t Stone says {Our French Allies, p. 530) that the Auguste and Plu-
ton with the frigates Amazone and Clairvoyant sailed from Ports-
mouth. N. H.
During the Revolution
69
NOTES
The Fleet under the Command of the Marquis
DE VAUDREUIL at THE TiME OF HIS
Departure from Boston.
{De NoailUs^ Marins et Soldats Franqais en AmMque^ p. 406).
ips :
Le Triomphant
80 guns
de Montcabrier
L'Auguste
80
i(
Comte de Vaudreuil
Le Brave
74
((
Comte d'Amblimont
Le Souverain
74
((
Commandeur de Glandev^
La Couronne
80
(t
Comte de Mithon de Gen-
ouilly
Le Pluton
74
t(
d'Albert de Rions
Le Duc-de-Burgogne
80
<(
de Coriolis d'Espinouse
Le Neptune
74
((
Renaud d'Aleins
Le Citoyen
74
tt
Chevalier d'Ethy
La Bourgogne
74
it
Chevalier de Charitte
Le Northumberland
74
(C
Chevalier de Mddine
L'Hercule
74
(C
Chevalier du Puget-Bras
Le Fantasque
de Vaudor^
70 The French at Boston
Frigates :
La N^rdide
40
" Froger de I'feguille
L'Amazone
36
" de Gaston
L' Isle-de-France
Elyot
Le Clairvoyant
d»Ach^
La Reine-de-France
L'All^geance
Le Shirley
Le Warwick
La Prudence
B
Report of the Committee on the Fortifications in
Boston Harbor, 1777.
{Massachusetts Archives — Documents^ Vol. iS7t p. 142),
State of Maffachufetts-Bay
In the Houfe of Reprefentatives, Janry 3i8t 1777.
The Comtee of Fortification, appointed by a Refolve of the
General Court of the 15th Inst, to make report, to this Court, of
the prefent State of the Fortifications & other works of Defence
in & near the Harbour of Bofton, & what they judge further
neceffary to be immediately done in order to put faid Harbour
into a better ftate of Defence — And alfo to Report what number
of Men & Guns they apprehend neceffary to defend the Same ;
& Report a General Plan of Defence in Cafe of an Attac ; RE-
PORT
HuU That at Hull, is a Pentagonal Fort, well conftrudled,
& nearly finifhed; within the Fort is a very good
Well ; a good Ditch on the outfide, friezed on the
Berme, but the Glacis not finifhed; in the Fort is
wanted a Blind, a Magazine, a Guard-Houfe & two
During the Revolution f\
Barracks ; on the outfide is wanted a Bridge, Covered-
Way & Place of Arms; & the Fort has i6 Embra-
fures. There are alfo two Batteries well conftrudled,
open to the Fort, but well defended againft the Chan-
nel ; one of thefe has 5 Embrafures, but wants another
to be added, to rake Stony-Beach ; the other has 8
Quere :
Embrafures. At Hull, is a good Hofpital, diftant on whether
the outfide of the Fort, with a Guard-Houfe, & Bar- Strawberry-
racks sufficient for 6 or 700 Men befides barracking j^^j/^^^^'J^j*
in old Houfes &c. — Befides thefe works, there ought the Great
to be a Redoubt on the Weftern Hill, containing room Brewster?
enough for about 100 Men, & 5 or 6 Field-Pieces in
it — and there alfo ought to be a Battery, on Point-
Alderton, of 3 or 4 heavy Canon, open to point-alder-
ton Hill, upon which there ought to be a Block-Houfe
with Barrack-room enough for 150 Men, and 8 Field-
Pieces in its top, with a good Breaft-Work. And
perhaps there ought to be at Hull another Battery, or
one of thefe enlarged, which may preclude the neceffity
of heavy Cannon in the Fort.
That on Pettick's-Ifland, upon the great Hill, there Pettick's Isl'd
ought to be a Redoubt with 6 or 8 pieces in it &
Barracking enough for 1 50 Men : And this Should
command a Battery, on the Eaft-Head, of 4 or 5
Pieces of heavy Cannon.
That on HofF's Neck, on the Main, there ought to Hoff's-Neck
be a Redoubt with Barrackage enough for 100 Men;
the Breaft-work to have four or 5 Embrafures for 12
Pounders to keep open the Communication between
the Main & Pettick's-Ifland.
That the Channel on the back of George's- Ifland channel on
ought to have Some Hulks funk therein, fo as to pre- ^^ ^^^^ °'
vent any large Ships paffing that way; this will [^^l^
neceflarily oblige such Ships, in paffing in or out, to
come ^ of a Mile nearer to the Batteries at Hull, &
to continue much longer under their Guns ; and this
will alfo bring them near to the propofed Battery on
the Eaft head of Pettick's Ifld.
/?
The French at Boston
Long-island That at Long-Ifland there is a Fort laid out, but
far from being finifhed ; defigned for 30 Guns ; to
have 2 Ravelins, & one Battery, for outworks — Be-
fides thefe, there ought to be a Redoubt on the great
Hill, with Barracks for 150 Men, & 8 or 12 Guns in a
good Breaftwork. There are 3 Barracks erected, &
2 or 3 more will be wanted, with a Guard-Houfe &
Magazine.
Moon-Island That on Moon-Ifland there ought to be a Redoubt
with Barracks for 100 Men, with 5 or 6 Ps of 12
Pounders, to keep open the communication between
this & Long Ifland : To this ought to be added, a
Small Redoubt upon S quantum (on the Main) with 4
or 5 Six Pounders to keep up the communication be-
tween the Main & Moon-Ifland.
Point Shirley
Castle-Island
Governor's
Island
Dorchester-
Point
Dorchester
Heights and
Hill
That a fmall work at Point-Shirley is already
ere6led, at which place are old buildings enough for
100, or 150 men: 5 or 6 Ps of Cannon, with 2 or 3
Field Ps ; will be Sufficient for this Poft.
That at Caftle- Ifland, much is done towards puting
it into a good State of Defence, & much more is fliill
neceflary ; when the Plan is finiflied, there will be
about [42] Embrafures; & 16 are already opened;
there are 4 Barracks finiflied, & 4 more wiU be needed.
That at Governors- Ifland, there is a Block-Houfe
with a Breaftwork; & Barrackage for about 100 Men ;
& I Embrafure in the Breaftwork; and the work is
all finiflied.
That at Dorchefter-Point is a well finiflied Fort, of
the Star-kind, with 13 Embrafures; a Guard-Houfe
within, & Barracks enough near at hand, on the out-
fide. At Dorchefter-Heights are two Smafl Forts, with
II Embrafures in one of 'em, and 9 in the other;
Thefe want one or two Ravelins. And at a Hill be-
tween [the] Heights & Point, there ought to be a
Redoubt &c. There are Barracks enough for all.
During the Revolution
73
A Small Battery is already at Fox-Hill ; and another Battery
ought to be between that & the Fort at the Point.
That at Noddles-Ifland, is a Quadrangular Fort, Noddles-
well finifhed, & Barracks enough for about 400 Men
on the outfide: This fort has 19 Embrafures. This
wants one or two Ravelins to make it more defen-
fable.
That at Bofton is a Quadrangular Fort, well fin- Boston
iflied ; but the Comtee are of opinion, that if the
Stockading was taken up, & the Berme Friezed, it
would be much better. In this Fort are 19 embra-
fures.
And that at Charlellown point is an irregular Fort, Charleatown
with 9 Embrafures. At Bunkers Hill is an irregular
work with 7 Embrafures. And Barrackage enough
for about 300 Men.
Names of Places
Hull
Petticks Ifld
Hoff' s Neck
Georges Ifld
Long Ifld
Moon Ifl'd
Squantum
Deer Ifld
Cattle Ifld
Gov" Ifld
Dorchr Point
Dorr Heights &HU1.
Dorchefter Batt
Noddles Ifld
Bofton
Charleftown ,
23
;T(2
30
28
6
6
20
10
43
16
"2
28
56
24
13 (3
o<
11
1500
150
100
750
150
100
1000
100
'50
300
100
500
500
200
5600
«5
So
08
IS
750
75
10
300
10
10
400
10
10
30
10
so
50
30
I74S
74 The French at Boston
To this muft alfo be added, what is abfolutely neceflary, a Suf-
ficient number of Boats, efpecially at Hull, for carrying the Troops
&c, on or off, as occafion may require.
The Comtee further report, as their opinion. That there ought
to be fome experienced Perfon appointed to the Special command
of thefe Fortifications, whofe duty Should be pointed out as plain
as poffible, & fhould be particularly directed to vifit frequently all
thefe works & report to the Board of War (or Such others as he
may be directed to report to) all Such matters under his infpec-
tion, as he may Judge will promote the Service : This Officer
ought to be fuch as the Militia, when called in, will chearfuUy
Serve under; and being Suppofed to have made himfelf well
acquainted with all the Works, & obtained a competent knowledge
of the weaknefles thereof, as well as the beft mode of defence for
every part, he ought not to be fuperceded without a manifeft
reafon, efpecially in time of adlion ; to which Should be added an
arrangement of Command. Suppofing an Attac from the Sea,
Hull muft be particularly attended to, with the works near it ;
further up the Harbor, few men would be fuddenly wanted ; for
as Hull lies raoft expofed, there and near it, muft always be a
good Garrifon to prevent a Surprize ; but upon an alarm, all the
other Forts further up the harbor, will be filled with Men before
an enemy can force his Paffage ; and no Officer of the Enemy,
who knows his duty, will ever venture to force his paffage into this
Harbor, until he has made himfelf Mafter of Nantalkett (sup-
pofing it (the harbor) to be fortified as aforefaid) for there would
not be any chance for his Safety. An Attac on the Land-side,
could not take place without a general Alarm, which would foon
fill the Forts &c with as many Men as there would be occafion
for: In this cafe, Dorchefter-H eights, Charleftown & Bofton,
would demand the Commanders more particular attention. As
the mode & place of Attac will admit of a great variety of Plans,
During the Revolution 75
fo the defence muft alfo vary : & this Shews the difficulty of Re-
porting any thing further than a General Plan. In doing this,
the Com*«« found themfelves under a kind of neceffity to take
notice of the Command^ which they would not have done (not
being explicitly in their Commiffion) had not difficulties upon that
head) been very apparent ; & it being almoft impoffible to contem-
plate a General plan of Defence, without confidering, at the fame
time, the mode of Command: This the Com*®* plead in excufe.
The Com*®* having had long Service, & fome of it very fatigu-
ing, alk leave to refign ; & they humbly propofe that a Com*®® be
appointed to fettle their accounts, pay off the outflanding debts
(when afcertained by the prefent Com*®®) & direct what is further
to be done refpecting the fortifications of the Harbor of Bofton.
J. Palmer, P' ord'.
In Council Feb^ 4, 1777
Read & Sent down
Jno. Avery, Dpy Secy '
A LIST
OF
INHABITANTS IN BOSTON,
695
FOREWORD
The following list of Inhabitants of Boston in 1695
forms a contribution to the history of the municipality
which is even more interesting than the list entitled
** Assessors' * Taking Books ' of the Town of Boston,
1780," which was printed in the preceding volume of
the Bostonian Society's Publications.
The Provincial list of 1695 antedates the Revolution-
ary list by almost one hundred years, and carries us into
the century in which Boston was founded ; yet we find
in it many names which have come down to us of the
present day. Among such names are Winthrop, Aspin-
wall. Henchman, Sheaf e, Cunningham and Appleton.
Among the obsolete names are Newgate, Shrimpton,
Bellingham, Franklin, Copp and Faneuil.
Among names of note, we find Cyprian * Southwork '
[Southack], navigator and cartographer, Samuel Sewall,
the jurist and diarist, Josiah Franklin, the tallow chand-
ler and father of a famous son, Peter Sergeant, the
wealthy merchant and builder of what was later the
Province House, and Waitstill Winthrop, grandson of
the founder of Boston and jurist and soldier.
8o Foreword
The list is printed from one in the handwriting of
Isaac Child, who probably copied it from the original
in the office of the City Clerk of Boston. Isaac Child,
born 1792, died 1885, was a well-known genealogist of
his time, and treasurer of the New England Historic
Genealogical Society from 1857 to i860. He was also
engaged in business pursuits, and served at one time
as Town Clerk of Argyle, Maine.
The list was printed in the Boston Record Com-
missioners' Reports (vol i : 1876), but the Committee
on Publications of the Society feel justified in reprinting
it in this volume, as the publication in which it first
appeared in 1876 is out of print and therefore difficult
to procure.
The book, in which Isaac Child's list is written,
recently passed into the possession of the New York
State Library, and we are indebted to the officials of
that department for permission to print the list in this
publication.
A LIST
OF
INHABITANTS IN BOSTON, 1695
John Atwood
Thomas Adkins
Mathew Armstrong
Samuel Avis
David Adams
Jonathan Adams
Joseph Adams
Humphrey Atherton
Joseph Arnold
Jose Appleton
John Alden
Nathaniel Alden
Joseph Allen
Abraham Adams
William Arnold
Joseph Amy
John Alcock
William Alden
John Alden, Jun*"
Allen Aughletree
Bozoun Allen
William Ardell
Jeremiah Allen
Isaack Addington
Wid Aviry
Joseph Alerton
Benjamin Alford
William Adams gloav
Jeremiah Allen
Raphaell Abandana
John Allen printer
David Avignion cook
7 John Arnold
Wid Allen
John Adams Senr
Edward Ashly
Theodor Atkinson
Robert Archer
John Adams malster
Joseph Alexander
8 John Alger
John Allen
James Andrews
Elisha Adlin
Henry Allen
Silence Allen
Barachial Arnold
Richard Ackerman
9 Roger Adams
10 Roger Adams
Samuell Asbenwall
I Robert Brinsdon
Samuell Bumell
Thomas Baker
Edward Bud
Daniell Ballard
Josiah Baker
Phillip Bas
William Burroughs
Thomas Berry
82 A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ idg^
Phillip Bowden
Natha Blake
John Bowden
John Borden
2 John Bernard
Samuell Burrell
Thomas Bernard
"William Brown
Robert Benjar
John Butler
Nathaniel Baker
John Barber
Elisha Bennet
John Bolt
Georg Burrell Junr
James Berry
John Bucanan
Benjamin Bream
John Bayly
Oliver Berry
John Barren
Newcome Blake
Georg Beard
Daniell Bisco
Ambrose Berry
John Beales
3 Francis Burroughs
Wid Rebecka Blackman
Gilbert Bant
Edward Beers
John Ballantine
John Baker
Thomas Burrington
Robert Blabber
Josiah Bayles
John Belcher
William Bamsdell
Henry Bennet
Stephen Billion
James Bankes
Peter Basset
Richard Brooks
Edward Beers
4 Samuell Barret
Wid Briggs
Wid Bridges
Joseph Billings
Richard Bernard
John Benmore
Moses Bradford
Jarvis Ballard
James Barton
William Billings
Nicolas Bow
Peter Bowden
John Bashoon
Hugh Barton
James Babbage
Daniell Bristow
5 James Barnes
Wid. Bellingham
Button
Abraham Blish
Peter Barber
Edmund Brown
William Bryant
William Barbut
Thomas Beete
Nicolas Buttolph
John Bishop
Edward Bartles
Georg Badcock
Edward Brown
John Brown
Edward Brattle
Bond
John Booker
James Boury
6 Isaak Biscon
Wid. Mary Button
Henry Brightman
Andrew Belcher
Richard Brown
Gabriell Bemoon
John Briggs
William Briggs
Richard Buckly
Peter Butler
Joseph Belknap
David Basset
Alexander Bulman
Francis Brock
Thomas Brown
Edward Boilston
Thomas Baker
7 Robert Butcher
Nathaniell Bayfield
Nathanll Balston
Abraham Brown
Thomas Bossenger
Samuel Bridge
Stephen Butler
John Barry
Samuell Bill
Thomas Brattle
Benjamin Bagworth
A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ l6g§ 83
John Balston
Jakheel Brenton
Jonathan Balston Senr
Jonathan Balston Jun""
John Boreland
Joseph Bridgham
Philip Bargier
John Blore
John Beard
William Boatswain
William Butler
Samuell Boon
Stephen Badger
8 Edward Bromfield
Wid. Burges
Thomas Banister
Samuel Bickner
Jonathan Belcher
John Bennet
John Balston carpenter
John Bull
Thomas Baker
Joseph Brisco
John Bourn
Benjamin Blackleach
Richard Buckly
Francis Buckit
William Burrage
Robert Brown
9 Jeremiah Belcher
James Bill
Jonathan Bill
Joseph Bill
William Bordman
John Bull
Thaddeus Barrow
Briant Bredon
Thomas Boilston
Georg Bearstow
Joseph Buckmaster
I William Coleman
Job Chamberlain
Jonas Clark
Ezkell Clesby
William Clough
Robert Comby
Samuell Clark carpenter
William Cop
Edward Cruft
Henry Chamlet
William Chamlet
Samuell Clark mariner
Christophers
Thomas Coates
William Clements
David Cop
WUliam Critchfield
John Cobbet
2 John Clark
William Cole
Nicolas Cocke
John Carlile
John Colmer
Joseph Chamberlain
John Child
David Cop Senr
David Cop Junr
Jeremiah Cushing
Percival Clarke
Mungo Craford
John Candish
Ebenezer Clough
Daniell Collins
Samuell Cop
John Cunnibar*
3 Thomas Childt
Wid. Checkley
Wid. Cranmer
Courser
Elias Callender
Samuel Checkly
Ralph Carter
John Combes
Richard Cheever
John Carslen
John Cotta Senr
John Cotta Junr
Thomas Cushing
Stephen Cross
John Curtis
Ebenezer Chapin
Jonathan Cockcraft
John Conny
4 William Critchfield
• John Cunniball Boston Town Records.
t Probably ancestor of Thomas Child a distiller in Essex Street, and resided in the
house afterward occupied by Col. Wallach. Susanna, dau. of Tho. Child (b. Aug.,
1730; died 1811) mar'd William Sheaf whose son was an Officer in the British Service.
