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The Troubles at Frankfort.
1664—1658 A.D.
A Christian Library.
A POPULAR Series of Religious Literature.
Edited by
Professor EDWARD ARBER, D. Litt. (Oxon), F.S.A,,
Fellow of King's College, Loudon.
In these popular Editions, all Latin, Greek, and learned. Notes are
omitted.
1. Dean W. Wbittingbani. A Brief Discourse of tbe Troubles of
Frankfort. 1654-1568 A.D. 58.
SJuyrtly will be puMiHfied.
3. The Torments of Protestant Sljives in tbe French King's Galleys,
and in the Dungeons of Marseilles. 16861707 A.D. Edited
by Prof. E. Arber, D. Litt., F.S.A.
3. The Sayings of the Wise, or Food for Thought. A Book of
Moral Wisdom, gathered from tbe ancient Philosophers.
By W. Baldwin.
A Brief Discourse
of the
Troubles at Frankfort,
1654—1558 A,D.
Attributed to
William Wliittingliam,
Dean of Durham.
1575 A.D.
The ordinary Lord's Day part of the Liturgy, tliough not faultless, con-
taineth things true and good : and it was a very great and excellent degree
of Reformation to make that Book. And the most of all its faults are in the
By-Offices, Baptism, Confirmation, and Burial ; and the Rubrics.
Richard Baxter, ' English Nonconformity,' p. 226. Ed. 1689.
London.
Elliot Stock. 62, Paternoster Row, E.G.
1908.
General Preface.
The central purpose of this Series of Books is
not to excite the least ill will or prejudice towards
a,ny existing body of Christian men and women
whatsoever : but rather to implant and cherish in
the hearts of all its Readers a perfect detestation
and execration of Compulsion in Religion; and of
Persecution for Religious Opinions.
Christian History only too sadly demonstrates
the truth of our blessed Lord's saying, ' I came not
to send peace ; but a sword ' ; because we mortals
will not act upon the Golden Principle of Life
that he has given us, ' By this shall all men know
that ye are my disciples ; if ye have love one to
another.' E.A.
Contents.
The additional matter inserted in the Text is shown herein between
Square Brackets [ ] .
General Preface v.
Contents vii.-x.
Introduction xi.-xxviii.
The Life and Death of Master W. Whittingham - - - 1-17
1562.
1. 23 October. Sir W. Cecil to W. Whittingham - - 8-9
2. 9 December. Sir W. Cecil to W. Whittingham - - 6-7
3. 20 December. W. Whittingham to Sir W. Cecil - - 7-8
(Reply to 2)
1563.
4. 24 July. R. Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to A.
Dudley, Earl of Warwick - - - 5
6. ? 19 December. W. Whittingham to Sir W. Cecil - - 10
1579.
6. 1 June. Sir F. Walsingham to W. Whittingham 16
1554.
7. 20 April. Anne Hooper to H. BuUinger- - - 18
A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort - - 19-96
The Preface [by Dean W. Whittingham] 21-22
The History [of the Calvinistic Church at Frankfort. 29 July,
1554—26 March, 1555] 23-96
[July 20. Knox's 'Faithful Admonition' printed.]
8. 2 August. The General Letter of the Frankfort
Church 26-30
9. 24 September. The Call of J. Knox to the Pastorship
of the Frankfort Church - - - 35-36
Yii.
Contents.
10. 26 September. The Frankfort Church to the Zurich
ExUes 34
11. 13 October. The Zurich Exiles to the Frankfort
Church - - (Reply to 8 and 10.) 31-33
12. 27 October. The Zurich Exiles to the Frankfort
Church - - (Reply to 8 and 10.) 35
13. 15 November. The Frankfort Church to the Zurich
Exiles - - (Reply to 11 and 12.) 36, 37
14. 23 November. The Strasburg Exiles to the Frankfort
Church .... (Reply to 8.) 38, 39
15. 3 December. The Frankfort Church to the Strasburg
Exiles .... (Reply to 14.) 40, 41
16. 13 December. The Strasburg Exiles to the Franlcfort
Church .... (Reply to 15.) 41
1555.
An Analysis of the Prayer Book by J. Knox, W. Whittingham,
and others 44-49
17. 20 January. J. Calvin to J. Knox, W. Whittingham,
etc. 50, 51
18. [March.] Supplication of the Calvinistic Church
to the Senate of Frankfort - - - 56-58
19. [March. J. Knox's Account of his banishment
from Frankfort 62-69]
20. [AprU] . W. Whittingham. Letter to a friend in
England 73-75
21. [5 April. R. Cox and others to J. Calvin - - 76-78]
22. 30 May. J. Calvin to R. Cox and others - - 78-80
(Reply to 21.)
23. 27 Aagu8t. Representation of the Calvinists to the
Anglicans at Frankfort ... 81
24. [20 September. D. Whitehead and others to J. Calvin
(Reply to 22.) 87-93]
25. [21 September. W. Whittingham to J. Calvin - 93]
26. ? October. T. Cole. Description of the Franlcfort
Anglican Church • • . • • 94, 95
1556.
27. [4 Jannary. T. Lever to H. Bollinger - - 220]
Tiii.
Contents.
1557.
The History of that Stir and Strife which was in the English
Church at Frankfort. 13 January — 30 September, 1557 -
28. 26 January. J. Hales's Letter - - .. .
29. 1 March. J. a Glauberg's Exhortation to the
Anghcan Church
The Offer of E. Home and others to
the Arbitrators
30. 5 April.
5 April.
97-205
101
142
137
31
The Offer of the Anglican Church to
the Arbitrators 137, 138
32. 20 June. E. Chambers to the Frankfort Church - 216, 217
33. 25 July. E. Sutton's Letters of Eequests for the
poor 210-215
34. [11 August. T. Lever to E. Gualter ... - 221]
35. The Old Discipline 26, 143-149
(This is set on half of the width of the page).
17 September. The Church Officers of the Frankfort
Church at this date . - - .
135
37. 18 September (p. 153). The New Discipline, in 73
Articles 150-205
(This is set on half of the width of the page).
".* The Discussions of the Two Disciphnes, in this Edition,
are put after the several Articles to which
they relate.
38. 29-30 September. The attempted Eeconcihation - - 206-209
1558.
39. 15 December. The Enghsh Church at Geneva to the
Exiled Churches 223-225
1559.
40. 3 January. The Frankfort Church to the English
Church at Geneva - (Eeply to 39.) 225, 226
41. 16 January. The Aarau Church to the English
Church at. Geneva - (Eeply to 39.) 226, 227
1562.
See the above-mentioned Letters
1563.
See the above-mentioned Letters
6-9
5, 10
ix.
Contents.
1566. ;
28 December. The General Assembly of the Eark of Scotland
to the Church of England 251-254
1567.
24 October. The Ministers of the Church of Geneva to the
Church of England 239-250
1579.
See the above-mentioned Letter 16
The Conclusion - 254
Index 255-260
Introduction,
1. 'T^HIS PRACTICALLY lost Chapter of the Religious History of
I England introduces us to a famous company of Protestant
^ Divines, both Continental and British.
It bears witness to the justly vast influence of the great French
Reformer, Jean Calvin ; the founder of a School of Protestant Thinkers
that has embraced millions in the past, and may yet embrace millions
in time to come.
It has slighter notices of some other Continental Reformers, as
Theodore de Beze, Latinized as Theodorus Beza ; Heinrich Bul-
LiNGER; Rudolph Gu alter; Wolfgang Musculus; Pietro Martire
Vermigli, herein referred to as Master Martyr ; and Pierre Viret.
2. We get in it some glimpses of the life of John Knox, the
Reformer of Scotland ; including his own Account of his banishment
from Frankfort in 1555.
3. Again, there is a perfect galaxy of Divines of the Church of
England : including men who were, or who became, Archbishops, as
Grind AL and Sandys; Bishops, as Bale, Bentham, Coverdale, Cox,
HoRNE, Jewel, Parkhurst, Pilkington, and Scory ; and Deans, as
Cole, Humphreys, Nowell, Sampson, and Whittingham.
Besides these, we meet with such Protestant Writers as Thomas
Becon, Robert Crowley, John Fox the Martyrologist, William Kethe,
and John Olde.
4. Last of all, may be mentioned Sir Francis Knollys, Queen
Elizabeth's Puritan Privy Councillor ; and Nicholas Purfoot, the
London Printer.
Altogether, they were a most distinguished body of men.
II.
We have likewise in this Volume (what apparently exists in no
other form whatever) Accounts, by Eye Witnesses, of the Protestant
English Exiles on the Continent, during the reign of Queen Mary ; as
they were scattered through the Cities of Basle, Duisburg, Emden,
Frankfort on the Main, Geneva, Strasburg, Wesel afterwards at Aarau,
Worms, and Zurich.
xi.
Introduction.
After a perusal of this book ; one may wonder that, in those dark
days, there was any City of Refuge at all for these fugitive Protestants
in any European country whatever. Even at this distance of time,
every Header of this Volume must feel a sense of gratitude to the
Magistracy of that day of Frankfort on the Main, for so kindly
befriending the French, Flemish, and English, Protestants that found in
their City a Sanctuary and a Home : and especially for allowing them
to organize themselves into Churches ; which, to Exiles for the sake of
Religion, was the most precious privilege on earth.
It is to be hoped that the appearance of this Reprint may stir up
some to explore the Archives of the above-mentioned Cities, in order to
obtain further information respecting our countrymen in the time of
their Dispersion.
III.
But, apart from this Historical Picture of the Exile, this book has
a strong present-day interest, in that it records the very beginning of
the Rift between the English Conformists and Nonconformists ; or, to
put it in other words, the Origin of English Puritanism.
It describes the formation, the continuance, and the destruction, of
the first Nonconformist Church in English History. It also discusses,
at great length, every essential detail in the organization of a Christian
Church on what is called the Voluntary basis : though every Protestant
Church is nowadays a voluntary one.
And the singular thing is, that all this matter was threshed out in
the reign of Queen Mary, while Calais was yet an English possession ;
and some fifteen years before the rise of the Holy Discipline in 1572.
IV.
And liere, in order to make things perfectly clear, we must crave
of the indulgent Reader to be allowed to make use of two words of a
much later date than this Text.
Calvinist, the earliest example of which that is quoted by
my good friend. Dr. J. H. Murray, the Editor of the great
Oxford ' English Dictionary,' is of the year 1679.
It must be taken here to denote the out and out and extreme
adherents of Calvin ; who regarded, as Whittingham expresses it, ' the
Order of Geneva, the purest Reformed Church in Christendom.' p. 74.
Anglican, of which Doctor Murray's earliest example is of
the year 1635.
By which we are herein to understand the Prayer Book men:
though most of them, like Arclibishop Edmund Grindal and Bishop
xii.
Introduction.
Robert Horne, were, in Elizabeth's reign, regarded as most noted
Puritans.
V.
1. While in France, Whittingham and other Englishmen heard that
the Magistracy of Frankfort on the Main had granted, as from April 19
1554, the use of their Church of the White Ladies to the French Pro-
testant Exiles that had come to them.
They then determined to remove to that City ; and arrived there
on the following June 27th. p. 23.
Of the four leaders of that first English company, only one, Edmund
Sutton, was a Prayer Book man ; the other three being Calvinists. All
which was a matter of the purest chance.
The Magistrates having granted the new comers the joint use with
the French Exiles of the Church of the White Ladies ; the Englishmen
organized themselves into a Church, on a Calvinistic basis, on July 29th.
p. 25.
There being then no superior Ecclesiastical Authority over the
English Protestants ; everything was settled in their small communities
by the votes of the majority of the Church Members : and we must
recollect that their Congregations were always in a state of flux;
members were ever coming and going.
This Calvinistic Church probably never numbered more than Fifty
Members, p. 61 ; and among these, there w^as a vigorous Minority of
Prayer Book men.
2. As soon as matters w^ere somewhat settled , they attempted a
very noble thing. By their General Letter of August 2nd, they invited
all the Englishmen scattered over all Europe, to make their Church the
rallying-point of the Exile, by coming to join them : and this might
have been accomplished, but for the Dispute over the use of the Prayer
Book in Divine Service,
It will be well for us to remember, how very recent this Second
Prayer Book of Edward VI. had been. It had only come into us^ in
England on November 1 1552 ; and some of its Framers were now
about to lay down their lives for the defence of the Truths that it
represented.
3. The next step of the English Exiled Churgh at Frankfort was to
choose Ministers, of equal authority, for themselves. James Haddon,
of Strasburg, having declined to serve : they elected John Knox, of
Geneva, to meet the wishes of the Calvinistic Majority ; and Thomas
Lever, of Zurich, to satisfy the Anglican Minority.
4. Meanwhile, discussions were rife among them as to the use of
the Prayer Book. The Exiles at Zurich and Strasburg would have joined
them, had that been granted : but it was stiffly denied.
xiii.
Introduction.
On October 24 1554, David Whitehead (who plays so large a part
in this History) arrived with his company, He was a Prayer Book man ;
and had refused the Archbishopric of Armagh. He and those that were
with him naturally strengthened the Anglican Minority ; and the con-
troversy about the whole, or partial, use of the Prayer Book grew so
hot, that the Lord's Supper was not administered in that Church from
November 1554, to February 1555, p. 57 ; and ' it was concluded. That
no man should need hereafter to subscribe to any Discipline,' p. 73.
At length on February 6 1555, a Truce was established amongst
them, with great rejoicings; whereby a Service (partly taken from the
Prayer Book, and partly from other sources) was adopted ; which was to
last till April 30 following, pp. 53, 57, 62.
VI.
1. Knox, Whittingham, and others, perceiving the constant
growth of the Anglican Minority, invoked the aid of Calvin ; by
sending him a scoffing Analysis of the Prayer Book in Latin, pp. 44-49.
We must clearly understand that, with these Calvinists, it was not
at all a question as between Extempore Prayer and Read Prayers ; but
between the Liturgy of the Churches of Geneva, or, as it is some-
times called, the Liturgy of Calvin, (which had been printed in
English at London in 1550, p. 42) and the Liturgy of England.
It was also a conflict between Silent Prayer and Oral Responses ;
on account of which the Litany was as strongly condemned by them as
the Surplice, pp. 24, 45, 54, 62, 63. Yet how necessary Oral Responses
must always have been in Congregations, most of whom could neither
read nor write, needs no argument.
Calvin, whose Letters in this Volume (all opinions apart) are
charming, does not condemn the Prayer Book, even upon the partial
representation made of it, as a whole ; but offered some objections to
parts of it that delighted the Calvinists at Frankfort, pp. 50-52.
This originated a correspondence between him and the later
Anglican Church in that City, pp. 76-80, 87-93 ; in which the Englishmen
certainly held their own.
Three hundred and fifty years have now passed away since this
great Exile. What are, beyond all question, the four great Literary
Monuments of our language ? 1. The Authorized Version of the Bible
of 1611. 2. The Book of Common Prayer of 1552. 3. William
Shakespeare's Plays. 4. John Milton's Poems.
2. Then, amazing as it seems to us, in men who made GOD's
Word their sole rule in everything, these Frankfort Calvinists regarded
the Public Reading of the Scriptures in Divine Service ' as an irksome
and unprofitable Form.' pp. 25, 89.
xiT.
Introduction.
VII.
1. Before the Truce in the English Church at Frankfort had
expired, however, there came about a perfect Transformation Scene.
The Martyr Fires of England began, by the burning of Bishop John
HOOPEE, on February 9 1555. They naturally quickened the Protestant
Exodus out of England. So, on March 3rd, Richard Cox (who had been
Tutor and Almoner to Edward VI.) arrived at Frankfort with his com-
pany ; which apparently included Bishop John Jewel.
2. We have two Accounts of the small Revolution that then
ensued : Whittingham's at pp. 54-61 ; and Knox's at pp. 62-69.
The trouble began by the new comers making use of Oral Responses ;
and when they were reproved for it, they said, They would have the face
of an English Church.
Lever broke his Promise to the Calvinistic Church ; and aided the
new comers, pp. 54, 62, 63.
Then it was, on Sunday, March 17 1555, that Knox preached his
famous Sermon ; which greatly angered the Anglicans, pp. 54, 55,
63-65.
On the following Tuesday, the 19th, Cox and his party asked for
admittance into the Church ; without signing its Discipline.
The Church declined to admit them. pp. 55, 65.
Then Knox, most unaccountably pleaded (in a most defiant way,
p. 66) for their admission : which act was quite against his own interest ;
and is a perfect mystery. All through these Troubles, he seems to
have acted as a perfectly honourable and upright man.
Upon Knox's intercession, the Church did admit the new comers.
That made the Anglican Minority the Majority of the Congregation; and
the very first thing they do, is to turn Knox out of his Ministry.
It may be alleged in extenuation of Cox's action, that he had been
one of the Framers of the Book of Common Prayer ; and therefore his
judgement for the full and perfect use of it, was as determined and
resolute as Knox's was for the non-use of it. Between two such
Champions, a compromise was simply an impossibility.
Thus was formed the Anglican Church in the Church of the White
Ladies at Frankfort on the Main.
3. There are hints, at pp. 70, 86, of a concerted action on the
part of the Anglicans to destroy this nest of Calvinists. Learned men
came from all parts for the purpose ; so that Cox was able to present
to the Magistracy of Frankfort, on March 26th, when he solicited
permission to use the Prayer Book, three Doctors of Divinity, and
thirteen Bachelors of Divinity, with others, p. 70.
The Senate consented: and with that decision, the Calvinistic
Church there may be regarded as destroyed.
XY.
Introduction.
Their very reasonable complaints against the new comers are
stated at page 85.
VIII.
As Knox himself tell us, pp. 67, 68, his banishment from Frankfort
was not the work of the new Anglican Church as a whole ; but entirely
the act of two members of it : Edward Isaac, of Kent ; and Henry
Parry, who had been Chancellor of the Cathedral of Salisbury.
They produced to the Frankfort Magistrates one of Knox's violent
books, attacking the Emperor Charles V., Philip II. of Spain, and
Queen Mary.
How Knox could write such violent books, in such dangerous
times, is another mystery in his life.
Whereupon the Magistrates ordered liNOX to leave the City; and
he returned to Geneva.
IX.
Then came the counterstroke of the Calvinists.
If Cox had had his way, they should not have been suffered to go
to any other Church at Frankfort than the Anglican one. p. 70.
However, they sent Whittingham to Basle and to Geneva; and he
obtained the right of having a Church in each City, with great favour.
So they resolved to migrate to those places, in September, 1555.
pp. 81-93.
The Frankfort Anglicans called this migration a Schism. In
response to which, the Calvinists asked that Arbitrators might be
apx)ointed to decide who was to blame.
This, the Anglicans refused, pp. 81-85.
So those two groups of earnest Christians parted company.
X.
The Calvinistic migration evidently brought the Anglican Church
into very low water indeed ; both as regards men and also funds.
David Whitehead, their Pastor, resigned on January 6 1556. p. 95.
For nearly two months the Pastorship was vacant.
Then enter upon the scene Robert Horne and Richard Chambers.
XI.
1. 'T^he larger portion of this book, pp. 97-222, has nothing at all to
I do with the Calvinists ; neither was it written, or gathered
^ together, by Whittingham.
It is the Narrative of a severe struggle within the Anglican Church
at Frankfort, between Horne, Chambers, and other Church Officers on
XYl.
Introduction.
the one side, and the Majority of the Congregation on the other side, as
to, Whether the Pastor was above the Church ; or the Church above the
Pastor ? or to put it in other words, What was the ultimate authority in
a Christian Congregation organized on what is called a Voluntary basis.
