Full text of "Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650"

See other formats

NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES

3 3433 08182989 1

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2008 with funding from

IVIicrosoft Corporation

http://www.archive.org/details/bradfordshistplyOObrad

BRADFORD'S HISTORY

OF THE

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

BRADFORD'S HISTORY

OF THE

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

1608-1650

Rendered into Modern English by

HAROLD PAGET

NEW YORK
E. P. BUTTON & COMPANY

68 1 FIFTH AVENUE

THE NEW YOr-.C
UBLIC MBCAHV

40568A

/VSTOR. LENOX A.ND
LDEN FOUNDATION;
R 1»22 L

All Rights Reterted

Printed in the United States of America

Some Dates in the History of England, Holland,

Spain, and America, which bear upon the

Contents of this Book

Discovery of America 1492

Henry VIII of England . . 1509-1547
Act of Supremacy (Secession of

England from Rome) 1534

Edward VI of England.. .1547-1553

Mary I of England i5S3-i5S8

Philip, son of Charles V of Spain,

marries Mary I of England. .1554
Charles V of Spain hands over
sovereignty of the Nether-
lands to his son Phihp 1555

Charles V of Spain resigns his

crowns to his son, Philip II . . . 1556
Elizabeth of England .... 15 58- 1603
Philip II returns from Nether-
lands to Spain 1559

Spanish Oppression of Nether-
lands reformers 1565

Netherlands rebel against Spain 1566
Netherlands form Republic

(Union of Utrecht) 1579

William I of Orange accepts sov-
ereignty of Holland: mur-
dered : his son Maurice elect-
ed Captain-General 1584

England joins Holland against

Spain 1586

Defeat of Spanish Armada by

England 1588

Philip II of Spain dies: Philip

III succeeds 1598

James I of England 1603-1625

Pilgrim Fathers fly from Eng-
land to Holland 1608

Truce of 12 years between Hol-
land and Spain ,,,,,, , 1609

Landing of Pilgrim Fathers in
New England 1620

Philip IV of Spain: truce with
Holland expires 1621

Prince Maurice of Orange dies:
his half-brother, Frederick
Henry, succeeds 1625

Charles I of England. . . . 1625-1649

Charter granted to Massachu-
setts 1629

Puritan Emigration to New
England increases 1630

Archbishop Laud attacks Eng-
lish Puritans 1633

Writs for ship-money issued to
Enghsh maritime towns 1634

Marriage of William, son of
Prince of Orange, to Mary,
daughter of Charles I of Eng-
land 1641

William II of Orange succeeds
Frederick Henry 1647

Treaty between Holland and
Spain 1648

Commonwealth of Eng-
land 1649-1660

English Navigation Acts lead to
war with Holland 1651

Blake defeats Van Tromp 1653

Charles II of England .... 1660-1687

The Dutch lose New Amster-
dam to England: renamed
New York 1664

James II of England 1685-1689

William (of Orange) III and
Mary H of England, , , .1689-1702

CONTENTS

Book I — 1 608-1 620. Persecution and Flight from England —
Settlement in Holland — Passage to England and
Voyage to America — Landing at Cape Cod and New
Plymouth

CHAPTER PAGE

I. Suppression of Religious Liberty in England — First Cause of

the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement i

IL Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608. . . 9

in. Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 14

IV. Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to Decide

upon Settlement in America 19

V. Decision to make New England the place of Settlement in
preference to Guiana or Virginia — Endeavour to obtain a

Patent from the King of England: 161 7-1 620 24

VI. Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the
Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accom-
plishment of the Settlement in New England: 1620 35

I VII. Departure from Leyden — Arrival and Preparations at
Southampton — Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to

the whole party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620 49

VIII. Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at

Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620. 57
IX. The Mayflower sails from Plymouth — Voyage — Arrival at

Cape Cod: September-November, 1620 62

X. The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover
the Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December,
1620 67

Book II — 1620-1646. History of the Settlement at New Plymouth

I. Deed of Government drawn up — Death of half their
number — Squanto — Compact with the Indians — Cap-
tain Dermer's description of New Plymouth: 1620. ... 75
vii

viii CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

II. The Mayflower returns — Death of John Carver — William
Bradford, Governor — Trade with the Massachusetts —
The First Marriage — Friendship with Massasoyt con-
firmed— Hobbamok — Expedition against Corbitant —
The First Harvest — Arrival of Robert Cushman with
35 settlers — Fortune returns, laden — The Narragansetts'
challenge — Christmas Day: 162 1 84

III. Weston abandons the Settlement — Dissensions among the

Adventurers in England — Weston's plan for a Colony,
and arrival of Sixty Settlers for it — News from Captain
Huddleston of massacre in Virginia — Fort built at New
Plymouth — Death of Squanto — Weston's Colony in
difficulties: 1622 96

IV. Rescue of Weston's Settlement — Weston arrives at New

Plymouth — His reception and ingratitude — Individual
planting of corn substituted for commtmal — Hardships
• — John Pierce and the Patent — Sixty new Settlers —
Compact between the Colony and private Settlers —
Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-General of New
England — Weston charged and arrested — Fire at New

Plymouth : Storehouse threatened : 1 623 Ill

V. Changes in form of Government — -Pinnace wrecked —
Private Settlers make trouble — Winslow returns from
England with the first Cattle — Faction among Adven-
turers in England — Objections of the Colony's
opponents — Letters from John Robinson — Opposition to
sending the Leyden people — -One acre apportioned for
permanent holding to each Settler — Ship-building and
Salt-making — Trouble with Lyford and Oldham —

Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624 133

VI. Oldham and Lyford expelled — Lyford's Past — Reply of
Settlement to Adventurers' Charges — Support from
friendly group of Adventurers — Loss of two ship-loads

of cargo — Captain Standish in England: 1625 158

VII. Standish returns from England — Death of John Robinson
and Robert Cushman — Purchase of trading goods at
Monhegan — Isaac Allerton goes to England — Small ship

built: 1626 169

VIII. Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between
Adventurers in England and the Settlement — Division
of land and live-stock among the Colonists — Hospitality

CONTENTS ix

CHAPTER PAGE

given to Pells-Sibsie Settlers — Pinnace and Depot at
Manomet — AUerton returns to England — Greetings
between Dutch Colony at New Amsterdam and
Plymouth Settlement— Leading Colonists become re-
sponsible for purchase of Adventurers' shares in England
and buy rights of the Settlements' trading from the
general body of Colonists for six years: 1627 174

IX. Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading
New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous
London adventurers — Patent for Kennebec River pro-
cured— Further Dutch intercourse — Trade in Wampum
begun — Troubles with Morton in Massachusetts — John
Endicott's arrival — Morton trades guns and ammunition
to the Indians — Morton apprehended — Troubles begin

with Isaac Allerton: 1628 188

X. Arrival of the Leyden people — Allerton in England tries to
get the Kennebec Patent enlarged — Morton's return —
Further trouble with Allerton — The partnership with
Ashley — The Penobscot trading-house — Purchsise of a
fishing-ship suggested — John Endicott at Salem — The
Church at Salem: 1629 201

XI. Ashley's beginnings — Arrival of Hatherley on the Friend-
ship and Allerton on the White Angel — Hatherley
examines the affairs of the Colony — Failure of Allerton's
fishing voyage on the White Angel — Ashley apprehended
and sent to England— Discharge of Allerton from his
Agency — The first Execution — Day of Humiliation
appointed for Boston, Salem, Charlestown, and New

Plymouth: 1630 2l6

XII. Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel and
Friendship accounts — The White Angel let out to
Allerton — Allerton's extravagance as agent — Josias
Winslow sent from England as accountant— Penobscot
robbed by the French — Sir Christopher Gardiner in New
England — The Order of the Privy Council about New

England: 1631 227

XIII. Sale of the White Angel to Allerton— The White Angel
sold in Spain — Hatherley settles in New England —
Rapid increase of the Colonists' Prosperity — Divisions
in the Church of New Plymouth— Wreck of William
Pierce in the Lyon: 1632 241

X CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

XIV. Trouble about the accounts of the partnership— Roger
Williams — Establishment of a trading house on the
Connecticut River — Trouble with the Dutch there —

Fever at New Plymouth — Scourge of Flies: 1633 246

XV. Hocking Shot at Kennebec — Lord Say and the Settlement
at Piscataqua — Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston — The
case of Hocking submitted to a Tribunal of the com-
bined Colonies — Captain Stone and the Dutch Governor
— Stone killed by Indians — Smallpox among the
Indians: 1634 253

XVI. Edward Winslow in England — Petition to the Commission-
ers for the Colonies in America — Winslow imprisoned —
The London partners withhold the accounts of the
partnership — The French capture the trading-house at
Penobscot — Attack on the French fails — Phenomenal
Hurricane — Settlement of people from Massachusetts on
the Connecticut River — Mr. Norton minister at New

Plymouth: 1635 263

XVII. Consignments of Fur to England — The plague in London
— Disorganization of the accounts — Dispute between
the London partners — The Pequot Indians get unruly

— Oldham killed — John Raynor minister: 1636 275

XVIII. The war with the Pequot Indians — Co-operation between
the Colonies — The Narragansett Indians allies of the
English — The Pequot Fort attacked and taken — The
Pequots routed and subdued — The Narragansett Indians
jealous of the Monhiggs under Uncas — James Sherley
discharged from his agency in London: 1637 283

XIX. Trial of three Murders — Rise in value of Livestock —

Earthquake: 1638 293

XX. Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and
Massachusetts — First steps towards winding up the
partnership by a composition: 1639- 1640 298

XXI. Further steps towards the Composition between the
London and New Plymouth partners — Dispute with
Rev. Charles Chauncey about Baptism — Fall in value
of livestock — Many leading men of New Plymouth move

from town: 1641 305

XXII. Conclusion of Composition between London and New

Plymouth partners: 1642 , 312

CONTENTS xi

CHAPTER PAGE

XXIII. Death of Mr. William Brewster — His Career — Remarkable

longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims —
Confederation of the United Colonies of New England
— War between the Narragansetts and Monhiggs —
Uncas permitted by the English to execute Miantinomo:
1643 314

XXIV. Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to

Nauset — The Narragansetts continue their attack on
Uncas and the Monhiggs — Truce arranged by the

English : 1 644 326

XXV. The Narragansetts renew theJr attack on Uncas and

hreaten the English — Preparation for War by the

Colonies — Declaration of War by the English — Peace

arranged and General Treaty signed by the United

Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and

Byanticks: 1645 330

XXVI. Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts — His

death — Edward Winslow's long stay in England; 1646. 338

INTRODUCTION

During the last four hundred years the peoples of the
Western world have been busily engaged in converting
their governments — often forcibly — to practical Chris-
tianity, in regard to their domestic affairs.

The new era, upon which we now enter after the Great
War, opens with a crusade for the application of Chris-
tianity to international relationships.

If the modern student sets up before his mental vision
a moving panorama of the history of Europe through the
Middle Ages, the most striking general feature is un-
doubtedly the irresistible course of the growing stream
of Freedom, touching and fructifying every section and
institution of human life — the inevitable outcome of the
evolution of Christianity made manifest in things tem-
poral, and breaking through the ecclesiastical bounds so
long set for it, as exclusively pertaining to things spir-
itual.

The gospel of Jesus Christ had hitherto been regarded
as a religious stream pure and simple, from which might
be drawn, by priestly hands alone, refreshment for the
spiritual life of man, offered to him in the sacerdotal
cup, in such quantity and with such admixture of doctrine
as seemed fitted to his spiritual needs, by those ordained
to take charge of that department of his existence — the
servants of the Mediaeval Church.

Little by little Christianity discovers itself as no single

ziii

xiv INTRODUCTION

stream Ox sacred water, limited by the shores of a pre-
scribed religious territory. Here and there in the wider
landscape it is gradually pushing a way out into the un-
consecrated ground of the temporal domain, welling
up through the ancient crust of Feudalism — bursting
through it, submerging it, carrying it away, now gently
and almost imperceptibly piecemeal, now in sweeping and
irresistible torrents, passionate against its long subjection
and suppression. This activity recognizes no national or
geographical limits — it reveals itself now here, now there,
fertilizing far distant spots of varying soil — some instantly
generous to its live-giving influence, some slow to respond.

Now watch its effect upon the inhabitants of the terri-
tories through which it newly flows. Some, watching its
uprising through the barren soil, stand amazed — doubtful.
See them slowly approach it, and gaze upon it, awe-struck ;
they stoop, timorousl}' — and drink ; they pause — and stoop
to drink again. Presently their singing eyes declare the
secret they have won from it; a moment or two of forget-
ful, selfish joy — and they turn away and hurry to impart
the wonderful discovery to their comrades. So by degrees
they come, a straggling, jostling, motley crowd — some
doubting, some fearing, some realizing.

Now see their priests hurrying, perturbed, to behold the
rumoured wonder. What! The sacred river has burst its
banks! Hasten to guard it from the profane thirst of the
multitude, and confine it to its sacred keeping!

Impossible! Its upwelling pools and flowing tributaries
are already too many — the priestly keepers now too few to
preserve the discovered waters. For, as they stand watch-
ing, troubled and amazed, behold the streamlets spreading
themselves ever further, breaking forth unbidden, in every
direction.

They consult together. What shall be done? Counsel

INTRODUCTION xv

must be taken of their superiors, for this is too much for
the lesser orders to cope with.

And so, as we watch the scene, we Hsten to the busy
plans of princes of church and state, of Popes and Kings.
Some would set about damming up these new unbiddable
by-streams at their places of egress; others would divert
their courses, turning them back into the parent-current

Too late! too late!

Proclaim then, broadcast, that the people shall not drink
at these waters, on pain of damnation. Meanwhile, hasten
to secrete them again by some means — for if the once rare
and sacred treasure, jealously guarded, comes, by supera-
bundance, to be common and general, what function is
left for the votaries consecrated to its preservation?

But — oh horrible ! — here is a dignitary of the state, there
even a personage of the church, who will not be led to
further the vast scheme of secluding the waters of these
newborn rivulets from the vulgar gaze or the profane thirst
of the laity. There follow sharp rebukes and rebellious
retorts, inquisitions and excommunications; factions breed,
and wrangling takes the place of deliberation.'

Slowly the scene's central interest changes for us, and
we find we are watching, not the miraculous birth of many
waters, but battling crowds of angry partisans, surging this
way and that. Now a little band of stalwarts, who strive
to keep the stream open to their fellows, is routed and dis-
persed; now their following increases, and in due time
their supporters are rallied again — sometimes to a tem-
porary victory, with short lived reward and quick reverse,
sometimes to repeated disaster and defeat. But ever the
waters inevitably remain only half-guarded, and by ones
and threes the people find their w^ay to them, some
stealthily, some definantly, and drink of them — and are
sealed. The little bands of stalwarts grow to great followf-

xvi INTRODUCTION

ings, and their trend is as irresistible as the source of their
inspiration.

Once again the scene changes. As our eyes wander over
it, we see that it is not now a matter of mere ci -il warfare
in isolated spots; it is the nations themselves that rage
furiously togetlier; the western world is one great battle-
ground for the opposing forces. Treaties and wars, alli-
ances and royal marriages, all are but the flotsam and jet-
sam on tlie surface of this ever increasing, ever multiplying
river, — sublime in the far-flung grandeur of its streamlets
and tributaries, its still deeps and its raging cataracts —
not one department of the whole landscape of human life,
in all its variety, but reveals its vague new workings or its
established deep-set currents.

Ah! At last we realize it: this is indeed the river of
Freedom, washing away, bearing away, surely, irresistibly
— quietly if it may, turbulently if it must — the worn-out
earth-crust of the moribund Feudal world, giving place
to the bloom and blossom of a new era in the history of
Christ's Kingdom on Earth and declaring the triumph for
all time of Soul-Freedom for His people.

It was He Himself, the arch-heretic. Who first broke
from the doctrinal curriculum of the priestly caste of His
day, to spread His gospel of Freedom to life's wayfarers —
saint and sinner alike. The sword that He brought to break
the head of the deadening, self-sufficient, Pharisaical peace,
hung suspended the while over the world, awaiting the
moment to strike. The sword has descended, and has
severed the bonds of the centuries which roll away to give
place to the new dispensation. Ex oriente lux! To-day
the East itself is just awakening to the dawning of the new
day. Almost we hear a voice from heaven, declaiming over
the dust of the mediaeval world : "Now is Christ risen from
the dead, and is become the first fruits of them that slept."

INTRODUCTION xrii

My object in limning the foregoing sketch has been to
present to the mind of the reader a setting for the ensuing
remarks concerning "The History of the Plymouth Set-
tlement," as recorded contemporaneously by Governor
Bradford, the first cause of which enterprise was one of
the most important episodes in the widespread movement
whose course we have just been observing, — the episode
which, above all others of that epoch, has produced the
weightiest consequences in the history of the world.

America was discovered by Columbus in 1492; Spain
planted colonies on its shores in the i6th Century; English
trading settlements were established in Virginia and else-
where in the latter half of the same century. It is no mere
claim of priority that lends historic importance to the foun-
dation by the Pilgrim Fathers of the English colony at New
Plymouth. The materialization of their objects was accom-
plished by the same means as formed the basis of the earlier
colonies: a trading enterprise supported by merchants in
the home country.

What, then, gives this particular project a prominence
and significance which so utterly dwarfs its predecessors?
It was the motive of its Founders. And what was that
motive? Freedom of religious thought and practice, in the
first place; of civil rights, in the second. It was the sub-
lime ideal of this little band of Englishmen which gave to
the New Plymouth colony (the nucleus of the other New
England colonies) the honour and glory of setting its char-
acteristic impress upon the greatest of the new nations of
the world — the United States of America.

The ideal aimed at we have probably grasped from our
preliminary sketch of the general movement of western
civilization out of the shackles of feudalism towards reli-
gious and civil freedom. But the sacrifice involved in its

xviii INTRODUCTION

consummation, — do we realize its significance? Let us
try to think what it means.

Picture to yourself a group of citizens and their families,
of good standing and of average education. In defiance
of established law and order, and of the accepted, orthodox
view of it, this little body of people pursues an ideal, vital
to the peace of their souls, with a tenacity which implies
certain loss of personal freedom and confiscation of prop-
erty, with risk of death. Rather than be compelled to aban-
don the pursuit of their ideal, these people voluntarily exile
themselves from England, thereby depriving themselves of
loved homes and dear friends and worldly possessions.
After a few years of severe hardships in Holland, their
newly adopted country, the seed they are nurturing is
threatened once again. It must be preserved at all costs.
They gather it up and bear it across the seas — fearful seas —
and plant it once more, forming a little settlement in the
savage, distant land of North America. For years they de-
fend their treasure there against every conceivable attack
by Nature and by man, encouraged solely by the conscious-
ness that the plant they are tending is God's Truth — Free-
dom for each man to honour and worship God as he sees
Him.

First picture this to yourself as if it were an incident
of modern occurrence, and try to realize what would be its
significance. Then turn your eyes upon our Pilgrims, and
watch them through their persecution in mediaeval Eng-
land; their flight to Holland; their hard sojourn there;
their voyage across the wide seas of those days, and their
settlement at New Plymouth — "in a country devoid of all
civilized inhabitants, given over only to savage and bru-
tish men, who range up and down, little differing from the
wild beasts themselves. . . . What, then, could now sus-
tain them but the spirit of God, and His grace? Ought

INTRODUCTION six

not the children of their fathers rightly to say: Our fa-
thers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and
were ready to perish in tliis wilderness; but they cried
unto the Lord, and He heard their voice, and looked on
their adversity. ... Let them therefore praise the Lord,
because He is good, and His mercies endure forever.
Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, show
how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor.
When they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out
of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry and
thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them
confess before the Lord His loving kindness, and His won-
derful works before the sons of men."

As we read this paean of praise, penned by Bradford
some ten or twelve years after their arrival, the reality of
a sublime human sacrifice begins to shape itself in the mind,
and our wonder rests upon the spiritual grandeur of the
offering, rather than upon its world-wide consequences —
of which the tale is not yet told.

It was from such a body of Englishmen, with their
burning ideals and consuming purpose, that a new national
ideal emanated, and a new nation ultimately sprang, since
typically identified with their devotion to Freedom. The
eyes of liberal Europe were upon this little handful of un-
conscious heroes and saints, taking courage from them, step
by step. The same ideals of Freedom burned so clear and
strong in future generations of these English colonists that
they outpaced the march of the parent nation towards the
same goal — and so, the episode we have just been con-
templating resulted in due course in the birth of the United
States of America ; in the triumph of democracy in England
over the vain autocracy of a foreign-born king and his
corrupt government ; and, above all, in the firm establish-
ment of the humanitarian ideals for which the English-

XX INTRODUCTION

speaking races have been the historic champions, and for
which the Pilgrims offered their sacrifice upon the altar of
the Sonship of Man.

In the words of Governor Wolcott, at the ceremony of
the gift of the manuscript of Bradford's History, by Eng-
land to America: "They stablished what they planned.
Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of religious
liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. To them a
mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the
civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which
pictures our national life, the richest spots are those where
gleam the golden threads of conscience, courage, and faith,
set in the web by that little band. May God in his mercy
grant that the moral impulse which founded this nation
may never cease to control its destiny; that no act of any
future generation may put in peril the fundamental prin-
ciples on which it is based — of equal rights in a free state,
equal privileges in a free church, and equal opportunities
in a free school."

For some years many have trembled for the fruits of the
Pilgrims' sacrifice. It seemed that the press of the chil-
dren's hurrying feet had raised such a dust as to obscure
from them their forefather's glorious visions and ideals. A
striking absence of spiritual aspiration and a dire trend
towards gross materialism seemed, for a time, all too char-
acteristic of America. But to such as doubted or feared
have come, recently, a wonderful reassurance and a renewed
faith in the eternal efficacy of so sublime an offering. It is
the sons of those men — their spiritual offspring — who have
arisen in their millions, — here in America, there in old
England, — to defend the World's freedom. The Dean of
Westminster voiced England's feeling, and that of the
world, when in the Memorial Service at Westminster
Abbey for the Officers and Men of the United States Army

INTRODUCTION xxi

(and Navy who fell in the War, he gave thanks to God in
the following words :

Their deaths have sealed the unwritten but inviolable Covenant
of our common Brotherhood. Their deaths have laid the endur-
ing foundations of the world's hope for future peace. For their
sakcs we raise this day our proud thanksgiving in the great Abbey
which enshrines the illustrious dust of the makers of the Enghsh-
Speaking peoples. Let us render our humble and joyful praise to
Almighty God that in their response to the clarion call of freedom
and of justice the two Commonwealths have not been divided.

Nor have our American brothers laid down their lives in vain.
They came in their hundreds of thousand from the other side of
the Atlantic to vindicate the cause of an outraged humanity and
a menaced liberty. The freewill offering of their sacrifice has been
accepted. They have been summoned to some other and higher
phase in the life of heavenly citizenship.

The mystery of suffering, sorrow and pain awaits its Divine in-
terpretation hereafter. Not yet can we hope to see through the
mist that veils the future. But the Cross is our pledge of the
fruitfulness of self-sacrifice.

May America and Great Britain go forward charged with the
privilege of a common stewardship for the liberties of mankind !
May the glorious witness of these brave lives, whom we com-
memorate to-day, enrich us, whose course on earth is not yet run,
with the inspiring vision of the sanctity and self-abnegation of
true patriot!^ ! The warfare against the countless forms of
violence, injustice, and falsehood will never cease: may the ex-
ample of our brothers exalt and purify our aims !

A few words as to the vicissitudes of the precious manu-
script of this book.

As the author tells us, he began to write down this
record of the affairs of the New Plymouth Settlement in
the year 1630, ten years after their arrival, continuing the
writing of it from time to time up to the year 1650, when
he compiled the Register of Passengers on the Mayflower,
their marriages, the birth of their descendants, and their
deaths. In form, the original manuscript is a parchment-
bound folio, measuring about II inches high, 8 inches wide,
and i/^ inches thick.

xxil INTRODUCTION

Some inscriptions on fly leaves in it, give, tersely, its
ownership up to 1728. "This book was writ by Governor
William Bradford, and given by him to his son Major
William Bradford, and by him to his son Major John
Bradford: writ by me, Samuel Bradford, March 20th,
1705-"

An entry by Thomas Prince, dated June 4th, 1728, in-
timates that Major John Bradford turned over the manu-
script to him for the New England Library of Prints and
Manuscripts, which he had been collecting since 1703,
when he entered Harvard College. Since then it is sup-
posed that sundry authors have drawn upon its material,
and that Governor Hutchinson had access to it when he
wrote the second volume of his History, published in 1767.

From this time all traces of its presence in New England
disappear, and it was not until almost a century later that
it was discovered and identified in the Library of the Bishop
of London, at Fulham Palace. It is supposed that the man-
uscript found its way to England some time between the
years 1768 and 1785, being deposited under the title of
"The Log of the Mayflower," at Fulham Palace as the
Public Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Docu-
ments relating to the Diocese of London, and to the Colonial
and other Possessions of Great Britain beyond the seas —
New Plymouth being, ecclesiastically, attached to the Dio-
cese of London.

When compiling his "History of the Protestant Episcopal
Church in America," published in 1844, Samuel Wilber-
force. Bishop of Oxford, and later of Winchester, delved
into the archives of Fulham Palace, and brought imder
contribution a number of unpublished manuscripts, from
which he gave extracts. In 1855 this work fell into the
hands of John Wingate Thornton, and, through him, came
under the eye of Barry, the author of "The History of Mas-

INTRODUCTION xxiii

sachusetts," who recognized that the passages quoted in
Wilberforce's work must come from none other than Brad-
ford's long-lost annals. Charles Deane was consulted
and communicated with Joseph Hunter in England, who
visited Fulham Palace Library, and established incontesta-
bly the identity of "The Log of the Mayflower" with Brad-
ford's History. It is still unknown exactly how it found
its way to London — but in all probability it was brought
over during the War of Independence.

From time to time, after its discovery, representations
were made to the custodians of the manuscript that it
should be restored to America, where its value was inestim-
able, as one of the earliest records of her National History
■ — in the words of Senator Hoar: "The only authentic
history of what we have a right to consider the most im-
portant political transaction that has ever taken place on
the face of the earth." Ultimately, the Hon. Thomas F.
Bayard, the first United States Ambassador to England,
instigated by Senator Hoar, put the matter before the
Bishop of London — Creighton — at Fulham, with the result
that, after due legal sanction by the Constitutional and
Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript was conveyed
by Mr. Bayard to America, and formally handed over to
Governor Roger Wolcott, on July 12th, 1897, for the State
Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, subject
to the production of a photographic facsimile being de-
posited at Fulham, and to the original manuscript being rea-
sonably accessible for investigation. Its present resting
place is the Massachusetts State Library.

No words could more vividly depict the feelings in the
hearts of Bradford's descendants, on the return to American
soil of this precious relic by the free gift of England, than
those of Senator Hoar, which I now quote:

*T do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without

xxiv INTRODUCTION

a little trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist
in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering, of sor-
row, of peril, of exile, of death, and of lofty triumph, which
that book tells, — which the hand of the great leader and
founder of America has traced on those pages. There is
nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem.
These English men and English women going out from their
homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from
husband and mother from child in that hurried embarka-
tion for Holland, pursued to the beach by English horse-
men; the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam
*in alley foul and lane obscure' ; the dwelling at Leyden ;
the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson;
the terrible voyage across the Atlantic ; the compact in
the harbour ; the landing on the rock ; the dreadful first
winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the
days of suffering and of famine ; the wakeful night, listen-
ing for the yell of the wild beast and the war-whoop of
the savage ; the building of the State on those sure founda-
tions which no wave nor tempest has ever shaken ; the
breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day;
the beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with
liberty, — of all these things this is the original record by
the hand of our beloved father and founder."

After its discovery and identification, an edition was pub-
lished in the year 1856, under the editorship of Charles
Deane, by the Massachusetts Historical Society, based on
a transcript made from the original document in London.
A photographic facsimile of the manuscript was issued in
1896, in both London and Boston; and upon receipt of the
original by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1897,
a resolution was passed providing for the printing and publi-
cation of a carefully collated edition, together with a report
of the proceedings connected with its return from England

INTRODUCTION xxv

to America. This edition was duly issued in 1901, and It
is from that as a basis that I have prepared the present
modernization. My purpose is obvious. To many, the
reading of the mediaeval English of the original, to which
all preceding editions have adhered, would be so laborious
as to preclude them from becoming acquainted with it.
I have endeavoured to preserve, as far as possible, the
atmosphere of the time, while accurately rendering the
thought in current language.

As for the writer himself, William Bradford, who, on
the death of John Carver, the first Governor of the col-
ony, a few months after their arrival, succeeded him in the
Governorship, and remained the guiding genius of its des-
tinies for over thirty years — his character, despite his utter
self-repression throughout his writings, can be clearly read
between the lines; his marvelous breadth of charity and
tolerance; his strong, simple piety; his plain, unself con-
scious goodness — all the grandest characteristics of the
best traditions of puritanism seem concentrated in him.

But little is known of his life in England. He was born
at the village of Austerfield, near Scrooby, in Nottingham-
shire, and the baptismal entry in the registers of the
church is dated March 19th, 1590. His family was of
yeoman stock. The first Mrs. Bradford (Dorothy May)
was drowned in the harbour soon after the arrival of the
Mayflower, by falling overboard. The second wife was a
Mrs. Alice Southworth, a widow, to whom, it is supposed
Bradford had been attached before his and her first mar-
riage. He wrote his proposal of marriage to her in Eng-
land, and she came out to him, with two Southworth chil-
dren. William Bradford died. May 9th, 1657, at 69 years
of age.

His dealings in the external affairs of the colony werg

nvi mXRODUCTION

largely wItH that class of hypocritical chariatan which suc-
cessfully turns to perverse account the generous religious
impulses of those with whom they hold intercourse. Yet
his firm hold on faith, hope, and charity never failed him;
he always ascribed to them, until clear proof of dishonour
was revealed, the best of motives; taking account of the
possibility of misunderstanding; or, in the last resort,
making allowance for human weakness in the face of temp-
tation, and forgiving unto seventy times seven. His was
the spirit given to Newton, who as he watched a murderer
being led to the gallows, exclaimed: "There goes John
Newton, but for the Grace of God"; or to Cromwell, in
his typical exhortation, — "I beseech you, in the name of
Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken."

The reverse side of the picture shows us, indeed, the
horrible hypocrisy of the pseudo-puritans of the Weston-
Sherley type, who whenever ill-fortune overtook them
called upon the name of the Lord in true Pharisaic fashion,
— as if to bribe by flattery a frivolous Providence, — playing
upon the finest qualities of forbearance and disinterested-
ness of such men as Bradford and his colleagues, to get ad-
vantage of them and rob them usuriously. Such parasites
on the true growth of puritanism brought it into disrepute
with the undiscriminating of those times, — nor have the
results of their evil work (in very truth, the Sin against
the Holy Ghost!) yet disappeared; for we find it in the
supercilious and suspicious attitude of the orthodox to-
W^ards dissent in any form, to this day.

The strong grasp of the intellectual and practical side
of his and the other Pilgrims' ideals of religious liberty, —
for which, no doubt, they owed a deep debt to that splen-
did apostolic figure, their old pastor at Leydon, John Rob-
inson,— is evidenced by the clear exposition of their claims,
in the answer they gave to charges against them of dissem-

INTRODUCTION xxvii

bling in their declaration of conformity to the practices of
the French Reformed Churches, and of undue Hcense in
differing from those professed forms of worship :

"In attempting to tie us to the French practices in every
detail, you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ
Jesus, The Apostle Paul would have none follow him but
wherein he followed Christ ; much less ought any Christian
or Church in the world do so. The French may err, v/e
may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do
in many circumstances. That honour of infallibility be-
longs, therefore, only to the word of God and pure testa-
ment of Christ, to be followed as the only rule and pattern
for direction by all Churches and Christians. It is great
arrogance for any man or Church to think that he or they
have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to be
able to set down precisely a Church's practices without
error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that
no one thereafter may digress or differ from them with
impunity."

On the other hand, it is interesting to mark Bradford's
disparagement of Utopian schemes of communal, or social-
istic, forms of government. Here is his conservative argu-
ment, based on the experience of the first few years of their
colonization :

"The failure of this experiment of communal service,
which was tried for several years, and by good and honest
men, proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other
ancients, applauded by some of later times, — that the tak-
ing away of private property, and the possession of it in
community by a commonwealth, would make a state
happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God.
For in this instance, community of property (so far as it
went) was found to breed much confusion and discontent,
and retard much employment which would have been to

SKvlii INTRODUCTION

the general benefit and comfort. . . . I£ (it was thought)
all were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all
were on an equality throughout, and one was as good as
another; and so, if it did not actually abolish those very
relations which God himself has set among men, it did at
least greatly diminish the mutual respect that is so impor-
tant should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue
that this is due to human failing rather than to this com-
munistic plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men
have this failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw
that another plan of life was fitter for them."

Thus in civil as in religious matters, Bradford's sure
instinct led him always to follow the guidance of a wise
and benevolent Providence, working for the rational
and natural evolution of mankind, which humanity could
expedite only by a plain, unsophisticated reliance upon
truth and goodness, as incarnate in the divine character
and life of Christ.

If we of to-day, whether American or British, fail to ap-
preciate the almost unearthly value of Bradford's History,
it is because we ourselves are still too close to the opening
of that era in modem civilization, — yet in its early stages
of development, — with which it is concerned. I believe that,
among the world's archives of contemporary chronicles of
the human race, future generations will attribute to his
annals a value far higher than that which we at present
ascribe to any similar historic record except the Gospels
themselves.

Certainly it is fitting in the present communion of inter-
ests of the Anglo-Saxon peoples, that we should refresh
ourselves at the glorious founts of freedom which con-
stitute their common heritage.

Harold Paget.
Silver Mine, Conn., 1920.

BRADFORD'S HISTORY

OF THE

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

BRADFORD'S HISTORY

of the PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

BOOK I

1608-1620

PERSECUTION AND FLIGHT FROM ENGLAND— SETTLE-
MENT IN HOLLAND (AT AMSTERDAM AND LEY-
DEN)— CROSSING TO ENGLAND AND VOYAGE TO
AMERICA— LANDING AT CAPE COD AND NEW
PLYMOUTH.

CHAPTER I

Suppression of Religious Liberty in England — First Cause
of the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement.

First I will unfold the causes that led to the foundation
of the New Plymouth Settlement, and the motives of those
concerned in it. In order that I may give an accurate ac-
count of the project, I must begin at the very root and
rise of it; and this I shall endeavour to do in a plain
style and with singular regard to the truth, — at least as
near as my slender judgment can attain to it.

As is well known, ever since the breaking out of the light
of the gospel in England, which was the first country to be
thus enlightened after the gross darkness of popery had
overspread the Christian world, Satan has maintained
various wars against the Saints, from time to time, in dif-
ferent ways, — sometimes by bloody death and cruel torment,
at other times by imprisonment, banishment, and other

S BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

wrongs, — as if loth that his kingdom should be overcome,
the truth prevail, and the Church of God revert to their
ancient purity, and recover their primitive order, liberty,
and beauty. But when he could not stifle by these means
the main truths of the gospel, which began to take rooting
in many places, watered by the blood of martyrs and blessed
from heaven with a gracious increase, he reverted to his
ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians.
For when, in those days, the bloody and barbarous perse-
cutions of the heathen Emperors could not stop and sub-
vert the course of the gospel, which speedily overspread
the then best known parts of the world, he began to sow^
errors, heresies, and discord amongst the clergy themselves,
working upon the pride and ambition and other frailties
to which all mortals, and even the Saints themselves in
some meaure, are subject. Woful effects followed ; not
only were there bitter contentions, heartburnings, and
schisms, but Satan took advantage of them to foist in a
number of vile ceremonies, with many vain canons and de-
crees, which have been snares to many poor and peace-
able souls to this day.

So, in the early days. Christians suffered as much from
internal dissension as from persecution by the heathen and
their Emperors, true and orthodox Christians being op-
pressed by the Arians and their heretical accomplices.
Socrates bears witness to this in his second book. His
words are these: "Indeed, the violence was no less than
that practised of old towards the Christians when they
were compelled to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured va-
rious kinds of torment — often racking and dismember-
ment of their joints, confiscation of their goods, or banish-
ment from their native soil."

Satan has seemed to follow a like method In tliese later
times, ever since the truth began to spring and spread after

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 3

the great defection of that man of shi, the Papal Anti-
christ. Passing by the infinite examples throughout the
world as well as in our country, when that old serpent
found that he could not prevail by fiery flames and the
other cruel torments which he had put in use everywhere
in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then went more
closely to work, not merely to oppress but to ruin and de-
stroy the kingdom of Christ by more secret and subtle
means, and by kindling flames of contention and sowing
seeds of strife and bitter enmity amongst the reformed
clergy and laity themselves.

Mr. Fox records, that besides those worthy martyrs and
confessors who were burned and otherwise tormented in
Queen Mary's days, as many as 800 students and others
fled out of England, and formed separate congregations at
Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg,
Geneva, etc.

Amongst these bodies of protestant reformers — especially
amongst those at Frankfort, — arose a bitter war of con-
tention and persecution about the ceremonies and the ser-
vice book and other such popish and anti-Christian stufif,
the plague of England to this day. Such practises are like
the high places in Israel, which the prophets cried out
against ; and the better part of the reformers sought to root
them out and utterly abandon them, according to the purity
of the gospel; while the other part, under veiled pretences,
sought as stiffly to maintain and defend them, for their
own advancement. This appears in the account of these
contentions published in 1575 — a book that deserves to be
better known.

The one party of reformers endeavoured to establish the
right worship of God and the discipline of Christ in the
Church according to the simplicity of the gospel and with-
out the mixture of men's inventions, and to be ruled by the

4 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

laws of God's word dispensed by such officers as Pastors,
Teachers, Elders, etc., according to the Scriptures.

The other party, — the episcopal, — under many pretences,
endeavoured to maintain the episcopal dignity after the
popish manner, — with all its courts, canons, and ceremonies ;
its livings, revenues, subordinate officers, and other means
of upholding their anti-Christian greatness, and of enabling
them with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the
poor servants of God. The fight was so bitter, that neither
the honour of God, the persecution to which both parties
were subjected, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other
worthies, could prevail with the episcopal party. They pro-
ceeded by all means to disturb the peace of this poor perse-
cuted church of dissenters, even so far as to accuse (very
unjustly and ungodly, yet prelate-like) some of its chief
members with rebellion and high-treason against the Em-
peror, and other such crimes.

And this contention did not die with Queen Mary, nor
was it left beyond the seas. At her death the episcopal
party of the Protestants returned to England under gra-
cious Queen Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to
bishoprics and other promotions, according to their aims
and desires, with the result that their inveterate hatred to-
wards the holy discipline of Christ in his church, repre-
sented by the dissenting part, has continued to this day;
furthermore, for fear it should ultimately prevail, all kinds
of devices were used to keep it out, incensing the Queen
and State against it as a danger to the commonwealth;
arguing that it was most needful that the fundamental
points of religion should be preached in these ignorant and
superstitious times, and that in order to win the weak and
ignorant it was necessary to retain various harmless cere-
monies ; and that though reforms were desirable, this was
not the time for them. Many such excuses were put for-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIMENT 5

ward to silence the more godly, and to induce them to yield
to one ceremony after another, and one corruption after
another. By these wiles some were beguiled and others
corrupted, till at length they began to persecute all the
zealous reformers in the land, unless they would submit
to their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their
popish trash, which has no ground in the word of God, but is
a relic of that man of sin. And the more the light of the
gospel grew, the more they urged subjection to these cor-
ruptions,— so that, notwithstanding all their former pre-
tences, those whose eyes God had not justly blinded easily
saw their purpose. In order the more to cast contempt
upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously gave
them the name of "Puritans," which it is said the novations
assumed out of pride. It is lamentable to see the effects
which have followed. Religion has been disgraced, the godly
grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, while others
have lost their lives in prisons and other ways ; on the other
hand, sin has been countenanced, ignorance, profanity, and
atheism have increased, and the papists have been encour-
aged to hope again for a day.

This made that holy man, Mr. Perkins, cry out in his ex-
hortation to repentance, upon Zeph. ii. "Religion," said
he, "has been amongst us these thirty-five years ; but the
more it is disseminated, the more it is condemned by many.
Thus, not profanity or wickedness, but Religion itself
is a byword, a mocking stock, and a matter of reproach;
so that in England at this day the man or woman who
begins to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve
within himself to sustain mocks and injuries as though
he lived among the enemies of religion." Common ex-
perience has confirmed this and made it only too apparent.*

* Note (written by the author at a later date than the passage
to which it refers).— Little did I think that the downfall of the

6 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

But to come to the subject of this narrative. When by
the zeal of some godly preachers, and God's blessing on
their labours, many in the North of England and other
parts become enlightened by the word of God and had their
ignorance and sins discovered to them, and began by His
grace to reform their lives and pay heed to their ways, the
work of God was no sooner manifest in them than they
Were scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers
were compelled to subscribe or be silent, and the poor people
were persecuted with apparators and pursuants and the

Bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremonies had been so
near, when first I began these scribbled writings, — which was about
the year 1630, and continued as leisure permitted, — or that I should
have lived to see and hear it. But it is the Lord's doing, and
ought to be marvellous in our eyes. . . . Do you not now see the
fruits of 3'our labours, O all ye servants of the Lord that have
suffered for his truth, and have been faithful witnesses of it, and
ye little handful amongst the rest, the least among the thousands of
Israel? You have not only had a seed-time, but many of you have
seen the joyful harvest. Should you not rejoice, then, yea, and
again rejoice, and say Hallelujah, Salvation, and Glory, and
Honour, and Power be to the Lord our God, for true and righteous
are His judgments (Rev. xix., i, 2) . . . The tyrannous bishops
are ejected, their courts dissolved, their canons forceless, their ser-
vice cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised; their plots
for Popery are prevaited, all their supersititions discarded and re-
turned to Rome, whence they came, and the monuments of idolatry
rooted out of the land. Their proud and profane supporters and
cruel defenders (the bloody papists and wicked atheists and their
malignant consorts) are marvellously overthrown. And are not
these great things? Who can deny it?

But who has done it? Who, even He that sitteth on the white
horse. Who is called faithful and true, and judgeth and fightest
righteously (Rev. xix., 11), Whose garments are dipped in blood,
and His name was called the W^ord of God, for He shall rule with
a rod of iron ; for it is He that treadeth the winepress of the fierce-
ness and wrath of God Almighty. And He hath upon His gar-
ment, and upon His thigh, a name written: The King of Kings,
and Lord of Lords.

Anno Domini, 1646. Hallelujah.

THE PLYI^IOUTH SETTLEMENT 7

commissary courts. Nevertheless, they bore it all for several
years in patience, until by the increase of their troubles they
began to see further into things by the light of the word of
God. They realized not only that these base ceremonies
were unlawful, but also that the tyrannous power of the
prelates ought not to be submitted to, since it was contrary
to the freedom of the gospel and would burden men's con-
sciences and thus profane the worship of God.

On this subject a famous author thus writes in his Dutch
commentaries: "At the coming of King James into Eng-
land, the new King found established there the reformed
religion of Edward VI., but retaining the spiritual office
of the bishops, — differing in this from the reformed
churches in Scotland, France, the Netherlands, Emden,
Geneva, etc., whose reformation is shaped much nearer to
the first Christian churches of the Apostles' times."

Those reformers who saw the evil of these things, and
whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for
his truth, shook off this yoke of anti-Christian bondage
and as the Lord's free people joined themselves together
by covenant as a church, in the fellowship of the gospel to
walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known
to them, according to their best endeavours, whatever it
should cost them, the Lord assisting them. And that it
cost them something, the ensuing history will declare.

These people became two distinct bodies or churches and
congregated separately; for they came from various towns
and villages about the borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincoln-
shire, and Yorkshire. One of these churches was led by
Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, and a good preacher,
who was afterwards made pastor; but later, falling into
some errors in the Low Countries, most of its adherents
buried themselves, — and their names ! To the other church,
which is the subject of this discourse, belonged besides

8 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

other worthy men, Mr. Richard Clifton, a grave and
reverend preacher, who by his pains and dihgence had done
much good, and under God had been the means of the
conversion of many; also that famous and worthy man,
Mr. John Robinson, who was afterwards their pastor for
many years, till the Lord took him away; also Mr. William
Brewster, a reverend man, who was afterwards chosen an
Elder of the church, and lived with them till old age. But
after the events referred to above, they were not long per-
mitted to remain in peace. They were hunted and perse-
cuted on every side, until their former afflictions were but
as fleabitings in comparison. Some were clapped into
prison ; others had their houses watched night and day, and
escaped with difficulty; and most were obliged to fly, and
leave their homes and means of livelihood. Yet these and
many other even severer trials which afterwards befell
them, being only what they expected, they were able to bear
by the assistance of God's grace and spirit. However, being
thus molested, and seeing that there was no hope of their
remaining there, they resolved by consent to go into the
Low Countries, where they heard there was freedom of
religion for all ; and it was said that many from London and
other parts of the country, who had been exiled and perse-
cuted for the same cause, had gone to live at Amsterdam
and elsewhere in the Netherlands. So after about a year,
having kept their meeting for the worship of God every
Sabbath in one place or another, notwithstanding the dili-
gence and malice of their adversaries, seeing that they
could no longer continue under such circumstances, they
resolved to get over to Holland as soon as they could —
which was in the years 1607 and 1608. But of this, more
will be told in the next chapter.

CHAPTER n

Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden) : 1607-1608

For these reformers to be thus constrained to leave their
native soil, their lands and livings, and all their friends,
was a great sacrifice, and was wondered at by many. But
to go into a country unknown to them, where they must
learn a new language, and get their livings they knew not
how, seemed an almost desperate adventure, and a misery
worse than death. Further, they were unacquainted with
trade, which was the chief industry of their adopted
country, having been used only to a plain country life and
the innocent pursuit of farming. But these things did not
dismay them, though they sometimes troubled them ; for
their desires were set on the ways of God, to enjoy His
ordinances ; they rested on His providence, and knew Whom
they had believed.

But this was not all ; for though it was made intolerable
for them to stay, they were not allowed to go; the ports
were shut against them, so that they had to seek secret
means of conveyance, to bribe the captains of ships, and
give extraordinary rates for their passages. Often they
were betrayed, their goods intercepted, and thereby were
put to great trouble and expense. I will give an instance
or two of these experiences.

A large number of them had decided to take passage from
Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that purpose had hired a
ship wholly to themselves, and made agreement with the
captain to be ready at a convenient place on a certain day
to take them and their belongings. After long waiting

10 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

and great expense — ^he had not kept day with them — he
came at last and took them aboard at night. But when
he had secured them and their goods he betrayed them,
having arranged beforehand with the searchers and other
officers to do so. They then put them in open boats, and
there rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their
shirts for money, — and even the women, further than be-
came modesty, — and took them back to the town and made
a spectacle of them to the muUitude that came flocking on
all sides to see them. Being thus rifled and stripped of
their money, books, and other property, they were brought
before the magistrates, and messengers were sent to inform
the Lords of the Council about them. The magistrates
treated them courteously, and showed them what favour
they could; but dare not free them until order came from
the council-table. The result was, hovever, that after a
month's imprisonment, the majority were dismissed, and
sent back to the places whence they came; but seven of
the leaders were kept in prison, and bound over to the
Assizes.

Next spring there was another attempt made by some
of the same people, with others, to get over from a diflferent
place. They heard of a Dutchman at Hull who had a ship
of his own belonging to Zealand, and they made an agree-
ment with him, and acquainted him with their plight, hoping
to find him more reliable than the English captain had
been ; and he bade them have no fear. He was to take
them aboard between Grimsby and Hull, where there was
a large common a good way from any town. The women
and children, with all their effects, were sent to the place
at the time arranged in a small bark which they had hired;
and the men were to meet them by land. But it so hap-
pened that they all arrived a day before the ship came, and
the sea being rough, and the women very sick, the sailors

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 11

put into a creek hard by, where they grounded at low water.
The next morning the ship came, but they were stuck fast
and could not stir till about noon. In the meantime, the
captain of the ship, seeing how things were, sent his boat
to get the men aboard whom he saw were ready walking
about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard
and she was ready to go for more, the captain espied a large
body of horse and foot, armed with bills and gtuis and other
weapons, — for the country side had turned out to capture
them. The Dutchman, seeing this, swore his country's
oath, "sacramente," and having a fair wind, weighed an-
chor, hoist sail, and away ! The poor men already aboard
were in great distress for their wives and children, left
thus to be captured, and destitute of help, — and for them-
selves, too, without any clothes but what they had on their
backs, and scarcely a penny about them, all their posses-
sions being aboard the bark, now seized. It drew tears
from their eyes, and they would have given anything to be
ashore again. But all in vain, there was no remedy; they
must thus sadly part. Afterwards they endured a fearful
storm at sea, and it was fourteen days or more before they
reached port, in seven of which they saw neither sun, moon,
nor stars, being driven near the coast of Norway. The
sailors themselves often despaired, and once with shrieks
and cries gave over all, as if the ship had foundered and
they were sinking without hope of recovery. But when
man's hope and help wholly failed, there appeared the
Lord's power and mercy to save them ; for the ship rose
again, and gave the crew courage to manage her. If mod-
esty permitted, I might declare with what fervent prayers
the voyagers cried to the Lord in their great distress, —
even remaining fairly collected when the water ran into
their mouths and ears; and when the sailors called out,
"We sink, we sink," they cried (if not with miraculous,

12 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

yet with sublime faith) : "Yet Lord, Thou canst save ; yet
Lord, Thou canst save 1" Upon which, the ship not only
righted herself, but shortly afterwards the violence of the
storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted
minds with such comfort as but few can understand, and
in the end brought them to their desired haven, where the
people came flocking, astonished at their deliverance, the
storm having been so long and violent.

But to return to the rest where we left them. The other
men, who were in greatest danger, made shift to escape
before the troops could surprise them, only sufficient stay-
ing to assist the women. But it was pitiful to see these
poor women in their distress. What weeping and crying
on every side : some for their husbands carried away in the
ship ; others not knowing what would become of them and
their little ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their
poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and
quaking with cold ! Being thus apprehended, they were
hurried from one place to another, till in the end the officers
knew not what to do with them; for to imprison so many
innocent women and children only because they wished to
go w'ith their husbands, seemed unreasonable and would
cause an outcry; and to send them home again was as dif-
ficult, for they alleged, as was the truth, that they had
no homes to go to, — for they had sold or otherwise disposed
of their houses and livings. To be short, after they had
been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one
constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them on
any teiTns ; for all were wearied and tired of them. Though
in the meantime, they, poor souls, endured misery enough.
So in the end, necessity forced a way for them.

But not to be tedious, I will pass by other troubles which
they endured in their wanderings and travels, both on land

THE PIA^IOUTH SETTLEMENT 13

«nd sea. I must not omit, however, to mention the fruit of
it all. For by these pubhc afflictions, their cause became
famous, and led many to inquire into it ; and their Christian
behaviour left a deep impression on the minds of many.
Some few shrank from these first conflicts, and no wonder ;
but many more came forward with fresh courage and
animated the rest. In the end, notwithstanding the storms
of opposition, they all got over, some from one place, some
from another, and met together again with no small re-
joicing.

CHAPTER m

Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620

Having reached the Netherlands, they saw many fine
fortified cities, strongly walled, and guarded with troops
of armed men; and they heard a strange and uncouth lan-
guage, and beheld the different manners and customs of
the people, with their strange fashions and attire — all so
far differing from their own plain country villages wherein
they were bred and had lived so long, that it seemed they
had come into a new world. But these were not the things
they gave much attention to. They had other work in
hand, and another kind of war to wage. For though they
saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of all
sorts of wealth and riches, it was not long before they saw
the grim and grisly face of poverty coming upon them like
an armed man, with whom they must buckle and encounter,
and from whom they could not fly; but they were armed
with faith and patience against him and all his encounters ;
and though they were sometimes foiled, yet, by God's assist-
ance, they prevailed and got the victory.

When Mr, Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and the other princi-
pal members had arrived, — they were among the last, hav-
ing stayed to help the weakest over, — such things were
deliberated as were necessary for their settling and for the
best ordering of the church affairs. When they had lived
at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor,
together with the most discerning of the others, seeing that
Mr. John Smith and his followers had already fallen out
with the church which was there previously, and that
nothing could avail to end the quarrel, and also that the

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 15

flames of contention were likely to break out in the parent
church itself (as afterwards, alas, came to pass) ; they
thought it best to move, before they were in any way in-
volved, though they knew it would be to their worldly dis-
advantage, both at present and probably in the future, —
as indeed it proved to be.

For these and other reasons, then, they removed to
Leyden, a fair and beautiful city, of a sweet situation,
made famous by its university, in which recently there
had been so many learned men. However, lacking sea-
faring trades, which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so
favourable in providing means of livelihood. But being set-
tled here, they fell to such trades and employments as they
best could, valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above
any other riches whatever; and at length they came to
raise a competent and comfortable living, though only by
dint of hard and continual labour.

Thus, after numerous difficulties, they continued many
years in good circumstances, enjoying together much sweet
and delightful intercourse and spiritual comfort in the ways
of God, under the able ministry and prudent government
of Mr. Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who before
had been his assistant in place of an Elder, to which position
he was now called and chosen by the church. So they
grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit
of God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness;
and many came to them from different parts of England,
so that there grew up a great congregation. And if any
differences arose or offences broke out, — as cannot but be
even amongst the best of men, — they were always so met
with and nipped in the head betimes, that love, peace, and
communion continued ; or, in some instances, the church
was purged of those who were incurable and incorrigible,
when, after much patience used, no other means would

16 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

serve. Indeed, such was the love and respect that this
worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, had to his flock, and his
flock to him, that it might be said of them, as it once was of
the famous Emperor Marcus AureUus and the people of
Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he was more de-
lighted in having such a people or they in having such a
pastor. His love was great towards them, and his care
was always bent to their best good both for soul and body ;
for, besides his singular ability in divine things (wherein
he excelled), he was also very able in directing their civil
affairs and foreseeing dangers and troubles; so he was very
helpful to their material well-being, and was in every way
a common father to them. None offended him more than
those who kept apart from the rest, and neglected the com-
mon good ; or those who were rigid in matters of outward
order and would inveigh against the evil of others, and yet
were remiss themselves and not too careful to maintain
virtuous conversation. The congregation, too, ever had a
reverent regard for him and held him in precious estimation,
as his worth and wisdom deserved ; and highly as they es-
teemed him whilst he lived and laboured amongst them, it
was even more so after his death, when they came to feel
the want of his help, and saw by woful experience what a
treasure they had lost. But to return. I know not but it
may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice
to any, that such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and
fervent love, of this people, whilst they thus lived together,
towards God and His ways, and the single-heartedness and
sincere affection of one towards another, that they came as
near the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other
church of these later times has done.

It is not my purpose to treat of what befell them whilst
they lived in the Low Countries, — which would require a
large treatise of itself, — but to show the beginnings of the

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT I'rl

New Plymouth Settlement. But since some of their adver-
saries, upon their departure from Leyden of their own free
will, uttered slanders against them, as if the country had
been weary of them and had driven them out, as the
heathen historians asserted of Moses and the Israelites when
they went out of Egypt, I will mention a particular or two
to show the contrary, and the good acceptation they had
in the place where they lived.

First, though many of them were poor, there were none
so poor but that if they were known to be of that congre-
gation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust
them to any reasonable extent when they lacked money
to buy what they needed. They found by experience how
careful they were to keep their word, and saw how diligent
they were in their callings, that they would even compete
for their custom, and employ them in preference to others.

Again, about the time of their departure, or a little be-
fore, the magistrates of the city, gave this commendable
testimony of them in the public place of justice in reproof
to the Walloons, who were of the French church there.
"These English," said they, "have lived among us these
twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation
against any of them ; but your strifes and quarrels are con-
tinual."

At this time occurred the great trouble with the Armin-
ians, who molested the whole state, and this city in par-
ticular, where the chief university was situated. So there
were daily hot disputes in the schools thereabouts, and the
students and other learned people were divided in their
opinions between two professors of divinity, the one daily
teaching in favour of the Arminian faction, and the other
against it. Things grew to such a pass, that few of the
followers of the one professor would hear the other teach.
But Mr. Robinson, though he preached thrice a week him-

18 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

self and wrote several books, besides his many other duties,
went constantly to hear their readings, the one as well as
the other ; so he became well-grounded in their controversy
and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the
shifts of the opponent, and being himself very able, none
was fitter to buckle with them than himself, — as appeared
by various disputes. In fact, he began to be a terror to the
Arminians, so that Episcopius, the Arminian professor, put
forth his best strength and advanced various Theses which
he asserted he would defend against all comers in public
dispute.

Now Poliander, the other professor, and the chief preach-
ers of the city, requested Mr. Robinson to take up his chal-
lenge, but he was loth to do so, being a stranger. However
the others importuned him, and told him that such was the
ability and nimbleness of the opponent, that the truth would
suffer if he did not help them. So he acquiesced and pre-
pared himself accordingly; and when the day came, the
Lord so helped him to defend the truth and foil his adver-
sary, that he put him to an apparent nonplus in public
audience. And he did the same thing two or three times
upon similar occasions. This, while it made many praise
God that the truth had so famous a victory, procured him
much honour and respect from those learned men and others
who loved the truth. So far from being weary of him and
his people, or desiring their absence, had it not been for
fear of giving offence to the government of England, they
would have conferred upon him some public honour. In-
deed, when there was talk of their departure to America,
several men of prominence in the country tried to induce
them to become naturalized, and even made them large
offers to do so. Though I might mention many other
similar examples to show the untruth of this slander, these
suffice, for it was believed by few and was raised in malice.

CHAPTER IV

Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to decide
upon Settlement in America.

After they had lived here for some eleven or twelve
years, — the period of the famous truce between the Low
Countries and Spain, — several of them having died, and
many others being now old, the grave mistress. Experience,
having taught them much, their prudent governors began
to apprehend present dangers and to scan the future and
think of timely remedy. After much thought and discourse
on the subject, they began at length to incline to the idea
of removal to some other place ; not out of any new-f angled-
ness or other such giddy humour, which often influences
people to their detriment and danger, but for many im-
portant reasons, the chief of which I will here briefly touch
upon.

First, they saw by experience that the hardships of the
country were such that comparatively few others would
join them, and fewer still would bide it out and remain
with them. Alany who came and many more who desired
to come, could not endure the continual labour and hard
fare and other inconveniences which they themselves were
satisfied with. But though these weaker brethren loved the
members of the congregation, personally approved their
cause, and honoured their sufferings, they left them, weep-
ing, as it were; — as Orpah did her mother-in-law, Naomi;
or as those Romans did Cato at Utica, who desired to be
excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catos.
£or, though many desired to enjoy the ordinances of God

20 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel, yet, alas, they
preferred to submit to bondage, with danger to their con-
science, rather than endure these privations. Some even
preferred prisons in England to this Hberty in Holland,
Mfith such hardships. But it was thought that if there could
be found a better and easier place of living, it would attract
many and remove this discouragement. Their pastor would
often say, that if many of those who both wrote and
preached against them were living where they might have
liberty and comfortable conditions, they would then prac-
tice the same religion as they themselves did.

Secondly, they saw that though the people generally bore
these difficulties very cheerfully, and with resolute courage,
being in the best strength of their years ; yet old age began
to steal on many of them, and their great and continual
labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before
their time; so that it was not only probable, but certain,
that in a few more years they would be in danger of scatter-
ing by the necessities pressing upon them. Therefore, ac-
cording to the divine proverb (Prov. x.xii, 3), that a wise
man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself;
they, like skillful and hardened soldiers, were wary of being
surrounded by their enemies, so that they could neither fight
not flee, and thought it wiser to dislodge betimes to some
place of better advantage and less danger, if any such could
be found.

Thirdly, as necessity was a task-master over them, so
they themselves were forced to be, not only over their ser-
vants, but in a sort over their dearest children ; which not a
little wounded the hearts of many a loving father and
mother, and produced many sad and sorrowful effects.
Many of their children, who were of the best disposition
and who had learned to bear the yoke in their youth and
were willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 21

often so oppressed with their labours, that though their
minds were free and wilUng, their bodies bowed under the
weight and became decrepit in early youth, — the vigour of
nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But
still more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to
be borne, was that many of the children, influenced by these
conditions, and the great licentiousness of the young people
of the country, and the many temptations of the city, were
led by evil example into dangerous courses, getting the
reins off their necks and leaving their parents. Some be-
came soldiers, others embarked upon voyages by sea and
others upon worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the
danger of their souls, to the great grief of the parents and
the dishonour of God. So they saw their posterity would
be in danger to degenerate and become corrupt.

Last and not least, they cherished a great hope and in-
ward zeal of laying good foundations, or at least of making
some way towards it, for the propagation and advance of
the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in the remote parts of
the world, even though they should be but stepping stones to
others in the performance of so great a work.

These, and some other similar reasons, moved them to
resolve upon their removal, which they afterwards pros-
ecuted in the face of great difficulties, as will appear.

The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere
in those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which
were fruitful and fit for habitation, though devoid of all
civilized inhabitants and given over to savages, who range
up and down, differing little from the wild beasts them-
selves. This proposition when made public, found many
different opinions, and raised many fears and doubts. The
hopeful ones tried to encourage the rest to undertake it;
others more timid, objected to it, alleging much that was
neither unreasonable nor improbable. They argued that it

22 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

was so big an undertaking that it was open to inconceivable
perils and dangers. Besides the casualties of the seas, they
asserted that the length of the voyage was such that the
women, and other weak persons worn out with age and
travail, could never survive it. Even if they should, they
contended that the miseries which they would be exposed to
in such a country, would be too hard to endure. They
would be liable to famine, nakedness, and want. The
change of air, diet, and water would infect them with sick-
ness and disease. Again, all those who surmounted these
difficulties, would remain in continual danger from the
savages, who are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, furious
in their rage, and merciless when they get the upper hand, —
not content to kill, they delight in tormenting people in the
most bloody manner possible; flaying some alive with the
shells of fishes, cutting off the members and joints of others
piecemeal, broiling them on the coals, and eating collops of
their flesh in their sight whilst they live, — with other cruel-
ties too horrible to be related.

And the very hearing of these things could not but move
the very bowels of men to grate within them and make
the weak to quake and tremble. It was further objected that
it would require greater sums of money to prepare for such
a voyage, and to fit them with necessaries, than their
diminished estates would amount to. Many precedents of
ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others in similar
undertakings were alleged, — ^besides their own experience
in their removal to Holland, and how hard it was for them
to live there, though it was a neighboring country and a
civilized and rich commonwealth.

It was replied that all great and honourable actions are
accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both met
and overcome with answerable courage. It was granted
the dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 23

were many, but not invincible. For, many of the things
feared might never befall; others by provident care and
the use of good means might in a great measure be pre-
vented ; and all of them, through the help of God, by forti-
tude and patience, might either be borne or overcome.
True it was that such attempts were not to be undertaken
without good ground and reason, rashly or lightly; or, as
many had done, for curiosity or hope of gain. But their
condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and
honourable; their calling, lawful and urgent; therefore they
might expect the blessing of God on their proceedings. Yea,
though they should lose their lives in this action, yet might
they have the comfort of knowing that their endeavour was
worthy.

They were now living as exiles in poor circumstances;
and as great miseries might befall them here as there, for
the twelve years' truce was now over, and there was noth-
ing but beating of drums and preparation for war. The
Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savage of America,
and the famine and pestilence as sore in Holland as across
the seas. After many other things had been alleged on
both sides, it was fully decided by the majority to undertake
the enterprise, and to prosecute it by the best means they
could.

CHAPTER V

Decision to make New England the place of Settlement, in
preference to Guiana or Virginia — Endeavour to obtain a
Patent from the King of England: 1617-1620

After humble prayers to God for His protection and
assistance, and a general conference, they consulted what
particular place to pitch upon. Some had thought of
Guiana ; some of those fertile places in hot climates ; others
were for some parts of Virginia, where the English had
already made entrance. Those for Guiana alleged that the
country was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual
spring, where vigorous nature brought forth all things in
abundance and plenty, without need of much labour, and
that the Spaniards, having much more than they could
possess, had not yet settled there, or anywhere very near.

To this it was objected that though the country was fruit-
ful and pleasant, and might yield riches and easy main-
tenance to the possessors, other things considered, it would
not be so fit for them. First, such hot countries are subject
to horrible diseases and many noisome pests, which other
more temperate places are free from, and they would not
agree so well with our English bodies. Again, if they lived
there and did well, the jealous Spaniards would never leave
them in peace, but would dispossess them as they did the
French in Florida, — and the sooner because they would
have no protection, and their own strength would be in-
suflEicient to resist so potent an enemy and so near a neigh-
bour.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 25

On the other hand, against Virginia it was objected that
if they Hved among the Enghsh who had settled there, or
so near them as to be under their government, they would
be in as great danger of persecution for their religion as
if they lived in England, — and it might be, worse; while,
if they lived too far off, they would have neither help nor
defence from them.

At length the conclusion was reached that they should
live as a separate body, by themselves, under the general
government of Virginia; and that through their friends
they should sue his majesty to be pleased to allow them
freedom of religion. That this might be granted they were
led to hope by some prominent persons of rank and influ-
ence, who had become their friends.

Whereupon, two members of the congregation were sent
to England at the expense of the rest, to arrange the
matter. They found the Virginia company anxious to
have them, and willing to grant them a patent, with as
ample privileges as they themselves had or could grant and
to give them the best assistance they could. Some of the
principal officers of the Virginia Company did not doubt
that they could obtain the King's grant of liberty of religion,
confirmed under his broad seal. But it proved a harder
piece of work than they expected ; and, though many means
were used to accomplish it, it proved impossible. ^lany of
high standing used their influence to obtain it, — though one of
the King's chief secretaries. Sir Robert Nanton, was against
them, — and others urged the Archbishop to give way to it ;
but it proved all in vain. They succeeded, however, in
sounding his majesty's mind, and found that he would con-
nive at them, and not molest them, provided they behaved
peaceably. But to allow or tolerate their claim to religious

26 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

freedom by his public authority, tinder his seal, was found

to be impossible. This was all the leading officials of the
Virginia Company or any of their best friends could do;
though they persuaded the Congregation at Leyden to pro-
ceed with the undertaking, beheving that they would not be
troubled. With this answer the messengers returned.

This damped their enthusiasm, and caused some distrac-
tion. Many feared that if they should unsettle themselves
and count upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous and
be a sandy foundation. Indeed it was thought they might
better have taken this understanding for granted, without
making suit at all, than to have it tJius rejected. But some
of the chief members thought otherwise, and that they might
well proceed, and that the King would not molest them,
even though, for other reasons, he would not confirm it by
any public act. And it was further contended that if there
was no security in the promise thus intimated, there would
be no great certainty in its further confirmation; for if,
afterwards, there should be a desire to wrong them, though
they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not
serve their turn, for means would be found to reverse it.
With this probability of success they urged that they should
trust to God's providence for the outcome, as they had
done in other things.

Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched
to close with the Virginia Company as well as they could
and to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions
as possible; also to arrange with such merchants and other
friends as had manifested interest, to participate in the
accomplishment of this voyage. For these ends they were
instructed upon what lines to proceed, — otherwise to con-
chide nothing without further orders.

Here it will be necessary to insert a letter or two bearing
on these proceedings.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 27

Sir Edwin Sandys in London to John Robinson and William
Brewster at Ley den:

After my hearty salutations. . . . The agents of your congrega-
tion, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communica-
tion with some of the more important members of his majesty's
counsel for Virginia; and by presentation of the seven articles sub-
scribed with j-our names have given them such satisfaction as has
decided them to further your wishes as well as possible, for your
own and the public good. Several particulars we will leave to the
faithful report of your agents, who have carried themselves here
with a discretion that is as creditable to themselves as to those they
represent. Having requested time to confer with those who are
interested in this undertaking, about several particulars, it has been
very willingly assented to and so they now return to you. If, there-
fore, it may so please God to direct you that on your parts there
occur no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall
appear, that on our part all reasonable assistance will be given. And
so I leave you, with your undertaking (which I hope is indeed
the work of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of the
Highest.

Your very loving friend,
London, Nov. I2ih, 1617. EDWIN SANDYS.

John Robinson and JVilliatn Brewster at Lcyden to Sir Edwin
Sandys in London:

Right Worshipful,

Our humble duties, with grateful acknowledgment of your singu-
lar love, especially shown in your earnest endeavour for our good
in this weighty business about Virginia. We have set down our re-
quest in writing, subscribed as you wished by the majority of the
congregation and have sent it to the Council of the Virginia Com-
pany by our agent, John Carver, a deacon of our Church, whom a
gentleman of our congregation accompanies.

We need not urge you to any more tender care of us, since, under
God, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you,
expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and
the countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your en-
couragement in the work we will mention these inducements to our
enterprise:

1. We verily believe and trust that the Lord is with us, unto
Whom and Whose service we have given ourselves in many trials;
and that He will graciously prosper our endeavours according to
the simplicity of our hearts therein.

2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother

28 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard lan'd,
which by patience we have largely overcome.

3. The people are for the most part as industrious and frugal,
we think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world.

4. We are knit together as a body in a most strict and sacred
bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make
great conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly
tied to all care of each other's good.

5. Lastly, we are not like some, whom small things discourage, or
small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. We
know what we can expect both in England and in Holland, and
that we shall not improve our material well-being by our departure;
whereas, should we be forced to return, we could not hope to re-
gain our present position, either here or elsewhere during our lives,
which are now drawing towards their periods.*

These motives we have been bold to put to you, and, as you think
well, to any other of our friends of the Council. We will not be
further troublesome, but with our humble duties to your Worship,
and to any other of our well-willers of the Council, we take oui;
leaves, committing you to the guidance of the Almighty.
Yours much bounden in all duty,

JOHN ROBINSON.
Leyden, Dec. 15th, 1617. WILLIAM BREWSTER.

For further light on these proceedings, here follow some
other letters and notes.