84
A List of Inhabitants in Boston, l6g§
Wid. Callender
Wid Cheever
Jonas Clay
John Coleman
Thomas Cooper
Edward Creek
Anthony Checkley
Duncan Campbell
Mathew Cary
John Cannibal!
Stephen Clay
5 Richard Crisp
Georg Cable
Thomas Clark
"William Cros
William Crow
Samuell Clough
John Campbell
Mathew Collins
Thomas Cook
Thomas Coram
6 Samuell Checkly
Thomas Crees
James Cornish
John Clesby
John Cary
Andrew Cunningham
Richard Christopher
John Cook
Elisha Cook
Thomas Cornish
Timothy Cunningham
7 Caleb Chapin
John Cutler
John Clough
"William Clark
John Cook
David Crowch
Abraham Christopher
Gilbert Cole
Thomas Carter
John Clampit
Edward Chamden
John Cole mariner
8 John Cole schoolmaster
Joseph Crowell Sen
"Wi Sarah Crowell
"Wi Hannah Crowell
Wi Margaret Corwin
Henry Cole
Robert Calt
John Cornish
Joshua Cornish
John Clough glazier
Georg Clark Senr
Georg Clark Junr
Richard Cob Senr
Richard Cob Junr
Timothy Clark
Joseph Crowell Sen
William Clap
Richard Critchfield
9 John Center
William Colmer
lo Abraham Chamberlain
Joshua Child
Samuel Clark
1 Jacob Davis
Samuel Durram
William Davis
William Dennis
Peter Dunbar
Henery Dickerson
Leonard Drown
Lawrence Drisco
2 Joseph Dowding
Wid. Dolberry
Charles Demerit
Samuell Dyar
3 Gyles Dyar
Robert Dove
Henry Dawson
John Dyar
John Dorrell
Joseph Dean
4 Samuel Dower
Wid. Dowell
Ambrose Daws
Doubleda
John Draper
William Deusberry
5 Henry Deering
Wid Dudson
John Dosset
Richard Draper
Edmund Dolbear
Samuel Daniell
6 Benjermin Davis
Jeremiah Dumer
James Downing
Thomas Davis cooper
Thomas Davis shoemaker
Moses Deschamp
John Davenport
Seth Dwight
7 Benjamin Dyar
A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ l6g^
85
John Dyar
Obadiah Dickerson
Adam Dinsdall
Dinsdall
Edward Drinker
Philip Delarock
Joseph Dayes
Obadiah Dew
Nathaniel Dew
Richard Delvy
Simon Daniell
John Dingly
John Doan
8 Edward Durant
W. Sarah Davis
W. Davis
Thomas Down
Sylvanus Davis
Mathew Delevar
Moses Dry or le sic
Eleazer Darby
9 Thomas Dowty gon
10 John Druce
John Devotion
Erasmus Drue
Joseph Davis
Edward Devotion
1 William Everden
Robert Edmonds
Joseph Eldridge
Jonathan Evans
John Eyer carter
David Eustus
John Eyeres Junr
Robert Edmonds
2 William Endicot
David Edwards
James English
Henery Emes
Benjamin Emmes
Eccles butcher
John Earl
John Elliset
Emes carpenter
3 Benjamin Emmons Junr
John Endicott
Jonathan Elasson
4 William Everton
Benjamin Emons Sen'
John Eustus
Martha Ely
5 Georg Elliston
Richard Ely
6 John Eyer Esq
Jonathan Everet
Obidiah Emons
7 John Egbar
Thomas Eyres
8 Robert Earl
Edward Ellis
Samuell Earl
Daniell Ellin
Edward Eglinton
Roger Earl
Robert Ellis Junr
Joseph Elliot
Esset
9 William Eustus Senr
William Eustus Junr
10 John Ellis
1 Jonathan Famum
2 John Foster Esq
David Famum
John Famum Senr
William Frothingham
John Farnum Junr
Stephen French
Philip Fenoe
John Frizell
Gabriell Fishlock
3 Gypson Far
Jacob Fermaside
John Figge
4 James Fowl
Wid. Fitch
James Farris
Francis Foxcroft
John Foy
Henry Franklen
5 Capt Fox
Hopestill Foster
6 Thomas Field
Benjamin Founell
Thomas Fitch
John Fonnell
John Fairweather
Benjamin Fitch
Duncan McFarland
Robert Franks
7 Josiah Franklin
Wid. Fairweather
John Fosdick
Richard Flood
Thomas Fox
William Fisher
8 Joseph Flood
96
A List of InJmbitants in Boston^ ^^95
Wid. Frost
Gyles Fyfield
Theophilus Frary
James Flood
Richard Fyfield
Joseph Fuller
Alexander Fullerton
John Ferry
9 John Floid Senr
Hugh Floid
John Floid Junr
1 James Glass
John Greennough
James Goodwin
Robert Gammon
Samuell Greenwood, Senr
Obidiah Gill
Samuell Greenwood Junr
Joseph Grant
William Gill
James Grant
Abraham Gourding Junr
Thomas Goodall
Joseph Glidden
Bartholomew Green
2 John Goodwin
Joseph Gallop
Benjamin Gallop
Thomas Gold
Thomas Gilbert
Abraham Gourding Senr
John Goff
John Green
James Grey
Samuell Grice
Edward Grice
Edward Goff
John Gallant
Samuell Gardner
3 Joshua Gee
Christopher Goff
Regnall Grinian
Lot Gourding
John Gawd
Robert Glover
Henry Gibbs
4 John Gwin Junr
William Gypson
Thomas Gwin
William Griggs
Thomas Graford
John Garret
John Georg
Wid. Gross
5 William Gibbond
Wid Gardner
Wid Gross
Robert Guttridge
Robert Gibbs
Enoch Greenleaf
Nathaniell Green
James Green
Duncan Gamock
Richard Green
John Green
William Gull
6 Jeremiah Gypson
James Gouge
Edward Gouge
Rebeckah Grifiin
7 John Greenleaf
Martha Grentham
Samuel Grey
Baldwin Gouge
Nathaniell Green
Thomas Grehan
Benjamin Gillam
David Gwin
Thomas Gent
Ichabod Gale
Anthony Gretian
8 Isaak Goose
John Glover
Richard Gridley
William Gibbonds
Thomas Gold
Bartholomew Green
Samuell Goskell
Anthony Grenhill
Gyles Goddard
10 Thomas Gardner
Wid. Gates
Wid. Gardner
Joseph Gardner
Joshua Gardner
I Francis Hudson
William Hobby
Nathaniell Henchman
Richard Honowell
William Hough
Thomas Hunt
Richard Holt
Nathaniell Hall
John Hiskott
Stephen Honowell
John Hodgden
A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ 1^95
87
Joshua Hewes Junr
Samuell Hermon
Sarauell Holmer
2 Elisha Hutchinson
Wid. Henly
Robert Howard
John Hobby
Dr William Hughs
Joseph Hillar
Erasmus Harrison
Joshua Hewes Junr (i)
Nathaniel] Halsey
James Howard
3 David Harris
Wid. Hawkins
Elias Heath
Thomas Hitchborn
Elizur Holioak
Samuell Holland
Thomas Hatherly Senr
Thomas Hatherly Junr
4 Thomas Hunt
Wid. Harris
Thomas Harwodd
Thomas Harris
George Hallet
Arthur Hall
James Hawkins
John Hunlock
John Horton
William Hannah
William Harris
Hercules Hewet
Gustavus Hambleton
5 Georg Horbuckle
Wid. Horridge
Francis Holmes
William Hall
John Hill
Eliakim Hutchinson
Joshua Howes
Samuell Hood
6 Lawrence Hammond
Wid. Hacket
Ambrose Honowell
William Hill
John Henderson
William Haberfield
Benjamin Harris
Jacob Hal well
Nathaniell Halsey
7 Ebenezer Hayden
Wid. Huns
Richard Harris
Joseph Hill
Ephraim Hall
William Hayden
Edward Hill
Abraham Harrison Clerk
James Hill
Thomas Hill Junr
Benjamin Holoway
William Holowell
Thomas Hay
Isaak Hallum
Torrence Henly
Richard Hubbard
William Hollo way
Nicholas Hopkins
8 James Harris
Nathaniell Holmes
Joseph Holmes
Nathaniell Hatch
Greenhill Honowell
Joseph Holmes Junr
Henry Hill mariner
John Hubbard
Thomas Hall
9 Joseph Hasey
William Hasey
10 Robert Harris
Daniell Harris
Timothy Harris
Robert Harris Junr
Nathaniell Holland
1 John Javis
John Ireland
Nathaniel Jarvis
Thomas Johnson
2 Thomas Jackson
Wid. Joles
Matthew Jones
Joseph Jackson
Samuell Jackson
Gazheriah Johnson
John Jenkins
Nicholas Ingoldsby
John Jenkins mariner
3 Samuell Jewell
Wid. Jacobs
John Jepson
William Jepson
Thomas Jepson
4 Samuell Jackline
Wid Jose
Aaron Jeffords
88
A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ l6g^
Lt. Jarvis
Benjamin Jackson
Isaak Jones fisherman
5 Henry Ingram
David Jeffrys
David Johnson
David Jenners
6 Job Ingram
Wid Jones
Samuell Johnson
James Jarvis
Samuel the Jew
7 John Joyliff Esq
Roger Jud
Nathaniell Johnson
8 John Johnson
Isaak Jones
9 William Ireland
lo
1 Thomas Kellond
Timothy Kemble carp
2 Richard Knight
Wid Kind
Deborah Kean
John Keetch
Timothy Kemble
3 Andrew Knot
John Kneeland
Solomon Kneeland
5 Roger Kilcup
Christopher Kilby
John Kilby Senr
William Keen
John Kilby Junr
Keemes
6 Ralph Kilcup
Solomon Kneeland
John Killio
Samuell King
7 Nathaniell Keetle
8 John Kolton
Richard Keates
9
lo
1 Robert Lash
2 John Langdon
John Lawson
Robert Lad
Thomas Lazenby
John Lowden
3 Samuell Lillie
Wid. Lillie
Thomas Littlepage
Peter Lawrence
Lancelot Lake
Peter Leach
Thomas Lamb
Daniell Loving
Capt. Lassells
4 John Love
John Loverin
Phillip Langdon
Isaak Loving
William Lavis
5 Samuell Lynde
Wid Lash
Francis Legaree
William Lacky
James Lebloud
Edward Loyd
Ebenezer Lowell
6 Samuel Leg
John Lewis
Richard Lix
Lampree
7 David Langdon
Joseph Lowell
Ebenezer Luscomb
John Lemond
Joshua Lane
Robert Logden
Richard Lowden
8 Thomas Linkhorn
Samuell Landman
John Levensworth
Joseph Lobden
John Lee
John Leach
1 Francis Marshall
John Marshall
Elias Maverick Senr
Robert Moor
Peter Marshall
2 Richard Middlecott
Wid. Mountford
Lydia Moor
Wid. Moor
Wid. Matthews
Amos Murrell
Edward Mortimer
Edward Martin
Thomas Mitchill
John Mountford
Henry More
Edmund Mountford
Christopher Mont
A List of Inhabitants in Boston, l6g5
89
Andrew Mariner
Paul Miller
Thomas Martin
Miles mariner
John Mills
John Mico
Robert Maugridg
Samuell Marshall
Edward Mills
John Morris
3 James Macollie
Thomas Messenger
Wid. Maning
James Marshall
Wid. Main
Nicholas Mead
Thomas Martin
Nathaniell Miles
Samuell Mattock Senr
William Molton
Samuell Mattock Junr
8 John Mulberry
Joseph Mariner
Wid. Mason
Richard Miles Junr
John Marion Junr
4 Thomas Mercer
Daniell Mory
Stephen Minot
Jacob Molyon
William Manly
John Mason
Georg Mountjoy
Jacob Mason
John Mulligan
Henry Miles
William Mountford
Samson More
Richard Moril
Joseph Marsh
Thaddeus Macarta
Joseph Marshall
5 Henry Mountford
John Marsh at keris
Wid. Matson
9 Paul Maverick
Eleazur Moody
ID Dorman Moreau
Robert Maxwell
I John Nash
Benjamin Mountford
Georg Nowell
Thaddeus Macarta
John Nedham
John Maxwell
Ezekiell Nedham
James Moans
Nathaniell Newhall
James Montier
Joseph Nash
William Man
2 John Nicols
Thomas Melans
David Norton
Medcalp
Thomas Nulline
Merit
Georg Newby
6 David Mason
3 Francis Nocks
EUzabeth Mors
4 Timothy Nash
Joseph Malam
5 Thomas Newson
Florence Markarta
John Nelson
Thomas Marshall
Capt Newhall
James Maxwell
6 Jabesh Negus
George Monk
Robert Nokes
Arthur Mason
Nathaniell Newgate
Simeon Messenger
7 Samuell Norcross
Archiable Macquedick
Sarah Noyes
Hannah Man her husband
8
Francis Mors
9
Alexander Miller
10
7 John Marsh
I
Wid. Man unicorn
2 John Oliver
Isaak Marion butcher
3 John Orris
John Marion Senr
4
Samuell Marion
5 Thomas Oakes
Robert Mason
6 Widdow Oxenbridge
90 A List of Inhabitants in Bostotiy l6g^
7 Nathaniell Oliver
Thomas Phillips
Daniell Oliver
John Pasco
Regnall Odall
William Parsons
Richard Ozum
William Pain
8 Nathaniell Oliver repeated
Robert Price
Richard Oakman
Francis Parnoll
Widdow Oxford
Peter Parrot
William Obison
Stephen Palmer
9
William Philps
10
Joyliff Price
I John Prat
5 Richard Proctour
Widdow Perkins
Widdow Powning
Nathaniell Parkman
Samuell Plumer
John Pullen
Daniell Powning
John Parmiter
Thomas Perkins
John Pittam
Thomas Peeke Junr
William Parkman
Elkanah Pembrock
James Pitts
Thomas Palmer
John Pitts
John Pitts
Gerard Pursley
Benjamin Pemberton
Richard Pears
Thomas Plats
Samuell Pool
William Pain
Joseph Parrum
6 Joseph Parson
Elias Paddington
Widdow Phillips
William Pearse
Samuell Phillips
2 Timothy Prout
Joseph Prince
Joseph Prout
Henry Put
Edward Peggy
Nicholas Paig
John Palmer
James Pemberton
John Pears
Richard Peacock
Edward Proctour
John Pastree
John Pirn
7 Jonathan Pollard
Thomas Parker
Anna Pollard
John Plaisted Senr
Jose Phillips
John Plaisted Junr
Hugh Perrin
Robert Pears
John Pool
Ebenezer Parmiter
William Phillips
Prindle
William Pain smith
Edward Porter
John Potwine
Thomas Prankin
Michaell Perry
Samuel Pain mariner
John Parker
3 Ebenezer Price
Samuell Phillips
Widdow Pierson
Mr Pain from noffot
Widdow Prince
Edward Pumvee
Widdow Pemberton
David Pollard
William Palfery
John Pecke
Joseph Peires
8 Thomas Prince
Joshua Peacock
Widdow Pearce
Elias Puddington
Thomas Powell
John Parker
Samuell Pears
Pousland
Seth Perry
4 Richard Priest
Nathaniell Purdees
Humphery Parsons
John Pell
A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ l6g§ 91
Daniell Phippany
William Porter Junr
William Ridgill
Andrew Rankin
Richard Pain mastmaker
WUliam Randall
Henry Perkin
8 James Randall
John Potter
WUliam Ruck
Nathaniell Peather
9
9 Thomas Prat
10
Edward Phillips
I Henry Sharp painter
10 Solomon Phips
John Smith
John Parker
Thomas Hopkins
I Joseph Roberts
Josiah Stone
John Roberts
Robert Seers
Anna Richards
Richard Shoot
Widdow Rainsford
Arthur Smith
James Robes
Nicholas Salisbury
Georg Robinson
John Stover
John Robinson
Joseph Snelling
Joseph Robinson
John Scally
John Rainsford
William Shute
John Russell
John Sowther
David Robinson
James Seward
John Rucke Junr
Samson Shoar
2 Ralph Rainsford
Michaell Shoot
Obadiah Reed
John Snelling
William Roby
Anthony Stoddard
Samuell Russell
John Silly
James Raimer
Samuell Swetman
Joseph Russell
2 William Shepard
William Rous
Edward Sumers
Risee mariner
John Scate
Benjamin Rawlings
Jabesh Salter
3 John Richards
John Simons
James Ranstrop
John Sunderland
Joseph Ryall
William Stratton
Ralph Rainsford
Joseph Switcher
Richard Richardson
Widdow Stephens
Charles Roberts
Benjamin Snellings
George Raison
Christopher Sleg
4 John Rickes
John Shine
John Rogers
Samuell Shaddock
5 John Roberts
James Statson
John Ryall
James Seward
Humphrey Richards
Richard Sherrin
Joseph Rogers
Joseph Skinner
Nathaniell Raynolds
3 James Statson
Samuell Ruck
Robert Starkee
6 Joseph Raimer
Pilgrim Simkins
John Rowl stone
William Snell
Caleb Ray
John Somes
Joseph Russell
Maj Thomas Savage
William Randall
Thomas Standbury
Gamaliell Rogers
John Sellman
7 John Rilee
Alexander Seers
92
A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ l6g^
Seth Smith
Nicholas Sparry
John Simson
Thomas Steel
Thomas Simkins
4 Abraham Smith
Elizabeth Stephens
James Smith
Thomas Savage goldsmith
Ephraim Savage
Cyprian Southwark
Gregory Sugars
Moses Shedboard
John Salisbury
Thomas Storey
Jacob Smith
John Spencer
5 Henry Spry
Richard Sherrin ?