Whittingham says : —
This Controversy, which, you have now heard, .... I find
written by the hands of such as are both learned and of
credit ; but yet, I must needs say, by those that were parties
in this broil, p. 215.
2. Here it may be well to take note of three words : Pastor, Ministry,
and Epistles.
Pastor. This word is a kind of Protestant Ecclesiastical Shibboleth.
The Episcopal Churches, together with the Presbyterian Churches, do
not make use of it. It was largely current among the English Noncon-
formists ; but has now mostly given way to. Minister. It is still in use
among the French Protestant Churches.
Whittingham notes with great glee the use of this word, at page
72, when the Frankfort Anglican Church called David Whitehead
its ' Bishop, Superintendent, or Pastor.'
The other Church Officers were, the Ministers of the Word or
Doctors, the Seniors or Elders, and the Deacons. All these, together
with the Pastor, were alike called. Ministers ; and each of their Offices,
a Ministry.
Besides these, there were the four Church Nurses, p. 184.
The third word to be noted is Letters ; which is simply a literal
translation of the Latin plural, Literce, ' an Epistle,' ; and very often
only means a single Letter, as in the case of Edmund Sutton's Letters
of Request, at pp. 210-215.
T
XII.
he Second Part of this Volume comprises two periods :
The Tyranny of Robert Horne and Richard Chamberlain
over the Frankfort Anglican Congregation,
March 1 1556— January 13 1557.
The Controversy that arose out of it.
January 13 — September 30 1557.
XIII.
1. HoRNE (pp. 78, 94) and Chambers (35-39, 41) had already visited
Frankfort.
xYii.
Introduction.
They were close friends at Zurich, as appears by their joint Letters
from there : in one of which, dated February 3 1556, and addressed
to the Senate of that City, they state
We should never have suffered ourselves to be torn
from you ; had we not been invited, and almost compelled
as it were, by the two importunate Letters of our country-
men, to relieve the extreme necessity of the now almost
ruined Church of our Exiles at Frankfort.
Original Letters, p. 128. Ed. 1846-7. (Parker Society.)
2. HoRNE became Pastor ; and Chambers practically sole Deacon.
Under the circumstances, they might justly expect to have a perfectly
free hand ; but their rule became a Tyranny : which lasted something
over ten months; and was so bitter that it united against them the
Majority of the Congregation, that (in the following discussions
respecting the Old Discipline and the New Discipline) so scorned and
derided them, as to make their utterances, perhaps, one of the earliest
printed Prose Satires in our language. Their mocking descriptions of
Master Purse -Bearer Chambers, and how he ran away with the
Church's Bag, make one think of Judas Iscariot.
3. Now in an exiled community which ' had preferred Religion to
Riches,' there was, naturally, a very gfeat deal of poverty : and nobly
did the Majority endeavour to grapple with that supreme need of the
situation. Under these circumstance 5, the sole Deacon, who admin-
istered the Treasure of the Church, became the pivot of the whole
organization ; and was the master of the situation.
It shows how these two men played into each other's hands, that
through HoRNE's procurement, a General Proxy was given to Chambers
and his Deputy, to gather alms for the Congregation, pp. 118, 212.
The terms of the General Proxy were extraordinary,
That he alone should receive all ; he alone distribute,
and be accomptable {^accountable^ to no man ; and he alone
to be privy to the money, p. 118.
That One have the custody alone, know alone, and
distribute the Church money alone, and make accompt
laccountl alone, and to himself alone, p. 168.
What have you, Master Horne and Master Chambers,
done : which, now a great while, have, by your messengers
and Letters, stopped all the private alms of all men ; and
drawn them into your own hands ? And that, you, Master
HoRNE, threatened, out of the pulpit, that you would do ;
XYiil.
Introduction.
and that you would make make poor miserable men to eat
hay ! p. iso.
For these discreet disposers of other men's alms, have,
by passing [^caring, stickling^ too much on money, utterly
cast away men ; yea, both the money and the men. . . . Yea,
these gentle and shamefast disposers have, with their odious
behaviour, driven many men, of notable good wits and
towardness, some to the Printing-house, some to be Serving
Men, and some to run into England again, with the peril
of body and soul. p. 175.
And the general charge against these two men is thus expressed by
the Majority, in the following description of their 'pranks.'
In all this ado, Master Hoene and Master Chambeks go
about nothing else but to disquiet the Congregation, that
HoKNE might rule the roast [doinineer] over all, Chambeks
bear the Bag alone ; and they two together exercise a most
unworthy lordship over the poor, and by them [over] all
others : and that they might have no certain Discipline, but
that their pleasures might be holden for laws : and that
nothing should be thought right, or stand in force, but
what they do yet hitherto ; and the same they go about
now. And it seemeth they have utterly determined, either
to establish a Tyranny, or to leave no common wealth at
all in the Congregation.
Where Horne and Chambeks make rehearsal here of
the purging of offences committed by us ; they ought justly
to have been ashamed to make mention of ' offences ' : seeing
they have never left, for these three or four months
[December 1556 — April 1557], to lade themselves with
wicked doings. And as for occasion of offence and slander
given to good and godly men, and to our adversaries and
GOD's enemies the Papists' high rejoicing and pleasure:
they accuse us thereof so falsely, as they themselves have
given the occasion indeed. For they could never abide to
have anything amended, nor themselves to be admonished
of anything, or to be commoned [communed, conferred]
withal in any wise. But for the most light, yea, no, causes
indeed ; they forsook their Ministry straightways : the
Pastor forsook the Flock ; the Treasurer, the poor ; and
both forsook the Church, and moved others by their
example to do the same.
Neither was it enough for them to give over their own
functions ; but they must draw other Preachers and Readers
xix.
Introduction.
with them also, to the intent the Congregation should, by
this means, be destitute of GOD's Word, and [be] utterly
scattered : as though it could not possibly stand without
them.
And when they had forsaken their own Church ; they
haunted partly the French Church, and partly the Dewtche
\_Ge7*man] Churches : and so raised rumours abroad ; and
spread [the knowledge of] our dissensions, first through this
City, and then through other Cities of Germany.
And, last of all, when they would not come to the
Church in the Mart time, but by the Magistrates' command-
ment ; neither could they then be quiet, [but] they spread
the like rumours almost throughout all Europe, pp. 203,204.
But yet this they are desirous to bring to pass in the
mean time. That, while these gay glorious promises of
theirs be looked for, they may, a long time, hinder the peace
and quietness of the Church; which their only desire is to
have disquieted: and, if it be possible, that they may recover
a most intolerable Lordship over the Congregation ; or, in
case they cannot obtain the chief state in the Congregation,
that they may leave the Church in the worst, or in no, state
at all ; but that they may rend it, and all-to-scatter [utterly
scatter] it. p. 205.
XIV.
1. In the Controversy which followed, the Anglican Church
appears to have contained Sixty-two members, all men : for the women
do not appear to have had any official part in the Struggle, p. 133.
Of this number, the Majority numbered from Thirty-three to Forty-
two ; and Horne's party from Eighteen to Twenty.
The latter stood up for the Old Discipline, pp. 26, 143-149 ; * which
permitted all to the Pastor.' p. 200.
The Majority replied,
Where they say, That the Discipline proceeded of so
learned men : yet the same that wrote it (were they never
so well learned) confess themselves : both that it was
gathered in haste ; and given to the Congregation as im-
perfect, only for a time. p. 200.
2. We cannot here follow the details of this Controversy ; which
is as interesting as a Game of Chess. Only we are struck with the
ability, fairness, and moderation, of the Majority ; and the malice of
HoRNE and Chambers.
Introduction.
3. When the Cliurcli had won the victory ; Horne and Chambers
suddenly left Frankfort for Strasburg, early in the morning ; carrying
with them the Church alms, p. 213. Chambers's Letter of defence of his
conduct, pp. 216, 217, would not have availed him in a London Police
Court.
The money that these two collected at Frankfort ; they later dis-
tributed to the Churches of Aarau and Geneva, p. 222.
4. Posterity gains a complete insight into the organization and
working of that Frankfort English Church, by these discussions as to
the Old Discipline and the New Discipline.
XV.
1. EiCHARD Chambers is a perfect mystery. He was undoubtedly
a good man : yet one finds it hard to believe it.
Thomas Lever, writing from Geneva, on April 23 1554, three months
earlier than the formation of the English Church at Frankfort, to
Heinrich Bullinger, says,
I hear that some Englishmen have come to you at
Zurich ; togetlier that very godly man, Richard Chambers
.... For Richard Chambers is the person who has actively
devoted himself and all his property to provide for the
safety of the Ministers during this Persecution.
Original Letters, p. 155. 1846-7. (Parker Society.)
2. While Bishop Jewel was at Oxford ; Chambers allowed him ^66
a year for the purchase of Books of Divinity.
3. Dean Whittingham bears a like testimony :
He was thought of many wise and godly men to be very
godly, upright, and honest, p. 216.
4. And yet he was capable of the deeds such as the following :
Some complained that they could have nought at Master
Chambers' hands, but after beseeching, and unreasonable
long delays; some that they could have nothing without
bitter upbraid [ing] s ; and some that they could obtain
nothing of gift, but only of loan ; and other some that they
could get nought at all. p. 119.
For Master Chambers, for half a month's space and
more, would give nothing to any man that remained in the
Church, and followed not Master Horne and him in
departing [separating^ from the Church.
To certain others also, he would give nothing at all,
which were in the Public Ministry, to preach the Word and
xxi.
Introduction.
read Lectures, and also in the exercise of Disputing, oy his
own appointment and the order taken by Master Horne,
always from the time [Marcli 1 1556, see page 96] since
they came to our Church: when now they were for their
board in debt to their hostesses for four months [December
1556 — April 1557]; neither had done any fault, unless it
were because they remained in their function of Preaching
and Reading Lectures, in which they were placed by Master
Horne and Master Chambers, lest the Church should be
altogether destitute both of Sermons and Lectures.
Only because, in this dissension, they agreed not with
them, and took not their parts; and had [not] with them
withdrawn themselves from the Church, that it might be
utterly scattered: when as, notwithstanding, which is most
unhonest, they had promised to give three months' warning
before they would forsake them; which notwithstanding,
Master Chambers affirmed they would never do, unless it
were that they were constrained by extreme necessity, p. 140.
For where Chambers, above eighteen months past
[? December 1555] had of Master Whitehead, then Pastor,
and the Seniors then, a Letter to receive of one special man
£'20 ; and besides, [later,] through Horne's procurement, a
General Proxy to Chambers and his Deputy, to gather the
devotions [alms^ of good men, for the relief of this poor
Congregation ; which, by their own proceedings here before
the Magistrates, their own handwriting testifying the same,
and otherwise by our knowledge, we are certain they did
put in practice ; and received much thereby. Yet Chambers,
upon the Accompt [^Account^ here left behind him ; neither
confessed that he had received the said £20, nor yet any
other sum ; neither hath he distributed, during all the time
he was in Office yet to this day, in this Congregation to any
one person, saving to three Scholars that came with him
[from Zurich] one penny that he did not receive here in
this Congregation and City.
And yet, at his departure hence, he left two of the said
Scholars (unto whom nevertheless he promised sufficient
provision and finding ; and never warned them to the
contrary) in debt for their board and for other necessaries,
almost 20 guilderns \_at 3s. 4d, eacJi] : which this poor
Congregation was forced to pay.
Finally, where good Mistress Wilkinson, of blessed
memory, put Horne and Chambers in trust, with the
zxii.
Introduction.
devising and making of her Will ; whereby she gave to this
and other poor Congregations of the poor banished English-
men, a Christian liberal relief: albeit they have caused
some of the Congregations to be paid of the same bequest ;
yet hitherto would they not make this poor Congregation
privy to the sum bequeathed unto it; much less pay it:
nor yet, according to the order of our Church's Discipline
aforesaid, let the Will be seen ; so as the friendless young
Gentlewoman, her daughter, should not be defrauded of
her right, nor her mother's Will be altered to her loss. pp.
212, 213.
XVI.
In September 1557, some very worshipful persons attempted to
appease this Strife ; and drew up a Form of Reconciliation for that
purpose. But as that Form began by practically whitewashing HoRNE
and Chambers ; the Majority naturally could not agree to that Way of
Reconciliation, pp. 206-209.
XVII.
The Third Part of this Work has nothing to do with the Frank-
fort Troubles. It is a reprint of two friendly Letters to
the English Church, on behalf of the Puritan Clergy who
objected to the Ministering Apparel that was now being more
strictly enforced upon them.
The earlier Letter is from the General Assembly of the Kirk of
Scotland; and is dated 28 December 1566. pp. 251-254.
The second Letter is from the Ministers of the Church of Geneva ;
and its true date is 24 October 1567. pp. 239-250.
Whittingham's motive in reprinting these Letters was to further
the Puritan Movement in England.
XVIII.
The accession of Queen Elizabeth placed the English Church
at Geneva in a quandary. The Exiles intended to return
home : but if they did so, they would have to reckon with the
English Government, and to put their Church Reformation
projects aside. As Sir William Cecil wrote to Whittingham, on
December 9 1562,
Neither you, nor any born under this Kingdom, may be
permitted to break the bond of Obedience and Uniformity,
p. 7.
xxiii.
Introduction.
Indeed, the perils of England, at that time, made that quite
reasonable: for down to the time of the Defeat of the Spanish Armada,
the majority of our population were Roman Catholics. During those
years, England was governed by a vigorous Protestant minority.
Then again, Liberty of Conscience by law did not, at this early
date, exist in any country in Europe whatsoever. It was not till some
years later that, out of a sheer necessity. Toleration was born in
Holland ; and it was not legalized in England till the Act of 1689.
It was under these circumstances that the English Church at
Geneva sent out, on December 9 1558, a General Letter to all the
English Exiled Churches on the Continent, that, in its outward form,
was an Eirenicon; but actually w^as an invitation to combine at home
for the abolition of Ceremonies, pp. 223-225.
2. The Answer to this, of the Frankfort Anglican Church
was very sensible. That the reform of , Ceremonies at home was a
matter for Parliament ; and not for them.
And then they hit the weak point in the Puritan argument.
For where as all the Reformed Churches differ among
themselves in divers Ceremonies, and yet agree in the unity
of Doctrine ; we see no inconvenience, if we use some Cere-
monies diverse from them, so that we agree in the chief
points of our Religion, p. 226.
The Puritans, in their outcry against Ceremonies, forgot that they
had them themselves. So we see the sting of their complaints lay in
(1) The compulsory use of those ordained; (2) The denial of the use of
any others.
3. We confess to possessing a most loving regard for nearly all
these men; whatever may have been their opinions as regards Rites
and Ceremonies in Divine Worship.
The Reformation was as great an upset to the religious ideas of
men, as the Discovery of America had been to their secular ideas. To
consider that the vast Roman Catholic system (that had come down in
an unbroken succession from the Times of the Apostles) was to be put
aside ; and that something else was to be adopted as the Rule of Faith
and Life, was, indeed, a most protentous change: and one has the
greatest possible sympathy for the Generation that had to face that
Problem.
XIX.
Putting aside Sternhold and Hopkins' Version of the Psalms ; the
two Literary Monuments of this English Exile are :
1. ' The Form of Prayers and Administration of the Sacra-
ments, etc., used in the English Congregation at Geneva ; and
xxiY.
Introduction.
approved by John Calvin ' : the Preface of which is dated February 10
1556; and which was printed at Geneva in 1558.
This, later, became ' The Book of Common Order ' of the Kirk of
Scotland.
2. The Geneva Version of the Bible ; which is called from its
translation of Genesis iii. 7, the Breeches Bible. This was the Bible of
Englishmen almost down to the time of the Long Parliament. It had
many merits ; and largely nurtured the Protestantism of England in
those stirring Times.
In both of these Works, Whittingham undoubtedly had a large
share. And yet, notwithstanding, he, in 1574, (as the Puritans always
did) pleads, at page 230, for a further Revision of the English Bible :
which was at length accomplished by our Authorized Version in 1611.
XX.
Attention may be called to other rare books referred to in this
Work ; and especially to the statement, at page 75, of Bishop Horne,
who was in a position to know, that Archbishop Cranmer had drawn
up a Book of Common Prayer a hundred times more perfect [from the
Puritan point of view] than the one we now have : but that it could
not take place ; because he was matched with such a wicked Clergy
and Convocation, with other enemies.
Has this draft Prayer Book ever been seen ?
2. What a bit of Puritanship was the printing at London of ' The
Form of Common Prayers used in the Churches of Geneva,' on 7th June
1550. p. 42.
3. Then reference is made, at p. 77, to ' Bishop J. Poynet's Cate-
chism ; and the Articles agreed upon in Convocation in 1552.' London,
1553.
4. Of Knox's 'Faithful Admonition,' printed 20th July, 1554, pp. 59-
61, 66-69, we have already spoken.
5. Lastly, the Frankfort Anglican Church, writing to Calvin, on
5th April 1555, state, ' Our Liturgy is translated into French, and the
Articles [of 1552] abovementioned have very lately been printed at
Zurich.' p. 78.
XXI.
Passing away from the Book to its Author and Editor ; one recog-
nizes at once that Whittingham was an exceedingly able man :
Those twelve years (1550-1563) that he spent in the University
and Court Society of France, Germany, and Switzerland, con-
stituted a splendid mental training ; and made him exceptionally well
XXY,
Introduction.
acquainted with Continental opinions and affairs : and yet he remained
the staunchest of Puritans through it all, and a great lover of the Bible
to his dying day. p. 17.
By training and character then he was a Diplomat. It was Calvin
that forced him into the Ministry, p. 3. Therefore he was keenly alive
to the importance of Public Documents; and so he carefully pre-
served all those relating to the Frankfort Troubles, down to time that
he left Geneva in June 1560.
2. How he was made Dean of Durham in recognition of his
magnificent services as Chaplain to the English Forces in the defence
of Havre is told at pp. 4-9.
He therefore brought all the documents reprinted within pp. 21-217
of this Volume, with him to Durham.
3. Then came the Anti-Puritan attacks of 1573 that are described
on pp. 21,22 : and it was in defence of Puritanism, that he wrote this
'Brief Discourse.'
Considering then, how many ways we are unjustly
burdened, and brought into hatred, without just cause; I
supposed that no godly man would be offended, if, by such
lawful means as I might, I sought both to purge myself and
the rest of my brethren from such heinous and odious
crimes as some would seem to charge us. And that could I
not do so well any way, as by the gathering together of this
Discourse : wherein the indifferent [impartial] Reader shall
find, That the Religion which we hold and profess is not
only the true and sincere Religion of Christ, and the self-
same with all the Reformed Churches in Christendom ; but
also [with] that which this Realm hath established, touch-
ing tlie true Doctrine commonly taught therein.
By this Discourse also, it may be seen, both When,
Where, How, and By whom, this Controversy first began :
Who continued it. Who was on the suffering side, and Who
[was] readiest to forget and forgive, that godly peace and
concord might be had.
And therefore (as the Lord of heaven knoweth) that
the keeping of these things, almost by the space of these
twenty years [1555 — 1574], in secret, might suffice to
witness with me that I had now no great pleasure to utter
it : so I wot not how it cometh to pass that (even in the
midst of great striving and struggling with myself, what to
do) I could not be, by any means, resolved, or see just cause,
why I should any longer conceal it. pp. 233-234.
xxvi.
Introduction.
4. He intended it as the beginning of a History of English
Puritanism ; which would have told us many things that we do not
now know.