Mr. John Robinson and Mr. IVilliatn Brewster at Leyden to Sir.
John IVorstenholme in London:

Right Worshipful,

With due acknowledgment of our gratitude for your singular care
and pains in the business of Virginia, we have sent enclosed, as is

* O sacred bond, — whilst inviolably preserved ! How sweet and
precious were its fruits ! But when this fidelity decayed, then their
ruin appi cached. Oh that these ancient members had not died
(if it had been the will of God) ; or that this holy care and con-
stant faithfulness had still remained with those that survived. But,
alas, that still serpent hath slyly wound himself to untwist these
sacred bonds and ties. I was happy in my first times to see and
enjoy the blessed fruits of that sweet communion; but it is now a
part of my misery in old age to feel its decay, and with grief of
heart to lament it. For the warning and admonition of others, and
my own humiliation, I here make note of it.

(This note was inserted by the author in his manuscript at a later
date.)

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 29

required, a further explanation of our judgments in the three points
specified by some of his majesty's Honourable Priv-y Council; and
though we are grieved that such unjust insinuations are made
against us, we arc glad of the opportunity of clearing ourselves
before such honourable personages. The declarations we have en-
closed. The one is more brief and general, which we think fitter to
be presented; the other is somewhat more comprehensive, express-
ing some small accidental differences, which if you think well you
can send instead of the former. Our prayer to God is, that your
Worship may see the fruit of your endeavours, which on our parts
we shall not fail to further. And so praying you, as soon as con-
venient, to give us knowledge of the success of the business with his
majesty's Privy Council, and accordingly what your further pleasure
is, so we rest,

Your worshipful in all duty,

JOHN ROBINSON.
Leyden, Jan. 27th, 161 7. WILLIAM BREWSTER.

The first brief declaration was this :

As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, namely of pastors for
teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the
churches' contribution, as also for the two sacraments, — baptism
and the Lord's supper, — we agree wholly and in all points with the
French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of
Faith.

The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required
of us, and if it be not sufficient that we take the Oath of Allegiance.

JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

The second and ampler declaration was this:

As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, etc., as in the former
'declaration, we agree in all things with the French Reformed
Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith; though
some small differences may be found in our practices, — not at all in
the substance of the things, but only in some accidental circum-
stances.

1. Their ministers pray with their heads covered ; ours uncovered.

2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to
teach ; which ability they do not require.

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or
three years; ours perpetual.

30 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

4. Our elders deliver admonitions and excommunications for
public scandals, publicly, before the congregation; theirs more pri-
vately, in their consistories.

5. We administer baptism only to infants of whom one parent,
at least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not
observe; though in this our practice accords with their public con-
fession, and with the judgments of the most learned amongst them.

Other differences worth mentioning, we know of none. Then
about the Oath of Supremacy, as in the former declaration.

Subscribed,

JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAAI BREWSTER.

Part of a letter from the messenger in England, who delivered the
foregoing, to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster
at Ley den:

Vour letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered into his own
hands almost as soon as I received it, and stayed with him whilst
he opened and read it. There were two papers enclosed, which he
read to himself, and also the letter; and while reading it he asked
me: "Who will make them?" (viz., the ministers). I answered
that the power of making ministers rested with the church; that
they were ordained by the imposition of hands, by its fittest mem-
bers ; that it must rest either with the church or with the pope, and
the pope is antichrist. "Ho !" said Sir John, "what the pope holds
good, — as the Trinity, — we do well to assent to; but we will not
enter into dispute now." As for your letters, he said he would not
show them, lest he should spoil all. He had expected that you
would be of the Archbishop's mind in regard to the appointment
of ministers; but it seems you differed. I could have wished to
know the contents of your two enclosures, at which he stuck so
much, — especially the larger.

I asked his Worship what good news he had for me to write to-
morrow. He told me very good news, for both the King's majesty
and the bishops had consented. He said he would go to the Chan-
cellor, Sir Fulk Greville, this day, and next week I should know
more. I met Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night; he wished
me to be at the Virginia Court next Wednesday, where I purpose
to be. I hope next week to have something certain to communi-
cate. I commit you to the Lord.

Yours,
S. B.
London, Feb. 14th, 1617.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 31

These things being lengthily discussed, and messengers
passing to and fro about them, they were long delayed by
many rubs. At the return of the messengers to England
they found things far otherwise than they expected. The
Virginia Council was now so disturbed with quarrels among
themselves, that no business could well go forward. This
will appear in one of the messenger's letters which follows :

Robert CusJiman in England to the Congregation at Lcyden:

I intended long since to have written to you, but could not
effect it ; but I doubt not that Mr. B. has written to Mr. Robinson.
The main hindrance to the Virginia business is the dissensions in
the Council of Virginia. The cause of the trouble is, that, recently.
Sir Thomas Smith, weary of his many offices, wished the Company
of Virginia to relieve him of being its treasurer and governor, —
he having 60 votes. Sir John Worstenholme 16 votes, and Alder-
man Johnstone 24. But Sir Thomas Smith, finding his honours
diminished, was very angry, and raised a faction to contest the
election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin Sandys, the new Governor,
with many things which would both disgrace him and deprive him
of his office as Governor. In these contentions they still stick,
and what will result we are not yet certain. Most hkely Sir
Edwin will win, and if he does, things will go well in Virginia;
if otherwise, they will go ill. We hope in some two or three Court-
days things will be settled. Meanwhile, I intend to go down to
Kent, and come up again about 14 days or three weeks hence unless
these contentions or the ill tidings from Virginia (of which I will
now speak) should wholly discourage us.

Captain Argoll came home from Virginia this week. Upon re-
ceiving notice of the intentions of the Council, he left before Sir
George Yeardley had arrived there ; so there is no small dissatis-
faction. But his tidings are ill. He says Mr. Blackwell's ship did
not* reach there till March, owing to northwest winds, which carried
them to the southward beyond their course. The captain of the
ship and some six of the sailors dying, it seems they could not
find the bay till after long beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead,
and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; in fact Captain Argoll says 130
persons on that ship died out of a total of 180. There were so many
that they were packed together Hke herrings. They were ill with
the flux, and they lacked fresh water ; so here it is rather wondered
at that as many are alive, than that so many are dead. The mer-
chants here say it was Mr. Blackwell's fault for packing so many

32 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

in the ship. There was much grumbling at the time, and Mr.
Blackwell was blamed for his disposition of them and his insults
to them. They say the streets of Gravesend rang with their quar-
reling, crying out at each other : "Thou hast brought me to this ;"
and, "I may thank thee for this !" Heavy news it is, and I wonder
how far it will discourage our project. No one here is much dis-
couraged; they seem only to wish to learn by other men's mis-
fortunes. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed
of being enthralled by any imperious persons, — especially if they
seem to have an eye to their own advantage. It often troubles me
to think that in this business all of us must learn, and none can
teach; but better so, than to depend upon such teachers as Mr.
Blackwell was. He once laid a similar trap for Mr. Johnson and
his people at Emden, — which was their ruin. But though in that
instance he managed to pluck his neck out of the collar, at last his
foot is caught. No letters have arrived yet, as the ship Captain
Argoll came in is still on the west coast; all that we hear is his re-
port; it seems he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Black-
well went in will be here shortly. What Mr. Robinson once said
has come true: that we should hear no good of them.

Mr. B. is not well; whether he will return to you or go north,
I do not know. For myself I hope to see an end of this business
ere I come, though I am sorry to be away from you. H things
had gone straight forward, I should have been with you within
these 14 daj'S. I pray God direct us, and give us the spirit which
is fitting for such a business. Thus having summarily pointed at
things which Mr. Brewster I think has more largely written of to
Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lord's protection.
Yours in all readiness, etc.,

ROBERT CUSHMAN.
London, May 8th, 1619.

A word or two, by way of digression, about this Mr.
Blackwell. He was an Elder of the church at Amsterdam,
• — a man well known to most of them. He declined from the
truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with them
when they parted from the congregation in that woful man-
ner, which brought such great dishonour to God, scandal to
the truth, and ruin to themselves in this world. But, I hope,
notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their
souls are now at rest with Him in the heavens, and that they
have reached the haven of happiness ; though some of their

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S3

bodies were thus buried in the terrible seas, and others sank
under the burden of bitter afflictions.

He, with some others, had prepared to go by way of
London to Virginia. Being a private meeting- — I take it a
fast — in London, and being discovered, many of them were
arrested, Mr. Blackwell being one ; but he so glozed with
the bishops, and either dissembled or flatly denied the truth
which he had formerly maintained, and very unworthily
betrayed another godly man who had escaped, so that he
might slip his own neck out of the collar, that he won the
bishop's favour (but lost the Lord's) and was not only
acquitted, but in open court the Archbishop praised him
highly, and gave him his solemn blessing to proceed on his
voyage. But if such events follow the Archbishop's bless-
ing, happy are they that miss it ; it is much better to keep a
good conscience and have the Lord's blessing, whether in
life or death.

But to return to the concerns of the congregation at Ley-
den. At last, after all these occurrences, and their long
waiting, they had a patent granted them and confirmed
under the Virginia Company's seal. But these divisions had
alienated many of their less constant supporters, and they
were thus disappointed of much of their hoped for and
proffered means. By the advice of some friends the patent
was not taken out in the name of any of their own members,
but in the name of Mr. J. Wincot (a religious gentleman
then in the service of the Countess of Lincoln), who in-
tended to go with them. But God so disposed things that
he never went, nor did they ever make use of this patent,
which had cost them so much labour and expense, as will
appear. The patent being sent over for those at Leyden to
consider, and also the propositions of such merchants and
friends as would go with them or participate in the ad-
venture,— and especially those (Mr. Thomas Weston, etc.),

34 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

on whom they chiefly depended for shipping and stores, —
they were requested to prepare with all speed. And this
matter of the patent is a true emblem of the uncertain tKings
of this world, which, when men have toiled to acquire them
vanish into smoke !

CHAPTER VI

Agreement between the Congi*egatlon at Leyden and the
Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accomplish-
ment of the Settlement in New England: 1G20.

Upon the receipt of these papers through one of their
messengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of humil-
iation to seek the Lord's direction; and their pastor took
this text, I Sam. xxiii., 3, 4: "And David's men said unto
him, see, we be afraid here in Judah; how much more if
we come to Keilah against the host of the PhiUstines?
Then David asked counsel of the Lord again." From this
text he taught things very aptly and befitting the present
occasion, — strengthening them against their fears and per-
plexities, and encouraging them in their resolutions.

Afterwards they decided what number and which of the
members should prepare to go first; for not all that were
willing to go could settle their affairs in so short a time ; nor
if all could have been ready, would there have been means
of transport for them. Those that stayed, being the greater
number, required the pastor, Mr. Robinson, to stay with
them ; and for other reasons he could not well go, and so it
was the more easily conceded. The others then desired the
elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with them, which was agreed to.
It was also decided by mutual consent that those who went
should be a separate church, distinct from those who stayed,
since, with such a dangerous voyage before them, and re-
moval to such a distance, it might happen that they should
never meet again, as a body, in this world. But there was
this proviso: that when any of the members at Leyden

36 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

came over to join the others, or when any of the others
returned, they should be received as members without any
further testimonial. It was also promised by the rest to
those that went first, that if the Lord gave them life and
opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they could.
About this time, while they were troubled at the proceed-
ings of the Virginia Company, and the ill-news about Mr.
Blackwell and his fellow-colonists, and were busily enquir-
ing about the hiring or buying of shipping for their voyage,
some Dutchmen made them offers about going with them.
Also, Mr. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, came
to Leyden about the same time, being well acquainted with
some of them, having assisted them in their former pro-
ceedings,— and after much conference with Mr. Robinson
and other chief members, he persuaded them to go on, and
not to join with the Dutch, or to depend too much on the
Virginia Company; for if that failed them, he and some of
his merchant-friends would supplement their means and set
them forth. He advised them to prepare and fear neither
want of shipping nor of money ; what they needed should be
provided. And, not so much for himself as for the satis-
faction of his friends, they were to draw up articles of
agreement, and make a proposition such as would be likely
to incline his friends to the venture. Upon which an agree-
ment was drawn up, and was shown to and approved by
him, and was afterwards sent to England by their messen-
ger, Mr. John Carver, who, together with Robert Cushman,
were to receive the money and make provision both for
shipping and other things for the voyage. They were
charged not to exceed their commission but to proceed ac-
cording to the agreement. Others at Leyden were chosen
to proceed with similar arrangements which were to be
made there. Those that were to go, prepared with all speed,
and sold their estates, putting their money into the common

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 37

stock, which was in charge of those appointed to make the
general provisions.

About this time they heard both from Mr. Weston and
others, that sundry honourable lords had obtained a large
grant from the King, of the more northerly parts of the
country, arising out of the Virginia Company's patent, but
wholly separated from its government, and to be called by
another name, viz.. New England. To these parts, Mr.
Weston and the chief members began to feel that it was best
for them to go, — amongst other reasons, chiefly because of
the profit to be made from the fishing there.

But in all business the executive part is most difficult, —
especially where the concurrence of many agents is neces-
sary. And so it was found to be in this undertaking: some
of those in England, who were to have gone, changed their
minds and would not go ; other merchants and friends, who
had offered to invest their money in the project, withdrew,
making many excuses. Some wished them to go to Guiana ;
others again would risk nothing if they did not go to Vir-
ginia ; some again — indeed those they had most relied on —
utterly disapproved of Virginia, and would do nothing if
they went there. In the midst of these distractions, those
at Leyden, who had disposed of their property and ex-
pended their money, were in great straits and feared dis-
astrous results; but at length the majority inclined to the
New England Settlement.

But now another difficulty arose. Mr. Weston and some
of his friends (either for their own advantage, or, as they
pretended, to make further inducements for others to join
them) insisted on altering some of the conditions that had
been agreed upon at Leyden. To these alterations the two
agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is
most to be blamed for it) consented, fearing that otherwise
it would all be thrown up. They presumed to agree with the

38 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

new terms, in some particulars overstepping their authority
and commission, and without giving due notice. Indeed,
the fact that it was concealed for fear of any further delay,
afterwards caused much trouble and contention.

I will here insert a copy of these new conditions, as
follows.

July 1st, 1620.

1. The adventurers and planters agree that every person who goes,
of sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10; £10 to be reckoned
as a single share.

2. That he who goes in person, and furnishes himself with iio,
either in money, or provisions, be accounted as having £20 in stock;
and in the division shall receive a double share.

3. The persons transported, and the adventurers, shall continue
their joint stock and partnership together for seven years (unless
some unexpected impediment cause the whole company to agree
otherwise), during which time all profits and benefits go by trade,
traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, by any per-
sons or person, shall remain in the common stock until the division.

4. That on their arrival there, they shall chose out such number
of fit persons as may man their ships and boats at sea; employing
the rest in their several faculties upon the land, such as building
houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such com-
modities as shall be most useful for the colony.

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and profits,
viz., the houses, lands, goods and chattels, shall be equally divided
among the adventurers and planters ; which done, every man shall
be free of any debt to any other of them, arising from this ad-
venture.

6. Whosoever shall come to the colony hereafter, or shall con-
tribute to the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed
proportionately to the time of his doing so.

7. He who shall take his wife and children, or servants, shall be
allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and upwards, a
single share in the division ; or if he provide them with necessaries,
a double share; or if they be between ten and sixteen, two of
them to be reckoned as one person, both in transportation and
division.

8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten
years, have no other share in the division, but fifty acres of un-
manured land.

9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired,

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 39

their executors to have their part or share at the division, propor-
tionately to the time of their life in the colony.

ID. That all such persons as are of this colony, are to have
their food, drink, clothing, and all provisions, out of the common
stock and goods of the said colony.

The principal difference between this and the former
agreement, consisted of these two points: that the houses
and improved lands, especially gardens and home-lots,
should remain undivided, and should belong wholly to the
planters at the seven years' end ; secondly, that they should
have two days a week for their own private employment,
for the greater comfort of themselves and their families.
But as letters are considered the best part of history by
some wise men, I will show their grievances on the score
by their own letters.

il/r. John Robinson at Leyden to Mr. JoJin Carver in England:

My dear Friend and Brother.

Whom, with j^ours, I always remember In my best affection, and
whose welfare I shall never cease to commend to God, by my best
and most earnest prayers.

You thoroughly understand by our general letters the state of
things here, which indeed is very pitiful ; especially the want of
shipping, and not seeing means of providing it ; though, in addi-
tion, there is great want of money for other needful things. Mr.
Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a penny here;
though Robert Cushman reckoned upon I know not how many
hundred pounds from him, and I know not whom else. But it
seems strange that we should be asked to take the risk of his and
his partners' enterprise, — and yet Mr. Weston writes to him that
he has drawn upon him for £ioo more. There is some mystery in
this, as indeed there seems to be in the whole affair. Besides this,
those who were to pay in such of their money as is j'et in arrears,
refuse to do it till they see shipping provided, or steps taken for
its provision. Indeed, I think there is not a man here who would
pay anything, if he had his money in his purse again. We depended
on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure ;
and when we had in hand another project with the Dutchmen, we
broke it off at his instance and upon the conditions propounded by

40 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

him shortly after. He had our interests sincerely at heart, I know;
but he has not fulfilled his pledges thus far. That he ought first to
have put in his money is the opinion of many; but that I can well
excuse, he being a merchant, and having uses for it in the mean-
time to his benefit; whereas, others, if it had been in their hands,
would have expended it. But that he should not have had shipping
ready before this, or at least definite provision for it, duly made
known to us, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard
that when he has been urged about the business, he has put it off
and referred it to others ; or would go to George Morton and en-
quire news of him about things, as if he himself had scarcely been
even an accessory to it. Whether some of his friends have failed
him, and so he is not able to go through with things ; or whether
he fears it Avill be ready too soon and so increase the charge of
shipping; or whether he thought by holding back to put us in
straits, thinking that thereby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would
be induced to do more; or what other mj'stery is in it, we know
not. But certain we are that the arrangements made do not accord
with the requirements. Mr. Weston makes himself merry with
our endeavours to buy a ship ; but we have done nothing about
this without good reason, nor about anything else that I know
of, except two. The one is that we employed Robert Cushman,
who though a good man and of special ability in his way is known
to be most unfit to deal for others, because of his singularity and
too great indiiTerence to the circumstances, — for, as a matter of
fact, we have had nothing from him but terms and suggestions.
The other is that we have relied too much by implicit faith as it
were, upon generalities, without having the details of ways and
means for so important an affair settled between us. For shipping,
Mr. Weston it seems is set upon hiring, which I hope he may
soon accomplish. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expect. I
do not think Mr. Pickering will take part except to buy, as specified
in former letters.

About the conditions, you have our reasons for what is agreed
upon. And let this specially be borne in mind; that the greatest
part of the colony is likely to be emplo3ed constantly not upon
cultivating their own particular land, and building houses, but upon
fishing, trading, etc. So, though the land and houses would be
but a trifling advantage to the adventurers, the ultimate division of
them would be a great discouragement to the settlers who would
tend them with singular care, to make them comfortable, with
borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of com-
mon emplo3'ment, constantly, by the majority, is good reason not
to deny to the planters the two days a week for private use. Con-
sider how unfitting you would find it that you and your likes should

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 41

serve a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day's freedom
from task.

Send me v\-ord what others arc going; who that are possessed of
useful facuhies ; how many ; and particulars of everything. I
know you do not lack a mind. I am sorry you have not been in
London all this while. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare
you and yours well, always in the Lord, in Whom I rest.

Yours to use,

JOHN ROBINSON.
June 14th, 1620.

Several of them at Leyden to John Carver a>id Robert Ciishman in
England:

To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman :
Good Brethren,

We received several letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our
pilot, which was a great encouragement to us. Indeed, had you
not sent him, many would have been ready to lose heart, and give
up — partly because of the new conditions which have been accepted
by you, which all are against; and partly for lack of our own
ability to accomplish any of the important matters which you have
commissioned us to do here. As to the former, of which Robert
Cushman requests reasons for our dislike and promises to alter
them accordingl}^ saying that otherwise we must think he has no
brains, — we desire him to exercise them therein, referring him to
our pastor's former reasons. But our desire is that you will not
bind yourselves and us to any such unreasonable stipulations, viz.,
that the merchants shall have half the houses and lands at the
dividend; and that the settlers shall be deprived of the two days
a week for their own work, as agreed upon, — otherwise we
canncBt conceive why any of us should take servants for our
own help and comfort, since we could demand no service of them.
This alteration we have gathered only by w^ord from. Mr. Nash,
and not from any letters of yours ; so we hope you have not pro-
ceeded far in so great a departure from the terms without our
concurrence. However, requiring you not to exceed the bounds of
your commission, which was to proceed upon the conditions agreed
Upon and expressed in writing, we leave it, — not without wonder-
ing that 3^ou yourselves, as you write, knowing how small a thing
disturbs our consultations, and how few understand the business
aright, should trouble us with such matters as these.

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not de-
ceived. Pray make known our present condition to him, and, if you
^ink good, show him our letters. At least tell him that, under

42 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

God, we rely much upon him and put our confidence in him ; and
that as you well know, if he had not joined with us, we should not
have entered upon the enterprise, presuming that if he had not
seen means to accomplish it, he would not have begun it. So we
hope that he will so far help us that our expectations in him be not
disappointed. Thus beseeching the Almighty, Who is all-sufficient
to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, and to assist us herein,
and to supply means by His providence and fatherly care for us.
His poor children and servants, that we may with comfort behold
the hand of our God for good towards us in this our enterprise,
which we undertake in His name and fear; we take leave and
remain.

Your perplexed, yet hopeful brethren,

SAMUEL FULLER WILLIAM BRADFORD

EDWARD WINSLOW ISAAC ALLERTON

June loth, 1620.

Robert Cusliman in England to the foregoing at Leydcn:

Brethren,

I understand by letters that have come to me, that many of you
greatly dislike my proceedings. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content
to bear it, not doubting that partly by writing, and principally by
word when we come together, I can satisfy any reasonable man.
I have been persuaded by some, especially the bearer of this, to
come and make things clear to you ; but as things now stand I
cannot be absent one day, without hazarding the whole voyage ; nor
do I conceive that any great good would come of it. Take then,
brethren, this as a step to give you content. First, as to your dis-
like of the alteration of one clause in the conditions : if j-ou see
it aright, no blame can lie on me at all. The articles first brought
over by John Carver were never seen by any of the adventurers
here except Mr. Weston himself, when he had well considered it.
£500 was withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his brother because
of it, and all the rest would have withdrawn (Mr. Weston ex-
cepted), if we had not altered the clause. Now when we at Leyden
concluded upon certain points, as we did, we reckoned without our
host, which was not my fault. Besides, I showed you by letter the
equity of the new condition as against our inconveniences, which
might be set against all the inconveniences cited by Mr. Robinson,
and showed that without the alteration of that clause, we could
neither have means to get there, nor supplies for our subsistence
when we arrived. Yet, notwithstanding all those reasons, which
were not mine, but other men's wiser than myself, without answer
to any one of them, many complaints are directed against me, of

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEINIENT 43

lording it over my brethren, and making conditions fitter for
thieves and bondslaves than honest men. And at last came a paper
of reasons against that clause in the conditions, which since they
were delivered to me open, my answer shall be open to you all.

1. First, it is said that if there had been no division of houses
and lands, it would have been better for the poor : —

True, — and that shows the inequality of the original conditions :
we should more respect him that ventures both his money and his
person, than him that ventures his person only.

2. Consider, further, that we are not giving alms, but furnishing
a store-house. No one will be poorer than his neighbour for
seven years ; and, from the nature of the enterprise, if any of us
be rich, none of us can be poor. At any. rate we must not in
such an undertaking start out with the cry, — Poor, poor; mercy,
mercy ! Charity has its life in disasters, not in ventures.

3. This will hinder the building of good houses, which is contrary
to sound politics : —

So we would have it. Our purpose is, for the present, to build
such houses as, if need be, we may with little grief set fire to and
run away by the light. Our riches shall not be in pomp, but in
strength. If God sends us riches, we will employ them to provide
more men, ships, ammunition, etc. You will see it argued amongst
the best politicians, that a commonwealth is readier to ebb than to
flow when once fine houses and gay clothes appear.

4. The government can prevent excess in building: —

But if it be generally resolved on beforehand to build modest
houses, the Governor's labour is spared.

5. All men are not of one condition : —

If by "condition" you mean "wealth" you are mistaken; if you
mean by "condition," "qualities," then I say that he who is not
content that his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means,
etc., as himself, is not of good quality. Such secluded persons as
have an eye only to themselves, are fitter to come where catching
is, than closing ; and are fitter to live alone, than in any society,
either civil or religious.

6. It will be of little value, scarcely worth £5 : —

True; it may not be worth half £5. If then so small a thing will
content them, whj'^ strive we thus about it, and give them, occasion
to suspect us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I
have heard since these complaints first reached us here.

7. Our friends that venture with us do not look to their own
profit, as did the old adventurers : —

Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profit are
ready to draw back. Look to it, brethren, you that make profit
your main end; repent of this, or go not, lest you be like Jonas

44 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

to Tarshis. Though some of them have no eye for profit, others
have ; and why not they as much as we ? Such ventures are under-
taken by all sorts of men, and we must try to content them all
if we can.

8. It will break up the community, as may be shown by many
reasons : —

That is only a statement; and I say again, it will best foster com-
munity, as may be shown by many reasons.

g. Great profit is likely to be made by trucking, fishing, etc. : —

As it is better for them, so for us ; for half is ours, besides
getting our living from it. And if profit comes largely in that way,
we shall labour less on the land, and our houses and lands will be
of less value.

10. Our risk is greater than theirs : —

True, but do they force us to it? Do they urge or egg us? Has
not the motion and resolution always been in ourselves? Do they,
any more than in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to
means upon equal terms and conditions? If we do not wish to
go, they are content to keep their money. Thus I have pointed
out a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider
seriously, and let me have no more stir about them.

Now, further, I hear a noise about slavish conditions being
made ; but surely this is all that I have altered, and I have sent
you the reasons. If you mean about the two days a week for per-
sonal occupations, you are misled. You can have three days a
week, as far as I care, if you wish; and when speaking to the ad-
venturers about times of working, they said they hoped we were
men of discretion and conscience, and fit to be trusted with that.
But indeed the grounds of our proceedings at Leyden were mis-
taken.

As for those of Amsterdam, I thought they would as soon have
gone to Rome as with us ; for our liberty is to them as rat's-bane,
and their rigour as bad to us as the Spanish inquisition. If any
action of mine discourage them, let them withdraw. I will under-
take they shall have their money back at once, paid here. Or if the
congregation think me the Jonas, let them dismiss me before we
go; I shall be content to stay with goodwill, having but the clothes
on my back. Let us then have quietness, and no more of these
clamours; little did I expect these things which are now come
to pass.

Yours,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.

Whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at
Leyden, I know not; I rather think it was intercepted by;

THE PLYjMOUTH settlement 45

Mr. Carver and kept by him, for fear it should give ofifence.
But the letter which follows was received.

Robert Cushman in England in reply to the joint letter from
Ley den:
I received your letter yesterday through John Turner, with
another the same day from Amsterdam through Mr. W., savour-
ing of the place whence it came. And indeed, the many discour-
agements I find here, together with the demurs there, made me
say I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his com-
ing acquaint him fully with all, and so leave it entirely with only
the poor clothes on my back. But gathering myself up, on further
consideration I resolved to make one trial more, and to acquaint
Mr. Weston with the unstable condition of things. He has been
very discontented with us of late, and has even said that but for
his promise he would have nothing more to do with the business ;
but considering how far we have gone already and how it stood
with our credit, he pulled himself together, and coming to me two
hours after, he told me he would not j-et abandon it. So we de-
cided to hire a ship, and have taken the option of one till Alonday.
It is small, but except one that was too large for our purpose,
we could not get a larger ; but it is a fine ship. Since our friends
over there are so close-fisted, we hope to secure her without
troubling them any further ; and if the ship is too small, it is only
fitting that those who stumble at straws so early in the day, shall
rest them there awhile, lest worse blocks come in the way ere
seven years be ended. If 3'ou had faced this business so thoroughly
a month ago, and had written as you do now, we could have con-
cluded things with less difficulty. But it is as it is. I hope our
friends there, if they are quit of the ship-hire, will be induced to
venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and nets may
be bought there, — all the rest we will provide here ; and if even that
be impossible, let them give you credit for a month or two, and
we will take steps to pay it all. Let Mr. Reynolds remain there,
and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilot
here, a Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of
cattle.

You shall hear more exactly by John Turner, who I think will
leave here on Tuesday night. I had thought to come with him to
answer the complaints ; but if I had more mind to go and dis-
pute with them than I have care of this important project, I
should be like those who live by clamour and jangling. But neither
my mind nor my body is at liberty to do much, for I am fettered
with business, and had rather study to be quiet than to make answer
to their exceptions. Meanwhile entreat our friends not to be too

46 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

busy in questioning my actions before they know them. If I do
things that I cannot give reasons for, it seems you have sent a fool
about your business ; in that case you had best return the reproof to
yourseh-es, and send another, and let me return to my combes.
The Lord, Who judges justly without respect of persons, see into
the equity of my cause and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient
minds in all these turmoils, and sanctify us unto all crosses what-
soever. And so I tal<:e my leave of you all, in all love and affection.
I hope we shall get all ready here in fourteen days.
Your poor brother,

ROBERT CUSHMAN.
June lith, 1620.

There arose, also, a difference between the three that re-
ceived the money and made the provisions in England; for
besides the two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden, —
John Carver and Robert Cushman, — there was one chosen
in England to join them in making provisions for the voy-
age. His name was Mr. Martin; he came from Billirike
in Essex, whence several others came to join them, as well
as from London and other places. It was thought right
by those in Holland that these strangers who were to go
with them should appoint some one, not so much from any
great need of their help, as to avoid all suspicion or jealousy.
Indeed their care not to give offence, both in this and other
things, afterwards greatly inconvenienced them, as will ap-
pear. However, it showed their equal and honest minds.
The provisions were made for the most part at Southamp-
ton, contrary to Mr. Weston's and Robert Cushman's advice
(which generally concurred in these things). Reference to
these matters is made in the following letter from Robert
Cushman to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterwards.

Robert Cushman in London to John Carver at Southampton:

Loving Friend,

I have received some letters from you, full of affection and com-
plaints ; but what it is you want me to do I know not. You cry
out, Negligence, negligence, negligence: I marvel why so negligent

THE PLYINIOUTH SETTLEINIENT 47

a man as myself was employed to undertake the business. Yet you
know that as far as my power permits, nothing shall be one hour
behind, I warrant you. You call upon Mr. Weston to help us with
more money than his share in the adventure ; while he protests that,
but for his promise, he would not have done anj'thing further. He-
says we take a heady course ; and he is offended that our provisions
are being made so far off, and that he was not made acquainted
with our quantity of things. He says that working thus, in three
places, so far distant, we shall, with going hither and thither,
wrangling and expostulating, let the summer slip by before we
start. And to tell the truth, there is already a flat schism among us.
We are readier to dispute than to undertake a voyage. I have
received from Leyden, since you went, three or four letters directed
to you ; though as they only concern me I will not trouble you
with them,

I have always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in
with us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or else go without
their company, or we shall not lack quarrelling; hut let that pass.
W^e have reckoned, it seems, without our host; and counting upon
150 persons, we cannot raise above £1200 odd, besides some cloth,
stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come
short at least three or four hundred pounds. I would have reduced
the beer and other provisions ; and now we could get, both in Am-
sterdam and Kent, beer enough ; but we cannot accept it without
prejudice.

You fear we have begun to build and shall not be able to make
an end. Our plans for provisioning not having been made in con-
sultation, we may justly fear the results. There was contention
amongst us three at the first. You wrote to Air. Martin to prevent
the making of the provisions in Kent; which he did nevertheless,
and decided how much he would have of everything, irrespective
of us. However, your money which you must have there, we will
provide you with instantly. £500 you say will serve; as for the
rest, which will be required here and in Holland, we may go
scratch for it. As for Mr. Crabe, the minister, of whom you write,
he has promised to go with us; but I shall not be sure till I see
him shipped, for he is contentious on many points ; still, I hope he
will not fail. Think the best of all, and bear with patience what
is wanting, and the Lord guide us all.

Your loving friend,

ROBERT CUSHMAN.
London, June loth, 1620.

I have been more discursive on these subjects, — and shall
crave leave to be so concerning some similar occurrences

48 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

which will follow ; though in other things I shall try to be
more concise. My object is that their children may see with
what difficulties their fathers had to wrestle in accomplish-
ing the first beginnings ; and how God ultimately brought
them through, notwithstanding all their weakness and in-
firmities; also that some use may be made of them later, by
others, in similar important projects. Herewith I will end
this chapter.

CHAPTER VII

Departure from Leyden — Arrival and Preparations at South-
ampton— Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to the
whole party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620.

At length after much discussion everything was got ready.
A small ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, intended
to help transport them, and then to remain in the country
for fishing and such other pursuits as might benefit the
colony. Another ship was hired at London, of about i8o
tons. When they were ready to depart, they had a day of
solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra
viii., 21 : "And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a
fast that we might humble ourselves before our God, and
seek of Him a right way for us and for our children, and
for all our substance." Upon this discourse he spent a
good part of the day very profitably. The rest of the time
was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with great
fervency and abundance of tears.

The time having come when they must depart, they were
accompanied by most of their brethren out of the city to
a town several miles off, called Delfthaven, where the ship
lay ready to take them. So they left that good and pleasant
city, which had been their resting place for nearly twelve
years; but they knew they were pilgrims, and lifted up
their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted
their spirits. When they came to the place, they found
the ship and everything ready, and such of their friends as
could not come with them followed them, and several came
from Amsterdam to see them shipped and to take leave of

60 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

them. That night there was Httle sleep for most of them,
for it was spent in friendly entertainment and Christian
discourse and other real expressions of true Christian love.
The next day the wind being fair they went aboard and their
friends with them, — and truly doleful was tlie sight of that
sad and mournful parting. What sighs and sobs and
prayers rose from amongst them ! What tears gushed from
every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each heart! Many of
the Dutch strangers who stood on the quay as spectators,
could not refrain from tears. Yet it was comfortable and
sweet to see such lively and true expressions of dear and
unfeigned love. But the tide which stays for no man called
them away, though loth to part; and their reverent pastor,
falling down on his knees, and all with him, with watery
cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers to the
Lord and His blessing. Then with mutual embraces and
many tears, they took their leave of one another, — which
proved to be the last leave for many of them.

Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in
short time to Southampton, where they found the bigger
ship from London lying ready with all the rest of the com-
pany. After a joyful welcome and mutual congratulations
with other friendly entertainment, they came to the subject
of their business, and how to conclude it most expeditiously,
and discussed with their agents the alteration of the con-
ditions. Air. Carver pleaded that he was employed here at
Southampton, and did not know what his colleague had done
in London. Mr. Cushman answered that he had done
nothing but what was essential, both in fairness and of
necessity, otherwise all would have been sacrificed and many
ruined. He stated that at the outset he had acquainted his
fellow-agents with what he had done, and that they had con-
sented, and left it to him to execute, to receive the money in
London and send it down to them at Southampton, where

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 51

they wished to buy provisions; which he accordingly did,
though it was against his advice and some of the merchants'.
As for giving tliem notice at Leyden, about this change he
could not, because of the shortness of time ; again, he knew
it would trouble them and hinder the business, which had
already been too long delayed, considering the time of the
year, which he feared they would find to their cost.

But these explanations did not content his hearers. Mr.
Weston also came up from London to see them embark,
and to have the conditions confirmed ; but they refused, and
told him that he knew well that they were not according to
the first agreement, nor could they endorse them without the
consent of the rest in Holland. In fact they had special
orders when they came away, from tlie chief men of the
congregation, not to do it. At this he was much offended,
and told them in that case they must stand on their own
legs ; so he returned to London in displeasure. They lacked
about iioo to clear their obligations; but he would not dis-
burse a penny, and left them to shift as they could. So
they were forced to sell some of their provisions, including
some three or four firkins of butter, which they were best
able to spare, having provided too much. Then they vvrote
a letter to the merchants and adventurers about the changes
in the conditions as follows:

The Pilgrims at Southampton to the Merchants and Adventurers:

Beloved Friends,

We are sorry that it should be necessary to write to you at all, be-
cause we hoped to see most of you here ; but especially we regret
that there should be these differences between us. Since we cannot
confer together, we think it proper to show you briefly the just
cause of our dissenting from the articles last made by Robert
Cushman, without our commission or knowledge. For, though he
might make good excuses to himself, it in no way justifies his
having done it. Our main differences lie in the fifth and ninth
articles, concerning the division of houses or lands, the possession

52 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

of which, as some you know, was one special motive amongst others
which induced us to go. This was thought so reasonable, that
when your chief partner in this venture (whom we have much cause
to respect) proposed conditions to us of his own accord, he added
this one. A copy of these conditions we have sent to you, includ-
ing some proposed bj'^ us ; which being approved on both sides, and
a day set for the paj'ment of the money, those of Holland paid
in theirs. After that, Robert Cushman, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Martin
put them into better form, and wrote them in a book now extant;
and upon Robert's showing Mr. Mullins a copy he paid in his
money. And we of Holland had never seen any other agreement
before our coming to Southampton, except for a private copy of
changed conditions which reached us, and at which we manifested
utter dislike; but having sold our estates and being ready to come,
it was too late to give up the voyage. We beseech you, therefore,
to judge impartially of things, and if a fault has been committed,
laj' it where it should be, and not upon us.

We never gave Robert Cushman commission to draw up a single
article for us, but only sent him to receive money upon the articles
before agreed on, and to arrange for the provisions till John Carver
came, and to assist him in it. However, since you conceive your-
S'^lves wronged as well as we, we have made an addition to our
Qth article, such as will almost heal the wound of itself. But that
it may appear to all that we are not lovers of ourselves only, but
desire also the good of our friends who have ventured their money
with our persons, we have added the last article to the rest,
promising you again by letter, on behalf of the whole company,
that if large profits should not arise during the seven years, we
will remain longer with you if the Lord give a blessing. We are
in such straits at present that we are forced to sell £60 worth of
our provisions to clear the Haven, and put ourselves upon bare
necessities, scarcely having any butter, no oil, not a soul to mend
a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, lacking many muskets,
much armour, etc. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to
such im.minent dangers as are likely to ensue, and trust to the
good providence of God, rather than His name and truth should
be evil spoken of through us. Thus saluting all of you in love,
we take our leave and rest,

Yours, etc.
Aug. 3r-d, 1620.

It was subscribed witli the names of the chief members
of the congregation.
At their parting Mr. Robinson wrote a letter to the whole

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 53

party of the pilgrims which, though it has already been
printed, I thought well to insert here; also a brief letter
written at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender
love and godly care of a true pastor appears.

Mr. John Robinson in Holland to John Carver at Southampton:

My dear Brother,

I received enclosed in your last letter the note of information,
which I shall certainly keep and make use of, when occasion arises.
I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body;
but I hope that you, who have always been able so plentifully to
administer comfort to others in their trials, are so well furnished
for yourself that even far greater difficulties than you have yet
undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough)
cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle says.
The spirit of a man, sustained by the spirit of God, will sustain his
infirmity, and, I doubt not, so will yours ; and much the better
when you enjoy the presence and help of so many godly and wise
brethren, in bearing part of 3'our burden, who will not admit into
their hearts the least thought or suspicion of the least negligence,
still less presumption, to have been in you, whatever they may
think of others. Now what shall I say and write to you and your
good wife, my loving sister? Even only this; I desire, and always
shall, from the Lord imto you as unto my own soul ; and assure
yourself that my heart is with j'ou, and that I will not delay
my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a
large letter to the whole company, and cim sorry that I shall
not be able to speak with them; the more so considering the
want of a preacher, which will be an additional spur to my
hastening after you. I do ever commend my best affection to you,
which if I thought you doubted, I would express in more words.
And the Lord in whom you trust, and whom you serve ever in this
business and journey, guide you with His hand, protect you with
His wing, and show you and us His salvation in the end, and bring
us in the meanwhile together in the place desired, if such be His
good will, for His Christ's sake. Amen.

Yours,

JOHN ROBINSON.
July 27th, 1620.

This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from
him.

54 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Mr. John Robinson in Holland to the Pilgrims departing from
Southampton for New EnglaHd:

Loving Christian Friends,

I salute you all heartily in the Lord, as being they with whom I
am present in my best affections and most earnest longings, though
I am constrained for a time to be bodily absent from you. I say
constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than
otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt,
were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Think of
me in the meanwhile as of a man divided in himself with great
pain, and (physical limitations set aside) as having his better part
with you. Though I doubt not that in your godly wisdom, you
foresee what is applicable to your present condition, I have thought
It but my duty to add some further spur, even to those who run
already, — not because you need it, but because I owe it in love and
duty.

First, as we ought daily to renew our repentance with our God,
especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown
trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon
such an occasion of difficulty and danger as lies before you, both
to more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in His
sight lest He, calling to remembrance of our sins forgotten by
us or unrepented of, take advantage of us, and, as a judgment
upon us, leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or another.
Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest re-
pentance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up into
a man's conscience by His spirit, great shall be his security and
peace in all dangers, sweet his comfort in all distresses, with happy
deliverance from all evil, whether in life or in death.

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own con-
science, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men so far
as in us lieth especially with our associates; and for that we must
be watchful that we ourselves neither give, nor easily take, offence.
Woe be unto the world for offences; for though it be necessary
(considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption) that offences
come, yet woe unto the man or woman cither, by whom the offence
come, saith Christ (Math, xviii, 7). And if offences arising from
unseasonable actions, innocent in themselves, are more to be feared
than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth (I Cor. ix, 15), how
much more when arising from things simply evil, in which neither
honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded.
Nor is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by the grace of God
from giving offence, except we be armed also against taking offence
when it is given by others. For how imperfect is the work of

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 55

grace in him who lacks the charity that covers a multitude of
offence, as the scripture says. Neither are you exhorted to this
grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity. Persons
ready to take offence, either lack the charity which should cover
offences; or the wisdom duly to weigh human frailty; or lastly,
are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord te?.ches
(Math, vii, I, 2, 3). In my own experience I have found few who
are quicker to give offence, than those who easily take it. They
who have nourished this touchy humour have never proved sound
and profitable members in societies.

But there are, besides, many reasons W'hy you, above others,
should use special care in this direction. You are, many of you,
strangers to each other and to the infirmities of one another, and
so stand in need of the more watchfulness, lest when unsuspected
qualities appear in men and women, you be inordinately affected
by them. This requires at j'our hands much wisdom and charity.
Further, the plans for your intended civil community will furnish
continual occasion of offence, and will be as fuel to the fire, unless
you diligently quench it with brother!}' forbearance. And if taking
offence causelessly or easily at men's doings should be so carefully
avoided, how much more is it to be heeded lest we take offence at
God himself, — which we do as often as we murmur at His provi-
dence in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as He
pleases to visit upon us. Store up, therefore, patience against the
evil day, with which we take offence at the Lord Himself in His
holy and just works.

A fourth thing is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with
your employments, which will be common to all, you join affections
truly bent upon the general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague
of your comfort, all retiredness of mind for selfish advantage. Let
every one repress within himself, as so many rebels against the
common good, all private partialities, not consistent with the general
convenience and as one is careful not to have a new house shaken
with any violence before it is well settled and the parts firmly
knit, so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more careful, that
the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken
with unnecessary novelties or other oppositions at the first settling
thereof.

Lastly, whereas j'ou are to become a body politic, administering
among yourselves civil government, and are furnished with persons
of no special eminence above the rest, from whom j'ou will
elect some to the office of government, let your wisdom and godli-
ness appear, not only in choosing such persons as will entirely love
and promote the common good, but also in yielding them all due
honour and obedience in their lawful administrations; not behold-

56 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

ing in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance
for your good ; nor being Hke the f ooHsh muUitude, who honour
a gay coat more than either the virtuous mind of the wearer or
the glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better, and
understand that the image of the Lord's power and authority which
the magistrate bears, is honourable, in how humble persons soever.
And this duty you can the more willingly perform, because you are
at present to have only those for your governors as you yourselves
shall choose.

Several other things of importance I could put you in mind of,
but I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you
heedless of these things, there being many among j'ou well able
both to admonish themselves and others. These few things, there-
fore, I do earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, join-
ing therewith my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He
Who has made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers
of waters, and Whose providence is over all His works, especially
over all His dear children for good, would so guide and guard
you in your ways, as inwardly by His spirit, so outwardly by the
hand of His power, that both you and we also may praise His
name all the days of our lives. Fare you well in Him in Whom
you trust, and in Whom I rest.

An unfeigned well-wilier of your happy success in this hopeful
voyage,

JOHN ROBINSON.

This letter, though long, being so suitable to the occasion
I thought well to insert here.

Everything being now ready, and all business completed
the company was called together, and this letter was read
to them, and was well received by all, and afterwards bore
fruit in many. Then they allotted the company to each ship
as they thought best, and chose governors and two or three
assistants, to take charge of the people on the way, and to
see to the distribution of their provisions, and such affairs.
Which done, they set sail from Southampton, about the 5th
of August ; but what befell them further upon the coast of
England will appear in the next chapter.

CHAPTER Vin

Departiu'e from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at
Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620.

Having thus put to sea, they had not gone far when Mr.
Reynolds, the captain of the smaller ship, complained that
he found her so leaky that he dare not go further till she
was mended. So the captain of the bigger ship, Mr. Jones,
being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dart-
mouth and have her mended, which accordingly was done,
at great expense and loss of time and a fair wind. She
was here thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some
leaks were found and mended, and it was then believed
that she might proceed without danger. So with good hope
they put to sea again, thinking they would go comfortably
on, not looking for any more hindrances of this kind. But
after they had gone lOO leagues beyond Land's End holding
together all the while, the captain of the small ship again
complained that she was so leaky that he must bear up or
sink at sea, for they could scarcely keep her afloat by pump-
ing. So they consulted again, and both ships resolved to
bear up again and put into Plymouth, which accordingly
was done. No special leak could be found, but it was judged
to be the general weakness of the ship, and that she would
not prove equal to the voyage. Upon which it was resolved
to dismiss her, and part of the company, and proceed with
the other ship ; which, though it caused great discourage-
ment, was put into execution. So after they had taken out
such provisions as the other ship could well stow, and de-
cided what persons to send back, they made another sad

58 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

parting", the one ship going back to London, and the other
proceeding on her voyage. Those that went back were
mostly such as were willing to do so, either from discontent
or fear of the ill success of the voyage, seeing they had met
with so many crosses and the year was so far spent. Others,
owing to their weakness and having many young children,
were thought least useful and most unfit to bear the brunt
of this arduous adventure ; to which work of God and the
judgment of their brethren they were contented to submit.
And thus, like Gideon's army, this small number was
divided, as if the Lord thought these few too many for the
great work He had to do.

It was afterwards found that the leakiness of the ship was
partly caused by being overmasted and too much pressed
with sail ; for after she was sold and put into trim she made
many voyages, to the profit of her owners. But it was
partly due to the cunning and deceit of the captain and his
crew, who had been hired to stay a whole year at the Settle-
ment, and now, fearing want of victuals, they plotted this
stratagem to free themselves, as was afterwards confessed
by some of them. Yet in order to encourage the captain the
majority of those who had come from Leyden had been put
aboard this ship, to content him. But so strong was self-
love that he forgot all duty and former kindnesses, and
dealt thus falsely with them, though he pretended otherwise.

Amongst those who returned was Mr. Cushraan and his
family, whose heart and courage had failed them before.
He was assistant to IMr. Martin, who was governor in the
bigger ship. I insert here a passionate letter he wrote to
a friend in London from Dartmouth, v/hilst the ship lay
there mending, which, besides the expression of his own
fears, shows how the providence of God was working for
their good beyond man's expectations, and other things
concerning their condition in these straits. And though it

THE PLYINIOUTH SETTLEMENT 59

discloses some infirmities in him (as who under temptation
is free), he afterwards continued to be a special instrument
for their good, and performed the offices of a loving friend
and faithful brother to them, and was a partaker of much
comfort with them.

Robert Cushman at Dartmouth to Edward Southworth, at He.anage
House, Duke's Place, London.

Loving Friend,

My most kind remembrances to j^ou and your wife, with loving
E. M., etc., whom in this world I never look to see again. For
beside the im.minent dangers of this voyage, which are no less
than deadly, an infirmity has seized me which will not in all likeli-
hood leave me till death. What to call it I know not ; but it is,
as it were, a bundle of lead crushing my heart more and more these
fourteen days, so that though I perform the actions of a living
man I am but as dead; but the will of God be done.

Our pinace will not cease leaking, else I think we had been half
way to Virginia. Our voyage hither has been as full of crosses
as ourselves have been of crookedness. We put in here to trim
her, and I think if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours
more she would have sunk. And though she was twice trimmed
at Southampton she is still as open and leaky as a sieve. We lay
at Southampton seven days, in fair weather, waiting for her; and
now we lie here waiting for her in as fair a wind as can blow,
and so have done these four days, and are likely to lie four more,
and by that time the wind may have turned as it did at South-
ampton. Our victuals will be half eaten up, I think, before wo
leave the coast of England, and if our voyage last long we shall
not have a month's victuals when we arrive. Nearly £700 has been
spent in Southampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin says
he neither can nor will give any account of it; and if he is called
upon for accounts he cries out that we are ungrateful for liis
pains and care, and that we are suspicious of him. Also he in-
sults our poor people, and treats them with scorn and contempt,
as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would
break your heart to hear the mourning of our poor people. They
complain to me, and alas! I can do nothing for them. If I speak
to him he flies in my face as mutinous, and says no complaints
shall be heard or received but by himself, and they are forward,
waspish, and discontented people. There are others who would
gladly lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they

60 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

have had, if they might only depart ; but he will not listen to them
or allow them to go ashore lest they should run away. The sailors,
too, are so annoyed at his ignorant boldness, in meddling with
things he knows nothing of, that some threaten to do him mischief.
He makes himself a laughing stock.

As for Mr. Weston, unless grace is with him he will hate us
ten times more than ever he loved us, for not confirming the
conditions. Now that they have met some reverses they begin to
see the truth, and say Mr. Robinson was at fault to tell them never
to consent to those conditions, or put me in office. But he and
they will rue it too late. Four or five of the chief of them from
Leyden came resolved never to go on those conditions. Mr.
Martin said he never received any money on those conditions, and
that he was not beholden to the merchants for a pin; that they
were blood-suckers, and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed
never made any conditions with the merchants, nor ever spoke
with them. But did all that money fly to Southampton, or was
it his own? Who would go and lay out money so rashly and
lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it or on what
conditions? Secondly, I told him of the alterations long ago, and
he was content; but now he domineers, and says I betrayed them
into the hands of slave-drivers ; he is not beholden to them ; he
can fit out two ships himself for a voyage — when he has only £$o
worth of shares in the venture, and if he gave in his accounts he
would not have a penny left, as I am persuaded.

Friend, if ever we establish a colony, God works a miracle;
especially considering how scanty our provisions will be and most
of all how disunited we are among ourselves, and devoid of good
leaders. Violence will break all. Where is the meek and humble
spirit of Moses and of Nehemiah, who re-edified the walls of
Jerusalem and the state of Israel? Is not the sound of Rehoboam's
bragging daily among us here? Have not the philosophers and all
wise men observed, that even in settled commonwealths violent
governors bring either themselves or people or both to ruin? How
much more in the building of commonwealths, when the mortar is
scarcely hardened which is to bind the walls. If I were to write
you everything that foreruns our ruin, I should overcharge my
weak head and grieve your tender heart; only this, — prepare for
evil tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly. It may
be the Lord may yet be entreated.

I see not how in reason we can escape the gasping of hunger-
starved persons; but God can do much, and His will be done. It
is better for me to die now than to bear it. Poor William King
and I strive who shall first be meat for the fishes; but we look
for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT Gl

no more; but, looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure
all these things and account them light in comparison of the joy
we hope for. Remember me in all love to our friends, as if I
named them, whose prayers I desire earnestlj^ and wish again to
see, but not till I can look them in the face with more comfort.
The Lord give us that true comfort which none can take from
us. I desired to send a brief account of our condition to some
friend. I doubt not but you will know when to speak a word
in season. What I have written is true, and much more which I
have foreborne to mention. I write it as upon my life and my
last confession in England. What you deem well to mention at
once, you may speak of; and what is best to conceal, conceal.
Excuse my weak manner, for my head is weak and my body is
feeble. The Lord make me strong in Him, and keep both you
and yours.

Your loving friend,

ROBERT CUSHMAN.
Dartmouth, Aug. lytJi, 1620.

These being his fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be
much stronger when he arrived at Plymouth.

CHAPTER IX

The Mayflower sails from Plymouth — Voyage — Arrival at
Cape Cod: September-November, 1620

These troubles being over, and all being together in the
one ship, they put to sea again on September 6th with a
prosperous wind, which continued for several days and was
some encouragement to them, though, as usual, many were
afflicted with sea-sickness. I must not omit to mention
here a special example of God's providence. There was
an insolent and very profane young man, — one of the
sailors, which made him the more overbearing, — who was
always harassing the poor people in their sickness, and
cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and did not
hesitate to tell them that he hoped to help throw half of
them overboard before they came to their journey's end.
If he were gently reproved by any one, he would curse and
swear most bitterly. But it pleased God, before they came
half seas over, to smite the young man with a grievous
disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so
was himself the first to be thrown overboard. Thus his
curses fell upon his own head, which astonished all his
mates for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him.

After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for some
time, they encountered cross winds and many fierce storms
by which the ship was much shaken and her upper works
made very leaky. One of the main beams amid-ships was
bent and cracked, which made them afraid that she might
not be able to complete the voyage. So some of the chief
of the voyagers, seeing that the sailors doubted the efficiency

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 63

of the ship, entered into serious consultation with the cap-
tain and officers, to weigh the danger betimes and rather to
return than to cast themselves into desperate and inevitable
peril. Indeed there was great difference of opinion amongst
the crew themselves. They wished to do whatever could be
done for the sake of their wages, being now half way over;
on the other hand they were loth to risk their lives too
desperately. But at length all opinions, the captain's and
others' included, agreed that the ship was sound under the
water-line, and as for the buckling of the main beam, there
was a great iron screw the passengers brought out of Hol-
land, by which the beam could be raised into its place; and
the carpenter affirmed that with a post put under it, set firm
in the lower deck, and otherwise fastened, he could make it
hold. As for the decks and upper works, they said they
would calk them as well as they could ; and though with the
working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet
there would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not
overpress her with sail.

So they committed themselves to the will of God, and
resolved to proceed. In several of these storms the wind
was so strong and the seas so high that they could not carry
a knot of sail, but were forced to hull for many days. Once,
as they thus lay at hull in a terrible storm, a strong young
man, called John Rowland, coming on deck was thrown
into the sea ; but it pleased God that he caught hold of the
top-sail halliards which hung overboard and ran out at
length ; but he kept his hold, though he was several fathoms
under water, till he was hauled up by the rope and then
with a boat-hook helped into the ship and saved ; and though
he was somewhat ill from it he lived many years and became
a profitable member both of the church and commonwealth.
In all the voyage only one of the passengers died, and that
was William Button, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller,

64 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

when they were nearing the coast. But to be brief, after
long beating at sea, on November nth they fell in with a
part of the land called Cape Cod, at which they were not a
little joyful. After some deliberation among themselves and
with the captain, they tacked about and resolved to stand
for the southward, the wind and weather being fair, to find
some place near Hudson's River for their habitation. But
after they had kept that course about half a day, they met
with dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and as they
conceived themselves in great danger, — the wind falling, —
they resolved to bear up again for tlie Cape, and thought
themselves happy to get out of danger before night overtook
them, as by God's providence they did. Next day they got
into the bay, where they rode in safety.

A word or two, by the way, of this Cape. It was first
thus named by Captain Gosnold and his people in 1602,
because they caught much of that fish there ; and afterwards
was called Cape James by Captain Smith ; but it retains the
former name among seamen. The point where they first
met with those dangerous shoals they called Point Care, or
Tucker's Terror ; but the French and Dutch to this day call
it Malabar.

Having found a good haven and being brought safely in
sight of land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God
of Heaven who had brought them over the vast and furious
ocean, and delivered them from all the perils and miseries
of it, again to set their feet upon the firm and stable earth,
their proper element. And no marvel that they were thus
joyful, when the wise Seneca was so affected with sailing
a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, that he afiirmed'
he had rather taken twenty years to make his way by land,
than to go by sea to any place in however short a time. —
so tedious and dreadful it was to him.
. But here I cannot but make a pause, and stand half

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 65

amazed at this poor people's present condition ; and so I
think will the reader, too, when he considers it well. Hav-
ing thus passed the vast ocean, and that sea of troubles
before while they were making their preparations, they now
had no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain and
refresh their weatherbeaten bodies, nor houses — much less
towns — to repair to.

It is recorded in scripture (Acts, xxviii) as a mercy to
the apostle and his shipwrecked crew, that the barbarians
showed them no small kindness in refreshing them; but
these savage barbarians when they met with them (as will
appear) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows than
otherwise ! As for the season, it was winter, and those who
have experienced the winters of the country know them to
be sharp and severe, and subject to fierce storms, when it
is dangerous to travel to known places, — much more to
search an unknown coast. Besides, what could they see
but a desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men ;
and what multitude there might be of them they knew not !
Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah,
to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to
feed their hopes ; for which way soever they turned their
eyes (save upward to the Heavens!) they could gain little
solace from any outward objects. Summer being done,
all things turned upon them a weather-beaten face; and
the whole country, full of woods and thickets, presented a
wild and savage view.

If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean
which they had passed, and was now a gulf separating
them from all civilized parts of the world. If it be said
that they had their ship to turn to, it is true; but what did
they hear daily from the captain and crew? That they
should quickly look out for a place with their shallop, where
they would be not far off ; for the season was such that the

66 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

captain would not approach nearer to the shore till a har-
bour had been discovered which he could enter safely;
and that the food was being consumed apace, but he must
and would keep sufficient for the return voyage. It was
even muttered by some of the crew that if they did not
find a place in time, they would turn them and their goods
ashore and leave them.

Let it be remembered, too, what small hope of further
assistance from England they had left behind them, to
support their courage in this sad condition and the trials
they were under; for how the case stood between the
settlers and the merchants at their departure has already
been described. It is true, indeed, that the affection and
love of their brethren at Leyden towards them was cordial
and unbroken; but they had little power to help them or
themselves.

What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of
God, and His grace ? Ought not the children of their fathers
rightly to say: Our fathers were Englishmen who came
over the great ocean, and were ready to perish in this
wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, and He heard
their voice, and looked on their adversity. . . . Let them
therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His
mercies endure forever. Yea, let them that have been re-
deemed of the Lord, show how He hath delivered them
from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered
forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and found
no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord
His loving kindness, and His wonderful works before the
sons of men!

CHAPTER X

The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover
the Harboiu' of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620

They thus arrived at Cape Cod on the nth of Novem-
ber, and necessity called on them to look out for a place
of habitation. Having brought a large shallop with them
from England, stowed in quarters in the ship, they now
got her out, and set their carpenters to work to trim her
up ; but being much bruised and battered in the foul weather
they saw she would be long mending. So a few of them
volunteered to go by land and explore the neighbouring
parts, whilst the shallop was put, in order; particularly
since, as they entered the bay, there seemed to be an
opening some two or three leagues off, which the captain
thought was a river. It was conceived there might be some
danger in the attempt; but seeing them resolute, sixteen
of them, well-armed, were permitted to go, under charge of
Captain Standish. They set forth on the 15th of Novem-
ber, being landed by the ship's boat, and when they had
marched about the space of a mile by the sea-side, they
espied five or six persons with a dog coming towards them.
They were savages; but they fled back in^o the woods,
followed by the English, who wished to see if they could
speak with them, and to discover if there were more lying
in amxbush. But the Indians, seeing themselves followed,
left the woods, and ran along the sands as hard as they
could, so our men could not come up with them, but followed
the track of their feet several miles. Night coming on, they
made their rendezvous, and set sentinels, and rested in

68 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

quiet. Next morning they again pursued the Indians'
tracks, till they came to a great creek, where they had
left the sands and turned into the woods. But they con-
tinued to follow them by guess, hoping to find their dwel-
lings ; but soon they lost both the Indians and themselves,
and fell into such thickets that their clothes and armour
were injured severely; but they suffered most from want
of w'ater. At length they found some, and refreshed them-
selves with the first New England v/ater they had drunk;
and in their great thirst they found it as pleasant as w'ine
or beer had been before. Afterwards they directed their
course towards the other shore, for they knew it w^as only
a neck of land they had to cross over. At length they got
to the sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, and
by the w^ay found a pond of fresh w'ater, and shortly after
a quantity of cleared ground where the Indians had for-
merly planted corn; and they found some of their graves.
Proceeding further, they saw stubble where corn had been
grown the same year, and also found a place where a
house had lately been, with some planks, and a great kettle
and heaps of sand newly banked, under which they found
several large baskets filled with corn, some in the ear of
various colours, which was a very goodly sight they hav-
ing never seen any like it before. This was near the
supposed river that they had come to seek. When they
reached it, they found that it opened into two arms, with
a high cliff of sand at the entrance, but more likely to
be creeks of salt water than fresh, they thought. There
was good harbourage for their shallop, so they left it to be
further explored when she was ready. The time allowed
them having expired, they returned to the ship, lest the
others should be anxious about their safety. They took
part of the corn and buried the rest; and so, like the men
from Eschol, carried with them of the fruits of the land,

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 69

and showed their brethren ; at which the rest were very
glad, and greatly encouraged.

After tliis, the shallop being ready, they set out again
for the better reconnoitering of the place. The captain
of the ship desired to go himself, so there were some thirty
men. However, tliey found it to be no harbour for ships,
but only for boats. They also found two of the Indians'
houses covered with mats, and some of their implements
in them; but the people had run away and could not be
seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various
colours. These they brought away, intending to give them
full satisfaction when they should meet with any of them,
- — as about six months afterwards they did.

And it is to be noted as a special providence of God,
and a great mercy to this poor people, that they thus got
seed to plant corn the next year, or they might have
starved; for they had none, nor any likelihood of getting
any, till too late for the planting season. Nor is it likely
that they would have got it if this first voyage had not been
made, for the ground was soon all covered with snow and
frozen hard. But the Lord is never wanting unto His
in their great need; let His holy name have all the praise.

The month of November being spent in these affairs,
and foul weather coming on, on the sixth of December
they sent out their shallop again with ten of their principal
men and some sailors upon further discovery, intending to
circumnavigate the deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather
was very cold, and it froze so hard that the spray of the
sea froze on their coats like glass. Early that night they
got to the lower end of the bay, and as they drew near the
shore they saw ten or twelve Indians very busy about some-
thing. They landed about a league or two from them;
though they had much ado to put ashore anywhere, it was
so full of flats. It was late when they landed, so they

70 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

made themselves a barricade of logs and boughs as well
as they could in the time, and set a sentinel and betook
them to rest, and saw the smoke of the fire the savages
made that night. When morning came they divided their
party, some to coast along the shore in the boat, and the
rest to march through the woods to see the land, and, if
possible, to find a fit place for their settlement. They came
to the place where they had seen the Indians the night
before and found they had been cutting up a great fish
like a grampus, covered with almost two inches of fat, like
a hog. The shallop found two more of the same kind of
fish dead on the sands, a usual thing after storms there,
because of the great flats of sand. They ranged up and
down all that day, but found no people nor any place they
liked. When the sun got low they hastened out of the
woods to meet their shallop, making signs to it to come
into a creek hard by, which it did at high water. They
were very glad to meet, for they had not seen each other
since the morning. They made a barricade, as they did
every night, with logs, stakes, and thick pine boughs, the
height of a man, leaving it open to leeward; partly to
shelter them from the cold wind, making their fire in the
middle and lying around it ; and, partly to defend them from
any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should try
to surround them. So being very weary, they betook them
to rest. But about midnight they heard a hideous cry,
and their sentinel called "Arm, arm!" So they bestirred
themselves and stood to their arms, and shot a couple of
muskets and then the noise ceased. They concluded it
was a pack of wolves, or some such wild beasts; for one
of the sailors told them he had often heard such noises in
Newfoundland. So they rested till about five o'clock in
the morning. After prayer they prepared for breakfast,
and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be carrying

THE PLYIViOUTII SETTLEIVIENT 71

things down to the boat. Some said it was not best
lo carry the guns down; others said they would be the
readier, for they had wrapped them up in their coats to
keep them from the dew. But some three or four would not
carry their guns down to the boat till they went themselves.
However, as the water was not high enough, the others
laid theirs down on the bank of the creek, and came up to
breakfast. But soon, all of a sudden, they heard a great
and strange cry, W'hich they knew to be the same as they
had heard in the night, though with various notes. One
of the company who was outside came running in and
cried: "Men; Indians, Indians"; and at that their arrows
came tlying amongst them ! The men ran down to the
creek with all speed to recover their guns, which by the
providence of God they succeeded in doing. In the mean-
time two of those who were still armed discharged their
muskets at the Indians ; and tv/o more stood ready at the
entrance of the rendezvous, but were commanded not to
shoot till they could take fell aim at them; and the other
two loaded again at full speed, there being only four gims
there to defend the barricade when it was first assaulted.

The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when
they saw the men run out of the rendezvous towards the
shallop to recover their guns, the Indians wheeling about
them. But some of the m.en, armed with coats of mail and
with cutlasses in their hands, soon got their guns and let fly
among them, which quickly stopped their violence. There
was one big Indian, and no less valiant, who stood behind
a tree, within half a musket-shot, and let his arrows fly at
them. He was seen to shoot three arrows, wiiich were all
avoided. He stood three musket-shots, till one of them
made the bark and splinters of the tree fly about his ears,
at which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away all
of them went. The men left, some of the party to guard

72 BRADFORD'S^ HISTORY OF

the shallop, and followed the Indians about a quarter o£ a
mile, shouting once or twice, and shooting off two or three
gims, and then returned. They did this so that the natives
might not think they were afraid of them.

Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give
them deliverance ; and by His special providence so to dis-
pose that not one of them was hit, though the arrows came
close to them, on every side, and some of their coats
which were hung up in the barricade were shot through and
through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks and
praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of
the arrows, and later sent them to England by the captain
of the ship. They called the place "The First Encounter."
Then they left, and coasted all along, but discovered no
likely place for a harbour. So they made all speed to a
spot which their pilot — a Mr. Coppin, who had been in
the country before — assured them was a good harbour,
which he had been in, and which they might fetch before
night. Of this they were glad, for the weather began to be
foul. After some hours' sailing, it began to snow and rain,
and about the middle of the afternoon the wnnd increased,
and the sea became very rough. They broke their rudder,
and it was as much as two men could do to steer her v/ith
a couple of oars. But the pilot bade them be of good cheer,
and said he saw the harbour ; but the storm increasing and
night drawing on, they carried all the sail they could to
get in while they could see. Then their mast broke in
three pieces, and the sail fell overboard in a very heavy sea,
so that they were in danger of being wrecked; but by
God's mercy they recovered themselves, and having the
tide with them, struck in towards the harbour. But when
they came to, the pilot found he had mistaken the place, and
said the Lord be merciful to them, for he had never seen the
place before; and he and the mate were about to run her

THE PLY]VIOUTH SETTLE3.IENT 73

ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before the wind. But
one of the seamen, who steered, bade the rowers, if they
were men, about with her, or they would all be cast away;
which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheer
and row lustily for there was a fair sound before them,
and he did not doubt but they would find a place where
they could come to safely. Though it was very dark and
rained hard, they ultimately got under the lee of a small
island, and remained there safely all night; but they did
not know it was an island till morning. They were divided
in their mind; some w'ished to stay in the boat, for fear
there would be more Indians; others were so weak and
cold they could not endure it, but got ashore and with much
ado made a fire — everything being wet, — and then the rest
were glad enough to join them; for after midnight the
wind shifted to the north-west and it froze hard.

But though this had been a night of much hardship and
danger, God gave them a morning of comfort and refresh-
ment, as He usually doth to His children ; for the next day
was a fair sun-shining day, and they found they were on an
island secure from the Indians, where they could dry their
stuff, fix their arms, and rest themselves and give God
thanks for His mercies in their manifold deliverances. This
being the last day of the week tliey prepared to keep the
Sabbath there. On IMonday they sounded the harbour
and found it fit for shipping; and marching inland they
found several cornfields and little running brooks, — a place,
as they supposed, fit for a settlement, at least it was the
best they could find, and considering the season of the
year and their present necessity they were thankful for it.
So they returned with this news to the rest of their people
aboard the ship, which cheered them greatly.

On the I5tli day of December they weighed anchor to
go to the place they had discovered, and came within two

74 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

leagues of it, but had to bear up again. On the i6th day
the wind came fair, and they arrived safe in the harbour.
Afterwards they took a better view of the place, and re-
solved where to pitch their dwellings ; and on the 25th day
they began to erect the first house for common use, to
receive them and their goods.

BOOK II
1620-1646

^isTORY OF THE SETTLEMENT AT NEW PLYMOUTH

CHAPTER I

Deed of Government drawn up — ^Death of half their number
— Squanto — Compact witli the Indians — Captain Dermer's de-
scription of New Plymouth: 1620.

The rest of this work— if God give me life and opportun-
ity— I shall, for brevity's sake, handle in the form of An-
nals, noting only the principal doings, chronologically.

First, I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact
or deed drawn up by them before they went ashore to
settle, constituting the first foundation of their government.
This was occasioned partly by the discontented and
mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them
had let fall : that when they got ashore they would use their
liberty that none had power to command them, the patent
procured being for Virginia, and not for New England,
which belonged to another company, with which the Vir-
ginia company had nothing to do. And, further, it was
believed by the leading men among the settlers that such a
deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their present
condition, would be as effective as any patent, and in some
respects more so.

The form of the deed was as follows :

In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten,
the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the

7§

76 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender
of the Faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God, and
advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and
countr}', a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of
Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence
of God, and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves into a
civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and the
furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by virtue hereof to enact,
constitute, and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts,
constitutions, and oftices, from time to time, as shall be thought
most meet and convenient for the general use of the Colony, unto
which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness
whereof we have here underscribed our names at Cape Cod, nth
of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord, King
James of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of
Scotland the fifty-fourth.
A. D. 1620.