Coll Samuell Shrimpton
Peter Shabbod
Samson Stodeard
Capt. Smithson
Searson
Thomas Savage mariner
Widdow Swet
6 Simeon Stoddard
Widdow Stoddard
Nathaniell Shannon
Francis Smith
Joseph Scot
Briant Smith
Robert Sanders
Peter Sheridan
John Shaddock
Epaphras Shrimpton
7 Samuell Smith
Savel Simson
Stephen Sergeant
John Smith baker
Thomas Smith stiller
Peter Sergeant Esq
Gyles Sylvester
Thomas Shepcot
Rowland Storey
Joseph Stocker
Bartholomew Sutton
William Sutton
John Smith the smith
Windor Sandy
William Slack
8 Samuell Sewall Esq
& Mrs. Hull
Widdow Sanderson
Widdow Small
Alexander Simson
Elizur Star
Joseph Simson
Eneas Salter
Michaell Shaller
Mathias Smith
Robert Sanderson
Samson Sheaf
Eneas Salte gunr
Samuel Salter
Sherlow
Robert Smith gent
Joseph Soper
Nicholas Stoughton
9 John Smith
lo Thomas Stedman
Nathaniel Stedman
Ralph Shepard
1 Timothy Thornton
Richard Tout, Junr
William Towers
2 Daniell Turell
Sarah Turell
Widdow of Capt Turell
Widdow Thomas
Daniell Travis
Georg Thomas
John Trow
Thomas Townsend smith
Christopher Taylor
John Tucker mar
Thomas Townsend
3 Samuell Turell
Joseph Townsend
Richard Tally
Benjamin Tout dead
Thomas Tyler
Samuel Thorn
John Tenny dead
James Treaworthy
Anthony Thorning
at Lyon Rampart
4 John Thwing
Isaiah Tay
Jeremiah Tay
Bartholomew Treenedle
Daniell Thomson
5 Matthew Turner
Edward Thomas
James Thornbury
Thomas Thornton
A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ l6gs 93
John Thwing
Benjamin Thaxter
6 Nicholas Tipseet
James Taylor
Penn Townsend
Francis Thrasher
Bernard Trot
John Tuckerman
Samuell Tilly
James Townsend
7 William Turner
William Tilly
John Temple
John Tuckerman Junr
8 Edward Taylor
Widdow Thair
Peter Townsend Senr
Peter Townsend Junr
William Tedman
Georg Turpery
9 Samuell Townsend
Elisha Tuttle
Edward Tuttle
John Tuttle
John Tuttle
10 John Torey
1 David Vaughan
John Viall
Thomas Veering
2 Christopher Vale
3 John Veering
James Vpdick
4 John Vicars
5 John Vscher
Peter Varhee
6 Andrew Veatch
7
8 Joseph Vicars
9
10
1 Joseph Williams
Samuell Woodward
Laurence White
Samuell Workman
John Welch
John Water
Benjamin Williams
Andrew Wilson
Samuell White mariner
Samuell White carpenter
Benjamin Worsley baker
2 Richard Way
Widdow Worsley
Widdow Warren
Widdow Waters
Richard White
Obadiah Wakefield
Amos Wodlin
John Wakefield Senr
John Wakefield Junr
Adam Winthrop
Andrew Willet
Timothy Wotsworth
Edward Worrell
William Wheeler
John Waters
Wiar boatman
Joseph Wadsworth ml
John Walley Senr
Widdow Walker
Samuell Walker
Thomas Windsor
Benjamin Web
Samuell Wentworth
Nathaniell Williams
Jonathan Waldo
James Williams
Francis Whitman
Whitehom
at Wentwouths
4 John Waldo
John Watkins
Andrew Waker
William Wilson
Thomas Walker
Ebenezer Weeks
5 Benjamin Walker
Samuell Ward
Joseph Web
John Watson
Edward Winslow
James Wood
John Wiswall
William Welsted
Dr. Richard Williams
6 Richard Wilkins
Widdow Ware
Sarah Webster
Widdow Waendunch
James Worth
Robert Williams
Thomas Wheeler
John Wilson
John Walker
7 Cornelias Waldo
Martha Wharton
94 A List of Inhabitants in Boston^ ^^95
John Williams
James Webster
David Walsby
John Wally Junr
John Wenchcomb
Edward Wanson
Elizabeth Whetcomb
Michael Willis
John Winslow & mother
Maj John Wally
Daniell Willard
William Welsted Junr
Joseph Web
8 Wait Winthrop Esq
Thomas Walker Sen*"
Thomas Waker Junr
John Wait
Return Wait
William Wallace
Peter Ware
Edward Willis
Joseph Wheeler
John Williams
William Web
William Wheeler
Thomas Wallace
9 Aaron Way
Dean Winthrop
Jose Winthrop
Thomas Williams
John Wait
lo Joseph White
Widdow White
Benjamin White
John Winchester
Josiah Winchester
Thomas Woodward
Georg Woodward
THE NEWDIGATE FINE
BY
W. T. R. MARVIN. LlTT.D.
FOREWORD
This paper was prepared by Dr. Marvin at a time
when he knew that in all probability he would be
unable to read it before the Society. It was completed
only a few weeks before his death.
With no previous experience in such transcription,
with failing sight and strength, Dr. Marvin spent hours
in patient and painstaking study, and finally arrived at
a practically complete and substantially accurate trans-
lation. Being obliged to work from a photographic
copy of the original which is too cumbersome to handle,
and being confined to his home, he was limited in his
resources, and therefore there were certain omissions
and errors in his translation which he was unable to
correct. Through the courtesy of Mr. Frederick L.
Gay, of Brookline, a member of the Society, the paper
was sent to a professional scrivener in London, who
has revised and completed the transcriptions and trans-
lation.
As the article is now printed it is accordingly the
work of Dr. Marvin, checked and corrected by a com-
petent authority. The result is an accurate deciphering
of one of the most interesting legal documents in the
country.
LU O
^"^^'t
THE NEWDIGATE FINE
BY
W. T. R. MARVIN. UTT. D.
|MONG the collections relating to the
history and antiquities of Boston in
the possession of our Society, is a
curious old document, framed, written
on parchment, twenty-seven inches
wide and twenty-one deep, to which
is attached a large seal, four inches in diameter, with
the Royal Arms. In the upper left corner is a portrait
of King James the Second, of England, adorned with
elaborate pen and scroll-work, his title, in large Old
English letters, running across the top, with a very
ornate border of foliage above, animals of wondrous
form, etc., conventionally drawn after the fashion of the
times, and a much simpler border at the sides. Similar
100 The Newdigate Fine
parchment blanks were evidently a part of the usual
stock in trade of the law-stationers and scriveners of
the period ; they served to furnish a suitable heading or
prefatory page for documents deemed of more than
ordinary importance. The location of the shop of the
stationer from whom this was purchased appears in a
line of small script, below a threatening dragon, near
the lower part of the border, and reads, " Sold in Clif-
fords Inne Lane."
The language in which this document is written is
the peculiar Latin used in the Courts of the time ; as
engrossed, it is full of contractions, — conventional
abbreviations, in the custom of the professional scriv-
eners (then a body of much importance), and in the
style of penmanship which they affected, — many of
the letters, especially the capitals, being entirely unlike
those in business use. How the ordinary layman, when
handed such a document by his counsel, could discover
its meaning without an interpreter, is a mystery. It
was doubtless the difficulty of deciphering this manu-
script, when not only the mode of procedure under which
it was drawn, but the language in which it was written,
— the old "law-Latin, flavored with Norman French," —
had passed almost entirely from use at the bar, that led
to the misstatements as to what it really was when it
was presented to the Bostonian Society. Perhaps we
cannot do better than reprint the description as it
appeared in the Society's Catalogue of its possessions.
The Newdigate Fine lOi
Nathaniel Newdigate's " Fine," or grant of land at
Rumney Marsh, June 15 ; recorded Dec. 21, 1687, "for his
Majesty, James II's territory and dominion of New England;'*
given by Governor Andros to replace the deed declared void
after the overthrow of the first charter of the Massachusetts
Bay Colony ; an original deed, beginning, " Jacobus Secun
dus," written in black-letter on a sheet containing the por-
trait of the King, printed in scroll-work, and a border of
animals, with the written words, " Sold at Clifford's Inn
Lane ; " at the bottom, the signature of the King and an
impression of the Great Seal in wax ; probably the only such
original conveyance in America. Given by William W.
Greenough.
The numerous errors in the foregoing (some of which
were pointed out by Judge Mellen Chamberlain in the
first volume of his " History of Chelsea ")* cannot justly
be attributed to Mr. Greenough, but must have origi-
nated in the attempt of some inexperienced person to
preserve the traditions concerning this interesting docu-
ment, when it was given to the Society. It is correctly
called " Nathaniel Newdigate's Fine." The " grant of
land" (so-called, but improperly, according to an old
♦ " This document, the text of which is in Latin, and the script old
style and very ornate, seems to have been incorrectly labelled and
catalogued. The seal attached is neither the private seal of Andros,
... or the seal of New England .... All but the first page is missing ;
it appears to be the judgment or fine of the Court of Common Pleas
at Westminster, England, in a common recovery to bar the entail."
(Vol. I., footnote p. 80).
I02 Tfie Newdigate Fine
authority), was not '* given by Governor Andros to
replace the deed declared void, etc.," but came from
the Court of King's Bench at Westminster, and has
the official signature of the King, probably not an auto-
graph, but placed there by the proper Court officer (the
official chirographer who also signs), and the special
Royal seal set apart to be used for such purposes, which
must have been attached in London.
The story that it was given by Andros to replace
an earlier deed, probably grew out of one of the well-
remembered slurs on the early Indian grants to the
Colonists. When the haughty Royal Governor declared
that those old deeds were worth no more than the
scratch of a bear's paw, the alternative to the propri-
etors was resistance to Andros, or petitioning for new
deeds.
"Nathaniel Newgate, owner of the great Newgate
farm at Rumney Marsh .... was among the first to
perfect his title by petition* .... June i, 1687, an
Indenture was signed between Nathaniell Newdigate
alias Newgate of London, merchant, and John Shelton
and Nicholas Brattle, also of London, according to
which Newgate agreed to levy a * ffine sur Conusans de
droit come ceo &c.' during *this p^'sent Trinity Term'
in the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster for his
lands in Charlestown .... unto said Shelton and Brattle,
♦ Chamberlain, History of Chelsea, I, pp. 79, 167, 168.
OFFICIAL SEAL OF THE KING'S BENCH, WESTMINSTER
Affixed to the " Newdigate Fine"
The Newdigate Fine 103
said fine to enure to the use of said * Nathaniell Newdi-
gate alias Newgate his heires and Assignes for ever and
to and for none other vse intent or purpose whatsoever.*
The first page of the fine levied in pursuance of this
agreement hangs on the walls of the Bostonian Society's
rooms in the Old State House.
" Both the indenture and the fine were recorded * by
John West, D. Secry ' in the *Secrys Office for his
Maties Territory and Dominion of New England att
Boston,' December 21, 1687 .... It is known that New-
gate was in Boston as early as November 15, 1687, and
was desirous of selling the farm. Possibly he hoped
that the court's judgment would strengthen his title to
resist attack by the Andros government." *
A layman, unskilled in the law of England as prac-
ticed three centuries ago, might well suppose that this
Fine with its ornate heading, its pompous array of royal
titles, and its great seal attached at its foot, was the
original document complete as we have it ; but an
examination shows that it has no signatures of the
parties concerned, whereas William Brown, an English
authority, whose work on Fines, published in 1725, is
mentioned below, says, "The Cognizor must subscribe
• " Mass. Archives, cxxix, 54, (autograph petition endorsed • i6d July
1688— Pet of Nathll Newgate.*) A deed or fine, as it was called, —
the only original known to me, — .... Its date is 1687, June 15, and
it was recorded .... but not with Suflfolk Deeds, — possibly in a sepa-
rate volume now lost." (Chamberlain, Footnote, p. 79.)
104 The Newdigate Fine
his name at the right hand side." From this and the
wording of the document it would appear that this
manuscript is what is technically known as the Chiro-
graph of a Fine, that is, an official copy attested by the
royal seal, issued in duplicate to the parties to the con-
veyance it embodies, and retained by one of them.
Judge Chamberlain was therefore partly correct when
he said it was only the first page of a conveyance, and
the rest lost.
The Judge remarks that it is " the only original known
to him." We know of no other Chirograph of a Fine in
this country, but have been informed that there are
fragments of Fines in other Libraries, which have not
been translated, so far as we are able to discover.
At the time when Fines were in use, the word had
various significations, and was not confined to penalty,
as one might naturally suppose. In seeking informa-
tion concerning the subject, the better to discover what
our mysterious document had to reveal, I have con-
sulted several ancient legal authorities of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries who have written on Fines.
One of the most enlightening of those I found is in the
Library of the Harvard Law School, — a volume which
once belonged to William Read, Esq., a prominent Bos-
ton attorney in his day. It is entitled, " The Law and
Practice of Fines and Recoveries, by R. Manby, late of
Lincoln's Inn, Gent. London, 1738." From this au-
thority, and one or two smaller works of later date, I
The Newdigate Fine 105
have gleaned the material given below, for which I make
this general acknowledgment.
Fines were used for numerous purposes at various
times, but we must confine ourselves to the particular
style and use of the class to which this belongs. At
the period when the Newdigate Fine was levied, a Fine
was "an instrument of Record (improperly called a
deed) of an amicable composition or final agreement
made in a formal fictitious suit betwixt parties by their
own consent, without real controversy, concerning Lands,
Tenements, etc., by the consent or license of the King
or his Justices in the Court of Common Pleas It
is called a Fine (Latin Finis) ^ because it makes a final
agreement and end of all controversies." " It supposes
a Litigation or Controversy to have been, where, in
reality, there has been none, but only invented and made
to secure the Title a Man has in his Estate against all
Men, or to cut off Entails, etc."