As will more and more appear, as this Discourse shall
be, from time to time, continued, till it be brought even to
this present time ; which time, verily, is so extreme as the
like hath rarely been heard of. p. 231.
What a loss to our Literature that that History w^as never written !
4. Doubtless, the incessant attacks made upon him, during his last
days, by Archbishop Sandys, may be safely attributed to his professional
resentment at the laying bare, in this book, before the Laity, of the
quarrels of the Clergy ; quite as much as to its advocacy of the Geneva
Ecclesiastical Polity.
XXII.
How then did this dreadful Book, as some would then have
regarded it, get into print ? No Episcopal Licence could ever
be obtained for the printing of it ; and without that, no London
Printer would dare to touch it. His types, and the constant
inspection of his Works by the Wardens of the Stationers Company,
would have betrayed him.
So Whittingham had to get it printed abroad : and that, in such a
way as that it could never be legally brought home to him ; however
sure the Clergy were that he was the Author of it.
2. It was probably produced in this way.
tr Whittingham gave the documents he had preserved to a Scrivener
to copy ; dictating to him, his own part of the History.
We regard all the Side-notes, as written by him, in 1574, on the
margin of the Scrivener's Copy ; and some of them are caustic enough.
3. Then the Manuscript was sent abroad to be printed: the
British Museum Catalogue suggests at Zurich, or Geneva; but Frankfort
would be quite as likely. There it was printed in the common German
type of that day; with very little English supervision.
The text is distinctly faulty. Words are left out or wrongly spelt ;
and Sentences are jumbled together: but its excellent diction is
sufficient to correct this in most cases. There are, however, some
words that nothing can be made of.
4. The Book was then probably stitched together as a pamphlet ;
and so smuggled into England, to the great delight of the growing
Puritan party.
xxvii.
Introduction.
XXIII.
Our duty (from the point of view of a Protestant layman, and
a practical man of the World), as General Editor of this Series,
is twofold :
First, to help the present-day Eeader to understand the
circumstances and the environment in. the midst of which these Works
originated in those far-off Ages.
Secondly, to ensure absolute Fair Play for everybody. Of which,
this present Volume is a good example. For the additional information
inserted in the Text between square brackets, [ ] , puts a very different
complexion upon many things to that which Whittingham's honest, but
incomplete, History would do.
It may therefore come to pass that the opinions of one Volume in
this Series may flatly contradict the opinions of some other Volume in
it. That does not concern us. What we want to know is. How our
forefathers walked worthy of the Vocation wherewith they were called,
with all lowliness and meekness, with long suffering, forbearing one
another in love ; endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the
bond of peace.
Edward Arber.
XXYlll.
As this Work is, with great probability, attributed to William
Whittingham, the following interesting Account of him, by one who
personally knew him, will help us to understand him,
and his life's work better. — E.A.
The Life and Death of Master WilUam Whit-
tingham, Dean of Durham, who departed
this Hfe, Anno Domino 1579,
June 10.
Written by a Student of the Temple, about 1603.
HE WAS BORN at Westchester [Chester] ; and descended from
. Whittingham, of the House of Whittingham in Lancashire,
near Preston ; which Whittingham did marry the daughter of
Haughton, of Haughton Tower, in the same County.
He became a Scholar, in the 16th year of his age [c. 1540], at
Oxon ; first at Brazenose College ; where he was under a Tutor so
careful over him to further him in Learning, as he hath been often
heard to bemoan that his Tutor lived not till he was able to requite
him for his care and love towards him.
From that College, he went to All Souls College; where he was
chosen Fellow Probationer in 1545.
From thence, he became a Fellow of Cardinal Wolsey's College
[Christ Church College] in Oxon : where, after he had remained a few
years, he betook himself to travel [in May 1550]-; with purpose to
travel through France, and so into Italy.
But coming to Lyons in France, in his way to Italy ; it pleased GOD
to visit him with sickness ; which he took to be a warning to cause him
to alter his purpose, and to divert his course from that country, from
which few return the godlier : and so coming back again, he remained
for divers years at Orleans [, where he married Louise Jacqueman],
sometimes in Paris ; but ever amongst the Students of those Cities.
1. Whittingham. 1 1
The Life of Dean Whittingham. 1550-53.
In Paris, when the Licger Ambassador for England [Sir William
Pickering] was to go to the Court ; he ever desired Master Whittingham
to accompany him : for which purpose, he had his courtly apparel and
ornaments lying by him, which at his going to Court he used ; and at
his return, became ut prius as a Student.
After some years bestowed in those Universities ; he went to the
Universities of Germany ; and thence to Geneva. And thence, having
spent all King Edward VL's reign [1550-1553] in those transmarine
Universities ; he returned into England in the very latter end of the
said King Edward's reign.
Presently, after whose death. Queen Mary being proclaimed, and a
taste given of the alteration of Religion ; he forthwith resolved to go
again beyond the seas ; and riding over London Bridge, on his way to
Dover and thence to take shipping, he met Master [Thomas] Harding ;
who wrote against [Bishop John] Jewel, on the Bridge ; who, after
salutations, asked him, Whither he was going ?
Master Whittingham answered, He was going beyond the seas.
Master Harding demajiding of him the cause ; he answered, ' Did
you not hear the Proclamation [of August 17th, 1553] ; and how the
Whore of Rome is again erected amongst us ? '
To which Master Harding replied, ' Happy are you, that go for so
good a cause ! '
Master Whittingham and his company coming to Dover at night ;
whilst they were at supper, the Host of the house told his guests, That,
after supper, he must carry [take] them before the Magistrate, or
Mayor, of the town ; to be questioned concerning the cause or errand of
their going beyond the sea. For the Magistrate had received strict
command from the [Privy] Council for the examination of every
passenger : and Master Mayor had as strictly enjoined them (the Inn-
keepers) to bring their guests to be examined as aforesaid. Wherein
the Host seeming to be more peremptory and precise ; it made his news
the more distasteful, and in part vexed his guests.
Whilst they were in this anxiety, there being a fair greyhound
waiting on the table for relief [food] ; Master Whittingham chanced
to say, ' Mine Host, you have here a very fair greyhound.'
' I [Aye] ,' said the Host, * this greyhound is a fair greyhound indeed ;
and is of the Queen's kind.'
'Queen's kind' I said Master Whittingham, 'what mean you by
that ? This is a strange speech ! What good subject can endure to hear
such words of his Sovereign ? to have Her Majesty to be compared in
kind with the kind of a dog! ' : and said that the words were very treason-
able, and that he could not see how they could be excused, if they
should not go and acquaint the Magistrate with it ; and did further so
2
1553.59. The Life of Dean Whittingham.
aggravate the matter, even of purpose, as they did drive the Host into
such a fear as he durst not once mention the carrying of them before
the Magistrate any more ; but was glad to be so freed from their
encumbrance. By this means, all the company escaping this interrup-
tion; they proceeded on their journey.
And Master Whittingham remained in France till he heard of the
coming of sundry English Bishops, Divines, and other good Protestants ;
who, for Religion, had left their country, and were arrived at Frankfort.
Where, after a while, they got licence of the Magistrates to establish a
Church there ; and, entering into the consideration of the particular
Forms and Order of Discipline to be used in that Church, they did so
far vary and dissent among themselves as, after long contentions, no
accord could be made between them ; but they were forced to disjoin:
and those to remain at Frankfort that did best like the Forms of the
Government of the Church of England in the days of King Edward VI. ;
and those that liked better of the Order and Discipline of the Church of
Geneva did go to Geneva, amongst whom Master Whittingham was
one. Of which Controversy, though here be good occasion to particu-
late ; yet because the whole matter of that Controversy is set forth in
a large Discourse, in an ancient book printed anno [1575] at [?] ; I will
refer the Reader to that book, that he may better inform his judgement
in the state of the differences between them. . .
Soon after the arrival at Geneva of Master Whittingham and the
rest that went from Frankfort ; Master J. Knox (who was a Scotchman ;
and then the Minister of the English Congregation) was to leave that
place, and to return to his own country [Jan. 1559] : so as that place was
to become void. And they not being so well provided, for the supply of
that place, amongst our countrymen as Master Calvin (who had the
principal care of the Church Government in that City lying upon him)
liked of ; he moved Master Whittingham to take the Ministry upon him,
and to be made Minister : which, notwithstanding Master Calvin's many
urgencies and pressures, Master Whittingham refused to do. Alleging
that, in his former travels and observations and learning the
languages, he had fitted himself for State employments; and had
not bended his intentions that way : neither would acknowledge
his gifts to be such as to be so worthy as the Calling required.
But Master Calvin resolved not to accept of any refusal : but, by
continual importunity and urging his gifts and fitness, did, in
the end, rather by conjuring [adjuring] him than persuading him,
prevail : and so he succeeded Master Knox in the Ministry of the
English Church there. Where, after some two or three years, the
Learned that were at Geneva, as Bishop Coverdale, Master Goodman,
8
The Life of Dean Whittingham. 1659-63.
Master Gilby, Master Sampson, Doctor Cole, and Master Whittingham,
and who else I cannot relate, did undertake the Translation of the
Geneva Bible.
Long ere the same was finished, Queen Mary dying ; her sister of
never-dying memory succeeded: whereupon the banished, as well
Bishops as others of the Church of Frankfort, returned to England.
So also did the Church of Geneva ; saving some of them only, and
not all, that were engaged in the Translation of the Bible : so as Master
Whittingham did tarry in Geneva, for the finishing of that Translation,
a year and a half after Queen Elizabeth began her reign. He also
there turned into metre those Psalms of the Geneva Psalms [by
Thomas Sternhold and John Hopkins] , which are inscribed with W. W.
And then coming into England [in June 1560] ; Francis Russell,
Earl of Bedford, was sent by Queen Elizabeth into France [in
January — February 1561] to condole the death of [Francis II.,] their
late deceased King of France : and Master Whittingham, as well for his
perfection in that language as [his] former experience of the French
Court, was appointed to attend the said Earl thereto.
After whose return into England; presently the war between
France and England began at Newhaven [Havre, in 1562] : where for
the French, the Rheingraf [Philip Francis, Elector Palatine of the
Bhine] was General to oppugn [besiege] the town; and Ambrose
Dudley, Earl of Warwick, was sent by Queen Elizabeth, Lieutenant
of the English forces, to defend the same. I
In which Expedition, the said Earl procured that Master Whitting-
ham should go with him, and be their Preacher at Newhaven [Havre] .
Which he did accordingly; and did so there demean himself, both in
his function and in the guise of a soldier's employment, as he (aiter the
experience of the alarms coming on the sudden, even in the midst of
the Sermons) used to preach in his armour continually : and (as the old
Captains and soldiers of Berwick would tell, many years after that)
when any alarm came, whilst he was preaching, he would be on the
town walls as soon almost as any man.
Nay, if the Writer hereof should set down all that he hath heard
rex>orted of him, in his commendation ; not only of the Captains and
soldiers, but of the most eminent persons, as Sir Henry Sidney, since
Lord President of Wales, and even from the Lord Lieutenant himself:
not only in his function for his diligence in preaching, and vigilance in
discovering a stratagem intended for the surprisal of the town, and the
hazard he did daily undergo in going to visit, instruct, and comfort, as
need required, so many soldiers dying and dead in one great room at
once, of the Plague, the increase whereof caused the loss of that town ;
4
1563.
The Life of Dean Whittingham.
but also for his valour, and shewing himself to be on all occasions as
well tarn Marti quam Mer curio — If, I say, I should so do, I should but
All up too much paper ; and might be suspected of too much partiality.
Yet that the truth of that, that is already alleged of the good
opinion that was had of him may the better appear ; let it be considered
that Master Whittingham got not his preferment to the Deanery
of Durham by following the Court; nor by such real gratifications
[delectations'\ as are said to be the oil that doth facilitate the way to
preferment : but only by the commendation of the Lord Lieutenant to
the Queen, by letters from Newhaven [Havre^ ; as by a Letter written
from the Earl of Leicester, brother to the Lord Lieutenant, from the
Court, most plainly appeareth — which letter I have thought good to
set down verbatim, for the better manifestation of the truth. It is
directed thus :
To my good brother, the Earl of
Warwick, the Queen's Majesty's
Lieutenant at Newhaven.
My good Brother.
I HAVE NOW, at last, gotten Cap-
tain Bead's bill despatched ; and
the same being deUvered under
seal to his man, I thought good
likewise to let you understand of
that : so of your request of Master
Whittingham for the Deanery of
Durham ; whereunto the Queen's
Majesty hath also condescended
[agreed to] : which she would not, I
assure you, do, neither at my, or
Master Secretary's, suit ; but upon
the last Letters written on his behalf,
Her Highness hath granted it unto
him. He is therefore, next unto Her
Majesty, to thank you for it. And so,
with my most hearty commendations,
I bid, as heartUy as myself, farewell.
At the Court, the 24th of July, 1563,
Your loving brother,
K. Dudley.
Postcript. — I pray you, in your
next letters, give Her Majesty thanks
for the favour she hath shewn Master
Whittingham for your sake : and
look well to your health, my dear
brother !
By this Letter it appeareth that the said Queen Elizabeth would
not have given the Deanery to Master Whittingham, neither at the
request of the said Earl of Leicester, neither of Master Secretary
Cecil, then so being ; but upon the said Lord Lieutenant's Letters from
Newhaven. The cause was, that she had half promised it to one
[Thomas Wilson, LL.D.] who afterwards became one of the Secretaries
of State : and (after Master Whittingham had enjoyed the Deanery
sixteen years and died) he obtained it ; but died within a year and a
half after, so as he [only] for a short while enjoyed it.
Here, before I proceed any further, I think it meet to mention some
things which happened at Newhaven ; which particularly concern [ed]
Master Whittingham. He, being sent from the Lord Lieutenant with
5
The Life of Dean Whittingham. i562.
a message to the Rheingraf [Philip Francis] , who lay encamped before
the town ; the Rheingraf, seeing Master Whittingham coming towards
him, spurred his horse, drew his sword or rapier, and came towards
Master Whittingham, in a bravado, at full speed, as though he would
have assaulted him : whereupon Master Whittingham took out one of
the pistols he had at his saddle-crutch, and held it out towards the
Rheingraf ; who asked in French, If he were in earnest ?
He answered. No, only attended to answer what he would put him
unto.
The Rheingraf put up his rapier ; and, after kind respects used,
Master Whittingham having discharged the message, the Rheingraf
carried him to his tent, and caused him to dine with him. And the
table being full beset with Gentlemen that were Frenchmen ; they
began to gibe and use broad jests against our nation : which Master
Whittingham did so return upon them, to the touch of the French,
that one of them, that sat at the lower end of the table, did rise in great
fury, drew his dagger, and would have stabbed Master Whittingham ;
if the Waiters, and some Gentlemen rising from the table, had not
hindered.
Whereat the Rheingrai, after having shewed great indignation
against the Frenchman, caused a great double-gilt bowl to be filled
with wine ; and drank it off to Master Whittingham, with these terms,
' Cup and all 1 '
Master Whittingham pledged the wine ; but restored the bowl :
which, when Master Whittingham would by no means accept of ; the
Rheingraf sent it after him, with this message. That if he did refuse to
take it, and keep it for his sake ; he would never esteem of him. So
Master Whittingham took the cup ; and left it to his followers, as a
monument of the Rheingraf's love, and of the care the Rheingraf had
to salve the wrong he had received at his table.
Next, it shall be fit to shew what course and order was taken and
used at Newhaven [Havre] in the Ecclesiastical Government, by
Master Whittingham ; and what cautious Letters were sent to him out
of England concerning the same, and his Answer thereunto. Two
Letters were sent : the one of caution and reprehension from Master
Secretary Cecil ; the other of friendly respects and advertisement from
him also. The Letters follow.
Master Whittingham,
1 CANNOT BUT, in my small
leisure, send my complaint unto
you. I hear, by your means, the
Queen's subjects there forbear
the observation of that manner and
6
rite of Religion that is here received by
Authority in this realm. I can surely
love you for your good and virtuous
gifts ; but in this, if it be true, I must
needs blame you. I will not argue
with you, for my part is much the
1562.
Tlie Life of Dean Whittingliam.
stronger ; and on your part small |
reasons may be made; but upon i
Singularity, [neither] you, nor any j
born under this Kingdom, may be
permitted to break the bond of \
Obedience and Uniformity. I
The question is not of Doctrine ;
but of Rites and Ceremonies : and
this I write lamentably to you. I
have found more lets [hindrances] i
and impediments in the course of
the Gospel here, in this Ecclesias-
tical Government, by certain fond
ifoolish] singularities of some men ;
than the most malice the Papists can
shew. If you knew the crosses I
have suffered for the stay [support] of
Religion you might pity me ; and ought,
for GOD'S sake, to yield to Conformity.
I am not learned ; but I mean
well to Learning, and am not un-
sensible of as much as is usually
said in this matter. I conclude this
Variety may not, nor must not, be
suffered ; and therefore I require
[you] to think and determine thereon,
how it may be amended.
Setting this apart ; I acknowledge
myself much addicted to love you.
Deus est Deus pads, non discordice.
9 December 1562.
Your assured,
William CecjJj.
To which, IMaster Whittingham wrote this Answer as followeth.
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, through
Christ Jesus.
I AM SORRY that, in your great
and serious affairs, your
Honour should be troubled with
the frivolous complaints of cer-
tain which shew themselves offended
with the manner of Ceremonies used
here, as a thing disagreeing from the
Order commanded and observed in
England; so that they drive me to
render a reason of that thing which
I thought to have been out of con-
troversy, and, that your Honour,
with other godly and learned would
easily have approved.
And for mine own part. Saint
Augustine somewliat herein per-
suaded me ; who counselleth, in such
things, to accommodate ourselves to
the nature of the place where we are
conversant.
Next, moved with the opinion
of this people [the Huguenots] who
as they had conceived evil of the
infirmity of other Rites and cold
proceedings in Religion, so if they
should have seen us, but in form
only though not in substance, to use
the same, or like, Order in Cere-
monies, which the Papists had, a
j little afore, observed ; against whom
I they now venture goods and body :
I they would, to their great grief, have
i suspected our doings as not sincere ;
I and have feared, in time, the loss of
that liberty which, after a sort, they
have purchased with the blood-
shedding of many thousands.
Moreover, as I ever approved
this Order best, because it is most
agreeable to GOD's Word, the nearest
approach to the Form that the godly
Fathers used, and best allowed of the
learned and godly in these days, and
according to the example of the best
Reformed Churches: so I perceived
that it wrought here a marvellous
conjunction of minds between the
French and us; and brought a
singular comfort to all our people.
Besides this, Master ViRON told
me that [Edmund Grindal,] my
Lord Bishop of London warned and
charged us. That we should use no
other Order for Ceremonies than that
7
The Life of Dean Whittingham.
which we should find here ; which, in
my judgement, considering the place
and time, is nothing prejudicial to
our Orders at home : for reformation
whereof, all the godly have their eyes
and hearts bent and directed to your
Honour, next under GOD and the
Queen's Majesty. For, alas! they
are far from perfection : though for
gain and advantage, they have many
patrons ; who, as I think, might,
with better conscience, sustain the
reproach of Singularity, than dis-
semble the matters ol so great
importance.
J'hus (being fully persuaded of
your good affection towards me ;
and for the discharge of mine own
conscience) I am bold to write plainly ;
trusting your Wisdom will not be
offended. For GOD is my Judge, that
if I knew as well how to ease you of
so many heavy burdens and manifold
crosses which we all acknowledge
to lie upon you, as I pity you, I
would refuse no pain or travail.