They then chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver,
a godly man and highly approved among them, as their
governor for that year. After they had provided a place for
their goods and common stores, which they were long in
unlading owing to Avant of boats, the severity of the winter
weather, and sickness, had begun some sm.all cottages for
dwellings, — as time would admit they met and consulted of
law and order, both for civil and military government, as
seemed suited to their conditions, adding to them from
time to time as urgent need demanded. In these arduous
and difficult beginnings, discontent and murmuring arose
amongst some, and mutinous speech and bearing in others;
but they were soon quelled and overcome by the wisdom,
patience, and just and equal administration of things by the
Governor and the better part, who held faithfully together
in the main.

But soon a most lamentable blow fell upon them. In two
or three months' time half of their company died, partly
owing to the severity of the v/inter, especially during Jan-
uary and February, and the want of houses and other com-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 77

forts; partly to scurvy and other diseases, which their long
voyage and their incommodious quarters had brought upon
them. Of all the hundred odd persons, scarcely fifty re-
mained, and sometimes two or three persons died in a day.
In the time of worst distress, there were but six or seven
sound persons, who, to their great commendation be it
spoken, spared no pains night or day, but with great toil
and at the risk of their own health, fetched wood, made
fires, prepared food for the sick, made their beds, washed
their infected clothes, dressed and undressed them ; in a
word did all the homely and necessary services for them
which dainty and queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear
mentioned; and all this they did willingly and cheerfully,
without the least grudging, showing their love to the friends
and brethren ; a rare example, and worthy to be remem-
bered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster,
their reverend elder, and Myles Standish, their captain and
military commander, to whom m.yself and many others were
much beholden in our low and sick condition. And yet the
Lord so upheld these men, that in this general calamity they
were not at all infected with sickness. And what I have
said of these few, I should say of many others who died in
this general visitation, and others yet living, that while they
had health or strength, they forsook none that had need of
them. I doubt not that their recompense is with the Lord.
But I must not pass by another remarkable and unfor-
gettable occurrence. When this calamity fell among the
passengers who were to be left here to settle, they were
hurried ashore and made to drink water, so that the sailors
might have the more beer and when one sufferer in his
sickness desired but a small can of beer, it was answered
that if he were their own father he should have none.
Then the disease began to seize the sailors also, so that
almost half of the crew died before they v/ent away, and

78 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

many of their officers and strongest men, amongst them the
boatswain, gunner, three quarter-masters, the cook and
others. At this the captain was somewhat struck, and sent
to the sick ashore and told the Governor that he could send
for beer for those that had need of it, even should he have
to drink water on the homeward voyage.

But amongst the sailors there was quite a different bear-
ing in their misery. Those who before, in the time of their
health and welfare, had been boon companions in drinking
and jollity, began now to desert one another, saying they
would not risk their lives for the sick among them, lest
they should be infected by coming to help them in their
cabins ; if they died, let them die ! But the passengers who
were still aboard showed them what pity they could, which
made some of their hearts relent, such as the boatswain,
who was an overbearing young man, and before would often
curse and scoff at the passengers. But when he grew weak
they had compassion on him and helped him. Then he
confessed he did not deserve it at tlieir hands, for he had
abused them in word and deed. "Oh," said he, "you I
see now, show your love like Christians indeed to one an-
other; but we let one another lie and die like dogs."
Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had not been for
her he had never come on this unlucky voyage; and anon
cursed his fellows, saying he had done this or that for some
of them, he had spent so much and so much amongst them,
and they were now weary of him, and did not help him in
his need. Another made over to one of his mates all he
had, when he should die, if he would but help him in his
weakness. So his companion went and got a little spice
and prepared some food once or twice; and when he did
not die as soon as he expected, he went among his comrades
and swore the rogue would cheat him of his inheritance;

THE PLYI^IOUTH SETTLEMENT 79

he would see him choke before he prepared him any more
food; and so the poor fellow died before morning!

All this while the Indians came skulking about those who
were ashore and would sometimes show themselves aloof,
at a distance, but when any approached them, they would
run away. Once they stole away the men's tools where
they had been at work, and were gone to dinner. About
the i6th of March a certain Indian came boldly among
them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they
could well understand, but were astonished at it. At
length they understood by speaking with him that he was
not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern country where
some English ships came to fish; and with some of these
English he was acquainted, and could name several of them.
From them he had got his knowledge of the language. He
became useful to them in acquainting them with many things
concerning the state of the country in the east parts where
he lived, as also of the people there, their names and num-
ber, their situation and distance from this place, and who
was chief among them. His name was Samoset; he told
them also of another Indian, whose name was Squanto, a
native of this part, who had been in England and could
speak English better than himself. After some time of en-
tertainment, being dismissed with gifts. In a little while he
returned with five more, and they brought back all the tools
that had been stolen, and made way for the coming of their
great Sachem, called Massasoyt, who about four or five
days after, came with the chief of his friends and other
attendants, and with Squanto. With him, after friendly en-
tertainment and some gifts, they made a peace which has
now continued for twenty- four years.

These were the terms :

i. That neither he nor any of his, should hijure or harm any of
their people.

80 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

2. That if any of his did any harm to any of theirs, he should
send the offender, that they might punish him.

3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he
should cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his.

4. If any made unjust war against him, they would aid him; if
any made war against them, he should aid them.

5. He should send to his neighboring confederates, to certify
them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise
comprised in the conditions of peace.

6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their
bows and arrows behind them.

After this he returned to his place, called Sowams, some
forty miles off, but Squanto stayed with them, and was
their interpreter, and became a special instrument sent of
God for their good, beyond their expectation. He showed
them how to plant their corn, where to take fish and other
commodities, and guided them to unknown places, and
never left them till he died. He was a native of these parts,
and had been one of the few survivors of the plague here-
abouts. He was carried away with others by one Hunt, a
captain of a ship, who intended to sell them for slaves in
Spain ; but he got away for England, and was received by a
merchant in London, and employed in Newfoimdland and
other parts, and lastly brought into these parts by a Captain
Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinand Gorges
and others, for discovery and other projects in these parts.
Of Captain Dermer I will say something, because it is men-
tioned,— in a book published A. D. 1622, by the President
and Council of New England, — that he made peace between
the savages of these parts and the English, of which this
plantation, as it is there intimated, had the benefit. But
what kind of peace it was appears by what befell him and
his men.

Captain Dermer had been here the same year that the
people of the Mayflower arrived, as appears in an account
written by him, and given to me by a friend, bearing date.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 81

June 30th, 1620; and as they came in the November fol-
lowing, there was but four months' difference. In this
account to his honoured friend, he makes the following
references to this very place :

"I will first begin," saj^s he, "with the place from which Squanto
(or Tisquatitem) was taken away, which in Captain Smith's map is
called 'Plymouth'; and I would that Plymouth had the same com-
modities. I could wish that the first plantation might be situated
here, if there came to the number of fifty persons or upward; other-
wise at Charlton, because there the savages are less to be feared.
The Pokanokcts, who live to the west of Plymouth, bear an in-
veterate hatred to the English, and are of greater strength than all
the savages from there to Penobscot. Their desire of revenge was
occasioned by an Englishman, who having invited many of them on
board slaughtered them with small shot, when, as the Indians say,
they offered no injury on their part. Whether they were English
or no, it may be doubted ; but they believe they were, for the French
have so assured them. For this reason Squanto cannot deny but
they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he not
interceded hard for me. The soil of the borders of this great bay
may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seen in
Virginia. The land is of various sorts. Patuxet is a stubborn but
strong soil ; Nauset and Satucket are for the most part a blackish
and deep mould, much like that where the best tobacco in Virginia
grows. In the great bay itself is a quantity of cod and bass, or
mullet."

But above all, he commends the Pokanokets' country for
the richest soil, and much open ground fit for English grain,
etc.

"Massachusetts, about nine leagues from Plymouth, and
situated between both, is full of islands and peninsulas, for
the most part very fertile."

He was taken prisoner by the Indians at Manamoick,
a place not far off, now well-known. He gave them what
they demanded for his liberty, but when they had got what
they desired, they still kept him, and endeavoured to kill
his men; but he freed himself by seizing some of them,
whom he kept bound till they gave him a canoe-load of

82 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

com (of which, see Purch: lib. ix, fol. 1778), But this
was A. D. 1619.

After the writing of the foregoing narrative, Dermer
went with Squanto to the Island of Capawack, which lies
south of this place on the way to Virginia. There he went
ashore amongst the Indians to trade, as he used to do, but
was betrayed and assaulted by them, and all his men \vere
killed except one who kept the boat. He himself got aboard
very sorely wounded, and they would have cut off his head
as he climbed into his boat, had not the man rescued him.
They got away, and made shift to reach Virginia, where he
died. This shows how far the natives w^ere from peace,
and under what dangerous conditions this plantation was
begun, but for the powerful hand of the Lord, which pro-
tected them. This was partly the reason why they kept
aloof, and were so long before they came to the English.
Another reason, as afterwards they themselves stated, was
that about three years before, a French ship w^as wrecked
at Cape Cod, but the men got ashore and saved their lives
and a large part of their provisions. When the Indians
heard of it, they surrounded them and never left watching
and dogging them till they got the advantage and killed
them, all but three or four, whom they kept, and sent from
one Sachem to another, making sport with them and using
them worse than slaves. Of these, Captain Dermer released
two. So the Indians thought that this ship had now come
to revenge these outrages. It was also later disclosed, that
before they came to the English to make friends, they got
all the Powows of the country together for three days to
curse and execrate them in a horrid and devilish manner
with conjurations, holding their assembly in a dark and
dismal swamp.

But to return. The spring now approaching, it pleased
God the mortality began to cease among them, and the sick

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 83

recovered apace, which put new life into them all ; though
they had borne their sad afflictions with as much patience
and contentedness as I think any people could do. But it
was the Lord who upheld them, and had beforehand pre-
pared them, many having long borne the yoke, yea, even
from their youth. Many other minor matters I will omit,
several of them having been published already in a journal
written by one of the company; and some other narratives
and descriptions of journeys, already published, to which
I refer those who wish to acquaint themselves more closely.
Having now come to the 25th of March, I will begin the
year 1621.

CHAPTER n

The Mayflower returns — Death of John Carver — William
Bradford, Governor — Trade with the Massachusetts — The first
marriage — Friendship with Massasoyt confirined — Hobbamok
— Expedition against Corbitant — The first harvest — Arrival of
Robert Cushman with 35 settlers — Fortune returns, laden —
The Narragansetts' challenge — Christmas Day: 1621.

They now decided to send back the ship which had brought
them over, and which had remained till about this time or
the beginning of April. The reason, on their part, why she
had stayed so long, was the necessity and danger they were
under. It was well towards the end of December before she
could land anything, or they were in a condition to receive
anything ashore. And after that on the 14th of January, the
house they had built for a general rendezvous accidentally
caught fire, and some of them had to go aboard the ship for
shelter. Then the sickness began to fall among them sorely,
and the weather was so bad that they could not hasten their
preparations. Again the Governor and the chief members,
seeing so many fall sick and die daily, thought it unwise to
send the ship away, considering their condition and the dan-
ger they were in from the Indians, till they could procure
some shelter; and therefore thought it better to incur fur-
ther expense for themselves and their friends, than to risk
everything. And though before, the captain and sailors had
hurried the passengers ashore, so that they could be gone;
now many of the crew being dead, — and some of the ablest
of them, — and of the rest many lay sick and weak, the cap-
tain did not dare put to sea till he saw them begin to recover,
and the heart of winter over.

The settlers, as many as were able, then began to plant

8#>

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 85

their corn, in which service Squanto stood them in good
stead, showing them how to plant it and cultivate it. He
also told them that unless they got fish to manure this ex-
hausted old soil, it would come to nothing, and he showed
them that in the middle of April plenty of fish would come
up the brook by which they had begun to build, and taught
them how to catch it, and where to get other necessary pro-
visions ; all of which they found true by experience. They
sowed some English seed, such as wheat and pease, but
it came to no good, either because of the badness of the seed
or the lateness of the season or some other defect.

This April, while they were busy sowing their seed, their
Governor, Mr. John Carver, one hot day, came out of the
field very sick. He complained greatly of his head and lay
down, and within a few hours his senses failed. He never
spoke again, and died, a few days after. His death was
much lamented, and depressed them deeply, with good
cause. He was buried in the best manner possible, with
some volleys of shot by all that bore arms; and his wife, a
weak woman, died five or six weeks after him.

Shortly after, William Bradford was chosen governor in
his stead, and having not yet recovered from his illness, in
which he had been near the point of death, Isaac Allerton,
was appointed assistant to him. These two, by renewed
election each year, continued several years together. This
I here note, once for all.

On May 12th the first marriage here took place, which,
according to the laudable custom of the Low Countries*

*"This decree, or law, about marriage, was published by the States
of the Low Countries, A. D. 1590 : That those of any religion, after
lawful and open publication, coming before the magistrates, in the
Town or State-House, were to be orderly by them married, one to
another," (Petet's Hist., fol. 1029). And this practise was continued
by the Colony, and has been followed by all the famous churches of
Christ in these parts to this time,— A. D. 1646.

86 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

In which they had Hved, it was thought proper for the
magistrate to perform, as a civil institution upon which
many questions about inheritances depend, and other things
requiring their cognizance, as well as being consonant with
the scriptures (Ruth iv), and nowhere mentioned in the
gospels as a part of the minister's duty.

Having now made some progress with their affairs at
home, it was thought advisable to send a deputation to
their new friend Massasoyt, and to bestow upon him some
gratuity to bind him faster to them; also at the same time
to view the country, and see in what manner he lived, what
strength he had about him, and what was the way to his
place, if at any time they should have need. So on July
2nd they sent Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Hopkins, with
the aforesaid Squanto for their guide. They gave Massasoyt
a suit of clothes, and a horseman's coat, with some other
small things, which were kindly accepted, though they
found but short commons, and came home both weary and
hungry. The Indians in those times did not have nearly so
much corn as they have had since the English supplied them
with hoes, and set them an example by their industry in
preparing new ground therewith. Massasoyt's place was
found to be forty miles off and the soil good. But his
people had died in great numbers during the recent plague
throughout these parts, about three years before the coming
of the English. Thousands of them died, until the living
were not able to bury the dead, and their skulls and bones
were found in many places lying still above ground, where
their houses and dwelling places had been, — a very sad
spectacle. But they brought word that the Narragansetts
lived just on the other side of the great bay, and were a
strong, populous tribe living close together, and had not
been attacked by this wasting plague.

About the latter end of this month one John Billington

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 87

lost himself in the woods, and wandered up and down for
about five days, living on berries and what he could find.
At length he came across an Indian plantation, twenty miles
to the south, called Manamet. They conveyed him further
off to Nauset, among the Indians who had set upon the
landing party when they were coasting and whilst their
ship lay at the Cape, as before noted. But the Governor
caused him to be enquired for among the Indians, and at
length Massasoyt sent word where he was, and the Gover-
nor sent a shallop for him, and had him delivered. The
Indians there also came and made their peace and full
satisfaction was given by the settlers to those whose corn
they had found and taken when they were at Cape Cod.

Thus their peace and acquaintance was pretty well es-
tablished with the natives about them. Another Indian,
called Hobbamok came to live with them, a fine strong man,
of some account amongst the Indians for his valour and
qualities. He remained very faithful to the English till he
died. He and Squanto having gone upon business among
the Indians, a Sachem called Corbitant, allied to Massasoyt,
but never a good friend to the English to this day, met with
them at an Indian town called Namassakett, fourteen miles
west of this, and whether out of envy of them or
malice to the English began to quarrel with them, and
threatened to stab Hobbamok; but he, being a strong man,
cleared himself of him, and came running away, all sweat-
ing, and told the Governor what had befallen him, and that
he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them
both, for no other reason than that they were friends to the
English and serviceable to them. The Governor taking
counsel, it was decided not to pass it over, for if they
allowed their friends and messengers to be harmed, none
would associate with them or give them intelligence or do
them service afterwards ; and next thing the Indians would

88 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

fall upon them, too. So it was resolved to send the Captain
and fourteen men, well armed, and to go and fall upon them
in the night; and if they found that Squanto was killed, to
cut off Corbitant's head, but not to hurt any but those who
had a hand in it. Hobbamok was asked if he would go and
be their guide, and bring them there before day. He said he
would, and could show them the house where Corbitant
lived, and which he was. They set forth on the 14th of
August, and surrounded the house ; and the Captain, giving
orders to let none escape, entered to search for him. But
he had gone away that day; so they missed him, but learned
that Squanto was alive, and that Corbitant had only threat-
ened to kill him, and made as if to stab him, but did not.
So they withheld their punishment, and did no more harm ;
and the people came trembling and brought them the best
provisions they had, when they had been acquainted by
Hobbamok with their purpose. Three Indians, badly
wounded, broke out of the house, and tried to pass through
the guard. These they brought back with them, and had
their wounds dressed and cured, and then sent them home.
After this they had many greetings from various Sachems
and much firmer peace. Even the Indians of the Island of
Capawack sent to declare friendship ; and Corbitant himself
used the mediation of Massasoyt to make his peace, but was
shy to come near them for a long time after.

After this, on the i8th September, they sent out their
shallop with ten men and Squanto as guide and interpreter
to the Massachusetts, to explore the bay and trade with the
natives, which they accomplished, and were kindly received.
The Indians were much afraid of the Tarantines, a tribe to
the eastward, who used to come at harvest time and take
away their corn, and often kill some of them. They re-
turned in safety, and brought home a good quantity of
beaver, and reported on the place, wishing they could have

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEINIENT 89

settled there. But it seems that the Lord, Who assigns to
all men the bounds of their habitations, had appointed it
for another use. And thus they found the Lord to be with
them in all their ways, and to bless their outgoings and
incomings, for which let His holy name have the praise
forever, to all posterity.

They began now to gather in the small harvest they had,
and to prepare their houses for the winter, being well re-
covered in health and strength, and plentifully provisioned;
for while some had been thus employed in affairs away from
home, others w^ere occupied in fishing for cod, bass, and
other fish, of which they caught a good quantity, every
family having their portion. All the summer there was
no want. And now, as winter approached, wild fowl began
to arrive, of which there were plenty when they came here
first, though afterwards they became more scarce. As well
as wild fowl, they got abundance of wild turkeys, besides
venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of meal a week,
or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion ; and
afterv;ards many v.-rote at length about their plenty to their
friends in England, — not feigned but true reports.

In November, about 12 months after their arrival, there
came a small ship unexpectedly, bringing Mr. Cushman
(so much spoken of before), and with him 35 persons to
remain and live in the plantation; at which they rejoiced
not a little. And the new arrivals, when they came ashore
and found all well, and saw plenty of victuals in every
house, were no less glad. Most of them were healthy young
men, many of them wild enough, who had little considered
what they were undertaking, — till they reached the harbour
of Cape Cod, and there saw nothing but a naked and barren
place. They then began to wonder what would become of
them, should the people be dead or cut off by the Indians.
So, hearing what some of the sailors were saying, they

90 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

began to plot to seize the sails, lest the ship should go, and
leave them there. But the captain, hearing of it gave them
good words, and told them that if any misfortune should
have befallen the people here, he thought he had food
enough to take them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bit,
they should have their share, which satisfied them. So they
were all landed ; but they brought not so much as biscuit-
cake, or any other victuals with them, nor any bedding,
except some poor things they had in their cabins; nor pot
nor pan to cook any food in ; nor many clothes, for many of
them had sold their coats and cloaks at Plymouth on their
way out. But some burching-lane suits were sent over in
the ship, out of which they were supplied. The plantation
was glad of this addition of strength, but could have wished
that many of them had been of better class, and all of them
better furnished with provisions ; but that could not now be
helped.

In this ship Mr. Weston sent a long letter to Mr. Carver,
the late Governor, now deceased, full of complaints and
expostulations about the former troubles at Southampton,
and keeping the ship so long in the country, and returning
her without lading, etc., — most of which for brevity I
omit. The rest is as follows.

Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth:

I never dared acquaint the adventurers with the alterations in the
conditions first agreed on between us, which I have since been very
glad of, for I am well assured that had they known as much as I
do, they would not have ventured a halfpenny of what was neces-
sary for this ship. That you sent no lading back with the ship is
strange, and very properly resented. I know your weakness was
the cause of it; and I beHeve more weakness of judgment than
weakness of hands. A quarter of the time you spent in discoursing,
arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; but that is
past. ... If you mean, bona fide, to perform the conditions agreed
Upon, do us the favour to copy them put fair, and subscribe thera

THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEMENT 91

with the names of your principal members and likewise give us
account, as particularly as you can, how our money was laid out.
Then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, while I am
now forced to put them off with good words. And consider that the
life of this business depends on the lading of this ship. If you do
so satisfactorily, so that I may recoup the great sums I disbursed
for the former voyage, and must do for this one, I promise you I
will never forsake this enterprise, though all the other adventurers
should do so.

We have procured you a charter, the best we could, which is
better than the former, and with less limitations. As for anything
else that is worth writing, Mr. Cushman can inform you. I pray
write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so, praying
God to bless you with all graces necessary both for this life and
that to come, I rest.

Your very loving friend,

THOS. WESTON.
London, July 6th, 1621.

This ship, called the Fortune, was speedily despatched,
laden with good clapboard, as full as she could stow, and
two hogsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they had
traded in exchange for a few trifling commodities brought
with them at first, being otherwise altogether unprovided
for trading; nor was there a man among them who had
ever seen a beaver skin till they came out, and were in-
structed by Squanto. The freight was estimated to be
worth nearly £500. Mr. Cushman returned with the ship, as
Mr. Weston and the rest had commissioned him, for their
better information. And neither he nor the settlers doubted
that they would receive speedy supplies, considering that,
owing to Mr. Cushman's persuasion, and to letters which
they received from the congregation at Leyden, urging them
to do so, they agreed to the aforesaid conditions, and signed
them. But it proved otherwise, for Mr. Weston, who had
made that large promise in his letter, that if all the rest
should drop out, he would never quit the business, but would
gtick to them if they signed the conditions and sent some

92 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

lading on the ship, — and of this Mr. Cushman was equally
confident, confirming it by Mr. Weston's own words and
serious protestations to himself before he left, — all this, I
say, proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that
forsook them, and that before he had so much as heard of
the return of the ship, or knew what had been done. So
vain is confidence in man! But of this, more in its place.
A letter in answer to that written by Mr. Weston to Mr.
Carver was sent from the Governor, of which so much as
is pertinent to the thing in hand I will insert here :

Governor Bradford at New Plymouth to Mr. Weston in Englandl

Sir,

Your long letter written to Mr. Carver, and dated July 6th, 1621,
I received on November loth, wherein, after the apology made for
yourself, you lay many imputations upon him and us all. Touching
him, he is now departed this life, and is at rest in the Lord from all
these troubles and incumbrances Avith which we yet strive. He
needs not my apology; for his care and pains were so great for the
common good, both ours and yours, thaf, as it is thought, he
thereby oppressed himself and shortened his days ; of whose loss we
cannot sufficiently complain. At great expense in this adventure I
confess you have been, and many losses may sustain ; but the loss
of his and many other industrious men's lives cannot be valued at
any price. Of the one there may be hope of recovery, but the other
no recompense can make good. However, I will not confine m3-self
to general statements, but will deal with your particular charges.

You greatly blame us for keeping the ship so long in the country,
and then sending her away empty. She lay five weeks at Cape Cod,
whilst with many a weary step, after a long journey and the en-
durance of many a hard brunt we sought out in the depth of winter
a place of habitation. Then we set about, as well as we could, to
provide shelter for ourselves and our goods upon which task many
of our arms and legs can tell us to this day that we were not negli-"
gent! But it pleased God to visit us then with death daily, and
with a disease so disastrous that the living were scarcely able to
bury the dead, and the healthy not in any measure to tend the sick.
And now to be so greatly blamed for not freighting the ship touches
us near and discourages us much. But you say you know we shall
plead weakness ; and do you think we had not cause ? Yes, you tell

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 93

us you believe it — but that it was more weakness of judgment than
of hands ! Our weakness herein is great, we confess ; therefore we
will bear this rebuke patiently, with the rest, till God send us wiser
men. But those who told you we spent so much time in discoursing
and consulting, etc., their hearts can tell their tongues they lie.
They care not, so that they salve their own sores, how they wound
others. Indeed it is our calamity that we are, beyond expectation,
yoked with some ill-disposed people, who, while they do no good
themselves, corrupt and abuse others.

The rest of the letter stated that they had subscribed to
the conditions according to his desire, and sent him the
previous accounts very exactly; also how the ship was
laden, and in what condition their affairs stood; that the
arrival of the new people would bring famine upon them un-
avoidably, if they did not receive supplies, in time, — as Mr.
Cushman could more fully inform him and the rest of the
adventurers. Also that, seeing he was not satisfied in all
his demands, he hoped offences would be forgotten, and
he would remember his promise, etc.

After the departure of this ship, which did not stay above
fourteen days, the Governor and his assistant having dis-
posed the new arrivals among several families as best they
could, took an exact account of all their provisions in store,
and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and
found that it would not hold out above six months at half
allowance, and hardly that. They could not well give less
this winter, till fish came in again. So they were presently
put on half allowance, one as well as another. It became
irksome, but they bore it patiently, hoping to receive fresh
supplies.

Soon after this ship's departure, the great Narragansett
tribe, in a braving manner, sent a messenger to them with
a bundle of arrows tied about with a great snake skin, which
their interpreters told them was a threatening challenge.
Upon which the Governor, with the advice of the others,

94 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

sent them a round answer, that if they would rather have
war than peace, they might begin when they would; they
had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor
would they find them unprepared. They sent the snake
skin back by another messenger with bullets in it ; but they
would not receive it, and returned it again. These things
I need merely mention, because they are fully dealt with in
print by Mr. Winslow, at the request of some friends. The
reason was probably their own ambition, thinking, since
the death of so many of the Indians, to domineer and lord
it over the rest, and that the English would be a bar in
their way, Massasoyt having taken shelter already under
their wings.

But this made the settlers more careful to look to them-
selves. They agreed to enclose their dwellings in a good
strong stockade and make flankers in convenient places,
with gates to shut. These they locked every night, and a
watch was kept, and when need required there were also
outposts in the day-time. The colonists, at the Captain's
and Governor's advice, were divided into four squadrons,
and every one had his quarter appointed, to which to repair
at" any sudden alarm ; and in case of fire, a company with
muskets was appointed as a guard, to prevent Indian
treachery, whilst the others quenched it. This was accom-
plished very cheerfully, and the town was enclosed by the
beginning of March, every family having a pretty garden
plot.

Herewith I shall end this year — except to recall one more
incident, rather amusing than serious. On Christmas Day,
the Governor called the people out to work as usual ; but
most of the new company excused themselves, and said it
went against their consciences to work on that day. So
the Governor told them, if they made it a matter of con-
science, he would spare them till they were better informed.

THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEMENT 95

So he went with the rest, and left them; but on returning
from work at noon he found them at play in the street,
some pitching the bar, some at stool-ball, and such like
sports. So he went to them and took away their games, and
told them that it was against his conscience that they should
play and others work. If they made the keeping of the day
a matter of devotion, let them remain in their houses ; but
there should be no gaming and revelling in the streets.
Since then, nothing has been attempted in that way, at least
openly.

CHAPTER m

Weston abandons the Settlement — ^Dissensions among the
Adventui'ers in England — Weston's plan for a Colony, and
arrival of Sixty Settlers for it — News from Captain Huddleston
of massacre in Virginia — Fort built at New Plymouth — ^Death
of Squanto — AVeston's Colony in difSculties : 1622.

They had arranged with the Massachusetts to go again
and trade with them in the spring, and began to prepare for
the voyage about the latter end of March. But Hobbamok,
their Indian, told them that, from some rumours he had
heard, he feared they had joined the Narragansetts and
might betray them if they were not careful. He also in-
timated some suspicion of Squanto, from what he had ob-
served of some private whisperings between him and other
Indians, But they resolved to proceed, and sent out their
shallop with ten of their chief men about f ^ beginning of
April, both Squanto and Hobbamok with tht i, considering
the jealousy between them. But they had not been gone
long from the settlement, before an Indian belonging to
Squanto's family came running in, apparently in great fear,
and told them that many of the Narragansetts with Corbi-
tant, and he thought also Massasoyt, were coming to attack
them; and he got away to tell them, not without danger.
And being examined by the Governor, he made as if the
enemy were at hand, and kept looking back as if they were
at his heels. At which the Governor ordered the settlers to
take arms and stand on their guard ; and believing the boat
would be still within hearing, since it was calm, he caused a
warning piece or two to be shot off, which they heard and
returned. But no Indians appeared, and though watch was
kept all night, nothing was seen. Hobbamok was confident

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 97

of Massasoyt's good faith and thought it was all false. But
the Governor had him send his wife privately to see what
she could observe, on pretence of other purposes, but noth-
ing was found and all was quiet. So they proceeded on
their voyage to the Massachusetts and had good trade, and
returned in safety blessed be God!

But by what had passed they began to see that Squanto
sought his own ends and played his own game, by fright-
ening the Indians and getting gifts from them for himself,
making them believe he could stir up war against them if
he would, and make peace for whom he would. He even
made them believe the English kept the plague buried in
the ground, and could send it among them whenever they
wished, which terrified the Indians and rnade them more
dependent on him than on Massasoyt. This made him
envied, and was likely to have cost him his life; for, after
discovering this, Massasoyt sought it both privately and
openly. This caused Squanto to stick close to the English,
and he nevejf; dared leave them till he died. The colony
also made } ood use of the emulation between Hobbamok
and him, vhich made them behave more squarely, the
Governor seeming to countenance the one and the Captain
the other, by which they procured better intelligence and
made them both more zealous in their service.

Now their provisions were practically all exhausted and
they looked anxiously for supplies, but none came. About
the latter end of May, however, they spied a boat at sea^
which at first they thought was some Frenchman; but it
proved to be a shallop which came from a ship which Mr.
Weston and another man had sent out fishing at a place
called Damariscove, 40 leagues to the eastward of them,
where that year many ships had come to fish. This boat
brought seven passengers and some letters, but no provisions
and no hope of any. Part of this letter I will give.

08 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Mr. Weston hi England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth:

The Fortune, in which Mr. Cushman went,— who I hope is with
you, for we daily expect the ship back again,— left England at the
beginning of July with 35 persons, though not over well provided
with necessaries owing to the parsimony of the adventurers. I
have begged them to send you a supply of men and provisions be-
fore she returns. They all answer they will do great things when
they hear good news— nothing before, so faithful, constant, and
careful of your good are your old and honest friends, that if they
hear not from you they are not likely to send you supplies. . . .
I will now explain the sending of this ship, hoping if you give me
credit, you will have a more favourable opinion of the project than
some 'here, whereof Pickering is one. . . . Mr. Beauchamp and I
have bought this little ship, and have fitted her out, partly, it may
be, to benefit the plantation, and partly to recoup ourselves for
former losses; though we are censured. . . . This is the reason we
have sent this ship and these passengers, on our own account ; and
we desire you to entertain them and supply them, with such
necessaries as you can spare. . . . And among other things, pray
lend or sell them some seed corn, or if you have some of the salt
remaining from last year, let them have it for their present use,
and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when our salt
pan is at work, which we want to have set up in c^e of the little
islands in your bay. . . . We intend, if God please, -^'^.id the others
will not join us, to send within a month another ship, ' hich, having
discharged her passengers, will go to Virginia. . . . i.nd perhaps
we shall send a small ship to remain with you on the coast, which
should be a great help to the plantation. In order that we may
accomplish our endeavours, which will be also for your good, pray
give them entertainment in your houses while they are with you,
so that they may lose no time, but may at once proceed to fell trees
and cleave them, so that lading may be ready, and the ship be not
delayed.

Some of the adventurers have sent you herewith some directions
for your furtherance in the common enterprise, — like those whom
St. James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warm himself,
but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the
plantation, but send you no means wherewith to do it. . . . By the
next ship we intend to send more people on our own account, and
to take a patent ; lest your people should be as inhuman as are some
of the adventurers, and should not permit us to dwell with them,
which would be such extreme barbarism that I will not let myself
think you have any such Pickerings among you. Yet to satisfy our

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 99

passengers I must perforce do it, and for some other reasons which
I need not write. ... I find the rest so backward, and your friends
at Leyden so cold, that I fear you must stand on your own legs,
and trust (as they say) to God and yourselves.

Subscribed,

Your loving friend,

THOS. WESTON.

Several other things I pass over, being tedious and im-
pertinent.

All this was but cold comfort with which to fill their
hungry bellies and a slender performance of his recent
promise, and as little did it either fill or warm them as those
the Apostle James speaks of, to which he refers.

There came by the same ship other letters, but of later
date, one from Mr. Weston and another from some of the
other adventurers, as follows.

Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth:

Mr. Carver,

Since my last, in order that we might more readily help the com-
pany, at a meeting of some of the principal adventurers a proposi-
tion was made and agreed to by all present, except Pickering, that
each man should further adventure the third part of what he had
formerly done. Some others followed Pickering's example and
would adventure no more. Therefore, the greater part of the ad-
venturers being willing to support the enterprise, seeing no reason
why those who were willing, should carry on the business of those
who were unwilling, and whose backwardness discouraged those
who would go forward, and hindered other new adventurers from
joining, we, having well considered the matter, have resolved
according to the article in our agreement (that, by general consent,
the adventurers and settlers for just cause may break off their joint
stock), to break it off; and beg you to ratify and confirm the same
on your parts. This being done we shall the more willingly proceed
to provide you with necessary supplies. But in any case you must
agree to the articles and send them back under your hands and seals
by the first ship. So I end.

Your loving friend,
Jan. 17th. 1621. THOS. WESTON.

.10568A

100 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

Another letter was written by part of the company of the
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with nine
of their names, of which Mr, Weston's and Mr. Beau-
champ's were two. This inconstancy and shuffling seemed
strange, and it appeared there was some mystery in the
matter. So the Governor concealed these letters from the
public and only imparted them to some trusted friends
for advice, who agreed with him that to inform them would
tend to disband and scatter them in their present necessity;
and if Mr, Weston and others like-minded should come
over with shipping, provisioned as his letters suggested,
most of the advantage would fall to him, to the prejudice
of themselves and their friends and the rest of the adventur-
ers, from whom as yet they had heard nothing. Indeed it
was doubted whether he had not sent over the people in
the former ship with this idea. However, they took com-
passion on the seven whom this ship, fishing to the eastward,
had kept till planting time was over, so that it was too late
for them to set their corn, and who brought no food, for
they turned them ashore without any. Nor had the salt-pan
come; so they could not accomplish any of the things which
Mr. Weston had mentioned, and might have starved if the
plantation had not succoured them. Their wants were
supplied exactly as the rest of the settlers'. The ship went
down to Virginia, where they sold both ship and fish, of
the proceeds of which Mr. Weston received a very slender;
share, it is understood.

After this came another of his ships, bringing letters
dated the loth April, from Mr. Weston, as follows.

Mr. Weston in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:]

Mr. Bradford, these, etc.

The Fortune has arrived, whose good news concerning you I am
very glad to hear. And though she was robbed on the way by the
French, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the prospect of

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 101

;o great a return much encourages the adventurers, so that I hope
some matter of importance will he done by them. ... As for my-
self, I have sold my adventure and debts to them, so I am quit o£
you, and j-ou of me, for that matter. . . . And now, though I have
no position as an adventurer amongst you, I will advise you a httle
for your good, if you like to avail yourselves of it. I know as well
as any the disposition of your adventurers, whom the hope of gain
has drawn on to what they have done ; but I fear that hope will not
draw them much further. Besides, most of them are against send-
ing your friends at Leyden, in whose interests this business was
first begun; and some of the most religious (for instance a Mr.
Greene) takes exception to them. So that my advice is (you may
follow it if you please) that you forthwith break off your joint
stock, which j-ou have the right to do both in law and conscience,
since the majority of the adventurers have sanctioned it in a former
letter. The resources you have there, which I hope will be to some
purpose by means of this spring's trade, may, with the help of
some friends here, meet the expense of transporting the Leyden
contingent, and when they are with you I do not question but by
God's help you will be able to subsist of yourselves. But I leave
you to your own discretion.

I requested several of the adventurers, Mr. Pierce, Mr. Greene,
and others, if they had anything to send you, — such as food or
letters, — to send them by these ships ; and wondering that they sent
not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what letters they
had, and after some hesitation one of them told me he had one,
which was delivered him with great show of secrecy; and for its
greater security he was tcld to buj'^ a pair of new shoes, and sew it
between the soles for fear of its being intercepted. I, taking the
letter, wondering what mystery might be in it, broke it open and
found this treacherous letter subscribed by the hands of Mr.
Pickering and Mr. Greene. Had it come to j'our hands without
comment, it might have i'.ijnred, if not mined, us all. For assuredly
if you had followed their instructions, and had treated us as un-
kindly as they advise j^ou to, distrusting us as enemies, etc., it
might have set us together by the ears to our destruction. For I
beheve that in such a case, knowing the nature of past business
between us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been
violent and heady against you. ... I meant to have settled the
people I before and now send you, with or near you, for mutual
security and defence and help on all occasions. But I find the
adventurers so jealous and suspicious that I have altered my
resolution, and have given orders to my brother and those with
him to do as he and they shall find fit.

Your loving friend,
'April loth, 1621. THOS. WESTON,

102 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Part of Mr. Pickering's and Mr. Greene's letter to the Settlers at
New Plymouth:

To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc.
My dear love remembered to you all, etc.
The company has bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they
are freed of a man who thought himself superior to the rest, and
not expressing so much fear of God as was meet. I need say no
more: a few words to the wise.

Mr. Weston will not permit letters to be sent in his ships, nor
anything for your good or ours, since it would be contrary to his
interests. His brother Andrew, whom he sends as principal in one
of these ships, is a violent, heady young man, and set against you
there and the company here. He and Mr. Weston plot their own
ends, which tend to your and our undoing in respect of our estates
there. We are informed by credible testimony that his purpose is
to come out to your colony, pretending he comes for and from the
adventurers, and will try to get whatever you have in readiness
aboard his ships, as if they came from the company; and all will
then be so much profit to himself. Further, they intend to inform
themselves what special places or sources of profit you have dis-
covered, so that they may suppress and deprive you. . . .

The Lord, who is the watchman of Israel and sleepeth not, pre-
serve you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorry that
there is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man;
so I leave you to God, Who bless and multiply you into thousands,
to the advancement of the glorious gospel of Our Lord Jesus.
Amen. Farewell.

-..Your loving friends,

EDWARD PICKERING.

WILLIAM GREENE.

I pray conceal both the writing and delivery of this letter, but
make the best use of it. We hope to fit out a ship ourselves within
this month.

The following are of the chief points of Mr. Weston's
comments on the foregoing letter:

Mr. Bradford, this is the letter I wrote you of, which to answer
in every particular were needless and tedious. My own conscience
and all our people can, and I think will, testify that my end in
sending the ship Sparrow was your good. . . . Now I will not deny
that there are many of our people rude fellows, as these men term

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 103

them; yet I presume they will be governea by such as I set over
them, and I hope not only to be able to reclaim them from their
profaneness, but, by degrees, draw them to God. ... I am so far
from sending you rude fellows to deprive you either by fraud or
violence of what is yours, that I have ordered the captain of the
Sparrow to leave with you 2000 of bread, and a good quantity of
fish.* . . . But I will leave it to 3-ou to consider what evil this letter
might have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effect
its writers desired.

Now if you be of the same mind as these men, deal plainly with
us, and we will seek our residence elsewhere. If you are as friendly
as we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of friends
and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drink, nor lodging,
without in some way or other paying you for it. ... I shall leave
in the country a little ship, if God send her safe thither, with
sailors and fishermen, to stay there to coast and trade with the
savages and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpful
to you as you will be to us. I think I shall see you next spring; so
I commend you to the protection of God, Who ever keep you.

Your loving friend,

THOS. WESTON.

Thus all their hopes in regard to Mr. Weston were laid
in the dust, and all his promised help turned into empty-
advice, which they saw it was neither lawful nor profitable
for them to follow. And they were thus not only left des-
titute of help in their extreme want, having neither food not;
anything to trade with, but others were preparing to glean
up what the country might have afforded for their relief.
As for the harsh censures and suspicions intimated in the
former and following letters, they desired to judge them as
charitably and wisely as they could, weighing them in the
balance of love and reason ; and though they came in part
from godly and loving friends, they recognized that much
might arise from over-deep jealousy and fear, or from
provocation, — though they saw clearly that Mr. Weston
pursued his own ends and was embittered in spirit. After

*But he did not leave his own men a bite of bread!

104 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

the receipt of the former letters the Governor received one
from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship and was
always intimate with Mr. Weston, — as former passages
prove. It had seemed strange that nothing was heard from
him all this while ; but it seems it was the difficulty of send-
ing, for this letter was directed as if from a wife in England
to her husband who was here, and was brought by him to the
Governor. It was as follows.

Robert Cushman in England to Governor Bradford at New
Plymouth:

Beloved Sir, '

I heartily salute you, trusting you are well, and with many thanks
for your love. By God's providence we got home safely on the 17th
Feb., being robbed by the French on the way and taken by them into
France, where we were kept 15 days and lost all that we had that
was worth taking. But thanks be to God we escaped with our lives
and our ship. It does not seem to have discouraged any here. I
purpose by God's grace to see you shortly, I hope in June next or
before. In the meantime consider well the following. Mr. Weston,
has quite broken off from our company, through some disagreement^
that arose between him and some of the other adventurers, and has'
sold all his adventurers and has now sent tliree small ships for his
particular colony. Of the biggest of these, which is 100 tons, Mr.
Reynolds is captain ; Mr. Weston intends to come himself with the
others, — why I know not.

The people they take are no men for us, so I beg you not to
entertain them nor to exchange men with them, except perhaps some
of your worst. He has taken out a patent for himself. If they
offer to buy anything of you let it be such as you can spare and let
them give full value for it. If they borrow anything of you let
them leave a good pawn. ... It is probable he will settle south-
ward of the Cape, for William Trevor has lavishly told what he
knew (or imagined) of Capawack, Monhegan and the Narragansetts.
I fear these people will hardly deal as well with the savages as they
should. I advise you therefore to signify to Squanto that they are
a distinct body from us, and we have nothing to do with them;
that we must not be blamed for their faults,— much less can we
warrant their fidelity. We are about to recover our losses in
France. _ Our friends at Leyden are well, and as many as can will
come this time. I hope all will turn out for the best, so I pray you

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLE:MENT 105

not to be discouraged, but to meet these difficulties cheerfully and
with courage, in that place wherein God has set you until the day
of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us
comfortably together again, if it may stand with His glory.

Yours,

ROBERT CUSHMAN.

On the other side of the leaf in the same letter, came
these few Hnes from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the
patent here was taken, and of whom more will follow in its
place.

John Pierce in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:

Worthy Sir,

I desire you to take into consideration what is written on the
other side, and in no way to let your own colonj- be contaminated,
whose strength is but weakness and may therefore be more en-
feebled. As for the Letters of Association, by the next ship we
send I hope you will receive satisfaction ; in the meantime whom
you admit I will approve. As for Mr. Weston's company, I think
them so inferior for the most part that they do not seem iit for
honest men's company. I hope they may prove otherw^ise. It is not
my purpose to write at length, but cease in these few lines, and so
rest,

Your loving friend,

JOHN PIERCE.

All this they considered carefully; but they decided to
give the men friendly entertainment, partly out of regard
for Mr. Weston himself, considering what he had done for
them, and partly out of compassion for the people, who
had come into a wilderness (as they themselves had before)
and were presently to be put ashore altogether ignorant of
what to do. The ship was then to carry other passengers to
Virginia. So, as they had received Mr, Weston's former
company of seven men, and victualed them as their own
hitherto, they received these — about sixty strong men — and
gave them housing for themselves and their goods; and

106 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

many of them who were sick had the best the place could
afford them. They stayed most of the summer, till the ship
came back again from Virginia; then by the direction of
those set over them, they moved to Massachusetts Bay,
where Mr. Weston had obtained a patent for some land on
the strength of reports which he had got in some of the
letters previously sent home. They left all their sick folk
here till they were settled and housed. But of the pro-
visions of this contingent the New Plymouth Colony ac-
cepted none, — though they were in great want, — nor any-
thing else in return for any courtesy rendered by them ; nor
did they desire it, for they were an unruly company, without
proper government, and would inevitably soon fall into want
if Mr. Weston did not come out to them. So, to prevent all
chance of subsequent trouble, they would accept nothing
from them.

In these straits, deserted by those from whom tliey had
hoped for supplies, and famine beginning to pinch them
severely, the Lord, Who never fails His, provided assistance
beyond all expectation. A boat which came from the east-
ward brought them a letter from a stranger whose name
they had never heard before, the captain of a fishing ship.
This letter was as follows.

Captain Jolm Huddleston to the Colony at New Plymouth:

To all good friends at New PljTnouth, these, etc.,
Friends, Countrymen, and Neighbours,
I salute you and wish you all health and happiness in the Lord. I
make bold to trouble you with these lines, because unless I were
inhuman I could do no less. Bad news spreads itself too far; but
still, I may inform you that I and many good friends in the south
colony of Virginia, have sustained such a loss as the lives of 400
persons would not suffice to make good. Therefore I hope, although
not knowing you, that the old rule which I learnt at school may be
sufficient : that is, — Happy is he whom other men's ills doth make to
beware ! And now, again and again wishing all those that willingly

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMP^NT 107

would serve the Lord all health and happiness in the world, and
everlasting peace in the world to come, I rest,

Yours,

JOHN HUDDLESTON.

By this boat the Governor returned a grateful answer,
and also sent a boat of their own with Mr. Winslow, to
procure what he could from the ships. He was kindly
received by the captain, who not only spared what provisions
he could but wrote to others to do the same. By this means
he got a good quantity and returned in safety. Thus the
plantation had a double benefit : first, they were refreshed at
the time by the food obtained ; secondly, they knew the way
to those parts to their advantage thereafter. What this
small boat brought, divided among so many, came to but
little ; still, by God's blessing it sustained them until harvest.
It amounted to a quarter of a pound of bread a day for each
person ; and the Governor had it given out daily, otherwise,)
had it been in their own custody, they would have eaten it
up and then starved. In this way with what else they could
get they made fair shift till their corn was ripe.

This summer they built a fort with good timber, — a
handsome building and a good defence, made with a flat
roof and battlement, on which their ordnance was mounted,
and where they kept constant watch, especially in time of
danger. It served them also as a meeting house and was
fitted accordingly for that use. It was a big undertaking for
them at this period of weakness and want ; but the danger-
ous times necessitated it; and the continual rumours about
the Indians here, especially the Narragansetts, and also the
news of the great massacre in Virginia, made all hands will-
ing to complete it.

Now the welcome time of harvest approached, in which
all had their hungry bellies filled. But it amounted to but
little compared with a full year's supply, partly because they

108 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

were not yet used to the culture of Indian corn (they had no
other), partly owing to their many other employments; but
chiefly their weakness for want of food prevented them
from cultivating it as they should have done. Again, much
was stolen even before it became eatable, and much more
afterwards — and though many were well whipped when
they were caught stealing a few ears of corn, hunger drove
others to it, whom conscience did not restrain. It was quite
clear that famine would prevail again next year if not pre-
vented, or if their supplies, to which they dare not trust,
should fail. Markets there were none to go to, except the
Indians; and even then they had no trading commodities.
Behold now another providence of God. A ship comes into
the harbour in charge of a Captain Jones, fitted out by some
merchants to discover all the harbours between here and
Virginia and the shoals of Cape Cod, and to trade along the
coast where they could. This ship had supplies of English
beads which were then good trade, and some knives, —
though the Captain would sell none except at high prices
and in large quantities. But they were so glad of the chance
that they were willing to buy at any rate, — even at a pre-
mium of loo per cent, if not more, and even then to sell
coat-beaver at three shillings per pound, which a few years
after fetched twenty shillings. By this means they were
able again to trade for beaver and other things, and intended
to buy what corn they could.

But I will here take the liberty of making a little digres-
sion. There was aboard this ship a gentleman, by name Mr.
John Pory, who had been secretary in Virginia, and was
now going home as a passenger. After his departure he
Wrote a letter to the Governor, in the postscript of which
were these lines :

To }-ourself and Mr. Brewster I must acknowledge myself much
indebted, and would have you feel that his books are well bestowed

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 109

on one who esteems them such jewels. My haste would not suffer
me to remember, much less to ask for, Mr. Ainsworth's elaborate
work upon the five Books of Moses. Both his and Mr. Robinson's
highly commend the authors, as conversant with the scriptures
above all others. And who knows what good it may please God
to work by them, through my unworthy hands, who finds such high
content in them. God have you all in His keeping.

Your unfeigned and firm friend,

JOHN PORY.
Aug. 28ih, 1622.

This I Insert here in honour of the author's memory,
which this gentleman thus ingenuously acknowledges ; and
he, upon his return, did the plantation much credit amongst
men of no mean rank. But to return.

Shortly after harvest Mr. Weston's people, who were now
settled in Massachusetts, and had, by disorder as it seems,
made havoc of their provisions, began now to realize that
want would press them. Finding that the people here had
bought trading commodities, and intended to trade for corn,
they wrote to the Governor and asked that they might join
them in trading, employing their small ship for the purpose ;
and further requested them either to lend or to sell them
some of their trading commodities in return, and they would
undertake to make payment when Mr. Weston or their sup-
plies should come. The Governor agreed to do so upon
equal terms, intending to go round the cape southwards, \
w:th the ship, where corn might be got. Captain Standish
was appointed to go with them, and Squanto as a guide and
interpreter, about the latter end of September; but the
winds drove them in ; and putting out again. Captain Stand-
ish fell ill with fever, so the Governor went himself. But
they could not get round the shoals of Cape Cod, for flats
and breakers, and Squanto could not direct them better.
The Captain of the boat dare not venture any further, so
they put into Manamoick Bay, and got what they could
there.

no BRADFORD'S HISTORY

Here Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at
the nose, — which the Indians take for a symptom of death, —
and within a few days he died. He begged the Governor
to pray for him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God
in heaven, and bequeathed several of his things to some of
his English friends, as remembrances. His death was a
great loss.

On this voyage they got in one place or another about
26 or 28 hogsheads of corn and beans, which was more than
the Indians could well spare hereabouts, for they sowed but
little till they got English hoes. So they had to return, dis-
appointed that they could not get round the Cape and were
not better laden. Afterwards the Governor took a few men
and went to inland places to get what he could, to be fetched
home in the spring, which was some help.

In February a messenger came from John Sanders, who
was left in charge of Mr. Weston's men at the Bay of
Massachusetts, bringing a letter telling of the great want
they had fallen into. He wished to borrow a hogshead of
corn from the Indians, but they would lend him none. He
asked whether he might not take it from them by force to
supply his men till he returned from the east, where he was
going. The governor and the rest dissuaded him strongly,
for it might exasperate the Indians and endanger their
safety, and all might smart for it. Already it had been
rumoured how they had wronged the Indians by stealing
their corn, etc., and that they were much incensed against
them. But so depraved were some of Mr. Weston's people,
that they went and told the Indians that the Governor in-
tended to come and take their corn by force. This and
other things made them enter into a conspiracy against the
English, of which more in the next chapter. Herewith I
end this year.

CHAPTER IV

Rescue of Weston's Settlement — Weston arrives at New Ply-
month — His reception and ingratitude — Individual planting of
corn substituted for commimal — Hardships — John Pierce and
the Patent — Sixty new Settlers — Compact between the Col-
ony and private Settlers — Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-
General of New England — Weston charged and arrested — Fii'C
at New PljTnouth: Storehouse threatened: 1623.

It may be thought strange that the Weston colony should
have fallen into such extremity in so short a time being fully
provided w^hen the ship left them, *in addition to their share
of the corn which was got by trade, besides much that they
got by one means or another from the Indians where they
lived. It must needs have been their lack of order, spending
excessively whilst they had it, and may be wasting part
among the Indians — for the chief man amongst them was
said to keep Indian women, how truly I know not. Then,
when they began to want many sold their clothes and bed-
coverings; others, — so depraved were they, — became serv-
ants to the Indians, cutting them wood and fetching them
water for a capfull of corn; others fell to plain stealing
from the Indians of which they complained grievously. In
the end some starved and died with cold and hunger; one in
gathering shell-fish was so weak he stuck fast in the mud,
and was found dead in the place ; at last most of them left
their dwellings, and scattered up and down in the woods and
by the water-side, a few here and a few there, wherever
they could find ground-nuts and clams.

The Indians scorned them for such conduct, and began
to insult them in a most insolent manner. Often, while they

111

112 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

were cooking a pot of ground-nuts or shell-fish, when It was
ready, the Indians would come and eat it up; and at night
they would come and steal the blankets from such few as
had them, and let them lie in the cold. Their condition was
very lamentable, and in the end, in order to satisfy the
Indians, they were obliged to hang one of their men whom
they could not keep from stealing.

While things went on thus, the Governor and the people
here had notice that their friend Massasoyt was sick, and
near to death. They visited him, and took whatever they
could to relieve him ; and he recovered. He then discovered
a conspiracy amongst the Indians of IMassachusetts, and
other neighbouring tribes with whom they had conspired,
to wipe out Mr. Weston's people, in revenge for the con-
tinual injuries they did them, taking opportunity of their
weakness to do it. And believing that the people at New
Plymouth would avenge their death, they decided to do the
same by them, and had solicited Massasoyt to join them.
He advised the New Plymouth settlement to prevent it, by
speedily capturing some of the chief of the conspirators
before it was too late, for he assured them of the truth
of It.

This troubled them much, and they took it into serious
deliberation, and upon examination found other evidence
too long to relate. In the meantime one of Mr. Weston's
people came from Massachusetts, with a small pack on his
back; and though he did not know a foot of the way, he
got here safe. He lost his way, which was well for him, for,
though pursued, he was missed. He told them here how
everything stood among them, and that he dared stay no
longer. He believed, by what he observed, they would all
be knocked on the head shortly.

So the people at New Plymouth made the more haste,
and they despatched a boat with Captain Standish and some

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 113

men, who found them in a miserable condition out of which
he rescued them, and killed some few of the chief con-
spirators among the Indians, and according to his order,
offered to bring the remnant of the Weston settlement here
if they thought well, in which case they should fare no
worse than the colonists themselves, till Mr. Weston or
some supplies came to them. Or, if they preferred any
other course, he was to give them any assistance he could.
They thanked him, but most of them begged he would give
them some corn so that they could go with their small ship
to the eastward, where they might hear of Mr, Weston or
get some supplies from him, since it was the time of the
year for the fishing ships to be out. If not, they would
work among the fishermen for their living, and get their
passage back to England if they heard nothing from Mr.
Weston in the meantime. So he put aboard what they had,
and he got them all the corn he could, scarcely leaving
enough to bring himself home, and saw them well out of the
bay, under sail at sea. Then he came back, not accepting a
penny worth of anything from them. I have but touched
these things briefly because they have been published in
print more completely already.

This was the end of those who at one time boasted of
their strength, — all able, healthy men, — and what they
would do in comparison with the people here, who had many
women and children and weak ones among them and who
had said, on their first arrival, when they saw the want here,
that they would take a very different course and not to fall
into any such condition as these simple people had come to.
But a man's way is not in his own hands. God can make
the weak to stand : let him also that standeth take heed lest
he fall!

Shortly after, when he heard of the ruin and destitution
of his colony, Mr. .Weston came over with some of the

114 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

fishermen, under another name, and disguised as a bla'ck-
smith. He got a boat, and with a man or two came to see
how things were there. But on the way ashore he was
caught in a storm, and his shallop was sunk In the bay,
between Merrimac river and Piscataqua, and he barely es-
caped with his life. Afterwards he fell into the hands of
the Indians, who robbed him of all that he had saved from
the wreck, and stripped him of all his clothes to his shirt.
At last he got to Piscataqua and borrowed a suit of clothes,
and so came to New Plymouth. A strange alteration there
vv^as in him, to such as had seen him in his former flourish-
ing condition; so uncertain are the mutable things of this
unstable world ! And yet men set their hearts upon them,
though they daily see their vanity.

After many arguments and much discourse, — former
troubles boiling in his mind and wrankling there, as was
discerned, — he asked to borrow some beaver from them, and
told them he had hopes that a ship with good supplies was
on its way to him, and that then they should have anything
they stood in need of. They gave little credit to his report
of supplies, but pitied his condition and remembered former
courtesies. They pointed out to him their own wants, and
said they did not know when they might get any supplies.
He well knew, also, how the case stood between them and
the adventurers in England. They had not much beaver, and
if they should let him have it, it would be enough to cause
a mutiny among the people since there were no other means
of procuring them the food and clothes which they so much
wanted. Nevertheless, they told him they would help him,
considering his necessity ; but that it must be done secretly
for the above reasons. So they let him have loo beaver
skins, which weighed 170 lbs. odd. Thus they helped him
when all the world failed him; and with this he went again
to the ships, and supplied his small ship and some of his

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 115

men, and bought provisions and fitted himself out; and it
was this supply alone which enabled him to pursue his
course thereafter. But he requited them ill, proving himself
a bitter enemy upon every opportunity, and never repaying
them to this day, — except in reproaches and calumnies.

All this while no supplies were heard of, nor did they
know when they might expect any. So they began to con-
sider how to raise more corn, and obtain a better crop than
they had done, so that they might not continue to endure
the misery of want. At length after much debate, the
Governor, with the advice of the chief among the^, allowed
each man to plant corn for his own household, and to trust
to themselves for that; in all other things to go on in the
general way as before. So every family was assigned a
parcel of land, according to the proportion of their number
with that in view, — for present purposes only, and making
no division for inheritance, — all boys and children being in-
cluded under some family. This was very successful. It
made all hands very industrious, so that much more corn
was planted than otherwise would have been by any means
the Governor or any other could devise, and saved him a
great deal of trouble, and gave far better satisfaction. The
women now went willingly into the field, and took their
little ones with them to plant corn, v/hile before they would
allege weakness and inability; and to have compelled them
would have been thought great tyranny and oppression.

The failure of this experiment of communal service,
which was tried for several years, and by good and honest
men proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other
ancients, applauded by some of later times, — that the taking
away of private property, and the possession of it in com-
milnity, by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and
flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this
instance, community of property (so far as it went) was

116 BR.\DFORD'S HISTORY OF

found to breed miich confusion and discontent, and retard
much employment which would have been to the general
benefit and comfort. For the young men who were most
able and fit for service objected to being forced to spend
their time and strength in working for other men's wives
and children, without any recompense. The strong man or
the resourceful man had no more share of food, clothes, etc.,
than the weak man who was not able to do a quarter the
other could. This w^as thought injustice. The aged and
graver men, who were ranked and equalized in labour, food,
clothes, etc., with the humbler and younger ones, thought it
some indignity and disrespect to them. As for men's wives
who were obliged to do service for other men, such as cook-
ing, washing their clothes, etc., they considered it a kind of
slavery, and many husbands would not brook it. This
feature of it would have been worse still, if they had been
men of an inferior class. If (it was thought) all were to
share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an
equality throughout, and one was as good as another; and
so, if it did not actually abolish those very relations which
God himself has set among men, it did at least greatly
diminish the mutual respect that is so important should be
preserved amongst them. Let none argue that this is due
to human failing, rather than to this communistic plan of
life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing
in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of
life was fitter for them.

But to return. After this had been settled, and their
corn was planted in this way, all their food supplies were
consumed, and they had to rely upon God's providence,
often at night not knowing where to get a bit of anything
next day; and so, as one well observed, they had need
above all people in the world, to pray to God that He would
give them their daily bread. Yet they bore their want with

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 117

great patience and cheerfulness of spirit, and that for up-
wards of two years; which reminds me of what Peter
Martyr writes in praise of the Spaniards, in his Fifth Dec-
ade, page 208. "They," says he, "led a miserable life five
days together, with the parched grain of maize only," and
concludes, "that such pains, such labour, and such hunger,
he thought none living, who was not a Spaniard could have
endured." But alas ! these colonists, when they had maize,
—that is Indian corn, — thought it as good as a feast; and
not only lacked bread for days at a time, but sometimes for
two or three months continuously were without bread or any
kind of corn. Indeed, in another place, — his Second Dec-
ade, page 94, the same writer mentions how some others
were even worse put to it, and ate dogs, toads, and dead
men, — and so died almost all. From these extremities the
Lord in His goodness kept these His people, and in their
great need preserved both their lives and their health ; let
His name have the praise. Yet let me here make use of the
same writer's conclusion, which in a manner may be applied
to the people of this colony: "That with their miseries they
opened a way to these new lands ; and after these hardships,
with what ease other men came to inhabit them, owing it to
the calamities which these forerunners had suiifered ; so that
they who followed seemed to go, as it were, to a bride feast,
where all things are provided for them."

As for fishing, having but one boat left, and she not very
well fitted, they were divided into several crews, six or
seven to a crew, who went out with a net they had bought,
to catch bass and other fish, each party taking its turn. No
sooner was the boat emptied of what she had brought, than
the next crew took her, and went out with her, not returning
till they had caught something, even though it were five or
six days, for they knew there was nothing at home, and to
go home empty would be a great disappointment to the rest.

118 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

They tried who could do best. If she stayed long or got
little, then all went to seeking shellfish, which at low water
they dug out of the sands. This was what they lived on in
the summer time, till God sent them better; and in winter
there were ground nuts and fowl to help them out. In the
summer now and then they got a deer, one or two of the
fittest being told off to hunt in the woods. What was got in
that way was divided among them.

At length they received a letter from the adventurers, too
long and tedious to record here in full, which told of their
further crosses and frustrations, beginning in this manner.

The Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth:

Loving Friends,

As your sorrows and afflictions have been great, so our crosses
and interruptions in our proceedings here have not been small.
After we had, with much trouble and expense, sent the Parragon
away to sea, and thought all the trouble was at an end, about four-
teen days after she returned leaking dangerously and battered with
storms, so that she had to be put into dock and have iioo spent on
her. All the passengers lay upon our hands for six or seven weeks,
and much discontent was occasioned. But we trust all will be well,
and result to our mutual advantage, if you can wait with patience
and have but strength to hold on to hfe. While these things were
happening, Mr. Weston's ship came, and brought various letters
from you. . . . W^e rejoice to hear the good reports that many have
brought home about you. . . .

This letter was dated December 2 1st, 1622.

This ship was brought out by Mr. John Pierce, and fitted
out at his own expense, in hope of doing great things. The
passengers and goods which the company had sent in her he
took aboard as freight, arranging to land them here. This
was the man in whose name the colony's first patent was
taken out, because of the acquaintance of their friends with
him, though his name was only used in trust. But when he
saw that they were settled here thus hopefully, and by the

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEISIENT 119

success God gave them had obtained the favour of the
Council of New England, he goes to the Council, as if on
behalf of the settlers — asks them for another patent, much
more extensive, which he thus easily obtained. But he
meant to keep it to himself, and allow the colonists what he
pleased to grant them as his tenants, and sue to the courts
as chief lord, as will appear by what follows. But the Lord
prevented him; for after the first return of the ship, and
the expenses above mentioned, when she was fitted again,
he takes in more passengers, and those not very good, to
try and meet his losses, and sets out a second time. But
what the result was, will appear in another letter from one
of the chief members of the company, dated 9th of April,
1623, v/ritten to the Governor here, as follows:

Loving Friend,

When I sent my last letter, I hoped to have received one from
you by this time ; though when I wrote in December I little thought
I should see Mr. John Fierce till he brought tidings of you. But it
pleased God that he brought us only the woful tidings of his return,
driven back by violent storms when he was half way over, wherein
the goodness and mercy of God appeared in sparing their lives, — in
all 109 souls ! The loss is great to Mr. Pierce, and the company is
put to great expense. . , .

At last, with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce
to assign to the Company the grand patent, which he had taken in
his own name, the former grant being made void. I am sorry to
write that many here think that the hand of God was justly against
him, both the first and second time of his return ; for it appears that
he, whom 3'ou and we so confidently trusted only to use his name
for the company, should actually aspire to be supreme over us all,
and to make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our patent
having been annulled by his means. I desire to judge charitably of
him ; but his unwillingness to part with his royal lordship, and the
high rate he put it at, which was £500, — it cost him £50, — makes
many speak hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his
ship, with expense of passengers, £640. . . .

We have hired from two merchants a ship of 140 tons, called the
Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring sixty
passengers and 60 tons of goods. . . .

no BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

This is their own judgment of the man's proceedings.
I thought it better to describe them in their words than my
own. Yet, though no other compensation was got from
him than the reversion of this patent and the shares he had
in the adventure, he was never quiet, but sued them in the
chief courts of England, and when he was still frustrated,
brought it before Parliament. But he is now dead, and I
will leave him to the Lord.

This ship was in greater extremity at sea, during her
second attempted passage, than one could often hear of —
without being wrecked — as I have been informed by Mr.
William Pierce who was then captain of her, and by many
others who were passengers on her. It was about the mid-
dle of February. The storm lasted for fourteen days alto-
gether; but for two or three days and nights continuously it
was of fearful violence. After they had cut down their
mast, their round house and all their upper works were
swept away; three men had all they could do to keep the
helm, and the man who held the ship before the wind was
obliged to be bound fast to prevent him from washing away.
The seas so over-raked them, that many times those on the
deck did not know whether they were within board or
without ; and once she was so foundered in the sea that they
all thought she would never rise again. But yet the Lord
preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-
mouth, to the wonder of all who saw what a state she was
in, and heard what they had endured.

About the latter end of June there arrived a ship, with
Captain Francis West, commissioned to be Admiral of New
England, to restrain interlopers and such fishing ships as
came to fish and trade without a license from the Council of
Nev/ England, for which rights they were to be made to
pay a substantial sum of money. But he could do no good
with them ; they were too strong for him, and he found the

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 121

fishermen stubborn fellows; and their owners, upon com-
plain made to Parliament, procured an order that fishing
should be free. He told the Governor they spoke with a
ship at sea and were aboard her, which was coming to this
settlement, in which there were several passengers ; he won-
dered she had not arrived and feared some mischance, for
they parted company in a storm shortly after they had been
aboard. This report filled them with fear, though they still
had hopes. The captain of this ship had some two hogshead
of peas to sell, but seeing their need he held them at ig
sterling a hogshead, and would not take under £8, and yet
he wanted to buy their beaver at less than the market rate.
So they told him they had lived so long without, they would
do so still, rather than give such an unreasonable price. So
he went on to Virginia.

About fourteen days after, the ship called the Anne ar-
rived, of which Mr. William Pierce was captain ; and about
a week or ten days later came the pinnace wdiich they had
lost in foul v/eather at sea, — a fine new vessel, of about
forty-four tons, which the company had built to stay in the
country. They brought about sixty settlers for the colony,
some of them very useful persons, who became good mem-
bers to the body, and some were the wives and children of
those who were here already. Some of the new settlers
were so unruly, that they were obliged to go to the expense
of sending them home again the next year. Besides these
there were a number who did not belong to the general
body, but came on their own resources, and were to have
lands assigned to them, to work for themselves, — but sub-
ject to the general Government. This caused some dififer-
ences, as will appear. I shall here again take the liberty to
insert a few things out of letters which came in this ship,
desiring to give account of things in their own words as
much as may be,

122 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth:

Beloved Friends,

I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths and welfare. I
am sorry that no supplies have been sent to you all this time, and
in explanation I must refer you to our general letters. Nor have
we now sent you all that we would, for want of money. But there
are people more than enough, — though not all who are fit to go, —
for people come flying in upon us, but money comes creeping in.
Some few of your old friends have come. ... So the}' come drop-
ping to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long, you will enjoy them all.
As people are pressing so hard upon us to go, and often they are
none of the fittest, I pray you write earnestly to the treasurer, and
direct what persons should be sent. It grieves me to see so weak
a company sent you, and yet had I not been here, they would have
been weaker. You must still call upon the company here to see that
honest men are sent you, and threaten to send back others. ... In
no way are we in such danger as from corrupt and disorderly per-
sons. Such and such came without consent; but the importunity
of their friends got our Treasurer's word in my absence. There is
no need why we should take lewd men for we have honest men
enough. . . .

Your assured friend,
R. C.

Thirteen of the Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New
Plymouth:

Loving Friends,

We most heartily salute you in all love and hearty affection,
hoping that the same God Who has hitherto preserved you in such
a marvellous manner, continues your lives and health, to His own
praise and all our comforts. W^e are very sorry that you have not
been sent to all this time. . . . We have in this ship sent such
v.'omen as were willing and ready to go to their husbands and friends,
Avith their children. . . . We would not have 3'ou discontented be-
cause we have not sent you more of your old friends, and especially
him on whom you most depend, John Robinson. Far be it from us
to neglect you or slight him. But as the original intent was, so the
results shall show that v/e will deal fairly, and squarely answer
j'our expectations to the full. There also come to you some honest
men to settle near you, on their own account, which, if we had not
allowed, would have been to wrong both them and you,— them, by
inconveniencing them, and you, because, being honest they will be
a support to the place and good neighbours to you. In regard to
these private planters we have made two stipulations;

THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEMENT 123

First, the trade in skins is to be confined to the colonists till the
dividends ; secondly, while they may settle near yon, it shall be at
such distance as is neither inconvenient to the apportionment of
your lands, nor to your easily assembling together in case of need.

We have sent you several fishermen, with salt. . . . ^^'e have
sent you various other provisions, as will appear in your bill of
lading, and though we have not sent all we would, because our cash
is small, it is what we could.

Although as it seems, you have discovered many more rivers and
fertile grounds than where you are, since by God's providence, the
place fell to your lot, let it be accepted as your portion ; and rather
fix your eyes upon what may be done there, than languish in hope
after things elsewhere. If your site is not the best, it is the better
because you will be envied or encroached upon less, and such as are
earthly minded will not settle too near your border. If the land
afford you bread, and the sea yield you fish, rest j'ou awhile con-
tented. God will one day grant you better fare ; and all men shall
know that you are neither fugitives nor discontents, but can, if
God so order it, take the v/orst to yourselves with content, and leave
the best to your neighbours with cheerfulness.

Let it not grieve you that you have been instruments to break the
ice for others, who come after with less difficulty; the honour shall
be yours to the world's end. . . .

We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty aflfection is
towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more who have never
seen your faces, but who doubtless pray for your safety as their
own, as we do and ever shall — that the same God which has so
marvellously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still
preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable
among men, and glorious in bliss at the last day. And so the Lord
be with you all, and send us joyful news of you, and enable us with
one shoulder so to accomplish and perfect this work, that much
glory may come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak,
and maketh small things great. To Whose greatness be all glory,
for ever and ever.