Fines were said to have six parts ; the first is the
original writ and the precept containing the mandatory
words to the Conusees to hold covenant with the Con-
usors. The Conusee is the fictitious demandant, or
claimant ; the Conusor is the fictitious defendant or
" Deforciant," which position he voluntarily assumes.
The Conusor levies the Fine. (Manby, p. 10). The
" Conusance is an acknowledgment that the lands, etc.,
contained in the writ belong of right to the demandant,
as land which he has of the gift of the Tenant, with a
I06 The Newdigate Fine
general release and warranty to the Conusee and his
heirs." The second part is that known as the "King's
Silver," the fee paid when the permission to agree
(licentia concordant) is granted by the Court. Third,
the "Concord" or agreement between the parties.
Fourth, the Note of the Fine — an abstract of the
original writ, taken out by the chirographer. Fifth, the
"Foot of the Fine," wherein are included the parties,
the thing granted, the date, year and place, and before
whom the " Concord " was made. It is called the Foot
of the Fine because it is the last part. The sixth
part consists of the "Proclamations," not an essential
part, and needs no comment here. It is called a Fine,
" finalis Concordia, quia finem litibus imponit^'' — i. ^.,
because it puts an end to litigation.
Before leaving this part of the subject, it will be
interesting to note how easily some of these fictitious
law-suits were nullified on occasion. Cruse (in Social
Law Library), writing much later, says, "In later times
the tenant calls on some other person, a fictitious char-
acter, nominally supposed to have warranted the title,
praying that he may be called in to defend it. This
voucher — customarily the Cryer of the Court of Com-
mon Pleas, appears in Court and assumes defence.
Demandant asks leave of Court to confer in private
with the voucher, which is granted. The demandant
returns and the voucher disappears or is defaulted, and
the demandant recovers."
The Newdigate Fine 107
As to the Latinity of this document, it was doubtless
quite in accord with the standard practice of the times,
but the chirographers and scriveners used so many con-
tractions (as was the universal custom), abbreviations
and quaint terminals, that only an expert was competent
to explain to a layman just what meaning was intended.
Of these this Fine seems to have its full share. As
good an example of some of the simplest of these con-
tractions as the writer can cite, will be found in the
fourth and third words from the end of the first manu-
script line of our original. The last character of each
of the two closely resembles the Roman numeral 3 ; it
indicates an e. The words, if written in full, would be
literae nostrae, but the chirographer's quill has con-
densed the seven letters in each into three characters
each. Numerous similar contractions, some much more
difficult to explain, occur throughout the document.
It is evident that errors in grammar, as well as those
growing out of indistinctness, in these contractions
could not fail to occur. It was in recognition of this
danger that a statute was enacted (as we learn from
Cruse), in the reign of Queen Elizabeth (XXIII : c. 3 ;
f . 2), which provided that " No Fine shall be reversed
for false or incongruous Latin .... interlining .... or
want of form in words and not in substance." With
such a law on the statutes, no very high standard of
accuracy — one might almost say of care — was to be
expected.
io8 The Newdigate Fine
These contractions constitute the chief difficulty in
deciphering the document. Fortunately, in a complete
copy of an original Fine, printed in Latin, in Manby,
and in a Form for Levying a Fine, explaining its parts,
etc., in a " Treatise on Fines by William Brown : E. &
R. Nutt and R. Gossling, In the Surry, MDCCXXV,"
I was able to find a number of forms of expression
corresponding to doubtful words in Newdigate, which
proved very illuminating; indeed, without these, my
labor which has occupied the greater part of my leisure
for the last year, would have proved fruitless.
It has seemed best to give not only the abbreviated
form transcribed as nearly as type will follow the
original but also the Latin words at length, without
the contractions and abbreviations, as less confusing.
With this long, but I. hope not needless preliminary
explanation, I submit my reading to the charitable con-
sideration of my fellow-members.
The Newdigate Fine 109
CHIROGRAPH OF A FINE
The Transcript
Transcription of the Latin as Abbreviated in the
Original. The Scrivener's Signs of Contraction
ARE Necessarily Omitted. The Ends of the Manu-
script Lines are Indicated by Numbers in Paren-
theses.
Jacobus Secundus Dei gra Angl' Scocie ffranc* &
Hibnie Rex fidei defensor &c. omibz ad quos p'sentes
Ire nre pven'int Saltm (i) sciat' qd int' Recorda ac
pedes finiu' cum pclam' inde fcis scdm formam Statuti
in huiusmodi casu nup' edit' & (2) pvis' coram Justic'
nris d' Banco apud Westm' d' t'mio See Trinitatis Anno
regni nri t'cio continet"^ sic: (3) London// Hec est
finalis Concordia fca in Cur' Dni Regis apud Westm' a
die See Trinitatis in tres septiman' regnoq [interlined]
Dni (4) Jacobi scdi dei gra Angl' Scocie ffranc* & Hibnie
Regis fidei defens' &c. a conqu' t'cio Coram Edwardo (5)
Herbert Thoma Street Edwardo Lutwich & Cristofero
no The Newdigate Fine
Milton Justic' & alijs Dni Regis fidelibz tunc ibi' p'sen-
tibz (6) int' Johem Shelton & Nichm Brattle quer' et
Nathanielem Newdigate alias Newgate deforc' De (7)
duobz mesuagijs vno horreo tribz stabulis duobz gardinis
duobz pomar' trecentis & quinquaginta acris t're & coia
pastur* p omibz av'ijs cum p'tin' in Charles (8) Towne
Rumney alias Rumley marsh & hogg Island in New
England in America in Civitate London vnde plitm con-
vencois sum' fuit (9) int' eos in eadem Cur' Scilt qd
p'dcus Nathaniel recogn' p'dca ten' & coiam pastur' cum
p'tin' esse ius ipius Johis vt ill* que ijdem (10) Johes &
Nichus hent de dono p'dci Nathanielis Et ill' remisit
& quietclam' de se & hered' suis p'dcis Johi & Nicho &
hered' (11) ipius Johis imppm Et p't'ea idem Nathaniel
concessit p se & hered' suis qd ipi warant' p'dcis Johi &
Nicho & hered' ipius Johis (12) p'dca ten' & coiam pas-
tur' cum p'tin' cont' p'dcm Nathanielem & hered' suos
imppm Et p hac recogn* remissione quietclam' warant'
fine & (13) Concordia ijdem Johes & Nichus deder'p'dco
Nathanieli ducentes libras sterlingor' in cuius rei testi-
moniu' Sigillum nrm ad (14) Bria in Banco p'dco Sigil-
land' deputaf p'sentibz apponi fecim^ T E. Herbert
apud Westm' xv die Junij Anno r' n* supradco.
Lane . • .
Jrex.
The Newdigate Fine in
II
The Extension
Latin Version Without Contractions. The Ends of the
Manuscript Lines in the Original are Indicated by
Numbers in Parentheses. The Punctuation is partly
supplied.
Jacobus Secundus Dei gratia Anglie Scocie ffrancie
et Hibernie Rex fidei defensor &c. omnibus ad quos
presentes littere nostre pervenerint salutem : (i) Scia-
tis quod inter Recorda ac pedes finium cum proclama-
tionis inde factis secundem formam Statuti in huiusmodi
casu nuper editi et (2) provisi coram Justiciarijs nostris
de Banco apud Westmonasterium de Termino Sancte
Trinitatis Anno regni nostri tertio continetur sic : (3)
LONDON// Hec est finalis Concordia facta in Curia Domini
Regis apud Westmonasterium a die Sancte Trinitatis
in tres septimanas [regnoq interlined in very small
letters] Domini (4) Jacobi Secundi dei gratia Anglie
Scocie ffrancie et Hibernie Regis fidei defensoris &c.
a conquestu tercio : Coram Edwardo Herbert Thoma
Street Edwardo (5) Lutwich et Cristofero Milton Jus-
ticiarijs et alijs Domini Regis fidelibus tunc ibidem pre-
sentibus (6) inter Johannem Shelton et Nicholaum
Brattle querentes et Nathanielem Newdigate alias New-
112 The Newdigate Fine
gate deforciantem De (7) duobus mesuagijs vno horreo
tribus stabulis duobus gardinis duobus pomarijs trescen-
tis et quinquaginta acris terre et communia pasture pro
omnibus averijs cum pertinentibus in Charles (8) Towne
Rumney alias Rumley marsh et hogg Island in New
England in America in Civitate London : vnde placitum
convencionis summonitum fuit (9) inter eos in eadem
curia, Scilicet quod predictus Nathaniel recognovit pre-
dicta tenementa et communiam pasture cum pertinenti-
bus esse jus ipsius Johannis vt ilia que (10) ijdem Johan-
nes et Nicholaus habent de dono predicti Nathanielis Et
ilia remisit et quietclamavit de se et heredibus suis pre-
dictis Johanni et Nicholao et heredibus (11) ipsius
Johannis imperpetuum : Et preterea idem Nathaniel con-
cessit pro se et heredibus suis quod ipsi warantizabunt
predictis Johanni et Nicholao et heredibus ipsius Johan-
nis (12) predicta tenementa et communia pasture cum
pertinentibus contra predictum Nathanielem et heredes
suos imperpetuum : Et pro hac recognicione remissione
quiet clamacione warantizacione fine et (13) concordia
ijdem Johannes et Nicholaus dederunt predicto Nathan-
ieli ducentas libras sterlingorum : in cujus rei testimo-
nium Sigillum nostrum ad (14) Brevia in Banco predicto
sigillandum deputatur presentibus apponi fecimus : Teste
E. Herbert apud Westmonasterium xv die Junij Anno
regni nostri supradicto.
Lane . • .
J[acobus] Rex.
The Newdigate Fine 113
III
The Translation
James Second, by the Grace of God King of England,
Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,
etc., TO ALL to whom [these] our present letters may
come, Greeting. Know ye that among the records
and Feet of Fines with the proclamations thereof made
according to the form of the Statute in that case late
enacted and provided, before our Justices in Banc at
Westminster for the Term of Holy Trinity in the
third year of our reign, it is contained as follows :
London// This is the Final Concord made in the
court of our Lord the King at Westminster within
three weeks from the day of the Holy Trinity, and of
the reign [interlined] of our Lord James Second, by
the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, France
and Ireland, defender of the Faith, etc., the third from
the conquest : Before Edward Herbert, Thomas Street,
Edward Lutwyche, and Christopher Milton, Justices,
and others faithful to our Lord the King then [and]
there present, between John Shelton and Nicholas
Brattle, plaintiffs, and Nathaniel Newdigate alias New-
gate, deforciant. Concerning two messuages, one bam,
three stables, two gardens, two orchards, three hundred
114 The Newdigate Fine
and fifty acres of land and commonage of pasture for
all animals with appurtenances [interlined] in Charles
Town, Rumney alias Rumley Marsh and Hogg Island
in New England in America, in the City of London.
Whereof a plea of covenant was summoned between
them in the same Court, Namely that the said Nathaniel
admits the aforesaid tenements and commonage of pas-
ture with their appurtenances to be the lawful estate
of John himself, as those which they the said John and
Nicholas hold by gift of the aforesaid Nathaniel, and
which he has remised and quitclaimed from himself
and his heirs to the aforesaid John and Nicholas and to
the heirs of him the said John forever. And afterwards
the said Nathaniel granted for himself and his heirs that
they will warrant unto the aforesaid John and Nicholas
and the heirs of him the said John, the aforesaid tene-
ments and commonage of pasture, with their appurte-
nances against the aforesaid Nathaniel and his heirs
forever. And for this acknowledgement, remise, quit-
claim, warranty, fine and concord, they the said John
and Nicholas have given to the aforesaid Nathaniel two
hundred pounds sterling. In witness whereof we have
caused our Seal appointed for the ensealing of writs
in the said Benchj to be attached to these presents.
Attest E. Herbert, at Westminster the XV day of
June in the year of our reign abovesaid.
Lane . • .
J[ames], King.
NOTES.
Copies of Fines were required to be deposited at Westminster.
" In America, in the City of London," represents a legal fiction
without which the premises in question could not be dealt with in
an English court of law. For the purpose of transfer by Fine all
colonial property was supposed to be within the bounds of the
City of London, just as, by a similar legal fiction, all sailors, and
all children born of British parents at sea, are supposed to be
natives of the parish of Stepney. The use of the assumption
here is believed to be one of the earliest instances of its employ-
ment known.
The Christopher Milton who appears as one of the Justices
was brother to John Milton, the poet.
John Shelton was a citizen of London, and a saddler; he
seems to have been occasionally employed by Newgate as his
attorney. Of Brattle, I have found no mention. Judge Cham-
berlain gives an outline map of the property in his History of
Chelsea, and a history of the family of Newgate, and its land-
grants.
The meaning of the words " From the Conquest " is obscure
since James II acceded to the throne of England peacefully.
Il6 The Newdigate Fine
Attached to the " fine " is the following genealogical note in
the handwriting of Mr. William W. Greenough, " Nathaniel
Newgate or Newdigate, who is the subject of this document, was
grandson of the emigrant John Newgate, in 1632 of Boston, bom
in Southwark, near London Bridge, in 1580, and died in Boston
in 1665. John, son of Nathaniel, was born in England, came to
Boston, was member of the Artillery Company in 1645 ; was of
London 1663. This son Nathaniel described himself 'as of the
City of London at present (28th of November, 1688) sojourning
in Boston.' At this time he conveyed his farm as Newgate's
Farm, Rumney Marsh, to Col. Samuel Shrimpton, who also pur-
chased Noddles Island (East Boston). His son, Samuel Shrimp-
ton, Jr., married Elizabeth Richardson, whose only child married
John Yeamans, whose family name exists in the third genera-
tion.
" After the death of her husband, Mrs. Elizabeth Shrimpton
married David Stoddard of Boston, 27th of December, 1713, and
had by him, three daughters, Mary who married Rev. Dr. Charles
Chauncy, Sarah who married Deacon Thomas Greenough, and
Mehitable who married William Hyslop.
"On the death of Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, these ladies
inherited the property in Chelsea and East Boston, of which
subsequently Rev. William Greenough of Newton became the
principal owner of the Chelsea farm, and David L Greenough
of Jamaica Plain, of East Boston. Full details of this family
history may be found in Gen. William H. Sumner's History of
East Boston."
CHRIST CHURCH AND SALEM STREET SUNDAY SCHOOL
[Reproduced from a wood engraving by Nathaniel Dearborn about 1825]
SALEM STREET
SUNDAY SCHOOL
UST OF OFFICERS, INSTRUCTORS. AND
SCHOLARS. DECEMBER 14. 1817
FOREWORD
The following list of officers, instructors and pupils
of the Salem Street Sunday School (of Christ Church)
is interesting, as it gives to us, in addition to the names
and ages of the young scholars, the names and resi-
dences of the heads of families, who constituted in part
the parishoners of Christ Church almost one hundred
years ago.
The list indicates that the Church was then in a
flourishing condition, and that it supplied the religious
wants of the people of a large section of the town.
Later, however, as families left the North End for
newer residential portions of the city, its prosperity
diminished year by year, so that the Society was finally
held together by a mere handful of the faithful.
But this condition is now changed, and the historic
Church has come again into its own. Led by the Right
Reverend William Lawrence, D. D., Bishop of Massa-
chusetts, a number of men and women of Greater
Boston, interested both in a spiritual and historical way,
have contributed of their time and wealth, and to-day
1 20 Foreword
the Church is restored practically to its condition when
first used for public worship in the Christmas season of
1723. The older memorials in the Church still tell
their story, and newer ones, even to the names on the
pew doors, remind us of the founders of the Church.
Among these we find William Price, "print and map
seller, first organist of Christ Church, and designer of
the steeple " ; Dr. Thomas Graves, first Senior War-
den ; Anthony Blount, first Junior Warden ; Major
Leonard Vassall ; Henry Frankly n ; Christopher Kilby ;
William Clark, brother-in-law of Rev. Cotton Mather ;
and the quaintest of all, " For the gentlemen of the Bay
of Honduras."
This Sunday School, gathered in 18 15, was one of
the first in this country. The illustration preceding
this article is a reproduction of a wood-cut made by
Dearborn about the year 1824, showing Christ Church
and also the adjoining Salem Street Academy, in which
the sessions of the Salem Street Sunday School were
held when the list was made.