But my earnest and continual
prayer to GOD is, That he would
send you strength and comfort, long
to serve, to the glory of his name ;
from Whom no discord is to be feared,
and without Whom no concord is to
be sought ; that as you have begun
to uphold and advance the Kingdom
of his Son Jesus Christ so you may
by his mercies continue, perfect, and
establish, the same to His praise,
the Queen's honour, and all our
comforts.
From Newhaven, this 20th
December, 1562.
Your Honour's
most humbly to command,
W. Whittingham.
The second Letter before -mentioned, though it concerns not this
Argument ; yet that it may shew the respect and interchange between
them (and the rather, for that both Master Secretary's Letters were
all of his own handwriting), I think it not fit to be omitted. It
followeth, with the direction thus.
To my ver>^ loving friend.
Master Whittingham,
Principal Preacher of the Word at
Newhaven [Havre] .
The Peace of GOD, and war for
him, be with you.
HOW MIGHTY A stroke was
towards [imminent, impen-
ding] is a ttirrible thought to
remember : but to behold his
wrathful hand was, of late, here, so
fearful ; as hitherto I scantly [scarcely]
have recovered my heart to take the
joy of this merciful benefit. This I
write of the Queen's danger and de-
livery [from an attack of small -pox] .
Almighty GOD be praised of us
all ; and give us grace to remember
his intended wrath, and to enjoy his
effectual grace and mercy I
Happy were you I for that I
think the tidings of her danger were
accompanied with the report of her
amendment.
Now that my Lord of Warwick.
is come ; I trust every day will
amend another.
I heartily thank you for your
gentle Letter : and pray you, as your
leisure may serve, to write some-
times to me, which shall be to my
comfort; tliough by my Answer I
ac(iuit [requite] them not, for lack
of leisure.
The fortunate death of the un-
1562-67. The Life of Dean Whittingham.
fortunate [Antoine de Bourbon,]
King of Navarre cannot but induce
a great blessing of GOD.
23rd of October 1562.
Your's in Christ assured,
W. Cecil.
And so Master Whittingham, returning from Newhaven [Havre],
came to Durham, to reside upon Ms Deanery there, anno 1563.
After he had remained there some years ; Secretary Cecil was
advanced to be Lord Treasurer [July 15, 1572] : in whose place Master
Whittingham was nominated, amongst others, to succeed him in the
place of Secretary [of State] ; and was thought fit for that place, in
respect of his perfection in the French tongue, and of his experience
he had gathered in twelve years beyond the seas.
But the Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer, alleged, That it was [a]
pity to call him to such employment ; being so well fitted to discharge
his place in his function [as Dean] : neither did he think that he would
accept thereof, if it were offered him.
Against which, it was alleged, That he having no other Church
Living but the Deanery, and it being sine cur a animarum, as Deaneries
are said to be ; it was only a dignity belonging to the Church, rather
than a place tying one to continual residence : but that took no effect,
in respect of the incongruity which it cannot but carry in all men's
judgements.
And notwithstanding the contents of Master Whittingham' s
former Letter concerning Church Discipline, after he had remained in
the Deanery two or three years, and the Order of Vestures being
generally established for Churchmen [the Clergy] , and so pressed, as
they, that would not use the same, should not be permitted to exercise
their Ministry ; he then [in March 1567] submitted himself thereunto:
and, being upbraided therewith for so doing, by one that had been with
him at Geneva, he answered. That they knew, and had heard Master
Calvin say. That for these external matters of Order, they must not
neglect their Ministry ; for so should they, for tithing of mint, neglect
the greater things of the Law.
And concerning Singing in the Church ; Master Whittingham did
so far allow of that, as he was very careful to provide the best Songs
and Anthems that could be got out of the Queen's Chapel, to furnish
the Quire withal ; himself being skilful in music.
[The following Letter to Sir William Cecil, printed in Strype's
• Parker,' p. 135, Ed. 1711, gives some account of Whittingham's official
labours.
The Life of Dean Wliittingliaiii.
ir>63-(J0.
Grace, Mercy and Peace, through
Jesus Christ our liord!
ALBEIT I AM not ignorant how
unbeseeming it is, to trouble
your Honour with Letters of
small importance : yet I could
not, in so long time, omit to shew
some signification of my special duty ;
as well to yield unto your Honour
most humble thanks, with promise of
my service where you shall appoint ;
as also to certify you of our doings
here.
First, in the morning at six of the
clock, the Grammar School and Song
School, with all the servants of the
House, resort to Prayers into the
Church : which Exercise continueth
almost half an hour.
At nine of the clock, we have our
ordinary Service ; and likewise at
three, after noon. The Wednesdays
and Fridays are appointed to a
general Fast ; with Prayers and
Preaching of GOD's Word. The
Sundays and Holy Days, before noon
we have Sermons ; and at after noou
the Catechism is expounded.
Because we lack an able School-
master ; I bestow daily three or four
hours in teaching the Youth, till GOD
provide us of some that may better
suffice.
The people in the country arc
very docile, and willing to hear GOD\s
Word: but the town is very stiff,
notwithstanding they be handled
with all lenity and gentleness. The
best hope I have is that, now of late,
they begin to resort more diligently
to the Sermons and Service. GOD
make us all profitable setters fortli
of his glory ; and preserve long, bless,
and direct, your Honour, to his glory
and all our comforts ! My brother,
Master Hallyday most humbly
saluteth your Honour : so doth
Master Benet !
From Durham, this 19th December.
[? 1563J
Your Honour's
most humbly to command,
W. Whittingham.]
After, when he had lived in the Deanery of Durham five or six
years more, the Rebellion in the North, at Durham, growing towards
[imminent, impendimj] , Master Whittingham moved the then Bishop
[James Pilkington] , divers weeks before the Rebels broke forth into
open act, That he would send for his tenants to come to his Castle at
Durham, with their warlike furniture ; which, if he would do, he would
cause all the tenants of the Church to join likewise with them : which
would be a means to awe the collecting Rebels ; and be a stay and
refuge for many Gentlemen of the country to repair unto, for want
whereof many might be drawn to adhere to the Rebels. Which fell out
after according ; to the utter ruin of many of the Gentlemen and their
posterities : and the country, to this day, doth bear the scars of
that error.
But the Bishop answered, That he had a great deal of the Queen's
money in his hand ; and durst not hazard it.
About a week before the Rebels rose. Master Whittingham rid
[rode] to Newcastle ; and calling the Mayor and Aldermen together,
did acquaint them with the then present state of the country, and how
10
k
1569-76. The Life of Dean Whittingham.
much it concerned them to look to their own safety. For they must
needs think that, upon the said rising, they would first attempt to
surprise them there, if they could find them unprovided, that they
might be lords of their wealth ; and that they might be thereby the
better enabled to maintain their undertaken enterprise.
Whereupon the Mayor caused the gates of the town to be presently
shut, the ordnance to be carried to the wall, and such further courses
for fortifications to be used as Master Whittingham (out of his
experience in the Siege of Newhaven [Havre] ) was able to advise them
unto. By means whereof, the Rebels never dared the attempt of the Siege
of that town; which was then the refuge for the better affected subjects.
Master Whittingham himself tarried at Durham till the Thursday
[November 10] next before the Monday [November 14 1569] that the
Rebels rose.
Secret intelligence being brought unto him, if he went not away
that night, he could not pass southward ; for the bridges would be
taken up the next night, to prevent all intercourse and intelligence : so
that Master Whittingham going then into the South; the Rebels
entered into his house and spoiled the same, and rent in pieces his
books in such sort and abundance as was pitiful to behold.
Master Whittingham returned, within five weeks, with the Queen's
Army, conducted under the government of the aforenamed Ambrose
[Dudley,] Earl of Warwick and [Edward de Clinton,] the Earl of
Lincoln ; but the Rebels, hearing of the Lords' coming, fled : and the
Lords, coming no further than to Durham, presently returned.
For eight or nine years after. Master Whittingham lived in the
great love and liking of his neighbours, for his affability, and bountiful
hospitality, which was in such a proportion, as it is marvelled even to
this day [1603] , how the naked Deanery alone, for he had no more,
could support his expenses.*
After those years were expired ; the Sees of York and of Durham
became void, both at one time [in January 1576] : whereupon the Earl
of Leicester (being a great favourite in Court ; and he that had
formerly moved the Queen for the Deanery of Durham to be bestowed
on Master Whittingham, as appeareth by the Letter hereinbefore
recited) caused Sir Edward Horsey (who was Captain of the Isle of
Wight, a great Courtier, and one of Master Whittingham' s Newhaven
[Havrej's acquaintance) to write to Master Whittingham to come to
* It was during this period, that
this * Brief Discourse of the Troubles
begun at Frankfort in Germany ' was
written in England, and printed on
the Continent. E.A.
11
The Life of Dean Whittingham. 1576-77.
the Court ; and he should not fail to have one of those places.
Whereunto Master Whittingham returned answer by Letter ; and
sent it to the Writer hereof, he being then of the Temple, to be
delivered : but the Letter being delivered and read, the Writer hereof
got a sight of it, and found the effect of the Letter to be, That touching
the motions contained in his [Horsey' s] Letter; he found himself so
declined by age and infirmity, as that he felt himself very unfit to
ondertEike so great a Place with the burden that the good discharge of
such a Place required: and that Her Majesty had so graciously and
liberally already recompensed his services as he should shew himself
unthankful, if he should not seem satisfied with so good a bounty as
he had already received. And therefore desired him that he (with all
thankfulness and humble acknowledgement in his behalf) would
signify to his Honour the deep apprehension he conceived of his love
towards him, so effectually demonstrated by his Lordship's message ;
which should tie him to a perpetual remembrance of him in his
prayers ; being not able, by any means in his power, otherwise to requite
so extraordinary a favour.
Then, after a while, the Archbishopric of York [on Edwin Sandys,]
and the Bishopric of Durham [on Richard Barnes,] were bestowed at
one time [January and April 1577] ; and both of them preferred by
the means of the one and selfsame noble person, as was reported.
The Bishop of Durham yielded that the Archbishop should visit the
Church of Durham ; not knowing belike, or not regarding, the right of
his own Church ; so, after a year or two, the Dean and Prebends of the
Church of Durham were cited to appear at the Visitation [in 1577] r
■ The day appointed being come ; the [Arch] bishop came to Durham :
and, after the Sermon in the morning, the [Arch] bishop going towards
the Chapter House to the Visitation, Master Whittingham asked the
[Arch] bishop. Whether he would visit in his own right ?
He answered, In the right of the Archbishop.
Whereunto Master Whittingham answered. That then he wronged
his own jurisdiction, and the Clergy of the country in general ; and
him and the rest of that Church more especially. For tliey being
sworn to maintain the Liberties of their Church, and by their Statutes
having no visitor but the Bishop of Durham ; if they should yield to
be visited in the right of the Archbishop, they should break their oath.
• Sandys had been one of those
who had ousted the Calvinists from
the Church at Frankfort in 1555 ; see
page 78: so he and Whittingham
were old antagonists. But the right
12
of an Archbishop, not being the
Bishop of the diocese, to visit the
Deanery, simply as Metropohtan, was
a very debatable point. E.A.
I
I
1577-78. The Life of Dean Whittingham.
All which notwithstanding, and whatsoever could be alleged by
Master Dean, the Bishop persisted in his former resolution ; and, by
this time, being come near to the Chapter House door, Master
Whittingham called to the Door-keeper to lock the door, and to give
him the keys ; which the Door-keeper did forthwith. Which the Bishop
hastening to prevent ; Master Whittingham did a little interrupt him,
taking hold of his gown : and so the business was concluded. But
that accident bred a great indignation, both in the Bishop and
Archbishop, against Master Whittingham.
Yet did that action add, if anything could be added, to the love
which the town and country did already bear towards him. Which
did the more aggravate the displeasure conceived against him by the
Archbishop and Bishop ; and so incensed them, as it appeared by many
of their speeches and actions, that they took it for a disgrace offered
them, and such as could not be laid aside without a revenge.
Hereupon, one of the Prebends (being one alone, and of a singular
factious spirit ; and, bearing ever a malignity to Master Whittingham,
spying this opportunity to disgorge himself of his long-conceived hatred
against him) went to the Bishops ; and acquainted them with a plot
that he had devised, which, [if] they would pursue, he doubted not but
it would eject Master Whittingham out of his Deanery : which they
gladly hearkened to, and did with all forwardness pursue.
The plot was this. That, seeing there was [Thomas Wilson,
LL.D.,] one of the Secretaries of the Privy Council, to whom the Queen
had half given the Deanery, before she gave it to Master Whittingham ;
and did after alter her purpose by the occasion of Master Whittingham's
preferment thereunto, by Letters of Commendation from Newhaven
[Havre], as is aforesaid: he doubted not but he would help, by any
means he could, to dispossess him of the Deanery ; that he might cry
quittance with him, and gain the Deanery to himself. And therefore
if their Lordships would write, or give leave to him to solicit, that
Secretary to procure a Commission from Her Majesty, directed to
their Lordships and others, to visit the Church of Durham ; he would
prefer such Articles against the Dean as would. secure his d6privation.
The Bishop, following the track of this device, procured a
Commission [May 14 1578] , directed to the Lord Archbishop of York,
[Henry Hastings,] the Earl of Huntingdon, then Lord President [of
the Council of the North] , the Bishop of Durham, [John Mey,] the
Bishop of Carlisle, [Matthew Hutton,] the Dean of York,, Sir
Thomas Boynton, Sir Robert Stapleton, Sir William Mallory, Sir
13
The Life of Dean Whittingham. i578.
Christopher Wandsford, both of Yorkshire ; and divers others.
They all came to Durham to the Visitation [about July 8 1578] ;
where they sat for four days: against when the busy Instrument I
spoke of before, had provided more than 50 Articles against Master
Whittingham ; and presented them to the Visitors : among whom,
there were some that would look to it, that they should want no due
examination.
Yet, after four days' sifting, when the rest were found to be
frivolous, without proof, and grounded only upon malice, they were
all left as idle and vain ; save Two :
The one that Master Whittingham was not capable of the Deanery
of Durham, being only a Master of Arts ; the Statutes of the House
requiring that the Dean should be a Bachelor of Divinity at the least.
The second was that Master Whittingham was not capable of the
Deanery : for that he was not made Minister after the Orders of the
Church of England ; but after the Form of Geneva. To which point,
learned Dean Hutton, then of York, afterwards Bishop of Durham, and
lastly Archbishop of York, did then say to those that did most urge
against it, That the Ministry of Geneva was better than that Ministry
which was made with these words, Accipe potestatem sacrificandi pro
vivis et mortuis ! : with which words, it is said the principal Objector
was made Priest; and therefore had the less cause to except against
the Ministry of Geneva.
But to proceed. Master Whittingham desired, That because those
Two Articles depended upon points of law, that he might by Counsel
make his Answer : which though some of the Commissioners would not
yield unto, yet it was granted by the greater part ; and the Visitation
adjourned to York. Against which day [in August 1578] appointed ;
Master Whittingham had got Counsel from London, to strengthen him
against both those former Objections : whereunto the, non obstante, in
his Patent sufficed to free him. [That is, the Deanery was granted to
him ; anything to the contrary notwithstanding.]
The Visitation, then at York, being ended, without any certain
adjournment; neither any sentence or matter given or done against
him : Master Whittingham went up to the Privy Council, to move that
they would call in the Commission ; signifying what had been done in
the matter already.
But his sure friend, that he had of the Council, as is aforesaid,
alleged that the Bishop had more matter to urge against him. Where-
upon Letters were sent to the Archbishop, to send some to allege against
Master Whittingham ; or else the Commission would be called in.
Whereupon two Doctors of the Civil Law, dependants on the
Archbishop, were sent up to object against Master Whittingham. After
14
1578-79. The Life of Dean Whittingham.
two or three hearings before the Privy Council ; one of the Lords asked
him, * If their master had nothing to do but to send such a couple, etc.
to object such idle matters against such a man as Master Whittingham
was known to be of the most of that Board ? '
And so the Objectors returned as they came, etc.
But still his true friend (seeing him daily to decline more and more
in his health and spirits ; and being oppressed with so long troubles,
great expenses, and tedious delays) did even then move that Master
Whittingham (there being then occasion to send an Ambassador into
France) might be sent thither. Whereupon Master Whittingham asked
the said friend of his. If he thought it not sufficient to seek to bereave him
of his Living ; but of his life also ? he seeing him in such weakness and
debility, both of body and spirit, altogether unfit for sucb employment.
But Master Whittingham, still labouring to get the Commission
called in, having stayed there already a quarter of a year [November
1.578 — February 1579] , with eight Serving-men and all their horses, and
in winter, to his excessive charge ; his true friend had now found out
a new colour [pretext] of delay, to wit, that after Easter, it being then
about Candlemas [Feb. 2 1579], the Bishop would come up to the
Parliament : and so Master Whittingham might now go down, and then
come up again to hear what the Bishops themselves would object
M gainst him; as though the Bishops could allege more than they had
given in instructions to the Doctors, their Proxies.
Thus you may see, how Master Whittingham was oppressed ;
though having proved himself innocent, after so many trials : by which
heavy hand so carried over him, he was forced to come down [into the
country] , without obtaining his just request ; which he took very
grievously.
And though, at his return to Durham, a great many of the better
sort of the City and country went to meet him, the bells rung, and the
people came running from all parts of the City in such number as the
streets were scantly [scarcely] passable for the multitude, who, with
doubled and trebled acclamations of joy, strived to exhilarate his heart
after all his troubles : but yet all was in vain. For, within four days
after his return, he betook himself to his bed ; and never left it till he
departed this life, being nine weeks after.
And now it is requisite that I should mention what happened
concerning him in the time of his so long languishing sickness ; how
he passed it over ; and what was the manner of his death.
15
The Life of Dean Whittingtiam. 1579.
The Archbishop [Sandys] , whose malice did not cease to pursue
him till death, did certify the Lords of the Council, That Master
Whittingham did keep his bed, pretending sickness ; and had used
some words of vaunting. Whereof the Council, by their Letter dated
8 May, 1579, yet to be shewed, did advertise him.
Whereupon he returning Answer to the Lords ; Sir Fbancis
Walsingham, the Principal Secretary, writ to him, as followeth.
by word of mouth ; and the delay of
your coming, they have resolved by
your said Letter to grow of the great
weakness of your body, which they
take to be no matter feigned, but a
truth. Wishing, if it please GOD, to
send as perfect recovery as yourself
desireth ; and so I bid you heartily,
Farewell.
From the Court, the 1st of June, 1679.
Your loving friend,
Francis Walsingham.
To the Right Worshipful my very
loving friend, Master Whittingham,
Dean of Durham.
AFTER MY HEARTY commen-
dations, I have received your
Letters of the 24th of the last ;
and, according to your desire,
presented your Letters to the Lords :
who having seen and read them,
have willed me to signify unto you.
That they take them in good part ;
allowing so far forth of your Answer
to the hard Suggestions made unto
them against you, as that they mind
to suspend their judgements of the
information of the speeches you were
said to have uttered, until you repair
up hither, to satisfy them more fully
This Letter, being dated the let of June, and he dying the 10th ; it
preceded his death but nine days : whence it may be observed, by these
Letters abovementioned, that the malice of his adversaries did so hotly
pursue him, as would not afford him a time of rest from their vexation,
to die in.
And yet all this storm grew only of this, as we have heard, for that
he made a conscience, to avoid the breach of his Oath ; and to maintain
the Liberties of the Church whereunto he was sworn. Which case is
so strange (That for a matter so good, so just, so conscionable,
a man should be so persecuted; and that even by those who,
by their functions, are tied to instruct and exhort to virtue, and to
such actions as a very good Christian is tied into) as it cannot be
paralleled. . .