This letter was subscribed with thirteen of their names».
The passengers, when they saw the poor condition of
those ashore, were much daunted and dismayed, and, ac-
cording to their different characters were, differently
affected. Some wished themselves in England again;
others began weeping, fancying what their own misery
would be from what they saw before them; others pitied

124 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

the distress they saw their friends had been in so long,
and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadness.
Some few of their old friends rejoiced to see them again,
and to know that it was no worse with them, for they could
not expect it to be better ; and hoped that now they would
enjoy better days together. And it was certainly not un-
natural that the new arrivals should be thus affected; for
the settlers were in very poor case, — many were ragged in
apparel, and some little better than half naked; though
some few, who were well stocked before, were well enough
clothed. But as for food, they were all alike, except some
who had got a few peas from the ship that was last here.
The best dish they could present to their friends was a
lobster, or a piece of fish, without any bread, or anything
else but a cup of fair spring water. The long contin-
uance of this diet, and their labours, had somewhat abated
the freshness of their complexions. But God gave them
health and strength and showed them by experience the
truth of that word (Deut. viii, 3) : "Alan liveth not by
bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the
mouth of the Lord doth a man live."

When I think how sadly the Scripture speaks of the
famine in Jacob's time, when he said to his sons, "Go buy us
food, that we may live and not die " (Gen. xlii, 2, and xliii,
I ) ; and that the famine was great in the land and yet
they had such great herds of cattle of various kinds, which
besides meat produces other foods, such as milk, butter
and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore affliction;
when we think of this, then we see that the affliction of
these settlers must have been very great, who not only
lacked the staff of life, but all these things, and had no
Egypt to go to. But God fed them out of the sea for the
most part, so wonderful is His providence over His in all
figes; for His mercy endureth for ever,

THE PL\T\IOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 125

Now the original settlers were afraid that their corn, when
rt was ripe, would have to be shared with the new-comers,
and that the provisions which the latter had brought with
them would give out before the year was over, — as indeed
they did. So they went to the Governor and begged him
that as it had been agreed that they should sow their corn for
their own use, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary-
pains about it, they might be left to enjoy it. They would
rather do that than have a bit of the food just come in
the ship. They would wait till harvest for their own and
let the new-comers enjoy what they had brought; they
would have none of it, except what they could purchase
by bargain or exchange. Their request was granted them
and it satisfied both sides; for the new-comers were much
afraid the hungry settlers would eat up the provisions they
had brought, and then that they would fall into like con-
ditions of want.

The ship was laden in a short time with clapboard, by
the help of many hands. They also sent in her all the beaver
and other furs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over
with her, to give information and to procure such things
as were required. Harvest time had now come, and then
instead of famine, God gave them plenty, and the face of
things was changed, to the rejoicing of the hearts of many
for which they blessed God. And the effect of their partic-
ular planting was well seen, for all had, one way or another,
pretty well to bring the year about, and some of the abler
sort and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, —
in fact, no general want or famine has been amongst them
since, to this day.

Those that came on their own venture looked for greater
things than they found, or could attain to, such as building
great houses in pleasant situations, as they had fancied, —

126 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

as if they could be great men, and rich, all of a sudden;
but they proved castles in the air.

The following were the conditions agreed on between the
colony and them:

1. That the Governor in the name and with the consent of the
company embraces and receives them in all love and friendship ; and
is to allot them competent places for habitations within the town ;
and promises to show them all such other courtesies as shall be
reasonable for them to desii'e, or us to perform.

2. That they on their parts be subject to all such laws and orders
as are already made, or hereafter shall be made, for the public good.

3. That they be free and exempt from the general employments of
the said company (which their present condition of community re-
quires), except common defence, and such other employments as
tend to the perpetual good of the colony.

4. Towards the maintenance of government, and public officers of
the said colony, every male above the age of 16 years shall pay a
bushel of Indian wheat, or the worth of it, into the common store.

5. That according to the agreement the merchants made with
them before they came, they are to be debarred from all trade with
the Indians for all sorts of furs and such like commodities, till
the time of the communality be ended.

About the middle of September Captain Robert Gorges
arrived in the Bay of Massachusetts, with sundry passengers
and families, intending to begin a plantation there; and
pitched upon the place that Mr. Weston's people had for-
saken. He had a Commission from the Council of New
England, to be Governor-General of the country, and they
appointed for his counsel and assistance, Captain Francis
West, — the admiral aforementioned, — Christopher Levett,
Esquire, and the Governor of New Plymouth for the time
being, etc. They also gave him authority to choose such
other as he should see fit. Also, they gave (by their com-
mission) full power to him and his assistants, or any three
of them, whereof himself was always to be one, to do and
execute what should seem to them good, in all cases capital,

THE PL\TMOUTH SETTLEMENT 127

criminal, and civil, etc, with various other instructions. Of
these and also his commission, it pleased him to let the
Governor here take a copy.

He gave them notice of his arrival by letter, but before
they could visit him, he went eastward with the ship he
came in; but a storm got up, and as they lacked a good
pilot to harbour them there, they bore up for this harbour.
He and his men were kindly entertained here, and staged
fourteen days.

In the meantime Mr. Weston arrived with his small ship,
which he had now recovered. Captain Gorges, who in-
formed the Governor here that one purpose of his going
east was to meet with Mr. Weston, took this opportunity to
call him to account for some abuses he had to lay to his
charge. Whereupon he called Weston before him and some
other of his assistants, with the Governor of this place;
and charged him first wdth the ill carriage of his men in
Massachusetts, by which means the peace of the country
had been disturbed, and he himself and the people he had
brought over to settle there were much prejudiced. To this
Mr. Weston easily answered, that what had been done, was
in his absence, and might have befallen anyone; he left
them sufficiently provided, and supposed they would be
well governed ; for any error committed he had sufficiently
smarted. This particular charge was passed by.

The second charge was of a wrong done towards his
father. Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and to the State. The
offence was this : Mr. Weston had used him and others of
the Council of New England, to procure him a license for
the purchase and transportation to New England of many
pieces of great ordnance, on the plea of great fortifications
in this country, etc. Having obtained them, he went and
sold them beyond the seas for his private profit; at which,
he said, the State had been much offended, and his father

128 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

had been sharply rebuked, and he had order to apprehend
him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but
could not deny it, it being the main reason why he had left
England. But after much argument, by the mediation of the
Governor and some other friends here, he was inclined to be
lenient, though he foresaw the vexation of his father.
When Mr. Weston saw this he grew more presumptuous,
and made such provoking and cutting speeches, that the
Governor-General rose up in great indignation and dis-
temper, and vowed that he would either curb him or send
him home to England. At which Mr. Weston was some-
what daunted, and came privately to the Governor here, to
know whether he would allow him to be apprehended. He
was told they could not prevent it, and blamed him much
that, after having pacified things, he should again break
out and by his own folly and rashness bring trouble upon
himself and them too. He confessed it was his temper, and
prayed the Governor to intercede for him, and smooth
things if he could. At last he did so with much ado ; so
he was summoned again, and the Governor-General con-
sented to accept his own bond, to be ready to make further
answer, when either he or the Lords should send for him.
Finally, he took only his word, and there was a friendly
parting on all hands.

But after he had gone, Mr. Weston, in lieu of thanks to
the Governor and his friends here, gave them this quip
behind their backs, for all their pains : That though they
were but young justices, they were good beggars. Thus
they parted for the time, and shortly after the Governor
took his leave and went to Massachusetts by land, very
grateful for his kind entertainment.

The ship stayed here and fitted herself to go to Virginia,
having some passengers to deliver there, and with her there
returned several of those who had come over privately,

THE PLY^IOUTH SETTLEMENT 129

some from discontent and dislike of the country, others
because of a fire that broke out, burning the houses they
lived in and all their provisions. The fire was caused by
some of the seamen, who were roystering in a house where
it first began. It being very cold weather, they had made a
great fire, which broke out of the chimney and set alight
the thatch, and burnt down three or four houses, and all
the goods and provisions in them. The house in which
it began was right against the common storehouse, in
which were all their provisions; and they had much diffi-
culty in saving it. If it had been lost, the plantation
would have been ruined. But through God's mercy it
was saved by the great efforts of the people, and the care
of the Governor and some about him. Some advised that
the goods be thrown out; but then there would have been
much stolen by the rough crews of the two ships, who
were almost all ashore. But a reliable com'pany was placed
within, so that if necessity required they could have got
them all out with speed, and others with wet cloths and
other means kept off the fire outside. For they suspected
some malicious dealing, if not plain treachery; though
whether it was only suspicion or no, God knows. But
this is certain, that when the tumult was greatest, a voice
was heard — from whom it was not known — that bid them
look well about them, for all were not friends near them.
And shortly after, when the worst of the fire was over,
smoke was seen to rise from a shed adjoining the end
of the storehouse, which was wattled up with boughs, the
withered leaves of which had caught fire. Those who ran
to put it out found a large firebrand, about a yard long,
lying under the wall on the inside, which could not possibly
have come there by accident, but must have been put
there intentionally, as all thought who saw it. But God
kept them from this danger, whatever was intended.

130 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Shortly after Captain Gorges, the Governor-General, had
got home to Massachusetts, he sent a warrant to arrest
Mr. Weston and his ship, and sent a seaman to sail her
thither, and one. Captain Hanson, of his suite, to be in
charge of him. The Governor and others were very sorry
to see him take this course, and took exceptions to the war-
rant, as not legal or sufficient, and wrote to him to dissuade
him from tliis course, showing him that he would but en-
tangle and burden himself by doing this, and that he could
not do Mr. Weston a better turn, as things now stood with
him, for he had a great many men in his service in the ship
to whom he was deeply in debt for wages, and that he was
practically out of provisions, and winter was at hand: for
all of which Captain Gorges would be responsible if he
arrested his ship. In the meantime Mr. Weston had notice
to shift for himself; but it was supposed that he did not
know where to go or how to better himself, but was rather
glad of the issue, and so did not move. But the Governor-
General would not be dissuaded, and sent a very formal
warrant under his hand and seal, with strict orders, as they
would answer for it to the State ; he also wrote that he had
better considered things since he was here, and he could not
answer for it to let him go, besides other things that had
come to his knowledge since, which Mr. Weston must ac-
count for. So he was allowed to proceed; but he found in
the end that what had been told him was true; for when
an inventory was taken of what was in the ship, food was
found sufficient for only fourteen days, at a bare allowance,
and not much else of any worth, and the men clamoured so
for wages and rations in the meantime, that he was soon
weary. So in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the ex-
pense of his provisions ; and towards the spring they came
to an agreement, after they had been east, and the Governor-
General restored him his vessel again, and made satisfac-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 131

tion in biscuit and meal and such like provisions for what
he had used of his, or what had been wanted or consumed.
So Mr. Weston came here again, and afterwards shaped
his course for Virginia, and so for the present I shall leave
him. He died afterwards at Bristol, at the time of the war,
of the sickness there.

The Governor-General and some of his suite soon re-
turned to England, having scarcely saluted the country put
under his government, as he did not find the state of things
here correspond to his station and way of life. The people
dispersed ; some went to England, others to Virginia, some
few remained and v/ere helped with supplies from here.
The Governor-General had brought over a minister of re-
ligion with him, one Mr. Morrell, who, about a year after
his return, took shipping from here. He had I know not
what power and authority of superintendence over other
churches granted him, and sundry instructions to that end ;
but he never showed it or made use of it. It seems he saw
it was in vain, and he only spoke of it to some here at his
departure. This was the end of the second settlement
there. This year there were also some scattered beginnings
made in other places, as at Piscataqua by Mr. David
Thomson, at Monhegan and some other places by several
others.

It remains now for me to speak a word about the pin-
nace mentioned before, sent by the adventurers to be em-
ployed in the country. She was a fine vessel, and bravely
fitted out; but I fear the adventurers were over proud of
her, for she had ill success. However, they made a great
mistake about two things in her. First, though she had a
competent master, she was badly manned, and all the crew
were upon shares, and none were to receive any wages but
the captain. Secondly, though mainly busied with trade,
they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When

1S2 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

they came over they received bad advice from Mr. Weston
and others of the same stamp, until neither the captain
nor the governor could control them, for they declared
that they were abused and deceived; that they were told
they would sail as a man of war, and take I know not
whom, — French, Spaniards, etc. They would neither trade
nor fish without wages ; in fine, they would obey no orders
of the captain, and it was feared they would either make
away with the vessel, or get off on the other ships and
abandon her. So Mr. Pierce and other friends persuaded
the Governor to change their conditions, and give them
wages; which was accordingly done. Then the vessel was
sent about the Cape to the Narragansetts to trade, but they
made a poor voyage of it. They got some corn and
beaver, but the Dutch had been used to trade with cloth,
and better commodities, and these had only a few beads
and knives, which were not valued by the Indians. On
her return home, at the very entrance into her own har-
bour, she was almost wrecked in a storm, and was forced
to cut her main mast by the board, to save herself from
driving onto the flats that lie outside, called Brown Islands,
the force of the gale being so great that her anchors gave
way, and she was being driven right upon them ; but when
her mast and tackling were gone, they weie able to hold
her till the wind shifted.

CHAPTER V

Changes in form of Government — ^Pinnace wrecked-
Private Settlers make trouble— Winslow returns from England
with the first Cattle — Faction among Adventiu*ers in England
—Objections of the Colony's opponents — Letters from John
Robinson — Opposition to sending the Leyden people — One
Rcre apportioned for permanent holding to each Settler—
Ship-building and Salt-making — Trouble with Lyford and
Oldham — Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624.

The time for the election of the officers for the year hav-
ing come, the number of people having increased and the
business of government accordingly, the Governor desired
them to change the officials and renew the election and give
the Governor more assistants for his help and advice, point-
ing out that if it was an honour or advantage it was
only fit that others should share it; if it was a burden, —
as doubtless it was, — it was but fair that others should help
to bear it, and that this, in fact, was the purpose of the
annual elections. The outcome was that whereas before
there had been only one assistant they now chose five, giv-
ing the Governor a double voice ; and afterwards they in-
creased them to seven. This plan has been continued
to this day.

Having at some trouble and expense new-masted and
rigged their pinnace, in the beginning of March they sent
her well-victualed to the eastward, fishing. She arrived
safely at a place called Damariscove, and was well har-
boured where ships were accustomed to anchor, with some
other ships from England, already there. But shortly after
there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm, that

133

134 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been
known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat
such a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have
been driven through, and then she drifted into deep water,
where she lay sunk. The captain was drowned; the rest
of the men, except one, with difficulty saved their lives;
all her provisions, salt, etc., were lost. And here I must
leave her to lie till afterwards.

Some of those who still remained here on private venture,
began secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the
adventurers in England, on whom several of them depended.
By their whisperings they drew some of the w^eaker mem-
bers of the colony itself to their side, and made them so
discontented that at last nothing would satisfy them but
that they might be allowed to be on their own resources also,
and even made large offers to be freed from the community.
The Governor consulted with the ablest members of the
colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate
on the same terms as the other private settlers, with the
additional stipulation that they should be bound to remain
here till the general partnership was concluded; and that
they should pay into the common store one half of all the
goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond
their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred
for them; and some other similar details. When this lib-
erty was granted the defection soon stopped, for but few
took this course when they came to consider it, and the
rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that they had been
told by the other private settlers and Mr. Weston that no
more supplies w'ould be sent to the general body, but that
the private settlers had friends at home who would do I
know not what for them.

Shortly after, Mr. Winslow returned from England and
brought a pretty good supply of provisions, jvith a ship

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 135^

sent for fishing, — an enterprise never successful with the
colony. He brought three heifers and a bull, — the first
cattle In the country, — some clothing and other neces-
saries. He reported a strong faction amongst the adven-
turers against the colonists, and especially against sending
the rest from Leyden. He related with what difficulty the
present supply was procured, and that by their strong and
long opposition his departure had been so delayed that not
only had they now arrived too late for the fishing season
here, but the best fishermen had gone to the west country
and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he
could procure. Some letters from the adventurers will
make these things clearer.

James Shcrley in England to the Settlers at Nezv Plymouth:

Most worthy and loving Friends,

Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks. ... It
has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise
new stock for fitting out this ship, called the Charity, with men and
necessaries both for the settlement and fishing, — though with very
great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who undoubtedly
serve their private ends, and thwart the others here, and worthy
instruments of God's glory elsewhere,* rather than aiming at the
general good and furtherance of this noble enterprise. Still we
have many others, — I hope the majority, — very honest Christian
men, whose intent I am convinced, is wholly for the glory of Our
Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of His gospel, and the hope of
gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of God. But as the
proverb says : One scabbed sheep may mar a whole flock, — so
these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what thej^ can to draw
men's hearts from you and your friends, and from the general
business, — even with a show of godliness and zeal for the planta-
tion. Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the honester
hearted men (though lately of their faction) made clear at our last
meeting. But why should I trouble either you or myself with these
restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt net, will be con-
tinual disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On Thursday,
Jan. 8th, we had a meeting about the articles between you and us,

♦He means Mr. John Robinson.

136 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you to grant in
our recent letters, — an addition to the period of our joint stock.
Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled their conscience to
exact longer time from you than had been agreed upon at first.
That evening, however, they were so confused and wearied by their
own perverse contentions, that they even offered to sell their
adventures, — and some were willing to buy. But I, thinking it
would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do us more
harm, would not permit it. So on Jan. 12th we had another meet-
ing. But in the interim several of us had talked with most of
them privately, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and
con. But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we
had the friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies
offered to put up £50. So I sent for a bottle of wine — I would you
could do the like — which we drank friendly together. Thus God
can turn the hearts of men when it pleases Him. . . . Thus loving
friends, I heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest,

Yours to my power,

JAMES SHERLEY.
Jan. 2Sth, 1623.

Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth:

Beloved Sir,

We have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish
three things, viz., fishing, salt-making, and boat-making: if you can
master them your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert your-
selves to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can, and sent
to Bilbao. You must send some competent representative, whom,
once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions. If Mr.
Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The boat-
builder is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and will no
doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command over
his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build
you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon
as you can. The salt-maker is a skilful and industrious man. Put
some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it.
The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man,
though none of the most eminent and rare. About his appointment,
use your own liberty and discretion ; he knows he has no authority
among you, though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget
himself. Mr. Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy
some here, and we see no reason against it except his large family
of children.

We have taken a patent for Cape Ann. . . .

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIMENT 137

I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters
home * Some say you are starved in body and soul ; others that
you eat pigs and dogs that have died; others that the reports of
the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that there is
scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so on. I
wish such discontented men were back again, rather than the whole
plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours.
Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better dis-
posed ; in the meantime it is our cross, and we must bear it.

I am sorry we have not sent you more provisions, but we have
run into so much expense to victual the ship, provide salt, fishing
implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as
butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship, and the James,
will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in
this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God give
us rest from our labours. Farewell, in all hearty affection.

Your assured friend,

R. C
Jan. 24th, 1623.

With the former letter from Mr. Sherley were sent
various charges against the colony, of which he writes thus:
"These are the chief objections which those just returned
raise against you and the country. I pray you consider
them, and answer them at your first convenience."

These objections were made by some of those who came
over on private enterprise, and had returned home as before
mentioned; they were of the same kind as those the last
letter mentions. I shall record them here, with the answers
made to them and sent over at the return of this ship. The
fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed, and
others denied what they had said and ate their words ; some
have since come over again, and have lived here to convince
themselves sufficiently.

Obj. I. Diversity of religious beliefs.

Ans: We know of no such diversity, for there has never been

♦This was John Oldham, and his like.

1S8 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

any controversy, either puMic or private, to our knowledge, since we
came.

Obj. 2. Neglect of family duties on the Lord's day.

Ans: We allow no such thing. They who report it, would have
showed their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of
it kindly, rather than thus to reproach tlicm behind their backs.
But, to say no more, we wish they themselves had given a better
example.

Obj : 3. Want of both the sacraments.

Ans: The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us, at
whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have
the Lord's supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there were
children to baptise.

Obj. 4. Children are not catechised, or taught to read.

Ans: Neither is true — several take pains with their own, as well
as they can. We have no common school, for want of a fit person
hitherto, or means to obtain one; though we hope now to begin.

Obj. 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not
work for the community.

Ans : This also is not wholly true : for though some do it un-
willingly, and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst of
them gets his own food, and something besides. We do not excuse
them, but try to reform them the best we can, — or else quit the
settlement of them.

Obj. 6. The water is not wholesome.

Ans: If they mean not so wholesome as the good wine and beer
in London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them;
but for water, it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know,
and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it.

Obj. 7. The ground is barren, and grows no grass.

Ans : Here, as everyv/here, some ground is better, some worse.
The cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be ; we wish we had
but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This
objection, like som.e others, is ridiculous to all here who see and
know the contrary.

Obj. 8. The fish cannot be salted, to keep them sweet.

Ans: This is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to
be seen, or a fish to be caught ; things likely to be true in a country
where so many ships come fishing yearly! They might as well say
that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour.

Obj. 9. Many of them steal from one another.

Ans : If London had been free from that crime, we should not
have been troubled with it here. It is well known that several
have smarted well for it— and so are the rest likely to do whenevej;
they are caught.

THE PLYI^IOUTH SETTLEMENT 139

Obj. 10. The country is over-run with foxes and wolves.

Ans: So are many other good countries, too; but poison, traps,
and other such means will help to destroy them.

Obj. II. The Dutch are settled near Hudson's Bay, and are likely
to overthrow the trade.

Ans : They would come and settle here as well, if we and others
did not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather com-
mend them, than condemn them for it.

Obj. 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes.

Ans: They are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations
and colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would
wish such to keep at home, — at least till they be mosquito proof.
But this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the
land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be, — and
in the end scarcely any at all.

Having dispatched those objections, I will here insert
two letters from Mr. Robinson, their pastor ; the one to the
Governor, the other to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which
will throw much light on what has gone before, and show
the tender love and care of a true pastor towards them.

John Robinson at Leydcn to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:

My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto pre-
served, preserve and keep j'ou still to His glory and the good of
many that His blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours
equal to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here, we
have never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it.
Our love and care to and for you is mutual, though our hopes of
coming to you are small, and weaker than ever. But of this at
large in Mr. Brewster's letter, with whom you mutually communi-
cate your letters, I know, as I desire i'ou may do these, etc.

Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard
at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh ! how
happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before 5^ou
had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is
seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved
it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish
Christians?* Besides, you not being magistrates over them, had to
consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were by
necessity constrained to infiict. Necessity of killing so many I

*Mr. Weston's men.

140 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

cannot see. Methinks one or two principals should have been
enough, according to the approved rule, — the punishment to a few,
and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort
you seriously to consider the disposition of your Captain, whom I
love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good
has sent to you, if you use him right. He is a man humble and
meek among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances,
but if this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to
fear that, on occasions of special provocation there may be wanting
that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image, which
is meet. It is also apt to be more glorious in men's eyes, than
pleasing in God's, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor bar-
barous peoples ; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, others
should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the world. I
doubt not that you will take in good part these things that I write,
and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we were present,
to communicate our mutual help; but seeing that cannot be done,
we shall always long after you, and love you, and wait God's
appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither money to
send us, nor any great mind for us, for the most part. They deny
it to be any part of the agreement between us that they should
transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them till
means come from you. My wife with me, re-salutes you and yours.
Unto Him Who is the same to His in all places, and near to them
which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with you,
resting,

Yours truly loving,

JOHN ROBINSON.
Leyden, Dec. igth, 1623.

John Robinson at Leyden to William Brewster at New Plymouth:

Loving and dear friend and brother,

What I most desired of God for you, namely, the continuance of
your life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I
most gladly hear of, and praise God for it; and I hope Mrs.
Brewster's weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the
coming of her daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former
ships, which makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of
our desired transportation. I call it desired, rather than hoped for :
for first, there is no hope at all, that I know or can conceive of, of
any new stock being raised for that purpose; so that ever>i:hing
must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so
many uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers
allege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle,

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLE^IENT 141

still if that be removed by yon, other difficulties will be raised to
take its place. In order to understand this better, we must divide
the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six (as
I believe) are absolutely in favour of us, before all; another five
or six are openly our bitter adversaries ; the rest — the main body, —
are I believe, honest minded, and friendly towards us ; but they have
other friends (namely, the forward preachers) nearer to them than
we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict with ours, they
would rather advance than ours. Now what a pull these men have
with the professors, you know; and I am convinced that they, of all
others, are unwilling I should be transported ; especially such of
them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing that if I go there,
their market will be marred in many respects. As for these ad-
versaries, if they have but half as much wit as malice, they will
stop my going as soon as they see it is intended ; and as one restive
jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two or three can draw
forward, so it will be in this case. A clear proof of this they gave
in your messenger's presence, binding the company to promise that
none of the money now subscribed should be expended to help any
of us over to you.

Now as to the question propounded by j'ou : I judge it not lawful
for you, — a ruling elder (Rom. xii, 7, 8; and I Tim. v, 17), as dis-
tinct from the elders that teach and exhort and labour in the word
and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included, to ad-
minister them, — nor fitting, if it were lawful. Whether any learned
man will come out to you, I do not know; if so, you must Con-
silium capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your wife
with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the
God of all His, bring us together if it be His will, and keep us in
the mean while, and always to His glory, and make us serviceable
to His majesty and faithful to the end. Amen.

Your very loving brother,

JOHN ROBINSON.
Leyden, Dec. 20th, 1623.

These matters premised, I will now proceed with my
account of affairs here. But before I come to other things
I must say a word about their planting this year. They felt
the benefit of their last year's harvest ; for by planting corn
on their own account they managed, with a great deal of
patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a saying
of Seneca's (Epis. 123) : that an important part of liberty

142 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

is a well-governed belly, and patience in want. The settlers
now began to consider corn more precious than silver; and
those that had some to spare began to trade with the others
for small things, by the quart, pottle, and peck, etc. ; for they
had no money, and if they had, corn was preferred to it. In
order that they might raise their crops to better advantage,
they made suit to the Governor to have some land appor-
tioned for permanent holdings, and not by yearly lot,
whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought
under good culture one year, would change hands the next,
and others would reap the advantage; with the result that
the manuring and culture of the land were neglected. It
was well considered, and their request was granted. Every
person was given one acre of land, for them and theirs, and
they were to have no more till the seven years had expired ;
it was all as near the town as possible, so that they might
be kept close together, for greater safety and better atten-
tion to the general employments. This often makes me
think of what Pliny (lib. i8, cap. 2) says of the Romans'
first beginnings in the time of Romulus — how everyone
contented himself with two acres of land, and had no more
assigned to them; and (cap. 3) how it was thought a great
public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of
Rome. And long after, the most generous present given to
a Captain who had won a victory over their enemies, was as
much ground as he could till in one day; in fact a man
was not considered a good but a dangerous citizen, who was
not content with seven acres of land ; also how they used to
pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to
do for many years, until they got a mill.

The ship which brought these supplies was speedily un-
loaded, and, with her captain and crew was sent out fishing
to Cape Ann, where they had got a patent, as mentioned
above. As the season was so far advanced, some of the

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 143

planters were sent to help to build the landing stage, to their
own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness of the year,
and more especially to the bad character of the captain, one
Baker, they made a poor voyage of it. He proved a very
drunken beast, and did little but drink and guzzle and con-
sume time and victuals, most of the crew following his
example; and though IMr. William Pierce was superintend-
ing the business and was to captain the ship home, he could
do no good amongst them. The loss was great, and would
have been more, but that they did some trade for skins,
which was a help to them.

The ship-builder who had been sent out to the colony was
an honest and very industrious man. He and his assistants
quickly built two good strong shallops, which afterwards did
them great service, and a strong lighter; and he had hewn
timber for two catches, w4ien he fell sick with fever in the
hot season of the year, and though he had the best attention
the place could afford, he died. He was a very great loss,
and they were very sorry for his death.

But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, fool-
ish, self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great
things in making salt-works ; so he was sent to seek out fit
ground for the purpose ; and after some search he told the
Governor that he had found a suitable place, with a good
bottom to hold water, and otherwise very convenient, which
he doubted not, in a short time could be brought to per-
fection, and yield them great profit ; but he must have eight
or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make
sure the ground was good, and otherwise suitable, and that
he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would incur
great expense by employing himself and so many men. But
he was, after some trial, so confident, that he caused them
to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house,
to receive the salt, and for other uses. But in the end it

144 BRADFORD'S HIST0RY:0P

all proved useless. So he found fault with the ground, in
which he said he had been mistaken; but if he might have
the lighter to carry clay, he was sure he could do it. Now,
though the Governor and some others saw that this would
come to little good, they had so many malignant spirits
amongst them who, in their letters to the adventurers, would
have blamed them for not letting him bring his work to per-
fection; and the man himself, who by his bold confidence
and large promises had deceived the adventurers in Eng-
land, had so wound himself into the high esteem of some
here, that they decided to let him go on till everyone saw his
vanity. In the end all he could do was to boil salt in pans,
and yet tried to make those who worked with him believe
there was a great mystery in it, and used to make them do
unnecessary things as a blind, until they saw through his
deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Ann, and
the pans were set up where the fishing was ; but before the
summer was out he had burnt the house, and the fire was
so fierce that it spoiled the pans, — at least some of them;
and this was the end of that expensive business.

The third person of importance mentioned in the letters
was the minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John
Lyford, of whom and whose doings I must be more lengthy,
though I will abridge as much as I can. When this man
first came ashore, he saluted them with such reverence and
humility as is seldom to be seen; indeed he made them
ashamed, he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have
kissed their hands if they had allowed him. He wept and
shed many tears, blessing God Who had brought him to see
their faces, admiring what they had done in their need, as if
he had been made all of love and was the humblest person
in the world. And all the while (if we may judge by his
after-behaviour) he was only like him mentioned in Psalm
X, 10 : who croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 145

fall by his might. Or like that dissembling Ishmael (Jer.
xli, 6), who, when he had slain Gedelia, went out weeping,
and met them who were coming to offer incense in the house
of the Lord, saying: Come to Gedelia — when he meant to
slay them.

They gave him the best entertainment they could in all
simplicity, and a larger allowance of food out of the store
than any other had; and as the Governor in all weighty
affairs had consulted their elder, Mr. Brewster, and his
assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford, too, to the council
with them, on the most important matters. After a short
time he desired to become a member of the church here,
and was accordingly received. He made a large confession
of his faith, and an acknowledgment of his former dis-
orderly walking, and his being entangled with many cor-
ruptions which had been a burden to his conscience and
blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and liberty to
enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among His people,
with many similar expressions.

I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who
joined him in his after courses. He had been a chief stick-
ler in the former faction among the private settlers, and an
intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the com-
ing of the ship with supplies he opened his mind to some of
the chief members here, and confessed that he had done
them wrong both by word and deed in writing thus to
England ; that he now saw the eminent hand' of God was
with them, which made his heart smite him ; and he assured
them that his friends in England should never use him
against them again. He begged them that former things
might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as
one who desired to support them in every way, — and such
like expressions. Whether this was hypocrisy or some
sudden pang of conviction (which I rather think), God only

146 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

knows. However, they at once showed themselves ready to
embrace him in all friendliness, and called him to the council
with them, on all the chief affairs without any distrust at
all.

Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and
smoothly amongst them, at which they rejoiced. But it did
not last long, for both Oldham and Lyford grew perverse,
and showed a spirit of great malignancy, drawing as many
into faction as they could. No matter how vile or profane,
they backed the delinquents in all they did so long as they
would but uphold them and speak against the church here ;
so that there was nothing but private meetings and whisper-
ings amongst them. Thus they fed themselves and others
with what they would accomplish in England through their
friends there, bringing others as well as themselves into a
fool's paradise. However, they could not be so secret but
that much of their doings and sayings was discovered;
though outwardly they still showed a fair face.

At length, when the ship was ready to go, it was dis-
covered that Lyford was long in writing, and sent many
letters and could not forbear to communicate with his in-
timates such things therefrom as made them laugh in their
sleeves, thinking he had done their errands satisfactorily.
The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how mat-
ters stood in England, and what harm this might do, took a
shallop and went out with the ship a league or two to sea,
and called for Lyford's and Oldham's letters. Mr. William
Pierce being captain of the ship, and knowing well the
mischief they made both here and in England, afforded
them all the assistance he could. He found above twenty of
Lyford's letters, many of them long and full of slanders and
false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but
even aiming at their ruin. Most of the letters they let pass,
but took copies of them; of some they sent true copies and

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 147

kept the originals, lest he should deny that he had written
them. Amongst them they found copies of two which he
sent enclosed in a letter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a
minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of these two
letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was
written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the
other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. John Robinson in Holland, at
his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravesend. They were
lying sealed in the main cabin ; and whilst Mr. Winslow was
busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly mischief-maker
opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again; and
not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary,
but adds in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annota-
tions !

The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the
Governor returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but
after some weeks, as they heard nothing, they were as brisk
as ever, thinking nothing was known, and all had gone well
for them, and that the Governor had only gone to despatch
his own letters. The reason why the Governor and the rest
took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen so that
they might the better discover their intention and see who
were their adlierents ; for, amongst others they had found a
letter from one of their confederates, stating that Mr. Old-
ham and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and
commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship was gone, they
intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc.

As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was
so bad a scribe that his hand was scarcely legible ; but he
was as deeply involved as the otlier. So, thinking they
were now strong enough, they began to pick quarrels at
everything. Oldham being told off to stand watch accord-
ing to order, refused to come, calling the captain a beggarly
rascal, resisting him, and drawing his knife on him, though

148 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

he had done him no wrong nor spoken to him improperly,
but had merely required him with all fairness to do his
duty. The Governor, hearing the tumult, sent to quiet it;
but Oldham ramped more like a furious beast than a man,
and called them all traitors, and rebels, and other such foul
language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he had
been clapped up awhile, he came to himself, and with some
slight punishment was let go upon his behaviour, pending
further censure.

But to cut things short, at length it came to this, that
Lyford with his accomplices, without speaking one word to
either the Governor, the Church, or the elder, withdrew
themselves, and held a separate public meeting on the Lord's
day ; and with many such insolent doings, too long to relate
here, began to act publicly what they had been plotting
privately. It was thought high time to prevent further mis-
chief by calling them to account; so the Governor called a
court, and summoned the whole company to appear, and
charged Lyford and Oldham with their guilt. But they
were stubborn, and resolutely denied the charges, and re-
quired proof. The court first alleged that from what had
been written to them from England, and from their prac-
tises here, it was evident they were plotting against them,
and disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and
church estate, which was most injurious to the colony;
for both they and all the world knew that they had come
here to enjoy liberty of conscience and the free use of God's
ordinances, and for that end had ventured their lives and
had already passed through so much hardship; and they
and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings,
which was not small. They pointed out that Lyford for his
part was sent over at their expense, and that both he and his
large family were maintained by them; that he had joined
the church, and was a member of it; and for him to plot

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 149

against them and seek their ruin, was most unjust and per-
fidious. As for Oldham, or any one who came over at his
own expense, and were on their own resources, they had
been received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek
shelter and protection under its wings, being unable to stand
alone; but as the hedghog in the fable, whom the coney on
a stormy day invited in pity into her burrow, would not be
content to share it with her, but in the end with her sharp
pricks forced the poor coney out, so these men, with similar
injustice, endeavoured to do the like by those who enter-
tained them.

Lyford denied that he had anything to do with the people
in England, or knew their plans, and pretended similar
ignorance of the other charges. Then his letters were pro-
duced and some of them read, at which he was struck dumb.
But Oldham began to rage furiously, that they had inter-
cepted and opened the letters. Threatening them in very
high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and
mutinous manner called upon the people, saying, — My
masters, where are your hearts ? Now show your courage ;
you have often complained to me so and so ; now is the time;
if you will do anything, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking
that everyone who, knowing his humour, had soothed and
flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent
uttered anything to him, would now side with him in open
rebellion. But he was disappointed ; not a man opened his
mouth, for all were struck silent by the injustice of the
thing.

Then the Governor turned to Mr. Lyford, and asked him
if they thought he had done wrong to open his letters ; but
he was silent and dare not say a word, knowing well what
tRey might reply. Then the Governor explained to the
people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was bound
to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this con-

150 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

spiracy and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to
the colony. But Lyford, besides his misbehaviour here, had
dealt treacherously with his friends that trusted him, and
stole their letters, and opened them, and sent copies of them
with disgraceful annotations to his friends in England.
Then the Governor produced them and his other letters
under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them
read before all the people: at which all his friends were
blank, and had not a word to say.

It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here
— they would almost fill a volume — though I have them by
me, I shall only note a few of the chief things from them,
with the answers to them as they were then given, as
instances.

1. He said that the church desired that no one should live here
except its members ; nor would anyone willingly do so, if they had
but company with which to live elsewhere.

Ans : Their answer was that this was false, in both its parts ; for
they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with
them, who would behave peaceably, and seek the common good, —
or at least do them no harm ; and that there Avere inany who would
not live elsewhere, so long as they were permitted to live with them.

2. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters,
they soon disliked them, etc.

Ans: Their answer was as before, that it was a calumny, for
they had many amongst them M'hom they liked well, and were glad
of their company; and should be of any such who came to them.

3. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from
II Sam. xii, 7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their
teaching in particular to special persons; secondly, that great men
may be reproved as well as humble.

Ans: Their answer was that both these charges were without
truth or colour of truth — as was proved to his face — and that they
had taught and believed this long before they knew Mr. Lyford.

4. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by
this: they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell
with them, or to exchange one commodity for another.

Ans : This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as
was proved to him before all, for any of them bought, sold or

THE PLY]VIOUTH SETTLEMENT 151

exchanged with them as often as they pleased — and also both lent
and gave to them, when they wanted; and this the private settlers
themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But
the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse; for he
was at the council with them, when a man was called before them,
and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the
company's supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had
arranged should be put in at his window in the night; and also for
buying salt of one who had no right to it. Lyford not only backed
this defaulter — who was one of these private settlers — by excusing
and extenuating him ; but upon this ground he built this mischievous
and false slander; that because they would not suffer a private
settler to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin : Bad
logic for a divine!

5. Next he accused them of forcing men to become private
settlers, on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them,
and deprive them of all means of subsistence.

Ans : To this it was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for
they had turned none upon their own resources who had not of
their own importunity and earnest desire urged and constrained
them to do it. They appealed to the persons themselves for the
truth of it, and they testified against him before all present, and
that they had no cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage.

6. He accused them with imjust distribution, and wrote that it
seemed strange that some should be allowed l6 lbs. of meal per
week, and others only 4 lbs. And then adds floutingly: it seems
that some men's bellies and mouths are very little and slender
compared with others !

Ans : This might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he
wrote his letters in England, and who did not know the reason for
it ; but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers
had no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who
came in the Anne the August before, and had to live thirteen
months on the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of
meal and peas as would go round. A little while before harvest,
when fish and fruits were to be got, they had only 4 lbs., being at
liberty to make their own provisions in addition. But some of
those who came last, such as the ship-builder, the salt men, and
others who were to follow constant employment and had not an
hour's time from their labour to provide food besides their allow-
ance,— such workers had at first 16 lbs. allowed them, and after-
wards, when fish and other food could be got, they had 14 lbs., 12
lbs., or some of them 8 lbs., as occasion required. But those who
had time to plant corn for themselves, even though they received
but 4 lbs. of meal a week from the store, lived better than the

152 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

others, as was well known. And it must be remembered that Ly-
ford and his family had always the highest allowance.

He accused them of many other things in his letters such
as of great waste of tools and utensils — though he knew
that an honest man was appointed to look after these very
things; and of this, when it came to be examined, all the
instances he could give was, that he had seen an old hogs-
head or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left care-
lessly in the fields. But he had written such things as these
to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them thinking that what
came from a minister would pass for true. He told them
that Winslow had said that there were not above seven of
the adventurers who sought die good of the colony; and
he ended by saying tliat the faction here matched the Jesuits
for cunning.

Finally he gave his friends advice and directions :

1. First, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest)
must still be kept back, or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them
should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as
was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship (Mr.
William Pierce), and put someone else in Winslow's place as
agent, or it could not be prevented.

2. He would have such further settlers shipped over as would
out-number those here; the private settlers should have votes in
all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office; and every
private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be
only a servant, someone else investing the necessary £io, the bill
being taken out in the servant's name, and then assigned to the
party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between
them for the purpose. These things, said he, would be the means
of strengthening the private settlers.

3. He told them that if that Captain they spoke of came over to
take command, he was sure he would be elected, for "this Captain
Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt."

4. Then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they
could not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by
themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or four
miles, and showing that there were far better places for a settle-
ment than this.

THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEIMENT 153

S- Lastly, lie concluded that if neither of these thing were ac-
complished, they must join the main body here, perforce. Then he
added : "Since I began to write, some letters have come from your
company, giving sole authority in various things to the Governor
here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will
he more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner.
I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to you further about these things.
I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc."

I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and
shall now return to their proceedings with him. After read-
ing his letters before the whole company, he was demanded
what he could say in defence. But all the answer he made
was that Billington and some others had informed him of
many things, and had made sundry complaints, — which they
now denied. He was asked if that was sufficient ground
for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by letter,
never saying a word to his colleagues of the council. And
so they went on from point to point, and demanded that
neither he nor his confederates should spare them, if they
had any proof or witness of wrong doing on their part. He
said he had been misinformed, and so had wronged them.
And this was all the answer they could get ; for none would
take his part, and Billington and others whom he named
denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and
that, on the other hand, he would have drawn them to such
and such things, which they had declined to do, though they
had sometimes attended his meetings. Then they taxed him
with dissembling about the church, professing to concur
with them in everything; and with the large confession he
made at his admittance, not considering himself a minister
till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated himself
from them, and drew a number away and would administer
the sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speak-
ing a word to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues.
Jn conclusion, he was fully convicted, and, bursting into

154 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

tears, confessed: he feared he was a reprobate; his sins
were so great he doubted if God would pardon them ; he was
unsavoury salt, etc. ; he had so wronged them that he could
never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against
them was false and empty, both in matter and manner —
and all this as completely as words and tears could express.

After their trial and conviction the court censured them
to be expelled the place; Oldham at once, though his wife
and family had leave to stay all the winter, or longer, till
he could make provision to remove them comfortably. Ly-
ford had leave to stay six months, — with some eye to remis-
sion of the sentence if he behaved himself well in the mean-
time, and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowl-
edged his censure was far less than he deserved.

Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly, with tears, in
the church, more fully than before. I shall here record it,
taken down in his own words. He acknowledged that he
had done very evil, and had slanderously abused them. He
had thought that most of the people would take part with
him, and he would carry all with a strong hand against
them; tliat God might justly lay innocent blood to his
charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his
writings, and blessed God they were intercepted. He had
listened to any evil that was spoken, but shut his eyes and
ears against all good; and if God should make him a vaga-
bond on the earth, as was Cain, it was but just; for he had
sinned in envy and malice against his brethren. He con-
fessed three things to be the cause of his doings: pride,
vainglory, and self-love — amplifying these generalities with
many other sad expressions in particular.

They began to conceive well of him again after his
repentance, and admitted him to preach amongst them as
before; and Samuel Fuller, a deacon, and some other ten-
der-hearted men amongst them, were so taken in by his

THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEMENT 155

signs of sorrow and repentance, that they said they would
fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed.

But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze
all others who come to hear of it, — for a rarer precedent
can hardly be shown, — was, that after a month or two
notwithstanding all his former convictions, confessions, and
public acknowledgments, both in the face of the church
and the whole company, with so many sad tears and cen-
sures of himself before God and man, he should try again
to justify what he had done.

For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers
in England, in which he justified all his former writings, —
except as regards some things in which he had disparged
them, — which, as it is briefer than the former, I will here
insert :

John Lyford at New Plymouth to the Adventurers in England:

Worthy Sirs,

Though the filth o£ my own doings may justly be cast in my face,
and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, j^et that the truth may
not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor injurious
dealings be continued, with bold out-facings I have ventured once
more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt very indis-
creetly in some of my particular letters which I wrote to private
friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the like, which
I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to it by seeing the
indiscreet courses of others, both here and with you there, for
effecting their designs. But I am heartily sorry for it, and do
to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The said
letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am under sen-
tence of banishment; and but for the respect I have for you, and
some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnace to
England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive better
encouragement from you than from the church (as they call them-
selves) here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I came,
so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the place,
though they are very poor; and they have changed my wages ten
times already. I suppose my letters, — or at least copies of them, — •
came into your hands, as they here report. If so, pray take notice

156 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

of this : that I have written nothing but what is certainly true, and
could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not to make
myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the care of
Avhom in part belongs to you, and who are destitute of the means of
salvation. The church itself is well provided for, the members
forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the ministry,
believing that the Lord has not appointed anj' ministry for the
conversion of those outside the church, so that some of the poor
souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was censured
for preaching to all in general ; though, in reality, they have had no
ministry here since they came, but such as might be performed by
any of you, whatever pretences they make; but they equivocate
about this, as about many other things. But I exceed the bounds I
set mj'self ; therefore, awaiting further from you, if it come within
the time limited me, I rest, etc.

Remaining vours ever,

JOHN LYFORD, Exile.
Aug. 22nd, 1624.

They made brief answer to some things in this letter,
but referred chiefly to their former one to this effect : That
if God in His providence had not brought all this to their
notice, they might have been traduced, abused, calumniated,
overthrown, and undone; and never have known by whom
or for what. They desired but this just favour; that the
adventurers would be pleased to hear their defence, as well
as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice
and reason, and then censure as they pleased.

I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not
longer than was necessary. But I will revert to other things.

To return to the pinnace left sunk near Damariscove.
Some of the fishing-boats' captains said it was a pity that so
fine a vessel should be lost, and sent them word that if they
would bear the expense, they would show them how to float
her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They
thanked them, and sent men for the purpose and beaver to
defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim I know not
how many tons of casks, and having made them tight an^

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 157

fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and
hauled her ashore with many hands in a convenient place
where she could be worked at; and then set several car-
penters to work at her, and others to saw planks, and at last
fitted her, and got her home. But it cost a great deal of
money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails for her,
both now and when she lost her mast before; so she proved
an expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent
her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter in great
secrecy ; but the party entrusted with it gave it to the Gov-
ernor.

The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits, without any
special matter worth noting, — except that many who before
stood somewhat aloof from the church, now seeing Lyford's
unjust dealing and malignity, came forward and were made
members, stating that it w^as not out of dislike of anything
that they had stood off so long, but a desire to fit themselves
better for such a state ; and that they now saw that the Lord
called for their help.

And so these troubles produced an effect on several here
quite contrary to what their adversaries had hoped; and it
was recognized as a great work of God, to draw men to him
by unlikely means, and such as, in reason, might have been
calculated to alienate them. And thus I shall end this year.

CHAPTER VI

Oldham and Lyford expeUed — Lyford's Past — ^Reply of
Settlement to Adventm-ers' Charges — Support from friendly
gioup of Adventmers — Loss of two ship-loads of cargo-
Captain Standish in England: 1625.

At the spring of the year, about the time of their elec-
tions, Oldham came back again, and, though his sentence
forbade his return without obtaining leave, his effrontery
and the ill counsel of others led him to ignore it, and at the
same time to give rein to his unruly passion beyond all
reason and decency, so that some strangers who came with
him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him, but
all reproofs were but as oil to the fire, and enflamed his
anger the more. He called them all good-for-nothings, and
a hundred rebels and traitors, and I know not what. So
they locked him up till he was tamer, and then he was made
to pass down a line of guards, each of whom was ordered to
give him a thump on the breech with the butt-end of his
musket. Then he was conveyed to the water-side, where a
boat was ready to take him away, and they bid him go and
mend his manners.

Whilst this was going on Mr. William Pierce and Mr.
Winslow came up from the shore, having arrived from
England; but the others were so busy with Oldham that
they never saw them until they thus came upon them. They
told them not to spare either him or Lyford, for both had
behaved villainously. But to make an end of Oldham I will
here briefly relate what befell him in the future. After the
removal of his family, he encountered difficulties and about

158

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT^ 159

a year afterwards, towards winter, he sailed for Virginia;
but it pleased God that the ship was in great danger, and he
and the other passengers despaired of life, many resorting
to prayer and the examination of their consciences and con-
fession of such sins as burdened them. Mr. Oldham then
made a free and ample confession of the wrongs he had
done to the people and the church here saying that, as he
had sought their ruin, so God had now met with him and
might destroy him ; aye, and he feared they all fared worse
on account of his presence. He prayed God to forgive him,
and made vows that if the Lord spared his life, he would
repent. This I learned by rehable report of some who are
still living at the Bay, and themselves shared the dangers
of the shoals of Cape Cod and heard his very words. It
pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their
voyage; and ever after Oldham behaved decently to them,
acknowledging the hand of God to be with them. He
seemed to respect them honestly, and so far made his
peace with them that after a time he had liberty to come and
go at his pleasure. He went afterwards to Mrginia, and
there fell very ill ; but he recovered and came back again to
his family at the Bay, and lived there till many people had
come over. At length, going trading in a small vessel among
the Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some quarrel
they knocked him on the head with a hatchet, so that he fell
down dead and never spoke again. Two little boys that
were related to him were saved, though injured, and the
vessel was recovered from the Indians by another inhabitant
of the Bay of JMassachusetts. Oldham's death was in fact
one cause of the subsequent Pequot war.

Now as to Mr. Lyford. His time having expired, his
sentence was to be carried out. He was so far from ful-
filling their hopes of amendment, that he had doubled his
offence, as shown. But behold the hand of God upon him,

160 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

wherein the Psalmist Is verified (Psa. vii, 15) : He hath
made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the pit he made.
He thought to bring disgrace upon them but instead he dis-
closes his own shame to all the world. When he was con-
fronted with his second letter, his wife was so stirred by his
doings that she could no longer conceal her grief, and
opened her mind to one of the deacons and some of her
friends, and later to Mr. Pierce, on his arrival. She said
that she feared some great judgment of God would fall upon
the family, because of her husband; and now that they were
about to remove she feared she would fall into the Indians*
hands and be defiled by them as he had defiled other women,
recalling God's threatened judgment upon David (II Sam.
xii, 11): I will raise up evil against thee out of thine
own house, and will take thy wives before thine eyes,
and give them unto thy neighbour. Then she disclosed
how he had wronged her, and that he had a bastard by
another woman before they were married. She had had
some inkling of it when he was courting her, and told him
what she had heard rumoured ; but he not only stiffly denied
it, but to satisfy her took a solemn oath ; so she consented to
marry him. Afterwards she found it was true, and re-
minded him of his oath ; but he prayed her to pardon him,
and pleaded that otherwise he would not have won her.
And yet even after this she could keep no maid-servant but
he would be meddling with them, and sometimes she had
taken him in the act. The woman was a respectable matron,
of good behaviour all the while she was here, and spoke out
of the sorrow of her heart, sparingly, but circumstantially.
What seemed to affect her most was his easy repentances,
followed by a speedy return to the old paths.

This was all borne out by the reports of Mr. Winslow
and Mr. Pierce on their return. Mr. Winslow informed
them that they had had the same trouble with Lyford's

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 161

friends in England as with himself and his friends here, —
his adherents crying out that to deal thus with a minister
and a godly man was a great scandal, and threatening to
prosecute them for it. So it was all referred to a further
meeting of most of the adventurers there, who agreed to
choose two eminent men as arbitrators. Lyford's faction
chose Mr. White, a counsellor at law ; the others chose the
Rev. Mr. Hooker, the minister. In the meantime God in
His providence had disclosed Lyford's evil career in Ireland
to some friends of the company, who made it known to Mr.
Winslow, and mentioned two godly witnesses vvho w^ould
testify upon their oath. The fact was, that when Lyford
was in Ireland, he had wound himself into the esteem of
several worthy reformers, who, burdened with the cere-
monies in England, found greater liberty of conscience there.
Amongst them were the two men who gave evidence ; and
amongst others there was an honest young man who intended
to marry, and had set his affection on a certain girl who lived
there. But preferring the fear of God to all other things,
before he suffered his affection to run too far he resolved
to take Mr. Lyford's advice and judgment about the girl, —
since he was the minister of the place, — and so spoke of it
to him. He promised to inform him faithfully, but wished
to get to know her better first, and have some private talk
with her. In conclusion he recommended her highly to the
young man as a very fit wife for him. So they were mar-
ried. But some time afterwards the woman was much
troubled in mind and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing
but weep and mourn; and it was long before her husband
could find out the cause. But at length she told him, —
praying him to forgive her, — that Lyford had overcome her
and defiled her before marriage. The circumstances I for-
bear; suffice it, that though he satisfied his lust upon her, he
endeavoured to hinder conception. The young husband then

162 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

took some godly friends with him to confront Lyford with
this charge. At length he confessed it with a great deal of
seeming repentance and sorrow, but he was forced to leave
Ireland, partly for shame and partly for fear of further
punishment; and so, coming to England, unhappily he was
hit upon as a suitable minister for the colony and sent out to
them. The arbitrators with great gravity declared that his
recent offences there gave them cause enough to deal with
him as they had done ; but these disclosures made him unfit
ever to bear ministry any more, what repentance soever he
should pretend.

From here Lyford went to Nantasket, on the Bay of the
Massachusetts, where Oldham lived with some of his
friends. Thence he removed to Naumkeag, since called
Salem; but later, whether for hope of greater profit or what
I know not, he forsook the friends who had stuck to him,
and went down to Virginia, where shortly after he died;
and so I leave him to the Lord. His wife afterwards re-
turned to this country ; thus much of this matter.

Though the storm had blown over, the effects which
followed it were serious; for the company of adventurers
broke up in consequence, and the majority wholly deserted
the colony as regards any further supplies. Furthermore,
some of Lyford's and Oldham's friends fitted out a fishing
ship on their own account, and arriving ahead of the ships
that came to the plantation, took away their dock and other
necessary preparations that they had made for their fishing
at Cape Ann the year before at great expense and would not
restore it unless they would fight for it. However, the
Governor decided to send some of tlie settlers to help the
fishermen build a new one, and let them keep it. This fish-
ing ship also brought Lyford's and Oldham's contingent
some supplies, but of little value ; but they were unsuccess-
ful in their fishing, and they could make no return for the

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 163

supplies sent, so after this year their friends in England
never looked after them again.

This ship also brought from some of the adventurers their
reasons for having abandoned the colony, and offers of re-
uniting again upon certain conditions. They are long and
tedious, and most of them have already been touched upon.

Their answer was in part as follows :

In charging us with having dissembled with his majesty and the
adventurers in our original declaration of general agreement with
the French Reformed Church, you do us wrong, for we both hold
with and practice the beliefs of the French and other Reformed
Churches as published in the Harmony of Confessions, according
to our means, in effect and substance. But in attempting to tie us
to the French practices in every detail, you derogate from the
liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have
none follow him but wherein he followed Christ; much less ought
any Christian or Church in the world to do so. The French may
err, we may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do in
many circumstances. The honour of infallibility, therefore, belongs
only to the word of God and the pure testament of Christ, to be
followed as the only rule and pattern for direction by all Churches
and Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or Church to
think that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bot-
tom as to be able to set down precisely a Church's practices with-
out error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no
one thereafter may digress or differ from them with impunity.
Indeed it is not difficult to show that the Reformed Churches differ
from each other in many details.

The rest I omit for brevity's sake ; and so leave these men
and their doings, and return to the rest of the adventurers,
who were friends of the company and stuck to them. I will
first insert some of their letters ; for I think it best to render
their minds in their own words :

Letter to the Colonists at New Plymouth, from the Adventurers in
England who remained friendly to them:

To our Loving Friends, etc.

Though what we feared lias happened, and the evil we tried to
avert has overtaken us, still we cannot forget you or our friend-

164 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

ship and fellowship of some years' standing, and though its ex-
pression has been small, our hearty affection towards j'ou, unknown
by face, has been no less than to our nearest friends or even to
ourselves. And though your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you the
state of things here, lest we should seem to neglect you, to whom
by a wonderful providence of God we are so nearly united, we
have thought \\ell to write and let you know what has happened
here and the reasons for it, and our intentions and desires concern-
ing you for the future.

The old basis of partnership is entirely dissolved, and we are left
to bethink ourselves what course to take in the future, that your
lives and our money be not lost.

The causes of these alterations are as follows : First and mainly,
the many losses and crosses at sea and the abuses of sea-men have
incurred^ such heavy expenses for us that we could not continue
without impoverishing ourselves, unless our means had been greater
and our associates had stuck together. Secondly, there has been
a faction against you, which, though influenced to abandon you
mainly^ for want of money, pretended to charge you with being
Brownists, etc. But how you or we ought to turn all this to account
remains to be considered ; for we know the hand of God to be in
all these things, and no doubt He would admonish us hereby to see
what is amiss.

While we ourselves are ready to take every opportunity to further
so hopeful an enterprise, it must rest with you to put it on its feet
again. And whatever else may be said, let your honesty and con-
science remain approved, and lose no jot of your innocence amidst
your crosses and afflictions; and surely if you behave yourselves
wisely and go on fairly, j^ou will need no other weapon to wound
your adversaries; for when j'our righteousness is revealed as the
light, they, who have causelessly sought your overthrow, shall cover
their faces with shame.

We think it only right that everything belonging to the common
stock shall be kept together and increased, rather than dispersed
for any private ends whatever; and that after your necessities are
met, you shall send over such commodities as the country affords, to
pay the debts and clear the engagements here, which amount to not
less than £1400. Let ns all endeavour to keep an honest course, and
see what time will bring forth, and what God in His providence will
work for us. We are still convinced that you are the people who
must make the settlement a success when all others fail and return;
and your experience of God's providence and preservation of you is
such that we hope your hearts will not fail you, though your friends
should forsake you,— which we ourselves will not do whilst we live
and your honesty of purpose remains unchanged.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 165

We have sent j'ou some cattle, clothes, stockings, shoes, leather,
etc. We have consigned them to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow as
our agents, at whose discretion they are to be sold in exchange for
commodities. Go on, good friends, comfortably; pluck up your
spirits and quit yourselves like men in all your difficulties, that,
notwithstanding all the threats of men, your good work may con-
tinue ; for in as much as it is for the glory of God and the good of
our countrymen, it is a better course for a man to run than to live
the life of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land or
eating the fruit of a grown tree.

With hearty salutations to you all, and hearty prayers for you all,
we lovingly take our leaves, this i8th of Dec, 1624.

Your assured friends to our power,

J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. etc.

This letter shows the state of affairs of the colony at
this time. They bought the goods, but at dear rates.
The adventurers put 40% on them for profit and risk out-
ward bound; and for risk on the goods sent back in pay-
ment, homeward bound, they added another 30%, — in all
70 per cent. This seemed unreasonable to some, and too
oppressive, considering the case of the purchasers. The
cattle were most vahiable ; the other things were neither
of the best quality nor at the best prices.

They also sent over tw^o fishing ships on their own ac-
count. One was the pinnace, which was w^recked the pre-
vious year here, and saved by the planters, and which,
after she reached home, was attached by one of the com-
pany for a private debt, and had now been sent out again
on his account. The other was a large ship, well fitted,
with an experienced captain and crew of fishermen, to
make a fishing cruise, and then to go to Bilbao or Sebas-
tian to sell her fish. The pinnace was ordered to load with
corfish, and to bring home to England the beaver received
for the goods sold to the plantation. This big ship was
well laden with good dry fish, which at market prices would
have yielded iiSoo. But as there was a rumour of war

166 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

with France, the captain feared to carry out his orders,
and on getting over, put first into Plymouth, and afterwards
into Portsmouth, and so met with a heavy loss, being
obliged to sell at lower prices. The pinnace met with no
better success. She was laden with a cargo of corfish caught
on the banks, as full as she could float ; and besides she
had some 800 lbs. of beaver, as well as other furs to a
good value, from the plantation. The captain seeing so
much lading, wished to put aboard the bigger ship, for
greater safety ; but as Mr. Winslow, their agent in the busi-
ness, was bound in a bond of £500 to send it to London in
the small ship, there was some discussion between the cap-
tain and him about it. But he told the captain he must
obey his orders about it, or ignore them at his peril. So
the furs went in the small ship, and he sent bills of lading
in both. The captain of the big ship was so careful, both
vessels being so well-laden, that he towed the small ship
at his stern all the way over. So they went joyfully home
together, and had such fine weather that he never cast her
off till they were well within the England channel, almost
in sight of Plymouth. But even there she was unhap-
pily taken by a Turkish man of war, and carried off to
Sailer, where the captain and crew were made slaves, and
many of the beaver skins were sold for 46.. a piece. Thus
all their hopes were dashed, and the joyful news they meant
to carry home was turned to heavy tidings. Some thought
this was the hand of God in punishment for their too great
exaction of the poor colony; but God's judgments are
unsearchable, nor dare I make bold with them. However,
it shows us the uncertainty of all human things, and how
foolish it is to take pleasure in them or trust to them.

In the big ship Captain Standish was sent over from
the settlement, with instructions and letters both to their
friends of the company and to the honourable Council of

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 167

New England. They requested the company, since they
only meant to let them have goods for sale, that they
might have them upon easier terms, as they would never be
able to bear such high interest or allow so much per cent;
and that they should send goods which were useful and
suitable to them. They wished the company to be in-
formed of the contents of the letter to the Council of New
England. This letter sought the Council's favour and help,
and asked that the adventurers who had forsaken them
might be brought to order and not keep the colony bound
while they themselves went free ; and that they might either
stand by their former agreement, or else reach some fair
conclusion by dividend or composition. But he arrived
at a very bad time, for the country was full of trouble,
and the plague very deadly in London, so that no busi-
ness could be done. However, he spoke with some of
the honoured Council, who promised all possible help to
the colony. Several of the friendly adventurers were so
reduced by their losses last year, and now by the ship
taken by the Turks, and the decreased profits on their
fish, and such multitudes in London were dying weekly
of the plague, that all trade was dead and little money
was available; so that with great difficulty he raised £150
(and spent a good deal of it in expenses) at 50 per cent,
which he expended on trading goods and such other com-
modities as he knew they needed. He returned as passenger
on a fishing ship, having made good preparations for the
settlement that was afterwards made with the adventurers.
In the meantime it pleased the Lord to give the planta-
tion peace and health and contented minds, and so to bless
their labours that they had sufficient corn, and some to
spare for others, besides other food. After harvest this
year, they sent out a boat-load of com 40 or 50 leagues to
the eastward, up a river called the Kennebec. The boat

168 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

they sent was one of the two shallops their carpenter had
built them the year before; for they had nothing bigger.
They laid a little deck over her midships to keep the corn
dry, but the men had to make the best of all weathers with-
out shelter, — and that time of year it begins to be rough.
But God preserved them and gave them success. They
brought home £700 worth of beaver, besides some other
furs, having little or nothing else for trading with but this
corn which they themselves had raised out of the earth.
This voyage was made by Mr. Winslow and some of the
old standers, for they had no sailors.

ICHAPTER Vn

Standish retiu'ns from England — ^Deatli of John Robinson:
and Robert Cushman — Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan
—Isaac Allerton goes to England — Small ship built: 1626.

About the beginning of April they heard of Captain
Standish's arrival, and sent a boat to fetch him home with
the things he had brought. He was welcome; but the
news he brought was sad in many regards ; not only as
to the losses which their friends had suffered, but also the
tidings that Mr. John Robinson, their old pastor, was dead,
which saddened them much and not without cause. Their
adversaries had been long plotting to hinder his coming
hither; but tlie Lord had appointed him a better place.
An account of his death is given in these few lines written
to the Governor and Mr. Brewster.

A letter from Roger White at Leyden to Governor Bradford

and William Brewster at Neiv Plymouth:
Loving and kind Friends,

I do not know whether this will ever come to your hands, or
miscarry as my other letters have done. But because of the Lord's
dealing with us here, I have had a great wish to write to you,
knowing your desire to participate with us both in our joj's and
sorrows, as we do with you. This is to givf" you to understand
that it has pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your and
our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear and reverend brother,
Mr. John Robinson, who was ill for some eight days. He began
to sicken on Saturday morning; yet next day (being the Lord's
day) he taught us twice. The week after he grew daily weaker,
but was without pain. The physic he took seemed to benefit him,
but he grew weaker every day, though he remained sensible to the
last. He fell sick on Feb. 22nd, and departed this life on March
1st. He suffered from a continual inward ague, but was free from

X69

170 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

infection, so that all his friends came to see him. If cither prayers or
tears or care could have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But
he having faithfully finished his course, and performed the work
•which the Lord had appointed him here to do, now rests with the
Lord in eternal happiness. Since his going our Church lacks a
governor ; yet we still continue by the mercy of God, and hold close
together in peace and quietness ; and so hope to do, though we are
very weak. We wish (if such were the will of God) that you and
we were again united, either there or here ; but seeing it is the will
of the Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour with patience
to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. As
for news, there is not much. In England we have lost our old
King James, who departed this life about a month ago ; and here
thej' have lost the old prince. Grave Maurice; both having departed
this life since my brother Robinson. In England we have a new
king, Charles, of whom there is great hope; here they have put
Prince Henry in his brother's place. Thus with my love remem-
bered, I take leave and rest.

Your assured loving friend,
Leydm, April 2Sth, 1625. ROGER WHITE.

Thus these two great princes and the colonists' old pastor
left this world about the same time: Death makes no
difference.

Captain Standish further brought them notice of the
death of their early friend, Mr. Cushman, whom the Lord
took away also this year, and who had been their right
hand with tlieir friends, the adventurers, and for many
years had undertaken all their business with them to great
advantage. He had written to the Governor but a few
months before of the serious illness of Mr. James Sherley,
one of the chief friends of the plantation, who lay at the
point of death, praising his love and helpfulness in every-
thing, and much bemoaning the loss his death would be to
them, for he was the stay and life of the whole business;
also that he proposed to come over this year and spend
the rest of his days with them. But he who thus wrote
of another's illness, knew not his own death was so near.
It shows that a man's ways are not in his own power, but

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIMENT 171

in His hands, Who has the issue of life and death. Man
may propose, but God doth dispose.

Their other friends from Leyden wrote many sad letters
to them, lamenting the heavy loss of their pastor, and
though they would gladly come to them, they saw no prob-
ability of it, but concluded that all their hopes were at an
end; and besides, many, being aged, began to drop away
by death.

They were greatly perplexed — and not without cause.
But they took courage, and the Lord so helped them.
Whose work they had in hand, that now when they seemed
at the lowest ebb they began to rise again; and being
stripped as it were of all human helps and props, by His
divine providence they were not only upheld and sustained,
but their example was both honoured and imitated by
others; as the sequel will show if the Lord spare me life
and time to unfold it.

Having now no fishing business or other things to attend
to besides their trading and planting, they set themselves to
follow them with the best industry they could. The settlers
finding that their spare: corn was a commodity worth six
shillings a bushel, spared no pains in sowing it. The Gov-
ernor and those appointed to manage the trade (for it was
still retained for the general benefit, and none were allowed
to trade for themselves) co-operated; so, lacking goods to
trade with, and hearing that a settlement which had been
at Monhegan and belonged to some merchants at Plymouth
was to break up, and many useful goods were to be sold,
the Governor and Mr. Winslow took a boat and some
hands and went there. Mr. David Thomson, who lived
at Piscataqua, learning their purpose, took the opportunity
to go with them; but lest their competition for the goods
should raise the prices, they agreed to buy them all and
(divide them e;iually between them. They also bought

172 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

some goats, which they distributed amongst the colonists
as they thought fit in exchange for corn. Their share
of the goods came to above £400 sterUng. That same
spring a French ship had been wrecked at Sagadahoc,
containing many Biscay rugs and other commodities,
"which had fallen into the hands of these people and some
fishermen at Damariscove Islands who had been taken into
partnership; and these extras increased their share of the
purchase to £500. This they made shift to pay for, chiefly
with beaver and goods they had got tlie winter before, and
what they had obtained that summer. Mr. Thomson hav-
ing somewhat exceeded his resources, asked them to re-
lieve him of some of his purchase; but they declined to
take any but the French goods, and on the understanding
that the merchant who was selling them, and who was
a Bristol man, would take their bill to be paid next year;
to which both parties agreed. By this means they were
well furnished with articles for trading, and were able to
take up some of their previous engagement, such as the
money raised by Captain Standish and the balance of
former debts. With these goods and their corn when
harvested they traded profitably, and were able to meet
their engagements punctually and get some clothing for
the people, and still had some supplies in hand. But soon
they began to be emulated, and others went and supplied
the Indians with corn, and beat down the price, giving
them twice as much as they had done, and under-traded
them with other articles too.

This year they sent Mr. Allerton to England, and gave
him instructions to settle with the adventurers upon as
good terms as he could, for which composition Captain
Standish had paved the way the year before. They en-
joined him not to conclude absolutely till they knew the
terms and had well considered them, but to arrange pre-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 173

liminaries as well as he could, and refer the conclusion to
■hem. They also gave him commission under their hands
md seals to raise some money, provided it did not exceed
the sum specified, for which they engaged themselves, and
instructed him how to expend it for the use of the planta-
tion.

Finding that they ran great risks in going such long voy-
ages in a small open boat, especially during the winter, they
began to think how they could get a small pinnace. It
was the more necessary since others were paying the In-
dians half as much corn again as they had formerly given,
and in such a small boat they could not carry a quantity
sufficient for their purposes. They had no ship-builder
among them, nor did they know how to get one at present ;
but they had an ingenious man who was a house carpenter,
who had worked under the ship-builder who died, when he
was building their boats. So at their request he tried his
skill, and took one of the biggest of their shallops, sawed
her across the middle, lengthened her about five or six feet,
strengthened her with timbers, built her up, and decked her
and made her a convenient and serviceable vessel, suitable
for their use. They got her finished and fitted with sails
and anchors for the coming year; and she did them service
for seven years.

Thus passed the affairs of this year.

CHAPTER Vm

Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between Adven-
tiu-ers in England and the Settlement — Division of land and
live-stock among the Colonists — Hospitality given to Fells-
Sibsie Settlers — Pinnace and Depot at Manomet — Allerton re-
tiuTis to England — Greetings between Dutch Colony at New
Amsterdam and Plymouth Settlement — Leading Colonists
become responsible for pui'chase of Adventurers' shares In
England and buy rights of the Settlements' trading from the
general body of Colonists for six years: 1627.