At present Bishop Lawrence is Rector of the Parish.
He is aided by an efficient vestry, and services of the
Episcopal Church are held each Sunday, and so the
ancient town of Boston rejoices in one of its historic
landmarks of the olden time.
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SALEM STREET SUNDAY SCHOOL
List of the Officers of the Society, and of the Scholars be-
longing to the School, Dec. 14, 18 17.
Rev. Asa Eaton, President.
Mr. R. P. Williams, Vice-President.
" B. C. Cutler, Treasurer.
" C. Williams, Secretary.
Instructers
Mr. B. C. C. Parker, Superintendant.
" Charles Stimpson, Jr., First Class.
" Jos. W. Ingraham, Second Class.
Mr. William Stimpson, Third Class.
" Bullard, Fourth Class.
Miss Sally Dennis, Fifth Class.
« Sophia Lock, Sixth Class.\
No. Scholars Names.
Age.
Parents Names.
Residence.
I Sarah Lock
IS
Ephraim Lock
Prince Street
2 Sarah W. Ingraham
14
Sarah Ingraham
Sun Court Street
3 Frederick H. Stimpson
12
Charles Stimpson
Green Street
4 Mary Lock
13
Ephraim Lock
Prince Street
5 Hannah Brown
12
Samuel Brown
Love Lane
6 Elizabeth Sampson
II
Zephaniah Sampson
Lynn Street
7 Susan P. Dennis
13
Wm. Palmer
Prince Street
8 Mary S. Ingraham
12
Sarah Ingraham
Sun Court Street
9 Seth Taylor
13
Seth Taylor
Henchmans Lane
10 William H. Famham
12
William Famham
Clark Street
1 1 James Alexander
»3
Elizabeth Alexander
Snow HUl Street
122
Salem Street Sunday School
12 Ja Keefe
13
Jane Keefe
Prince Street
13 [Tom] H. Stimpson
10
Charles Stimpson
Green Street
14 Palmer
9
William Palmer
Prince Street
15 Mary Ann Forsain
8
Matthias Forsain
Lynn Street
16 Edward Alexander
II
Elizabeth Alexander
Snow Hill Street
17 John Robinson
II
Josiah Robinson
Salem Street
18 Jane Hudson
13
Richard Hudson
19 Sarah Butts
13
Elizabeth Butts
Fleet Street
20 Samuel Brown
9
Samuel Brown
Love Lane
21 Isaac Farnham
13
William Farnham
Clark Street
22 Eben Gay
12
Eben V. Gay
Richmond Street
23 Mary Ann Landstrom
24
26
27
28
29 James Dennis
13
William Palmer
Prince Street
30 Jasper Taylor
II
Seth Taylor
Henchmans Lane
31 Isaac B. Alexander
7
Elizabeth A.
Snow Hill Street
32 Hannah Baker
9
Jacob B.
Copps Hill
33 Susan Sowden
9
John S.
Leverett Place
34 Mary Ann Tucker
8
Joseph T.
Salem Street
35 Sarah Jane Tucker
6
Same
Same
36 Eliza Bassett
14
Samuel B.
Lynn Street
37 Elizabeth Vaughan
II
' Samuel V.
Daggets Alley
38 Betsey Mash
8
Peter Mash
Fish Street
39 Eliza C. Avery
7
Mrs. A.
Same
40 Sarah Jennings
9
Benj. J.
Prince Street
41 S. N. Magdalen Landstrom
7
James L.
Love Lane
42 Francis Denne
43
II
Wm. Palmer
Prince Street
44
45
46
47 Henry Blake
12
Thomas B.
Chambers Street
48 Francis Malcolm
II
Daniel M.
North Street
49 George Emerage
II
Sarah E.
Prince Street
50 Robert Gould
10
Robert G.
Court Street
51 James Bowen
13
John B.
Marlborough Street
52 Benjamin Gowen
9
Anthony G.
Prince Street
53 S. F. G. Newton
8
John F. N.
Charter Street
List of Officers, Instructors and Scholars
123
54 William Jones
8
Nancy J.
Fish Street
55 George Harris
8
George H.
Same
59 James Brown
9
Same
60 Charles Waters
13
Ebenezer W.
Moon Street
61 William Waters
II
62 Sarah C. Randall
Dorcas R.
Lynn Street
63 Rachell Newhall
Edward N.
Methodist Alley
64 M. A. Peterson
Mr. Reman
White Bread Alley
65 Abiah Baker
Jacob B.
Copps Hill
58 George Pittis
15
Mr. Whitcomb
Prince Street
56 Francis Gowen
Anthony G.
Same
57 J. W. Holland
Lydia H.
Same
66 Geo. R. Sampson
Zeph. S.
Lynn Street
67 Henry Sampson
Same
Same
68 Peter Mash
Peter M.
Fish Street
69 John Baker
Jacob B.
Copps Hill
70 Joseph Tucker
Joseph T.
Salem Street
71 William Emerage
Sarah E.
Prince Street
72 Charles Bradlee
6
Joseph B.
Back Street
73 Frederick Eaton
6
James B. E.
Marlborough Street
74 Sidney Eaton
10
do.
do.
75 David Curtis
76
77
6
Mr. C.
Salem Street
78
79
80 Samuel Hastings
II
Samuel H.
Prince Street
81 Joseph Page
II
Joseph P.
White Bread Alley
82 William Page
10
do.
do.
83 John Corporal
8
Charles C.
Fish Street
84 Edward Blake
7
Thomas B.
Chambers Street
85 Henry Martins
14
R. P. Williams
86 Ebenezer Dailie
13
SUasD.
Charter Street
87 Franklin Dailie
8
do.
do.
88 Nathaniel Brown
5
Samuel B.
Love Lane
89 Charles Knight
>3
Mr. Burge
do.
90 Charles Malletts
do.
do.
91 Freeman Hunt
14
T. H. Bangs
Prince Street
92 Tho's Randall
7
Dorcas R.
Lynn Street
93 Will Rogers
12
R. P. & 0. WUliams
94 Francis Holmes
10
Francis H.
Moon Street
95 Gustavus Horton
9
Jotham H.
Ship Street
124
Salem Street Sunday School
96 David Horton
5
do.
Ship Street
97 Francis B. Horton
II
do.
do.
98 Charles R. Curtis
5
David C.
Salem Street
99 Isaac Ridler
10
Joseph R.
Ship Street
100 Joseph Ridler
7
do.
do.
loi Thomas Landstrom
5
James L.
Love Lane
102 J. J. Amo
6
Mr. Amo
Lynn Street
103
104
105
106
107 Mary Ulmer
9
George Ulmer
Ellis Wharf
108 Mary Sowdon
7
John S.
Leverett Place
109 Eliza Low
12
Elias L.
Love Lane
110 Mary Ann Poole
10
William P.
White Bread Alley
III Elizabeth Harris
12
George H.
Fish Street
112 Elizabeth Hemmenway
10
Saml H.
Lynn Street
113 Cordelia Hemmenway
6
do.
do.
114 Harriet Waters
10
Ebenezer W.
Moon Street
115 Mary Emerage
7
Sarah E.
Prince ♦*
116 Sarah M. Peterson
8
Augustus P.
Daggetts Alley
117 Frances A. Kissick
7
Mrs. Weeden
Ship Street
118 Mary Jennings
8
Benj. J.
Prince Street
119 Mary N.Tyler
5
Thomas Tyler
Ship Street
120 Nancy Jones
9
Nancy J.
Fish Street
121 Mary Anderson
13
- Mr. Miranda
do.
122 Mary B. White
7
Mr.
Fore Street
"3
124
"5
126
127
128
129
130 Caroline Corporal
7
Charles C.
Methodist Alley
131 Jane Corporal
5
do.
do.
132 Lucy Ann Forsain
6
Matthias F.
Lynn Street
133 Hannah M. Rinott
7
John R.
White Bread Alley
134 Maria Curtis
8
Mr. C.
Salem Street
135 Sarah James
14
Sarah J.
Fish Street
136 Eliza A. French
8
Ephraim F.
Fleet Street
137 Nancy Norcott
7
Elizabeth N.
Procters Lane
List of Officers^ Instructors and Scholars
25
138 Maria Dailie
139 Sarah Holland
140 Frances Brown
141 Mary E. Moore
142 Eliza Ridler
143 Elizabeth Newman
144 Catharine Peterson
145 Elizabeth Peterson
146 Caroline Miller
147 Susan Miller
7
SUasD.
Charter Street
5
12
Mary B.
Lynn Street
II
Elizabeth M.
do.
6
Joseph R.
Ship Street
7
Mr. N.
Charter Street
9
John Beaman
Middle Street
•9
Mr. Reman
White Bread Alley
10
Peter M.
North Square
7
do.
do.
LAWS AND COURTS
OF THE
Massachusetts Bay Colony
LAWS AND COURTS
OF THE
MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY
A Paper read before the Bostonian Society, Council Chamber,
Old State House, December 20, 1910, by
FRANK E. BRADBURY
,N 1606 James I, the reigning monarch
of England, granted to two trading
companies that part of North America
which lies between latitudes 34 and
45 and reaches from the Atlantic to
the Pacific Ocean. The southern por-
tion was granted to the London Company ; the northern
portion to the Plymouth Company, so called. It was
expected that trading companies would be established
under these grants similar to the East India Companies.
The grants of King James were to limited business
corporations having no power for government of the
130 Laws and Courts of the
country, and entitled to no other or different rights
than a grantee of land in England itself. Nothing was
done under the grant to the Plymouth Company until
1620, when a new Plymouth Company was incorporated
succeeding to the rights of the earlier company, and
this new Company in 1627 granted to Sir Henry Ros-
selle and five associates that portion of the earlier grant
contained within a line three miles north of the Merri-
mac River on the north and three miles south of the
Charles River on the south.
All that part of Newe England in America aforefaid
which lyes and extends betweene a greate river there
comonlie called Monomack alis Merriemack, and a certen
other river there called Charles River, being in the bottome
of a certayne Bay there coinonly called Maffachufetts alis
Mattachufetts alis Maffatufetts Bay ; and alfo all and
singuler thofe lands and hereditaments whatfoever lyeing
within the fpace of three Englilh myles on the fouth parte
of faide Charles River or any or every part thereof; and
alfo all and fmguler the lands and hereditaments whatfoever
lyeing and being within the fpace of three Englilh myles to
the fouthwarde of the fouthermoft parte of the faide Bay
called Maffachufetts alias Mattachufetts alis Maffatufetts
Bay ; and alfo all thofe landes and hereditaments whatfoever
which lie and be within the fpace of three Englifh myles
to the northwarde of the faide River called Monomack alis
Merrymack or to the northwards of any and every part
thereof.
Massachusetts Bay Colony 131
This grant necessarily conveyed only the rights that
the grant of King James in 1606 had conveyed, namely,
a fee in the soil with no rights of government over the
granted territory. It was necessary therefore to have a
royal charter conferring rights of government, and this
charter was granted March 4, 1628, or March 15, as
time is now computed. It was from Charles I to
Sir Henry Rosselle and twenty-five associates. It
created a "body co-operate and politique in fact and
name " to be known as " Governor and Company of Mat-
tachusetts Bay in Newe England." It gave to the gran-
tees a complete and independent system of government.
The officers of the Colony were to consist of a gov-
ernor, a deputy governor and eighteen assistants, to be
chosen by the freemen of the Colony, and these together
with the freemen themselves were to constitute the
general court. The charter provided that there should
be four terms of the general court in a year, and that
there should be a monthly court to be held by the
governor or deputy governor and at least seven assist-
ants. The only express powers conferred upon the
general court were to estabUsh all manner of wholesome
orders, laws, statutes and ordinances, " as well for set-
tling the forms and ceremonies of government and
magistracey, and for naming and settling all sorts of
offices, needful for the government and plantation. As
also for imposition of lawful fines, imprisonments or other
lawful correction according to the course of other cor-
132 Laws and Courts of the
porations in this our realm." These powers were ex-
pressed to be for the following purposes that the " in-
habitants should be so religiously, peaceably, and civilly
governed as their good life and orderly conversation may
win and incite the natives of the country to the knowl-
edge and obedience of the only true God, the Saviour of
mankind, and the Christian Faith, which, in our royal
intention and the adventurers free profession is the prin-
cipal end of this plantation."
John Endicott, one of the grantees, came to Salem
with a small colony in 1628. The charter, however,
remained in England, and it was intended at that
time to continue the government of the colony from
England. — Meanwhile persecution of the non-conformist
continued and became more bitter. Charles the First
had dissolved Parliament in 1628 and had declared that
he would never call another. Abuses under his rule had
become more and more intolerable. Men of affairs and
consequence in the kingdom formed the plan of remov-
ing to America, but it seemed to them wiser that the
colony should be ruled by those who resided in it rather
than by those who lived 3,000 miles away, and they
insisted that when they came to this country the charter
should be brought over with them, and the government
conducted on this side of the water in the future.
Large sums of money had already been expended in
financing the colony and larger sums still were needed.
No dividends were in sight, and the proposal that men
Massachusetts Bay Colony 133
of large interest should affiliate themselves with the
colony was an attractive one to the promotors. It was
therefore voted in August, 1629, to transfer the govern-
ment from London to Massachusetts Bay. A general
court was held in England in October of that year;
John Winthrop was chosen Governor, John Humphrey
Deputy Governor, and early in 1630 Governor Winthrop
with 1500 men sailed from South Hampton and arrived
at Salem in July of that year. Most of these colonists
settled in Charlestown and Boston, and the history of
Massachusetts Bay Colony properly begins at this time,
and the history of Massachusetts Bay courts begins at
the same time.
Speaking broadly the Judicial history of the Colonial
period is to be found in the records of the general court
and the court of assistants. Other courts existed: —
the county courts, strangers' or merchants' courts, magis-
trates' courts, and at the very last of the period, chan-
cery courts. It was the general court, however, that
for several years exercised executive, legislative and
judicial powers for the colony, although in the latter
years as an appellate tribunal. The Court of Assistants,
consisting of the Governor, the Deputy Governor, and
from nine to twelve assistants, did by far the larger
part of the work in all the years that the colony existed.
The first court of assistants of the colony held in Amer-
ica was held on board the Governor's ship in Charles-
town Harbor, or as it was then called Charlton, on the
134 Laws and Courts of the
23rd day of August, 1630. The Governor, John Win-
throp, the Deputy Governor, Thomas Dudley (for John
Humphrey had not come with the colonists and a new
Deputy Governor had been elected), and seven assistants
were in attendance at this court. These assistants in-
cluded Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knight, who was him-
self of great prominence in the development of the
colony, and whose descendants have been so closely
identified with the great business interests of this com-
munity, Mr. Simon Bradstreet, and Mr. Increase Now-
ell, who at different times were secretaries of the courts
of assistants for many years. At this session the first
business considered was how the ministers should be
maintained. There is a quiet touch of humor in the
record which has come down to us from this session,
when it says, referring to .this subject, "Mr. Wilson and
Mr. Phillips only propounded." Now Mr. Wilson and
Mr. Phillips were two of the ministers in the country at
that time, and it perhaps indicates the prominent part
which the clergy were to play in the judicial history of
this colony, that they themselves propounded as the
first business at this first court the subject of their own
maintenance. It was determined that houses should be
built for them at public charge with all convenient
speed. Mr. Phillips was granted three hogshead of
meal, and one hogshead of malt, and four bushel of In-
dian corn, one bushel of oat meal, half an hundred of
salt fish, and for apparel and other provisions twenty
Massachusetts Bay Colony 135
pounds. Mr. Wilson, not being accompanied by his
wife, received a smaller allowance, and was granted
twenty pounds a year until his wife should come over.
Mr. Gager, the third minister, was to receive a cow and
twenty pounds a year. At this same session " it was
ordered that carpenters, joiners, brick layers, sawers,
and thatchers, shall not take above two shillings a day
nor any man give more under pain of ten shillings to
taker and giver." The earlier records of the court of
assistants are full of prohibitions and orders respecting
the prices which should be paid for labor, and the prices
for which the necessities of life should be sold. At
the next session it was ordered that master carpenters
should not take above sixteen pence a day for their
work, if they have meat and drink, and laborers not
above twelve pence a day, and not above six pence if
they have meat and drink, under penalty of six shillings.