And having now declared the occasion and process of the crosses
which Master Whittingham sustained in the Cause aforementioned ; it
is fit and convenient that the manner of his death, and carriage in his
long languishing sickness, be also declared.
So soon as he kept his bed ; he sent for some of his friends ; and,
by their advice, he made his Will [on April 18 1579] : which after it
was done, he willed those that were about him, that none should
henceforth trouble him with any worldly matters.
16
1579. The Life of Dean Whittiiigham.
And though he continued languishing, about nine weeks after, in
his bed : he would seldom admit any company to come to him ; unless
some special friends, and those also rarely.
^.•^ And being divers times asked of his friends. Why he was so
solitary ; and would not delight in company which might help to
alleviate his sickness ? He would answer them, Had he not company
enough there ? and would take up his Bible, and show it them ; which
lay by him continually on his bed.
Sometimes, in his sickness, he would call all his servants, which
were many, to come into his Chamber ; and would exhort them, for an
hour together, to the fear of GOD : and privately would call them, by
one and by one, and tell them of such faults as he had suspected them
to be guilty of, and admonish them to leave them ; shewing withal that
he had been too indulgent or negligent towards them, in not carrying
a stricter hand over them. For this he did now find as great a burden
in conscience as for any other sins that he could remember ; and did
verily think that that negligence towards them, had as much drawn
these his late afflictions and crosses upon him as any other his sins
whatsoever.
Wood MS. E. 64, Art. 5, in the Bodleian Librai-y.
Ed. by Mrs. M. A. Everett Green, in the Camden
Society's Miscellany, VI. 1871.
We must rememher that this Biography is the work of a friend : hut
still, after all the deductions from it that should be made, it is clear thai
Dean William Whittingham was a very brave and true-
hearted Englishman, a Scholar, a Musician^
and a worthy Christian man. — E.A.
1 Whittingham. 2 17
The French Church opened at Franklbrt. 1554.
Anne, the wife of Bishop John Hooper, whose mother lived about
fifteen miles from Antwerp, gives us the following account of the
opening of the French Church at Frankfort, on April 19, 1554.
But since the Lord, by my husband's bidding and the
advice of my friends, has at length driven me from England,
and conducted me safe to Antwerp ; I availed myself of an
opportunity of accompanying a party every way suitable,
and joined my female relative at Frankfort : where now, by
the mercy of GOD, the Senate has granted liberty to the
Foreign Church, for their whole Ecclesiastical Ministry, both
of the Word and Sacraments. On this account, I shall
prefer remaining here, in my own hired house, until I shall
see how the Lord shall deal with my husband : concerning
whom, as I have not yet received any intelligence, I am not
a little anxious
Frankfort, April 20 [1554] ; the day after the opening
of the Church of the White Virgins to us : when Master
Valerandus Pollanus, the husband of my relative and
Chief Pastor of the Church, preached a Sermon, and baptized
his son in the Rhine.
Original Letters, 110, 111, Ed. 1846-7 (Parker Society).
Other Ministers of the French Church were Monsieur Morellio
(pp. 28, 24); and Monsieur Cechelles (Original Letters, page 112).
Valerand Poullain, in Latin Valerandus Pollanus, had been
Preacher and Superintendent of the French and Walloon Church at
Glastonbury, Somersetshire.
18
A
Brief Discourse
|b of the
troubles begun at Frankfort
in Germany,
anno Domini 1554,
about the
Book of Common Prayer and Ceremonies ;
and continued by the Englishmen there
to the end of Queen Mary's reign.
In the which Discourse, the gentle Reader shall see
the very Original and Beginning of all the
Contention that hath been ;
and ivhat was the Cause of the same.
For there is nothing hid that shall not be opened ; neither is there a secret
hut that it shall come to light. If any man have ears to hear, let him hear !
Mark iv. [22, 23] .
MDLXXV.
The Preface.
To the Christian Readers, Grace, Mercy, and Peace,
in Cheist Jesu our Lord.
SUCH AS DO well observe the variety of men's judg-
ments about these matters of Controversy, and the
supposed Causes of the same, shall find it a thing
more than wonderful to behold ; and passing strange
to hear. But whoso shall well weigh and consider
what extreme calamities and miseries this Broil hath brought
with it to many godly persons, which unfeignedly fear GOD ;
the same must, of force, as I think, if he have but one drop
of humanity within him, draw forth deep and sorrowful
sighs from the heart, and tears from the eyes.
To pass over sundry, I will note but this one. Where as,
in times past, both at Paul's Cross and other places, the
sounds which were wont to be so sweet, as might justly
have moved the godly hearers to cry out with the Prophet
EsAY, ' O, how beautiful are the feet of them, which bring
glad tidings of peace, etc' [Is. lii. 7], are now become, com-
monly, so sour and unsavoury that, instead of sweetness, is
found little or nothing but wormwood and bitter gall. And
yet I speak not of such whose cruel scof&ng and unbridled
natures are too well known so far to exceed as few, discreet
and wise indeed, can be much moved with anything almost
they either speak or write : but even of those, I mean, whose
Wisdom's gravity and learning, as the same claimeth by good
right due reverence to the persons, because of those good
gifts which GOD hath bestowed upon them; so should it
also put them in mind, especially in such places, to use,
meseems, some other vein.
And forsomuch as some impute the Cause of all these
Troubles to the ambitious heads of certain special persons,
who should, as hath been at Paul's Cross By Doctor Yonge,
both publicly and very furiously declared, in November,
stir up this Strife in the Church, for that anno 1573.
they could not attain to Bishoprics, when as others enjoyed
them; some also imputing it to the strange [foreign']
21
The Preface. 1574.
Churches, as well beyond the seas as here among us remain-
ing, thereby to provoke the displeasures of the Magistrates
Such as Doctor '^^^^^^^ ^^^^ \ ^^^ ^^^^ supposing, yea,
ELBowRooME. roariug out, that this happened by such
fantastical heads as can abide no Platform
IPolicy^ but of their own devising : I have, for these and
such like considerations, thought good, by a Short and
Brief Discourse, to let you see the very Original and
Beginning of all this miserable Contention; leaving, never-
theless, to your discreet judgments, who, in these matters,
are to be thought innocent, and who most to blame.
And as one, both of credit, learned, and of authority.
Master MuLiiiNs, thought it not only meet and expedient,
in October, openly at Paul's Cross, in presence of the
anno 1573. Honourable and Worshipful there, to signify
unto them that such a hot Contention about these matters
Frankfort the had been ; but also noted the place where,
place. and the time when : so I, in this Discourse,
In Queen Mary's thought it needful, lest haply that honour-
ti^e- able audience might mistake the matter,
to set forth by writing the very order, manner, and
proceeding, of the same. Following herein the steps of such,
Platina, whom GOD, of his goodness, hath raised
Paulus Jovius, up, at all times and among all nations, to
8LEIDAN, Fox; commit things to memory which hath
with many o^ers. passed in common-weals : who have, with
great freedom and liberty, been suffered to make manifest
to the whole World, the ill dealings even of Popes,
Cardinals, Emperors, Kings, and Princes ; whereas, in this
Discourse, the highest that I touch (and that with great
grief of heart) are, to my knowledge, but certain Bishops
[i.e., Richard Cox and Robert Horne], and therefore 1
hope the more to be borne withal.
Beseeching Almighty GOD that as, by these my poor
simple travails, my meaning was not (either in contempt or
seeking revenge) to provoke the farther displeasures of the
meanest: so that (if it be his blessed will) the same may
find favour in the eyes of our Sovereign Lady, the Queen's
most excellent Majesty, and the Right Honourable, wl^om it
hath pleased him to place in high authority ; for whose
prosperity and welfare it becometh all true and faithful
subjects, as they are dutifully bound, most earnestly to
pray.
The History,
AFTER that it had pleased the Lord GOD to take
away, for our sins, that noble Prince of famous
memory, King Edwaed the Sixth, and had placed
Queen Maey in his room; sundry godly men, as
well strangers [foreigners^ as of the English nation,
fled, for the liberty of their consciences, over the seas ; some
into France, some into Flanders, and some into the high
[inland] countries of the Empire : and, in the year of our
Lord 1554, and the 27th of June, came Edmund Sutton,
William Williams, William Whittingham, and Thomas
Wood, with their comj^anies, to the City of Frankfort in
Germany ; the first Englishmen that there arrived to remain
and abide.
The same night, came one, Master Valerand Poullain,
Minister, unto their lodging; and declared how he had
obtained a Church there, in the name of all such as should
come out of England for the Gospel: but especially from
Glastonbury, which were all Frenchmen.
Answer was made him, That as GOD was to be praised,
who had moved the Magistrates' hearts to shew the French
such favour ; even so, for so much as few of them understood
the French tongue, it would be small commodity to them,
or to such as should come afterward to join themselves to
that Church.
The next day, they communed with Master Morellio,
another Minister of the French Church, and also with
Master Castalio, a Senior of the same ; both of them godly
and learned men. By their advice and counsel, it was
determined that a Supplication should be drawn out, and
offered to the Magistrates, to know, first. Whether they
would be contented that, not only the parties before named,
but also all other Englishmen that would repair thither for
the like cause, might, through their favour, be suffered
safely to remain within their City. This Supplication was
subscribed, as well by the said Sutton, Whittingham, and
the rest of the Englishmen as also by Morellio, Castalio,
and one Adrian, a citizen there, with whom they lodged.
23
The English Church granted at Frankfort. 1554.
And within three days after the offering up of their
Supplication ; they obtained their requests.
The 8th of July following, labour was made, by the
counsel and advice of Mokellio and Castalio, (who during
their lives shewed themselves Fathers to all Englishmen) to
Master Johann a Glauberg, one of the chiefest Senators, for
a place or Church, wherein they and all their countrymen
might have GOD's Word truly preached, and the Sacra-
ments sincerely ministered, in their natural tongue ; who
gently promised his furtherance, and that he also would
move the whole Senate thereof : the which he did accord-
ingly.
And the 14th day of the same month, it was granted
that they should have liberty to Preach, and Minister the
Sacraments, in that Church which the Frenchmen had, the
French, one day ; and the English, another day ; and upon
the Sunday, to choose also them hours, as they could agree
among themselves. But it was with this commandment,
That the English should not dissent from the Frenchmen
in Doctrine or Ceremonies ; lest they should thereby minister
occasion of offence.
They willed farther, That, before they entered their
Church, they should approve and subscribe the same Con-
fession of Faith that the Frenchmen had then presented,
and were about to put in print. To the which all the afore-
named, and others which were by this time come thither,
did subscribe.
When the Church was in this sort granted ; they
consulted among themselves, what Order of Service they
should use : for they were not so strictly bound, as was told
them, to the Ceremonies of the French, by the Magistrates ;
but that if the one allowed of the other, it was sufficient.
At length, the English Order [of the Second Prayej-
Book of Edward VI., 1552] was perused ; and this, by
general consent, was concluded :
That the answering aloud after the Minister should
not be used : the Litany, Surplice, and many other things
also omitted : for that, in those Reformed Churches, such
things would seem more than strange. It was farther
agreed upon, that the Minister, in place of the English
Confession, should use another, both of more effect, and also
24
1554. The Calvinistic Order of Public Worship.
framed according to the state and time. And the same
ended ; the people to sing a Psalm in metre in a plain
[simple'] tune ; as was, and as is accustomed in the French,
Dutch, Italian, Spanish, and Scottish, Churches. That done,
the Minister to pray for the assistance of GOD's HOLY
SPIRIT ; and so to proceed to the Sermon.
After the Sermon, a General Prayer for all Estates, and
for our country of England, was also devised : at the end of
which Prayer, was joined the Lord's Prayer, and a rehearsal
of the Articles of our Belief. Which ended, the people to
sing another Psalm as afore. Then the Minister pro-
nouncing his blessing, ' The peace of GOD,' etc., or some
other of like effect ; the people to depart.*
And as touching the Ministration of the Sacraments ;
sundry things were also, by common consent, omitted, as
superstitious and superfluous.
After that the Congregation had thus concluded and
agreed, and had chosen their Minister and Deacons to serve
for a time ; they entered their Church, the 29th of the same
month.
Then was it thought good among themselves, that
forthwith they should advertise their countrymen and
brethren dispersed, of this singular benefit ; the like whereof
could nowhere else, as yet, be obtained : and to persuade
them, all worldly respects put apart, to repair thither, that
they might all together, with one mouth and one heart, both
lament their former wickedness, and also be thankful to their
merciful Father that had given them such a Church in a
strange land wherein they might hear GOD's Word truly
preached, the Sacraments rightly ministered, and Discipline
used ; which in their own country could never be obtained.
And to this effect were Letters directed to Strasburg,
Zurich, Densborugh [Duisburg], and Emden, on the 2nd
of August.
And for that it was thought the Church could not long
* It will be noticed that in the
above Calvinistic Scheme of Public
Worship, the PubUc Reading of the
Scriptures has no place. This con-
firms the statement, at page 89, of
the later Anglican Congregation in
that same Church of the White
Ladies at Frankfort, that these
Calvinists exclaimed against the
PubUc Reading of the Word of GOD
' as an irksome and unprofitable
Form.' — ^E.A.
The General Letter of August 2nd. 1554.
continue in good order without Discipline ; there was also a
brief Form devised ; declaring the Necessity, the Causes,
and the Order thereof* ; where unto all those that wen*
present subscribed ; shewing thereby that they were ready
and willing to submit themselves to the same, according to
the rule prescribed in GOD's holy Word. At the same
time, it was determined by the Congregation that all such
as should come after, should do the like, before they were
admitted as members of that Church.
Here followeth the General Letter sent from the
Congregation of Frankfort to Strasburg, Zurich, Wesel,
Emden, etc.
Grace, Mercy, and Peace in Christ, our Loud, etc.
WE DOUBT NOT, dearly Beloved, but you have heard, as well
by Letter as by report, of the excellent graces and mercy
which our good GOD and heavenly Father hath shewed
unto our little Congregation in this City of Frankfort ; for
that he hath not only made the Magistrates and Commons very
favourable towards us and loving: but also hath given them hearts
with much compassion to tender us ; insomuch that every man helpetli
us, no man is against us ; much love, no grudge ; glad to please, loath
to annoy, us. Yea, and to declare this good will not to be of the mean
sort, nor so small as our brethren have felt otherwhere [eLse where] ; they
have granted that thing which, among others and in other cities, we
could not obtain, nor durst almost hope for. For what greater
treasure, or sweeter comfort, can a Christian man desire than to have
a Church wherein he may serve GOD in purity of faith and integrity
of life ; which thing if we wish for, let us not refuse it ! seeing where
we would, we could not there, obtain it. And here yet it is granted in
80 ample wise : that, (being subject to no blemish, no, nor so much as
the evil of suspicion, from the which few Churches are free) we may
Preach, Minister, and use Discipline ; to the true setting forth of
GOD's glory, and good ensample to others. And, for our parts, we have
not been negligent as touching the execution of the said benefit
granted : for, the 29th of July, we had, GOD be thanked 1 two Sermons ;
to our singular comfort, and the great joy of all godly men here.
Wherefore, Brethren, seeing you have endured the pain of
Persecution with us, we thought it likewise our duties to make you
partakers of our consolation ; that all together we may give thanks to
our loving Father : who is more tender over us than the mother over
•This was the Old DisclpUne | reprinted at pp. 143-149. E.A.
26
1554. The General Letter of August 2nd.
her children ; neither suffereth us to be tempted above that we may
bear, but even to the issue of the tentation [temptation] giveth pros-
perous success [1 Cor. x. 13 ; Phil, ii.] Trusting, by GOD's grace, that
he (which hath given you the gift, not only to believe in Cheist ; but
also to suffer for his sake) will so direct your hearts, that, no respect of
commodity there, nor yet fear of burden here, may once move you to
shrink from your Vocation : which is, in one Faith, one Ministration,
one Tongue, and one Consent, to serve GOD in his Church.
What more manifest sign, what plainer declaration, what word
more express and lively, can we have of Duty and Vocation; than when
GOD speaketh in our hearts by faith, guideth us out of perils through
his grace, and now, last of all, offereth us a resting place, of his
exceeding mercy.
You remember that, before, we have reasoned together in hope to
obtain a Church ; and shall we now draw back ? as mindful of GOD's
Providence, which hath procured us one free from all dregs of
superstitious Ceremonies ?
What, think you, if the Prophet David had had this offer 1 who
desired to be Porter in the House of GOD ; and more esteemed one day
so spent than a thousand otherways. [Ps. Ixxxiv. 10.] Either what
meant he, when he said, One request I demand of the Lord, which I
will seek after, that is, that I may dwell in the House of the Lord all
the days of my life. [Ps. xxvii. 4.] Had David no experience ? or felt
he not what grief it was to want the Congregation ? And, surely, we
must grant that he was far more perfect than we be. For he, being
conversant in this World, set his delight wholly in heavenly things;
and many of us, we speak it to our shame, as if we had already
forgotten the end of our creation, are plunged in earthly affections and
worldly respects, so that, through our infirmities, this excellent benefit
is like [ly] to be frustrate.
For some doubt who shall be preferred. Others seek increase of
Learning. Many follow the commodity [means] of living. Certain
look for a new Vocation. So that it is a wonder to see the deformity
of Man's affections. GOD grant we may learn at their ensamples,
which being called to the marriage, came not, [Matt. xxii. I-IO] what it
is to esteem, in time, the worthiness of GOD's benefits : lest, by the loss
of the same, we do after fall unto unprofitable repentance; seeking
again our loss with tears, as the reprobate Esau, and yet never the
neare [r] . [Mai. i. 3 ; Heb. xi.] We charge no one man, Brethren, nor
yet mean all ; and on what considerations these excuses were pretended
[alleged] , we suspend our judgments : referring the same to our
imperfection and infirmity, whereby the Adversary ceaseth not to
batter daily the walls of GOD's Temple.
27
The General Letter of August '2nd. 1554.
As touching the point of Preferment, we are persuaded thoroughly
that it hath this meaning. That every man thought of himself modestly,
humbly submitting himself to all men, unabling [disenabling] no man ;
for so much as you know that he which seeketh Ambition, Glory,
Advantage, or such like, is not moved with GOD's Spirit : as witness
the instructions that Christ our Master gave to his disciples, who,
labouring of like disease, were admonished that he which did excel
among them, should aba.se himself to his inferior. [Matt, xxiii. 11]
Which malady Saint Paul, perceiving to infect like a canker, most
diligently frameth his style, that he might not seem to prefer himself
to others in the course of his Ministry. [Phil. i. ; Col. i.]
And as for Learning, as we wish it to all men most abundantly ; so
we most earnestly require that, comparing the Congregation's necessity
with your private commodity [advantage] ^ you would rather, for
Christ's sake, choose the better. Yea, and we assure you of one good
advertisement, that, through GOD's grace, when we shall be assembled
together, such order will be taken that, besides those things which our
nation shall be able to furnish, we have the City most forward to
procure others.
If any would pretend [allege] the hardness of the country and
charges; our experience may sufficiently satisfy them: who, having
travelled through most places where the Gospel is preached, have not
found so many commodities, nor less charges.
Resteth the time of Calling, which we refer to your consciences :
beseeching you, for Christ's sake, to descend into yourselves [deeply
to cofiside?'] without all partiality, weighing the gravity of the matter
which is GOD's, and the silly excuse which the Flesh ministereth.