At the usual season of the arrival of ships Mr. Allerton
returned, and brought some useful goods with him accord-
ing to the orders given him. As commissioned, he had
raised £200, which he got at 30 per cent. They got the
goods safely home and in good condition. He told them,
also, how witli much ado he had arranged for a settlement
with the adventurers, with the help of several of their
faithful friends there. Of the agreement or bargain he had
brought a draft with a list of their names annexed, drawn
by the best counsel of law they could get, to make it bind-
ing. The body of it I insert here.

To all Christian people, greeting, etc.

Whereas at a meeting on the 26th of October last, several persons
•whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a
schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New Plymouth in New
England in America, agreed, in consideration of the sum of one
thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid (in manner
and form following) to sell and make sale of all the stocks, shares,
lands, merchandise, and chattels, whatsoever, to the said adventurers
and their fellow adventurers to New Plj-mouth aforesaid, in any
w^ay accruing or belonging to the generality of the said adventurers
aforesaid ; as well as for any sum or sums of money or merchandise

174

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 175

at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them howso-
ever; for the better setting forth and expression of the said agree-
ment the parties to these presents subscribing, do for themselves
severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, alien, sell,
and transfer, all the said shares, goods, lands, merchandise, and
chattels, to them belonging as aforesaid to Isaac Allerton, one of
the planters resident at New Plymouth aforesaid, assigned and
sent over as agent for the rest of the planters there, and to such
other planters at New Plymouth aforesaid as the said Isaac, his
heirs or assigns, at his or their arrival, shall by writing or other-
wise think fit to join or partake in the premises, their heirs and
assigns, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner and form, to all
intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here
could or may do or perform. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc.,
to the said adventurers allotted, apportioned, or in any way be-
longing, the said adventurers do warrant and defend unto the said
Isaac Allerton, his heirs and assigns, against them, their heirs and
assigns, by these presents. And therefore the said Isaac Allerton,
does, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant
to and with the adventurers whose names are hereunto subscribed,
their heirs, etc., well and truly to paj', or cause to be paid, to the
said adventurers, or 5 of them which were at that meeting afore-
said, nominated and deputed, viz. : John Pocock, John Beauchamp,
Robert Kean, Edward Bass, and James Sherley, merchants, their
heirs, etc., to and for the use of the generality of them, the sum
of £1800 of lawful money of England, at the place appointed for
the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royal Exchange
in London, by £200 yearly, and every year, on the feast of St.
Michael, the first payment to be made A. D. 1628, . . . Also the said
Isaac is to endeavour to procure and obtain from the planters of
New Plymouth aforesaid, security, by several obligations, or writ-
ings obligatory, to make pa>-ment of the said sum of £1800 in
form aforesaid, according to the true meaning of these presents.
In testimony whereof to this part of these presents remaining with
the said Isaac Allerton, the said subscribing adventurers have set
their names, . . . And to the other part remaining with the said
adventurers the .'■■aid Isaac Allerton has subscribed his name, the
15th Nov., 1626, in the second year of his majesty's reign.

John White William Quarles John Ling

John Pocock Daniel PojTiton Thomas Goffe

Robert Kean Richard Andrews . Samuel Sharpe

Edward Bass Newman Rookes Robert Holland

William Hobson Henry Prowning James Sherley

William Pennington Richard Wright Thomas Mott

176 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

Thomas Fletcher Emnti. Alltham William Perrin

Timothy Hatherley John Beauchamp Eliza Knight

Thomas Brewer Thomas Hudson Thomas Coventry

John Thorned Thomas Andrews Robert Alden

Myles Knowles Thomas Ward Lawrence Anthony

William Collier Fria. Newbald John Knight

John Revell Thomas Heath Matthew Thornhill

Peter Gudburn Joseph Tilden Thomas Millsop

This agreement was approved by all the plantation, and
consented to, though they did not know just how to raise
the payment, and meet other engagements, and supply the
yearly wants of the colony, since they were forced to
raise money or purchase goods at such high interest to
supply themselves with necessities. However, they under-
took it, and seven or eight of the chief members became
jointly bound for the payment of the ii8oo, on behalf of
the rest, at the days set. It was a great risk as things
stood at present. At the return of their agent it was abso-
luely confirmed on both sides, and the bargain was fairly
engrossed on parchment, and many things put into better
form by the advice of the most learned counsel they could
get; and to prevent forfeiture of the whole, for non-pay-
ment on any of the days, it ran thus: to forfeit thirty
shillings a week if they missed the time.

Now there were some unsuitable people among them from
the first who came from England, and others sent later
by some of the adventurers, concerning whom the Governor
and Council had seriously to consider how to settle things
in regard to this new bargain, in respect of the distribution
of things both for the present and future. For the present,
unless peace and unity were preserved, they would be able
to do nothing, but would endanger everything. So they
decided to include all in the partnership — i. e. either heads
of families or single young men of ability who were free
and able to be helpful to the commonwealth; for, first;.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 177

they had need of men for defence and carrying on business ;
secondly most of them had borne their part in former
miseries, and ought to be allowed to partake of the greater
prosperity, if the Lord were pleased to give it.

So they called the company together and conferred with
them, and came to the conclusion that the trade should be
managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all
eligible persons should be enrolled as purchasers, single
free men to have a single share, and every father of a fam-
ily to be allowed to purchase as many shares as there were
members of his family, — that is to say one for himself, one
for his wife, and one for every child that he had living with
him. As for ser\^ants, they had none, except what their
masters gave them out of theirs, or their deserts should
gain them from the company afterwards. The shares were
allotted accordingly, and everyone was to pay his propor-
tion towards the purchase and all other debts which the
profits derived from trading did not cover. This gave
satisfaction to all.

The cattle they had were divided first, in this propor-
tion: a cow to six persons or shares, and two goats to the
same, the stock being first equalised in value according
to age and quality, and then drawn for by lots. Pigs,
though more numerous, were dealt with similarly. Then
they agreed that every person or share should have twenty
acres of land allotted to them, besides the single acres they
owned already. Those appointed to make the allotment
were instructed to begin first on one side of the town, up
to a certain distance, and then on the other side, similarly;
and to include only tillable land, — or at least such of it as
was along the water-side, as most of it was, — and to leave
the rest as common land. They were all to agree as to
the fitness of it before the lots were drawn, to avoid dis-
satisfaction afterwards. For the same rea.'"^n th^y agreed

178 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

by mutual consent, before any lots were drawn, that those
whose land was nearest the town should choose a neighbour
or two whom they would allow to plant corn with them
for four years ; and afterwards they should be allowed to
use as much of theirs for the same period if they wished.
Every plot of twenty acres was to be laid out five acres in
breadth along tl;e water side and four acres in length,
excepting nooks and corners which were to be measured to
best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at
all; nor were they for many years after, because of the
scarceness of meadow land. If they had been given out
now, it would have hindered later developments ; so each
season everyone was shown where to mow, according to
the proportion of cattle he had, and the fodder he re-
quired.

This distribution gave general satisfaction, and settled
men's minds. They gave the Governor and four or five
leading men among them the houses they lived in; the
other houses were valued, and equalised fairly, and everyone
kept his own; so that he who had a better house made
some allowance to him who had a worse, according to the
valuation.

One thing which occurred at the beginning of the pre-
vious winter I have deferred mentioning till now, so that
I might handle it altogether. A ship with goods and
many passengers aboard, bound for Virginia, lost herself
at sea, either through the incompetence of the captain,
or his illness, — for he was so ill with scurvy that he could
only lie at the cabin door and give directions, — and it
seemed he was poorly helped by the mate and the crew;
or perhaps the fear and unruliness of the passengers made
them steer a course between the southwest and the north-
west, so that they might make land the sooner. They
had been six weeks at sea, and had no water or beer or

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 179

wood left, having burnt up all their empty casks. One
of the passengers had a hogshead of wine or two, which
was alipost used up, and they feared they would be starved
at sea or wiped out by disease, — and so they ran this
desperate course. But it pleased God that though they
either only just avoided the shoals of Cape Cod, or else
ran stumbling over them in the night they knew not how,
they made right towards a small blind harbour which lies
about in the middle of Manamoick Bay, to the south of
Cape Cod; and about high water they touched upon a
bar of sand that lies across it, but took no harm, the sea
being smooth; so they put out an anchor. But towards
the evening the wind sprang up at sea, and it was so rough
that their cable broke and they were beaten over the bar
into the harbour, where they saved their lives and their
cargo, though much was injured by salt water, for in the
storm they had sprung the butt-end of a plank or two and
beat out their oakum; but they were soon over, and ran
onto a dry flat within the harbour, close by the beach.
So at low water they got out their goods and dried those
that were wet, and saved most of their things without any
great loss ; nor was the ship so badly damaged but that she
might be mended and made serviceable again. But though
they were glad that they had saved their lives, when they
had refreshed themselves a little they began to realize
their condition, and not knowing where they were or
what they should do they lost heart. Shortly after, they
saw some Indians coming to them in canoes, which made
them stand upon their guard. But when they heard some
of the Indians speak English to them, they were relieved,
especially when they asked if they were the Governor
of Plymouth's men, or friends of theirs, and offered to
guide them to the English settlement or carry their letters.
They feasted these Indians and gave them many pres-

180 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

ents, and sent two of their men and a letter with them
to the Governor, and begged him to send a boat to them
with some pitch and oakum and spikes and various other
necessaries to mend their ship. They also asked him to
help them with some corn and several other things they
wanted, to enable them to continue their voyage to Vir-
ginia. They promised to pay for anything they received
in any goods which they had aboard. After the Governor
had been informed by the messengers of their condition,
he had a boat got ready with the supplies they needed,
and as the other more responsible members of the colony
were away trading, he went himself and took some trad-
ing goods, too, to buy corn from the Indians. It was no
season of the year to go outside the Cape: but knowing
where the ship lay, he coasted along the lower side of the
Bay and put into a creek called Namskeket, where it is
not much above two miles overland to the bay where they
were ; and he had Indians ready to carry over anything
to them. They were very glad of his arrival, and of the
things to mend their ship, and other necessaries. He also
brought them as much corn as they wanted ; and some of
their sailors having run away among the Indians, he had
them sent back to the ship, and so left them well provided
and very grateful for the courtesies shown them.

After the Governor left them, he went into some other
harbours near there, and loaded his boat with com, which
he traded, and then went home. He had not been home
many days before he received word from them that in
a violent storm, owing to the bad mooring of the ship
after she had been mended, she was driven ashore again,
and so beaten that she was wholly unfit to go to sea.
So their request was that they might have leave to come
to them and live with them, till they could convey them-
selves to Virginia. If they might have means to transport

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEISIENT 181

their goods, they would pay for it and for anything else
with which the plantation could provide them. Consider-,
ing their distress all their requests were granted, and all;
help rendered them, — their goods transported and they
themselves accommodated in their houses as well as they
could.

The chief among these people were a Mr. Fells and a
Mr. Sibsie, who had a number of servants belonging to
them, many of them Irish. Some others had a servant or
two each ; but most of the people were themselves ser-
vants and were engaged by the two men mentioned above,
who owned most of the cargo. After they had arrived
and were settled, the masters asked for some land to
employ their servants upon, since it was likely to be the
latter end of the year before they could get passage for
Virginia, and they had now the winter before them. If
they had opportunity to take passage before the crop was
ripe, they would sell it standing. So they had ground ,
allotted in convenient places, and Fells and some of them
grew a great deal of corn which they sold at their de-
parture. This Fells, amongst his other servants, had a maid-
servant who kept his house and did his household affairs;
and, as was intimated by some who were with him, he was
suspected of keeping her as his concubine. Both of them
were questioned as to this, but nothing could be proved
and they stood upon their justification; so they were dis-
missed with admonition. But afterwards it appeared she
was with child, so he got a small boat and ran away with
her for fear of punishment. First he went to Cape Ann,
and afterwards to the Bay of Massachusetts ; but he could
get no passage and was nearly wrecked, so he was forced
to come back and submit himself. So they packed him
away and those that belonged to him at the first oppor-
tunity, and dismissed all the rest as soon as they could.

182 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

as there were many undesirable people among them, though
they were also some who behaved themselves very well
all the time they stayed. And the plantation benefited
by selling them corn and other provisions in exchange
for clothing of which they had a variety, such as cloth,
perpetuanes and other stuffs, besides stockings and shoes
and such like goods, which the planters stood in need of.
So the advantage was mutual, and a couple of barks took
them away at the latter end of the summer. Several
of them have since acknowledged their gratitude from
Virginia.

So that they might lose no opportunity of trading, the
settlers decided to build a small pinnace at Manomet, a
place on the sea 20 miles to the southward of them, to-
wards which ran a creek, so that they could convey their
goods to within four or five miles of it, and then transport
them over-land to their vessel, and so avoid rounding Cape
Cod, with its dangerous shoals. By this means they could
make voyages southward in much shorter time and with
far less danger. For the safety of their vessel and goods
they built a house and kept some servants there, who also
planted corn and kept swine and were always ready to
go out with the bark when needed. It was a satisfactory
and profitable enterprise.

With the return of the ships they sent Mr. Allerton to
England again, giving him full power under their hands
and seals to conclude the former bargain with the adven-
turers, and sent them bonds for the payment of the money.
They also sent what beaver they could spare to meet some
of their engagements and to defray his expenses; but the
high rates of interest left them Httle margin. He had
orders to procure a patent for a suitable trading-house on
the river Kennebec ; for the settlers at Piscataqua and other
places to the eastward of them, and also the fishing ships.

THE PLYlViOUTH SETTLEMENT 183

competed with them for the trade of the Indians, and
threatened by procuring a grant to exclude them from
thereabouts, — and they found they were so well furnished
with goods for the purpose that they might take all the
trade from them. They thought it essential to prevent
this, and at least to preserve free-trade for themselves in
locahties which they themselves had first discovered and
developed.

This year they received letters and messengers from
the Dutch colony sent to them from the Governor there,
written both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded
to the south of them several years before they came, but
had made no settlement there till four or five years after
their arrival at New Plymouth. Their letters were as fol-
lows— it being their custom to be full of complimental
titles.

I shall render it in English, leaving out the superfluous
titles from the body of the letter.

The Dutch colonists at Manhattan to the Settlers at New Plymouth:

Noble, worshipful, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and
Councillors residing at New Plymouth, our very dear friends:

The Director and Council of New Netherlands wish to your
Lordships, worshipful, wise and prudent, happiness in Christ
Jesus Our Lord, with prosperity and health in soul and body.

We have often before this wished for an opportunity to con-
gratulate you on your prosperous and praiseworthy undertakings,
and the Government of your colony there; the more so, since we
also have made a good beginning in the foundation of a colony
here, and because our native country is not far from yours, and
our forefathers many years ago formed friendship and alliance
with your ancestors both for war and trade, confirmed under the
hands of kings and princes. These have not only been confirmed
by the king now reigning, but it has pleased his majesty, upon
mature deliberation, to make a new alliance to take up arms against
our common enemy the Spaniard, who seeks to usurp the lands of
other Christian kings so that he may obtain his pretended mon-
archy over all Christendom, and so rule at his pleasure over the

184 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

consciences of so many hundred thousand souls; which God forbid!

It appears that some of our people, who happened to go north-
ward in their boat, met some Indians, who told them that they
were within half a day's journey of your plantation, and offered to
take letters to you; so we could not forbear to salute you with
these few lines, bearing our good will and service to you, in all
friendly kindness and neighbourhood. If it should happen that any
goods that come to us from our native country may be serviceable I
to you, we shall feel ourselves bound to accommodate j^ou either
for beaver or any other merchandise. Should we have no goods at
present that you want, if you care to sell us any beaver, or otter,
or such, for readj' money, and let us hear in writing by this bearer,
whom we have instructed to wait three or four days for your
answer, we will depute some one to deal with you at any place you
may appoint. In the meantime we pray the Lord to take you, our
honoured friends and neighbours, into His holy protection.

By the appointment of the Governor and Council, etc.

ISAAC DE RASIERES, Secretary.

From Manhattan, in the Fort of Amsterdam. March gth, 1627.

To this they answered as follows :

From the Settlement at New Plymouth to the Dutch Colony at
New Amsterdam:

To the honoured, etc.

The Governor and Council of New Plymouth, wishes, etc. We
have received your letters, expressing your good-will and friendship
towards us, but with over high titles, more than is our right, or
it is fitting for us to receive. But for your good-will and con-
gratulations of our prosperity in these small beginnings of our
poor colony, we are much obliged to you, and acknowledge them
with many thanks, accepting them as a great honour to us and a
sure proof of your love and good neighbourhood.

This is also to give your worships to understand, that it is no
small joy to us to hear that his majesty has not only been pleased
to confirm the ancient alliances and other contracts formerly made
by his predecessors of famous memory, but has himself (as you
say) strengthened them with a new bond, the better to resist the
pride of that common enemy, the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the
Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now though this were
sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighbourhood in
all our dealings, many of us are under further obligations for the
courteous treatment we received in your counti-y, having lived therg

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 185

for many years in freedom, as many of our friends do to this day;
for which we and our children after us are bound to be grateful
to your nation, and shall never forget it, but shall heartily desire
3'our good and prosperity as our own, forever.

Your friendly offer to accommodate us with any merchandise you
may have, either for beaver or otter or other wares, is also very
acceptable, and we doubt not we shall shortly have profitable trade
together. This year we are fully supplied with all necessaries,
clothing, etc., though later we shall hope to deal with you, if your
rates are reasonable. When you send to us again we shall like to
know what price you give for beaver per pound, and otter per
skin ; and on what per cent j'ou will deal for other commodities, and
what you can supply us with; also what other goods from us
would be acceptable to you, as tobacco, fish, corn, etc., and what
prices you will give, etc.

We hope you will pardon us for our imperfect writing in your
language, and take it in good part; through want of practice we
cannot so well express what we understand, nor understand every-
thing as full we should. We humbly pray the Lord for His
mercy's sake that He will take both us and you into His gracious
keeping and protection.

By the Governor and Council of New Plymouth,

Your Worships' very good friends and neighbours, etc.
New Plymouth, March igth.

After this there was much correspondence and other
intercourse, and they traded profitably together for sev-
eral years, till other things interrupted it, as will appear
afterwards.

Before they sent Mr. Allerton to England this year, the
Governor and some of the principal members seriously
considered how best to discharge the many obligations
which lay so heavily upon them, and also how, if possible,
to bring over some of their friends at Leyden, who wished
so much to come to them, and whose company they de-
sired equally. To effect this, the leading men of the col-
ony resolved upon a venturesome course, not knowing
how to accomplish their objects otherwise. This was, that
they should purchase the trade of the settlement (now
Qwned jointly by the settlers, as a body, and by the adven-

18G bhadford's history of

turers) for a certain period, and in that time to undertake
to pay the £1800, and all the rest of the debts of the plan-
tation then owing, which amounted to about £600 more ;
the trade of the settlement to revert to the common own-
ership at the end of the period. Upon coming to this res-
olution they called the settlers together, and made it clear
to them what all their debts amounted to, and upon what
terms they would undertake to pay them in a given time.
But their other objects they were obliged to conceal, only
privately consulting some of their most trusted friends
about it. So after some discussion with the colonists, it
was agreed to, and the contract drawn up on the following
condition.

Articles of Agreement bctrvcen the Colony of Nezv Plymouth of
the one part, and IVilliam Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, Isaac
Allcrton, etc., of the other part; and such others as they shall think
good to take as partners in the trade for beaver and other fttrs and
commodities, etc. Made July, 1^27.

1. First it is agreed and covenanted between the said parties, that
the aforesaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and Isaac
Allerton, etc., have undertaken and do by these presents covenant
and agree to pay, discharge, and acquit the said colony of all debts
due for the purchase or otherwise, on the date of these presents.

2. The above said parties are to have and freely enjoy the pin-
nace lately built, the boat at Manomet, and the shallop called the
bass-boat, with all implements belonging to them in the store of
the said company; with the whole stock of furs, fells, beads, corn,
wampum, hatchets, knives, etc., now in the store, or due to the same
upon account.

3. That the above said parties have the whole trade to them-
selves, their heirs and assigns, with all the privileges thereof, as the
said colony does now, and may use the same for six full years to
come, to begin the last day of September next ensuing.

4. In further consideration of the discharge of the said debts,
each member of the colony promises and covenants j'early to pay
or cause to be paid to the above said parties during the full term
of the above said six years, three bushels of corn or six lbs. of
tobacco, at the choice of the parties.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 187

5. The said parties shall during the aforesaid term expend £50
per annum in hose and shoes to be brought over for the colony's
use, to be sold to them for corn at six shillings per bushel.

6. That the end of the said term of six years, the whole trade
shall revert to the use and benefit of the said colony as before.

7. Lastly, if the aforesaid parties, after they have acquainted
their friends in England with these covenants, do thereupon resolve
to perform them, and undertake to discharge the debts of the said
colonj', according to the true meaning and intent of these presents,
they are then upon notice given to stand in full force; otherwise
all things to remain as they were formerly, and a true account to
be given to the said colony of the disposition of everything as usual.

Mr. Allerton took a copy of this agreement to England,
and had orders to arrange with some of their special
friends there to join with them in this trade upon the above
conditions, and also to impart to them confidentially the
other object that induced them to take this course, that is,
to bring over some of their friends from Leyden, if possible ;
and to tell them that if any of them would join with tliem
they would thankfully accept their partnership ; and finally,
by letter, gave them some grounds for their hope of ac-
complishing it advantageously for all concerned.

CHAPTER IX

Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading
New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London
adventurers — Patent for Kennebec River procured — Further
Dutch intercourse^ — Trade in Wampum begun — Troubles with
Morton in Massachusetts — John Endicott's arrival — Morton
trades guns and ammunition to the Indians — Morton appre-
hended— Troubles begin with Isaac Allerton: 1628.

After Mr. AUerton's arrival in England, he informed the
adventurers of his commission to make the purchase of the
trade of the colony for six years, and upon delivery of
the bonds for the yearly payments it was finally concluded,
and a deed engrossed in parchment v^'as dehvered to him
under their hands and seals confirming it. He also ar-
ranged w^ith some special friends among them, as instructed,
to participate in the purchase, and to supply them vv^ith
money at better rates, etc. Concerning this I insert here
a letter from Mr. Sherley to the Governor throwing light on
what followed.

James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:

Sir,

I have received yours of May 26th through Mr. Gibbs and Mr.
Goffe, with the barrel of otter skins, for which I got a bill of store,
and sold them for £78-12-0 sterling; and Mr. Allerton has received
the money as will appear by the account. It is true, as you write,
that your obligations are large, not only for the purchase but for the
working stock you will require, which you cannot raise at 6 or 8 per
cent, as here but must pay 30, 40 and even 50 per cent. Were not
your profits considerable, and God's blessing on your honest en-
deavours more than ordinary, you could not long be masters of your
^flfairs. And this, it seems, your honest and able agent, Mr. Aller-

188

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 189

Hon, has seriously considered. He tells me that you are willing
to permit me and some few others to join with you as partners
in the purchase; I thank you and all the rest, and gladly accept,
and though absent, shall willingly be at such expense as you and
the rest think proper. This year I am prepared to forego the £50
due and the two years' increase for the venture, which comes in
all to iSo, without making any condition for the profit,— you with
the rest to bear the risk outward and homeward. I have persuaded
Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do the same, so that you
will not have to bear the high rate of the previous two years.
We leave it freely to yourselves to allow us what you please, and
according as God shall bless us. Whatever course I take, Mr.
Beauchamp is willing to do the same; and though he may have
seemed rather harsh before, you will find he is now new moulded.
I also see by your letter that you desire me to be your agent here.
I have ever found you such faithful, honest, and upright men, that
I have resolved to do you all the good that lies in my power; so
if you please to select so inadequate a man to perform your busi-
ness, I promise to do the best I can with the ability the Lord has
given me; and wherein I fail, blame yourselves that you did not
make a better choice. As I am not in good health, and we are all
mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to associate Mr. Beauchamp
with me as your deputy, which is both necessary and advisable for
you, and will cost you no more, for it is not the salary that induces
me to undertake your business. Thus commending you and yours
and all God's people to the guidance and protection of the Al-
mighty, I ever rest.

Your faithful, loving friend,
London, Nov. 17th, 1628. JAMES SHERLEY.

With this letter he sent a draft of power of attorney
to be sealed and returned to them, authorizing them to
act as their agents. As some trouble arose about it after-
wards, I will insert it.

To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting ; know ye that
we, William Bradford, Governor of New Pymouth, in New Eng-
land, in America, Isaac Allerton, Myles Standish, William
Brewster, and Edward Winslow, of New Plymouth aforesaid,
merchants, do by these presents for us and in our names make,
substitute, and appoint James Sherley, goldsmith, and John Beau-
champ, Salter, citizens of London, our true and lawful agents,
factors, substitutes, and assigns; as well to take and receive all

190 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

such goods, wares, merchandise whatsoever as to our said sub-
stitutes or either of them, or to the city of London, or other
place of the Realm of England, shall be sent, transported, or come
from us or any of us; as also to vend, sell, barter, or exchange the
said goods, wares, and merchandise, so from time to time to be
sent to such person or persons upon credit, or otherwise in such
manner as to our said agents and factors jointly, or to either of
them severally, shall seem proper. And further we make and
ordain our said substitutes and assigns jointly and severally for us,
and to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consign for us and to
us to New England aforesaid, such goods and merchandise to be
provided here, and to be returned hence as by our said assigns, or
either of them, shall be thought fit. And to recover, receive, and
demand for us and in our names all such debts and sums of money,
as now are or hereafter shall be due, incident, accruing, or belonging
to us, or any of us, by any ways or means; and to acquit, dis-
charge, or compound for any debt or sum of money, which nov/ or
hereafter shall be due or owing by any person or persons to us, or
any of us. And generally for us and in our names to do, perform,
and execute every act and thing which to our said assigns, or
either of them, shall seem proper to do, as fully and effectually, to
all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person
present. And whatsoever our said agents and factors jointly or
severally shall do, or cause to be done, in or about the premises,
we will and do, and each of us does ratify, allow, and confirm, by
these presents. In witness whereof we have hereunto put our
hands and seals.
Dated November i8th, 1628.

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named,
and four more of the principal members, under their hands
and seals, and delivered to them. Mr. Allerton had for-
merly received authority under their hands and seals for
transacting their business, raising money, etc., and this
deed he still retained while he was employed on these
affairs. Their complete trust in him and their other
friends made them remiss in cancelling such previous deeds,
which was a disadvantage to them later, as will appear in
due course.

Mr. Allerton having settled everything satisfactorily, re-
turned to the colony in the early spring of the year with

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 191

their supplies for trading, the fishermen with whom he came
being accustomed to sail in the winter and get here betimes.
He brought a fair stock of goods for the settlement, not
subject to such high interest, and an account of the beaver
sold and of the money expended for goods and the pay-
ment of other debts. He had discharged all engagements,
Except to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr, Andrews;
and from them he also brought an account, which amounted
to not above £400, for which he had given bonds. He
had also made the first payment for the purchase, due
this year, viz., £200, and brought them the bond for it,
duly cancelled. So they had now no foreign debts except
£400, odd, and the balance of the yearly purchase money.
They had some other debts over here, but they were with-
out interest, and they were in a position to discharge them
when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought
things for them.

Mr. Allerton also brought them notice that their friends
referred to above, with some others who wished to join
them in the trading and in the purchase, intended that a
reasonable number of the congregation at Leyden should
be sent over next year without fail, if the Lord pleased
to bless their journey. He also brought them a patent
for Kennebec; but it was so inadequate that they were
obliged to endeavour to renew and enlarge it the next year,
and also that which they had at home, at great expense,
as will appear. Hitherto Mr. Allerton had done them good
and faithful service: would that he had so continued, or
that they had now ceased employing him any longer in
England. But of this more afterwards.

Having procured a patent for Kennebec, they erected
a house in the most convenient place for trade up the river,
and stocked it with goods for that purpose, both for winter
and summer; not only with corn, but with such other

192 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

commodities as the fishermen had traded to them, such
as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuits, peas, prunes, etc.
What they could not procure from England they bought
from the fishing ships and so carried on their business as
well as they could.

This year the Dutch visited them again. With kind
letters from the colony they sent a variety of goods, such <
as sugar, linen, Holland finer and coarser stufifs, etc.]
Their secretary de Rasieres. came with them in their bark
to Manomet, to the house the settlers had established there. ^
He brought attendants, and his coming was heralded by
trumpets. He requested them to send a boat to take him
on to New Plymouth, as he could not travel so far over-
land. So they sent a boat to Manoanscussett, and brought
him to the plantation with most of his people. After
some few days' entertainment he returned to his bark, and
some of the leading settlers went with him and bought
some of his goods. After this beginning they often sent
over to them, and had intercourse for many years.

Amongst other commodities they sold the Dutch a good
deal of tobacco in exchange for linen, stuffs, etc.; and
tobacco was profitably traded with them by the New
Plymouth colony, till the Virginians learned of the Dutch
settlement. But what become most profitable, in time, was
the beginning they then made in the trade for wampum.
They bought i;5o worth of it from the Dutch who told
them how much they sold of it at Fort Orange, and as-
sured them they would find it so at Kennebec. At first
they could not sell it — in fact it was two years before they
cleared this small quantity. Afterwards, when the Indians
further inland began to know of it, for many years they
could scarcely get enough for them.

This, with their other sources of supply, reduced their
trade with the fishermen, and in the main also with the

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 193

scattered settlers. It was strange to see the great change
it wrought in a few years among the Indians themselves.
The natives of these parts and in Massachusetts hitherto
had none or very little of this wampum, except the Sachems
and some of the chiefs who wore a little of it for ornament.
It was, however, largely made and used by the Narra-
gansetts and Pequots, who grew rich and powerful while
the Indians here were poor and beggarly, and had no use for
it. Nor did the English of New Plymouth or any of the
other settlements, until told of it by the Dutch, so much
as know what it was, much less that it was a commodity
of such value. But after it grew to be valuable here,
the local Indians took to it too, and learned how to make
it, gathering the shells from the shores. It has remained
a current commodity now for about twenty years, and it
may prove a drug in time. In the meantime it makes the
tribes hereabouts rich and powerful and proud, and pro-
vides them with arms and powder and shot, through the
depravity of some unworthy persons, both English, Dutch,
and French, and likely to be the ruin of many. Hitherto
the Indians round here had no guns or other arms but
their bows and arrows, nor for many years after; they
scarcely dared handle guns, they were so afraid of them;
and the very sight of one, though out of kilter, was a
terror to them. But the Indians to the East who had
dealings with the French got guns from them, and in time
our English fishermen, with equal covetousness, followed
their example. But upon complaint it pleased the king's
majesty to prohibit it by a strict proclamation, command-
ing that no sort of arms or munition should be traded to
the Indians by his subjects.

Some three or four years before this there came over
one. Captain Wollaston, a man of fine qualities, with
three or four others of some distinction, who brought with

194 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

them a great many servants, with provisions and other
necessaries to found a settlement. They pitched upon a
place within Massachusetts, which they called, after their
Captain, Mount Wollaston. Among them was one, Mr.
Morton, who, it seems, had some small share witli them
in the enterprise, either on his own account or as an agent ;
but he was little respected amongst them and even slighted
by the servants. Having remained there some time, and
not finding things answer their expectations, Captain Wol-
laston took the majority of the servants to Virginia, where
he hired out their services profitably to other employers.
So he wrote up to I\Ir. Rasdell, one of the chief partners
who was acting as their merchant, to bring another party
of them to Virginia for the same purpose. With the
consent of Rasdell he appointed one, Pitcher, as his deputy,
to govern the remnant of the colony till one of them
should return. But Morton, in the others' absence, having
more craft than honesty — he had been a kind of petti-
fogger of Furnival's Inn — watched his opportunity when
rations were scarce with them, got some drink and other
junkets and made them a feast, and after they were
merry began to tell them he would give them good counsel.
"You see," says he, "that many of your comrades have
been taken to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdell
returns you too will be carried off and sold as slaves with
the rest. So I would advise you to oust this Lieutenant
Fitcher; and I, having a share in this settlement, will
take you as partners, and you will be free from service,
and we will trade, plant, and live together as equals, and
support and protect one another" — and so on. This ad-
vice was easily received; so they drove out Lieutenant
Fitcher and would not allow him to come amongst them,
forcing him to get food and other relief from his neigh-
bours, till he could get passage to England. They then

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 195

fell to utter licentiousness, and led a dissolute and pro-
fane life. Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained,
as it were, a school of Atheism. As soon as they acquired
some means by trading with the Indians, they spent it
in drinking wine and strong drinks to great excess, — as
some reported, iio worth in a morning! They set up
a Maypole, drinking and dancing about it for several days
at a time, inviting the Indian women for their consorts,
dancing and frisking together like so many fairies, — or
furies rather, — to say nothing of worse practices. It was
as if they had revived the celebrated feasts of the Roman
goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad Bac-
chanalians. Morton, to show his poetiy, composed sundry
verses and rhymes, some tending to lasciviousness and
others to the detraction and scandal of some persons,
affixing them to his idle, or idol, IMaypole. They changed
the name of the place, and instead of calling it Mount
Wollaston, they called it Merry Mount, as if this jollity
would last forever. But it did not continue long, for,
shortly after, Morton was sent back to England, as will
appear. In the meantime that worthy gentleman, Mr.
John Endicott, arrived from England, bringing over a
patent under the broad seal, for the government of Massa-
chusetts. Visiting this neighbourhood, he had the May-
pole cut down, and reprimanded them for their profaneness,
admonishing them to improve their way of living. In
consequence, others changed the name of their place again,
and called it Mount Dagon!

In order to maintain this riotous prodigality and excess,
Morton, hearing what profit the French and the fisher-
men had made by trading guns, powder, and shot to the
Indians, began to practise It hereabouts, teaching them
how to use them. Having instructed them, he employed

196 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

some of them to hunt and fowl for him, until they became
far more able than the English, owing to their swiftness
on foot and nimbleness of body, being quick-sighted, and
knowing the haunts of all sorts of game. With the result
that, when they saw what execution a gun would do and
the advantage of it, they were mad for them and would
pay any price for them, thinking their bows and arrows
but baubles in comparison.

And here I must bewail the mischief that this wicked
man began in this district, and w^hich, continued by men
that should know better, has now become prevalent, not-
withstanding the laws to the contrary. The result is that
the Indians are stocked with all kinds of arms, — fowling-
pieces, muskets, pistols, etc. They even have moulds to make
shots of all sorts, — musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan and
geese shot and smaller sorts. It is well known that they
often have powder and shot when the English lack it and
cannot get it, it having been bought up and sold to those
who trade it to the Indians at a shilling per pound — for
they will buy it at any price. This goes on while their
neighbours are being killed by the Indians every day, or
are only living at their mercy. They have even been told
how gun-powder is made, and all the materials that are
in it, and that they are to be had in their own land ; and I
am confident that if they could only get saltpeter they
would make gunpowder itself.

Oh, the horror of this viiiainy! How many Dutch and
English have lately been killed by Indians, thus furnished ;
and no remedy is provided, — nay, the evil has increased.
The blood of their brothers has been sold for profit; and
in what danger all these colonies are is too well-known.
Oh! that princes and parliaments would take some timely
steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it, by ex-
emplary punishment of some of those gain-thirsty murder-

.^ fHE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 197

ers, — for they deserve no better title, — before their colonies
in these parts are wiped out by the barbarous savages,
armed with their own weapons by these traitors to their
country. But I have forgotten myself, and have been too
long on this digression ; now to return.

Morton having taught them the use of guns, sold them
all he could spare, and he and his associates determined
to send for large supplies from England, having already
sent for over a score by some of the ships. This being
known, several members of the scattered settlements here-
abouts agreed to solicit the settlers at New Plymouth,
who then outnumbered them all, to join with them to
prevent the further growth of this mischief, and to sup-
press Morton and his associates. Those who joined in
this action, and afterwards contributed to the expense of
sending him to England, were from Piscataqua, Naum-
keag, Winnisimmett, Weesagascusett, Nantasket, and other
places where the English had settled. The New Plymouth
colonists thus addressed by their messengers and letters,
and weighing their reasons and the common danger, were
willing to help, though they themselves had least cause for
fear.

So, to be short, they first decided to write to Morton
jointly, in a friendly and neighbourly way, requesting him
to desist, and sent a messenger with the letter to bring
his answer. But he was so overbearing that he scorned all
advice; he asked what it had to do with them; he would
trade guns to the Indians in spite of them all, with many
other scurrilous remarks, full of disdain. So they sent to
him again and bade him be better advised and more temper-
ate in his terms; that the country would not bear the injury
he was doing; it was against their common safety and
against the king's proclamation. He answered as haughtily
as before, that the king's proclamation ivas no law, and

198 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF "^

asking what was the penaUy ! They repHed : more than he
could bear, — his majesty's displeasure. But he persisted,
and insolently said that the king was dead, and his dis-
pleasure with him; that if they came to molest him, let them
look to themselves; he would be prepared for them.

So they saw there was no way but to take him by force.
They resolved to proceed, and unanimously requested the
Governor of New Plymouth to send Captain Standish and
sufficient men to seize Morton. This was accordingly
done; but he defended himself stiffly, closed his doors,
armed his associates, and had dishes of powder and bullets
ready on the table; and if they had not been overarmed
with drink, more harm might have been done. They sum-
moned him to yield, but they got nothing but scoffs from
him. At length fearing they would wreck the house,
some of his crew came out, — intending not to yield, but
to shoot ; but they were so drunk that their guns were too
heavy for them. He himself, with a carbine, overcharged
and almost half filled with powder and shot, tried to shoot
Captain Standish ; but he stepped up to him and put aside
his gun and took him. No harm was done on either side,
except that one of his men w-as so drunk that he ran his
nose upon the point of a sword that some one held in front
of him on entering the house; but aU he lost was a little
of his hot blood. Morton they took to New Plymouth,
where he was kept till a ship went from the Isle of Shoals
to England. In this he was dispatched to the Council of
New England, with letters giving information of his be-
haviour, entrusted to a representative sent at tlieir com-
mon expense to inform their honours more particularly,
and to prosecute him. But JMorton fooled this man after
he had left here, and though he went to England, nothing
was done to him, — he was not so much as rebuked, so far
as was heard, — and he returned the following year. Some

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 199

of the worst of the party were dispersed, and some of the
more decent were permitted to live in the house till he was
heard from. But I have been too long about so unworthy
a person and so bad a cause.

This year Mr. Allerton brought over a young man as
minister to the colony, whether upon his own initiative
or at the instance of some friends there, I do not know;
but he was not sent by the orders of the church, for they
had been so bitten by Mr. Lyford that they wished to
know well whom they were inviting, beforehand. His
name was Mr. Rogers; but they discovered that he was
crazed in the brain; so they were obliged to go to the ex-
pense of sending him back again the next year; besides
the cost of bringing him out, which was not small by Mr.
Allerton's account, for provisions, clothing, bedding, etc.
Mr. Allerton was much blamed for bringing such a man
over, for they had expenses enough already.

In previous years Mr. Allerton had brought over some
small quantities of goods upon his own account, and sold
them for his private benefit, which was more than any one
had hitherto ventured to do. But as he had done them
good service otherwise, and as he sold them among the
people of the colony and their wants were thereby supplied,
it was passed over. But this year he brought over a
greater quantity, and they were intermixed with the goods
of the colony, and all packed together, so that it could not
be said which were theirs and which were his ; so if any mis-
chance had happened at sea, he could have laid the whole
loss on them, if he had wished. And it seemed to result
that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly,
he claimed was his! He also began to sell to others out-
side the settlement, which, considering their agreement,
they disliked. But love thinks no evil, nor is suspicious;
so they took his fair words for excuse, and decided to send

200 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

him to England again tliis year, considering how well he
had done formerly and how well he stood with their friends
there; and particularly as some of their friends from Leyden
were to be sent for, the arrangements for which he could,
or might, assist in. It was also thought that, as the pat-
ent for Kennebec must be extended, as well as the one here,
he would best be able to effect it, having begim it. So
they gave him instructions and sent him to England once
more. His instructions were to bring over no goods on
their account, except £50 worth of hose, shoes, and linen,
according to the conditions,— besides some trading goods
to a certain value; and in no case was he to exceed his in-
structions or run them into further expense. He was to
arrange that their trading goods came over early, and what-
ever was sent on their account should be packed by itself,
and marked with their mark; and no other goods were to
be mixed with them. In fact he requested them to give
him such instructions as they thought fit, and he would
follow them, to prevent any jealousy or further trouble.
So they thought they had provided satisfactory for every-
thing.

CHAPTER X

ArriTal of the Leyden people — AUerton in England tries to
get the Kennebec Patent enlarged — Morton's return — Further
trouble Tvith AUerton — The partnership with Ashley — The
Penobscot trading-house — Purchase of a fishing-ship suggested
—John Endicott at Salem — The Church at Salem: 1620.

Mr. AUerton arrived safely in England, and delivered
the letters to their friends there, acquainting them with
his instructions. He found theni willing to join in the
trading-partnership, and in the expense of sending over
the Leyden people, some of whom had already left Holland
and were prepared to come over, so they were sent off
before Mr. AUerton was ready to leave. They took pas-
sage on the ships that came to Salem, which brought over
many godly persons to begin the settlements and churches
of Christ there and in the Bay of Massachusetts. So
their friends here were rewarded for their long delay with
double blessing, in that they not only enjoyed them now,
when so recently all their hopes had seemed to be blasted ;
but with them came other godly friends and Christian
brethren, to plant a still larger harvest unto the Lord,
for the increase of his churches and people in these parts.
It was to the astonishment of many and almost to the
wonder of the world, that from so small a beginning such
great things should ensue, — as in due time was manifested ;
and that there should be a resting place for so many of the
Lord's people here, when so sharp a scourge had come
upon their own nation. But it was the Lord's doing, and it
ought to be marvellous in our eyes.

I will here insert some of their friends' letters, which
best express their own attitude towards these proceedings.

201

202 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Two Idlers from James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford
at New Plymouth:.

Sir,

With this there are many more of our friends from Leyden
coming over to you, whose arrival, though mostly a weak body,
is the fulfillment, in part, of our purpose, so strongly opposed by
some of the former adventurers. But God has His working in
these things, which man cannot frustrate. We have also sent
some servants in the ship Talbot, that sailed lately; but the Leyden
contingent come in the Mayflower. Mr. Beauchamp and myself,
with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherley, have, with your good will,
joined your partnership, etc.

May 2Stlh 1629.

Your power of attorney has been received, and the goods have
been sold by 3'our friend and agent, Mr. Allerton, I having been
in Holland nearly three months, at Amsterdam and in other parts
of the Low Countries. I see, also, the agreement you have made
with the main body of the settlers, and think you have done very
well, both for them, for you, and for your friends at Leyden.
Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and myself so
thoroughly approve of it, that we are willing to join you, and,
God directing us, will assist you the best we possibly can. Indeed,
had you not taken this course, I do not see how you could ever
have accomplished the end originally aimed at. We know it must
cause further delay in reaUzing profits, for most of those who
we sent in Alay, and those now sailmg, though honest and good
people, are not likely to be helpful at present — indeed, for some
time they will be an expense to you and us. Had you not taken
this wise and astute course, the main body of your colonists would
probably have grudged their coming. Again, as you say well in
your letter, the burden being now on the shoulders of only a few,
you will manage it the better, having no discontent or contradic-
tion, but all lovingly joined together in affection and counsel, so that
God v/ill no doubt bless and prosper your honest labours and en-
deavours. So in all respects I consider you have been marvellously
discreet and well-advised, and have no doubt it will give all
parties satisfaction — I mean all who are reasonable and honest
men, and make conscience of fulfilling their obligations to the
uttermost, not with regard to their own private interests so much
as the accomplishment of the good object for which this enterprise
was first started. . . . Thus desiring the Lord to bless and prosper
you and all yours, and all our honest endeavours, I rest.

Your unfeigned and ever loving friend,
London, March Sth, 1629. JAMES SHERLEY,

THE PLYINIOUTH SETTLEMENT 203

I have mentioned here the coming of both these com-
panies from Leyden, though they actually came at two
different times. The former party, numbering 35 persons,
sailed in May, and arrived here about August, 1629; the
latter sailed at the beginning of March, and arrived here
the latter end of May, 1630. Their expenses, according
to Mr. Allerton's accounts, came to above £550 (in addi-
tion to their transportations from Salem and the Bay,
where they and their goods were landed), viz.: their trans-
portation from Holland to England, and their expenses
while there, and their passages out here, with clothing pro-
vided for them. I find in the account for the one party
125 yards of kersey, 127 ells of linen, 66 pairs of shoes,
with many other particulars. The cost of the other party
is reckoned by families, some £50, some £40, some £30, —
more or less, according to numbers, etc. Besides all this
expense their friends here had to provide corn and other
provisions for them till they could reap a crop, which was
some time. Those that came in May had to be maintained
upwards of 16 to 18 months; the others proportionately.
All they could do in the meantime was to build houses
and prepare land for planting next season. The expenses
of maintaining them all this time was little less than the
former sum. I make special note of this for various
reasons: first, to show a rare example of brotherly love
and Christian care in performing their promises to their
brethren. Secondly, to prove that there was more than the
work of man in these achievements, — thus successfully to
have persuaded such able friends to join them in the en-
terprise, and to stand by them so faithfully in the face of
such risks, most of them never having seen their faces to
this day; it must needs be, therefore, the special work of
God. Thirdly, that these poor people here in a wilderness
should, notwithstanding, be able in time to repay all their

204 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

engagements, and others unjustly put upon them through
unfaithful service, besides other great losses which they
sustained, all of which will be related if the Lord be pleased
to give me life and time. In the meantime I cannot help
but wonder at His ways and works towards His servants,
and humbly desire to bless His holy name for His great
mercies hitherto.

The Leyden people having come over, and several mem-
bers of the general body of the settlers seeing how great
the expense was likely to be, began to murmur at it, not-
withstanding the burden lay on odier men's shoulders, —
especially at paying the three bushels of corn a year, accord-
ing to the agreement. But to satisfy them, it was prom-
ised that if they could do without it they would not demand
it of them. And it never was paid, as will appear.

Mr. AUerton's proceedings about the enlarging and con-
firming of the patents, both at home and at Kennebec,
are best explained in another letter of Mr. Sherley's.
Though much time and money was expended, he left it
unaccompHshed this year, and came without them.

James Sherley in England to the New Plymouth Colonyi

Most worthy and loving Friends,

Some of your letters I received in July, and some since through
Mr. Pierce; but till our main business, the patent, was granted, I
could not settle my mind or pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so
turmoiled about it, that I neither would nor could have undertaken
it, if I had been paid a thousand pounds ; but the Lord so blessed
his labours that he obtained the love and favour of important men
of repute and position. He got granted from the Earl of War-
wick and Sir Ferdinand Gorges all that Mr. Winslow desired in
his letters to me, and more besides, which I leave him to relate.
Then he sued to the king to confirm their grant, and to make you
a corporation, and so to enable you to make and execute laws
as freely as the government of Massachusetts. This the king
graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order
tp the solicitor to draw it up, if there were a precedent for it. So

THE PLYTIIOUTH SETTLEMENT 205

the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and also the solicitor;
but as Festus said to Paul : With no small sum of money obtained
I this freedom. For, by the way, many riddles had to be solved,
and many locks must be opened with the silver, nay, the golden
key! Then it came to the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrant
for making you custom-free for a certain time ; but he would not
do it, and referred it to the Council Table. And there Mr. Allerton
attended day by day, when they sat, but could not get his petition
read; and as Mr. Pierce was waiting with all the passengers at
Bristol, he was forced to leave the further prosecution of it to a
solicitor. But there is no fear nor doubt but that it will be granted,
— for the chief of them are friendly; but he should certainly return
by the first ship that comes, for if you had this confirmed, you
would be in a position to govern with the power befitting your
rank and the position God has called you to, and to stop the mouths
of the base and scurrilous individuals who are ready to question
and threaten you in every action. Besides, if you are freed of
customs dues for seven years inward and twenty-one outward, the
expense of the patent will be soon covered; and there is no doubt
of ultimately obtaining it. But such things must work by degrees,
— they cannot be hastened; so we (I write on behalf of all our
partners here) beg j^ou to urge Mr. Allerton to come, and his
wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this important
business, which will be so much for your good, and I hope for that
of your posterity for many generations to come.

Thus much of this letter; it was dated !March 19th,
1629; but the fact of the matter was (as came out later),
it was Mr. Allerton's object to have an opportunity to be
sent over again for purposes of his own; and with that
idea he requested them to write thus. The extension of the
patent might easily have been finished, omitting the clause
about the customs (which was Mr. Allerton's and Mr.
Sherley's device), it having passed the king's hand. But
covetousness never brings anything home, as the proverb
says ; and this opportunity being lost, it was never accom-
plished, though a great deal of money was vainly and lav-
ishly expended on it. But of this more in its place.

I almost omitted to mention that this year Mr. Allerton
gave them great and just offence by bringing over the un-

206 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

worthy Morton, who had been sent home only the year
before for his misdemeanours. He not only brought him
over, but into the very town (as if to beard them), and
lodged him at his own house, employing him as his secre-
tary till he was forced to send him away. So he returned
to his old nest in Massachusetts, where it was not long
before his misconduct gave them proper cause to appre-
hend him, and he was again sent by them a prisoner to
England, where he lay a good time in Exeter Gaol. For,
besides his misdeeds here, he was strongly suspected of
the murder of a man who had ventured money with him,
when he first came to New England. A warrant had been
sent from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him, by
virtue of which the Governor of Massachusetts sent him
to England; and as punishment for his misdemeanours
there, they demolished his house, so that it might no longer
be a roost for such unclean birds to nestle in. But he got
free again, and wrote an infamous and scurrilous book full
of lies and slanders against many godly men of the country
in high position, and of profane calumnies against their
names and persons, and the ways of God. After several
years, when the war was at its height in England, he re-
turned to the country, and was imprisoned at Boston, for
the book and other things, having grown old in wickedness.
As for the rest of Mr. Allerton's instructions, enjoining
him not to exceed the £50 worth of goods before mentioned,
nor to bring any but trading commodities, he ignored
them, and brouglit over many other kinds of retail goods,
selling what he could by the way on his own account,
and delivering them the rest, which he said were theirs.
Of trading goods he brought scarcely any, making excuses
that they had expended so much on the Leyden people,
the patent, etc. As regards exceeding his instructions,
he laid the responsibility on Mr. Sherley, etc. He prom-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 207

ised that next year they should have whatever trading
goods they sent for. In this way he put them off, and
though Mr. Sherley had written somewhat bearing out his
statements, he was probably over-ruled by Mr. AUerton
to do so.

The following is a still further extract from his former
letter, bearing on this :

I see what you write in your letters concerning the paying of our
debts, which I confess are great, and need to be carefully watched.
But let us not fulfill the proverb; to spend a shilling on a purse
and put sixpence in it; nor think by the expenditure of £50 a year
to raise means to pay our debts ; you need to be well supplied and
fully provided, — and, chiefl}-, lovingl}' to agree.

This shows that there was a kind of concurrence between
Mr. Allerton and the adventurers in England about these
things, and that they had more regard for his opinion
than for the advice sent from here. This troubled them
greatly here, not knowing how to help it, and being loth
to make any breach. Another more private difficulty was
that Mr. Allerton had married the daughter of their rever-
end elder, Mr. Brewster, who was beloved and honoured
by them, taking great pains in dispensing and teaching
the word of God to them, and whom they were loth to
grieve in any way ; so they bore with much for that reason.

Again, Mr. Allerton procured such letters from Mr.
Sherley, with such applause of his wisdom, care, and faith-
fulness, that as things stood, none seemed so fit to send as
be. Besides, though private gain, I feel sure, was one
cause of Mr. Allerton's doings, I think, or at least charity
leads me to hope, that he intended to deal faithfully with
his partners here in the main. But things fell out other-
wise and missed their aim, and the settlement in general
suffered considerably in consequence, as will appear.

208 BRADFORD'S IHISTORY OF

Along the same lines was another plan of Mr. Allerton's
and his friends, unknown to the other partners here, until
it was so far proceeded with that they felt obliged to sanc-
tion it and join with them, though they did not like it and
mistrusted the outcome. It is explained in another ex-
tract from Mr. Sherley's letter, as follows :

I wish to acquaint you that we have thought good to becom«
partners in a separate venture with one Edward Ashley— a man I
think some of you know— but it only concerns the place for which
he has a patent in Mr. Beauchamp's name. For this purpose wo
have supplied him plentifully with provisions, etc. If you wish to
join us as partners in this, we are willing you should. Hearing
how anxious Bristol men were to join the enterprise and supply
him, expecting good profits, we thought it important that we should
not to miss such opportunity. He, on his side, like a shrewd man,
thought it better to join with those who already had a settlement
to back him there, than with strangers. It is not known that you
are in the partnership, but only we four, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beau-
champ, myself, and Mr. Hatherley, who entered upon it in view
of the great loss we have already sustained in the first plantation
there. But as I said before, if you wish to join with us, we are
willing you should. Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make
this new contract, nor was he willing to do anything without your
consent. Mr. William Pierce joined with us because of landing
Ashley and his goods there. He has a new boat with him, and
boards to make another, with four or five strong fellows, one of
whom is a carpenter. In case you are not willing to join us,
fearing the expense and doubting the success, we beg you to afford
him all the help you can, either with men, goods, or boats, and
we will pay you for anything that he has. We wish you to keep the
accounts separate, even if you join us, because there are partners
in this enterprise who are not in the other; so charge him with
men's wages, boat-hire, or goods; and anything you receive from
him, charge to the colony.

And now loving friends and partners, if you join in Ashley's
project, we having found the money to stock this business and the
other, it seems reasonable that j^ou should bear your share of the
stock, if not in money, by security to that amount. I hope in
God, by His blessing and your honest endeavour, it may soon be
paid; but the term of the partnership is not long, so it behoves us
all to make the best use of the time that we possibly can, and let
every one put his shoulder to the burden and it will be lighter.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 209

I know you will consider this carefully, and return a satisfactory
answer. None of us woud have risked this, except as a support
to your own enterprise.

There is no likeUhood of doing any good by attempting to buy
the debts for the purchase of the old adventurer's shares. I know
some would not forego their interest, so let it run its course ; it is
arranged they are to be paid yearly, and so I hope they will be,
according to agreement. The Lord grant that our loves and affec-
tions may still be united and knit together; and so Ave rest your
ever loving friends,

JAMES SHERLEY.

TIMOTHY HATHERLEY.
Bristol, March igth, 1629.

This matter of buying the debts of the purchase was part
of Mr. Allerton's instructions, and in many instances it
might have been done to advantage for ready cash; but
Mr. Sherley disHked it. The Ashley enterprise troubled
them much, for though he had ability enough to manage
the business, he was known to be a very profane young
man; and he had for some time lived among the Indians
as a savage, naked like them, adopting their manners and
customs, and in the meantime acquiring their language;
so they feared he might not keep straight, though he prom-
ised better things. As soon as he landed at the place in-
tended, called Penobscot, some four score leagues from
this place, he wrote (and afterwards came) desiring to be
supplied with wampum, corn for the winter, and other
things. They bethought them that these were their chief
commodities, and would be continually needed by him,
and it would thus be greatly to the prejudice of their own
trade at Kennebec, if, though they did not join the part-
nership, they should still have to supply him; on the other
hand, if they should both refuse to join the partnership
and to supply him, they would greatly offend their friends
in England, and might possibly lose them. Again, Ashley
and Mr. Allerton, laying their crafty wits together, might

210 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

get supplies elsewhere ; and whether they joined in it or
not, they knew Mr. Allerton would do so, and then he
would swim, as it were, between both, to the prejudice of
both, — but especially of themselves. They had reason
to think this scheme was chiefly of his contriving, and
Ashley was a fit tool. So, to prevent worse mischief, they
resolved to enter the new partnership, and gave him sup-
plies of what they could, and kept a watch on his doings
as well as they could. To do so more effectively, tliey asso-
ciated with him, as an equal, as it were, and not merely
as a servant, a steady young man who had come from
Leyden; and as he was discreet, and could be trusted,
they were able to give him such instructions as kept Ashley
within bounds. So they replied to their friends in Eng-
land tliat they accepted their offer and joined with them
in Ashley's enterprise, but told them what their fears were
in regard to him.

When they had received full account of all the goods
sent over to them that year, they saw they were very short
of trading goods, and that Ashley was far better supplied
than themselves. They were even forced to buy supplies
from the fishermen, and such things as cotton, kersey,
and other cloth from Mr. Allerton himself, and so to dis-
pose of a large part of their beaver at reduced rates over
here, instead of sending it home to help discharge their
debts. This vexed them greatly, but Mr. Allerton assured
them tliat next year they should have whatever they wrote
for. Their engagements for this year were large indeed, —
when they came to know them, which was not till two years
after; and were increased by Mr. Allerton raising large
sums at Bristol at 50 per cent again, which he insisted he
was forced to do, otherwise he could have got no goods
transported by the fishing ships in the spring, — such was
their ill-will towards the trade of the colony. But whether

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 211

this was any more than an excuse, some of them doubted;
however, the burden lay on their shoulders, and they must
bear it, — as they did many other heavy loads before the
end.

This necessity of paying 50 per cent, and the difficulty
of having their goods transported by the fishing ships
early in the year during the best season for trade, put them
upon another project, Mr. AUerton after the fishing sea-
son was over, secured a bargain in salt, at a good fishing
place, and bought it. It came to about £113, and shortly
after he might have got £30 clear profit for it, without
any trouble. But Mr. Winslow and some of the other
partners coming that way from Kennebec in the bark,
met Mr. Allerton, and persuaded him not to sell the salt,
but suggested keeping it for themselves, and hiring a ship
in the west countiy to come fishing for them on shares,
as was the custom. Her salt being here already, and a
dock built where it lay safely housed, instead of bringing
salt, they might load her full of trading goods without
paying freight, and receive them in plenty of time, which
would be greatly to their advantage. On arrival at New
Plymouth this plan was discussed, and approved by all
but the Governor, who was against it, as they had always
lost by fishing; but the rest were strongly in favour of it,
believing that they might make good profits by the fish-
ing; and even if they should only save a little, or actually
lose something by it, the advantage of getting early sup-
plies would be ample return. So he gave way, and it
was referred to their friends in England, to allow or dis-
allow it. Of this, more in its place.

Considering what had to be done about the patents and
in what state it had been left, and owing to Mr. Sherley's
earnest wish to have Mr. Allerton come over to finish
it and complete the accounts, etc., it was decided to send

212 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

him over again this year, — though it was with some fear
and jealousy. However, he made them fair promises to
perform all their business according to their directions, and
to redeem his former errors. So he was accordingly sent
with full instructions, and with long letters to Mr. Sherley
and the rest, both about Ashley's business and their own ;
stating how essential it was that they be supplied with
trading commodities, what they had suffered through want
of them, and of what little use other goods were in com-
parison. They fully explained about the fishing ship that
was to be hired and loaded with trading goods, to supply
both them and Ashley, and tlie advantages to be gained.
It was left to their decision to hire and fit her out, or not ;
but under no circumstances to send one unless she were
loaded with trading goods. But what happened will appear
in the account of next year's doings.

I almost omitted another occurrence at the beginning of
this year. A Mr. Ralph Smith and his wife and family
had come over to the Bay of Massachusetts, and lived at
present with some straggling people at Nantasket. A boat
from here putting in there on one occasion, he earnestly
begged them to give him and his family passage to New
Plymouth, with such effects as they could take; he had
heard that it was likely he might procure houseroom here
for some time, till he might decide to settle here if per-
mitted, or elsewhere, as Gud should dispose ; he was weary
of being in that uncouth place, and in such a poor house
that it kept neither him nor his effects dry. So, as he
was a grave man and they understood he had been a min-
ister, they brought him, though they had no orders to do
so. He was kindly entertained here, and housed, and
later he had the rest of his goods and servants sent for
and exercised his gifts among them. Afterwards he was
chosen to the ministry and remained there several years.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 213

It was mentioned before, that several of those who came
from Leyden, sailed in ships that went to Salem, where
Mr. Endicott had chief command. Diseases which had
developed among the passengers at sea, infected those
ashore, and many died ; some of scurvy, others of an infec-
tious fever which was amongst them for some time, though
our people, through God's goodness, escaped it. Where-
upon Mr. Endicott wrote for help, understanding that one
of them at New Plymouth had some skill as a physician,
and had cured several of scurvy, and others of various
diseases, by letting blood and other means. So he sent to
the Governor here, requesting him to send him to them.
The Governor complied, and wrote to him, receiving a
letter in reply. This letter, though brief, shows the begin-
ning of their acquaintance; and as a manifestation of the
truth and of the ways of God, I thought it fitting and
profitable to insert it here.

Governor John Endicott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New
Plymouth:

Right Worthy Sir,

It is an unusual thing that servants of one master and of the
same household should be strangers ! I assure j'ou I do not desire it,
— nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's people
are all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one
and the same seal, and have in the main, one and the same heart,
guided by one and the same spirit of truth; and where this is,
there can be no discord, — nay, there must needs be sweet harmony.
And so I pray the Lord that we may, as Christian brethren, be
united with you by a heavenly and unfeigned love; bending all
our hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength,
with reverence and fear, and fastening our eyes always on Him
Who is able to direct and prosper all our ways. I am much be-
holden to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller
among us, and rejoice at what I hear from him of your attitude
towards the outward form of God's worship. It is, as far as I can
gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and
the same which I have maintained and professed ever since the

214 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Lord in His mercy revealed Himself unto me, — though very differ-
ent from the common report of you that has been spread about.
But God's children must look for no less here below; and it is
the great mercy of God that He strengthens them to go through
with it. I need not be tedious to you now, for, God willing, I
purpose to see your face shortly. In the meantime I humbly take
my leave of you, committing you to the Lord's blessed protection,
and rest,

Your assured loving friend,
Naumkcag, May nth, 1629. JOHN ENDICOTT.

A second letter received this year shows the progress
of their church affairs at Salein, which was the second
church erected in these parts. Afterwards the Lord estab-
lished many more in several places.

Charles Gott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:

Sir,

I make bold to trouble you with a few lines to inform 3'ou how
it has pleased God to deal with us since you heard from us ; how,
notwithstanding all the opposition here and elsewhere, it has pleased
God to lay a foundation which I hope is agreeable to His word
in every way. It pleased the Lord to move the heart of our
Governor to set apart July loth as a solemn day of humiliation
for the choice of a pastor and a teacher. The first part of the day
was used for prayer and teaching, the latter part for the election,
which was held in this way. The persons nominated, who had
been ministers in England, were questioned concerning their calling.
They acknowledged there was a twofold calling; the one an in-
ward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take
that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for it; the second
an outward calling from the people, when a body of believers join
together in covenant, to walk in all the ways of God ; every male
member having a free voice in the choice of the officers, etc. Now,
we being satisfied that these two men Avere so qualified, as the
apostle tells Timothy: A bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to
teach, etc., — I think I may say, as the eunuch said to Philip: What
should hinder him from being baptised, seeing there was water, and
he believed. So these two servants of God, giving full satisfaction
by their answers and being thus fitted, we saw no reason why we
miglit not freely vote for their election. Mr. Skelton was chosen
pastor, and Mr. Higginson teacher; and they, accepting the choice,

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 215

Mr. Higginson, with three or four of the gravest members of the
church, laid their hands on Mr. SkeUon, with prayer. After this
there was imposition of hands on Air. Higginson. Since then,
Thursday (being as I take it the 6th of August) has been appointed
for another day of humiUation, for the choice of elders and deacons,
and for ordaining them.

And now, good Sir, I hope that you and the rest of God's people
with you, who are acquainted with the ways of God, will say that
herein a right foundation w^as laid, and that these two blessed
servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window.
Thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring
you to remember us. . . . And so rest,

At your service in what I may,
Salem, July 30th 1629. CHARLES GOTT.

CHAPTER XI

Ashley's beginnings — Arrival of Hatherley on the Friend-
ship and Allerton on the ^\^lite Angel — Hatherley examines
the affairs of the Colony — Failure of Allerton' s fishing voyage
on the White Angel — Ashley apprehended and sent to England
—Discharge of Allerton from his Agency — The first Execution
—Day of Humiliation appointed for Boston, Salem, Charles-
tovn, and New PljTnouth: 1630.

Ashley, being well supplied, had quickly gathered a good
parcel of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home,
and would not pay for the goods he had from here, but
let them stand charged against him, and drew still more.
Though they knew his object well enough, they let him go
on, and wrote about it to England. However, owing to
the beaver they received there and sold (which appealed
to them as business men) and Mr. Allerton's high praise
of him, they were more eager to supply him than the colony,
and even somewhat disparaged it in comparison.

They were also forced to buy him a bark, and equip her
with a captain and men to transport his corn and provisions,
of which he used large quantities; for the Indians of those
parts grew no corn, and at harvest time, when the corn
here is ready, the weather is so bad and the season so
dangerous that a shallop is no good for the purpose.

This spring the settlers looked anxiously for timely sup-
plies in the fishing ship which they expected, and for
which they had been at the expense of keeping a dock.
But no ship cam2, nor were any goods heard of. Later
they learned that supplies had been sent to Ashley by a
fishing ship, which puzzled them, — the more so tliat they

216

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 217

had received no letters from Mr, Allerton or Mr. Sherley.
However, they carried on their business as well as they
could. At last they heard of the arrival of Mr. Pierce at
the Bay of Massachusetts, with passengers and goods.
They sent a shallop at once, supposing he would have some-
thing for them. But he told them he had nothing, and
that a ship had been sent out fishing, but after eleven weeks
beating at sea she met with such foul weather that she
was forced to return to England, and the season being
over she gave up the voyage. Nor had he heard much
about goods in her for the settlers, or that she belonged
to them, though he had heard something of that kind from
Mr. Allerton. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship,
in which he was coming, which was to fish for bass to the
eastward, and was bringing goods, etc. These reports
troubled them and much astonished them. Mr. Winslow
having been eastward brought similar news with more par-
ticulars, and that probably Mr. Allerton would not arrive
till late. At length, having an opportunity, they resolved
to send Mr. Winslow to England with what beaver they
had ready, to see how their business stood, being dubious
about it, especially Mr. Allerton's behaviour. They wrote
letters, and gave him such instructions as they thought
proper — and if he found things unsatisfactory he was to
discharge Mr. Allerton from being agent and from dealing
any more for them in the business, and he was to see
how the accounts stood, etc.

About the middle of summer arrives IMr. Hatherley, one
of the partners, at the Bay of Massachusetts, having come
over in the ship that was sent fishing, called the Friend-
ship. They sent to him at once, not doubting that now
their goods had come, and they would know how every-
thing stood. They found the news was true, that this
ship had been so long at sea and her provisions had been

218 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

so largely consumed or spoiled, that she abandoned the
voyage. He himself had 'been sent over by the rest of
the partners to see how things went here. He was at
Bristol with Mr. Allerton in the ship they had bought
called the White Angel, which was all ready to set sail,
when that night came a messenger to Mr. Allerton from
Barnstable, and told him of the return of the fishing-ship
Friendship, and what had happened. He, not knowing
what to do, the ship lying there at his expense ready to
set sail, got Mr. Hathcrlcy to go and discharge her and take
order for the goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley
somewhat reserved and troubled, Mr. Allerton not being
there, and not knowing how to dispose of the goods till he
came; but he said he heard he had arrived by the White
Angel, to eastward, and expected to meet him there. He
told them there was not much for them in the Friendship,
— only two parcels of Barnstable rugs, and two hogsheads
of methylene in wooden flackets. When these flackets
came to be examined, only six gallons of the two hogsheads
remained, the rest having been drunk up under the name
"leakage." For the rest, the ship was laden with goods
for various gentlemen and others who had come to settle
in Massachusetts, for which they had paid freight by the
ton. This was all the satisfaction they could get at present.
They took this small lot of goods and returned with the
news, and a letter as obscure, as follows:

James Sherley in England to the Colonists at New Plymouth:

Gentlemen, Partners, and loving Friends,

Briefly thus : we have this year fitted out both a fishing ship and a
trading ship. The latter we have bought, and so have disbursed a
great deal of money as will appear by our accounts. This trading
ship, the White Angel, is however to perform two duties: fishing
for bass and trading; and lest, while Mr. Allerton is employed
trading, the fishing might suffer by neglect of the sailors, we have

THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEIMENT 219

begged our mutual friend, Mr. Hatherley, to go over \yith him,
knowing he will be a comfort to Mr. Allerton, and that it will be
a joy to you to see a careful, loving friend, and one who is a
great stay to the business. If it should please God that one should
die,— as God forbid,— the survivor would keep the accounts and the
other matters straight. We have now spent large sums of money,
as they will acquaint you. . . . When it was only four or five
hundred pounds a piece, we did not trouble much about it, but left
it to you and your agent, who without flattery deserves infinite
thanks both from you and us for his pains. . . . But now that our
ventures are double, nay treble for some of us, we have decided
to send over our friend Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to enter-
tain kindly. The main object of sending him is to examine the
accounts and report on the condition of the business, about all of
which we beg you to inform him fully. I will not promise, but
shall endeavour to obtain the grant of your patent as desired, and
that ere long. Pray do not take anything unkindly; I have not
written out of suspicion of any unjust dealing. Be you all kindly
saluted in the Lord, so I rest,

Yours in what I may,
March 25th, 1630. JAMES SHERLEY.

It is not surprising that these things troubled them.
First, there was this fishing ship which had been fitted out,
laden with other goods and scarcely any of theirs, though
their main object was that he should bring them ample
supplies, and their special orders were not to fit out a ship
except for this purpose; and now to have the expenses
charged to their account, though clean contrary to their
orders, was a mystery they could not understand, — the
more serious seeing that she had lost both her voyage and
her provisions. Secondly, that another ship should be
bought, and sent out on business never thought of by any
here, much less intimated to their friends in England either
by word or letter, was equally inexphcable. Bass fishing
was never favoured by them, and as soon as ever they heard
of this project they foresaw loss. As for Mr. Allerton's
trading for them, it never entered their thoughts. Thirdly,
that their friends should complain of disbursements, and

220 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

yet incur such great risks contrary to all orders, seemed
very strange, — all these important projects being wrapped
up in a brief and obscure letter. But amidst all their doubts
they must have patience till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hath-
erley arrived. In the meantime Mr. Winslow had gone to
England, and the rest of them v^ere forced to follow their
employments as best they could.