Three years later it was enacted that carpenters, sawyers,
etc., should not receive more than two shillings a day,
finding themselves diet, and not above fourteen pence a
day, if they have their diet found them. The best of
laborers were not to receive more than eighteen pence
" if they have diet themselves, or above eight pence if
they have their diet found them." It was by virtue of
these provisions that William Shepheard and Laurence
Copeland in 1642 were fined two pounds each for cov-
enanting for work, the one for the other, at fifteen
pounds per annum.
136 Laws and Courts of the
Notwithstanding that there was need of erecting
shelter for the colonists and their families, and every
man's services were needed in this work, within a
month of their first session it became necessary for the
court of assistants to try one William Palmer for
murder. A grand jury was called in September to in-
quire into the cause of the death of Austin Bratcher.
This jury reported, " we find that the strokes given by
Walter Palmer were occasionally the means of the death
of Austin Bratcher, and so be manslaughter." Palmer
was tried in November of that year and acquitted.
In the early years the general court seems not to
have taken an active part in the affairs of the colony.
During the first five years it met only five times, and
during those years it consisted of the entire body of
freemen, who were supposed to come together ordinarily
in May for the enactment of laws, and for considering
offenses. The subjects considered by the general courts
during those years seem to have been to a large degree
commonplace. Regulations of the keeping of swine and
provisions respecting the ringing of swine occupied the
attention of the general court to a considerable extent.
No enactments concerning the more important branches
of commercial law were passed. Such provisions as
there were for the registration of deeds and probating
wills, and such enactments as were passed requiring
writings to be given in cases of contracts, for purchase
and sale of commodities were taken bodily from the
Massac ktisetts Bay Colony 137
English law. On the whole the proceedings of the
court for that period, considered from a legal stand-
point, are decidedly disappointing, and the reasons are
not difficult to ascertain. Practically none of the col-
onists had any knowledge of English law, and so far as
they could with safety to themselves and to the colony,
they were inclined to look askance at anything which
savored of English practice. Winthrop had been edu-
cated as a lawyer in England and probably Bradstreet,
but because of the limited powers which were given the
Governor, his influence over the policy of the general
court, and in fact over the policy of the court of assis-
tants was not large. But more than all else it should
be remembered that the colonists were not so much
interested in the great problems of the laws of trade or
the laws of contract or in the lesser problems of titles to
real estate, and probating of wills, as in the establish-
ment of a religious commonwealth, in which the laws
of Moses were to be supreme, and to which laws for
precedents they turned in preference to the decisions of
Westminster Hall, or to the elementary writers upon
the common law which were then cited in the English
courts. In a code of laws which was drawn up and
adopted in 1640, capital offenses to the number of
twelve appear, every one founded upon an authority
taken from the Old Testament. The first of these
was, " If any man after legal conviction shall have or
worship any other God but the Lord God, he shall be
138 Laws and Courts of the
put to death," and they cited as authority for this law
Deut. 13:6, 10 ; Deut. 17 : 2, 6 ; Exodus 22 : 20. The
second law was, " If any man or woman be a witch (that
is hath or consulteth with the evil spirit), they shall be
put to death," and as an authority for this enactment
they cited Exodus 22 : 81 ; Lev. 20: 27 ; Deut. 18 : 10.
The third law was, " If any man shall blaspheme the
name of God, the Father, Son or Holy Ghost with
direct, express, presumptuous or high handed blaspheme
or shall curse God in like manner, he shall be put to
death." And as authority for this they cited Lev. 24 :
15, 16. Nearly all of the other offenses punishable by
death were offenses which we regard to-day as deserving
the severest form of punishment.
It was from the clergy and not from lawyers that
advice as to the interprejtations of laws was sought, as
is shown by the following : —
ANSWERS OF THE REVEREND ELDERS TO CERTAIN
QUESTIONS PROPOUNDED TO THEM.
Whether a judge be bound to ponounce such sentence as
a particular law prescribes, in case it be accordingly above
or beneath the merit of the offence ?
Certain penalties may and ought to be prescribed to be
capital crimes, although they may admit favorable degrees of
guilt, as in the case of murder, upon prepensed malice, and
upon sudden provocation, there is prescribed the same death
in both, though murder, upon propensed malice, be a far
Massachusetts Bay Colony 139
greater guilt than upon sudden provocation. Num. 35 : 16,
17, 18.
Also in crimes of less guilt, as in theft, though some theft
be of greater guilt than other, (as for some man to steal a
shippe, who hath less need, is of greater guilt, than for
another who hath more need) the Lord prescribed the same
measure of restitution. (22 Exod. i).
2. In case the variable circumstances of an offence do so
much vary the degrees of guilt as that the offence is raised
to an higher nature, there the penalty must be varied to an
answerable proportion ; the striking of a neighbor may be
punished with some pecunicary fine, when the striking of
another may be punished with death ; so any sin committed
with an high hand, as the gathering of sticks on the Sabbath
day, may be punished with death, while a lesser punishment
might serve for gathering sticks in sore need.
At no time does there seem to have been any feeling
on the part of the colonists that the commonwealths
under the Mosaic law had been unsuccessful. In a
pamphlet issued in 1694 entitled "Old Planters, the
authors of Old Men's Tears," it is related of the begin-
ning of the Colony : —
" Infinite Wisdom and Prudence contrived and directed
this mysterious work of Providence, Divine courage and
Resolution managed it, Superhuman Sedulity and Dili-
gence attended it, and angelical swiftness and dispatch
finished it. Its wheels stirred not but according to the
140 Laws and Courts of the
Holy Spirits motion within them, yea there was the In-
volution of a wheel within a wheel ; God's ways were a
Great Depth, and high above the eagle or vulturous eye ;
and such its immensity as man's cockle-sheel is infinitely
unable to empty this ocean."
Another writer, nearer the time of the departure,
puts it,
« Religion stands on tiptoe in our Land,
Ready to pass to the American strand ;
We had our Moses and Aarons, our Zorabels and
Joshuas, our Ezrahs and Nehemiahs."
As has already been said, the general court from 1630
to 1634 was comprised of the entire body of freemen,
but by an enactment in May 163 1, it was provided that
no man should be admitted as a freeman to the colony
unless he be a member of some church within the limits
of the colony.
' As the colony grew and the settlements extended
farther and farther west, it was soon recognized that
the scheme of having all the freemen meet together
for the sessions of the general court was wholly im-
practicable. When the settlements reached west as far
as Springfield, it was obviously impossible as well as
dangerous for the freemen of the settlements more
remote to attend in a body any sessions in Boston or in
Cambridge, and in 1634 delegates were elected by the
Massachusetts Bay Colony 141
freemen of the different settlements to attend the gene-
ral session of the court, and the system of government
by representation became established in Massachusetts,
the second system as it is believed in the world, Vir-
ginia having adopted a similar system in 1620. The
delegates from the different colonies, the deputy gover-
nor, and the assistants, comprised the general court
from that time on during the existence of the colony,
sitting together as one body until 1644 when the depu-
ties were removed and became a separate body, electing
a presiding officer who was known as the speaker, a
name which has continued down to the present day to
designate the presiding officer of the popular branch of
our general court. The general court as thus comprised
continued to exercise the legislative powers until the end
of the colonial period and to a large extent the judicial
powers, although after about 1642 its exercise of the
judicial powers seems to have been limited to appealed
cases.
There are a great many instances in the records of the
general court which go to show that the deputies and
the assistants frequently were at variance and that jeal-
ousy and misunderstanding existed between them. The
first disagreement of note was that respecting the re-
moval of the Rev. Mr. Hooker to Hartford in 1635.
The assistants were of one opinion and the deputies
were of another. The excitement arising over this dif-
ference was considerable. Much ill feeling existed. A
142 Laws and Courts of the
day of fasting and humiliation was appointed. Rev. Mr.
Cotton was directed by the general court to preach, and
he preached with his usual vigor a sermon from Haggai
2 : 4. And it is recorded that thereafter the deputies
agreed to concur with the assistants.
In 1642 another dispute arose, wherein part of the
deputies and part of the assistants were lined up on
the one side and the remaining deputies and the remain-
ing assistants upon the other. The subject matter of
this dispute was a pig. The plaintiff was Richard Sher-
man and the defendant was Captain Keayne. Two
magistrates or assistants and fifteen deputies voted for
the plaintiff and seven magistrates or assistants and
eight deputies voted for the defendant, and the question
was then squarely presented whether a majority of both
branches was necessary to the passing of legislation or
to the determination of litigation which had been brought
before the court, and after much difficulty and much
controversy it was decided in 1644 that a majority of
both the deputies and the assistants was necessary for
the enactment of legislation or for the decision of con-
troversies coming before them. From that time down
to the surrender of the charter to the King of England,
the deputies continued to meet as a separate body to
propose and enact legislation ; and the governor, deputy
governor and the assistants continued to meet and to
propose and enact legislation concurrently with the
deputies. The deputies never exercised judicial power
Massachusetts Bay Colony 143
as a separate body, but with the governor and the
assistants continued to exercise an appellate jurisdiction
as long as the colony existed.
I doubt if anywhere in history is there to be found a
court more jealous of its own authority or more sensi-
tive to criticism against it or against its members, than
were the governor and the assistants of Massachusetts
Bay Colony. The slightest reflection upon the power
of the court or upon the wisdom of its decisions was
instantly punished in a most summary manner, and any
observation which we should now regard as the mildest
criticism was looked upon as most reprehensible con-
tempt of court.
In 1632 Thomas Knower was set in the bilbowes for
threatening the court that if he should be punished he
would have it tried in England, whether he was lawfully
punished or not, which amounted to nothing more than
an expression of intention on his part to appeal if the
Massachusetts Bay court should decide against him.
In the same year it was ordered that Thomas Dexter
should be set in the bilbowes, disfranchised and fined
forty pounds for speaking reproachful and seditious
words against the government as established, and find-
ing fault to divers with the acts of the court, saying
"this capricious government will bring all to naught,"
adding that the best of them was but an attorney.
Ensign Jennison in 1634 was fined twenty pounds for
saying, " I pray God deliver me from this court," and
144 Laws and Courts of the
adding that he had waited from court to court and could
not have his case tried. The same year John Lee was
whipped and fined forty pounds for saying that the
governor was but a lawyer's clerk, and what understand-
ing had he more than himself. Robert Shorthose in
1638 was set in the bilbowes for saying if the magistrate
had anything to say to him, he (the magistrate) might
come to him. In 1639 Richard Sylvester for speaking
against the law about hogs and against a particular
magistrate was fined ten pounds. Steven Greensmith
was fined forty pounds by the general court for saying
that all the magistrates except Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wheel-
wight, and he thought Mr. Hooker, did teach a cove-
nant of words, and enjoined to make satisfaction to
every congregation in the colony. Nor was the punish-
ment of the court confined to the members of the
colony outside of its own body. Mr. William Aspin-
wall, a deputy in 1637, having remonstrated against a
decision, and being taken to task for it, justified his
remonstrance and was sent home from the court. Mr.
John Coggeshall, another deputy, for affirming against
the opinion of the others, that an accused man was
innocent, amounting to nothing more than a dissenting
opinion, was sent home from the court. John Greene
of Providence having written that the general court was
usurping the power of Christ over the churches and
mens' conscience, it was ordered that said John Greene
" shall not come within this jurisdiction under penalty."
Massachusetts Bay Colony 145
Fines were frequently imposed upon the magistrates for
being late at the calling of the court or being absent
from a session of the court. It is, however, in the
enactments of the general court rather than in the pun-
ishment for contempts or for the punishment of offense
that the most extraordinary features are to be found.
No detail seems to have been too small to engage their
attention, and no subject too difficult to be approached
by them. From the form of religious observance to the
style of women's hats, and from the enactment of laws
relative to capital offences to the width of the female
sleeve, they passed laws with the utmost confidence.
It is, I believe, in their enactments respecting religious
observance, and particularly respecting the treatment of
people who did not agree with them in their religious
beliefs that the most inhuman and barbarous legislation
is to be found.
This from the records in the general court in 1644,
"Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully and often
proved that since the first arising of the Ana Baptists
about one hundred years since, they have been the in-
cendiaries of commonwealths, and the infect ors of per-
sons in matters of religon, and the troublers of churches
in all places, where they have been, and that they who
have held the baptism of infants unlawfull have usually
held other errors and heresies together therewith, though
they have as other heretics concealed the same, till they
spied a fit advantage and opportunity to convert them
146 Laws and Courts of the
by way of question or scruple, and whereas divers of
this kind have since our coming into New England
appeared amongst ourselves, some whereof have as
others before them, decried the ordinance of magis-
tracy and the unlawfulness of making war, and others
the lawfulness of magistrates which opinions if they
should be connived at by us, are liable to be increased
against us and so must necessarily bring guilt upon us,
infecting and trouble to the churches and hazard to the
whole commonwealth. It is ordered and decreed that
if any person or persons within this jurisdiction shall
either openly contempt or oppose the baptism of infants
and go about secretly to seduce others from the appro-
bation, or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the con-
gregation at the administration of the ordinances, ....
and shall appear to ye Court wilfully and obstinately to
continue therein after due time and means of convic-
tion, every such person or persons shall be sentenced
to banishment."
This from the records of the general court in 1638,
" Whereas it is found by experience that persons who
have been justly cast out of some of the churches do
profanely condem the same sacred and dreadful ordi-
nance by presenting themselves over boldly in other
assemblies, and speaking lightly of their censures to the
great offense and grief of God's people, and encourage-
ment of evil minded persons to condem said ordinance.
It is therefore ordered that whosoever shall stand ex-
Massachusetts Bay Colony 147
communicated for the space of six months without
laboring what in him or her lieth to be restored, such
person shall be presented to the court of assistants and
there proceeded with by fine, imprisonment, banishment
or further for the good behaviour as their contempt and
obstinacy upon full hearing shall deserve."
In 1646 it was enacted, " if any child or children, above
sixteen years old, and of sufficient understanding, shall
curse or smite their natural father or mother, he or she
shall be put to death, unless it can be sufficiently testi-
fied that the parents have been very unchristianly negli-
gent in their education of such children, or so provoked
them by unchristianlike and cruel correction, that they
have been forced thereunto to preserve themselves from
death or maiming.
" If a man have a stubborn or rebellious son, of suf-
ficient years and understanding, viz. sixteen, which will
not obey the voice of his father or the voice of his
mother, and that when they have chastened him will not
harken unto them, then shall his father and mother,
being his natural parents, lay hold on him, and bring
him to the magistrates assembled in court, and testify
unto them, by sufficient evidence, that this their son is
stubborn and rebellious, and will not obey their voice,
but lives in sundry notorious crimes, such a son shall be
put to death."
As authority for this legislation they relied on Ex.
xxi. 15 & 17 ; Leviticus xx. 9; Deut. xxii. 20, 21.
148 Laws and Courts of the
In 1646 the following was enacted, entitled
ECCLESIASTICAL LAW.
" Forasmuch as the open contempt of God's work, and
messenger thereof, is the deviolating sin of cival state
and churches.
" It is ordered, that if any christian (so called) within
this jurisdiction, shall contemptuously behave himself,
towards the work preached, or the messengers thereof,
called to dispense the same in any congregation when
he doth faithfully execute his service and office therein,
according to the will and work of God, either by inter-
rupting him in his preaching, or by charging him falsely
with any error, which he hath not taught in the open
face of the church, or like a Son of Korah, cast upon
his true doctrine or himself any reproach to the dishonor
of the Lord Jesus, who hath sent him, and to the dis-
paragement of his Holy Ordinance and making God's
ways contemptable and ridiculous ; that every such per-
son or persons (Whatsoever censure the church may
pass) shall for the first scandal be convented and re-
proved openly by the magistrate at some lecture, and
bound to their good behavior.
" And if a second time they break forth into like con-
tempuous carriages, they shall either pay five pounds to
the public Treasury, or stand two hours openly upon a
Massachusetts Bay Colony 149
block, four foot high, on a lecture day, with a paper
fixed on his breast, written in capital letters : —
AN OPEN AND OBSTINATE CONTEMNER OF
GOD'S HOLY ORDINANCES,
That others may hear and be ashamed of breaking out
into like wickedness."
There is a mass of legislation of the most barbarous
kind, respecting the Quakers. Beginning as early as
1656 and extending over a period of about ten years.