Consider what GOD would say, ' I have prepared a plentiful and ripe
harvest, which standeth in a readiness, and waiteth for the mower ;
and I have appointed thee thy tax [?task] . I have given instruments,
and all things fit for the labour. If thou forslow it, the crop is in
danger 1 If thou look for oft warning, thou declarest great negligence I '
This speech, dearly Beloved, or very like, GOD used to Noah,
Abraham, Jeremiah, etc.; and they thought their Vocation strong. But
you, through GOD's benefit, do not only hear GOD thus persuading in
your hearts ; but also have beeu, by extern [external] Calling confirmed ;
and according thereunto have walked, to the great glory of GOD and
profit of the Congregation. We trust, therefore. Brethren, and in
Jesus Christ require it, that you would hide your talent no longer ;
but, having new occasion to employ it, you would put it forth for your
Master his advantage and your own discharge. For if you feel in your
hearts comfort, as we do which are here assembled, to hear the Word of
GOD preached, and the Sacraments ministered ; we assure you, you
28
r
1554. The General Letter of August 2nd.
should sensibly perceive, that which the Prophet speaketh in these
terms, ' As the hart chased panteth for greediness of waters ; even so,
0, Lord 1 my soul seeketh after thee 1 My soul burneth for thirst in
seeking the Lord ; and saith, " Alas I when shall I be able to appear
before the face of the living GOD ? " ' [Ps. xlii., 1,2.]
What thing then ought we to have in greater recommendation than
the Order and Policy [Polity] which GOD hath established in his
Church ? that we may be taught by His Word, that we may worship
him and call upon his name with one accord, that we may have the
true use of the Sacraments to help us to the same. For these be the
means whereby we must be confirmed in the faith, in the fear of GOD,
in holiness of conversation, in the contempt of the World, and in the
love of life everlasting. And for this consideration. Saint Paul saith,
not that this Order which the Lord hath set in his Church should only be
for the rude and simple ; but maketh it common to all, excepting no man.
* For He hath ordained,' saith he, ' some to be Apostles, some Prophets,
some Evangelists ; others to be Teachers and Instructors ; to confirm
the godly, and to labour to finish the building of Christ's Body, till we
be all brought to one consent in faith, to the knowledge of the Son
of GOD, to a perfect man, and finally to the just measure of a ripe
Christian age.' [Eph. iv., 11-13.]
Let us all mark, that he saith not, That GOD hath left the
Scriptures only, that every one should read it ; but also that he hath
erected a Policy [Polity] and Order that there should be some to teach,
and not for one day ; but for all the time of our life, even to the death,
for that is the time of our perfection.
Wherefore, Brethren, let us submit ourselves, and leave off farther
to tempt GOD ; seeing that if we will be of the Body of Christ, we
must obey to this general rule. Let no respect of worldly policy stay
us 1 Let no persuasion blind us 1 But let us fulfil in ourselves that
which EsiAS [Is. Ix. 8] forwarneth, that GOD's children shall be as
pigeons, which flee by flocks into their dove-house : which is the place
where the Word of GOD is preached, the Sacraments ministered, and
Prayer used.
To conclude therefore, dearly Beloved, let every man call his
conscience to counsel : and, besides these sweet allurements, let us
learn to prevent our adversaries ; who, seeking ever to obscure GOD's
glory, may easily cavil at this Dissipation [Dispersion] . And would to
GOD 1 the slander were not already, to our great grief, in sundry places
scattered ; insomuch that in England, many take occasion to remain in
their filth [in the midst of the Boman Catholic Beligion] . And some
think they may dissemble until a Church be confirmed : [not] perceiving
that this our Scattering augmenteth the grief of [the] Persecution ; and
29
The General Letter of August 2nd. 1554.
so, through our negligence, we leese [lose] them for whom Christ died.
Consider, Brethren, it is GOD's cause. He requireth you. It is
your duty. Necessity urgeth. Time willeth. Your Father speaketh,
Children must obey. Our enemies are diligent ; and the Adversary is
at hand.
Almighty GOD grant, for his Son's sake, that we may rightly ponder
the matter, follow our Calling, serve the turn, hear the Speaker, walk
in obedience, and resist our enemies I
We desire you all, take this in good part I seeing we have written
nothing but what Charity did indite ; and that which we trust and wish,
you would have done to us, in case like.
From Frankfort, this 2nd of August, 1554.
Your loving brethren,
John Stanton. William Whittingham. Michael Gill.
John Makebray. William Hammon.
William Williams. Thomas Wood.
SHORTLY AFTER, the Learned Men of Strasburg
answered to this General Letter beforementioned,
in this sort. That they had considered the contents
thereof ; and perceived that the effect was no other
but to have one or two to take the chief charge and
governance of the Congregation. And that in case they
might get Doctor Poynet, Master Scory, Doctor Bale, or
Doctor Cox, or two of them, they should be well furnished.
If not, they would appoint one at Strasburg, and another
should come from Zurich, to serve the turji.
At which time. Master Grindal wrote to Master ScoRY
at Emden ; persuading him to be Superintendent of this
Church of Frankfort ; who, in two several letters to his
private friends, offered his services to the Congregation.
But, before the receipt thereof, the Congregation had Avritteu
their Letters to Master [John] Knox at Geneva, to Master
[James] Haddon at Strasburg, and Master [Thomas] Lever
at Zurich ; whom they had elected for their Ministers : and
advertised Master ScORY, by a General Letter, of the same.
Now when the Answer that came from Strasburg was
read, and compared with the Letter written unto them, it
did not in any point answer it. For the Congregation wrote
not particularly for any certain number ; but generally,
wishing all men's presence : neither did they require to have
any Superintendent to take the chief charge and govern-
ment ; for the choice and election thereof, if such a one had
been necessary, ought to have been reserved to the Congre-
gation— which fully determined, at that time, to have the
Church governed by two, or three, grave, ^godly, and learned.
Ministers, of like lequaT] authority ; as is accustomed in the
best Reformed Churches.
The 13tli of October, the Students of Zurich wrote also
an Answer to the General Letter aforesaid, in this wise :
31
The Answer of the Zurich Exiles. i654.
The Grace and Peace of GOD the Father, and of our Lord Jesus
Christ, be with you all I Amen.
AS GOD, BY his singular Providence, hath wonderfully blessed us,
as well in moving the hearts of the Senators and Ministers here
to lament our state, [and] favour and aid us in our requests ; as
also in giving happy success for all kinds of provision to our
use and behoof : so he well knoweth that we no otherwise esteem the
same than may stand with his glory, our Profession, and the comfort of
his afflicted Church; but [we] daily labour in the knowledge of his
Word, to the intent that when GOD, our merciful Father, shall so think
good, we may be both faithful and skilful Dispensers thereof.
And as, running in the sweet race of our Vocation, ye have
earnestly written unto us for to repair thither, burdening us so sore
with your necessity, that ye think our shrinking back in this behalf
should argue want of charity, keep many in England still which else
would willingly come forth, and shew ourselves careless of that Con-
gregation whose edifying and winning to Christ we only pretend
[enrleavour] to seek. These are great Causes : but, touching us, neither
so truly objected, so firmly grounded, nor yet so aptly applied; but
that as sound reasons, on our parts, might fully answer the same.
Yet, notwithstanding, inasmuch as you appeal to our consciences,
which, in the Day of the Lord, shall accuse, or excuse, us in this thing,
and all others ; we will not utterly deny your requests : but shew our-
selves as ready to seek GOD's glory, and the increase of his Kingdom,
either there or elsewhere, to the uttermost of our powers, as ever we did
pretend [intend] to do. Requiring you all, in the name and fear of GOD,
that as we (all respects set apart, and unfeignedly travailing in the
necessary knowledge of Christ, to the profit of his Church hereafter)
refuse not, for your needy comfort, to accomplish your desires: so ye
will not interrupt out studies, urge our removing, and bring us thither,
feeling here already the exceeding goodness of GOD towards us, unless
ye think, and that before GOD, that our absence on the one part should
greatly hinder, and our presence on the other side very much further,
your godly attempts already begun for the furnishing of that Church so
happily obtained, to all our comforts : for the which, in our daily prayers,
we give GOD most hearty and humble thanks. If, by this doing, ye
give occasion to break our godly fellowship, to hurt our studies, to
dissolve our Exercises [Public Worship] , and utterly to evert [overturn]
our godly purposes ; ye have to answer even unto Him which is a faith-
ful and a just Judge, and will give to every man according to his deeds.
Wherefore, dear Brethren, in consideration that we be all, not only
of one nation, but also members of one mystical body in Jesus Christ
our Head, and ought therefore (especially in this time of exile and most
32
1554. The Answer of the Zurich Exiles.
worthily deserved cross) by all means possible, one to aid and comfort
another ; beseeching GOD, for his mercy's sake, to assuage his wrath,
to give us repenting hearts, and patient continuance to our brethren at
home, with pity to behold his vineyard there miserably spoiled and
trodden under foot ; and to call us home, after his fatherly chastise-
ment, eftsoons [soon again] fruitfully to work in the same : we briefly
make this Answer.
If, upon the receipt hereof, ye shall (without cloak or forged
pretence ; but only to seek Christ) advertise us, by your Letters, that
our being there is so needful as ye have already signified, and that we
may all together serve and praise GOD as freely and as uprightly
(whereof private Letters received lately from Frankfort make us much
to doubt) as the Order lasfr taken [the Second Prayer Book of
Edivard F7.] in the Church of England permitteth and prescribeth —
for we are fully determined to admit and use no other — then, about
Easter next [April 14, 1555] , for afore we cannot, GOD prospering us,
and no just cause or occasion to the contrary growing in the meantime
whereby our intention may be defeated, with one consent we agree to
join ourselves to you, and most willingly to do such service there as our
poor condition and calling doth permit.
In the mean space, we shall most entirely beseech Almighty GOD
so to assist you with his HOLY SPIEIT, that your doings may help to
confound Papistry, set forth GOD's glory, and shew such light in the
face of the World that both the wicked maybe ashamed (having no just
cause of reproach), and also our weak brethren confirmed and won to
the Truth.
From Zurich, this 13th of October, 1554.
Your loving friends,
Robert Horne. Thomas Spencer. Robert Beamont.
Richard Chambers. Thomas Bentham. Laurence Humphrey.
Thomas Lever. William Cole. Henry Cockcraft.
Nicholas Karvile. John Parkhurst. John Pretio.
John Mullings. Roger Kelbe.
About this time, Letters were received from Master
[James] Haddon ; wherein he desired, for divers considera-
tions, to be excused from coming to take the charge upon
him at Frankfort.
The 24th of October [1554] came Master [David]
Whitehead to Frankfort : and, at the request of the Con-
gregation, he took the charge, for a time ; and preached upon
the Epistle to the Romans.
1 Whittingham. 8 88
The Frankfort Letter of September 26. 1554.
About the 4th of November [1554], came Master
[Richard] Chambers to Frankfort, with Letters from
Zurich; which were partly an Answer to another Letter
written unto them from Frankfort, the 26th of September
[1554] ; which was as followeth.
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, etc.
AFTER LONG HOPE of your Answer to our Letter, we thought it
good to put you once again in remembrance : and, as we in our
former, so now in this also, in GOD's behalf, most earnestly
require you deeply to weigh the matter of GOD's Calling, and
the necessity of this Congregation. »We have thoroughly learned your
estate, and also made you privy to ours : and ef tsoons [again] wish we
might be together, to bewail our sins past ; to pray together for our
poor brethren that are under Antichrist's captivity; to comfort,
instruct, and profit, one another : and, finally, to bestow the time of our
Persecution together, and to redeem these days which are so evil. And
if any desire of Knowledge stay you ; certainly it would not be so little
increased here, that you should justly repent. For as touching the
compajiy of Learned Men, as you cannot here be without ; so that thing
which chiefly you can require of Learned Men's judgements and know-
ledge out of their Works, you may suck most plentifully ; whereof, with
us, you can lack no store.
We need not, Brethren, to make long discourse in reasoning ; for
we partly know that GOD's Spirit, which worketh in your hearts, shall
prevail with you more than disputing : not doubting but the same
HOLY SPIRIT knocketh at the door of your consciences, not only to
move you of our behalf s, but to admonish you to avoid the incon-
veniences of talks, and the offences of our poor brethren of England ;
whose marvelling cannot otherwise be satisfied. Remember, therefore,
dearly Beloved, that we write as Brethren to our dear Brethren ; who
altogether seek our Father's honour, our own discharge, and the
comfort of our afflicted countrymen.
The same sweet Father grant, for his Christ's sake, that we may
assemble together, to the building of this his Temple ; to let [hinder]
the false workmen and underminers, and diligently, in our Vocation, to
help to the furnishing of the same till it rise to perfection 1 Fare ye
well in Christ I
From Frankfort, this 26th of September, 1554.
Your loving friends,
as in the Letter afore^ so under this, subscribed.
34
1554. Chambers, a Messenger from Zurich.
The Answer to them of Frankfort, was as follows.
WE, BEING PLACED here in quietness, with, many and great
commodities for our studies, tending all to edification of
Christ's Church, have, unto the earnest request of your
Letters unto us, answered in our Letters unto you, that, to
discharge all duty in conscience, and to increase and instruct your
Congregation at Frankfort with our presence and diligence, we will not
deny to remove from hence unto you, so that you, charged of conscience,
do constantly affirm that ye have so great need of us as by Letters was
signified, and certainly assure us that we, with you, may, and shall, use
the same Order of Service concerning Keligion which was in England
last set forth by King Edward.
And now also, for the better understanding of such requests, and
charitable performance of duty upon both parts, we have desired and
procured Master Richard Chambers, our best friend, a man most
charitable and careful for the Christian Congregation, to take pains to
travel unto you, and with you for us : so that this matter, as it is begun
and moved in writing, may be fully debated and concluded by his faithful
means and diligence. For we be all agreed, and do purpose, to allow and
perform whatsoever he shall say and promise in our names unto you.
Wherefore, we beseech you, in GOD's name, conscionably to consider
the estate and condition both of you and us : and if thereupon you
conclude with the said Master Chambers, of our coming unto you ; then
let him not lack your charitable help in necessary provision for our
continuance with you.
And thus beseeching GOD that your doings may tend to his glory,
and the speedy comfort of his afflicted Church ; we wish you all health,
and increase of true knowledge in Christ our Lord and Saviour.
From Zurich, this 27th of October, anno 1554.
Your loving friends,
as in the Letter before.
When Master Chambers had conferred with the Con-
gregation, and saw that they could not assure him the full
use of the English Book [of Common Prayer] , without the
hazarding of their Church [at Frankfort] ; he prepared to
depart to whence he came : and by this time [November
1554], was Master Knox come from Geneva; and [was]
chosen Minister, upon the receipt of a Letter sent him from
the Congregation ; which Letter was as followeth :
35
The Call of Knox to the Pastorship.
1554.
WE HAVE RECEIVED Letters from our brethren of Strasburg ;
but not in such sort and ample wise as we looked for.
Whereupon we assembled together, in the HOLY GHOST
we hope, and have, with one voice and consent, chosen you
Mark the Calling so particularly to be one of the Ministers of our
of Knox to the Congregation here, to preach unto us the most lively
Pastorship. Word of GOD, according to the gift that GOD hath
given you : forasmuch as we have here, through the merciful goodness
of GOD, a Church to be congregated together in the name of Christ,
and be all of one body, and also being of one nation, tongue, and
country. And, at this present, having need of such a one as you ; we
do desire you, and also require you in the name of GOD, not to deny
us, nor to refuse these our requests : but that you will aid, help, and
assist, us with your presence, in this our good and godly enterprise ;
which we have taken in hand to the glory of GOD, and the profit of his
Congregation, and the poor sheep of Christ dispersed abroad, who (with
your and like presences) would come hither, and be of One Fold ; where
as now they wander abroad as lost sheep, without any guide.
We mistrust not, but that you will joyfully accept this Calling.
Fare ye well 1 From Frankfort, this 24th of September [1554] .
Your loving Brethren,
John Bale.
Edmund Sutton.
John Makebraie.
William Whittingham.
Thomas Cole.
William Williams.
Geobge Chidley.
William Hammon.
Thomas Steward.
Thomas Wood.
John Stanton.
William Walton.
Jasper Swift.
John Geoffrey.
John Gray.
Michael Gill.
John Samford.
John Wood.
Thomas Sorby.
Anthony Cariar.
Hugh Alford.
Now to return to the tenor of the Letter which the
Congregation of Frankfort wrote, by Master Chambers, to
the Students of Zurich.
WE HAVE RECEIVED your two several Letters; the one,
dated the 13th of October, sent us from Strasburg, and the
other the 27th of the same [month] , by the hands of your
dear friend, Master Chambers: and have conferred with
him at large, touching the contents thereof. And when as, after divers
assemblies and long debatings, the said Master Chambers perceived
that we could not, in all points, warrant the full use of the Book of
Service ; which seemeth to be your full scope and mark : and also
The Frankfort Letter of November 15th. 1554.
weighing in conscience the great benefit that GOD hath in this City
offered to our whole nation; he not only rejoiced at the same, but also
promised to travail [labour] in persuading you to the furtherance
thereof.
As touching the effect of the Book, we desire the execution thereof
as much as you, so far as GOD's Word doth commend it : but as for the
unprofitable Ceremonies, as well by his consent as by ours, are not to
be used. And although they were tolerable, as some are not ; yet, being
in a strange common-wealth, we could not be suffered to put them in
ure [use] : and better it were, they should never be practised ; than
they should be the subversion of our Church, which should fall in great
hazard by using them.
The matter is not ours more than yours ; except any excel others
in godly zeal : but we both wish GOD's honour.
If a larger gate be opened there [at Zurich] to the same than to
us, upon your persuasions, ye shall not find us to draw back. For this
is that necessity, Brethren, that may not be neglected, if we wish the
comfort and gathering together of our dispersed brethren. If any think
that the not using of the Book in all points, should increase our godly
fathers' and brethren's bands ; or else in anything deface the worthy
-Ordinances and Laws of our Sovereign Lord of most famous memory,
King Edward VI. : he seemeth either little to weigh the matter, or else,
letted [hindered] through ignorance, knoweth not that even they
themselves [the Compilers of the Book of Common Prayer] have, upon
considerations of circumstances, altered heretofore many things as
touching the same. And if GOD had not, in these wicked days, other-
wise determined, they would hereafter have changed more : yea, and in
our case, we doubt not but that they would have done the like.
These few lines concerning both of our communications, we have
accordingly written unto you ; referring the rest to the discretion of
our good friend, Master Chambers : who knoweth that we have shewed
ourselves most conformable in all things that standeth in our powers ;
and [that we are] most desirous of your company, according to our
former Letters.
The Spirit of GOD move your hearts to do that which shall be most
to his glory ; and the comfort of your brethren.
At Frankfort, this 15th of November [1554] .
Your loving friends, etc.
37
The Strasburg Letter of November 23rd. 1554.
The 28th of November, Master Chambers oame again to
Frankfort from Strasburg, and with him Master Grindal,
with Letters from the Learned Men there, subscribed with
sixteen of their hands ; which Letter was as folio weth :
WHEN WE DO consider what inward comfort it were for the
faithful people of England (now dispersed for the Gospel,
and wandering abroad in strange countries as sheep without
a Pastor) to be gathered together into one Congregation,
that with one mouth, one mind, and one spirit, they might glorify GOD :
we have, at all times, and do presently think it our duties, not only in
heart to wish that thing ; but also to labour, by all means, so much as
in us lieth, to bring the same to pass. And having now perfect intelli-
gence of the good minds which the Magistrates of Frankfort bear
towards you and others [of] our scattered countrymen ; and also under-
standing of a free grant of a Church unto us, wherein we may together
serve GOD ; and not doubting of their further friendship in permitting
us frankly to use our Religion according to that godly Order set forth
and received in England : we both give GOD thanks for so great a
benefit ; and also think it not fit to refuse so friendly an offer, or to let
slip so good an occasion.