At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came, and
finding those at the settlement very depressed about it,
Mr. Allerton told them that the White Angel did not be-
long to them, and had not been bought on their account;
they need not have anything to do with her unless they
wished. Mr. Hatherley confirmed this, and said that they
wanted him to put in his share but he had refused. How-
ever, he questioned whether they would not charge her to
the general account, if there were a loss, — which he nov/
saw was likely, — seeing that Mr. Allerton had proposed
the undertaking. As for the fishing ship, he told them they
need not be anxious ; and he produced her accounts, which
showed that her first fitting out did not much exceed i6oo.
On the failure of the first voyage, at her return, he had sold
goods out of her in England, and applied the money to
the second voyage, which, together with such goods and
implements as Mr. Allerton would need for fishing, such
as salt, nets, spikes, nails, etc., would amount to nearly
£400. As for this second voyage it would show a profit
on the freight of the goods, and the sale of some cattle
which would be paid for partly here and partly by bills in
England. So the total loss, which would not be much
above £200, would be all they would have to bear on this
account. Mr. Hatherley also told them he was sent over
as the agent of those in England, and that whatever he
and Mr. Allerton did jointly they would stand by; that
they would not sanction what Mr. Allerton did alone, un-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 221

less they wished; but what he (Mr. Hatherley) did alone
they would guarantee. So tliey sold him and Mr. Allerton
all the rest of their stock of goods, and gave them posses-
sion of them; and a statement was drawn up in writing, and
confirmed under both Mr. Allerton's and Mr. Hatherley's
hands, to the above effect. J\Ir. Allerton being best ac-
quainted with the people, sold all such goods as he had no
need of for fishing, as nine shallop-sails made of good new
canvas, and ihe roads for them, all new, and several such
useful things, for beaver, by Mr. Hatherley's permission.
Thus they thought they had well provided for themselves.
However those at the colony censured Mr. Allerton for
entering upon this project, doubting its success. Mr.
Allerton brought to the town, after he had sold what he
could elsewhere, a great quantity of other goods, besides
trading commodities; as linen, bed-ticks, stockings, tape,
pins, rugs, etc., and said they could have them if they
wished. But they told him they had forbidden him before
to bring any such things on their account, as it would
injure their trade and reduce their returns. But he and
Mr. Hatherley said if they would not take them they
would sell them themselves, and take corn for what they
could not sell otherwise. They told them they might, if
they had instructions to do so. These goods came to up-
wards of £500.

Mr. Allerton then went off on his bass fishing; and Mr.
Hatherley, as ordered, after examining the aft'airs of the
settlement, about all of which they informed him fully,
asked for a boat to go and visit the trading-house at Ken-
nebec and Aslaley at Penobscot. They accordingly sup-
plied him with a boat and men for the voyage, and ac-
quainted him thoroughly with everything. He was fully
satisfied, and now saw plainly that Mr. Allerton played
his own game, not only to the great detriment of the part-

222 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

ners at the colony who employed and trusted him, but to
that of the partners in England also, by prejudicing them
against the settlement, assuring them that they would
never be able to recoup themselves for their great expenses
if they would not follow his advice and support his projects.
Mr. Hatherley disclosed, besides, a further scheme in con-
nection with this ship the White Angel. It appeared that
as she was well fitted with good ordnance, and known to
have made a great fight at sea in which she came off vic-
torious, they had agreed with Mr. Allerton that after she
had brought her cargo of goods here and had loaded with
fish, she would go to Oporto, and there be sold, freight,
ordnance, and all. But this was prevented partly by the
advice given by their friends here to Mr. Allerton and Mr.
Hatherley, showing how it might ruin their friends in Eng-
land, who were men of property, should it become known, —
and in the interests of the colony they utterly disallowed
it, and protested against it ; and partly by their ill success,
for they had arrived too late to do any good with the
fishing, and had brought such a drunken crew that neither
Mr. Allerton nor any one else could keep them in order, as
Mr. Hatherley and eveiy one could see to their shame.
Ashley also was caught in a trap before Mr. Hatherley
returned, for trading powder and shot to the Indians. He
was apprehended by those in authority, who would have
confiscated over a thousand weight of beaver, but that the
Governor here showed a bond, under Ashley's hand, to
the amount of £500, not to trade any arms or ammunition
to the Indians, or otherwise misbehave himself. It was
proved, besides, that he had committed uncleanness with
Indian women, — things feared at the outset. So their
goods were freed, but he was sent home in custody. To
make an end of him, after some time of imprisonment in
tlie Fleet, by means of friends he was set at liberty, and

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 223

intended to come over again, but the Lord prevented it;
for he had an offer made to him by some merchants to go
to Russia, owing to liis skill in the beaver trade, which he
accepted, and on returning home was drowned at sea. This
was his end.

Mr. Hatherley, fully conversant with the state of affairs,
was satisfied, and able to inform them how things stood
between Mr. Allerton and the colony. In fact he discov-
ered that Mr. Allerton had got the better of him, too, and
had taken possession of the things for which Mr. Hatherley
stood jointly responsible to the partners here, as concerned
the Friendship, besides most of the freight money, and
some of his own private property. About this, however,
more will appear in due course. He returned to England
and they sent a good quantity of beaver with him to the
rest of the partners ; so both he and it were very welcome
to them.

Mr. Allerton was busied with his own affairs and re-
turned with his White Angel, being no longer employed by
the settlement. But these troubles were not ended till
many years after, nor fully realized for a long time, being
folded up in obscurity and kept in tlie clouds to the great
loss and vexation of the colony. In the end, for peace'
sake they were forced to bear the unjust burden of them
almost to their undoing, as will appear if God give me
life to finish this history.
. They sent letters by Mr. Hatherley to the partners in
England, to show them how they had settled with Mr.
Hatherley and Mr. Allerton for the Friendship's account,
and that they both affirmed that tlie White Angel did not
belong to them in any way, and that therefore their ac-
count must not be charged with it. They also wrote to
]\Ir. Winslow, their agent, that he, too, should protest
against it in their names, should any such thing be intended

224 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

and that they would never permit it. They also signified
that they dismissed Mr. Allerton wholly from being their
agent, or from having anything to do with any of their
business.

This year John BilUngton the elder, one of those who
came over first, was arraigned, and both by grand and
petty jury found guilty of wilful murder by plain and
notorious evidence, and was accordingly executed.

This, the first execution among them, was a great sad-
ness to them. They took all possible pains in the trial,
and consulted Mr. Winthrop, and the other leading men
at the Bay of Massachusetts recently arrived, who con-
curred with them that he ought to die, and the land be
purged of blood. He and some of his relatives had often
been punished for misconduct before, being one of the
profanest families among them. They came from London,
and I know not by what influence they were shuffled
into the first body of settlers. The charge against him was
that he waylaid a young man, one John Newcomin, about
a former quarrel, and shot him with a gun, whereof he died.

Having by good fortune a letter or two that came into
my hands concerning the proceedings of their reverend
friends at the Bay of Massachusetts, who had lately come
over, I thought it not amiss to insert them here, before
concluding this year.

Sir,

Being at Salem on Sunday, the 25th of July, after the evening
service Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Governor, Mr. John
Winthrop, saying that the hand of God was upon them at Boston
and those at Charlestown, visiting them Vi^ith sickness and taking
many from amongst them, the righteous suffering -with, the wicked
in these bodily judgments. He desired the godly here to take into
consideration what was to be done to pacify Ae Lord's wrath, etc.
It was concluded that the Lord was to be sought in righteousness ;
and to that end, the 6th day (Friday) of this present week, has

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 225

been set apart that they may humble themselves before God and
seek Him in His ordinances. On that day such godly persons
as are amongst them, and known to each other, will at the end
of the service publicly make known their godly desire, and practice
it, viz., that they solemnly enter into covenant with the Lord to
walk in His ways. As those who have agreed to keep this day
live at three different places, each settlement having men of
ability among them, they decided to form themselves into three
distinct bodies, not intending to proceed hastily to the choice of
officers, or the admission of others to their society, except a few
well-known to them, promising afterwards to receive by confession
of faith such as appear to be qualified. They earnestly beg the
church at New Pli^mouth to set apart the same day, for the same
purpose, beseeching the Lord to withdraw the hand of correction
from them, and to establish and direct them in His ways. And
though the time be short we pray you to be instigated to tliis
godly work, as the cause is so urgent, whereby God will be hon-
oured, and they and we shall undoubtedly receive sweet comfort.
Be you kindly saluted, etc.

Your brethren in Christ, etc.
Salem, July 26th, 1630.

A member of the New Plymouth Settlement, staying at Charles-
town, to a friend at New Plymouth:

Sir,

I have the sad news to impart that many here are sick and many
dead, — the Lord in mercy look upon them. Some here have
entered into church covenant. The first four were the Governor-
Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson;
since then five more have joined, and others are likely to follow
daily. The Lord increase them both in number and in hohness,
for His sake. There is a gentlemen here, Mr. Coddington, a Boston
man, who told me that Mr. Cotton's advice at Hampton was that
they should take counsel of those at New Plymouth, and should
do nothing to offend them. There are many honest Christians
desirous to see us, some because of the love they bear us and the
good opinion they have of us ; others to see if we are so unworthy
as they have heard. We have a name for holiness, and love towards
God and his saints; the Lord make us more and more worthy
of it, and that it may be more than a name, or else it will do us
no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends.
The Lord Jesus bless us, and the whole Israel of God. Amen.

Your loving brother, etc.
Charlestown, Aug. 2nd, 1630.

g^6 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

Thus out of small beginnings greater things have grown
by His hand Who made all things out of nothing, and
gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle
may light a thousand, so the light enkindled here has shone
to many, yea, in a sense, to our whole nation ; let the glorious
name of Jehovah have all the praise.

CHAPTER Xn

Mr. Winslovv in England about the White Angel and Friend-
ship accoiuxts — The WTiite Angel let out to Allerton — Aller-
ton's extravagance as agent — Josias Winslow sent from Eng-
land as accountant — Penobscot robbed by the French — Sir
Christopher Gardiner in New England — The Order of the Pi'ivy
Council about New England: 1631.

Ashley being taken away by the hand of God, and Mr.
Allerton discharged from his employment, their business
began to run smoothly again, since they were better able
to guide it, Penobscot being now wholly in their control ;
for though Mr. William Pierce had a share in it, as things
stood he was glad to have his money repaid him and re-
sign. Mr. Winslow sent them over some supplies from
England as soon as he could, and when he arrived some
time later he brought a large supply of suitable goods
with him, by means of which their trading could be carried
on successfully. Neither his representations nor the letters
they wrote succeeded in preventing Mr. Sherley and the
rest from charging both the Friendship and the White
Angel to the general account, which was the cause of con-
tinual contention thereafter.

I will now insert a letter of Mr. Winslow's on the subject.

Edward Winslow in England to Governor Bradford at New

Plymouth:
Sir,

It chanced by God's providence that I received and brought
your letters per Mr. Allerton from Bristol to London; and I fear
what the outcome will be. Mr. Allerton intended to fit out the ship
again for fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews
disclaim responsibility, protesting that but for us they would never
have risked one penny; Mr. Hatherley takes no decided stand on
either side. As to what you write about hini and Mr. Allerton

227

228 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

taking the White Angel upon themselves on behalf of the partners
here, the others insist that they never gave any such orders, nor
will they make it good ; if those two like to be responsible for
the account, well and good. What the upshot will be, I do not
know. The Lord so direct and assist us that He may not be dis-
honoured by our dissensions. I hear from a friend that I was
much blamed for telling what I heard in the spring about the
plans for seUing the ship in Spain; but if I had not told you what
I heard so peremptorily reported, — and which I offered to prove
at Bristol, — I should certainly have been unworthy of my employ-
ment. As to the power of attorney, given so long ago to Mr.
Allerton, what we feared has happened : Mr. Sherley and the
others have got it and will not surrender it, that being the instru-
ment of our agents* credit to procure such sums. I expect bitter
words, hard thoughts, and sour looks from several for writing
this, as for reporting the former information. I would I had a
more thankful task, but I hope a good conscience will make it
comfortable, etc.
Nov. itth, 1631.

Thus far he.

The deed mentioned above was given under their hand
and seal when Mr. Allerton was first employed by them,
and its return was requested when they first began to sus-
pect him. He told them it was among his papers, but
he would find it and give it them before he went. When
he was ready to go it was demanded again. He said he
had not found it, but it was among his papers which he
was taking with him, and he would send it by the boat
coming from the eastward ; and then again it could not be
found, but he would look it up at sea. Whether Mr, Sher-
ley had it before or after this is not certain ; but having
it, he would not let it go, and keeps it to this day. So even
among friends men need to be careful whom they trust,
and not let things of this nature lie long unrecalled.

James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New

Plymouth:
Sir,

I have received your letter through our friends Mr. Allerton and
Mr. Hatherley, who, blessed be God, have arrived safely at Bristol.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 229

Mr. Hatherley has come to London, but Mr. Allerton I have not
yet seen. We thank you, and are very glad you dissuaded him
from the Spanish voyage, and that he did not fulfill his intentions ;
for we all utterly disliked the project, as well as the fishing of the
Friendship. We wished him to sell the salt, and were unwilling
to have him undertake so much business, partly because of previous
failure, and partly because we Avere loth to disburse so much money.
But he assured us this would repay us, and that the colony would
be long in doing so ; nay, I remember that he even doubted if by
your trading there you could meet your expenses and pay us,
and for this very reason he induced us to undertake that business
with Ashley, though he was a stranger to us. . . .

As to the cost of the fishing ship we are sorry it proves so hea\'y,
and are willing to take our share of it. What Mr. Hatherley and
Mr. Allerton have proposed no doubt they themselves will make
good; we gave them no authority to make any composition to
separate j'ou from us in this or any other scheme. Furthermore,
1 think you have no cause to forsake us, for we involved you in
nothing but what your agent advocated and you in your letters
desired. If he exceeded your authority I hope you will not blame
us, much less leave us in the lurch, now that our money is ex-
pended. . . . But I fear neither you nor we have been properly
dealt with ; for, as you v.rite, surely one half of £4000 — nay a
quarter — in commodities, despatched in seasonable time, would
have provided you more effectively. Yet, in spite of all this and
much more that I might write, I cannot but think him honest, and
that his intentions were good; but the wisest may fail. Well,
now that it has pleased God to give us hope of agreeing, doubt not
but we shall all endeavour to adjust these accounts fairly, as soon
as we possibly can. I suppose you sent over Mr. Winslow and
we Mr. Hatherley to certify each other how the state of things
stood. We have received some satisfaction upon ]\Ir. Hatherley's
return, and I hope you will receive the same upon Mr. Winslow's
return.

Now to answer your letter more particularly; I shall be very
brief. The charging of the White Angel to your account could
not be more surprising to j'ou than the purchase of her was to us ;
for you commissioned* that what he did you would stand by; we
gave him no such commission, yet for his credit and your sakes
paid the bills he charged us with. ... As to my writing that she

*His commission was abused; he never had any authority for
such undertakings, as they well knew, nor had the adventurers
in England any authority to pay this money, — nor would they have
paid a penny of it if they had not had some other object in view.

230 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

was to fulfill two purposes, fishing and trading, believe me I never
so much as thought of any private trading, nor will I countenance
any; for I was always against it, and used these very words: It
will reduce the profits of the settlement and ruin it.

The rest of the letter I omit as it is not very pertinent.
It was dated Nov. 19th, 1631. In another letter, dated
Nov. 24th, in answer to the general letter on the same sub-
ject, there are these words:

As to the White Angel about which you write so earnestly, saying
we thrust her upon you contrary to the intentions of the purchaser,
we say you forget yourselves and do us wrong. We will not take
upon us to divine what the thoughts or intentions of the purchaser
were ; but what he spoke we heard, and that we will affirm and
make good against anyone, viz., that unless she were bought
Ashley could not be supplied, and if he were not supplied we could
not recoup ourselves for our losses on your account.

From another of his dated Jan. 2nd, 1631 :

We propose to keep the Friendship and the White Angel, as
regards last year's voyages, on the general account, hoping that
together they will produce profit rather than loss, and cause less
confusion in our accounts and less disturbance in our intercourse.
As for the White Angel, though we laid out the money and took
bills of sale in our own names, none of us had so much as a
thought of separating from you in any way this year, because we
did not wish the world (I may say Bristol) to see any breach
between Mr. Allerton and you, or between him and us, and so
disgrace him in his proceedings. We have now let him the ship
at £30 per month, by charter-party and secured him in a bond of
£1000 to perform the contract and bring her back to London, if
God please. What he takes in her for you shall be marked with
your mark, and bills of lading shall be taken and sent in Mr.
Winslow's letter, who is this day riding to Bristol about it. So
in this voyage we deal with him as strangers, not as partners.
He has turned in three books of accounts, one for the company,
another for Ashley's business, and the third for the White Angel
and Friendship. The books, or copies of them, we propose to
send you, for you may discover the errors in them more readily
than we could. It can be reckoned how much money he has had
from us, and you can charge him with all the beaver he had from

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 231

you. The total sum, as he has it, is £7103-7-1. Of this he has
expended, and given to Mr. Vines and others, about £543. You
will know from your books whether you had the goods he charges
to you. This is all I can say at present concerning the accounts.
He expected to complete them in a few hours ; but he and Straton
and Fogg were over a month at them ; but he could not wait till
we had examined them for fear of losing his fishing voyage, —
which I fear he has already done. . . .

We bless God Who put it into our minds to send to each other;
for had Mr. Allerton gone on in that risky and expensive way
one year more we should not have been able to meet his ex-
penditure; nay, both he and we must have lain in the ditch and
8unk under the burden. . . . Had there been an orderly course
taken and your business better managed, by the blessing of God
yours would have been the ablest colony we know of, undertaken by
Englishmen. . . .

Thus far of these letters of Mr. Sherley's.

A few observations about former letters, and then I
will give the simple truth of the things in controversy be-
tween them — at least as far as good evidence can show.

1. It seems clear that Ashley's business and the buying
of the ship and the resultant plans were first contrived by
Mr. Allerton.

2. Though Mr. Allerton may not have intended to wrong
the plantation, his own private ends led him astray; for
it became known that in the first two or three years of his
employment as agent, he had made £400, and put it into
a brewery of Mr. Collier's in London. Again, Mr. Sher-
ley and he had private dealings; and yet I believe, as he
mentioned above, that Mr. Sherley did not countenance
any private trading which he thought would injure the
colony.

3. Considering all they had done for the settlement, in
former risks and recent disbursements, when Mr. AUer-
ton's proposals turned out unsuccessful they thought it
fair that the colony should bear them, and so took ad-

232 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

vantage of such power as Mr. Allerton formerly had as
their agent, to let these losses devolve upon them.

4. As for Mr. Allerton, w^ith pity and compassion I may
say with the apostle Timothy (I Tim. vi, 9, 10) : "But
they that will be rich fall into temptation and a snare
. . . and pierce themselves through with many sorrows
• . . for the love of money is the root of all evil." God
give him to see the evil of his ways, that he may find
mercy in repentance for the wrongs he has done.

As to the two ships, the truth as far as could be learned
was this. The idea of fitting out the fishing ship — the
Friendship — came first from the colony, but was left to
them in England to carry out or not, as they thought
best. But when it was fully considered, and the plan seemed
hopeful and profitable, it was suggested: why might they
not do it for themselves to cover their losses, and
without letting the colony share in it. If their supplies
reached them in time, that was sufficient. So they hired
her and fitted her out, and freighted her as full as she
could carry with the goods of passengers belonging to
Massachusetts, which rose to a good sum of money, and
intended to send the New Plymouth settlement their goods
in the other ship. Mr. Hatherley confirmed the follow-
ing upon oath before the Governor and Deputy Governor
of Massachusetts, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: that
the Friendship was not intended for the joint partnership,
but for the private account of Mr. James Sherley, Mr.
Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Allerton, and himself. This
deposition was taken under their hands at Boston, Aug.
29th, 1639, as may be seen besides other testimony.

As for the White Angel, though she was first bought,
or at least the price arranged, by Mr. Allerton at Bristol,
Mr. Sherley need not have disbursed the money against
his will. That she was not intended for the general part-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 233

nership appears from various evidence. The bills of sale
were made out in their own names, without any reference
to the colony at all ; namely, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp,
Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton, — Mr.
Hatherley would not join them in this.

Mr. Allerton took oath to the same effect concerning
the White Angel before the Governor and Deputy, on
September 7th, 1639, and deposed that Mr. Hatherley and
himself, on behalf of them all, agreed to free all the rest
of the New Plymouth partners from tlie losses of the
Friendship for £200.

Q)ncerning Mr. Aller ton's accounts, they were so lengthy
and intricate that they could not understand them, much
less correct them, and it was two or three years before they
could unravel them even imperfectly. I know not why,
but he took upon himself to keep all the accounts, though
Mr. Sherley, their agent, was to buy and sell all their
goods, and did so usually; but it was Mr. Allerton who
passed in accounts for all disbursements, — goods bought
which he never saw, the expenses for the Leyden people
incurred by others in his absence, for the patents, etc., —
in connection with all of which he made it appear that
the balance owing to him was over £300, and demanded
payment. However, on examination he was found to be
over £2000 debtor to them, besides I know not how much
that could never be cleared up, interest unaccounted,
etc. Then they were obliged to pass bills for expenses
that were intolerable. The fees for the patent came to
above £500 — all for nothing; £30 given at a clap, and £50
spent on a journey, etc. No wonder Mr. Sherley said
that if their business had been better managed they might
have been the richest English colony at that time. He
even screwed up his poor old father-in-law's account to
above £200, when, alas! he, poor man, never dreamed that

234 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

what he had received could be near that value, believing
that many of the things brought over had been given by
Mr. Allerton as presents to him and his children. Nor
did they come to nearly that value in fact, the prices being
inflated by interest.

This year Mr. Sherley, too, sent over a cash account,
showing what Mr. Allerton had received from them and
disbursed, for which he referred to his accounts ; besides
an account of beaver sold, which Mr. Winslow and others
had taken over, and a large supply of goods which Mr.
Winslow had brought back, and all the disbursements
for the Friendship and White Angel, and anything else
he could charge the partners with. In these accounts of
Mr. Sherley's some things were obscure and some twice
charged. They made them debtor to the total amount of
£4770-19-2, besides £1000 still due for the purchase yet
unpaid, and notwithstanding all the beaver and goods that
both Ashley and they had shipped over.

Into such huge sums had Mr. Allerton run them in two
years, for at the end of 1628 all their debts did not much
exceed £400, as will be remembered ; now they amounted
to as many thousands! In 1629, when Mr. Sherley and
Mr. Hatherley were at Bristol, they wrote a long letter
in which they gave an account of the debts and the sums
that had been disbursed; but Mr. Allerton begged and
entreated them to omit it. So they blotted out two lines
in which the sums were mentioned, and wrote over them
so that not a word could be read, to which they have since
confessed. They were thus kept hoodwinked, until now:
they found themselves deeply in debt.

To mend matters, Mr. Allerton now wholly deserted
them; having brought them into the briars, he leaves them
to get out as best they can. But God crossed him mightily,
for having hired the ship from Mr. Sherley at £30 a month.

THE PLYINIOUTH SETTLEMENT 235

he set out again with a drunken crew, and so overloaded
her that she could not bear sail, and they were forced to
put into Milford Haven and reload her, which lost them
the season and resulted in a less profitable voyage than the
year before. Having reached this country he sold trading
commodities to any that would buy, to the serious detri-
ment of the colony; but what was worse, what he could
not sell outright he sold on credit, and formed a disrepu-
table company of traders to cover every hole and corner,
— even up the Kennebec, to take away the trade from the
settlement's house there, on the patent for which he had
wasted so much of their money. Not content with this, he
did all he could to reduce its value to the colony and ruin
them; he took partners, and set up a trading house beyond
Penobscot, to cut oflF the trade there too. But the French,
seeing that it would injure them, came down on them before
they were well settled, and ousted them, killing two of their
men, and taking all the goods, to a considerable value, the
loss being mostly, if not all Mr. Allerton's. The rest of
the men were sent into France and this was the end of
that project. Those to whom he sold on credit, being
loose and drunken fellows, for the most part cheated him
of all they got into their hands. Afterwards, when he
came to New Plymouth, the church called him to account
for these and other gross miscarriages. He confessed his
fault, and promised better ways, and that he would wind
himself out of the tangle as soon as he could, etc.

This year Mr. Sherley must needs send them out a
new accountant. He had made mention of such a thing
the year before, but they wrote him that their expenses
were so great already that he need not increase them in
this way, and that if they were dealt with fairly and had
their accounts properly sent in from there, they could
keep their accounts here themselves. Nevertheless, he

236 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

sent them over a man they could not well refuse, as he
was a younger brother of Mr. Winslow's,— Mr. Josias
Winslow, — whom they had been at considerable expense
to instruct in London before he came. He came over in
the White Angel with Mr. Allerton, and there began his
first employment.

This year their house at Penobscot was robbed by the
French, and all their goods of any value was taken, up
to £400 or £500 at least. The captain in charge of the
house, and some of the men with him, had gone west-
ward with their vessel to fetch a supply of goods which
had been brought over for them. In the meantime came
a small French ship into the harbour, and amongst the
company was a false Scot. They pretended they had
just come in from sea, and did not know where they were;
tliat their vessel was very leaky, and asked if they might
haul her ashore and mend her. They used many French
compliments, and in the end, seeing only three or four
servants, and understanding from this Scotchman that the
captain and the rest were away from home, they began
praising their guns and muskets that lay in racks on the
wall, and took them down to look at them, asking if they
were loaded. And when they had hold of them, one of
them presents a gun ready charged at the servants and
another a pistol, and bid them quietly deliver up their
goods. Some of the men were carried aboard, and others
had to help carry the goods. When they had taken what
they wanted, they set them at liberty and went their way,
with this mock: to tell their captain when he returned that
some of the Isle of Rey gentlemen had been there.

This year Sir Christopher Gardiner, a descendent of
that Bishop of Winchester who was so great a persecutor
of God's saints in Queen Mary's days, and a great traveller,
who had received the honour of knighthood at Jerusalem,

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT ^37

being made knight of the Sepulchre there, came into these
parts under pretence of forsaking the world and living a
godly life. He was not unwilling to perform any mean
employment, or to take any pains for his living; and some
time after he offered to join the churches in several places.
He brought over with him a servant or two and a comely
young woman, whom he called his cousin, but it was sus-
pected that, after the Italian manner, she was his concubine.
Having been living in Massachusetts, for some misbehav-
iour which he should have answered for there, he fled from
authority and got among the Indians of these parts. He
was pursued, but they could not get him, though they
promised a reward if he were found. The Indians came to
the Governor here and told where he was, and asked if they
might kill him. He told them by no means, but if they
could capture him and bring him here, they would be paid
for their pains. They said he had a gun and a rapier and
he would kill them if they attempted it, and the Massachu-
setts Indians had said they might kill him. But the Gov-
ernor told them they must not kill him, but watch their op-
portunity and seize him. So they did ; for coming upon him
by the riverside, he got into a canoe to escape and while
he was covering them with his gun to keep them off, the
stream carried the canoe against a rock and tumbled both
him and his gun and rapier into the water. But he got
out, and having a little dagger by his side, they dare not
close with him. So they got some long poles and soon
beat the dagger out of his hands, when he was glad to yield,
and they brought him to the Governor. But his arms and
hands were badly swollen and very sore with the blows they
had given him. So he treated him kindly and sent him
to a lodging where his arms were bathed and anointed,
and he was quickly well again. The Governor blamed the
Indians for beating him so much, but they said they only

238 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

whipped him a httle with sticks ! In his lodging, those who
made his bed, found a little note-book that had slipt out of
his pocket by accident, in which was a memorandum of the
day he was reconciled to the pope and the church of Rome,
and in what university he took his scapula, and such and
such degrees. This was handed over to the Governor here,
who sent the Governor of Massachusetts word of his
capture. He was sent for, and the notes were handed
over to the Governor there, who was very grateful. After
Sir Christopher got to England he showed his malice; but
God prevented him.

Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New

Plymouth:
Sir,

It has pleased God to bring Sir Christopher Gardiner safely to
us, with his dependents. And though I never intended to take any
harsh measures with him, but to treat him as his position de-
manded, I let him know of your kind words about him, and that
he will speed the better for your mediation. It was a special
providence of God to bring those notes of his into our hands.
Please instruct all that are aware of them not to inform anyone,
for that may frustrate the use to be made of them. The Good
Lord our God Who has always ordered things for the good
of His poor churches here, direct us in this aright, and dispose it
to a good issue. I am sorry we put you to so much trouble about
this gentleman, especially at this busy time, but I knew not how
to avoid it. I must again beg you to let me know what expense
and trouble any of your people have been at on his account, tliat
it maj' be recompensed. So, with the true affection of a friend,
desiring all happiness to you and yours, and to all my worthy
friends with you, whom I love in the Lord, I commend you to
His grace and providence, and rest,

Your most assured friend
Boston, May ith, 1631. JOHN WINTHROP.

Anent this I will take the liberty to show what occurred
through this man's malice, complying with others. And
though I do not doubt it will be more fully dealt with by
honoured friends whom it more directly concerned and who

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 239

have more exact knowledge of the matter, I will give a
hint of it here, showing God's providence in preventing
the injury that might have resulted. The information I
received was in a letter from my much honoured and be-
loved friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of Massachu-
setts.

Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New
Plymouth:

Sir,

Upon a petition presented by Sir Christopher Gardiner, Sir
Ferdinand Gorges, Captain Mason, etc., against you and us, the
cause was heard before the lords of the Privy Council, and was
afterwards reported to the King, the success of which makes it
evident to all that the Lord has care of His people here. The
passages are admirable, but too long to write. I heartily wish for
an opportunity to impart them to you : they cover many sheets of
paper. But the conclusion was (against all expectation) an order
for our encouragement, and much blame and disgrace upon the
adversaries. This calls for much thankfulness from us all, which
we purpose, the Lord willing, to express in a day of Thanksgiving
to our merciful God. I do not doubt but that you will consider
whether it is not fitting for you to join in it. As He humbled us
by our recent correction, so He has now lifted us up by an
abundant rejoicing in our deliverance from so desperate a danger;
and the instrument whereby our enemies hoped to ruin us. He
has mercifully turned to our great advantage, as I shall further
acquaint you when opportunity serves.

The following is the order of the Privy Council:

Jan. igfh, 1632.
AT THE COURT OF WHITEHALL
Present
Sigillum LORD PRIVY SEAL LORD COTTINGTON
EARL OF DORSET MR. TREASURER

LORD VISCOUNT FALKLAND MR. VICE CHAMBERLAIN
LORD BISHOP OF LONDON MR. SECRETARY COOKE
MASTER SECRETARY WINDBANK

Whereas his majesty has lately been informed of great distrac-
tion and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America

240 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

called New England, which if they be true and suffered to run on,
would tend to the great dishonour of this kingdom and the utter
ruin of that plantation. For prevention whereof and for the
orderly settling of the government according to the intention of
those patents which have been granted by his majesty and by his
late royal father King James, it has pleased his majesty that the
lords and others of his most honourable Privy Council should take
the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place
thought fit to make a committee of this board to examine the
information ; which connnittee, having called several of the principal
adventurers in the plantation, and heard those that are complainants
against them, most of the things informed being denied and re-
maining to be proved by parties that must be called from that
place, which would require a long lapse of time; and at present
their lordships finding the adventurers occupied in the dispatch of
men, victuals, and merchandise for that place, all of which would
be at a standstill if the adventurers should be discouraged or
suspect that the state had no good opinion of the plantation ; their
lordships, not laying the fault or fancies (if any be) of some in-
dividuals upon the general government of the principal adventurers,
which in due time is to be further enquired into, have thought fit
in the meantime to declare that the appearances were so fair and
the hopes so great, and that the country would prove both so bene-
ficial to this kingdom and so profitable to the particular adven-
turers, that the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with
their undertakings, and rest assured that if things were carried
on as was claimed when the patents were granted and as by the
patents is appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the
liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply anything
further that might tend to the good government, prosperity, and
comfort of his people there of that place. . . .

WILLIAM TRUMBALL.

CHAPTER Xin

Sale of the Wliite Angel to Allerton — The Wliite Angel sold
in Spain — Hatherley settles in New England — Rapid increase
of the Colonists' Piosperity — Divisions in the Chuixh of New
Plymouth — Wreck of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632.

Mr. Allerton returned to England, little regarding his
bond of £1000 to perform his contract; for though bound
to take the ship to London, and to pay £30 per month for
her hire, he did neither, for he stopped at Bristol to fit her
out again there; and this he did three times. She had
been ten months on the former voyage, but he never paid
a penny for her hire. It would seem he knew well enough
how to deal with Mr. Sherley — he, though he must needs
foist her upon the general account, disposing of her as he
pleased. And though Mr. Allerton had thus broken his
contract in every way, Mr. Sherley goes and sells him both
the ship and all her accounts from first to last in a bond
for £2000, — in effect he might as well have given her to
him, — and not only this, but as good as gives him sanctuary,
for he allows him one 3^ear to prepare his account and pre-
sent it to the partners here, and another year to make pay-
ment of what should be due upon the account. In the
meantime he wrote earnestly to them not to hinder him
in his business, or delay him for the sake of the accounts,
etc. The result was that in the interim he collected all the
money due for freight and any other amounts belonging to
her or the Friendship, as his ovv-n private debts ; and, after
all, sold ship, ordnance, fish, and other lading in Spain, as
he had first planned, and what became of the money he best

241

242 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

knows. Meanwhile their hands were tied and they could^
do nothing but look on, till he had transferred everything
to other men's hands, except a few cattle and a little land
and a few things he had here at New Plymouth, and so
ultimately removed all his belongings, as he had already
done himself, from hence.

Mr. Hatherley came over again this year upon his own
business, and began to make preparations to settle in the
country. As appeared later, he had closed out his share
in the business, and remained a partner in name only,
nor did he trouble about their affairs in any way, except
as regards his engagements in connection with the Friend-
ship. In connection with that, and some dealings between
Mr. Allerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton
owed him on private transactions, he drew up an account
of over £2000, and tried to thrust it upon the partners here
on the ground that Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But
they told him they had been fooled long enough in that
way, and showed him that it was no concern of theirs. As
for the debts of the Friendship he must expect to meet them.

Mr. Pierce did the same, Mr. x-Mlerton having got into
his debt also in their private dealings. However, the part-
ners here easily shook off these worries ! but Mr. Allerton
brought much trouble and vexation upon himself, as he
had upon others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the money
he had disbursed for one sixth share in the White Angel,
and recovered it with damages.

Though the partners were thus plunged into heavy
engagements and unjust debts, the Lord prospered their
trading, and they made large returns yearly, and would
soon have freed themselves if they had been fairly dealt
with otherwise. The settlers, too, began to grow in pros-
perity, through the influx of many people to the country,
especially to the Bay of Massachusetts. Thereby corn

THE PLY^IOUTH SETTLEMENT 243-

and cattle rose to a high price, and many were enriched,
and commodities grew plentiful. But in other regards this
benefit turned to their harm, and this accession of strength
to weakness. For as their stocks increased and became
more saleable, there was no longer any holding them to-
gether; they must of necessity obtain bigger holdings,
otherwise they could not keep their cattle ; and having
oxen they must have land for ploughing. So in time no
one thought he could live unless he had cattle and a great
deal of land to keep them, all striving to increase their
stocks. By this means they were quickly scattered all
over the Bay, and the town in which they had lived com-
pactly until now was left ver}^ thinly peopled, and in a short
time almost desolate.

If this had been all the ill that resulted, it would have
been small in comparison with the rest ; but the church
also was disunited, and those who had lived so long to-
gether in Christian and comfortable fellowship, must now
part and suffer many divisions. First, those who lived on
their lots on the other side of the Bay, called Duxbury,
owing to the trouble of bringing their wives and children
to public worship and church-meetings here, growing to a
considerable number, sued to be separated and become a
distinct body. So they were allowed to separate about this
time though very unwillingly. To prevent any further
scattering from this place and weakening of it, it was
thought best to give out some good farms in the neighbour-
hood to special persons who would promise to live at New
Plymouth, likely to be helpful to the church and common-
wealth, and so tie the lands to New Plymouth as farms for
its inhabitants, so that their cattle and their ploughed land
might be kept there by servants, and they retain their dwell-
ings here. So some special lands were granted at a place
called Green's Harbour, where no allotments had been made

244 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

in the former division, very M/ell-meadowed and suitable
for raising cattle. But alas ! this remedy proved worse than
the disease; for within a few years those who had thus
got footing there, seceded from the church, partly deliber-
ately, and partly by wearing out the rest with importunity
and pleas of exigency, so that they either had to let them
go or live in continual contention. Others again, thinking
themselves impoverished, or for want of accommodation,
broke away on one pretence or another, thinking their own
imagined necessity or the example of others sufficient war-
rant. This I fear will be the ruin of New England, — at
least of the churches of God there, — and will provoke the
Lord's displeasure against them.

This year Mr. William Pierce came over and brought
goods and passengers in a ship called the Lyon which be-
longed chiefly to Mr. Sherley and the rest of the London
partners, those here having nothing to do with her. Be-
sides some beaver which they had sent home earlier in the
year, they sent in this ship upwards of iSoo worth, and
some otter skins. They sent, also, copies of Mr. Allerton's
accounts, requesting them to examine them and rectify
such things as they should find amiss in them, as they were
better acquainted with the goods bought and the disburse-
ments made there, than they could be here. With these
they sent a book of exceptions to his accounts, where
they could specify them, and did not doubt but they in Eng-
land might add to them. They showed them how much Mr.
AUerton was debtor to the general account, and as they had
now put the ship White Angel wholly in his control and
had tied their hands here, they requested them to call him
to account. But it pleased God that the ship taking these
papers, on her way to Virginia before going home, was
wrecked on the coast not far from Virginia and their cargo
was lost. This was the first loss they had sustained of that

THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEMENT 245

kind. But Mr. Pierce and the men saved their Hves, and
also the letters, and got to Virginia and so safely home.

Copies of the accounts were therefore sent over again to
England.

The following is part of Mr. Pierce's letter from Virginia.
It was dated Dec. 25th, 1632, and came to their hands on
April 7th, before they had heard anything from England:

Williafit Pierce in Virginia to the New Plymouth Colony:

Dear Friends,

The news of this fatal stroke that the Lord has brought upon
me and you will probably come to your ears before this comes to
your hands, and therefore I need not enlarge on particulars, etc.
Almost all my worldly belongings have been take away, — and yours
also in a great measure, by this and your various former losses.
It is time to look about us, before the wrath of the Lord break
forth in utter destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to
search our hearts and try our ways, and turn unto the Lord and
humble ourselves under His mighty hand and seek atonement. . . .
Dear friends, know that all your beaver and books of account are
swallowed up in the sea; your letters remain with me and shall
be delivered if God bring me home. But what more should I say?
By this we have lost our worldly goods — yet a happy loss if our
souls are the gainers. There is more in the Lord Jehovah than
ever we had in this world. O that our foolish hearts could be
weaned from things here below, which are vanity and vexation of
spirit ; and yet we fools catch after shadows that fly away and are
gone in a moment! . . . Thus with my continual remembrance of
you in my poor desires to the Throne of Grace, beseeching God
to renew His love and favour towards you all, in and through the
Lord Jesus Christ, both in spiritual and temporal good things, as
may be most to the glory and praise of His name and your ever-
lasting good, so I rest,

Your afflicted brother in Christ,
Virginia, Dec. ZSth, 1632. WILLIAM PIERCE.

CHAPTER XIV

Trouble about the accounts of the Partnership- — Roger Wil-
liams— Establishment of a trading house on the Connecticut
River — Trouble with the Dutch there— Fever at New Plymouth
— Scovuge of Flies: 1633.

This year Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor.

By the first return of ships they received letters from
Mr. Sherley about Mr. Allerton's further ill-success, and the
loss by Mr. Pierce, with many sad comments. But there
was little hope of getting anything out of Mr. Allerton
or of their accounts being either eased or rectified by them
over there. They saw plainly that the burden of it all
would be thrown upon their backs. The special passages
of his letters I will insert here, for though I am weary of
this tedious and uncomfortable subject, yet for the truth's
sake I am compelled to fully ventilate matters which have
resulted in so much trouble and so many hard censures
on both sides. I do not wish to be partial to either side,
but to disclose the truth as nearly as I can, in their own
words, and so le^ve it to the unbiased judgment of any
who shall come to read them.

James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth:

Loving Friends,

My last was sent in the Mary and John by Mr, William Collier.
I then certified you of the great and unseasonable loss you and we
had, in the wreck of Mr. Pierce and his ship the Lj'on; but the
Lord's holy name be blessed, Who gives and takes as it pleases
Him ; His will be done. Amen. I then related to you that fearful
accident, or rather judgment, the Lord pleased to lay on London
bridge by fire, and therein gave you an idea of my great loss ; the

£46

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 247

Lord I hope will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in
Him and not in the sHppcry and uncertain things of this world.

I hope Mr. Allcrton is nearly with you by this time; but he had
many disasters here before he got away. The last was a heavy
one; his ship, while getting out of the harbour at Bristol in stormy
weather, was driven so far ashore that it cost him over £ioo to
get her afloat again. His condition was so lamentable that I could
not but aiford him some help, as did some who were strangers to
him ; besides, your goods were in her, and if he had not been
assisted he must have given up his voyage, and loss could not have
been avoided on all sides. When he first bought her I think he
would have made a saving match if he had then sunk her and
never set sail in her ! I hope he sees the Lord's hand against
him, and will leave off these voyages. I think we did well in
parting with her; she would have been but a clog to the account,
time and again, and though we shall not get much by way of
satisfaction, we shall lose no more. And now, as I have written
before, pray wind up all the accounts with him there ; here he has
nothing but many debts which he owes in various quarters. Be-
sides, not a man here will spend a day, nay scarcely an hour, on
the accounts but myself, and that business will require more time
and help than I can afford. I need not say any more ; I hope you
will do what will be best and will be just with him, to which add
mercy and consider his intentions, though he failed in many par-
ticulars, which now cannot be helped. . . .

Tomorrow or next day at furthest we are to pay £300, and Mr.
Beauchamp is out of the town, so I must do it. O ! the grief and
trouble that mad Mr. Allerton has brought upon you and us ! I can-
not forget it, and to think of it draws many a sigh from my heart
and tears from my eyes. And now the Lord has visited me with
another great loss, but I can bear it with more patience than those
which I have fooUshly pulled upon myself. . . .

And in another letter there is this passage:

By Mr. Allerton's fair propositions and large promises I have
overrun myself; indeed grief hinders me from writing, and tears
will not suffer me to see; therefore as you love those who ever
loved you, and the colony, think of us. Oh, what shall I say of
that man who has abused your trust and wronged our loves ! But
to lament now is too late, nor can I complain of your backward-
ness, for I know it lies as heavy on your hearts as it does on our
purses. Had the Lord sent Mr. Pierce safely home, it had eased
both you and us of some of those debts. The Lord I hope will

248 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

give us patience to bear these crosses and that great God Whose
care and providence is everywhere, and especially over those who
desire truly to fear and serve Him, direct, guide, prosper, and bless
you so that you may have the povi^er, as you have the will, to take
off this heavy burden which now lies upon me for your sakes, —
and, as I hope, for your ultimate good and that of many thousands
more. For had not you and we joined together, New England
might have been scarcely known, and would not, I feel sure, be
inhabited by such honest English people as it now is. The Lord
increase and bless them. ... So with my continual prayers for
you all, I rest

Your assured loving friend,
June 24th, 1633. JAMES SHERLEY.

Though Mr. Sherley became more alive to his own con-
dition by these losses, and complained the more sadly and
unreservedly of Mr. Allerton, no steps were taken to help
them here — not so much as to examine and rectify the
accoimts, by which probably some hundred of pounds might
have been deducted. But probably they saw that the more
there was taken off the account the less would come to them
in England.

But to come to other things. Mr. Roger Williams, a
godly and zealous man, with many rare qualities but a
very unstable judgment, who settled first in Massachu-
setts, but owing to some discontent left there, came here
about this time, where he was made welcome according to
their poor ability. He exercised his gifts among them, and
after some time was admitted as a member of the church;
and his teaching was highly approved, and for its benefit I
still bless God, and am thankful to him even for his sharp-
est admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agreed with
the truth. This year he began to hold some strange
opinions, and from opinion proceeded to practise. This
caused some controversy between the church and him, and
in the end some discontent on his part, so that he left them
somewhat abruptly. Afterwards he applied for his dismis-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 249

sal, to transfer himself to the church at Salem, which was
granted, with some caution to them about him. But he soon
fell into more trouble there, to the disturbance of church
and government : I need not give particulars, for they are
too well known to all; though for a time the church here
received some hard censure through him, and at the hands
of those who afterwards smarted themselves. But he is
rather to be pitied and prayed for; so I shall leave the
matter, and desire the Lord to show him his errors and
return him to the way of truth, and give him a settled
judgment and constancy therein; for I hope he belongs to
tlie Lord and that He will show him mercy.

Having already had intercourse with the Dutch, as will
be remembered, they, seeing the New Plymouth people
settled here in such a barren quarter, told them of a river
which they called Fresh River, now known by the name of
Connecticut River, which they had often recommended to
them as a fine place for both agriculture and trade, and
wished them to make use of it. But their hands then being
full, they let it pass. Afterwards, a tribe of Indians who
came there were driven out by the Pequots, who usurped
their territory; and the banished tribe often begged them
to go there, and said they could do plenty of trade, es-
pecially if they would keep a house there. So, having a
good stock of goods, and being obliged to look out how
they could better themselves and help to meet their heavy
engagements, they began to explore in that direction and
to trade with the natives. They found it a fine place,
though at first they did little trade; but the Indians put it
down to the season of the year and the fear they were in
of their enemies. So they tried several times, not unprofit-
ably; but they saw that the surest way would be to keep a
house there to receive the trade when it came down from
inland. The Indians not seeing them very active in es-

250 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

tablishing themselves, solicited the Massachusetts colony
similarly — for their object was to be ^^estored to their coun-
try again. But those in the Bay who had but lately ar-
rived were not fitted for it. However, some of the chief
of them proposed to join with the partners here to trade
jointly with them up the Connecticut River, which they
were willing to agree to, with the idea that they should
share equally in the building and the stock. A time of
meeting was appointed in Massachusetts, and some of the
principal men here were appointed to deal with them, and
went accordingly. But the Massachusetts people enter-
tained many fears, of danger, and loss, and the like, which
were seen to be the main causes of their disinclination,
though they alleged that they were not provided with trad-
ing goods, etc. So the New Plymouth people offered at
present to put in sufficient for both, provided they would
become responsible for the half, and meantime prepare
for next year. They confessed that more could not be
expected, but thanked them and told them they did not
care to do it. So they said they hoped it would be no
offence to the Massachusetts colony if they went on with-
out them. They said there was no reason against it ; 'and
so this partnership fell through. So the New Plymouth
colonists in due time made a beginning there, and were the
first English to discover the place and build it, though
they were little better than forced out of it afterwards,
as will appear.

The Dutch now began to repent, and hearing of their
preparations, endeavoured to prevent them, and getting in
a little before them established a small fort with two pieces
of ordnance, threatening to stop their passage. But hav-
ing prepared a small frame of a house and having a big
new bark, they stowed the frame in her hold, together with
boards to cover and finish it, and nails and all other neces-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 251

saries. This was intended as a defence against the Indians,
who were much offended that they had brought back and
restored the right Sachem of the place, called Natav/anute ;
so they encountered a double danger in this attempt, both
from the Dutch and the Indians. When they came up the
river the Dutchmen demanded what they intended and
whither they would go ; they answered up the river to trade,
— their orders being to go and settle above them. They
bid them stop or they would shoot, and stood by, tlieir
ordnance ready loaded. They replied tliat they had orders
from the Governor of New Plymouth to go up the river
to such a place, and, shoot or not, they must obey their
orders and proceed; and that they would not harm them,
but they must go on. So they passed on, and tliough the
Dutch threatened them they did not shoot. Coming to the
place appointed, they clapped up their house quickly, landed
their provisions and left the men, sending the bark home.
Afterwards they palisaded their house and fortified them-
selves better. The Dutch sent home word to Manhattan,
asking what they should do, and in process of time they
sent a troop of about seventy armed men, in warlike for-
mation, with colours displayed, to attack them; but see-
ing them strongly established, and that it would cost blood,
they came to parley, and returned in peace. They did
the Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foot of any of
the land they had bought, but went to a place above them,
and bought the tract of land which belonged to their
friends the Indians whom they took with them, and with
whom the Dutch had nothing to do. So this was their
entrance there; and they deserved to continue to hold
it, and not, later, to have been thrust out by friends, as in a
way they were, as will be seen. But of these matters, more
in another place.

It pleased the Lord this year to visit them with an in-

252 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

fectlous fever of which many fell very ill, and upwards of
twenty persons died, men, women and children, and sev-
eral of their oldest friends who had lived in Holland.
Amongst them were Thomas Blossom, Richard Masterson
with some others: and in the end, after he had helped
others much, Samuel Fuller, their physician, who had been
a great help and comfort to them, not only in his profession,
but also as a deacon of the church, a godly man, always
ready to serve his fellows. He was much missed after his
death, and he and the rest of their brethren who died were
much lamented by them. This brought much sadness and
mourning among them, and caused them to humble them-
selves and seek the Lord; and towards winter it pleased
the Lord that the sickness ceased. This disease also swept
away many of the Indians from the adjoining parts. The
Spring before, especially the month of May, there had
been a quantity of a great sort of fly, as large as wasps or
bumble bees, which came out of holes in the ground, fill-
ing all the woods, and eating the verdure. They made
such a constant yelling noise that the woods rang with
them, till they were ready to deafen the hearers. They
have not been heard or seen before or since by the English.

The Indians told them the sickness would follow, and so
it did, in June, July, and August, during the greatest heat
of the summer.

It pleased the Lord to enable them this year to send
home a great quantity of beaver, besides paying all their
expenses and debts here in the country, which was a
great encouragement to their friends in England. Of
beaver they sent 3366 lbs., and much of it was coat beaver,
which yielded twenty shillings per lb., and some of it more;
and 346 otter skins which also sold at a good price —
fourteen and fifteen shillings per lb. Thus much of the
affairs of this year.

CHAPTER XV

Hocldng Shot at Kennebec — Lord Say and the Settlement
at Piscataqua — ^Mi'. Alden imprisoned at Boston — The case of
Hocking submitted to a Tribimal of the combined Colonies-
Captain Stone and the Dutch Governor — Stone killed by In-
dians— Smallpox among the Indians: 1634.

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor.

Mr. Sherley's letters were very brief in answer to theirs
this year. I will not copy any extracts from them, but
will mention the subjects of one or two of them. First,
he hopes they will not take offence at anything he wrote
previously, professing his affection for them as before, etc.
Secondly, as to ]\Ir. Allerton's accounts, he is convinced the
colony must suffer, and that to no small figure; that they
have cause enough to complain, but it is now too late ; that
Allerton had failed them all, and himself, in his aims, and
that he feared God in consequence would fail him, and it
would not be strange if he fell into worse ways, etc.
Thirdly, he blesses God and is thankful to Him for the good
return made this year. This is the effect of his letters,
other things being of a more private nature.

I now enter upon one of the saddest things that befell
ihem since they came ; and before I begin, it will be neces-
sary to quote that part of their patent which gave them
rights at Kennebec.

The said Council has further given, granted, bargained, sold,
enfeoffed, allotted, assigned, and made over, and by these presents
do clearly and absolutely give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, enfeoff,
allot, assign, and confirm unto the said William Bradford, his
heirs, associates, and assigns, all that tract of land or part of

253

S54 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

New England in America aforesaid, which lies within or between,
and extends itself from the utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which
adjoins the river of Kennebec, towards the Western ocean, and a
place called the Falls of Nequamkeck in America aforesaid; and
the space of fifteen Engish miles on each side of the said river,
commonly called Kennebec river, and all the said river called
Kennebec that lies within the said limits and bounds, eastward,
westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and
all lands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by virtue
of the authority to us derived by his said late majesty's letters
patent, to take, apprehend, seize, and make prize of all such persons,
their ships and goods, as shall attempt to inhabit or trade with
the savage people of that country within the several precincts and
limits of his or their several plantations, etc.

Now it happened that one Hocking, belonging to the
settlement at Piscataqua, went with a bark and some com-
modities to trade on the Kennebec, and must needs trans-
gress their limits, and even go up the river above their
house towards the Falls, and intercept the trade that should
have come to them. The man in charge of the place for-
bade him, and begged him not to do them the injury of
infringing their rights which had cost them so dear. He
replied he would go up and trade there in spite of them,
and remain there as long as he pleased. The answer was
that in that case he would be forced to remove him or
apprehend him. Whereupon Hocking bid him do his
worst, and went up and anchored there. So the captain
took a boat and some men, and followed him, and again
urged him to depart. But all in vain ; he could get nothing
from him but ill words. So, as it was just the season
for trade to come down, and if he allowed him to remain
there and take it from them, all their previous expense
would be wasted, he consulted with his men, who being
willing, he decided to sever the boat from her anchorage,
and let her drift down the river with the stream, but com-
manded his men not to shoot on any account unless he

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 255

commanded them. He spoke to Hocking again, but all
in vain; then he sent a couple of men in a canoe to cut
his cable, which one of them did. Thereupon Hocking
took up a gun which he had put ready, and as the bark
drifted down past the canoe he shot the man in the head
and killed him instantly. One of his comrades who loved
him well, could not restrain himself, and making aim with
his musket shot Hocking dead on the spot. This is a
true account of what happened. The rest of the men took
the vessel home, with these sad tidings. Now Lord Say
and Lord Brook, with some other eminent men, had an
interest in this settlement, so the people wrote home to
them in such terms as to exasperate them as much as possi-
ble, leaving out all the extenuating circumstances, and
making it appear that Hocking had been killed without
provocation, suppressing the fact that he had killed a man
first. So their Lordships were much ofifended, till they
were fully informed of the details.

The news of this spread quickly, with the worst light
put upon it, and reached their neighbours in Massachusetts.
Their own bark came home to New Plymouth, bringing a
true report of it, and all were deeply and naturally affected
by it. Not long after, they had occasion to send their
vessel to the Bay of Massachusetts; but the colony tliere
was so incensed at the occurrence that they imprisoned
Mr. Alden who was aboard, and had been at Kennebec,
but had taken no part in the affair, having only gone up
to take supplies. They freed the boat, but kept Mr. Alden
for some time. This was thought strange here, and they
sent Captain Standish, with letters, to give them full in-
formation, and to procure Mr. Alden's release. I will give
a letter or two which refer to these things.

256 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Two letters frotn Thomas Dudley at Newtown to William Bradford
at New Plymouth:

Good Sir,

I have received your letter through Captain Standish, and am
unfeignedly glad of God's mercy towards you in the steady re-
covery of your health. Concerning the matter you write of, I
thought I would send a word or two in answer to yourself, leaving
your Governor's letter to be answered by our court, to which with
myself it is directed. I presume, until I hear further, that your
patent may warrant your resistance of any Englishmen trading at
Kennebec, and that the blood of Hocking and the man he slew
will be required, elsewhere, at his hands. But with yourself and
others I grieve for their deaths. I think, also, that your general
letters will satisfy our courts, and make them cease from meddhng
further in the matter. Upon that same letter I have hberated Mr.
Alden, with his sureties; but that I may not seem to neglect the
opinion of our court, I have bound Captain Standish to appear
on June 3rd at our next court, to make affidavit for the copy of
the patent and to testify to the circumstances of Hocking's provoca-
tions, both of which will tend to prove your innocence. If any
offence has been taken at what we have done, let it be better con-
sidered, I pray you ; and I hope the more you think of it, the less
blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in dis-
tinguishing between those whose opinions concur with your own,
and others— though I can truly say I have spoken with no one on
the subject, even those who blame you most, who had not always
heretofore declared their good-will towards your colony. Refer-
ring you further to the report you have from Captain Standish
and Mr. Alden, I leave you for the present with God's blessing,
wishing you perfect recovery of your health and long continuance
of it. I desire to be lovingly remembered to Mr. Prince — your
Governor, Mr. Winslow, and Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if
I could. The Lord keep you all. Amen.

Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus,
Newtown, May 22nd, 1634. THOMAS DUDLEY.

Sir,

I am deeply sorry for the news that Captain Standish and others
of your colony, and my beloved friends, are bringing with them
to New Plymouth, in which I suffer with you, because of the differ-
ence of my opinion from that of others who are godly and wise
amongst us here, reverence for whose judgments causes me to
suspect my own ignorance. But I cannot alter it until 1 am con-

THE PLY^IOUTH SETTLEMENT 257

vinced otherwise. I did not intend to show your letter to me,
but to do my best to reconcile the differences as best I could; but
Captain Standish demanding an answer to it publicly in court, I
was forced to produce it, which made the breach the wider, as
he will tell you. I proposed to the court that they should answer
the letter from Mr. Prince, your Governor ; but the court ruled
that it required no answer, since it was itself an answer to a
former letter of ours. Pray inform Mr. Prince of this, and others
whom it concerns, so that they may not impute neglect or ill
manners to me on this score. The recent letters I have received
from England cause me to fear* that some trials are likely to fall
upon us shortly, and this unhappy dispute between you and us,
and between you and Piscataqua, will hasten them, if God with an
extraordinary hand does not help us. To reconcile this for the
present will be very difficult; but time cools distempers, and a
common danger approaching us both will necessitate our uniting
again. I pray you therefore, Sir, set your wisdom and patience to
work, and exhort others to do the same, that things may not pro-
ceed from bad to worse, making our divisions like the bars of a
palace ; but that a way of peace may be kept open, where the God
of peace may have entrance at His own time. If you are wronged,
it is to your honour to bear it patiently; but I go too far in need-
lessly putting you in mind of such things. God has done great
things for you, and I desire His blessings may be multiplied upon
you more and more. I will commit no more to writing, but com-
mending myself to your prayers, I rest

Your truly loving friend in our Lord Jesus,
June 4th, 1634. THOMAS DUDLEY.

This shows what troubles arose, and how hard they were
to allay ; for though they were heartily sorry for what had
happened, they considered they had been unjustly injured
and provoked, and that their neighbours, who had no
jurisdiction over them, exceeded their bounds thus to im-
prison a member of their settlement and bring the ques-
tion before their Court. But being assured of their Chris-
tian love, and convinced that it was done out of godly zeal,

♦There was cause enough for these fears, which were concerned
with the underhand work of some enemies to the churches here,
which resulted in the issue by the King of a new "Commission for
Regulating Colonies," signed April 28th, 1634,

258 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

that religion might not suffer nor sin be in any way con-
cealed or countenanced, — especially the guilt of blood, of
which all should be very conscientious,— they endeavoured
to appease them as best they could, first by giving them
the truth of it all; secondly by their willingness to refer
the case to any indifferent judgment here, and to answer it
elsewhere when they should be called upon to do so ; and
further, by asking Mr. Winthrop and other respected
magistrates there, for their advice and direction. This
mollified them and brought things to a comfortable end at
last.

The advice given them by Mr. Winthrop and others
was, that from their court at New Plymouth they should
write to the neighbouring settlements, especially to that
at Piscataqua and theirs in Massachusetts, appointing a
meeting at some suitable place, to deliberate on the sub-
ject, full powers being delegated to those attending the
meeting from the various colonies, but nothing to be done
which should infringe the liberties of any of them. The
law of God being, that for conscience' sake the priests
should be consulted with, it was thought desirable that
the ministers of every colony should be present to give
their advice on points of conscience. Though this sugges-
tion seemed dangerous to some, they were so well assured
of the justice of their cause and the equity of their friends,
that they agreed to it, and appointed a time, of which notice
was given a month beforehand, viz. : to Massachusetts,
Salem, Piscataqua, and others, requesting them to produce
any evidence they could in the case. The place of meeting
was Boston. But when the day came, there only appeared
some of the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts
and of New Plymouth. As none had come from Piscata-
qua or other places, Mr. Winthrop and the others said they
could do no more than they had done, and the blame must

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 259

rest with them. So they opened up a fair discussion of
the subject, and after all evidence had been fully sifted,
the opinion of each of the magistrates and ministers was
demanded, with the result that though all wished the
trouble had never occurred, they could not but lay the
blame and guilt on Hocking's own head. Whereupon such
grave and godly counsels and exhortations were given as
they thought fitting, both for thelpresent and future, which
were received with love and gratitude, with promises to
endeavour to profit by them. And so it ended, and their
love and concord renewed. Further, Mr, Winthrop and
Mr. Dudley wrote very eflfectually on their behalf to Lord
Say and others interested, which with their own letters,
and Mr. Winslow's further declarations when in England,
satisfied them fully.

They sent Mr. Winslow to England this year, partly
for this object, and partly to notify the partners in England
that the period of their contract for the company's trade
here having expired, they instructed him to close the ac-
counts with them, and to find out how much they still
remained debtors to the account, and what further course
would be best to pursue. The outcome of it all will appear
in next year's narrative. They sent over with him a sub-
stantial cargo which was very acceptable to them : in beaver
3738 lbs. mostly coat beaver which sold at twenty shillings
per lb. ; and 234 otter skins at fourteen shillings per skin.
So altogether it arose to a large sum of money .

Early this year they sent a boat to trade with the Dutch
colony, where they met with a Captain Stone who had
lived in Christophers, one of the West Indian Islands,
and had now been sometime in Virginia, and had come up
from there. He kept company with the Dutch Governor,
and in some drunken fit got his leave to seize their boat,
just as they were ready to leave and had finished trading,

260 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

having £500 worth of goods aboard. There was not the
least provocation or ground for such an act, but having
made the Governor so drunk that he could scarcely utter
an intelligible word, he urged him to do it, and got the
answer "as you please." So he got aboard, most of their
men being ashore, and with some of his own men made
the rest weigh anchor, set sail, and carry her away towards
Virginia. But several of the Dutch sailors ashore, who
had often been at New Plymouth and kindly entertained
there, said to each other: "Shall we allow our friends to
be wronged in this way, and have their goods carried away
before our faces whilst our Governor is drunk?" They
vowed they would not permit it, and got a vessel or two,
and chased him and brought him back again, and delivered
them their boat and goods.

Afterwards Stone came to Massachusetts, and they com-
menced an action against him for it; but by the media-
tion of friends it was allowed to lapse. Later, Stone came
with some other gentlemen to New Plymouth, and was
friendly entertained by them with the rest; but revenge
boiled in his breast, and some thought that on one occasion
he intended to stab the Governor, and put his hand to his
dagger for that purpose; but by God's providence and the
vigilance of those at hand, it was prevented. Afterwards,
returning to Virginia in a pinnace with a Captain Norton
and some others, for some unknown reason they must needs
go up the Connecticut River. What they did, I know not;
but the Indians came aboard and knocked Stone on the
head as he lay in his cabin; this was his end. They also
killed all the others, but Captain Norton defended him-
self for a long time against them all in the cook-room, till,
by accident, the gunpowder which he had put ready in
some open vessel before him, took fire and it so burnt and
blinded him that he could no longer make resistance, and

1*,

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 261

was killed by them, though they much commended his
valour.

I must now relate a strange occurrence. There was a
tribe of Indians living on the upper parts of the Connecti-
cut River, a long way from the colony's trading-house there,
who were enemies of the Indians that lived in the neigh-
bourhood, who stood in some fear of them, for they were
a war-like tribe. About a thousand of them had enclosed
themselves in a fort, which they had strongly palisaded.
Three or four Dutchmen went up in the beginning of winter
to live with them, to get their trade and prevent them from
bringing it down to the English, or from getting friendly
with them. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God
to afflict these Indians with such a deadly sickness, that
out of 1,000, over 950 of them died, and many of them lay
rotting above ground for want of burial, and the Dutch-
men almost starved before they could get away, kept there
by the ice and snow. But about February, with much
difficulty they reached the trading-house of the New
Plymouth people, by whom they were kindly treated, for
they were almost exhausted with hunger and cold. After
being refreshed by them for several days, they got to
their own place, and the Dutch were very grateful for this
kindness.

This spring, too, the Indians who lived around their
trading-house fell sick of small pox, and died most miser-
ably. A more terrible disease cannot attack them; they
fear it worse than the plague, for usually it spreads amongst
them broadcast. For want of bedding and linen and other
comforts, they fall into a lamentable condition. As they
lie on their hard mats, the pox breaks and matters and runs,
their skin sticking to the mats they lie on, so that when
they turn a whole side will flay ofif at once, and they will
be all one gore of blood, dreadful to behold ; and then, what

262 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

with cold and other hardships, they die Hke rotten sheep.
The condition of these natives was indeed lamentable.
They were swept so generally by the disease that in the
end they were unable to help one another, or to make a
fire or fetch a little water to drink, or to bury their dead.
They would keep up as long as they could, and when there
was no other means to make a fire, they would burn the
wooden dishes they ate their food in, and their very bows
and arrows. Some would crawl out on all fours to get a
little water, and sometimes die by the way, not being able
to get home again. But the people of the English trading-
house, though they were at first afraid of the infection,
seeing their woful condition and hearing their pitiful cries,
had compassion on them, and daily fetched them wood
and water and made them fires, and got them food whilst
they lived, and buried them when they died. Very few
of the Indians escaped, notwithstanding that they did what
they could for them at great risk to themselves. The chief
Sachem himself died, and almost all his friends and rela-
tives; but by the marvellous goodness and providence of
God not one of the English was so much as ill, or in the
least degree tainted with the disease, though they did these
services for them daily for many weeks. The mercy they
showed them in this way was greatly appreciated by all the
Indians who knew or heard of it, and earned their grati-
tude; and their masters at New Plymouth highly com-
mended and rewarded them for it.

CHAPTER XVI

Edward Winslow in England — Petition to the Commissioners
for the Colonies In America — Winslow imprisoned — The Lon-
don partners withhold the accounts of the partnershii>— The
French captiu'e the trading-house at Penobscot — Attack on
the French fails — Phenomenal Hurricane— Settlement of
people from Massachusetts on the Connecticut River— Mr.
Norton minister at New Plymouth: 1635.

Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the
more so owing to the large consignment of fur he brought
with him, which came safely to hand and was well sold. He
was given to understand that all the accounts would be
cleared up before his return, and all former differences
settled, and that the account of the White Angel would not
be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some
complaints made against the country at the Council, more
particularly concerning their neighbours at the Bay than
themselves, which he did to good eft'ect, at the same time
furthering the interests of the colonies as a whole, as re-
gards the encroachments of the French and other strangers,
with a view to preventing them for the future, he took
the opportunity of presenting this petition to their Honours,
the Commissioners for the Colonies.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies
in America:

The humble petition of Edv.'ard Winslow on behalf of the
Colonies in New England :

Humbly shows your Lordships, that whereas your petitioners
have settled in New England under liis majesty's most gracious
protection, now the French and Dutch endeavour to divide the

263

264 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

land between them ; for which purpose the French on the east
side entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away
the goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest
prisoners with their goods ; and the Dutch on the west also made
entry along the Connecticut river, within the limits of his Majesty's
letters patent, where they have raised a fort and threaten to expel
your petitioners who are also established on the same river, main-
taining possession for his Majesty to their great expense, and the
risk of both their lives and goods.

In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray
that your Lordships will either procure their peace with those
foreign states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and
the English Colonies, to defend themselves against all foreign
enemies. And your petitioners shall pray, etc.

This petition was well received by most of them, and
Mr. Winslow was heard several times by them, and ap-
pointed to attend for an answer from their Lordships,
having shown how this might be done without any expense
or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men there
authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a
way as would avoid public disturbance. But this inter-
fered with both Sir Ferdinand Gorges' and Captain Mason's
plans, with whom the Archbishop of Canterbury was in
league; for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, by the Archbishop's
favour, was to have been sent over to the country as
Governor General, and was about to conclude this project.
The Archbishop's intention was to send over officials with
him, furnished with episcopal power, to disturb the peace
of the churches here, overthrow their proceedings, and stop
their further growth. But it fell out by God's providence,
that though in the end they prevented this petition from
taking any further effect, his plot with Sir Ferdinand came
to nothing.

So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have
his petition granted, he found that the Archbishop had
checked it. However, hoping to obtain it nevertheless,

THE PLY^IOUTH SEITLEMENT 265

he went to the Board again; but he found that the Arch-
bishop, Sir Ferdinand, and Captain Mason had procured
Morton, the man referred to previously, to present com-
plaints. Mr. Winslow answered them to the satisfaction
of the Board, who checked Morton and rebuked him
sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorges and Mason
for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further
.object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about
many things. He accused him of preaching in the church
publicly, — with which Morton had charged him, affirm-
ing that he had seen and heard him do it ; to which Mr.
Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister,
he had endeavoured to assist in the edification of his
brethren. The Archbishop then questioned him about mar-
riage; to which he replied that as a magistrate he had
occasionally married some of the people, pointing out to
their Lordships that marriage was a civil institution, and
that he nowhere found in the word of God that it belonged
to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had
no minister; besides, it was now no new idea, for he him-
self had been married in Holland by the magistrates in
their Stadt-house. To be short, in the end the Archbishop,
by his vehement importunity, got the Board at last to
consent to his commitment; so he was imprisoned in the
Fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could
get released. This was the end of the petition; but the
scheme .of the others was frustrated too, which was no small
blessing to the people over here. The expense to this
colony was heavy, though it was undertaken as much, or
more, in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr. Winslow
was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony
knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment,
though it had to bear the whole expense.

As to their own business, whatever Mr, Sherley's in--

266 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

tentlon was before, lie now declared plainly that he would
neither take the White Angel from the general account,
nor present any further account till he had received more
goods; that though a fair supply had been sent over this
time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and
not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow
said he could not help, because of his imprisonment. How-
ever, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent
over a letter of attorney under their hands and seals to re-
cover what they could from Mr. Allerton on the White
Angel's account, but they sent neither the bonds nor con-
tracts, nor such other evidence as they had, to enable those
at New Plymouth to act upon it. I will here insert a few
passages from Mr. Sherley's letters about these things.