October 14th, 1656, the following was passed: —
" Whereas there is a cursed sect of heretickes lately
risen up in the world, which are commonly called
Quakers, who taking upon themselves to be imedi-
ately sent of God, and inaffibly assisted by the support
of God to speak and write blasphemous opinions, despis-
ing government, and the order of God in the churches
and the commonwealth, speaking evil of dignities, re-
proaching and revileing magistrates and ministers, seek-
ing to turn the people from the faith, and gain prose-
lites to their pnitious ways, — this court taking into
serious consideriation the premises and to prevent the
like mischiefs as by their means is wrought in our native
land, doth hereby order and by the authority of this
court be it ordered and enacted, that what master or
commissioner of any ship, barke, pinnace, catch, or of
any other vessel that shall henceforth bring into any
150 Laws and Courts of the
harbor, creek, or cove, within this jurisdiction any known
Quaker or Quakers or any other blasphemous heretics
as aforesaid, shall pay or cause to be paid the fine of one
hundred pounds to the Treasurer of the country, except-
ing it appear that he wanted true knowledge or informa-
tion of their being such ; and in that case he hath liberty
to clear himself by his oath, when sufficient proof to the
contrary is wanted, and for default of payment of good
security for it, shall be committed to prison, and there
to remain till the said sum be satisfied to the Treasurer,
as aforesaid. And the commissioner of any such ship
or vessel that shall bring them, being legally convicted,
shall give in sufficient security to the Governor, or any
one or more of the magistrates who have power to
determine the same, to carry them back to the place
from whence he brought them, and on his refusal so to
do, the Governor or one or more of the magistrates are
hereby empowered to issue out his or their warrants to
commit such master or commissioner to prison, there
to continue till he shall give in sufficient security to the
content of the Governor or any of the magistrates, as
aforesaid; and it is hereby ordered and enacted that
what Quakers soever shall arrive in this country from
foreign parts, or come into this jurisdiction from any
parts adjacent, shall be forthwith committed to the house
of corrections, and at their entrance to be severely
whipped, and by the master thereof to be kept con-
stantly at work, and none suffered to converse or speak
Massachusetts Bay Colony 151
with them during the time of their imprisonment, which
shall be no longer than necessity requireth."
On May 22d, 1661, it was enacted that "This court,
being desirous to try all means with as much lenity
as may concede with our safety, to prevent the in-
trusions of the Quakers, who, besides their absurd and
blasphemous doctrine, do, like rouges and vagabonds,
come in upon us, and have not been restrained by the
laws already provided, have ordered, that every such
vagabond Quaker found within any part of this juris-
diction shall be apprehended by any person or persons,
or by the constable of the town wherein he or she is
taken and by the constable, or in his absence, by any
other person or persons, conveyed before the next magis-
trate of that shire wherein they are taken, or commis-
sioners invested with magistratical power, and being by
the said magistrate or magistrates, commissioner or com-
missioners, adjudged to be a wandering Quaker, viz., one
that hath not any dwelling or orderly alowance as any
inhabitant of this jurisdiction, and not giving civil re-
respect by the usual gestures thereof, or by any other
way or means manifesting himself to be a Quaker, shall,
by warrant under the hand of the said magistrate or
magistrates, commissioner or commissioners, if directed
to the constable of the town wherein he or she is taken
or in absence of the constable to any other meete per-
son, be stripped naked from the middle upwards and
tied to a carts tail and whipped through the town, and
152 Laws and Courts of the
from thence immediately conveyed to the constable of
the next town towards the borders of our jurisdiction, as
their warrant shall direct, and so from constable to con-
stable till they be conveyed through the outward most
towns of our jurisdiction."
In that same year, Judah Brown and Peter Peirson,
having been indicted for Quakers, and standing mute,
refusing to give any answer, being bound over to the
court to answer their contempt, and standing mute also,
"The court judgeth it meet to order that they shall, by
the constable of Boston, be forthwith taken out of the
prison, and stripped from the girdle upwards by the exe-
cutioner, and tied to the cart's tail and whipped through
the town with twenty stripes, and then carried to Rox-
bury and delivered to the constable there, who is also to
tie them, of cause them in like manner to be tied to a
cart's tail and again whip them through the town with
ten stripes, and then carried to Dedham and delivered
to the constable there, who is again, in like manner to
cause them to be tied to the cart's tail and whipped
with ten stripes through the town, and from thence they
are immediately to depart this jurisdiction at their peril."
The members of the general court did not confine
their activity however to consideration of religious or
criminal questions, nor to the enactments respecting the
subject of trades in the colonies, but plunged boldly and
confidently into legislation respecting wearing apparel
both of men and of women.
Massachusetts Bay Colony 153
This was enacted in 1634, — "The court taking into
consideration the great, superfluous and unnecessary ex-
pense occassioned by reason of some new and immodest
fashions, and as also the ordinary wearing of silver, gold
and silk, laces, girdles, hat bands, etc., hath ordered that
no person, either man or woman, shall hereafter make
or buy any apparel either woolen, silk or linen with any
lace on it, silver, gold, silk or thread under penalty of
forfeiture of such clothes.
"Also that no person either man or woman shall
make or buy any slashed clothes, other than one slash
in each sleeve and another in the back. Also all cut
works, embroidered on or needle work, caps, bands, and
rayles (a rayle was some sort of a neck piece), are for-
bidden hereafter to be made or worn under the aforesaid
penalty. Also all gold and silver girdles, hat bands,
belts, ruffs, beaver hats, are prohibited to be bought and
worn hereafter under the aforesaid penalty. Moreover
it is agreed if any men shall judge the wearing of any of
the particular new fashions or long hair or anything
of the like nature to be uncomely, or prejudicial to the
common good, and the party offending reform not the
same upon notice given him, then the next assistant
beeing informed thereof, shall have power to bind the
party so offending to answer at the next court if the
case so require. Provided and it is the meaning of
the court that men and women shall have liberty to
wear out such apparel as they have except the immodest
154 Laws and Courts of the
great sleeves, slashed apparel, immoderate great rayles,
long wigs, etc.," this order to take place in a fortnight
after the publication thereof.
In 1636 it was enacted that a penalty of five shillings
per yard for every yard of lace made or sold to be worn
upon any garment in the colony, should be imposed.
" Provided, however, that binding or small edging lace
may be used upon garments or linen."
In 1636 there is another long provision respecting the
" making, selling, wearing of lace and other superfluities
tending to little use or benefit but the nourishing of
pride and exhausting of men's estates. Providing that
hereafter no person whatsoever shall make any gar-
ment for women or any of their sex with sleeves with
more than half an elle in the widest place thereof, and
so proportionately for bigger or smaller persons," and
closing with the admonition to the churches to see to
it that the members of their congregation were more
moderate in wearing apparel.
As late as 1675 authority was given to the courts to
punish any men appearing amongst them with long hair
like a woman's or perewigs.
It was enacted in 1647 that no man should seek
" either directly or indirectly to draw away the affection
of any maid in this jurisdiction before he hath obtained
the consent of her parents or of the governor, in case
she has no parents. Under penalty of five pounds for
the first offence, and ten pounds for the second, and
Massachusetts Bay Colony 155
imprisonment during the pleasure of the Courts of
Assistance."
And what was sauce for the goose was sauce for
the gander; for it is related that one Joyce Bradwick
was ordered to give twenty pounds to Alex Beck for
promising him marriage without her parents consent
and then refusing to perform the same.
The following are a few of the most extraordinary and
extreme punishments to be found in the records of the
courts of assistance.
Maria, negro, was sentenced to be burned to death in
168 1 for setting fire to a dwelling house in the night
time, and long after the expiration of the colonial period
in 1 74 1 it was reported that one Philes a negro was
burned in Charlestown for poisoning his master.
It has been suggested that there are some grounds to
doubt the reliability of the first account, because there
were two negroes convicted of arson at the same time,
and the report indicates that the other negro was sen-
tenced to be hanged by the neck and to have his body
burned with the other one, so that it is possible to sup-
pose that if the record was correct both negroes were
first hanged and then burned.
The sovereign remedy for all lesser offences was
whipping. It was applied on all occasions ; — speaking
against the magistrates, " shooting at fouls on the Sab-
bath Day," selling powder to the Indians, running away
from one's master, speaking reproachfully of the gov-
156 Laws and Courts of the
ernor, using profanity, theiving, drunkeness, idleness,
working in one's garden on the Sabbath Day, hanging
out clothes on the Sabbath Day, giving quick-silver to
one's husband.
Josias Plastow in 163 1 was accused of stealing four
baskets of corn from the Indians. He was tried and
convicted, and sentenced to return to them eight bas-
kets, pay a fine of five pounds, and " hereafter to be
called by the name of Josias and not *Mr.' as for-
merly '* he used to be, and William Bucklin and Thomas
Andrew were ordered to be whipped for being acces-
sories to the same offence.
The wife of Thomas Oliver was punished for slander-
ing the elders of the churches, by wearing a cleft stick
on her tongue for half an hour.
. . William Hawes and his son were fined fifty shillings
for saying that all persons were fools who sing in con-
gpregational singing, and were further ordered to make a
public confession.
Roger Scott was whipped for sleeping in church and
striking at the person that waked him up.
It is extremely doubtful if there was a distinct class
of attorneys during the entire period of the colony.
Some of the magistrates had been educated in the law
before leaving England, — Winthrop, Bellingham, Hum-
phrey, probably Pel ham, and Bradstreet. The records
of that time do not show how they voted on the fanati-
cal legislation nor on the punishments inflicted. We
Massachusetts Bay Colony I57
cannot determine whether they protested or assented.
One Thomas Lechford was here for several years and
was without doubt the most deeply learned in the law
of any of the early colonies. It is recorded of him that
in 1639 "for going to the Jewry and pleading with them
out of court is debarred from pleading any man's cause
hereafter unless his own, and admonished not to pre-
sume to meddle beyond what he shall be called to by
the court." Still later, in 1640, he was again in trouble.
He acknowledged that he had overshot himself, and was
sorry for it, and promised to attend to his calling, not to
meddle with controversies. Soon after this he returned
to England and wrote an account of the colony which is
good though prejudiced. Lechford is responsible for the
story the scene of which was placed in Weymouth, and
which has been told in rhyme by the author of Hudi-
brass. The story is that a member of the settlement at
Weymouth had stolen from the Indians ; and that the
Indian chiefs demanded that the guilty person should be
punished by death. Now it happened that the person
who had stolen the corn was a cobbler, and the only
cobbler in the settlement, and a useful and necessary
member of that town. As Lechford tells the story
the elders and the magistrates of the town deliberated
long over the situation. They realized the danger
which might result to their settlement if the wrath of
the Indians was not appeased. They realized the loss
it would be to the settlement to part with their only
158 Laws and Courts of the
cobbler, and the difficulty was met by following out the
suggestion of one of the elders which was that there
was in their community a weaver who was so infirm
with years and with illness as to be useless to the
community and who was not the only weaver in the
town ; and he was hung instead of the cobbler who had
stolen the corn.
It is to be hoped that we have been fair in our con-
sideration and treatment of our ancestors of 280 years
ago, and to one who has reverenced and does reverence
the piety, faith and courage of these men, it comes as
distinct shock to be forced to confess even to himself
that they were bigoted, intolerant, and fanatical. When
one remembers, however, that he sees in them the begin-
ning of a new civilization and that they were subject to
the mistakes, errors and fanaticisms which have been
inseparably connected with that period in the develop-
ment of the human race ; when one recognizes the
progress which has been made by a nation begun by
them ; when one has the belief and the conviction that
still greater progress is to follow, that wiser laws are to
be passed, that more humane treatment is to be accorded
to criminals, and that there will be not only complete
and entire tolerance, but sympathy for other religious
opinions and beliefs, then we can admit the short com-
ings and the errors on the part of our forefathers with-
out in any way losing our respect and admiration for the
traits in which they did excel. It is not for us to criti-
Massachusetts Bay Colony 159
cise the conduct of the early settlers in Massachusetts
Bay colony. In their place and in their time we should
have done as they did. One cannot, however, refrain
from feeling a regret that in their earnestness and in
their religious zeal and fervor they should have been
directed by the harsher commandments of the Old
Testament, and that they should have overlooked, as
they apparently did, the messages of love, sympathy,
tolerance and brotherhood which are to be found in the
New Testament.
INDEX
1. INDEX OF NAMES
II. INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS
L INDEX OF NAMES
For additional names «ee "List of Inhabitants of Boston. 1695," pp. 81-94.
Adams, Mrs. Abigail 41
Sam 62
Alexander, Edward 122
Elizabeth 121, 122
Isaac B. 122
James 121
Amherst, Lord 29
Anderson, Mary 124
Andrew, Thomas 156
Andros, Gov. loi, 102
Ansart, Felix 35
Lewis, 32, 34, 35
Appleton, 79
Amo, J. J. 124
Mr. 124
Aspinwall, 79
William 144
Avery, Eliza C. 122
Jno. 75
Mrs. 122
Baker, Abiah 123
Hannah 122
Jacob 122, 123
John 123
Balch, 20, 53
Bangs, T. H. 123
Barras, de Saint Laurent, Count
20, 22, 54
Bassett, Eliza 122
Samuel 122
Beaman, John 125
Beck, Alex. 155
Bellingham, 79, 156
Blake, Edward 123
Henry 122
Thomas 122, 123
Blount, Anthony 120
Bougainville, Louis Antoine,
Count de 21, 22, 36, 56, 63
Bouguier, 50
Bourgogne, Due de 61, 65
Bowen, James 122
John 122
Bradbury, Frank E. 129
Bradlee, Charles 123
Joseph 123
Bradstreet, Simon 134, 136, 156
Bradwick, Joyce 155
Bratcher, Austin 136
Brattle, Nicholas 102, 1 10-115
Breck, 53, 56, 61, 67
Samuel, 14, 15
Broves, Count de 36
Brown, Frances 125
Hannah 121
James 123
Judah 152
1 64
Index of Names
Brown, Mary 125
Nathaniel 123
Samuel 1 21-123
William 108
Bucklin, William 156
Bullard, 121
Burbeck, Col. 38
Burge, Mr. 123
Burgoyne, 43
Butts, Elizabeth 122
Sarah 122
Byron, Admiral 40
Chabert, Marquis de 36
Chamberlain, Mellen loi, 103, 104,
115
Charitte, Chevalier de 63, 69
Charles I, King of England, 131,
132
Chauncy, Charles 116
Mary (Stoddord) 116
Chevalier, 15, 19, 21, 23, 24
Child, Isaac 80
Choiseul, 29-
Clark, William 120
Coggeshall, John 144
Copeland, Laurence 135
Copp, 79
Cornwallis, Gen. 58
Corporal, Caroline 124
Charles 123, 124
John 123
Cotton, Mr. 142, 144
Cruse, 106, 107
Cunningham, 79
Curtis, Charles R. 124
David 123, 124
Maria 124
Mr. 123, 124
Cushing, David 40
Cutler, B. C. 121
John 39
d'Ach^, 70
Dailie, Ebenezer, 123
Franklin 123
Maria 125
Silas 123, 125
d'Aliens, Renaud 69
d'Amblimont, Comte de 69
d'Artois, Count 48
d'Aulnay, 12
Dawes, Thomas 45, 49, 51
Deane, Silas 13
Dearborn, 120
de Borda, Chevalier 20, 46
de Breugnon, Count 42
de Broves, 42
de Gaston, 70
de Genouilly, Comte de Mithon
63,69 ^
de Glandeves, Commandeur 69
de Grasse, 18, 19, 21, 60, 63,
64
de I'Eguille, Froger 70
de La Boucheti^re, Capt. 55
de Medine, , Chevalier 63, 69
de Montcabrier, 69
Denne, Francis 122
Dennis, James 122
Sally 121
Susan P. 121
De Noailles, d' Albert 15, 22, 35,
45, 56, 61-64, 68
de Puysegur, 46
de Raimondis, Chevalier 22
de Rions, Count 21, 22, 36, 54, 69
d'Espinouse, de Coriolis 69
d'Estaing, Count 13, 15-29, 34-46,
48,49, 51, 52,61, 63
d'Ethy, Chevalier 69
Dexter, Thomas 143
Doniol, A. 23, 36
Douglas, Andrew Snape 55
Drake, S. A. 11, 31, 67
For additional names see " List of Inhabitants of Boston, 1695," pp. 81-94.