Therefore, neither doubting of their good furtherance hereunto ;
nor yet distrusting your good conformity and ready desires in reducing
the English Church, now begun there, to its former perfection of the
last [Order] had in England, so far as possibly can be attained ; lest by
much altering of the same, we should seem to condemn the chief
Autliors thereof (who, as they now suffer ; so are they most ready to
confirm that fact with the price of their blood) ; and should also both
give occasion to our adversaries to accuse our doctrine of imperfection
and us of mutability; and the godly to doubt in that Truth wherein
before they were persuaded ; and to hinder their coming hither, which
before they had purposed.
For the avoiding of these, and the obtaining of the others, moved
hereunto in conscience and provoked by your gentle letters ; we have
thought it expedient to send over unto you, our beloved brethren, the
bringers hereof, to travail with the Magistrates and you concerning
the premises ; whose wisdom, learning, and godly zeal, as they be
known unto you, so their doings in this shall fully take place [be
confirmed] by us. And if they obtain that which we trust will not
be denied at no hands; then we intend, GOD willing 1 to be with
you the Ist of February [1665] next, there to help to set in order and
establish that Church accordingly: and so long all together to
remain with you as shall be necessary, or until just occasion shall
call some of us away.
88
1654. Grinclal and Chambers at Frankfort.
And we doubt not but that our brethren of Zurich, Emden, Duis-
burg, etc., will do the same accordingly ; as we have prayed them by
our Letters : trusting that you, by yours, will make like request. Fare
ye well 1 From Strasburg, this 23rd of November [1554] .
Your loving friends,
James Haddon. John Pedder. Christopher Goodman.
Edwin Sandys. Thomas Eaten. Humphrey Alcockson.
Edmund Grindal. Michael Reymuger. Thomas Lakin.
John Huntingdon. Augustine Bradbridge. Thomas Grafton.
GuiDO Eaten. Arthur Saul.
John Geoffrey. Thomas Steward.
This Letter was read to the Congregation ; at which
time Master Grindal declared the occasion of their coming :
which, among other things, was chiefly for the establishing
of the Book of England : not that they meant, as he said, to
have it so strictly observed but that such Ceremonies and
things, which the country [Germany^ could not bear, might
well be omitted ; so that they might have the substance and
effect thereof.
Masters Knox and Whittingham asked them, What
they meant by the substance of the Book.
It was answered by the others. That they had no com-
mission to dispute those matters ; but they requested that
the Congregation would answer certain Interrogatories,
which were these :
First, that they might know what parts of the Book
they would admit ? The Second was for a several [separate]
Church ; and the Third, What assurance they might have
for their quiet habitation ?
To the First, Answer was made. That what they could
prove of that Book to stand with GOD's Word, and that the
country would permit, that should be granted to them.
To the Second, which was for a Church; it was told
them. That they understood, by the Magistrates, the time
served not to move any such matter till the Council brake
up at Augsburg [It broke up on September 25, 1555. ]
To the Third, it was said, That a general grant was
made, at their first coming thither, to the whole nation ;
and the Freedom of the City offered to all such as were
desirous of it, in as large and ample manner as they could
require : which was to them assurance sufficient.
These Three Questions thus answered; Master Chambers
The Frankfort Letter of December 3rd. 1554.
and Master Grindal departed back again, with a Letter from
the Congregation ; which was as followeth :
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, etc.
AS IT WAS ever most true, so at this present we feel most
sensibly, that wheresoever GOD layeth the foundation to build
his glory, there he continueth till he bring the same to a
present work. All thanks and praise be to him therefore, that
[he] hath moved your hearts so as, in no point, ye seem to forslow your
diligence to the furtherance of the same. And as the work is of most
excellency ; so the adversaries cease not most craftily to undermine it,
or at the least (through false reports, and defacing of the work begun)
to stay the labourers which should travail in the finishing thereof.
But Truth ever cleareth itself : and as the sun consumeth the clouds ;
so misreports, by trial, are confounded.
Our brethren sent from you can certify you at length touching the
particulars of your Letter : to whom we have in all things agreed which
seemed expedient for the state of this Congregation.
As for certain Ceremonies which the order of the country will not
bear, we necessarily omit ; with as little alteration as is possible, which
in your Letters ye require : so that no adversary is so impudent that
dare either blame our doctrine of imperfection, or us of mutability;
except he be altogether wilfully ignorant, rather seeking how to find
faults than to amend them. Neither do we dissent from them which
lie at the ransom of their blood, for the doctrine whereof they have made
a most worthy Confession [in the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI.] .
And yet we think not that any godly man will stand to the death
in the defence of Ceremonies ; which, as the Book specifieth, upon just
causes, may be altered and changed.
And if the not full using of the Book cause the godly to doubt in
that Truth wherein before they were persuaded; and to stay their
coming hither, according as they proposed : either it signifieth that they
were very slenderly taught, which, for breach of a Ceremony, will refuse
such a singular benefit ; or else that you have heard them misreported
by some false brethren, who, to hinder this worthy enterprise, spare
not to sow, in every place, store of such poor reasons.
Last of all, it remaineth that ye write that, the 1st of February
[1555] next, you will come to help to set in order and establish this
Church accordingly ; which thing, as we most wish for your company's
sake, and for that ye might see our godly Orders here observed : so we
put you out of doubt, that for to appoint a journey for the establishing
of Ceremonies should be more to your charges than any general profit ;
except ye were determined to remain with us longer than two months,
40
1554. The Strasburg Letter of December loth.
as ye write to our countrymen at Duisburg and Emden : which
Letters notwithstanding are now stayed; and, as appeareth, we [are]
never the neare [r] .
We refer the rest to our brethren, Master Chambers and Master
Grindal ; who, by their diligent inquisition, have learned so far of our
state as we wrote unto you in our former Letters, that is. That we have
a Church freely granted to preach GOD's Word purely, to minister the
Sacraments sincerely, and to execute Discipline truly. And as touching
our Book, we will practise it so far as GOD's Word doth assure it, and the
state of this country permits. Fare ye well 1 At Frankfort, this 3rd of
December [1564] .
Your loving friends,
George Whetnall. Thomas Wood. John Makebraie.
Thomas Whetnall. William Williams. William Walton.
John Knox. John Stanton. Michael Gill.
John Bale. John Samford. Laurence Kent.
William Whittingham. John Fox. John Hollingham.
Edmund Sutton. William Kethe.
The Answer to this Letter, from Strasburg, was as
followeth.
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, etc.
WE HAVE EECEIVED your Letter, and also your Answer in
writing concerning certain Articles ; and do perceive, as
well by the same as by Master Chambers and Master
Grind AL, your state. But forsomuch as your opinion is,
That the time doth not presently serve to move the Magistrates in
those requests, the obtaining whereof was the principal cause of our
sending unto you ; we cannot at this present condescend upon [agree to]
any general meeting, at any certain time, either to remain with you or
otherwise. And, therefore, if you shall certainly perceive a time con-
venient, that the Magistrates may be travailed withal, as well for the
good and quiet habitation of the comers, and especially Students ; as
also [for] a several [separate] Church, and to know whether the Exercise
of the Book shall be used, such we mean as no reasonable man shall
justly reprove ; and that the certainty of these matters may be known
at the Magistrates' hands : then, if you can let us have intelligence, we
will further consult what is to be done on our part ; trusting [that] GOD
shall direct us to do so as may be most to his glory, in the end, howso-
ever the present time shall judge of it.
From Strasburg, this 13 of December [1554] ,
Your loving friends, etc.,
as in the Letters before.
U
WHEN THIS LETTER was read to the Congrega-
tion; they requested that (forsomuch as the
Learned Men could not condescend upon [agree
to'] any general and certain time of meeting ; as
now appeared by their Letters) they might
conclude upon some certain Order, by common consent,
still to continue ; and that, without farther delay : and also
to have the holy Communion ministered, which the most
part earnestly desired.
At length, it was agreed that the Order of Geneva which
then was already printed in English,* and some copies there
among them, should take place, as an Order most godly, and
farthest off from superstition.
But Master Knox, being spoken unto, as well to put
that Order in practice as to minister the Communion, refused
to do either the one or the other ; affirming that, for many
considerations, he could not consent that the same Order
should be practised till the Learned Men of Strasburg,
Zurich, Emden, etc., were made privy. Neither yet would
he minister the Communion by the Book of England ; for
that there were things in it placed, as he said, ' only by
warrant of Man's authority, and no ground in GOD's Word
for the same ; and had also a long time very superstitiously
in the Mass been wickedly abused.'
But if he might not be suffered to minister the Sacra-
ments according to his conscience ; he then requested that
some other might minister the Sacraments ; and he would
only preach.
If neither could be admitted ; he besought them that he
might be discharged. But to that, the Congregation would
in no wise consent.
* * The Form of Common Prayers
nsed in the Churches of Geneva,'
Translated by William Huycke,
12
Printed at London, by Edward
Whitchurch, 7 June, 1550. E.A.
1554. Lever's proposed Order is rejected.
Whiles these things were thus in handling, came Master
[Thomas] Lever, before elected ; who, assembling the Con-
gregation, requested that he might, with their consents,
appoint such an Order as should be both godly without
respect of the Book of Geneva or any other: requesting
farther that forasmuch as that Office was of so great impor-
tance, and that he had not been in the like before, that he
might, between that and Easter [April 14, 1555], have a
trial of them, and they of him ; and so, at the end of that
term, either take or refuse. Which time of trial, as it was
willingly granted him : so when they understood that the
Order which he would place and use, was not altogether
such as was fit for a right Reformed Church ; they would in
no wise yield to the same.
43
KNOX, WHITTINGHAM, and others (perceiving that
these beginnings would grow to somewhat, if it
were not stayed in time,) drew forth a Plat [Scheme,
Su7nniary~\ of the whole Book of England into the
Latin tongue ; and sent the same to Master Calvin
of Geneva ; requesting his judgement therein : and shewing
him that some of their countrymen went about to force them
to the same, and would admit of no other, saying, That it
was an Order most absolute ; and that if ever they came into
their country, they would do their best to establish it again.
Now followeth the Description.
A Description of the Liturgy, or Book of Service,
that is used in England.
FIRST OF ALL, Morning Prayer offereth itself.
The Minister, having put on a white garment, which they
call a Surplice, beginneth with some sentence of Holy Scrip-
ture, as for ensample, ' If we shall say that we have no sin ; we
-deceive ourselves, ' etc. ; or some such of like sort.
Then he taketh in hand the Exhortation, which stirreth up to a
Oonf ession of Sins ; which the Minister pronounceth with a loud voice,
the people saying aiter him.
To this is added an Absolution ; and when these things are done,
he rehearseth the Lord's Prayer, and afterward, ' Lord, open thou my
lips, and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise. O, GOD I be ready to
be my help,' etc.
Then ' Come let us sing unto the Lord,' etc.
By and by [Immed/iately] also there follow three Psalms together :
at the end of every one [the Oloria] .
Then followeth the First Lesson ; which containeth a whole
Chapter of the Old Testament.
After this Lesson, they say, or sing, 'We praise thee, Lordl'; or
* Blessed be the Lord,' etc.
Then another Lesson, out of the New Testament : unless, perad-
venture, the solemnization of some high Feast have other set and
appointed Lessons. Now, in Cathedral Churches, they utter their
Lessons in Plain Song. And then afterward is Benedictus added.
4i
1554. Analysis of the Prayer Book.
This Book warneth that they keep this Order throughout the
whole year.
Afterwards, the Creed is pronounced by the Minister ; all the people
in the meantime standing up.
Afterward, falling down upon their knees, the Minister saith, ' The
Lord be with you I ' They answer, ' And with thy spirit.'
Then, * Lord, have mercy upon us 1 Cheist, have mercy upon us !
Lord, have mercy upon us I ' etc. ' Our Father,' etc., pronounced out
aloud of all, with all boldness.
Then the Minister, when he standeth up, saith, ' O, Lord 1 shew us
thy mercy 1 '
They answer * And give unto us thy saving health.
* O, Lord 1 save the King 1
* In the day wherein we shall call upon thee.
' Endue thy Ministers with righteousness ;
'And make thy chosen people joyful I
* O, Lord ! save thy people ;
' And bless thine inheritance 1
' Give peace in our time, O Lord I ' etc.
At length, three Collects are had, in place of a Conclusion: the
First, for the Day ; the Second, for Peace ; the last is for the obtaining
of Grace.
Now, the Evening Prayers are said in a manner as the others are :
saving that, after the First Lesson, followeth, ' My soul doth magnify
the Lord '; after the Second Lesson, ' Now, Lord 1 ' etc. And, instead of
that Collect, ' GOD, which art the Author of peace,' is used ' O, GOD,
from whom all holy desires,' etc.
Besides, there is a caution added, That all Ministers shall exercise
themselves continually, as well in Morning Prayers as Evening Prayers ;
except, perhaps, by study in Divinity, or some other business, they be
greatly and necessarily let or hindered.
Besides, upon every Sabbath day, Wednesday, and Friday, there is
yet in use certain Suffrages, devised of Pope Geegory, which beginneth
after this manner,
'O, GOD I the Father of heaven, have mercy upon us miserable
sinners.
' O, GOD, the Son, Redeemer of the world,' etc.
Only leaving out the Invocation of Saints.
Otherwise, we use a certain conjuring [adjuring] of GOD, By the
mystery of his Incarnation, by his holy Nativity and Circumcision, by
his Baptism, Fasting, and Temptation, by his Agony and Bloody Sweat,'
etc. Yea, it comprehendeth in plain words, a Prayer to be delivered
45
Analysis of the Prayer Book. 1554.
from sudden death. Tihe people answering to the end of every clause,
either, ' Spare us, good Lord 1 ' ; or else, ' Good Lord 1 deliver us ! ' ; or,
* We beseech Thee, to hear us, good Lord 1 '
' O, Lamb of GOD, that taketh away the sins of the world 1 ' is thrice
repeated. Then, ' Lord, have mercy upon us 1 ' thrice : and then the
Lord's Prayer ; with this Prayer also, ' O, Lord I deal not with us after
our sins ! ' to the same adjoined.
Passing over some things ; lest we should seem to sift all those
drosses which remain still among us.
Now the manner of the Supper is thus.
The number of Three, at the least, is counted a fit number to
communicate: and yet it is permitted, the pestilence or some other
common sickness being among the people, the Minister alone may
communicate with the sick man in his house.
First, therefore, the Minister must be prepared after this manner,
in a white linen garment, as in saying the other Service he is appointed ;
and must stand at the North side of the Table.
Then is had the Lord's Prayer, after the custom. Then he reciteth
the Collect ; and after follow in order The Ten Commandments : but
so notwithstanding that every one of the people may answer, ' Lord,
have mercy upon us ; and incline our hearts to keep this law 1 '
After the rehearsal of the Commandments; the Collect of the
Day, as it is called, and another for the King, are had. By and by
[Immediately] the Epistle and Gospel foUoweth : to wit, such as the
Calendar appointeth for that day.
And there in this place, there is a note, that every Holy Day hath
his Collect, Epistle, and Gospel ; which fill seventy-three great leaves of
the Book, when the rest fill scarce fifty.* For all Holy Days are now
in like use, as were among the Papists ; only very few excepted.
Then he goeth forth to the Creed ; and after that, to the Sermon, if
there be any.
Afterwards, the Parish Priest biddeth [announceth] the Holy Days
and Fasts on their Eves; if there be any that week. And here the
Book warneth. That none defraud the Parish Priest of his due or right ;
specially on those Feast Days that are dedicated to offerings.
Then followeth, A Prayer for the state of the Church Militant ; and
that not without a long heap and mixture of matters : until they come,
after a certain Confession of Sins, to
' Lift up your hearts 1 '
*The 1552 Edition of the Book I printed in a small Folio size. — E.A.
of Common Prayer were mostly 1
46
1554. Analysis of the Prayer Book.
The people answering, ' We give thanks to the Lord,
' Let us give thanks to our Lord GOD !'
The answer, ' It is very meet, right, and our bounden duty,' etc.
Until they come to that clause, ' O, Lord 1 holy Father ! ' etc. : and so
the Preface, according the Feast, is added.
Afterwards, he saith, ' Therefore with Angels and Archangels ' ; and
so endeth with, ' Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord GOD ' ; till he come to,
' Hosanna in the highest 1'
Now the Priest boweth his knee ; acknowledging our unworthiness
in the name of all that shall receive : and, setting out GOD's mercy, he
beseecheth GOD that our body may be made clean by his body, and that
our souls may be washed through His blood.
And then he again standeth up, and taketh in hand afresh another
Prayer appointed for this purpose ; in which are contained the Words of
the Institution.
All which being done, he first communicateth : then, by and by, he
saith to another kneeling, ' Take and eat this, in remembrance that
Christ died for thee : and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with
thanksgiving.'
Now, about the end, the Lord's Prayer is again used, the Minister
saying it aloud, and all the people following.
To conclude. They have a giving of thanks in the end; with,
' Glory to GOD in the highest I', as it was used among the Papists.
If it happen that there be no Sermon ; only a few things are
omitted : but all other things are done in order as aforesaid.
In Baptism, the Godfathers are demanded, in the name of the child,
* Whether they renounce the Devil and all his works, the lusts of the
world,' etc. : and they answer, ' I renounce them !'
Then, Whether they believe the Articles of the Faith ? Which, being
confessed; 'Wilt thou,' saith he, turning to both the witnesses, 'be
baptized into this faith ?' And they say, ' Yea, I will !'
After a few things rehearsed ; he taketh the child, and dippeth it in,
' but warily and discreetly,' as it is in the Book ; upon whose forehead
also, he shall make a cross : in token, forsooth, that when he is old, he
shall not be ashamed to confess the Faith of Chbist crucified.
Afterward, sending for the Godfathers and Godmothers ; he chargeth
them that they bring the child to be confirmed of the Bishop, as soon
as he can say. The Articles of the Faith, The Lord's Prayer, and The
Ten Commandments.
And seeing there be many causes, as the Book saith, which should
move them to the Confirmation of Children ; this, forsooth, of all others
47
Analysis of the Prayer Book. 1554.
is the weightiest! That, by Impositiou of Hands, they may receive
strength and defence against all temptations of sin, and assaults of the
World and the Devil: because that, when children come to that age
(partly by the frailty of their own flesh, partly by the assaults of the
World and the Devil) they begin to be in danger.
And lest any should think any error to be in this Confirmation;
they take a certain pamphlet of a Catechism, which consisteth of the
Articles oi the Faith, the Lord's Prayer, and Ten Commandments : and
all this is dispatched in less than two leaves [in the 1552 Folio Edition] I
To these, is joined their manner of Marriage : of which (that we
may pass over many petty Ceremonies) these follies, who can suffer ?
The Husband layeth down a ring upon the Book; which the
Minister taking, he giveth it in his hand, and, biddeth Mm to put it on
the fourth finger of his Wife's left hand. Then he useth this Form of
words. ' With this ring,' saith he, ' I thee wed ! With my body I thee
worship I With all my worldly goods I thee endow ! In the name of the
Father, the Son, and the HOLY GHOST.