James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth:

I have received your letter of July 22nd, 1634, through our trusty
and loving friend, Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver
and otter skins. Blessed be our God, both he and it arrived safely.
We have sold it in two parcels; the skins at fourteen shillings per
lb., and some at sixteen; the coat at twenty shillings per lb. I
have not sent tlie accounts over this year; I refer you to Mr.
Winslow for the reason; but be assured that none of you shall
suffer through not having them, if God spare me life. You say
the six years have expired during which the people put the trade
of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the
heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran
us into; but it was promised that it should continue till our dis-
bursements and engagements were met. You think this has been
done already; we know otherwise. ... I doubt not we shall lovingly
agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides
about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney,
giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we
say for our uses) to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton
towards meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He cer-
tainly gave a bond, though at present I cannot find it; but he has
often affirmed with great protestations that neither you nor we
should lose a penny by him, and I hope you will find he has enough
to meet it, so that we shall have no more trouble about it. Not-

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 267

withstanding his unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice
remember mercy, and do not all you might do. . . . Let us get
out of debt, and then let us survey the matter reasonably. . . .
Mr. Winslow has undergone an unjust imprisonment but I am con-
vinced it will result to your general advantage. I leave it to him
to tell all particulars. . . .

Your loving friend,
London, Sept. 7th, 1635. JAMES SHERLEY.

This year they sustained another great loss from the
French. Monsieur d'Aulnay, coming into the harbour of
Penobscot, having invited several of tlie chief men be-
longing to the house aboard his vessel, got them to pilot
him in; and after getting the rest into his power, he took
possession of the house in the name of the King of France.
By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willett, their
agent there, approve of the sale of the goods to him, of
which he fixed the prices himself, making an inventory,
though with many omissions. But he made no payment
for them, saying that in due course he would do so if they
came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would
not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built
on their own land. So, turning them out, with many com-
pliments and fine words, he let them have their shallop
and some provisions to bring them home. When they got
home and related the occurrence they were much disturbed
about it, for the French had robbed this house once before,
at a loss to them of above £500, and now to lose house
and all vexed them greatly. So they decided to consult
with their friends at the Bay, who now had many ships
there, and if they approved of it, they intended to hire a
fighting ship and try to beat out the French and regain
their property. Their plan was approved of, if they them-
selves would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship
of over 300 tons, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with
the captain, one Girling, that he and his crew should de-

268 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

liver* them the house after they had overcome the French
and give them peaceable possession of it, with all such
trading commodities as should be found there, giving the
French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration
of which services he was to have 700 lbs. of beaver, to be
delivered to him there when he had completed his bargain ;
but if he did not accomplish it, he was to lose his labour
and have nothing. With him they sent their own bark, and
about twenty men under Captain Standish, to help him if
necessary, and to put things in order if the house were
regained; and then to pay Girling the beaver, which was
aboard their own bark. So they piloted him there, and
brought him safely into the harbour. But he was so rash
and heady he would take no advice, nor give Captain
Standish time to summon them to surrender, as his orders
were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing
their force, the French would probably have yielded. He
did not even have patience to place his ship where she
could do execution, but began to shoot at a distance like a
madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when he
saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish
and brought her well up, and placed a few shots to some
purpose. But now, when he was in a position to do some
good, his powder was used up, so he was obliged to draw off
again. He consulted with the Captain how he could get
further supplies of gun powder, for he had not enough to
carry him home; so he told him he would go to the next
settlement and endeavour to procure him some, and did so.
But Captain Standish gathered, from intelligence he re-
ceived that he intended to seize the bark and take the beaver,
so he sent him the powder and brought the bark home.
Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his
way; which ended the business.
Upon the ill success of their plans, the Goyernpr and bis

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 269

assistants here notified their friends at the Bay, and pointed
out that the French were now hkely to fortify themselves
more strongly, and become undesirable neighbours to the
English. In reply they wrote to them as follows.

From the Colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth:

Worthy Sirs,

After reading your letters and considering the importance of their
contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to assist
you with men and ammunition, to accomplish your ends with the
French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude
anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire
you, therefore, with all convenient speed to send some one of
trust, with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement
with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we
commit you to God, and remain.

Your assured loving friends,
JOHN HAYNES, Governor WILLIAM CODDINGTON
RICHARD BELLINGHAM, WILLIAM PINCHON
Deputy Governor ATHERTON HOUGH
JOHN WINTHROP INCREASE NOVVELL

THOMAS DUDLEY RICHARD DUMER

JOHN HUMPHREY SIMON BRADSTREET

Newtown, Oct. gth, 1635.

Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their
people to treat with them, giving them full power to con-
clude an agreement according to the instructions they gave
them, which were to this purpose: that if the Massachu-
setts Colony would afford such assistance as, together with
their own, was likely to effect the desired end, and also
bear a considerable part of the expense, they would go
on; if not, having lost so much already, they must desist
and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as
God should give. But the conference resulted in nothing,
for when it came to an issue the others would go to no ex-
pense. They sent the following letter, and referred them
to their messengers.

270 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the

Governor of New Plymouth:

Sir.

Having seriously considered the great importance of your business
with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed
to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed our
willingness to help, by procuring you sufficient men and ammuni-
tion. But as for money, we have no authority at all to promise,
and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We also
think it would be proper to seek the help of the other Eastern
colonies ; but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest
we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details.
We salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord.
Your faithful and loving friend,

RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy,
In the name of the rest of the Committee.
Boston, Oct. i6th, 1635.

Not only was this the end of their suggested co-opera-
tion, but some of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly
after started trading with the French, and furnished them
both with provisions and ammunition, and have continued
to do so to this day. So it is the English themselves who
have been the chief supporters of the French ; and the
colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies
them, but constantly gives them intelligence of what is
passing among the English — especially among some of
them. So it is no wonder that they still encroach more
and more upon the English, and supply the Indians with
guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English
settlers, whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For
the English are mainly occupied with farming, but the
French are well fortified and live upon trade. If these
things are not looked to and remedied in time, it may
easily be conjectured what will result.

This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday,
there was such a fearful storm of wind and rain as none
living hereabouts either English or Indians, ever saw.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 271

It was like those hurricanes and typhoons that writers
mention in the Indies. It began in the morning, a Uttle
before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with
amazing violence at the start. It blew down several houses
and unroofed others; many vessels were lost at sea, and
many more were in extreme danger. To the southv^ard
the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the Indians had to
chmb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof of a
house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet and
floated it to another place, leaving the posts standing in
the ground; and if it had continued much longer with-
out the wind shifting it would probably have flooded some
of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew down
many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger
by the roots, and breaking the higher pine-trees off in the
middle; and tall young oaks and walnut trees of a good
size were bent like withes, — a strange and fearful sight. It
began in the southeast, and veered different ways. It lasted,
though not at its worst, for five or six hours. The marks
of it will remain this loo years in these parts, where it
was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon
the second night after.

Some of their neighbours at the Bay, hearing of the fame
of the Connecticut River had a hankering after it, as men-
tioned before. Understanding that the Indians had been
swept away by the recent mortality, fear of whom was the
chief obstacle to them before, they now began to explore
it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth people there
had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about it;
for they set their minds on the place which the New Ply-
mouth colony had not only purchased from the Indians,
but where they had actually built, and the Dorchester
people seemed determined if they could not remove them
altogether, at any rate to leave ihem only an insignificant

272 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single family.
This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights
and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was
thought to be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters
that passed between them about it.

I will first insert a few lines written from their own
agent from there.

Jonathan Brewster at Matianuck to the Governor of New Plymouth:

Sir,

The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water
and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some
evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was
bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will
not afford, except at the place where we are, namely, a site for a
great town, with commodious dwellings for many, not far apart.
What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can
to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; that we were
here first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger,
both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land
at great expense, and have since held possession at no small
trouble, and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but
for us they would have possessed it all and kept out all others.
... I hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was
your will that we should use them and their messengers kindly,
and so we have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The
first party of them would have almost starved had it not been for
this house, and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days.
Those who came last I entertained as best we could, helping them
with canoes and guides. They got me to go with them to the
Dutch, to see if I could arrange that some of them should have
quiet setthng near them ; but they peremptorily refused them. I also
gave their goods house-room according to their earnest request,
and Mr. Pinchon's letter on their behalf, which I thought well to
send you, enclosed. What trouble and cost will be further incurred
I know not, for they are coming daily, and I expect those back
again from below, where they have gone to view the country. All
this should surely, in the judgment of all wise and understanding
men, give us just claim to hold and keep our own.

Thus with my duty remembered, I rest.

Yours to be commanded,
Matianuck, July 6th, 1635. JONATHAN BREWSTER.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 273

After a thorough view of the place, they began to pitch
upon the land near the house belonging to the New
Plymouth people, which occasioned much expostulation be-
tween them and much agitating correspondence.

But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details
and come to the conclusion. To make any forcible re-
sistance was far from their minds, — they had enough of
that at Kennebec, — and to live in continual contention with
their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace' sake,
though they considered they sufifered injury, they thought
it better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible ;
so they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such
long disputes about it, they insisted they must first ac-
knowledge that they had no right to it, or else they would
not treat with them about it at all. This being granted
the conclusion reached was as follows : that the people of
New Plymouth should retain their house and have the
i6th part of all that they bought from the Indians; and
the others should have all the rest of the land, leaving
such a portion for the settlers of Newtown as the New
Plymouth colony reserved for them. This i6th part was
to be taken in two places, — one in the neighbourhood of
the house, the other near the Newtown settlement. Further,
they were to pay to the New Plymouth colony the proper
proportion of what had been disbursed to the Indians when
purchased. In this way the controversy was ended; but
the injustice was not so soon forgotten. The Newtown
people dealt more fairly, only wishing to have what could
be conveniently spared.

Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do
in England, he had orders from the church to bring over
some able and fit person as their minister. Accordingly
he had procured a godly and worthy man, a Mr. Glover;
but it pleased God that when he was ready for the voyage.

274 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr.
Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a
Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not
engage himself to settle permanently at New Plymouth,
until he had an opportunity of judging of it; so he ar-
ranged that if, later, he preferred to be elsewhere, he would
repay the money expended for him, which came to about
£70, and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year
with them, and was much liked by them ; but he was invited
to Ipswich, where there were many rich and able men, and
several of his acquaintances, so he went to them and is
their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the
rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them.

CHAPTER XVn

Consignments of Fur to England — The plague in London —
Disorganization of the accounts — Dispute between the London
partners — The Pequot Indians get unruly — Oldham killed—
Jolui Rayner minister: 1636.

Mr. Edward Winslow was elected Governor this year.

The previous year, seeing from Mr. Winslow's later
letters that no accounts would be sent, they had resolved
to keep the beaver and send no more till they had them,
or some further agreement had been come to. At least
they decided to wait till Mr. Winslow came back, and
they could arrive at what was best. When he came,
though he brought no accounts, he persuaded them to send
tlie beaver, and was confident that upon receipt of it and
his letters they would have the accounts next year; and
though they thought his ground for hope was weak, they
yielded to his importunity, and sent it by a ship at the
latter end of the year, which took 1150 lbs. of beaver and
200 otter skins, besides many small furs, such as 55 mink,
two black fox skins, etc.

This year, in the Spring, came a Dutchman, who had
intended to trade at the Dutch fort, but they would not
permit him. So, having a large stock of trading goods,
he came here and offered them for sale. They bought a
good quantity that were very suitable, such as Dutch roll,
kettles, etc., amounting to the value of £500, for pay-
ment of which they gave bills on Mr. Sherley in England,
having already sent the parcel of beaver mentioned above.
By another ship this year they again sent a further con-
siderable quantity, which would reach him and be sold

275

«76 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

before any of these bills came due. The quantity of beaver
then sent was 1809 lbs., and 10 otter skins; and shortly
after, the same year, then sent by another ship, of which
one Langrume was captain, 719 lbs. of beaver, and 199
otter skins, concerning which Mr. Sherley writes as follows.

James Sherley in London to the New Plymouth Colony:

I have received your letters with eight hogshead of beaver, by
Edward Wilkinson, captain of the Falcon. Blessed be God for its
safe arrival. I have also seen and accepted three bills of exchange.
. . . But I must acquaint you that the Lord's hand is heavy upon
this kingdom in many parts, but chiefly in this city, with His
judgment of the plague. Last week's bill was 1200 deaths, and I
fear this will be more, and it is much feared that it will be a
winter sickness. It is incredible the number of people who have
gone into the country in consequence — many more than went out
during the last plague. So there is no trading here; carriers from
most places are forbidden to enter; and money, though long due,
cannot be obtained. Mr. Hall owes us more than would pay these
bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in the country, 60 miles from
London. I wrote to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am
sure that if I were to offer to sell the beaver at eight shillings per
lb. I could not get the monej'. But when the Lord shall please to
cease His hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets ;
so it shall lie by in the meantime. Before I accepted the bills, I
acquainted Air. Beauchamp and Air. Andrews about them, that no
money could be got, and that It would be a great discredit to you
to refuse the bills, — none having ever been dishonoured, — and a
shame to us, with 1800 lbs. of beaver lying by, and more already
owing than the bills came to, etc. But it was useless ; neither
of them would lift a finger to help. I offered to put up my third
part, but they said they neither could nor would, etc. However,
your bills shall be met ; but I did not think they would have deserted
either you or me at this time. . . . You will expect me to write
more fully and answer your letters, but I am not a day each week
at home in town. I take my books and all to Clapham ; for here
it is the most miserable time that I think has been known in many
ages. I have known three great plagues, but none like this. And
that which should be a means to pacify the Lord, and help us,
is denied us, for preaching Is put down in many places, — not a
sermon In Westminster on the Sabbath, nor in many towns about
us ; the Lord in mercy look upon us. Early in the year there was

THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEMENT

277

a great drought, and no rain for many weeks, so that everything
was burnt up, — hay at £5 a load ; and now there is nothing but rain,
so that much summer corn and late hay is spoilt. Thus the Lord
sends judgment after judgment, and yet we cannot see, or humble
ourselves, and therefore may justly fear heavier judgments, unless
we speedily repent and turn unto Him, which the Lord give us grace
to do if it be His blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us
in your prayers, I ever rest

Your loving friend,
Sept. 14th, 1636. JAMES SHERLEY.

This vv^as all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley,
which made Mr. Winslow's hopes fail him. So they de-
cided to send no more beaver till they came to some set-
tlement. But now there came letters from Mr. Andrews
and Mr. Beauchamp, full of complaints, surprised that
nothing had been sent over to meet the amounts due them,
and that it appeared by the account sent in 1631 that they
were each of them out about iiioo apiece, and all this
time they had not received one penny towards it ; and now
Mr. Sherley was trying to get more money from them,
and was offended because they refused him. They blamed
them here very much that all was sent to ]\Ir. Sherley and
nothing to them. The partners here wondered at this,
for they supposed that much of their money had been paid
in, and that each of them had received a proportionate
quantity yearly, out of the large returns sent home. They
had sent home since the account was received in 163 1, —
which included all and more than all their debts, with that
year's supplies, — goods to the following amount:

skins

Nov. 1 8th,

1631.

By Mr. Pierce 400 lbs.

of beaver;

otter 20

July 13th,

1632.

" " Griffin 1348 "

" 147

1633-

" " Graves 3366 "

" 346

1634.

" " Andrews 3738 "

" 234

1635

" " Babb 1150 "

" 200

June 24th,

1636

" " Wilkinson 1809 "

" 10

1636

" " Langrume 719 "

" 199

12530

II56

278 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

All these quantities were safely received and well sold,
as appeared by letters. The coat beaver usually sold at
twenty shillings per lb., and sometimes at twenty-four
shillings; otter skins at fifteen shillings, and sometimes
sixteen shillings each, — I do not remember any under four-
teen shillings. It may be that the last year's shipment
fetched less; but there were some small furs not reckoned
in this account, and some black beaver at high rates, to
make up any such deficit. It was calculated that the above
parcels of beaver came to little less than £10,000 sterling,
and the otter skins would pay all the expenses, and, with
other furs, make up besides whatever might be short of
the former sum. When the former account was passed,
all their debts, those of the White Angel and Friendship
included, came to but £4770. They estimated that all the
supplies sent them since, and bills paid for them, could
not exceed £2000; so that their debts should have been
paid with interest.

It may be objected; how came it that they did not
know the exact amount of their receipts, as they did of
their returns, but had to estimate them? Two things were
the cause of it ; the first and principal was, that the new
accountant, who was pressed upon them from England,
wholly failed them, and could never render them any ac-
counts. He trusted to his memory and loose papers, and
let things run into such confusion, that neither he nor
anyone else could bring things to rights. Whenever he
was called upon to perfect his accounts, he desired to have
so long, or such a time of leisure, and he would finish
them. In the interim he fell very ill, and in conclusion
he could make no account at all. His books, after a brief
good beginning, were left altogether imperfect, and of
his papers, some were lost and others so confused that
he knew not what to make of them himself when they

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 279

came to be examined. This was not unknown to Mr.
Sherley; and the colony came to smart for it to some
purpose, both in England and here, though it was not
their fault. They reckon they have lost in consequence
some hundred of pounds for goods sold on credit, which
were ultimately a dead loss for want of clear accounts to
call for payment. Another reason of the mischief was,
that after Mr. Winslow was sent into England to demand
accounts and to take exception to the White Angel, no
prices were sent with their goods, and no proper invoice
of them; everything was confused, and they were obliged
to guess at the prices.

They wrote back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp,
and told them they wondered they could say that they had
sent nothing home since the last accounts; they had sent
a great deal, and it might rather be wondered how they
could send so much, beside all the expenses here and what
the French had captured, and what had been lost at sea
when Mr. Pierce's ship was wrecked off the coast of
Virginia. What they had sent was sent to them all, to
them as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they had not looked
after it, it was their own faults ; they must refer them to
Mr. Sherley who had received it, from whom they should
demand it. They also wrote to Mr. Sherley to the same
purpose, and what the others' complaints were.

This year, two shallops going to Connecticut with goods
from Massachusetts, belonging to those who had gone there
to settle, were wrecked in an easterly storm, coming into
the harbour at night. The boatmen were drowned, and
the goods were driven all along the shore, and strewn up
and down at high-water mark. But the Governor had
them collected and an inventory made of them, and they
were washed and dried. So most of the goods were saved
and restored to the owners. Afterwards another boat

S80 BRADFORD'S HISTORY" OP

from the same place, and bound for the same destination,
was wrecked at Manoanscusett, and the goods that came
ashore were preserved for them. Such misfortunes the
Connecticut settlers from Massachusetts met with in their
beginnings, and some thought them a correction from God
for their intrusion there, to the injury of others. But I
dare not be so bold with God's judgments as to say that
it was so.

In the year 1634, the Pequots, a warlike tribe that had
conquered many of its neighbours and was puffed up
with numerous victories, were at variance with the Narra-
gansetts, a great neighboring tribe. These Narragansetts
held correspondence and were on terms of friendship with
the English of Massachusetts. The Pequots, being con-
scious of the guilt of the death of Captain Stone, whom
they knew to be an Englishman, and of those who were
with him, and having fallen out with the Dutch, lest they
should have too many enemies at once, wished to make
friends with the English of Massachusetts, and sent mes-
sengers and gifts to them, as is shown by some letters from
the Governor there, as follows.

Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts to the New Plymouth Colony:

Dear and worthy Sir,

To let you know something about our affairs. The Pequots have
sent to us desiring our friendship, and offering much wampum and
beaver, etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer;
with the next we had several days' conference, and taking the
advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we
concluded a peace and friendship with them, on these conditions :
that they should deliver to us the men who were guilty of Stone's
death. ... If we desired to settle in Connecticut they should give
up their right to us, and we should trade with them as friends, —
the chief thing aimed at. To this they readily agreed ; and begged
that we should mediate a peace between them and the Narra-
gansetts, for which purpose they were willing that we should give
the Narragansetts part of the present they would bestow on us, —

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 281

for they stood so much on their honour that they would not be
seen to give anything of themselves. As for Captain Stone, they
told us there were but two left who had a hand in his death and
that the}- killed him in a just quarrel, for he surprised two of
their men, and bound them, and forced them to show him the
way up the river. He went ashore with two others, nine Indians
secretly watching him ; and when they were asleep that night they
killed him and the others, to free their own men ; and some of
them going afterwards to the pinnace, it was suddenly blown up.
We are now preparing to send a pinnace to them.

In another of his he writes thus:

Our pinnace has lately returned from the Pequots; they did little
trade, and found them a very false tribe, so they mean to have
no more to do with them. I have many other things to write you.

Yours ever assured.

JOHN WINTHROP.
Boston, I2th of the first fnonth, 1634.

After these occurrences, and as I take it, this year, John
Oldham, so often mentioned before, now an inhabitant of
Massachusetts, went trading with a small vessel, weakly-
manned, into the south parts, and upon a quarrel be-
tween him and the Indians was killed by them, as was
before noted, at an Island called by the Indians, Munisses,
but since by the English, Block Island. This, with the
death of Stone, and the trifling of the Pequots with the
English of Massachusetts, incited the latter to send out
a party to take revenge and require satisfaction for these
wrongs ; but it was done so superficially, and without
acquainting those of Connecticut and their other neigh-
bours with the project, that little good came of it. In-
deed, to their neighbours it did more harm than good,
for some of the murderers of Oldham fled to the Pequots,
and though the English went to the Pequots and had some
parley with them, they only deluded them, and the English
returned without doing anything effective. After the

282 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

English had returned, the Pequots watched their oppor-
tunity to kill some of the English as they passed in boats,
or went out fowling; and next spring even attacked them
in their homes, as will appear. I only touch upon these
things, because I have no doubt they will be more fully
covered by those who have more exact knowledge of them,
and whom they more properly concern.

This year Mr. Smith resigned his ministry, partly by
his own wish, thinking it too heax^- a burden, and partly
at the persuasion of others. So the church looked out
for some one else, having often been disappointed in their
hopes before. But it pleased the Lord to send them an
able and godly man, Mr. John Rayner, meek and humble
in spirit, sound in the truth, and every way unreprovable
in his life and conversation. After some time of trial
they chose him as their minister, the fruits of whose labours
they enjoyed many years with much comfort, in peace and
good agreement.

CHAPTER XVin

The war with the Peqiiot Indians — Co-operation between the
Colonies — The Narragansett Indians allies of the English —
The Peqnot Fort attacked and taken — The Pequots routed and
subdued — The Narragansett Indians jealous of the Monhiggs
under Uncas — James Sherley discharged from his agency in
London: 1637.

In the early part of this year the Pequots openly attacked
the English in Connecticut, along the lower parts of the
river, and killed many of them as they were at work in
the fields, both men and women, to the great terror of the
rest; then they went off in great pride and triumph, with
many high tlireats. They also attacked a fort at the river's
mouth, though strong and well defended ; and though they
did not succeed there, it struck those within with fear
and astonishment to see their bold attempts in the face of
danger. This made them stand upon their guard every-
where, and prepare for resistance, and they earnestly so-
licited their friends and neighbours in Massachusetts to
send them speedy aid, for they looked for more forcible
onslaughts. So Mr. Vane, who was then Governor, wrote
from their General Court to those here, asking them to
join with them in this war, which they were cordially will-
ing to do, but took the opportunity to write to them about
some previous events, as well as the present trouble, and
pertinent to it. The succeeding Governor's answer I will
here insert.

Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the New Plymouth Colony:

Sir,

The Lord having so disposed that your letters to our late Gov-
ernor have fallen to my lot to answer, I could wish I had more

283

284 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

freedom of time and thought so that I might do it more to j'our
and my own satisfaction. But what is wanting now can be sup-
phed later. As for the matters which you and your Council
submit to our consideration, we did not think it advisable to make
them so public as by bringing them to the cognizance of our
General Court. But having been considered by our Council, this
answer we think fit to return to you.

1. Whereas you signify your willingness to join us in this war
against the Pequots, though you cannot bind yourselves without
the consent of your General Court, we acknowledge your good
feeling towards us, which we never had cause to doubt, and await
your full resolution in due course.

2. Whereas you consider this war concerns us, and not you, ex-
cept incidentally, we partly agree with you ; but we suppose that in
case of peril j'ou will not act upon that consideration any more
than we should do in like case. We suppose you look upon the
Pequots and all other Indians as a common enemy, who though he
may vent the first outburst of his rage upon some one section of
the English, nevertheless, if he succeed, will thereupon pursue
his advantage to the undoing of the w^hole nation. Therefore, in
soliciting your help, we do so with respect to your own safety
as well as ours.

3. Whereas you desire that we should bind ourselves to help you
on all similar occasions, we are convinced you cannot doubt it;
but as we now deal with you as an independent colony, recog-
nizing that we cannot involve j'^ou in this campaign against your
consent, so we desire the same freedom of decision if at any time
you make a similar call upon us; and whereas it is objected that
we refused to aid you against the French, we consider the cases
are not quite eqviivalent, though we cannot wholly excuse our
failing you on that occasion.

4. Whereas j'ou object that we began the war without consulting
you, and have since managed it contrary to your advice ; the truth
is that our first intentions being only against Block Island and the
enterprise seeming of small difficulty, we did not so much as
consider taking advice or looking for aid. When we had decided
to include the Pequots, we sent to you at once, or very shortly after,
and by the time your answer was received it seemed unadvisable
for us to change our plans.

5. As for our people trading at Kennebec, we assure you it has
not been with our permission ; and what we have provided to meet
such cases at our last court, Llr. Winslow can inform you.

6. Whereas you object to our trading and corresponding with
your enemies the French, we answer you are misinformed. Ex-
cept for some letters which have passed between our late Governor
and them, of which we were cognizant, we have neither traded noi:

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 285

encouraged our people to trade with them ; and only one or two
vessels taking letters had permission from our Governor to go
there*

Several other objections have been made to us privately by our
worthy friend, to which he has received some answer; but as most
of them concern particular discourtesies or injuries from indi-
viduals here, we cannot say more than this : that if the offenders
are exposed in the right wa}-, we shall be ready to do justice as
the cases require. In the meantime we desire you to rest assured,
that such things are done without our knowledge, and are not a
little grievous to us.

Now as to joining us in this war, which only concerns us to the
same extent as it does yourselves, viz., the relief of our friends
and Christian brethren who are now first in danger. Though you
may think us able to carry it through without you, — and if the Lord
please to be with us, so Ave may, — nevertheless three things we
offer for j-our consideration, which we think will have some weight
with you.

First, if we should sink under this burden, j^our opportunity of
seasonable help would be lost in three respects; you could then
only reinforce us or secure yourselves there at three times the
risk and expense of the present undertaking; the suffering we
should have borne, if through your neglect, would much reduce
the acceptableness of your help afterwards ; those amongst you
who are now full of courage and zeal, would be dispirited and
less able to support so great a burden.

Secondly, it is very important to hasten the conclusion of this
war before the end of this summer, otherwise the news of it will
discourage both your and our friends from coming over to us next
year, besides the further risk and loss it would expose us to, as
yourselves may judge.

Thirdly, if the Lord please to bless our endeavours, so that we
end the war, or succeed in it without you, it may breed such ill
thoughts in our people towards yours, that it will be thereafter
difficult to entertain such opinion of your good-will towards us
as is fitting in neighbours and brethren. What ill consequences
might result on both sides, wise men may v.-ell fear, and would
rather prevent than hope to redress. With hearty salutations to
yourself and all your council and our other good friends with you
I rest.

Yours most assured in the Lord,

JOHN WINTHROP.
Boston, the 20th of the third month, 1637.

*By this means they furnished therr- >'ith supplies, and have
continued to do so.

286 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

In the meantime the Pequots, especially the winter be-
fore, had sought to make peace with the Narragansetts,
and used very pernicious arguments to persuade them:
the English were strangers, and were beginning to over-
spread their country, and would deprive them of it in time
if they were allowed thus to increase; if the Narragansetts
were to assist the English to subdue them, the Pequots, they .
v/ould only make way for their own overthrow, for then
the English would soon subjugate them; but if they would
listen to their advice, they need not fear the strength of
the English, for they would not make open war upon them,
but fire their houses, kill their cattle, and lie in ambush
for them as they went about the country — all of which
they could do with but little danger to themselves. By
these means they easily saw the English could not long
hold out, but would either be starved or forced to leave
the country. They urged these and similar arguments so
strongly, that the Narragansetts were wavering, and half-
minded to make peace with them and join them against
the English. But when they reconsidered what wrongs
they had suffered from the Pequots, and what an oppor-
tunity they now had, with the help of the English, to repay
them, revenge was so sweet to them that it prevailed over
everything else. So they resolved to join the English
against them ; and they did so.

The court here agreed to send fifty men at their own
expense, and with all possible speed got them armed, with
sufficient leaders, and a bark to carry their provisions
and supply all their needs. But when they were ready
to march, with a contingent from the Bay, they had word
that the enemy were as good as vanquished, and there
would be no need of them.

I shall not take upon myself to describe in detail what
had occurred, because I expect it will be done fully by

THE PLYIVIOUTH SETTLEIMENT 287

those who best know the circumstances; I will only touch
upon them in general. From Connecticut, where they
were most alive to the present danger and all that it threat-
ened, they raised a party of men, and another party met
them from the Bay at a place where the Narragansetts
were to join them. The Narragansetts were anxious to
be gone, before the English were well rested and refreshed,
especially some of them that had arrived last, for they
wanted to come upon the enemy suddenly and undiscov-
ered. A bark belonging to New Plymouth had just put
in there, having come from Connecticut, and urged them
to profit by the Indians' keenness, and to show them-
selves as eager as they were, for it would encourage them,
and promptness would result to their great advantage.
So they proceeded at once, and arranged their march so
that they reached the fort of the enemy, in which most
of their chief men were, before day. They approached it
in utter silence, and both the English and Indians sur-
rounded it, so that they should not escape. They then made
the attack with great courage, speedily forcing an entrance
to the fort, and shooting amongst them. Those that en-
tered first met with fierce resistance, the enemy shooting
and grappling with them. Others of the attacking party
ran to their houses and set them on fire, the mats catch-
ing quickly, and, all standing close together, the wind soon
fanned them into a blaze, — in fact more were burnt to
death than killed otherwise. It burnt their bowstrings
and made their weapons useless, and those that escaped
the fire were slain by the sword, — some hewn to pieces,
others run through with their rapiers, so that they were
quickly dispatched and very few escaped. It is believed
that there were about 400 killed. It was a fearful sight
to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood quench-
ing it; the smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a

288 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OFj

sweet sacrifice, and they gave praise to God Who had
wrought so wonderfully for them, thus to enclose their
enemy, and give them so speedy a victory over such a
proud and insulting foe. The Narragansett Indians all
this while stood round, but kept aloof from danger, and left
the whole execution to the English, except to stop any who
broke away ; but they mocked their enemies in their defeat
and misery, calling out to them when they saw them
dancing in the flames a word which in the language of the
vanquished Indians signified, O brave Pequots! and which
^vas used by them in their prayers, and in their songs of
triumph after victory.

After this attack had been thus fortunately concluded
they marched to the waterside, where they met with some
of their vessels, by which they were refreshed with food
and other necessaries. But during their march the rem-
nant of the Pequots, who had escaped, collected in a body,
intending to take advantage of them at a neck of land they
had to cross ; but when they saw the English prepared for
them, they kept aloof, so they neither did any harm nor
received any. After refreshing themselves and taking
further counsel, they resolved to follow up their victory
and make war upon the rest; but most of the Narragansett
Indians forsook them, and those that they kept with them
for guides they found very unwilling, either from envy,
or because they saw the English would profit more by the
victory than they were willing they should, or perhaps
deprive them of the advantage of having the Pequots be-
come tributary to them.

For the rest of these events, and the further campaign
against the Pequots, I will relate them as given in a letter
from Mr. Winthrop to the Governor here.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 289

Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the Governor of Nem
Plymouth:

Worthy Sir,

I received your loving letter, and am anxious to express my
affection for you, but lack of time forbids. My desire is to acquaint
you with the Lord's mercies towards us, in prevaihng against His
and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise His name with
us. About 80 of our men coasted along towards the Dutch planta-
tion, sometimes by water but mostly by land, and met here and
there with some Pequots, whom they slew or took prisoners. They
captured two sachems and beheaded them, and not hearing o£
Sassacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner his Hfe to go and
find him. He went and brought them word where he was; but
Sassacus suspecting him to be a spy, fled, after he had gone, with
some twenty more, to the Mohawks, so our men missed him. How-
ever, they divided themselves, and ranged up and down as the
providence of God directed them, for their Indian allies had all
gone, except three or four, who did not know how to guide them,
or else would not.

On the 13th of the month they chanced upon a large band o£
the tribe, 80 men and 200 women and children, in a small Indian
town close by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before
our men could get to them. Our captains had not yet come up;
but there were Mr. Ludlow and Captain Mason with some ten
of their men, and Captain Patrick with some twenty or more o£
his, the noise of whose shooting attracted Captain Trask with
fifty more. Then order was given to surround the swamp, which
was about a mile round ; but Lieutenant Davenport and some
twelve more, not hearing the command, rushed into the swamp
among the Indians. It was so thick with shrubwood, and so
boggy, that some of them stuck fast, and were wounded by many
shots. Lieutenant Davenport was dangerously wounded near the
armhole, and another man was shot in the head, and they were
so weak that they were in great danger of being captured by the
Indians. But Sergeant Riggs and Jeffrey, and two or three more,
rescued them, and killed several Indians with their swords. After
they had been brought out, the Indians desired parley. Through
Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, terms were offered ; that if they
would come out and j-ield they should have their lives, except
such as had had their hands in English blood. Whereupon the
sachem of the place came out, and an old man or two, and their
wives and children, and after that some other women and children;
and they parleyed for two hours till it was night. Then Thomas
Stanton was sent to them again to call them out; but they said

290 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

they would sell their lives there, and forthwith shot at him so
fiercely that if he had not cried out and been rescued at once
they would have killed him.

Then our men cleared the swamp with their swords, till the
Indians were cooped up in so narrow a compass that they could
kill them more easily through the thickets. So they stood all night
about twelve feet apart from each other, the Indians coming close
up to our men and shooting their arrows so that they pierced their
hatbrims, their sleeves, their stockings, and other parts of their
clothes; but so miraculously did the Lord preserve them that not
one of them was wounded except the three who had so rashly
entered the swamp. Just before day it grew very dark, and some
of the Indians who were still alive got through between our men,
though they stood not more than twelve or fourteen feet apart;
but they were soon discovered, and some were pursued and killed.
Upon searching the swamp next morning they found nine slain,
and some they pulled up whom the Indians had buried in the
mire ; so they think that of all the band not twenty escaped. After-
wards they found some who had died of their wounds while in
flight.

The prisoners were divided, some being sent to the people of the
Connecticut River, and the rest to us. Of these we are sending the
male children to Bermuda* with Mr. William Pierce, and the
women and female children are distributed through the towns. In
all, there have now been killed and taken prisoners about 700.
The rest are scattered, and the Indians in all quarters are so terri-
fied that they are afraid to give them sanctuary. Two of the
sachems of Long Island came to Mr. Stoughton and offered them-
selves as tributaries, under their protection ; and two of the Neep-
nett sachems have been here to seek our friendship. Among the
prisoners we have the wife and children of Mononotto, the former
a modest looking woman of good behaviour. It was by her media-
tion that the two English girls were spared from death and used
kindly; so I have taken charge of her. One of her first requests
was that the English should not abuse her body, and that her
children might not be taken from her. Those that had been
wounded were soon brought back by John Galop, who came with
his shallop in a happy hour, to bring them food and take the
wounded to the pinnace where our chief surgeon was, with Mr.
Wilson, about eight leagues off. Our people are all in good health,
the Lord be praised, and although they had marched in their arms
all day and had been in the fight all night, they professed they
were so fresh that they could readily have started off on another
such expedition.

*But they were taken to the West Indies.

THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEMENT 291

This is the substance of what I received, though I am forced
to omit several considerable circumstances. So, being much pressed
for time, — the ships sailing in four days, taking Lord Lee and
Mr. Vane, — I will break off, and with hearty salutations, I rest

Yours assured,

JOHN WINTHROP.

P. S. — The captain reports we have killed 13 Sachems; but
Sassacus and Mononotto are still living.
28th of the fifth month, 1637.

That I may make an end of the matter, this Sassacus,
the Pequot's chief sachem, having fled to the Mohawks,
they cut off his head, and executed some other of their
leaders, whether to satisfy the EngHsh or the Narragan-
setts, — who as I have since heard hired them to do it, —
or for their own advantage, I do not know; but thus the
war ended. The rest of the Pequots were utterly routed.
Some of them submitted themselves to the Narragansetts
and lived under them; but others betook themselves to
the Monhiggs, under their sachem, Uncas, with the appro-
bation of the English of Connecticut, under whose protec-
tion Uncas lived, he and his men having been faithful to
them in the war, and having done them very good ser-
vice. But it so vexed the Narragansetts, that they had not
the whole sway over them, that they never ceased plotting
and contriving how to subjugate them; and when they
found they could not attain their ends, owing to English
protection, they tried to raise a general conspiracy against
the English, as will appear later.

They received letters again from Mr. Andrews and Mr.
Beauchamp in England, saying that Mr. Sherley neither
had paid nor would pay them any money, nor give them
any account. They were very vexed, blaming them still
that they had sent everything to Mr. Sherley and none to
themselves. Now, though they might have justly referred
them to their former answer, and insisted upon it. and some

292 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

wise advisers urgea them to do so, nevertheless, as they
believed they were really out substantial sums of money,
especially Mr. Andrews, they resolved to send them what
beaver they had on their hands ; but they delayed doing so
till next year. Mr. Sherley's letters were to this purpose:
that as the other partners had abandoned him in the pay-
ment of former bills, so now he told them he would
abandon them in this; and, believe it, they should find it
true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never
get a penny from him, nor bring him to account, though
Mr. Beauchamp sued him in Chancery. But they all turned
their complaints against the New Plymouth partners, where
there was least cause; indeed they had suffered most un-
justly. They discharged Mr. Sherley from his agency, and
forbade him to buy or send over any more goods for them,
and urged him to come to an end with their affairs.

CHAPTER XrX

Trial of three Murderers — Rise in value of Livestock-
Earthquake: 1638.

This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor.

Amongst other enormities that occurred this year three
men were tried and executed for robbery and murder.
Their names were Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and
Richard Stinnings. There was a fourth, Daniel Crose,
who was also found guilty, but he escaped and could not
be found. Arthur Peach was the ringleader. He was a
strong and desperate young man, and had been one of
the soldiers in the Pequot war, and had done as good
service as any there, always being one of the first in any
attack. Being now out of means and loth to work, and
taking to idle ways and company, he intended to go to
the Dutch colony, and had lured the other three, who were
servants and apprentices, to go with him. But there was
also another cause for his going away secretly in this
manner ; he had not only run into debt, but he had seduced
a girl, a maid-servant in the town, and fear of punishment
made him wish to get away, though this was not known
till after his death. The other three ran away from their
masters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they
did not go by the ordinary route, but shaped such a course
as they thought would evade pursuit. Finding themselves
somewhere between the Bay of Massachusetts and the
Narragansetts' country, and wishing to rest, they made a
fire a little off the road by the wayside, and took tobacco.
At length there came a Narragansett Indian by, who had

293

294 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

been trading at the Bay, and had some cloth and beads
with him. They had met him the day before, and now he
was returning. Peach called him to come and drink to-
bacco with tliem, and he came and sat down. He had
told the others he would kill the Indian and take his goods.
The others were afraid; but Peach said. Hang the rogue, he
has killed many of us. So they let him do as he would,
and when he saw his opportunity he took his rapier and ran
the man through the body once or twice, and took from him
five fathoms of wampum and three coats of cloth; and
then they went their way, leaving him for dead. But the
Indian managed to scramble up when they had gone, and
made shift to get home. By this means they were dis-
covered, and the Indians caught them; for, wanting a
canoe to take them over the water, and not thinking their
act was known, by the sachem's command they were taken
to Aquidnett Island, and were there accused of the deed,
and examined and committed upon it by the English. The
Indians sent for Mr. Williams, and made grievous com-
plaint; and the friends and relatives of the injured native
were ready to rise in arms and incite the rest to do the
same, believing they would now find the Pequot's words
were true: that the English would turn upon them. But
Mr. Williams pacified them, and told them they should see
justice done upon the offenders, and went to the wounded
man and took Mr. James, the physician, with him. The
man told him who did it, and how it was done. The
physician found his wounds mortal, and that he could not
live, as he testified upon oath before the jury in open court.
He died shortly after. The Governor at the Bay was
acquainted with it, but referred it to New Plymouth, be-
cause the act was committed in this jurisdiction; but he
urged that by all means justice should be done, or it
would cause a war. Nevertheless, some of the more ig-

THE PLY3.I0UTH SETTLEIVIENT 295

norant colonists objected that an Englishman should be
put to death for an Indian. So at last the murderers were
brought home from the Island, and after being tried, and
the evidence produced, they all in the end freely confessed
to all the Indian had accused them of, and that they had
done it in the manner described. So they were condemned
by the jury, and executed. Some of the Narragansett
Indians and the murdered man's friends, were present when
it was done, which gave them and all the country satisfac-
tion. But it was a matter of much sadness to them here,
as it was the second execution since they came, — both being
for wilful murder.

This year they received more letters from England, full
of renewed complaints, on the one hand that Mr. Beau-
champ and Mr. Andrews could get no money or account-
ing from Mr. Sherley, on the other that the latter should
be importuned by them, retorting that he would account
with those here and not with them, etc. So, as had been
decided before, viz., that if nothing came of their last
letters, they would then send them what fur they could,
thinking that when some good part had been paid to them,
Mr. Sherley and they would more easily agree about the
remainder, — they now sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beau-
champ through Mr. Joseph Young in the Mary and Anne
1325 lbs. of beaver divided between them. Mr. Beauchamp
returned an account of his share, showing that he made
£400 sterling out of it, freight and all expenses paid.
But Mr. Andrews, though he had the larger and better half,
did not make so much out of his through his own indis-
cretion, and yet charged the loss, which was about £40,
to them here. They sent them more by bills and other
payments, which was received and acknowledged by them,
and divided between them, such as for cattle of Mr. Aller-
ton's which were sold, and the price of a bark which be-

296 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

longed to the stock and was sold, amounting to £434
sterling. The total value was thus £1234 sterling, except
what Mr. Andrews had lost on his beaver, and which was
made good otherwise. But this did not stay their clamours,
as will appear hereafter.

It pleased God about this time to bless the country with
such an influx of people that it was much enriched, and
cattle of all kinds stood at high prices for many years.
Cows were sold at £20, some at £25 apiece, sometimes
even at £28. A cow-calf usually fetched £10; a milch-
goat £3, and sometimes £4; and she-kids thirty shillings
and often £2 apiece. By this means the original settlers
who had stock began to increase in wealth. Corn also
commanded a high price, viz., six shillings a bushel. So
other trading began to be neglected, and the old partners,
having forbidden Mr. Sherley to send them any more
goods, abandoned their trade at Kennebec, and, as things
stood, decided to follow it no longer. But a few of them
were loth that it should all be lost by closing it entirely,
so they joined with some others and agreed to give the
colony about one-sixth of the profits from it; and with the
first fruits of this the colony built a house for a prison.
The trade at Kennebec has since been continued to the
great benefit of the place; for, as some well foresaw, such
high prices for corn and cattle could not long continue,
and the revenue got by trade would be much missed.

This year, about the ist or 2nd of June, there was a
fearful earthquake. Here it was heard before it was
felt. It began with a rumbling noise, or low murmur,
like remote thunder; it came from the northward and
passed southward. As the noise approached, the earth
began to shake, and at length with such violence that
platters, dishes, and other things standing on shelves came
clattering dovv^n, and people were afraid for the houses

THE PLYT^IOUTH SETTLEISIENT 297

themselves. It happened that at the time several of the
chief citizens of the town were holding a meeting in a house,
conferring with some of their friends who were about to
move from the place — as if the Lord would hereby show
His displeasure at their thus shaking apart and removing
from one another. It was very terrible for a while, and as
the men sat talking in the house, some women and others
were just out of doors, and the earth shook with such
violence that they could not stand without catching hold
of the posts and palings near by. But the violence did not
last long. About half an hour after, or less, came another
noise and shaking, but not so severe as before, and not
lasting long. Some ships along the coast were shaken by
it; but it was not only felt near the sea, for the Indians
noticed it inland. So powerful is the mighty hand of the
Lord as to make both the earth and the sea to shake, and
the mountains to tremble before Him when He pleases ;
and who can stay His hand? , • ' ' ■ 'X -

It was observed that the summers for several years after vt^^ii
this earthquake were not so hot and seasonable for the (x\n
ripening of corn and other fruits as formerly, but were
colder and more moist and subject to early and untimely
frosts, so that often much Indian corn failed. Whether
this was the cause, I leave it to naturalists to judge.

CHAPTER XX

Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and Massiv-
chusetts — First steps towards winding up the partnership by
a composition: 1639 and 1640.

I will combine the=e two years, because there occurred
but little of interest outside of the ordinary affairs of the
colony. New Plymouth had several times granted land
for various townships, and, amongst the rest, to the in-
habitants of Scituate, some of them coming from here.
A large tract of land there had also been given to their
four London partners, Mr, Sherley, Mr, Beauchamp, Mr.
Andrews, and Mr. Hatherley. At Mr, Hatherley's re-
quest, the locality was fixed upon for himself and them,
for the other three had given him power to choose for them.
This tract of land extended up to the border-line of their
neighbours of Massachusetts, who some years later estab-
lished a town called Hingam on the land next to it. This
now led to great disputes between these two town3hips,
about their boundaries, and some meadow lands that lay
between them. The inhabitants of Hingam began to allot
-so.i,ne of these meadows to their people, measuring and
Staking them out for that purpose. The people of Scituate
pulled up their stakes and threw them away. So it de-
veloped into a controversy between the two governments.
Many letters passed between them about it, and it hung
in suspense for about two years. The Court of Massachu-
setts appointed men to fix their boundary line according
to their patent, and the way they went to work made it
include all Scituate itself, and I know not how much mor^

298

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 299

On the other hand, according to the boundary Hnes of the
patent of New Plymouth, theirs would take in Hingam,
and much more within the bounds they had set.

In the end both Courts agreed to choose two commis-
sioners on each side, and give them absolute power to
settle the boundaries between them, and what they decided
was to stand irrevocably. They had one meeting at Hingam,
but could not agree ; for their commissioners stood stiffly
on a certain clause in their grant : that their limits should
extend from Charles River, or any branch or part thereof,
and 3 miles further to the southward; or, from the most
southern part of the Massachusetts Bay, and 3 miles
further south. But they chose to adhere to the former
limit, for they had found a small river, or brook rather,
which a long way inland trended far southward and en-
tered some part of what was taken to be Charles River;
and from the most southerly part of this, and 3 miles
further southward, they wished to run a line eastwards
to the sea, about 20 miles, which would take in a part of
New Plymouth itself. Now though the patent and colony
of New Plymouth was much the older, the patent for the
extension upon which Scituate stood was granted after
theirs of Massachusetts; so the latter took first place as
regards this extension.

The New Plymouth answer to the deputies of Massa-
chusetts was, they owned that their claims for Scituate
could not be based in any way upon their original grant ;
but, on the other hand, neither could the others prove this
stream to be a part of Charles River, for they did not know
which Charles River was, except so far as the people here,
who came first, gave the name to the river upon which
Charlestown was afterwards built, believing it to be that
which Captain Smith so named. Now those who first
_|iamed it had best reason to, know.it, and to explain which

300 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

it was. But they only termed it Charles River as far as it
was navigated by them, — that is, as far as a boat could go.
But that all the small brooks that should flow into it, far
inland, and were all differently named by the natives, should
now be made out to be the Charles River, or parts of it,
they saw no reason to allow. They gave an instance of
the Humber in old England, which had the Trent, Ouse,
and many other rivers of lesser note running into it; and
again many smaller brooks fell into the Trent and Ouse;
but all had their own names. Again, it was contended that
no mention was made of an east line in their patent ; they
were to begin at the sea and go west by a line, etc.

At this meeting, however, no conclusion was reached;
but things were discussed and well prepared for an issue.
Next year the same commissioners were appointed, and
met at Scituate, and concluded the matter as follows.

The agreement as to the boundaries between New Plymouth and
Massachusetts:

Whereas there were two commissioners appointed by the two
jurisdictions ; the one of Massachusetts Government, appointing
John Endicott, gent., and Israel Sloughton, gent. ; the other of
New Plymouth Government, appointing William Bradford, Gov-
ernor, and Edward Winslow, gent. ; for the setting out and de-
termining the boundaries of the lands between the said jurisdic-
tions, whereby this present age and posterity to come may live
peaceably and quietly. And for as much as the said commissioners
on both sides have full power so to do, as appears by the record
of both jurisdictions, we the said commissioners above named, do
hereby with one consent and agreement conclude, determine, and
by these presents declare, that all the marshes at Cohasset that
lie on the one side of the river next to Hingam shall belong to
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and all the marshes that lie in
the other side of the river next to Scituate shall belong to the
jurisdiction of New Plymouth, except sixty acres of marsh land
at the mouth of the river on the Scituate side next to the sea, which
we do hereby agree, conclude and determine, shall belong to the
jurisdiction of Massachusetts. And further we do hereby agree,

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 301

determine, and conclude, that the boundaries between the said
jurisdictions are as follows, viz. : from the mouth of the brook
that runs into Cohasset marshes, which we call by the name of
Bound Brook, with a straight and direct line to the middle of a
great pond that lies on the right hand of the upper path or
common way that leads between Weymouth and New Plymouth,
close to the path as we go along, which was formerty, and we
desire may still be, called Accord Pond, lying about five or six
miles from Weymouth, southerly; and from thence with a straight
line to the southernmost part of Charles River, and three miles
southerly into the country, as expressed in the patent granted by
his majesty to the Company of the Massachusetts Colony. Pro-
vided alwa3'S, and nevertheless concluded and determined by mutual
agreement between the said commissioners, that if it fall out that
the said line from Accord Pond to the southernmost part of Charles
River and three miles southerly, restrict or hinder any part of any
settlement begun by the Governor of New Plymouth, or hereafter to
be begun within ten years after the date of these presents, that then
notwithstanding the said line, where it shall so obtrude as afore-
said, so much land as shall make up the quantity of eight square
miles, to belong to every settlement so begun, or to be begun as
aforesaid; which we agree, determine, and conclude, to appertain
and belong to the said Governor of New Plymouth. And whereas
the said line from the said brook which runs into Cohasset salt
marshes, called by us Bound Brook, and the pond called Accord
Pond, lie near the lands belonging to the townships of Scituate and
Hingham, we do therefore hereby determine and conclude, that if
any divisions already made and accorded by either of the said
townships do cross the said line, that then it shall stand and be in
force according to the former intents and purposes of the said
towns granting them — the marshes formerly agreed upon excepted;
and that no town in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceed, but
contain themselves within the said lines expressed.

In witness whereof we, the commissioners of both jurisdictions,
do by these presents indented set our hands and seals, the ninth day
of the fourth month in the i6th year of our sovereign lord. King
Charles, and in the year of Our Lord, 1640.

WILLIAM BRADFORD, Governor JOHN ENDICOTT
EDWARD WINSLOW ISRAEL STOUGHTON

The extended New Plymouth patent havhig been taken
out in the name of Wilham Bradford, as in trust, ran in
these terms : "To him, his heirs, associates, and assigns."

B02 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

But the number of freemen having now greatly increased,
and several townships being estabhshed and settled in
several quarters such as New Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate,
Taunton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, and
not long after Seekonk, — afterwards called at the wish of
the inhabitants Rehoboth, — and Nauset, it was desired by
the Court that William Bradford should make surrender
of the same into their hands. This he willingly did.

In these two years they had several letters from England,
asking them to send some one over to end the business of
the accounts with Mr. Sherley, who now professed he could
not make them up without help from them, especially from
Mr. Winslow. They had serious thoughts of it, and the
majority of the partners here believed it best to send; but
they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters
that Mr. Winslow was neither willing to go himself, nor that
any other of the partners should do so ; for he was convinced
that if any of them went they would be arrested, and an
action for such a sum laid upon them that they would be
unable to procure bail, and would consequently be im-
prisoned, and that then the partners there could force them
to do whatever they wished. Or else they might be brought
into trouble by the archbishop's means, as things then were
over there. But though they were much inclined to send,
and Captain Standish was willing to go, they decided, since
they could not agree about it and it was of such importance,
and the consequences might prove dangerous, to ask Mr.
John Winthrop's advice. It seemed the more suitable be-
cause Mr. Andrews had in many letters acquainted him with
the differences between them, and appointed him his assign
to receive his part of the debt ; and though they declined to
pay anything as a debt till the controversy was ended, they
had deposited £iio in money in his hands, for Mr. Andrews,
to be paid to him in part as soon as he should come to any

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT/ 303

agreement with the rest. But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr.
Winslow's mind, and dissuaded them from sending; so
they abandoned the idea, and returned this answer. That
the times were dangerous in England as things stood with
them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered for-
merly, and for a little thing had been clapped into the
Fleet, and how long it had been before he could get out,
to his and their great loss ; and things were not better but
worse in that respect. However, that their honesty might
be made manifest to all, they made them this offer: to
refer the case to some gentlemen and merchants at the Bay
of Massachusetts, such as they should choose, and were
well-known to them, as they had many friends and acquaint-
ances there better known to them than to the partners here ;
and let them be informed of the case by both sides, and re-
ceive all the evidence that could be produced, in writing or
otherwise. The partners here would then bind themselves
to stand by their decision and make good their award,
though it should cost them all they had in the world. But
this did not please them; they were offended at it. So it
came to nothing; and afterwards Mr. Sherley wrote, that
if Mr. Winslow would meet him in France, the Low Coun-
tries, or Scotland, let him name the place, and he would
come to him there. But owing to the troubles that now
began to arise in our own nation, and other reasons, this
did not come to any effect.

What made them especially desirous to bring things to
an end was, partly to stop the aspersions cast upon them
about it, — though they believed that they had suffered
the greatest wrong and had most cause for complaint;
and partly because they feared a fall in the price of cattle,
in which the greatest part of their means was invested.
This was no vain fear; for it fell indeed before they had
reached a conclusion, and so suddenly, that the price of a

S04 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

cow which a month before had been at £20, now fell to £5 ;
and a goat that went at £3 or fifty shilUngs, would now yield
but eight shillings or ten shillings at the most. Everyone
had feared a fall in cattle, but it was thought it would be
by degrees, and not straight from the highest pitch to the
lowest. It was a great loss to many, and some were ruined.
Another reason why they so much wished to close their
accounts was that many of them were growing aged, — and
indeed it was a rare thing that so many partners should all
live together so many years. And they saw many changes
were likely to occur, so they wejre loth to leave these
entanglements upon their children and posterity, who might
be driven to move their homes as they had done ; indeed they
themselves might have to do so before they died. However,
things had still to be left open ; but next year they ripened
somewhat, though they were then less able to pay for the
reasons mentioned above.

CHAPTER XXI

Further steps towards the Composition between the London
and New Plj-mouth partners — Dispute with Rev. Charles
Chauncey about Baptism — Fall in value of livestock — Many
leading men of New Plymouth move from the town: 1641.

Mr, Sherley being weary of this controversy and desirous
to end it, wrote to Mr. John Atwood and Mr. WiUiam Col-
lier, two of the inhabitants of this place, and special ac-
quaintances of his, and desired them to be' intermediaries,
and advise the partners here as to some way of reaching a
composition by mutual agreement. He also wrote to the
partners similarly, in part as follows :

James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:.

Sir,

I have written so much concerning the closing of our accounts
that I confess I do not know what more to write. If j'ou desire an
end, as you seem to do, there are, I think, only two ways : either we
can perfect all accounts, from the first to the last, on both sides;
or we must do it by compounding, and this way, first or last, we
shall have to come to. If we fight about it at law, we shall both
only cleave the air, and the lawyers will be the chief gainers. Then
let us set to the work one wa}^ or another and make an end, so
that I may not continue to suffer both in my reputation and my
business. Nor are you free in this respect. The gospel suffers by
your delay, and causes its followers to be ill spoken of. . . . Do
not be afraid to make a fair and reasonable offer ; beheve me I shall
not take advantage of you; or else let ]\Ir. Winslow come over, and
let him have full power to compound with me. Otherwise, let the
accounts be fully made up so that we may close according to the
figures. Now, blessed be God, times are so much changed here
that I hope to see many of you return to your native country again,
and have such freedom and liberty as the word of God prescribes.

305

S06 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now. God has
miraculously confounded them, and brought down all their popish
and Machiavellian plots and projects upon their own heads. ... I
pray you take it seriously into consideration ; let each give way a
little that we may meet. ... Be you and all yours kindly saluted.
So I ever rest,

Your loving friend,

JAMES SHERLEY.
Clapham, May iSth, 1641.

Being urged by this letter, and also by Mr. Atwood's
and Mr. Collier's mediation, to bring things to an end, and
by none more earnestly than by their own desires, the New
Plymouth Partners took this course. They appointed these
two men to meet them on a certain day, and summoned
other friends on both sides, and Mr. Freeman, brother-in-
law of Mr. Beauchamp. Having drawn up an inventory of
all remaining stock whatsoever, such as housing, boats, the
bark, and all implements belonging to them, used during
the period of trading; together with the surplus of all com-
modities, such as beads, knives, hatchets, cloth, or anything
else, both valueless and saleable; with all debts, both bad
and collectable ; and having spent several days upon it with
the help of all books and papers, either in their hands or
those of Josias Winslow, their accountant, they found the
total sum on valuation amounted to ^1400. They then all
of them took a voluntary and solemn oath, in the presence
of one another and of all their friends above mentioned now
present, that this was all that any of them knew of or could
remember; and Josias Winslow did the same on his part.
But the truth is the valuation was too low ; for, as an
instance, in reckoning some cattle taken from Air. Allerton,
a cow which had cost £25 was so valued in this account;
but she subsequently realized only £4-15-0. Also, being con-
scientious about their oaths, they included all that they knew
of which was owing to the stock, but they did not make

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S07

such a diligent search concerning what the stock might owe
them, so that many scattered debts fell upon them after-
wards, which they had not charged in.

However, this done, they drew up certain articles of
agreement between Mr. Atwood, on Mr. Sherley's behalf,
and themselves.

Articles of Agreement made %nd concluded on October i^th, 1641 :

Whereas there was a partnership for a period of years agreed
upon between James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard
Andrews, of London, merchants, and WilHam Bradford, Edward
Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, Wilham Brewster, John
Alden, John Howland, and Isaac Allerton, in a trade of beaver
skins and other furs from New England; and the term of the said
partnership having expired, various consignments of goods having
been sent to New England by the said James Sherley, John Beau-
champ, Richard Andrews, and many large returns made from New
England by the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, etc.; a
dispute arising about the expense incurred for two ships, the one
called the White Angel of Bristol, and the other the Friendship of
Barnstable, and a projected voyage in her, etc.; which said ships
and their voyages the said William Bradford, etc., consider do not
concern the accounts of the partnership ; and whereas the accounts
of the said partnership are found to be confused, and cannot be
clearly present, through default of Josias Winslow the bookkeeper,
and whereas the said W. B., etc., have received all their goods for
the said trade from the aforesaid James Sherley, and have made
most of their returns to him, by consent of the said John Beau-
champ and Richard Andrews ; and whereas, also, the said James
Sherley has given power and authority to Mr. John Atwood, with
the advice and consent of William Collier of Duxbury, on his
behalf, to put an absolute end to the said partnership, with all and
every accounts, reckonings, dues, claims, demands, whatsoever, to
the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews,
from the said W. B., etc., for and concerning the said beaver trade,
and also the charge of the said two ships, and their voyages made or
projected, whether just or unjust, from the world's beginning to this
present, as also for the payment of a purchase of £1800 made by
Isaac Allerton, on behalf of the said W. B., etc., and of the joint
stock, shares, lands, and adventurers, whatsoever, in New England

308 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

aforesaid, as appears by a deed bearing the date Nov. 6th, 1627 ; and
also for and from such sum and sums of money or goods as are
received by William Bradford, Thomas Pi-ince, and Myles Stand-
ish, for the recovery of dues, by accounts between them, tlie said
James Sherley, John Bcauchamp, Richard Andrews, and Isaac
Allerton, for the ship called the White Angel. Now the said John
Atwood, with advice of the said William Collier, having had much
communication and spent several days in discussion of the said
disputes and accounts with the said W. B., etc. ; and the said W. B.,
etc., having also with the said book-keeper spent much time in
collecting and listing the remainder of the stock of partnership for
the said trade, and whatsoever has been received, or is due by the
said attorneyship before expressed, and all manner of goods, debts,
and dues, thereunto belonging, which in all amount to the sum of
ii400 or thereabout; and for better satisfaction of the said James
Sherlej'^, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and
all the rest of the abovesaid partners, together with Josias Winslow
the bookkeeper, have taken a voluntary oath that the said sum of
£1400 or thereabout, includes whatever they know, to the utmost of
their remembrance.

In consideration of which, and to the end that a full, absolute, and
final end may now be made, and all suits in law may be avoided, and
love and peace continued, it is therefore agreed and concluded
between the said John Atwood, with the advice and consent of the
said William Collier, on behalf of the said James Sherlej% to and
with the said W. B., etc., in manner and form following: viz., that
the said John Atwood shall procure a sufficient release and dis-
charge under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, John
Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fair and un-
concealed to the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the last
day of August, next ensuing the date hereof, whereby the said
William Bradford, etc., their heirs, executors, and administrators
and each of them shall be fully and absolutely acquitted and dis-
charged of all actions, suits, reckonings, accounts, claims, and de-
mands whatsoever, concerning the general stock of beaver trade,
payment of the said £1800 for the purchase and all demands reckon-
ings, accounts just or unjust, concerning the two ships, White Angel
and Friendship aforesaid, together with whatsoever has been re-
ceived by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate of Isaac
Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said ship White
Angel by virtue of a letter of attorney to him, Thomas Prince, and
Myles Standish, directed from the said James Sherley, John Beau-
champ, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as aforesaid.

It is also agreed and concluded between the said parties to these
presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc., shall now be bound in

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 309

^2400 for payment of :£i200 in full satisfaction of all demands as
aforesaid; to be paid in manner and form following; that is to say,
£400 within two months next after the receipt of the aforesaid
releases and discharges, iiio whereof is already in the hands of
John Winthrop, senior, of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Richard
Andrews aforesaid, and 80 lbs. of beaver now deposited in the hands
of the said John Atwood, to be both in part payment of the said
£400 and the other £800 to be paid £200 per annum, to such assigns
as shall be appointed, inhabiting either New Plymouth or Massa-
chusetts, in such goods and commodities, and at such rates, as the
country shall afford at the time of delivery and payment; and in
the meantime the said bond of £2400 to be deposited in the hands of
the said John Atwood. And it is agreed upon, by and between the
said parties to these presents, that if the said John Atwood shall
not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges as afore-
said from the said James Shcrley, John Beauchamp, and Richard
Andrews, at or before the last day of August next ensuing the date
hereof, that then the said John Atwood shall, at the said date
precisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered, unto the said W. B.,
E. W., etc., their said bond of £2400 and the said 80 lbs. of beaver,
or the due value thereof, without any fraud or further delay; and
for performance of all and each of the covenants and agreements
herein contained and expressed, which on the one part and behalf
of the said James Sherlcy are to be observed and performed, shall
become bound in the sum of £2400 to them, the said William Brad-
ford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, William
Brewster, John Alden, and John Howland. And it is lastly agreed
upon between the said parties, that these presents shall be left in
trust, to be kept for both parties, in the hands of Mr. John Rayner,
teacher of New Plymouth. In witness whereof, all the said parties
have hereunto severally set their hands, the day and year first above
written.

JOHN ATWOOD, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD
WINSLOW, etc.

In the presence of Edmund Freeman, William Thomas, William
Paddy, Nathaniel Souther.

Next year this long and tedious business came to an Issue,
as will appear, though not to a final end with all the parties ;
but so much for the present.

I had forgotten to insert that the church here had in
1638 invited and sent for ]\Ir. Charles Chauncey, a reverend.

310 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

godly, and very learned man, who stayed till the latter part
of 1645, — intending, after a trial, to choose him pastor, for
the more convenient performance of the ministry, with Mr.
John Rayner the teacher. But there occurred some differ-
ences about baptism, he holding that it ought only to be done
by dipping and putting the whole body under water, and that
sprinkling was unlawful. The church conceded that immer-
sion, or dipping, was lawful, but not so convenient in this
cold country. But they could not allow that sprinkling,
which nearly all the churches of Christ use to this day, was
unlawful and merely a human invention. They were willing
to yield to him as far as they could, and to allow him to
practice according to his convictions, and granted that when
he came to administer the ordinance, he might perform it in
that way for any who so desired, provided he allowed Mr.
Rayner, when requested, to baptize by sprinkling. But he
said he could not yield to this. So the church procured some
other ministers to discuss the point with him publicly, such
as Mr. Ralph Partridge of Duxbury. But he was not satis-
fied; so the church sent to several other churches to ask
their help and advice in the matter, and with his will and
consent sent them his arguments, — such as to the church of
Boston in Massachusetts, to be communicated to other
churches there; and to the churches of Connecticut and
New Haven, and many others. They received very able
answers from them and other learned ministers, who all
concluded against him. Their answers are too long to give
here. But Mr. Chauncey was not satisfied. They con-
sidered that everything that was proper had been done, so
Mr. Chauncey, who had been almost three years here, re-
moved to Scituate, where he is still a minister of the church.
About this time, cattle and other things having fallen
greatly in value, people began to be less affluent. Many had
already gone to Duxbury, Marshficld, and other places, and

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 311

amongst tliem many of the leading men, such as Mr.
Winslow, Captain Standish, Mr. Alden. Others dropped
away daily, with the result that the place became far less
flourishing.

CHAl^TER XXn

Conclusion of Composition betAveen London and New Ply-
mouth partners: 1642.

I now come to the conclusion of the long and tedious
business between the partners here and those in England.

James Sherley in England to the partners of New Plymottth:

Loving Friends, — Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prince, Captain
Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Howland,
Give me leave to include you all in one letter concerning the final
end and conclusion of this tiresome and tedious business, which I
think I may truly say is uncomfortable and unprofitable for all. . . .
It has pleased God now to show us a way to cease all suits and
disputes, and to conclude in peace and love as we began. I am
content to make good what Mr. Atwood and you have agreed upon,
and for that end have sent him an absolute and general release to
you all, and if it lacks anything to make it complete, write it j^our-
selves and it shall be done, provided that you all, either jointly or
severally, seal a similar discharge to me. For that purpose I have
drawn up a copy and sent it to Mr. Atwood with the one I have
sealed for you. Mr. Andrews has sealed an acquittance also, and
sent it to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he thought fit, and,
as I hear, has transferred his debt, which he makes ^544, to the
gentlemen of the Bay. Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbins have
taken a great deal of pains with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, and
myself, to bring us to agree, and we have had many meetings and
spent much time upon it. Mr. Andrews wished you to have one
third of the ii200, and the Bay two thirds ; but to do that we three
partners here must have agreed to it, which would be a difficult
matter now. However, Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, Mr. Hibbins, and I
have agreed, and they are giving you their bond to settle with Mr.
Beauchamp and procure his general release, and thus free you from
all the trouble and expense that he might put you to. Now our
agreement is, that you must pay to the gentlemen of the Bay £900,
they to bear all expenses which may in any way arise concerning

312

THE PLY^iOUTH SETTLEMENT 313

the free and absolute clearing of you from us three; and you to
have the other £300. . . .

Upon receiving my release from you I will send you 3'our bonds
for the purchase money. I would have sent them now, but first I
want Mr. Beauchamp to release you as well as I, because they bind
you to him as well as to me, though I know that if a man is bound
to twelve men, when one releases him it is the same as if all did
so; so my discharge is to that extent sufficient. So do not doubt
but you shall have them, and your power of attorney, and anything
else that is fit. . . .

Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can,

JAMES SHERLEY.
June 14th, 1642.

Mr. Andrews' discharge was similar to Mr. Sherley's.
He was by agreement to have ^500 of the money, which he
gave to those at the Bay, who brought his discharge and
received the money, viz. ; one third of the £500 paid down,
and the rest in four equal payments, to be paid yearly, for
which they gave their bonds. £44 more was demanded, in
addition; but they believed they could arrange it with Mr.
Andrews, so it was not included in the bond.

But Mr. Beauchamp would give way in nothing, and de-
manded £400 of the partners here, sending a release to a
friend to be delivered to them on receipt of the money.
But his release was not perfect, having left out some of the
partners' names, with some other defects ; and besides, the
other partners there gave them to understand he had not
nearly so much due to him. So no end was made with him
till four years after.

CHAPTER XXin

Death of Mr. William Brewster — His Career — Remarkable
longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims — Con-
federation of the United Colonies of New England — War be-
tween the Narragansetts and Monhiggs — Uncas permitted by
the English to execute Miantinomo: 1643.

I must open this year with an event which brought great
sadness and mourning to them all. About the i8th of April
died their reverend elder, my dear and loving friend, Mr.
William Brewster, a man who had done and suffered much
for the Lord Jesus and the gospel's sake, and had borne his
part in weal or woe with this poor persecuted church for
over thirty-five years in England, Holland, and this wilder-
ness, and had done the Lord and them faithful service in his
calling. Notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows
he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great age ; he
was nearly fourscore years, if not quite, when he died. He
had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest ; he died
in his bed in peace, in the midst of his friends, who mourned
and wept over him, and gave him what help and comfort
they could; and he, too, comforted them whilst he could.
His illness was not long, and until the last day he did not
keep his bed. His speech continued until about the last half
day, and then failed him; and at about 9 or 10 o'clock that
evening he died, without any pangs at all. A few hours
before, he drew his breath short, and some few minutes
from the end he drew it long, as a man fallen into a sound
sleep, — without any gaspings,— and so, sweetly departed this
Jife into a better.