Index of Names
i6s
du Bourg, Baron ^4
Duchatelet, Capt. 36
Dudley, John 134
du PortaU, Brig..Gen. 38
Eaton, Asa 121
Frederick 123
James B. 123
Sidney 123
Elizabeth, Queen of England 107
Elyot, 70
Emerage, George 122
Mary 124
Sarah 122-124
William 123
Emmons, 67
Endicott, John 132
Faneuil, 79
Famham, Isaac 122
William 121, 122
William H. 121
Farwell, John W. 27, 28
Fentress, Walter H. 67
Finch, M. 1 1
Fiske, John 16, 17
Folsom, A. A. 51, 52
Forsain, Lucy Ann 124
Mary Ann 122
Matthias 122, 124
Franklin, 79
Josiah 79
Franklyn, Henry 120
French, Eliza A. 124
Ephraim 124
Gager, Mr. 135
Gay, Eben 122
Eben V. 122
Frederick L. 97
Girard, 16
Gossling, R. 108
Gould, Robert 122
Gowen, Anthony 122, 123
Benjamin 122
Francis 123
Graves, Thomas 120
Greene, 16
John 144
Greenough, David I. 116
Sarah (Stoddard) 116
Thomas 116
William 116
William W. 10 1, 116
Greensmith, Steven 144
Griffin, Sara Swan 35
Guyer, Peter 39
Hale, Dr. E. E. 17, 18
Hancock, John 39, 41, 47, 48, 58,
59» 62
Madam 41, 47
Harris, Elizabeth 124
George 123, 124
Hastings, Samuel 123
Hawes, William 156
Heath, Gen. 22-24, 26, 36, 38-40,
42, 43, 48, 49, 68
Hemenway, Cordelia 124
Elizabeth 124
Samuel 124
Henchman, 79
Herbert, Edward 109-114
Holland, J. W. 123
Lydia H. 123
Sarah 125
Holmes, Francis 123
Hooker, Mr. 141, 144
Horton, David 124
Francis B. 124
Gustavus 123
Jotham 123, 124
Howe, Gen. 16, 17, 40, 67
Hudson, Jane 122
Richard 122
For additional names see " List of Inhabitants of Boston, 1695," pp. 81-94.
166
Index of Names
Hughes, Sjr Edward 21
Humphrey, John 133, 134, 156
Hunt, Freeman 123
Hyslop, Mehitable (Stoddard) 1 16
William 116
Ingraham, Jos. W. 121
Mary S. 121
Sarah 121
Sarah W. 121
James I, King of England 129, 131
James II, King of England 99,
loi, 109, III, 113
James, Sarah 124
Jennings, Benj. 122, 124
Mary 124
Sarah 122
Jennison, Ensign 143
Jones, John Paul 66, 67
Nancy 123, 124
William 123
Keayne, Capt. 142
Keefe, Ja. 122
Jane 122
Kergariou Brothers 54
Kergariou, Marquis de 56
Kilby, Christopher 120
Knight, Charles 123
Kissick, Frances A. 124
Knower, Thomas 143
Landstrom, James 122, 124
Mary Ann 122
S. N. Magdalen 122
Thomas 124
La Bourdonnaye, Montlac de 54
Lacour-Gayet 14, 17, 19, 22, 23,
35» 36, 47. ^3. 67
Lafayette, Marquis de 16, 22, 35,
4i» 55-58
La Luzerne, Chevalier de 53
La P^rouse, Capt. 54, 55
La Touche, Capt. 53-55
La Tour, 1 2
Lawrence, William 119, 120
Lechford, Thomas 157
Lee, John 144
L'Etombe, 57, 62, 63
Le Peley, Pl^ville 20, 41
Lock, Ephraim 121
Mary 121
Sarah 121
Sophia 121
Loring, Lewis P. 26
Louis XVI, King of France, 13,
48, 58, 66
Low, Elias 124
Eliza 124
Lutwyche, Edward 109, iii, 113
Mahan, Capt. 15, 21, 63
Malcolm, Daniel 122
Francis 122
Malletts, Charles 123
Manby, R. 104, 108
Maresquelle, Catharine (Wimble)
34
Lewis de 29-35, 5^
Maria, (negro) 155
Marston, Col. 64, 65
Martaigue, MacCarthy 63, 66
Martins, Henry 123
Marvin, William T. R. 97, 99
Mash, Betsey 122
Peter 122, 123
Mather, Cotton 120
M'Donald, Major 36
Miller, Caroline 125
Peter, 125
Susan 125
Milton, Christopher no, iii, 113,
"5
Miranda, Mr. 124
For additional names see ** List of Inhabitants of Boston, 1695," pp. 81-94.
Index of Names
167
Montalembert, Marquis of 30
Montcalm, Gen. 21
Moore, Elizabeth 125
Mary E. 125
Morris, Robert 66
Morton, Thomas 10
Newdigate, alias Newgate :
Newdigate, Nathaniel 101-103,
110-114, 116
Newgate, 79
Newgate, John 1 16
Newhall, Edward 123
Rachell 123
Newman, Elizabeth 125
Mr. 125
Newton, John F. 122
S. F. G. 122
Norcott, Elizabeth, 124
Nancy 124
Nowell, Increase 134
Nutt, E. & R. 108
Oliver, Mrs. Thomas 156
Page, Joseph 123
William 123
Palmer, 122
J. 75
Joseph 25
Waltef 136
William 121, 123, 136
Parker, B. C. C. 121
Pecksuot (Indian) 10
Peddock, Leonard 10
Pelham, 1 56
Peterson, Augustus 124
Catharine 125
Elizabeth 125
M. A. 123
Sarah M. 124
Philes, (negro) 155
Phillips, Mr. 134
Phips, William 28 «
Pierv^res, 46
Pierson, Peter 152
Pittis, George 123
Plastow, Josias 156
Poole, Mary Ann 124
William 124
Pratt, Phineas 10
Preble, George Henry 67
Price, 14
Ezekiel 28
William 120
Puget-Bras de Vaudor^, Cheva-
lier 63, 69
Raimondis, 56
Randall, Dorcas 123
Sarah C. 123
Tho's 123
Rayneville, Gerard de 13
Read, William 104
Reman, Mr. 123, 125
Richardson, Elizabeth 1 16
Ridler, Eliza 125
Isaac 124
Joseph 124, 125
Rinott, Hannah M. 124
John 124
Robinson, John 122
Josiah 122
Rochambeau, Viscount 53, 54, 60,
6i, 64, 68
Rodney, Lord 18, 60
Rogers, Will 123
Rosselle, Henry 130, 131
Sainneville, Chevalier de 13
Saint Sauveur, Chevalier de 42,
45, 46, 48, 50, 51
Saltonstall, Richard 134
Sampson, Elizabeth 121
George R. 123
For additional names see " List of Inhabitants of Boston, 1695," pp. 81-94.
i68
Index of Names
Sampson, Henry 123
Zephaniah 121, 123
Scudder, H. E. 14
Scott, Roger 156
Sears, Lorenzo 48
Sergeant, Peter 79
Sewall, Samuel 79
Sheafe, 79
Shelton, John 102, 110-115
Shepheard, William 135
Sherman, Richard 142
Shorthouse, Robert 144
Shrimpton, 79
Samuel 116
Elizabeth (Richardson) 116
Smith, Fitz-Henry 9
John 9
Southack, Cyprian 79
Souther, Daniel 37
Sowden, John 122
Susan 122
Sowdon, John 124
Mary 124
Stimpson, Charles 121, 122
Frederick H. 121
[Tom] H. 122
William 121
Stoddard, David 116
Elizabeth (Richardson) [Shrimp-
ton] 116
Mary 116
Mehitable 116
Sarah 1 16
Stone, 68
Street, Thomas 109, 11 1, 113
Suffren, Pierre Andr^ de 19, 21,
22, 64
Sullivan, Gen. 16, 18, 34, 35
Sumner, William H. 116
Sylvester, Richard 144
Tanouam, Capt. 54
Taylor, Jasper, 122
Seth 121, 122
Ternay, 20
Tracy, Nathaniel 15, 17
Tucker, Joseph 122, 123
Mary Ann 122
Sarah Jane 122
Tyler, Mary N. 124
Thomas 124
Ulmer, George 124
Mary 124
Vassall, Leonard 120
Vaudreuil, Marquis de 60-66, 68,
69
Vaughan, Elizabeth 122
Samuel 122
Viomenil, Baron de 68
Washington, George 38, 42, 43,
49,62
Waters, Charles 123
Ebenezer 123, 124
Harriet 124
William 123
Weeden, Mrs. 124
West, John 103
Wheelwright, 144
Whitcomb, Mr. 123
White, Mary B. 124
Williams, C. 121
John Foster 50
R. P. 121, 123
R. P. & O. 123
Wilson, Mr. 134, 135
Wimble, Catharine 34
Winthrop, 79
John II, 133, 134, 137, 156
Waitstill 79
Yeamans, John 116
Shute Shrimpton 116
For additional names see ** List of Inhabitants of Boston, 1695," pp. 81-94.
II. INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS
American Ships :
Consitution 15, 29
Deane 27
Dolphin 50
Hancock 27
Hazard 50
Independence 27
Massachusetts 27
Northumberland 61, 63, 69
Raleigh 27
Sampson 27
Speedwell 27
Tyrannicide 27
Warren 27
Argyle, Me. 80
Arrival of French Ships at Bos-
ton 13
Auvergne, France 19
Avignon, France 21
Boston, Mass. 9, 11 -14, 17, 18,
20-22, 24, 27, 28, 31, 34, 38,
40, 41, 43. 4S» 46, 48, 49. 51-
56, 58, 60-68, 73, 79, 80, 99,
103, 104, 116, 119, 120, 133,
140
Beacon Hill 56
Bunch Jof Grapes Tavern 57, 65
Bunker HUl 73
Boston, Mass. : — Christ Church
119, 120
Cofifee House 57
Common 14, 41, 47
Faneuil Hall 47, 56, 57, 64,
65
Fort HUl 65
Frog-pond 14
King's Chapel 45, 46, 52
Long Wharf 27, 6i
Marston's Restaurant 14
New North Church 67
Old South Church 39
Old State House 9, 103, 129
Province House 79
Salem Street Academy 120
Boston Harbor 10, 13, 18, 27, 55,
70
Boston Light 26
Broad Sound 28
Castle Island 72
Gallup's Island 23, 36, 63
George's Island 23, 24, 27, 28,
37»7i
Governor's Island 23, 72
Hoff's Neck 71
King's Road 23, 27, 28, 61,
68
Long Island 23, 27, 72
I70
Index of Places and Subjects
Boston Harbor : — Lovell's Island
23. 36, 65
Man of War Bar 65
Moon Island 72
Nantasket Road 23, 26, 28, 37,
68
Noddle's Island 73, 116
Peddock's Island 10, 23, 24, 36,
71
President Roads 27
Rainsford Island 27, 28
The Castle 26, 65
Bostonian Society 9, 100, 103, 129
Brest 64, 67
British Vessels :
Chatham 56
Isis 22
Preston 23
Renown 23
Somerset 40
Brookline, Mass. 51, 97
Cambridge, Mass. 15, 140
Cannon for use in War of Revo-
lution, making of 30-32
Cape Cod, Mass. 10, 40
Cape Francis 60
Cape Haitien 60
Cape Sable 11
Capes of Delaware 13
Charles River 130
Charlestown, Mass. 73, 74, 102,
110, 112, 114, 133, 155
Charlestown Harbor 133
Charlton, Mass. 133
Chelsea, Mass. 116
Chesapeake Bay 60
Court, of Assistants 131-138, 141-
143. 147, 155
Dax, France 20
Dedham, Mass. 152
Dinner and toasts at Faneuil Hall
to Marquis de Kergariou 56-
58
Dorchester Heights 72, 74
Dorchester Point 72
Dracut, Mass. 34, 35
Early Pew-holders of Christ
Church 120
East Boston 116
East India Companies 129
Ecclesiastical Law, basis of Court
decisions 147
Falkland Islands 21
Fines, parts of 105
Fines, use of 104, 105
Foix, Detatchments of 35, 36
Fortifications in Boston Harbor
70-73
Fox Hill 73
French Fleet 18, 61
Aimable 18, 19
Alcm^ne 18
L'A116geance 70
Alliance 22, 41
Amazone 61, 68, 70
Astr^e 54, 56
Auguste 63, 68, 69
Bourgogne 61, 63
Brave 61, 69
C^sar 18, 19, 22, 36, 42, 56
Citoyen 61, 69
Clairvoyant 68, 70
Concorde 54
Couronne 61, 63, 69
Engageante 18, 54, 56
Fantasque 18, 21,64, 68, 69
Guerrier 18, 20
Guerriere 15
Hector 18, 19
Hercule 61,1^63, 69
Index of Places and Subjects
171
French Fleet : — Hermione 53, 55
L'Aigle 55
La Chim^re 16
Languedoc 16, iS, 20, 22, 23* 41,
46, 48, 52
La Reine de France 70
Le Duc-de-Bourgogne 69
Le Neptune 61, 69
L'lsle-de-France 70
Magicienne 55, 61, 63, 65-67
Marseillais 16, 18, 22, 23
N^r^ide 61, 70
Ny raphe 13, 15
Pluton 61, 63, 66, 68, 69
Protecteur 16, 18, 22, 23, 52
Provence 18
Prudence 70
Refl^chi 63
Sagittaire i8, 21, 54, 56
Septre 63
Shirley 70
Souverain 61, 69
Tonnant 18, 42, 46, 48
Triomphant 61, 65, 66, 69
Vaillant 15, 18, 23, 38
Zel^ 18, 20, 52
French traders in Massachusetts
10
General Court 1 31-133, 136, 137,
140-146, 152
Hainaut, Detachments of 35, 36
Halifax, N. S. 55
Hartford, Conn. 141
Harvard Law School Library 104
Hogg Island, Mass. no, 112, 114
Hull, Mass. II, 12, 23-26, 36, 37,
39, 40, 52, 62, 70, 74
Bay 24
Cushing Hill 24, 26
Point Allerton 37, 71
Hull, Mass. :— Telegraph Hill 24,
27
Windmill Point 27
Jamaica Plain, Mass. 116
Laws concerning wages 135
Laws concerning wearing apparel
153
Laws of Moses have precedence
over those of Westminster
Hall 137
Legislation against Quakers 149-
152
London, England 97, 102, 104,
no, 112, 114-116, 133
Bridge 116
Company 129
Lincoln's Inn 105
South wark 116
Stepney Parish 115
Westminster Hall 1 01, 102, 109,
no. 113, 115, 137
Louisburg Expedition 29
Lowell Historical Society 35
Marlborough Privateer 43
Massachusetts Bay 9
Colony 133, 143
Governor and Company of 131
Merrimac River 130
Milking Cows on the Common 41
Monhegan, Me. 9
Nantasket, Mass, n, 27, 28,61-
63. 74
Quartering of French Troops
near 37
Nantasket Head 24
Narragansett Bay 16
Natascott [Nantasket] 11
1/2
Index of Places and Subjects.
New England Historic Genealogi-
cal Society 80
New York, N. Y. 16
New York State Library 80
Newdigate Fine, a " Chirograph "
104
Errors in cataloguing 10 1, 102
Latin of 100, 107
Latin Version without contrac-
tions III
Transcription of Latin as abbre-
viated in the original 109
Translation 113
Newport, R. I. 17, 54
Paris, France 19-21, 27
Penobscot River, Me. 50, 54
Piscataqua River 55
Philadelphia, Pa. 16
Plymouth, Mass. 38, 39
Plymouth Company, Land Grants
to 129-131
Royal Charter to 131
Point Shirley 72
Portsmouth, N. H. 22, 65, 66, 68 ^
Providence, R. I. 64, 68
Quebec 21
Quincy Bay, Mass. 23
Reception to Lafayette 58-60
Riot between French and Ameri-
can Sailors 41-45
Roxbury, Mass. 152
Rumney Marsh, Mass. loi, 102,
no, 112, 114, 116
Saint Cannat, France 21
Salem, Mass. 132
Sandy Hook, N. J. 16
Saratoga, N. Y. 13
Savannah, Ga. 65
Separation of Deputies from As-
sistants to Propose and Enact
Legislation, Simultaneously
142
Social Law Library 106
South Hampton, England 133
Springfield, Mass. 140
Squantum, Mass. 72
System of Government by Repre-
sentation begun in Massachu-
setts 141
The " Battle of the Saints " d^
The French Fleet and its Com-
manders 69, 70
Toasts drunk at the Banquet to
French Officers at Faneuil
Hall 47, 48
Toulon, France, 13, 61
Warwick 70
West Indies 60
Weymouth, Mass. 157
Whipping the Remedy for Minor
Offences 155
Yorktown, Va. 20, 53
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