31#

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 315

I would ask, was he the worse for any of his former suf-
ferings? What do I say? Worse? Nay; he was surely
the better, for now they were added to his honour. "It
is a manifest token," says the Apostle (II Thes. i, 5, 6, 7),
"of the righteous judgment of God that ye may be counted
worthy of the Kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer;
seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense trib-
ulation to them that trouble you: and to you who are
troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed
from Heaven, with His mighty angels." And I Pet. iv, 14:
"If you be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye,
for the spirit of _glory and of God resteth upon you." What
though he lacked the riches and pleasures of the world in
this life, and pompous monuments at his funeral? Yet
"the memorial of the just shall be blessed, when the name of
the wicked shall rot," — with their marble monuments
(Prov. X, 7).

I should say something of his life, if to say a little were
not worse than to be silent. But I cannot wholly forbear,
though perhaps more may be written at some later time.
After he had attained some learning, viz., the knowledge of
the Latin tongue and some insight into Greek, and had spent
some little time at Cambridge, — then being first seasoned
with the seeds of grace and virtue, — he went to court, and
served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, for
several years, when he was Secretary of State. His master
found him so discreet and faithful, that he trusted him more
than all the others who were round him, and employed him
in all matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed
him rather as a son than a servant ; and knowing his wisdom
and godliness he would converse with him in private more
as a friend and familiar than as a master. He accompanied
him when he was sent as ambassador by the Queen into the
Jx»w Countries, in the Earl of Leicester's time, — besides

316 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

other important affairs of state, to receive possession of the
cautionary towns, in token of which the keys of Flushing
were deUvered to him in her majesty's name. Mr. Davison
held them some time, handing them over to Mr. Brewster,
who kept them under his pillow the first night. On his
departure, the Netherlands honoured Mr. Davison with a
gold chain ; he gave it into the keeping of Mr. Brewster, and
when they arrived in England commanded him to wear it
as they rode through the country, until they arrived at court.
He remained with him through his troubles, when later, he
was dismissed in connection with the death of the Queen of
Scots, and for some good time after, doing him much faith-
ful service.

Afterwards Mr. Brewster went and lived in the country,
much respected by his friends and the gentlemen of the
neighbourhood, especially the godly and religious. He did
much good there, in promoting and furthering religion, not
only by his practice and example and the encouragement of
others, but by procuring good preachers for the places
thereabouts, and persuading others to help and assist in such
work, generally taking most of the expense on himself, —
sometimes beyond his means. Thus he continued for many
years, doing the best he could, and walking according to the
light he saw, till the Lord revealed Himself further to him.
In the end, the tyranny of the bishops against godly
preachers and people, in silencing the former and perse-
cuting the latter, caused him and many more to look further
into things, and to realize the unlawfulness of their episco-
pal callings, and to feel the burden of their many anti-
christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured
to throw off; in which they succeeded, as the beginning of
this treatise shows.
. After they had joined themselves together in communion,
ias was mentioned earlier, he was a special help and support

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 317

to them. On the Lord's day they generally met at his house,
which was a manor of the bishop's, and he entertained them
with great kindness when they came, providing for them at
heavy expense to himself. He was the leader of those who
were captured at Boston in Lincolnshire, suffering the
greatest loss, and was one of the seven who were kept
longest in prison and afterwards bound over to the assizes.
After he came to Holland he suffered much hardship, hav-
ing spent most of his means, with a large family to support,
and being from his breeding and previous mode of life not
so fit for such laborious employment as others were. But
he always bore his troubles with much cheerfulness and con-
tent. Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent
in Holland, his circumstances improved, and he lived well
and plentifully; for through his knowledge of Latin he was
able to teach many foreign students English. By his method
they acquired it quickly and with great fluency, for he drew
up rules to learn it by, after the manner of teaching Latin;
and many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, came to him,
some of them being sons of distinguished men. By the help
of some friends he also had means to set up a printing press,
and thus had employment enough, and owing to many books
being forbidden to be printed in England, they might have
had more work than they could do. But on moving to
this country all these things were laid aside again, and a
new way of living must be framed, in which he was in no
way unwilling to take his part and bear his burden with the
rest, living often for many months without corn or bread,
with nothing but fish to eat, and often not even that. He
drank nothing but water for many years, indeed until five
or six years before his death ; and yet by the blessing of God
he lived in health to a very old age. He laboured in the
fields as long as he was able; yet when the church had no
other minister he taught twice every Sabbath, and that both

318 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

powerfully and profitably, to the great edification and com-
fort of his hearers, many being brought to God by his min-
istry. He did more in this way in a single year, than many
who have their hundreds a year do in all their lives.

As for his personal qualities, he was favoured above
many; he was wise and discreet and well-spoken, having a
grave and deliberate utterance, with a very cheerful spirit.
He was very sociable and pleasant among his friends, of an
humble and modest mind and a peaceable disposition, under-
valuing himself and his own abilities, and sometimes over-
valuing others. He was innocent in his life and conversa-
tion, which gained him the love of those without, as well as
those within; nevertheless he would tell them plainly of
their faults, both public and privately, but in such a way
that it was usually well taken. He was tender hearted and
compassionate with those in misery, especially when they
were of good birth and rank and had fallen into want and
poverty, either for religion's sake or through the oppression
of others; he would always say that of all men such de-
served to be most pitied. None displeased him more than
those who would haughtily and proudly exalt themselves,
having risen from nothing, and having little else to com-
mend them than a few fine clothes, or more means than
others. When preaching, he deeply moved and stirred the
affections, and he was very plain and direct in what he
taught, being thereby the more profitable to his hearers. He
had a singularly good gift of prayer, both public and private,
in ripping up the heart and conscience before God, in the
humble confession of sin, and begging the mercies of God
in Christ for the pardon of it. He always thought it better
for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than
to be long and tedious — except on special occasions, such as
days of humiliation and the like; because he believed that
,heart and spirit, especially in the weak, could with difficulty

THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEMENT 319

continue so long to stand bent, as it were, towards God,— ='
as is meet in prayer, — without flagging and failing. In the
government of the church, which was proper to his office as
elder, he was careful to preserve good order, and purity
both in doctrine and communion, and to suppress any error
or contention that might begin to arise ; and accordingly God
gave success to his endeavours in this, all his days, and he
was given to see the fruit of his labours. But I must break
off, though I have only touched the heads of a few things.
I cannot but take occasion here to wonder at the mar-
vellous providence of God, that, notwithstanding the many
changes these people went through, and the many enemies
they had, and the difficulties they met with, so many of them
should live to very old age. It was not only their reverend
elder — for one swallow makes no summer, as they say — but
many more of them, some dying about and before this time,
and some still living, who reached sixty or sixty-five years
of age, others seventy and over, and some nearly eighty, as
he was. It must needs be accounted for by more than
natural reasons, for it is found in experience that change of
air, hunger, unwholesome food, much drinking of water,
sorrows and troubles, etc., are all enemies to health, causing
many diseases, loss of natural vigour and shortness of life.
Yet all those unfavourable conditions were their lot. They
went from England to Holland, where they found both
worse air and diet than where they came from ; thence, en-
during a long imprisonment, as it were, aboard ship, they
came to New England; and their way of living here has
already been shown, and what crosses, troubles, fears,
wants, and sorrows, they were liable to. In a sense they
may say with the Apostle (II Cor. xi, 26, 27) that they
were "in journeyings often, in perils of water, in perils of
robbers, in perils by their own nation, in perils by the
heathen^ in perils in the wilderness, in perils on the sea, in

320 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

perils among false bretliren; in weariness and painf illness,
in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often,
in cold and nakedness." What was it then that upheld
them? It was God's visitation that preserved their spirits —
(Job X, 12) : "Thou hast granted me life and favour, and
thy visitation hath preserved my spirits." He that upheld
the Apostle upheld them: they were "persecuted, but not
forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed; — (II Cor. iv, 9) —
"as unknown, and yet well known ; as dying, and behold we
live; as chastened, and not killed" (II Cor. vi, 9). God, it
seems, would have all men behold and observe such mercies
and works of His providence as towards His people, that
they in like cases might be encouraged to depend upon God
in their trials, and also bless His name when they see His
goodness towards others. Man lives not by bread alone.
It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace and rest and
heart's ease, in enjoying the contentment and good things
of this world only, that health is preserved and life pro-
longed. God in such examples would have the world see
and behold that He can do it without them; and if the world
will shut its eyes and take no notice of it, yet He would have
his people see and consider it. Daniel was better off with
pulse, than others with the king's dainties. Jacob, though
he went from his own nation to another people, and passed
through famine, fear, and many afflictions, yet lived till
old age, and died sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as number-
less other of God's servants have done, and still shall do
through God's goodness, notwithstanding all the malice of
their enemies : "When the branch of the wicked shall be cut
off before his day" — (Job xv, 32) — "and bloody and deceit-
ful men shall not live out half their days." (Psa. Iv, 2;^.)

Owing to the plotting of the Narragansetts, ever since the
Pequot war, the Indians had formed a general conspiracy

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT S21

against the English in all parts, as was partly discovered
the year before, and now confirmed by various discoveries
and the free confessions of several Indians from different
places. They therefore sought means to prevent the trouble
and secure themselves, which ultimately resulted in the
formation of closer union and confederation defined by
articles from which the following extracts are taken.

Articles of Confederation bctzveen the Colonies under the Govern-
ments of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, New
Haven, and those in combination therewith.

Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and
the same end and aim, namely to advance the kingdom of Our Lord
Jesus Christ and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and
peace; and whereas in our settling, by a wise providence of God,
we find ourselves further dispersed along the sea-coasts and rivers
than was at first intended, so that we cannot, as desired, con-
veniently live under one government and jurisdiction; and whereas
we live surrounded by people of several tribes and strange lan-
guages, who may hereafter prove injurious to us and our posterity,
... we therefore conceive it our bounden duty without delay to
enter into an immediate consociation among ourselves for mutual
help and strength in our future concerns, so that in national and
religious affairs, as in other respects, we may be and continue one,
according to the tenor and true meaning of the ensuing articles.

1. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and between the
parties or jurisdictions above named, and they jointly and severally
by these presents do conclude and agree, that they all be, and hence-
forth be called by the name of, the United Colonies of New
England.

2. The said United -Colonies, for themselves and their posterity
jointly and severally, hereby enter into a firm and perpetual league
of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and
succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propa-
gating the truth of the Gospel, and for their own mutual safety and
welfare.

3. It is further agreed that the colonies which at present are, or
hereafter shall be begun, within the limits of Massachusetts shall
be forever under Massachusetts, and shall have separate jurisdiction
among themselves in all cases as a complete body; and that New
Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven shall each of them similarly
have separate jurisdiction and government within their limits. . . .

S22 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

4. It is by these confederates agreed that the expense of all just
wars, whether offensive or defensive, upon what party or member
of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provisions,
and all other disbursements be borne by all the parties of this con-
federation, in different proportions, according to their different
abilities, . . . according to the different numbers which from time
to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true and just
count, . . . and that according to the different expenses of each
jurisdiction and colony, the whole advantage of the war — if it
please God to bless their endeavours — whether in lands, goods, or
persons, shall be proportionately divided amongst the said confed-
erates.

5. It is further agreed that if these jurisdictions, or any colony
under or in combination with them, be invaded by any enemy what-
soever, upon notice and request of any three magistrates of the
jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the confederates without any
further meeting or expostulation shall forthwith send aid to the
confederate in danger, but in different proportions ; viz., Massachu-
setts a hundred men sufficiently armed and provided, and each of the
rest 45 so armed and provided, — or any lesser number if less be
required, according to this proportion; . . . but none of the juris-
dictions to exceed these numbers till by a meeting of the com-
missioners for this confederation further aid appear necessary; and
this proportion to continue till upon knowledge of greater numbers
in each jurisdiction, which shall be brouglit before the next meeting,
some other proportion be ordered. . . .

6. It is also agreed that for the management of all affairs con-
cerning the whole confederation, two commissioners shall be chosen
by and out of each of these four jurisdictions; namely, two for
Massachusetts, two for New Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and
two for New Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, who
shall bring full power from their General Courts, respectively to
hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace,
leagues, aids, expenses, etc., . . . not intermeddling -with the govern-
ment of any of the jurisdictions, which by the third article is
reserved entirely to themselves. But if these eight commissioners
when they meet shall not all agree, any six of the eight agreeing
shall have power to settle and determine the business in question.
But if six do not agree, then such propositions, with their reasons,
so far as they have been debated, shall be referred to the four
General Courts, viz. : Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut,
and New Haven ; and if at all the said General Courts the business
so referred be concluded, then it shall be prosecuted by the con-
federates and all their members. It is further agreed that these
eight commissioners shall meet once every year, besides special

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 823

meetings, to consider and conclude all affairs belonging to this con-
federation, which meeting shall always be on the first Thursday in
September; and that the next meeting after the date of these
presents, which shall be accounted the second meeting, shall be at
Boston in Alassachusetts, the third at Hartford, the fourth at New
Haven, the fifth at New Plymouth, and so on, successively, — if in
the meantime some central place be not agreed upon as more con-
venient for all the jurisdictions.

7. It is further agreed that at each meeting of these eight com-
missioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, six of them agreeing
may choose a president from among themselves, whose duty shall
be to direct the proceedings of that particular meeting; but he
shall be invested with no such power or respect as might hinder the
propounding or progress of any business, or in any way turn the
scales, otherwise than in the preceding article is agreed.

8. It is also agreed that the commissioners for this confederation
hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as
tliey may have commission or opportunity, shall endeavour to frame
agreements in cases of a civil nature, in which all the colonies are
interested, for the preservation of peace among themselves, and
preventing as much as possible all causes of war or dispute with
others. . . .

9. And since the justest wars may have dangerous consequences,
especially for the smaller settlements in these United Colonies, it
is agreed that neither Massachusetts, New Plj'mouth, Connecticut,
nor New Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any time
hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this confed-
eration or any part thereof, in any way whatsoever (sudden exi-
gencies excepted), without the consent and agreement of six of the
forementioned eight commissioners. . . ,

ID. That on special occasions, when meetings are summoned by
three magistrates of any jurisdiction, if any of the commissioners
do not come, due notice having been given or sent, it is agreed that
four of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war which
cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of
each jurisdiction; but not less than six shall determine the justice
of the war, or allow the demands or bills of expenses, or cause any
levies to be made for it.

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates shall
hereafter break any of these articles of agreement, or in any way
injure any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement
or injury shall be duly considered by the commissioners" for the
other jurisdictions; that both peace and this present confederation
may be entirely preserved without violation.

12. Lastly, tliis perpetual confederation and its several articles.

824 ' BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

being read and seriously considered both by the General Court of
Massachusetts and by the commissioners for New Plymouth, Con-
necticut, and New Haven, is fully allowed and confirmed by three
of the afore-named confederates, viz., Massachusetts, Connecticut,
and New Haven ; the commissioners for New Plymouth having no
commission to conclude, request time to advise with their General
Court. , . .

At a meeting of the commissioners for the confederation held at
Boston on the 7th of September, it appearing that the General Court
of New Plymouth, and the several townships thereof, have read,
considered, and approved these articles of confederation, as appears
by commission from their General Court bearing date the 29th of
August, 1643, to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Collier, to
ratify and confirm the same on their behalfs ; we therefore the com-
missioners for Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, do
also, for our several governments subscribe to them.

JOHN WINTHROP. Gov. of Mass. GEORGE FENWICK
THOMAS DUDLEY EDWARD HOPKINS

THEOPH. EATON THOMAS GREGSON

At their first meeting held at Boston on the above men-
tioned date, amongst other things they had the following
matter of great importance to consider. The Narragan-
setts, after subduing the Pequots, thought they v^ere going
to rule over all the Indians round them; but the English,
especially those of Connecticut, were friendly with Uncas,
sachem of the Monhigg tribe, which lived near them, as
the Narragansetts did near those of Massachusetts. Uncas
had been faithful to them in the Pequot war, and they had
agreed to support him in his just liberties, and were willing
that such of the surviving Pequots as had submitted to him,
should remain with him and live quietly under his protec-
tion. This greatly increased his power and importance, and
the Narragansetts could not endure to see it. So Mian-
tinomo, their chief sachem, an ambitious man, tried secretly
and by treachery according to the Indian way, to make away
with him, hiring some one to kill him. They tried to poison

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 325

him ; that not succeeding, they planned to knock him on the
head in the night in his house, or to shoot him, — and such
Hke devices. - But none of these plots taking effect, Mian-
tinomo made open war upon Uncas, though it was contrary
to his agreements with the English and the Monhiggs, He
suddenly came upon him with 900 or 1000 men, without
proclaiming war, Uncas at that time had not half so many;
but it pleased God to give him the victory, and he slew many
of the Narragansetts, and wounded many more; but most
important of all, he took Miantinomo prisoner. But as he
was a great man, and the Narragansetts a powerful people
who would be sure to seek revenge, he did nothing until he
had taken the advice of the English; so by the help and
direction of those of Connecticut, he kept him prisoner until
this meeting of the confederation. The commissioners
weighed the cause between Uncas and Miantinomo, and the
evidence being duly considered, the commissioners saw that
Uncas would not be safe while Miantinomo lived. So they
concluded that he might justly put such a false and blood-
thirsty enemy to death; but in his own jurisdiction, not on
English ground. They advised that in his execution all
mercy and toleration should be shown, contrary to the prac-
tise of the Indians who use tortures and all kinds of cruelty.
Furthermore, as Uncas had hitherto shown himself a friend
to the English, and had consulted them in this, if the Narra-
gansett Indians, or others, unjustly attacked Uncas for this
execution, the commissioners promised that the English
would assist and protect him as far as they could against
violence, upon notice and request.

Uncas followed this advice, and accordingly executed
Miantinomo, in a fair manner, with due respect for the hon-
our of his position. But what followed on the Narragan-
setts' part will appear later.

CHAPTER XXIV

Suggested removal of the Chiu'ch of New Plymouth to
Nauset — The Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas
and the Monhiggs — Truce arranged by the English: 1644.

Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor this year.

Many having left here, owing to the district being so
limited and barren, and their finding better accommodation
elsewhere, — and several others looking for opportunity to
go, the church began seriously to consider whether it were
not better to remove jointly to some other place, than to be
thus weakened, and, as it were, insensibly dissolved. Much
consultation took place, and opinions varied. Some were
for staying together here, arguing that people could live here
if only they were content, and that it was not so much for
necessity that they removed, as for enriching themselves.
Others were resolute upon removal, and signified that here
they could not stay, and that if the church did not remove
they must. This swayed many to agree to removal, rather
than that there should be a total dissolution, if a place could
be found suitable to accommodate tlie whole body more con-
veniently and comfortably, and with room for development
should others join them for their greater strength and better
subsistence. With these provisos the majority consented to
removal to a place called Nauset, which had been super-
ficially viewed, and the good-will of the owners obtained.
They began too late to see the error of their previous policy,
for they found they had already given away the best and
most convenient places to others, and now were in want of

326

THE PLYIMOUTH SETTLEMENT 827

such situations themselves; for Nauset was about 50 miles
from here, on the outskirts of the country, and remote from
all society. Furthermore, on closer examination, they found
it would prove so limited, that it would not suffice to ac-
commodate the whole body, much less be capable of any ex-
pansion. So in a short time they would be worse off there
than they were now. This made them change their resolu-
tion; but such as were resolved upon removal took
advantage of the agreement made, and went on notwith-
standing; nor could the rest hinder them, since they had
already made some beginning. Thus was this poor church
left like an ancient mother, grown old, and forsaken of her
children, — though not in their affections, yet as regards their
bodily presence and personal helpfulness. Her ancient
members being most of them worn away by death, and
those of later times being, like children, transferred to other
families, she, like a widow, was left only to trust in God.
Thus she who had made many rich, herself became poor.

Soon another broil was begun by the Narragansetts.
Though they had unjustly made war upon Uncas, as before
described, the winter before this they earnestly urged the
Governor of Massachusetts to permit them to make war
again in revenge for the death of their sagamore, claiming
that Uncas had first received and accepted ransom for
Miantinomo, and then put him to death. But the Governor
refused the presents they brought, and told them it was they
themselves who had done wrong and broken the conditions
of peace; neither he nor any of the English would allow
them to make any further war upon Uncas, and that if they
did so the English must assist him and oppose them ; but if
when the commissioners met, the matter having had a fair
hearing, it could be proved that he had received this ransom,
they would make Uncas return it. Notwithstanding this, at
the spring of the year they gathered in great power, and fell

S28 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

upon Uncas, killing many of his men and wounding more,
besides receiving some loss themselves. Uncas then called
for aid from the English. They told him what the Narra-
gansetts objected ; he denied it. They told him it must come
to trial, and if he was innocent, should the Narragansetts
refuse to desist, they would assist him. So at this meeting
they sent both to Uncas and the Narragansetts, and required
their sagamores to come, or send deputies to the commis-
sioners, who had now met at Hartford, promising a fair and
impartial hearing of all their grievances, and that all wrongs
should be redressed. They also promised that they should
come and return without any danger or molestation. Upon
which the Narragansetts sent one sagamore and some other
deputies, with full power to do what was thought right.
Uncas came in person, accompanied by some of his chiefs.
After discussion, the commissioners made the following
declaration to the Narragansett deputies :

1. That they did not find any proof of a ransom being agreed
upon.

2. It did not appear that any wampum had been paid as a ransom,
or any part of a ransom for Miantinomo's life.

3. That, had they in any way proved their charge against Uncas,
the commissioners would have required him to make due satis-
faction.

4. That if hereafter they could produce satisfactory proof, the
English would consider it, and proceed accordingly.

5. The commissioners required that neither they nor their allies,
the Nyanticks, should make war or injurious assault upon Uncas
or any of his tribe, until they could show proof of the ransom being
given, — unless he should first attack them.

6. That if they attacked Uncas, the English had undertaken to
assist him.

Hereupon the Narragansett sachem, consulting with the
other deputies, undertook on behalf of the Narragansetts
and Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be committed upon

THE PLYINIOUTH SETTLEMENT 329

Uncas or any of his tribe till after the next planting of corn ;
and that thereafter, before they made war they would give
30 days' notice to the Governor of Massachusetts or Con-
necticut. The commissioners, approving of this offer, re-
quired Uncas, as he expected the continuance of the favour
of the English, to observe the same terms of peace with the
Narragansetts and their people.

The foregoing conclusions were then subscribed by the
commissioners for the several jurisdictions, on the 19th of
Sept., 1644: Edward Hopkins, President; Simon Brad-
street, William Hathorne, Edward Winslow, John Brown,
George Fenwick, Theoph. Eaton, Thomas Gregson.

The Narragansett deputies further promised that if, con-
trary to this agreement, any of the Nyantick Pequots made
any attack upon Uncas or any of his people, they would
deliver them to the English for punishment, and that they
would not attempt to incite the Mohawks against Uncas
during this truce. Their names were subscribed with their
marks: Weetowish; Pampiamett; Chinnough; Pummunis.

CHAPTER XXV

The Narragansetts renew their attacks on Uncas and
threaten the English — Preparation for War by the Coloniesi —
Declaration of War by the English — Peace arranged and
General Treaty signed by the United Colonies of New England
and the Narragansetts and Nyanticks: 1645.

This year the commissioners were summoned to meet at
Boston before their ordinary time, partly in regard to some
differences between the French and the Government of
Massachusetts, about their aiding Governor La Tour against
Monsieur d'Aulney; and partly about the Indians, who had
broken the agreements of peace concluded last year. This
meeting was held at Boston on July 28th.

Besides some underhand attacks made on both sides, the
Narragansetts gathered a great power and fell upon Uncas
and killed many of his men and wounded many more, far
exceeding him in number, and having got a large number
of arms. They did this without the knowledge and consent
of the English, contrary to the former agreement, and were
determined to continue the war, notwithstanding anything
the English said or did. So, encouraged by their recent
victory, and by a promise of assistance from the Mohawks
— a strong, warlike, and desperate tribe, — they had already
devoured Uncas and his people in tlieir hopes, and would
surely have done so in fact if the English had not quickly
gone to his aid. But the English of Connecticut sent him 40
men, as a garrison for him, till the commissioners could
meet and take further steps.

830

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 331

Having thus met, they forthwith sent three messengers,
Sergeant John Davis, Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smith,
with full and ample instructions both to the Narragansetts
and Uncas, requiring them either to come in person or send
qualified deputies ; and if they refused or delayed, to warn
them that the English were determined to oppose these hos-
tile invasions, and that they had sent their men to defend
Uncas, and to know of the Narragansetts whether they
would stand by the former peace.

The messengers returned from the Narragansetts, not
only with slights, but with a threatening answer. They also
brought a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, assuring them
that war would shortly break out, and the whole country
would be aflame ; and that the sachems of the Narragansetts
had concluded a neutrality with the English of Providence
and Aquidnett Island. Whereupon the commissioners, con-
sidering the great danger and provocations offered, and the
necessity we should be put to of making war on the
Narragansetts, and being cautious to have the way clear
in a matter of such wide public concern to all the colonies,
thought fit to advise with such of the magistrates and elders
of Massachusetts as were at hand, and also with some of
the chief military commanders there; who being assembled,
it was then agreed:

1. That our engagement bound us to aid and defend Uncas.

2. That this aid could not be confined to defence of him and his
fort or habitation, but must be extended to the security of his
liberty and property.

3. That this aid must be speedy, lest he should be swallowed up
in the meantime.

4. The justice of the war being clear to ourselves and the rest
then present, it was thought meet that the case should be stated, and
the reasons and grounds of the war declared and published.

5. That a day of humiliation should be appointed, which was the
fifth day of the week following.

332 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

6. It was also agreed by the commissioners that the total number
of men to be raised throughout the colonies should be 300 — Massa-
chusetts 190, New Plymouth 40, Connecticut 40, New Haven 30; and
that considering Uncas was in instant danger, 40 men should forth-
with be sent from Massachusetts for his relief — for the 40 pre-
viously sent from Connecticut, had orders to stay only one month,
and their time having expired, they returned ; and the Narragansetts
hearing of it, took the advantage and came suddenly upon him and
gave him another blow, to his further loss, and were ready to do so
again; but the 40 men from Massachusetts having arrived, they
drew off.

The declaration of war which they pubHshed I shall not
transcribe, as it is very long and is already in print. I will
only note the insolent reception of it by the Narragansetts,
and the answers to the three messengers sent from the
commissioners to deliver it. They received them with scorn
and contempt, and told them they resolved to have no peace
without the head of Uncas ; that it mattered not who began
the war, they were determined to continue it; that if the
English did not withdraw their garrison from Uncas, they
would procure the Mohawks against them. Ultimately they
threatened that they would lay the English cattle in heaps
as high as their houses, and that no Englishman should stir
outside his door so much as to relieve himself, but he should
be killed. When the messengers demanded guides to pass
on through their country to deliver the message of the com-
missioners to Uncas, they refused them, and in scorn offered
them an old Pequot woman. Nay, the messengers person-
ally were in danger ; for while the interpreter was speaking
with them about the answer he should take back, some
natives came and stood behind him with hatchets, according
to their murderous manner; but one of his comrades gave
him warning, and so all three broke off and came away.
These and similar affronts so terrified the Indians they had
with them, that they ran away, and left them to get home as
best they could.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 33^

So the confederation hastened the preparations, according
to the agreement, and sent to New Plymouth to despatch
their 40 men with all speed, to be stationed at Seekonk, lest
it should be in danger before the rest were ready. They
were all well armed with snaphance guns, under command
of Captain Standish. Those from other places were also
led by able commanders, such as Captain Mason for Con-
necticut, etc. Major Gibbons was made General, with such
commissions and instructions as were proper.

Everything being ready, — some of the soldiers already
started and the rest ready to march, — the commissioners
thought it right before any hostile act was committed, to
return a present which had previously been sent to the
Governor of Massachusetts from the Narragansett sachems,
and though not accepted by him, had been laid by to be
accepted or refused according to their behaviour. So it
was sent back by two messengers and an interpreter, who
were further instructed to inform the Narragansetts that
the men the English had already sent to Uncas and other
parts, had express orders, so far, only to stand upon his or
their defence, and not to attempt any invasion of the Narra-
gansetts' country; and that even yet, if they made due
reparation for what had past, and gave good security for the
future, they should find that the English were as desirous of
peace and as tender of Narragansett blood as ever. If
therefore Pessecuss, Jenemo, with the other sachems, would
without further delay come with them to Boston, the com-
missioners promised and assured them free liberty to come
and return without molestation. But deputies would not
now serve, nor would the preparations on hand be stayed or
the directions recalled till the aforementioned sagamores
came, and further consultation had taken place. If, on the
other hand, they would have nothing but war, the English
were ready, and would proceed accordingly.

334 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OP

Pessecuss, Mixano, and Weetowish, three principal
sachems of the Narragansett Indians, and Awasequin,
deputy for the Nyantics, with a large train of men, a few
days after, came to Boston.

To omit all other circumstances, and the discussion which
took place between them and the commissioners, they came
to the following conclusion.

1. It is agreed between the commissioners of the United Colonies
and the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, that the latter shall
pay or cause to be paid at Boston, to the Massachusetts commis-
sioners, the full sum of 2000 fathom of good white wampum, or a
third part of black wampum, in four pajTnents; namely, 500 fathom
within 20 days, 500 fathom within four months, 500 fathom at or
before next corn planting time, and 500 fathom within two years
from the date of these presents ; which 2000 fathom the commis-
sioners accept as satisfaction for former expenses defraj'ed.

2. The aforesaid sagamores and deputy, on behalf of the Narra-
gansett and Nyantick Indians, hereby promise and covenant that
upon demand and proof they will restore to Uncas, the Monhigg
sagamore, all captives both men, women, and children ; all canoes,
which they or any of their men have taken, or as many Narragansett
canoes, in good condition, in place of them ; and will give full satis-
faction for all such corn as they or any of their men have destroyed
of his or his men's, since last planting-time; and the English com-
missioners hereby promise that Uncas shall do likewise.

3. Whereas there are various disputes and grievances between the
Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, and Uncas and his men, which
in the absence of Uncas cannot now be determined, it is hereby
agreed that the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, either come
themselves, or send their deputies, to the meeting of the commis-
sioners for the Colonies, either at New Haven in September, 1646,
■ — or sooner, upon due notice, if the said commissioners meet
sooner.^fully instructed to make due proof of their injuries, and
to submit to the judgment of the commissioners in giving or re-
ceiving satisfaction ; and the said commissioners, not doubting but
Uncas will either come himself or send his deputies, promise to give
full hearing to both parties impartially, according to their allegations
and proofs.

4. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies
do hereby promise and covenant to maintain a firm and perpetual

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 335

peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their suc-
cessors, and with Uncas the Monhigg sachem and his men; with
Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passa-
conaway, and all other sagamores and their tribes who are in
friendship with or subject to any of the English; hereby engaging
themselves, that they will not at any time hereafter, disturb the
peace of the country by any attacks, hostile attempts, invasions, or
other injuries to any of the United Colonies or their successors,
or to the aforesaid Indians, either in their persons, buildings, cattle,
or goods, directly or indirectly; nor will they combine with any
other enemy against them; and if they know of any Indians or
others who are conspiring or intend harm to the said Enghsh, or
any Indians subject to or in friendship with them, they will with-
out delay acquaint and give notice thereof to the English com-
missioners, or some of them. Or if any questions or disputes shall
at any time hereafter arise between them and Uncas, or any
Indians mentioned above, they will, according to former engage-
ments which they hereby confirm and ratify, first acquaint the
English, and request their judgment and advice therein, and will
not attempt or begin any war or hostile invasion, till they have
liberty and permission from the Commissioners of the United
Colonies so to do.

5. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies
do hereby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore all
such Indian fugitives or captives as have at any time fled from the
English, and are now living among them, or give due satisfaction
for them to the commissioners for Massachusetts; and further,
that they will without delay pay or cause to be paid, a yearly
tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston,
to the English Colonies, for all such Pequots as live among them,
according to the former treaty and agreement made at Hartford,
1638, namely one fathom of white wampum for every Pequot man,
and half a fathom for each Pequot youth, and one hand length
for each male child; and if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this
tribute for any Pequots with him, the Narragansett sagamores
promise to assist the English against him. And they further
undertake that they will resign and j-ield up the whole Pequot
country, and every part of it, to the English Colonies, as due to them
by conquest.

6. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy do
hereby promise and covenant that within 14 days, they will bring and
deliver to the Massachusetts commissioners on behalf of the Colonies,
four of their children, viz., the eldest son of Pessecuss, the son
of Tassaquanawite, the brother of Pessecuss, the son of Awashawe,
and the son of Ewangso, a Nyantick, to be kept as hostages

336 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

or pledges by the English, till the aforementioned 2000 fathom of
wampum has been paid at the times appointed, and the differences
between themselves and Uncas have been heard and settled, and
until these articles have been underwritten at Boston by Jencmo
and Wipetock. And further, they hereby promise and covenant,
that if at any time hereafter any of the said children shall escape
or be taken away from the English, before the promises be fully
accomplished, they will either bring back and dehver to the Massa-
chusetts commissioners the same children, or if they cannot be
found, such and so many other children as shall be chosen by the
commissioners for the United Colonies, or their assigns, within
twenty days after demand; and in the meantime, until the said
four children be delivered as hostages, the Narragansett and
Nyantick sagamores and deputy do freely and of their own accord
leave with the Massachusetts commissioners, as pledges for present
security, four Indians, viz., Weetowish, Pummunish, Jawashoe,
Waughwamino, who also freely consent and offer themselves to
stay as pledges, till the aforesaid children are delivered.

7. The commissioners for the United Colonies do hereby promise
and agree that the four Indians now left as pledges shall be pro-
vided for at the expense of the United Colonies, and that the four
children to be delivered as hostages shall be kept and maintained
at the same expense; that they will require Uncas and his men,
with all other Indian sagamores before named, to forbear all acts
of hostility against the Narragansett and Nyantick Indians for the
future, and further, all the promises being duly observed and kept
by the Narragansetts and Nyanticks and their tribes, they will at
the end of the two years restore the said children delivered as
hostages, and maintain a firm peace with the Narragansett and
Nyantick Indians and their successors.

8. It is fully agreed by and between the said parties, that if any
hostile attempts be made while this treaty is in hand, or before
notice of this agreement can be given, such attempts and the con-
sequences thereof shall on neither part be counted a violation of
this treaty, nor a breach of the peace here made and concluded.

9. The Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy hereby
agree and covenant to and with the commissioners of the United
Colonies, that henceforth they will neither give, grant, sell, nor in
any way alienate, any part of their country, nor any parcel of
land therein, to any of the Enghsh or others, without consent and
permission of the commissioners.

10. Lastly they promise that if any Pequot or other Indians be
found among them who have in time of peace murdered any of
the English, they shall be delivered to just punishment.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 337

In witness whereof the parties above named have interchangeabty
subscribed these presents, the day and year above written.

JOHN WINTHROP, President PESSECUSS his mark

HERBERT PELHAM MEEKESANO his mark

THOMAS PRINCE WEETOWISH his mark

JOHN BROWN AWASEQUIN his mark

GEORGE FENWICK ABDAS his mark

EDWARD HOPKINS PUMMUNISH his mark

THEOPH. EATON CUTSHAMAKIN his mark
STEPHEN GOODYEAR

In dravt'ing up this treaty and agreement between the
commissioners of the United Colonies and the sagamores
and deputy of the Narragansett and Nyantick Indians,
Benedict Arnold was interpreter, upon his oath ; Sergeant
Callicote, and his man, an Indian, were present ; and Josias
and Cutshamakin, two Indians acquainted with the English
language, assisted, — making the whole treaty and every
article clear to the sagamores and deputy present. Thus
was the war pending at this time prevented.

CHAPTER XXVI

Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts — His
death — Edward Wiuslow's long stay in England: 1646.

About the middle of May this year, three men of war
entered the harbour. The Captain's name was Thomas
Cromwell, and he had captured several prizes from the
Spaniards in the West Indies. He had a commission from
the Earl of Warwick. Aboard his vessel were about 80
strong young fellows, but very unruly, who, when they came
ashore, so distempered themselves with drink that they be-
came like madmen ; and though some of them were pun-
ished and imprisoned, they could hardly be restrained;
but in the end they became more moderate and orderly.
They remained here about a month or six weeks, then going
on to Massachusetts ; in the meantime scattering a great
deal of money among the people, — and even more sin than
money, I fear, notwithstanding all the care taken to pre-
vent it.

While they were here a sad accident occurred. One
desperate fellow amongst them started wrangling with some
of his comrades. Captain Cromwell commanded him to
be quiet and cease his quarreling; but he would not, and
reviled him with bad language, and in the end half drew
his rapier intending to run at him; but the captain closed
with him and snatched the rapier from him and gave him
a box on the ear; even then he would not give over, but
continued to assault him. Whereupon the Captain gave
him a blow with the hilt of the rapier, just as it was in
the scabbard, It chanced to hit his head, and the small

338

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 839

end of the bar of the rapier-hilt piercing his skull, he died
a few days after. But the captain was exonerated by court
martial, for it appeared that the fellow was so quarrelsome
that he had several times been chained under hatches to
prevent him from hurting his comrades, to which they
testified.

This Captain Cromwell made another voyage to tlie
West Indies from the Bay of Massachusetts, well manned
and provisioned. He was out three years and took many
prizes, and returned rich to Massachusetts. The same
summer he had a fall from his horse ; he fell on his rapier
hilt, and bruised himself so badly that he died shortly
after. It was remarked by some that this might show the
hand of God, and that as one of his men had died of the
blow he gave him with the rapier hilt, so his own death
was caused by similar means.

This year Mr. Edward Winslow went to England. Some
discontented persons in Massachusetts had endeavoured
to disturb the peace, and to undermine if not upset their
government, by uttering many slanders about them, and
even intended to prosecute them in England by petitioning
and complaining to Parliament. Samuel Gorton and his
people also made complaints against them. So they chose
Mr. Winslow, as their agent, to defend them, and gave him
commission and instructions to that end. He managed
things so well for them that he cleared them of all blame
and dishonour, and disgraced their opponents. But owing
to the great upheavals in the government there, he was de-
tained longer than was expected, and later he met with
other employments there, so that he has now been absent
for four years, which has been much to the loss of this
government.

The names of those who came over first in the Mayflower, in
the year 1620 and were by the blessing of God the first
beginners and foxmders of the Settlements and Colonies
of New England, with their families: written down A. D.
1650.

JOHN CARVER; Katherine, his wife; DESIRE MINTER; two
men-servants, JOHN HOWLAND and ROGER WILDER; a
boy, WILLIAM LATHAM ; a maid-servant ; a child who was
put under his charge, called JASPER MORE.

Mr. and Mrs. Carver, Wilder, and Jasper More all died here
during the first general sickness. Desire Minter returned to
England ; Latham stayed twenty years and then returned ; the
maid-servant married here, and died a year or two after.
Howland married Elizabeth Tillie. Both are living. They had
ten children.

WILLIAM BREWSTER; Mary, his wife; two sons, Love and
Wrestling; a boy in his charge called Richard More, and
another of his brothers.

The rest of his children were left behind, and came over
afterwards. Mr. Brewster lived here 23 or 24 years, being
about 80 when he died. His wife died some time before.
Wrestling died unmarried. Love had four children, and died
in 1650. The eldest son, who came after, had nine children,
and is still living; and the daughters, who came with him,
married, and are dead. The brother of Richard More died
the first winter. Richard married and has four or five children.

EDWARD WINSLOW; Elizabeth, his wife; two men-servants,
GEORGE SOWLE and ELIAS STORY; a little girl in his
charge, ELLEN, sister of Richard More.

Mr. Winslow's wife died the first winter. He married later
the widow of Mr. White, and has two children living. Story
and Ellen More died soon after the ship's arrival. George
Sowle is living and has eight children.

WILLIAM BRADFORD; Dorothy, his wife.

Their only child, a son, was left behind, and came over
after. Mrs. Bradford died soon after their arrival. Mr.
Bradford married again, and had four children.
840

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEIVIENT 341

ISAAC ALLERTON ; Mary, his wife ; three children, Bartholomew,
Remember, and Mary; a servant boy, JOHN HOOK.

Mrs. AUerton, and the boy. Hook, died in the first general
sickness. Bartholomew married in England. His daughter.
Remember, married at Salem and has three or four cliildren
living. Mary married here and has four children. Mr. AUer-
ton married, secondly, a daughter of William Brewster, and
had one son; he married a third time, and left this place
long ago.

SAMUEL FULLER; a servant, WILLIAM BUTTON.

His wife and a child were left behind, and came over after-
wards. Two more children were born here, and are living.
Button died at sea. Mr. Fuller died 15 years ago.

JOHN CR.\CKSTON, his son, John.

John Crackston died in the first sickness. His son died 5
or 6 years after; he lost himself in the woods in winter, and
his feet were frozen, which brought on fever.

MYLES STANDISH; Rose his wife.

Mrs. Standish died in the first sickness. Captain Standish
married again, and has four sons living.

CHRISTOPHER MARTIN; his wife, two servants, SOLOMON
PROWER and JOHN LANGMORE.
All these died in the first sickness, soon after their arrival.

WILLIAM MULLINS; his wife; two children, Joseph and
Priscilla; a servant, ROBERT CARTER.

All but Priscilla died in the first sickness. She married

John Alden; both are living. They have eleven children.

WILLIAM WHITE ; Susanna, his wife ; one son, Resolved ; and
one born aboard ship called Peregrine ; two servants, WIL-
LIAM HOLBECK and EDWARD THOMSON.

Mr. White and his two servants died soon after their landing.
His widow married Mr. Winslow. His two sons are living.

STEPHEN HOPKINS; Elizabeth, his wife; two children by a
former wife, Giles and Constanta; and two by this wife,
Damaris and Oceanus — the latter born on the voyage; two
servants, ED\^^ARD DOTY and EDWARD LISTER.

S42 BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF

Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins lived here over tvi^enty years, and had
one son and four daughters born here. Doty is living, and
has seven children by a second wife. Lister went to Virginia
and died there.

RICHARD WARREN.

His wife and four daughters were left behind and came
afterwards, and two more were born here. Mr. Warren lived
some four or five years here.

JOHN BILLINGTON; Ellen, his wife; two sons, John and
Francis. Billington was executed after he had been here ten
years. His eldest son died before him; his second is married.

EDWARD TILLIE; Anne, his wife; two children (their cousins),
HENRY SAMSON and HUMILITY COOPER.

Mr. and Mrs. Edward Tillie died soon after their arrival.
Humility Cooper returned to England and died there. Henry
Samson is living and has seven children.

JOHN TILLIE; his wife; their daughter, Elizabeth.

Mr. and Mrs. John Tillie died soon after their arrival.
Elizabeth married John Howland (see above).

FRANCIS COOK; his son, John.

Mrs. Cook and other children came over afterwards. Three
more children were born here. His son, John, is married.
Mr. Cook is a very old man, and has seen his children's
children have children.

THOMAS ROGERS; Joseph, his son.

Mr. Rogers died in the first sickness. His son, Joseph, is
living and has six children. The rest of his children came
over afterwards, and are married, and have many children.

THOMAS TINKER; his wife; their son.
All died in the first sickness.

JOHN RIGDALE; Alice, his wife. ^.>.*!'

Both died in the first sickness.

THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT 343

JAMES CHILTON; his wife; their daughter, Mary.

Another daughter, who was married, came after. Mr. and
Mrs. Chihon died in the first sickness. Mary Chilton married,
and has nine children.

EDWARD FULLER; his wife; their son, Samuel.

Mr. and Mrs. Fuller died soon after they came ashore.
Samuel Fuller is living, and has four children, or more.

JOHN TURNER; two sons.

All died in the first sickness. His daughter came some years
after to Salem, and is married.

FRANCIS EATON; Sarah, his wife; their baby, Samuel.

Mrs. Eaton died in the general sickness. Mr. Eaton mar-
ried a second and third time, having three children by his
third wife. Samuel is married and has a child.

MOSES FLETCHER; JOHN GOODMAN; THOMAS WIL-
LIAMS; DIGERIE PRIEST; EDMUND MARGESON;
RICHARD BRITTERIDGE; RICHARD CLARK; RICH-
ARD GARDNER; PETER BROWN; GILBERT WINSLOW.
The first seven died in the general sickness. Digerie Priest's
wife and children came afterwards, she being Mrs. Allerton's
sister. Gardner became a sailor, and died in England, or at
sea. Peter Brown married twice, leaving four children ; he
died about sixteen years since. Gilbert Winslow, after several
years here returned to England and died there.

JOHN ALDEN.

Mr. Alden was hired at Southampton as a cooper. Being a
likely young man, he was desirable as a settler ; but it was left
to his own choice to stay here or return to England; he stayed,
and married Priscilla MuUins (see above).

JOHN ALLERTON; THOMAS ENGLISH; WILLIAM
TREVOR; and one, ELY. The first two were hired as sailors,
the one to stay here with the shallop, the other to go back
and help over those left behind; but both died here before
the Mayflower returned. The last two were hired to stay here
a year; both returned when their time was out.

S44 BRADFORD'S HISTORY

Of these 100 or so of persons who came over first, more than
half died in the first general sickness. Of those that remained,
some were too old to have children. Nevertheless in those thirty
years there have sprung up from that stock over i6o persons now
living in this year 1650; and of the old stock itself nearly thirty
persons still survive. Let the Lord have the praise, Who is the
High Preserver of men.

INDEX

Abdas, 337-

Accord Pond, 301.

Adventurers, preliminaries with,
35 et seq. ; Dissolve partner-
ship, 162, 174. {See also
Weston, Sherley, Beau-
champ, Andrews, AUerton,
etc.)

Albany, see Fort Orange.

Alden, John, arrest of, 255;
Mentioned, 307, 311, 312;
Family, 343.

Alden, Robert, 176.

Allerton, Isf'HC, letter to Carver
and Cushman, 41; Assistant
to Governor, 85; In England,
172, 182, 188, 201, 204, 211,
217; Discharged, 224, 227;
Accounts confused, 231 et
seq. ; White Angel let out to,
234; Sold to, 241 ; In debt to
partners, 242 et seq., 253, 266,
295> 306; Family, 341.

Allerton, John, 343.

Alltham, Emanuel, 176.

Amsterdam, 14, 44, 45, 47.

Andrews, Captain, 277.

Andrews, Richard, 175, 189, 208,
227, 232, 266, 277, 302;
Beaver sent to, 295; Land at
Scituate, 298; Settlement
with, 307.

Andrews, Thomas, 176.

Anne, The, 119, 121, 151.

Anthony, Lawrence, 176.

Aquidnett Island, 294, 331.

Argoll, Captain, 31, 32.

Arminians, 17, 18,

Arnold, Benedict, 331, 337.

Ashley, Edward, 208, et seq.;
Sends beaver home, 216, 221 ;
Arrested, 222; His death,
223; Mentioned, 227, 231,

234-
Atwood, John, Sherley s agent,

305 et seq.; 312.
Awasequin, 334, 337.
Awashawe, 335.

Babb, Captain, 277.

Baker, Captain, 143.

Baptism, 310.

Barnstable, 302.

Bass, Edward, 175.

Beauchamp, John, one of original
adventurers, 98, foo, 175, 176;
in new partnership, 189; Co-
agent for New Plymouth
partners, 1 89 ; Penobscot Pat-
ent in his name, 208; Quar-
rels with Sherley, 277; Beaver
sent to, 295; Settlement
with, 306 et seq.

Bellingham, Richard, 267, 269,
270.

Billirike (Billerica), settlers from,
46.

Billington, John, loses himself,
86; Executed, 224; Family,

342.
Blackwell, Sir Francis, 31 et seq.
Block Island, 281, 284.
Blossom, Thomas, 252.
Boston, in Lincolshire, 9.
Boston, Mass., Joint Council of

Colonies at, 258; Commission

345

'S46

INDEX

of United Colonies at, 322.
{See also Endicott, Winthrop,
etc.).

Bound Brook, 301.

Bradford, William, letter to Car-
ver and Cushman, 41, 42;
Illness, 77; First chosen Gov-
ernor, 85; Patent at Kenne-
bec in his name, 253; Sur-
renders New Plymouth Pat-
ent, 302; Family, 340.

Bradstreet, Simon, 269, 329.

Brewer, Thomas, 40, 176.

Brewster, Jonathan, 272.

Brewster, William, Elder of the
Church, 8; Goes to Holland,
14; Correspondence with
Sandys and Worstenhohne,
27 et seq. ; To go to America,
35; Services to the sick, 77;
Letters from Adventurers,
102 et seq.; Mentioned, 108;
145, 189, 307; From Robin-
son, 140; Death of, 314; Ca-
reer, 315 et seq.; Family, 340.

Bristol, England, 218, 227, 230,

234-
Britteridge, Richard, 343.
Brook, Lord, 255.
Brown, John, 329, 334.
Brown, Peter, 343.
Browning, Henry, 176.
Button, William, dies, 63, 341.

Callicote, Sergeant, 337.

Calvin, John, 4.

Canterbury, Archbishop of, see
Laud, Archbishop.

Capawack, Isle of, 82, 88, 104.

Cape Ann, patent for, 136, 142;
Salt-pans at, 144; Dispute
over dock at, 162.

Cape Cod, arrival at, 64, 67, 92;
Exploring the Bay of, 69;
Ships wreckedat, 82, 1 59, 1 78.

Carter, Robert, 341.

Carver, John, agent to England,
26, 27; Letter from Robinson,
39; From Leyden, 41; From
Cushman, 46; From Robin-
son, 53; From Weston, 90,

98, 99; First Governor, 76;'
Dies, 85; Family, 340. »

Cattle, first at New Plymouth,
135; Prices of, 296, 310.

Charity, The, 135.

Charles I's Colonial Commission,

239, 263.
Charles River, 299. >
Charlestown, 299.
Charlton, 81.

Chatham, see Manamoick.
Chauncey, Charles, invited to New

Plymouth, 309.
Chilton, James, and family, 343.
Chinnough, 329.
Christmas at New Plymouth, 74,

94. 95-

Clark, Mr., pilot, 45.

Clark, Richard, 343.

Clifton, Rev. Richard, 8.

Cobiscconte, 254.

Coddington, Wm., 225, 269.

Cohasset, 300, 301.

Collier, William, 176, 231, 246;
Sherley's agent, 305 et seq.

Colonies of New England, Con-
federation of, 321.

Commissioners for the Colonies,
239; Winslow's petition to,
263.

Confederation of New England
Colonies, 321.

Connecticut River and Territory,

240, 260 et seq., 271, 279,
283 et seq., 329.

Cook, Francis, and family, 342.
Cooke, Mr. Secretary, 239.
Cooper, Humility, 342.
Coppin, Robert, 72.
Corbitant, 87 et seq.
Cottington, Lord, 239.
Cotton, John, 225.
Coventry, Thomas, 176.
Crabe, Rev. Mr., 47.
Crackston, John, and family, 341.
Cromwell, Capt. Thomas, 338,

339-

Crose, Daniel, 293.

Cushman, Robert, agent to Eng-
land, 26, 27, 36; Letters to
Leyden, 31, 42 et seq. ; Letter

INDEX

347

from Leyden, 41; To John
Carver, 46; To Southworth,
59; Comes in the Fortune,
89; Letters from, 104, 122,
136; Mentioned, 39, 50-52,
98; His death, 170.
Cutshamakin, 335, 337.

Damariscove Islands, 97, 133, 156,
172.

Dartmouth, England, 57, 59.

d'Aulney, Monsieur, takes Penob-
scot, 267, 330.

Davenport, Lieutenant, 289.

Davison, WiUiam, Secretary of
State, 315 et seq.

Davis, Sergeant John, 331.

De Rasieres, Isaac, 184, 192,

Delfthaven, 49.

Dennison, William, 233.

Dermer, Captain, 80 et seq.

Dorchester, 271.

Dorset, Earl of, 239.

Doty, Edward, 341.

Dudley, Thomas, 225, 232, 256,
et seq., 259, 269, 324.

Dumer, Richard, 269.

Dutch Colony, The, 139, 183 et
seq., 196, 249, 261, 275 etseq.
{See also Holland.)

Dutch Captain at Hull, 10.

Duxbury, 243, 310.

Earthquake, 296.

Eastham, see Nauset.

Eaton, Francis, and family, 343.

Eaton, Theoph., 324, 329, 337.

EHzabeth, Queen, 4.

Ely, sailor on Mayflower, 343.

Endicott, John, arrival, 195 et
seq.; Letters to Governor
Bradford, 213-4, 300, 301.

English, Thomas, sailor on May-
flower, 343.

Episcopius, 18.

Ewangso, an Indian, 335.

Falcon, The, 276.
Falkland, Viscovmt, 239.
Farrer, Sir George, 42.
FeUs, Mr., 181.

Fenwick, George, 324, 329, 337. '

Fitcher, Lieutenant, 194.

Fletcher, Moses, 343.

Fletcher, Thomas, 176,

Florida, 24.

Fort Orange (Albany), 192.

Fortune, The, 91, 98.

Freeman, Edmund, 306, 309.

Friendship, The, 217, 223 et seq.,
278, 308.

Fuller, Edward, and family, 343.

Fuller, Samuel, (son of Edward)
343.

Fuller, Dr. Samuel, letter to
Carver and Cushman, 41 ;
Letters from Cushman, 42
et seq.; Mentioned, 63, 154,
213; His death, 252; Fam-
ily. 341-

Galop, Jolin, 290.

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 236
et seq.

Gardner, Richard, 343.

Gibbons, Major, 333.

Gibbs, Mr., mate of Sparrow, 188.

Girling, Captain, 267.

Glover, Rev. Mr., 273.

Goffe, Thomas, 176, 188.

Goodman, John, 343.

Goodyear, Stephen, 337.

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 80, 127,
204, 239, 264.

Gorges, Captain Robert, Governor
General, 126; Arrests Wes-
ton, 127 et seq.; Returns to
England, 131.

Gorton, Samuel, 339.

Gosnold, Captain, 64.

Gott, Charles, 214, 215.

Graves, Captain, 277.

Greene, WiUiam, loi, 102.

Green's Harbour, 243.

Gregson, Thomas, 324, 329.

Greville, Sir Fulke, 30.

Griffin, Captain, 277.

Grimsby, 10.

Gudburn, Peter, 176.

Guiana, 24, 37.

Hall, Mr., 276.^
Hanson, Captain, 130.

348

INDEX

Ilartforfl, 323.

Hatherley, Timothy, 176, 202,
208; At New Plymouth, 217
et seq.; Mentioned, 227, 229
et seq.; Settles in New Eng-
land, 242, 298.

Hathorne, Wm., 329.

Haynes, John, Governor of Mass.,
269.

Heath, Thomas, 176.

Henry, Prince of Orange, 1 69.

Hibbins, William, 312.

Higginson, Francis, 214, 215.

Hingham, 299 et seq.

Hobbamok, 87 et seq., 96 et seq.

Hobson, William, 175.

Hocking, killed at Kennebec, 254
et seq.

Holbeck, William, 341,

Holland, Removal to, 9; Settling
in, 14 et seq.; Brewster with
Davison in, 316. {See also
Amsterdam and Leyden.)

Holland, Robert, Letter from
(R. H.), 163-165, 175.

Hook, John, 341.

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 161.

Hopkins, Edward, 324, 329, 337,

Hopkins, Stephen, 86; Family,

341-
Houghe, Atherton, 269.
Howland, John, falls overboard,

63; Partner, 307; Family,

340.
Huddleston, Captain John, io6,

107.
Hudson, Thomas, 176.
Hudson Bay, 139.
Hudson River, 64.
Hull, 10.

Humphrey, John, 269.
Hunt, Captain Thomas, 80.
Hurricane in New England, 270,

271.

Indians, their cruelty, 22; First
seen, 67; First attack, 70 et
seq.; Mentioned, 79, 96, iii.
(^eea/^o Mohawks, Monhiggs,
Narragansetts, Neepnetts,
Nyanticks, Pequots, etc.)

Irish colonists, 181.
Isle of Shoals, 198.

Jackson, Thomas, 293.

James, Cape, 64.

James, Mr., a doctor, 294.

James I., 7, 170, 240.

James, The, 137.

Jawashoe, 336,

Jeffrey, Sergeant, 289.

Jenemo, 333, 336.

Johnson, Rev. Francis, 32.

Johnson, Mr., of Massachusetts,

224, 225.
Johnstone, Alderman, 31.
Jones, Captain, 108.
Josias, 337.

Kean, Robert, 175.

Kennebec, First trade up the
river, 167; Patent for, 182,
200, 204, 233, 253; Trading-
house built at, 191; Hather-
ley visits, 221; Hocking
killed at, 254 et seq. ; Massa-
chusetts people trading at,
284; Trading partnership re-
arranged, 296.

King, William, 60.

Knight, Eliza, 176.

Knight, John, 176.

Knowles, Myles, 176.

Langmore, John, 341.

Langrume, Captain, 276, 277.

Latham, William, 340.

LaTour, Governor, 330.

Laud, Archbishop, 264, 265.

Lee, Lord, 291.

Levett, Christopher, 126.

Leyden, removal to, 9; Life at,
14 et seq.; Departure from,
49 et seq.; Opposition to
coming of rest of congrega-
tion, lor, 104, 135, 152, 169;
Plans for their coming, 185,
199; Sent over to New Ply-
mouth, 201 et seq., 212.

Lincoln, Countess of, 33.

Lincolnshire, 7, 9.

Ling, John, 176.

Lister, Edward, 341, 342,

INDEX

349

London, Bishop of, 239.

London, the plague in, 167, 276.

London Bridge on fire, 246.

Long Island Indians, 290.

Low Countries {see Holland).

Ludlow, Mr., 289.

Lyfo'-d, John, arrival at New
Plymouth, his plottings, sen-
tence, and his end, 144 et seq.

Lyon, The, 244.

Maggner, Captain, 31.

Malabar, Cape, 64.

Manamoick (Chatham), 81, 109,
179.

Manoanscussett, 192.

Manomet (Sandwich), 87; Pin-
nace built at, 182; Men-
tioned, 192, 271.

Margeson, Edmund, 343.

Marriage, the first, 85; By mag-
istrates, 265.

Marshfield, 310.

Martin, Christopher, 46 et seq.

59. 341-

Martyr, Peter, 117.

Mary, Queen of England, 4, 236.

Mary, Queen of Scots, 316.

Mary and Anne, The, 295.

Mason, Captain, 239, 264, 265.

Mason, Captain John, 289, 333.

Massachusetts, Captain Dermer
mentions, 81; Weston's col-
ony, 105 et seq.; Gorges'
settlement, 126 et seq.; Mor-
ton, 193 et seq.; the Church,
224; Gardiner, 236; Roger
Williams, 248; Trouble about
settling on the Connecticut,
249 et seq., 271 et seq.;
Alden arrested, 255 et seq.;
New Plymouth seeks help
against the French, 267 et
seq.; Trade with Pequots,
280; Boundaries between
Massachusetts and New Ply-
mouth, 298 et seq.; Trouble
with Narragansetts, 321 et
seq . ; Confederation of United
Colonies, 321; Treaty with
same, 334.

Massasoyt visits New Plymouth,
79; Treaty, 79, 86; Inter-
course, 94, 96, 97; Illness,
112.

Masterson, Richard, 252.

Maurice, Prince of Orange, 170.

Mayflower, The, 45, 50, 57, 62,
202; List of passengers in,
340 et seq.

May-pole at Merry Mount, 195,

Meekesano, 337.

Merchant Adventurers, see Ad-
venturers.

Merrimac River, 114.

Merry Mount, 195.

Miantinomo, 324, 325, 328.

Milford-Haven, 235.

Millsop, Thomas, 176.

Minter, Desire, 340.

Mixano, 334.

Mohawks, 289; Kill Sassacus,
291; Mentioned, 330.

Monhegan, 104, 131, 171.

Monhiggs, attacked by Narra-
gansetts, 291 {see also Uncas).

Mononotto, 290.

More, Ellen, Jasper, and Richard,

340-

Morrell, Rev. William, 131.

Morton, George, 40.

Morton, Thomas, in Massachu-
setts, 194 et seq.; Arrested,
198; Allerton brings him to
New Plymouth, 205, 206;
Imprisoned in Boston, 206;
Gives evidence against Wins-
low, 265.

Mott, Thomas, 175.

Mount Wollaston, 194 et seq.

MuUins, William, 52 ; and family,

341-
Munisses Island, 281.

Namasket, 81.
Namassakett, 87.
Namskeket Creek, 180.
Nantasket, 162, 197.
Nanton, Sir Robert, 25.
Narragansetts, 86; Send challenge

to settlers, 93 et seq., 107;

Wampum used by, 193; Allies

350

INDEX

of the English against the
Pequots, 280, 283 et seq.;
Plot against the EngUsh, 320
etseq.; Treaty with, 334, 337.

Nash, Mr., 41.

Natawanute, 251.

Naumkeag, see Salem.

Nauset (Eastham), 81, 87, 302,

Neepnetts, The, 290.

Nequamkeck, Falls of, 254.

Newbald, Fria., 176.

Newcomin, John, 224.

New England, First patent for,
etc., 37, 75, 80; Second pat-
ent, 119; Fishing rights of
the Council of, 120; Captain
Gorges, Governor General,
126; Help of Council sought,
166, 167; Confederation of
Colonies of, 321.

Newfoundland, 80. »

New Haven, 310, 322 et seq., 334.

New Plymouth, discovery of the
site, 67 et seq.; Dermer's
description of (Patuxet), 81;
Boundary question settled,
298 et seq., 327; Leading
men move from, 310; Sug-
gested removal of the Church,
326 et seq.

Newtown, 273.

Norton, Captain, 260.

Norton, Rev. John, 274.

Nottinghamshire, 7.

Novatians, 5.

Nowell, Increase, 269.

Nyanticks, The, ahies of Narra-
gansetts, 328, 329; Treaty
with the Enghsh, 334-337.

Oldham, John, in league with
Lyford, 145 et seq.; Sen-
tenced and expelled, 154; Re-
turns, 158; Confession, 159;
Killed, 159, 281.

Oporto, 222.

Orania (Orange), Fort, 192.

Ossamequine, 335.

Paddy, William, 309.
Pampiamett, 329.

Paragon, The, 118 et seq.

Partridge, Ralph, discusses bap-
tism with Chauncey, 310.

Passaconaway, 335.

Patrick, Captain, 289.

Patuxet (New Plymouth), 81.

Peach, Arthur, 293.

Pelham, Herbert, 337.

Pemaquid, 270.

Pemberton, John, 147.

Pennington, William, 175,

Penobscot, mentioned by Der*
mer, 8r; Trading-house at,
209, 221, 227; Robbed by
the French, 236, 267 et seq.

Pequots, The, Wampum used by,
193; In Connecticut, 249;
Seek friendship of Massachu-
setts, 280; War with the
English, 283 et seq.; Under
protection of Uncas, 324.

Perkins, Mr., 5.

Perrin, William, 176.

Pessecuss, 333, 335, 337.

Peters, Hugh, 312.

Pickering, Edward, 39, 40, 99 et
seq.

Pierce, John, 52, loi, 105, 118;
Trouble with, about Patent,
118, 119.

Pierce, Captain WiUiam, the
Paragon in storm, 120; the
Anne, 121; the Charity, 135;
Partner with Ashley, 208,
227, 242; the Lyon, 244:
wrecked off Virginia, 245;
Beaver sent by, 277; Takes
Indians to West Indies, 290.

Pinchon, William, 269.

Piscataqua, 114, 131, 171, 182,
197; Hocking's death enrages
settlement at, 254; Lord Say
and Lord Brook interested in,
255-

Plague, The, see London.

Plyrnouth (England), ships put
in at, 57; Mayflower sails
from, 62.
Pocock, John, 175.
Point Care, 64.
Pokanokets, 81.

INDEX

351

Poliandei", John, i8.

Portsmouth, 120, 166.

Pory, John, 108, 109.

Powows, 82.

Poynton, Daniel, 175.

Priest, Digerie, 343.

Prince, Thomas, chosen governor,

253, 293; Mentioned, 257,

307. 308, 337.
Providence, 331.
Prower, Solomon, 341.
Pumham, 335.
Pum.munish, 329, 336, 337.
Puritans, origin of term, 5.

Quarles, William, 175.

Rasdell, Mr., 194.

Rasieres, see De Rasieres.

Rayner, Rev. John, 282, 309.

Rehoboth, 302.

Revell, John, 176.

Reynolds, Captain, 45; The
Speedwell, 57; Mentioned,
104.

Rigdale, John, and family, 342.

Riggs, Sergeant, 289.

Robinson, Rev. John, 14; Goes
to Holland, 22, 27; Disputes
with Arminius, 28; Corre-
spondence with Sandys, 40;
with Worstenholme, 43; with
John Carver, 39, 53; Letter
to Pilgrims, 54; to Bradford,
139; to Brewster, 140; Death
of, 169 et seq.

Rogers, Thomas, and family, 342.

Rookes, Newman, 175.

Sagadahoc, wreck at, 172.
Salem (Naumkeag), 162, 197, 201;

The church at, 213, 224;

Roger Williams at, 248.
Salt-maldng, 136, 143 et seq.
Saly (Sailer), 166.
Samoset, 79.
Samson, Henry, 342.
Sanders, John, no.
Sandwich, 302 (see also Manomet).
Sandys, Sir Edwin, 27 et seq., 30,

31.

Sassacus, 289, 291.

Satucket, 81.

Say, Lord, 255, 259.

Scituate, 298-302, 3 10.

Seekonlc, 302, 333.

Sharpe, Samuel, 175.

Sherley, James, one of the original
adventurers, a letter from,
135,136; the principal adven-
turer in the new partnership,
175, 188 et seq., 202, 218,
219, 228 et seq., 246 et seq.;
Withholds accounts, 266 et
seq.; Discharged as agent,
292; Settlement with, 305
et seq.

Shoanan, 335.

Sibsie, Mr., 181.

Skelton, Samuel, 214, 215.

Smallpox among the Indians, 261.

Smith, Francis, 331.

Smith, John, 64; His map, 299.

Smith, Rev., John, 7, 14.

Smith, Rev. Ralph, 212, 282.

Smith, Sir Thomas, 31.

Sokanoke, 335.

Southampton, arrival at and de-
parture from, 50, 56.

Souther, Nathaniel, 309.

Southworth, Edward, letter from
Cushman, 59.

Sowams, 80.

Sowle, George, 340.

Sparrow, The, 102.

Speedwell, The, 49, 57.^

Squanto, 79 et seq.; Death of,
109, no.

Standish, Myles, commands land-
ing party, 67; nurses the
sick, 7J; Expeditions under,
109, 112, 198, 255, 268, 333:
Lyford's aspersions on, 152;
In England, 166; Mentioned,
186, 189; Moves from New
Plymouth, 311; Family, 341.

Stanton, Thomas, 289.

Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 30.

Stinnings, Richard, 293.

Stone, Captain, 259 et seq., 28c.

Story, Elias, 340.

Stoughton, Israel, 290, 300.

352

INDEX

Talbot, The, 202.

Tarantines, 88.

Tassaquanawite, 335.

Taunton, 302.

Thomson, David, at Piscataqua,

131, 171, 172.
Thomson, Edward, 341.
Thorned, John, 176.
Thomhill, Matthew, 176.
Tilden, Joseph, 176.
TilUe, Edward, and family, 342.
Tinker, Thomas, and family, 342.
Trask, Captain, 289.
Trevor, William, 104, 343.
Trumball, William, 240.
Tucker's Terror, 64.
Turner, John, 45; and family, 343.

Uncas, 291, 324, 327 et seq., 330,
334 et seq.

United Colonies of New England,
articles of agreement be-
tween, 321 et seq.

Vane, Sir Harry, 283, 291.

Vines, Richard, 231.

Virginia, idea of settling in, 24 et
seq., 59; Council of Virginia
Company, 25, 26, 30, 33, 75;
Soil compared with New Eng-
land, 81; Massacre in, 107;
Settlers bound for, stay at
New Plymouth, 178 et seq.;
WilUam Pierce wrecked off,
245-

Walloons, 17.

Wampum, first trade in, 193.

Ward, Thomas, 176.

Warren, Richard, and family, 342.

Warwick, Earl of, 204, 338.

Waughwamino, 336.

Weequashcooke, 335.

Weesagascussett, 197.

Weetowish, 329, 336, 337.

Weld, Thomas, 312.

West, Captain Francis, 120, 126.

Weston, Andrew, 102.

Weston, Thomas, the chief of the
original London Adventurers,
33. 36 et seq. ; Letters to John

Carver, 90, 98, 99; Letters to
Governor Bradford, 100 et
seq.; New Plymouth receives
his colonists, 105; Settlement
in Masachusetts, 105, 109 et
seq.; Comes over disguised
114; Generous treatment at
New Plymouth, 114; Tried
and arrested by Captain
Gorges, 126 et seq.; His
death, 131.

Westminster, 276.

Weymouth, 300, 301.

White, Mr., 161.

White, John, 175.

White, Rev. Roger, letter from,
169.

White, William, and family, 341.

White Angel, The, purchase of,
218 et seq.; let out to Aller-
ton, 234; sold to Allerton,
241; settlement for, 307.

Wilder, Roger, 340.

Wilkinson, Captain Edward, 276,
277.

Willett, Thomas, 267.

Williams, Rev. Roger, 248 et seq.,

294. 331-

Williams, Thomas, 343.

Wilson, Dr., 290.

Wilson, John, 225.

Wincot, Jacob, 33.

Windbank, Master Secretary, 239.

Winnisimmet, 197.

Winslow, Edward, letter to Car-
ver and Cushman, 41 ; Visits
Massasoyt, 8'; Buys sup-
plies from ships, 107; Brings
first cattle from England,
134; His charges against
Lyiord in England, 158, 160
et seq.; Trades up the Ken-
nebec, 168; In England in-
vestigating affairs, 227 et
seq.; Governor, 246, 275,
326; His petition, 263 et seq.;
Imprisoned, 265; Moves from
New Plymouth, 311; Re-
mains in England four years,
339; His family, 340.

Winslow, Gilbert, 343.

INDEX

353

Winslow, Joslas, Accountant, 236,
278, 306, 307.

Winthrop, Governor John, Letters
about Gardiner, 238, 239;
About Pequots, 280, 283, 288,
289; Mentioned, 224, 258,
259. 269, 302, 324, 337.

Wipetock, 336.

WoUaston, Captain, 194 et seq.

Worstenholme, Sir John, 28, 30,

31.
Wright, Richard, 176.

Yarmouth, 302.
Yeardley, Sir George, 31,
Yorkshire, 7.
Young, Joseph, 294.

Zealand, 10.

APR

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650"

See other formats