A little after, the Minister saith to the new -married persons,
kneeling before the Lord's Table,
* Lord, have mercy upon us 1
* Christ, have mercy upon us !
* Lord, have mercy upon us 1
* Our Father which art,' etc.
' Lord save Thy servant and Thy handmaid,' etc. And so, a few
things being rehearsed : they must be brought to the Lord's Supper.
The Visitation of the Sick is after this manner.
' Peace be to this house ! '
The Answer, * And to all that dwell in the same I *
' Lord, have mercy upon us,' etc.
* Our Father,' etc.
* Lord, save Thy servant,'
Answer, * Which trusteth in Thee.
' Send forth Thy help from Thy holy hill ; and with speed save him ':
as in the other Prefaces, with Questions and Answers.
Of the Burial.
The Priest, meeteth the corse at the entrance of the Churchyard,
either singing or softly pronouncing, * I am the Resurrection and the
Life, etc. I know that my Redeemer liveth.' [Job xix.]
Being come to the grave, it is said, ' Man born of a woman.' [Job ix.]
16
1554. Analysis of the Prayer Book.
When the earth is thrown in, 'We commit,' saith he, 'earth to
earth, dust to dust, etc. The Lord hath given, the Lord hath taken.
I heard a voice from heaven, saying, " Blessed are the dead which die
in the Lord." Lord, have mercy upon us 1'
The Purification of Women in childbed, which they call. Giving of
Thanks, is not only, in all things with us, almost common with the
Papists : but also with the Jews ; because they are commanded, instead
of a lamb or dove, to offer money.
Other things, not so much shame itself, as a certain kind of pity,
compelleth us to keep close. In the mean season,
nothing diminishing the honour due to those rever-
ie / 4.1 I, • X.- ^ A X. ^r. WHITTINGHAM
end men ; who (partly being hindered by those
^ "^ ° *^ ashamed to open
Times ; and, by the obstinacy and also multitude of gome thines
adversaries, to whom nothing was ever delightful
besides their own corruptions, being as it were overflown) did always,
in their mind, continually, as much as they could, strive to more
perfect things.
Note, that this Description is very favourahly put down.
If ye confer it with the Book of Order in all points ; and the
usage of the Book in many Churches of this realm [in 1574],
you can confess no less. And hereof ye may gather what
Master Calvin would have written ; if they had noted all
the abuses of the same.
1 Whittingham 4 49
The Answer and Judgement of the famous and
excellent learned man, Master John Calvin,
the late Pastor of Geneva, touching the Book
of England ; after that he had perused [the
Description of] the same : faithfully translated
out of Latin by Master Whittingham.
[As Calvin died in 1564, this Heading was written after that date.]
To the godly and learned men, Master John Knox and Master
William Whittingham, his faithful brethren, at Frankfort, etc.
THIS THING TRULY grieveth me very much, and it is a great
shame, that contention should arise among brethren banished
and driven out of their country for one Faith, and for that
Cause which only ought to have holden you bound together, as
it were with a holy band, in this your Dispersion. For what might you
do better, in this dolorous and miserable plague, than, being pulled
violently from your country, to procure yourselves a Church, which
should receive and nourish you, being joined together in minds and
language, in her motherly lap. But now for some men to strive, as
touching the Form of Prayer and for Ceremonies, as though ye were
at rest and prosperity ; and to suffer that to be an impediment that ye
cannot join into one body of the Church, as I think, it is too much out
of season.
Yet, notwithstanding, I allow their constancy, which strive for a
just cause; being forced, against their wills, unto contention. I do
worthily condemn frowardness ; which doth hinder and stay the holy
carefulness of reforming the Church.
And as I behave myself gentle and tractable in mean things, as
external Ceremonies: so do I not always judge it profitable to give
place to their foolish stoutness, which will forsake nothing of their old
wonted custom.
50
1555. Calvin's Letter of January 20th.
In the Liturgy of England, I see that there were many tolerable
foolish things. By these words I mean, that there Many tolerable
was not that purity which was to be desired. These foolish things in
vices, though they could not, at the first day, be the Book, by
amended; yet, seeing there was no manifest Calvin's
impiety [in them] , they were, for a season, to be judgement,
tolerated. Therefore, it was lawful to begin of such Rudiments, or
Abecedaries ; but so that it behoved the learned, grave, and godly.
Ministers of Cheist to enterprise farther ; and to set forth something
more filed from rust, and purer. If godly Religion had flourished till
this day in England; there ought to have been a thing better
corrected, and many things clean taken away.
Now, when these principles be overthrown, a Church must be set
up in another place ; where ye may freely make an Order again, which
shall be apparent to be most commodious to the use and edification of
the Church. I cannot tell what they mean which
^, n T , ^ • X, 1 . ^ x^ . 1 -, The Book trifling
so greatly delight in the leavings of Popish dregs.
and childish, by
They love the things wheieunto they are accus- pATviN'q
tomed. First of all, this is a thing both trifling iudgement
and childish. Furthermore, this new Order far
differeth from a Change.
Therefore, as I would not have you fierce over them whose infirmity
will not suffer [them] to ascend an higher step ; so would I advertise
others, that they please not themselves too much in their foolishness ;
also that, by their frowardness, they do not let [hinder] the course
[progress] of the holy Building. Last of all, lest that foolish vain
glory steal them away. For what cause have they to contend, except
it be for that they are ashamed to give place to better things. But I
speak in vain to them ; which, perchance, esteem me not so well as they
will vouchsafe to admit the counsel that cometh from such an Author.
If they fear the evil rumour in England, as though they had fallen
from that Religion which was the cause of their banishment ; they are
far deceived. For this true and sincere Religion will rather compel
them, that there remain, faithfully to consider into what deep gulf they
have fallen. For their downfall shall more grieviously wound them,
when they perceive your going forward beyond [the] mid-course, from
the which they are turned.
Fare ye well, beloved brethren I and faithful servants of Christ I
The Lord defend and govern you !
From Geneva, this 20th of January, aniio 1555.
Yours,
John Calvin.
[The Answer, dated April 5 1555, of the Anglican Church at
Frankfort to this Letter will be found on pp. 76-78.]
51
WHEN THIS LETTER of Calvin's was read to
them of the Congregation, it so wrought in
the hearts of many ; that they were not before
so stout to maintain all the parts of the Book
of England, as afterward they were bent
against it.
But now to return. Whiles these things were in doing;
the Congregation, as you have heard afore, could not agree
upon any certain Order : till, after long debating to and fro,
it was concluded, That Master Knox, Master Whittingham,
Master Gilby, Master Fox, and Master T. Cole, should
draw forth some Order meet for their state and time.
Which thing was by them accomplished, and offered to
the Congregation ; being the same Order of Geneva, which
is now in print. [See page 42.]
This Order was very well liked of many ; but such as
were bent to the Book of England could not abide it. Yea,
contention grew at length so hot, and the one party, which
sought Sincerity, was so sore charged with Newfangledness
and Singularity and to be the stirrers of contention and
The humbleness of unquietness ; that Master Gilby, with a
Gilby, and his godly grief (as well appeared), kneeled down
godly zeaL before them, and besought them, with
tears, to reform their judgements: solemnly protesting that,
in this matter, they sought not themselves; but only the
glory of GOD, as he was verily persuaded. Wishing farther
that that hand, which he then held up, were stricken off ; if,
by that, a godly peace and unity might ensue and follow.
In the end, another way was taken by the Congregation ;
which was that Master Knox and Master Whittingham,
Master Parky and Master Lever, should devise some Order,
if it might be, to end all strife and contention.
These four assembled for that purpose. And, first.
Master Knox spake to the rest in this wise. * Forsomuch,'
saith he, ' as I perceive that no end of contention is to be
52
1555. The Truce of February 6th.
hoped for, unless the one part something relent ; this will
I do, for my part, that quietness may
ensue. I will shew my judgement how, as ^ mo es y o
I think, it may be best for the edification
of this poor Flock : which if ye will not accept nor follow,
after that I have discharged my conscience, I will cease ;
and commit the whole matter to be ordered by you, as you
will answer before Chkist Jesus at the Last Day, and to
this his Congregation in this life,' etc.
Whereupon, after some conference, an Order was agreed
upon : some part taken forth of the English Book ; and
other things put to, as the state of that Church required.
And this Order, by the consent of the Congregation,
should continue to the last of April following. If any
contention should arise in the mean time. This Order was
the matter then to be determined by these taken the 6th of
live notable learned men, to wit, Calvin, February [1555] .
MuscuLUS, Martyk, Bullinger, and Yiret.
This Agreement was put in writing. To that, all gave
their consents. This day was joyful. Thanks were given
to GOD. Brotherly reconciliation followed. Great
familiarity used. The former grudges seemed to be for-
gotten. Yea, the holy Communion wa's, upon this happy
agreement, also ministered. And this friendship continued
till the 13th of March following.
A
AT WHICH TIME [March 13, 1555],
Doctor Cox and others with him,
came to Frankfort out of England;
xi.ctii«aurt. who began to break that Order
which was agreed upon : first, in
answering aloud after the Minister, contrary to the Church's
determination ; and, being admonished thereof by the Seniors
of the Congregation, he, with the rest that came with him,
made answer. That they would do as they had done in Eng-
land ; and that they would have the face of an English Church.
And the Sunday following [March 17th], one of his
company, without the consent and knowledge of the Congre-
gation, got up suddenly into the pulpit, read the Litany ;
and Doctor Cox with his company answered aloud : whereby
the determination of the Church was broken.
The same Sunday, at afternoon, it came to Master
Knox his turn to preach : who, having passed so far in
Genesis, that he was come to Noah as he lay open in his
tent, he spake these words following :
* As divers things,' saith he, * ought to be kept secret ;
The eflfect even so such things as tend to the dishonour
Imbalance] of of GOD, and disquieting of His Church
Knox's Sermon. ought to be disclosed and openly reproved !'
And, thereupon, he shewed how, after long trouble and
contention among them, a godly Agreement was made ; and
how that the same, that day, was ungodly broken : * which
thing became not,' as he said, ' the proudest of them all to
have attempted.' Alleging furthermore that like as by the
Word of GOD, we must seek our warrant for the establish-
ing of Religion ; and, without that, to thrust nothing into
any Christian Congregation: so (forasmuch as in the English
Book were things both superstitious, unpure, and unperfect;
which he offered to prove before all men) he would not con-
sent that, of that Church it should be received — and that, in
case men would go about to burden that free Congregation
therewith ; so oft as he should come in that place, the text
54
1555. Knox's Sermon on March 17th.
offering occasion, he would not fail to speak against it.
He farther affirmed, That, among many things which
provoked GOD's anger against England, slackness to reform
Religion, when time and place was granted, was one : and
therefore it became them to be circumspect, how they laid
their foundation.
And where some men ashamed not to say, That there
was no let [liindrance^ or stop in England, but that
Religion might be, and was already, brought to perfection :
he proved the contrary,
By the want of Discipline ;
Also by the troubles which Master Hoopek sustained
for the Rochet and such like, in the Book commanded
and allowed.
And for that one man was permitted to have three,
four, or five, benefices ; to the great slander of the Gospel,
and defrauding of the Flock of Christ of their lively
[spiritual] food and sustenance.
These were the chief notes of his Sermon : which was
so stomached [resented] of some (especially Doctor Cox
of such as Ijad many Livings in England), sharply rebuked
that he was very sharply charged and him.
reproved, so soon as he came out of the pulpit, for the same.
The Tuesday following [March 19, 1555] was appointed
to talk of these things more at large.
When all were assembled ; earnest request was made,
That Doctor Cox with his company might be admitted to
have voices in the Congregation.
Answer was made by others,
That the matter yet in controversy among them,
ought first to be determined.
Secondly, That they should subscribe to the Disci-
pline, as others had done before them : g^^ that, they
and farther it was greatly suspected that refused ;
they had been, some of them, at Mass in and at length
England ; and that others had subscrihed overthrew it.
to wicked Articles (as one of them, shortly after, even
in the pulpit, sorrowfully confessed).
For these considerations, and such like ; the Congrega-
tion withstood the admission of Doctor Cox and his company.
Knox, at last, began to make intreaty that they might
Knox is turned out of his Ministry. 1555.
have their voices among the rest. To whose request,
when certain had yielded, they then be-
Master Jewel. . , , "^ i r.i • •. -i
came the greater part It he majority} ;
and so were, by them, admitted as members of the Church.
They thus admitted, by [became'] the
KNOX put out by ^^g^ p^-^^ Doctor Cox forthwith forbade
, ^ ^ ^^ . Knox to meddle any more in that Congre-
he brought m. _ •' '^
gation.
The next day, being Wednesday [March 20, 1655], Whit-
TINGHAM went to Master Johann a Glauberg, who was the
chief means in obtaining the Church, and brake the matter
unto him; declaring how that certain, now come out of Eng-
lajid, had forbidden their Minister appointed, to preach that
day, and intended to set up another: which he doubted would
not be well taken ; and therefore, lest any inconvenience
should hap, he thought good to make him privy thereto.
Whereupon, the said Magistrate sent immediately, and
gave commandment that there should no Sermon that day.
Afterward he sent for Yalerand [Poullain] , the French
Minister: commanding him that two learned men should
be appointed; and that he and they should consult and
agree upon some good Order, and to make report unto him
accordingly.
Then were appointed Doctor Cox and Lever of the
one side, and Knox and Whittingham on the other side, to
decide the matter. Yalerand was appointed to put down
in writing what they should agree upon. But when, in
this Conference, they came to the Order of Matins ; and that
Doctor Cox said. Ego volo habere : there could be no agree-
ment among them : and so they brake off.
Whereupon the Congregation drew up a Supplication
in Latin, and presented it to the said Master A Glauberg ;
requesting him to be a means that the same might be
considered of among the Senators : the English whereof
was as foUoweth.
The Supplication to the Senate.
LET IT NOT molest you, most grave and worthy Senators I that
your affairs are letted [hindered] with a few words; and lest
we should trouble you with prolixity, you shall understand the
matter briefly.
56
1555. The Church's Supplication to the Senate.
When your great and unspeakable humanity, through the Provi-
dence of GOD, had granted us a Church ; we undertook forthwith, as
became us, to consult about the Orders of the same, and to set out a
Liturgy.
And because we saw that in the prolix and ceremonious Book of
the Liturgy of England be many things (that we may speaJc no worse of
it) not most perfect ; it seemed best to reduce it to the perfect rule of
the Scriptures ; and to accommodate ourselves to To wit, the
the examples of that Church, wherein we teach, French Church,
and to whom we have subscribed.
But when this enterprize offended some of our countrymen,
although the greatest number agreed unto us, for that [because] we
would decline from the decrees of our elders ; hereupon there grew to
us, for a few months, no small trouble.
At the length, when there appeared no end, for peace and concord's
sake, we gave place to their will ; and suffered them, at their pleasure,
to pick out of their Book the chiefest or best things ; upon this con-
dition, that the same should continue without alteration, at the least
unto the last day of April [1555] . At the which day, if there should
any new contention arise ; that then all the matter should be referred
to these five notable men : Calvin, Musculus, Maetyr, Bullinger,
and ViRET.
What needeth many words. This condition was willingly accepted ;
and the Covenant rated [ratified] on both parts. A Writing was also
thereof, to testify the Promise made of the one to the other. Moreover,
thanks were given to GOD with great joy, and Common Prayers were
made: for that [because] men thought that day to be the end of
discord. Besides this, they received the Communion, as the sure token,
or seal, of their mutal agreement : which was omitted before, by the
space of three months [November 1554 — February 1555]. Valerand
[Poullain] , the French Minister, was partaker of this Communion, and
a furtherer of concord, and a witness of these things.
Now, of late days, certain of our countrymen came to us, who have
endeavoured, by all means, to obtrude that huge Volume of Ceremonies
upon us ; to break the Covenant ; and to overthrow the liberty of the
Church granted by your benevolence. And, no doubt, this they enter-
prize and mind to do under the title and name of your defence;
whereby they may abuse the authority of your name to satisfy their
lust [desire] .
We are here compelled to omit many things which would make for
our Cause, no less rightly than profitably : but we remit these to our
brethren for concord's sake.
57
The Church's Supplicatioti to the Senate. 1555.
You have here, most honourable Senators! a Brief Sum of our
Case and Contention; whereby you may easily understand what to
judge of the whole matter.
What manner of Book this is, for the which they so cruelly contend,
ye may consider by the Epistle that Calvin lately wrote unto us : in the
„^ ^ ^ which he hath signified his mind, as well plainly
The Letter ° ^ r ^
a rttle b f ^^ *^® Book, as also of the uprightness of our
Cause.
We could have pointed out unto you the foolish and fond things of
the Book : but, passing over an infinite number of things, this one will
we bring for many ; the which shall be necessary well to be marked.
Within these three years, arose a great conflict between the
Bishops of the Realm and the Bishop of Gloucester,
^ Master Hooper, a man worthy of perpetual memory,
hath been since , , ,,, -.-txt t-.^
^. ^ , . whom we hear to be burned of late ^on February
Kmg Edward his _
reign, as ye see. ^ ^^^^^ * "^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ Bishop by King
Edward, there was obtruded by other Bishops of
the same Order, according to the Book, a Rochet and a Bishop's robe.
This man, being well learned and a long time nourished and brought
up in Germany, as soon as he refused these proud things that fools
marvel at, was cast into prison : and, at length, (by their importunity)
overcome and relenting, he was compelled, to his shame, to give place
to their impudency ; with the common grief and sorrow of all godly minds.
' But wherefore speak you of these things ' will you say, ' that
appertaineth nothing to us ? '
Yea, verily, we think it toucheth you very much I For if these men,
armed by your authority, shall do what they list, this evil shall be in
time established by you ; and never to be redressed : neither shall there
for ever be any end of this Controversy in England. But if it would
please your honourable Authority to decree this moderation [arbitration]
between us. That this whole matter may be referred to the judgements
of the Ave above named : not we alone that are here present ; but
our whole posterity, yea, our whole English nation and all good men,
to the perpetual memory of your names, shall be bound unto you for
this great benefit.
We might have used more words in this Narration ; for we feared
not that we should lack reasons : but rather that time should fail you,
letted [hindered] with more serious business. Therefore we, by these
things, leave the rest to the consideration of your Wisdoms.
1555. The French Order enforced by the Senate.
The 22nd of March [1555], Master A Glauberg came to
the English Church, and shewed the Congregation, That it
was commanded them, by the Magistrates, (when, by his
procurement, the Church was granted) that they should
agree with the French Church, both in Doctrine and Cere-
monies ; and that they understood how the falling from that
Order had bred much dissension among them. Therefore,
he straitly charged and commanded, that from thence-
forth they should not dissent from that Order ! If they did,
as he had opened the Church door unto them ; so would he
shut it again ! And that such as would not obey thereunto,
should not tarry within that City. Willing them to consult
together out of hand ; and to give him an Answer before he
departed.
Doctor Cox then spake to the Congregation in this wise.
' I have,' said he, ' read the French Order ; and do think it to
be both good and godly in all points ' ; and therefore wished
them to obey the Magistrate's commandment. Whereupon
the whole Congregation gave consent. So as, before the
Magistrate departed the Church ; Doctor Cox, Lever, and
Whittingham, made report unto him accordingly.
Doctor Cox also, at that present, requested, That it would
please him, notwithstanding their ill behaviour, to shew
unto them his accustomed favour and goodness : which he
most gently and lovingly promised.
At the next meeting of the Congregation, that Order was
put in practice ; to the comfort and rejoicing of the most part.
Nevertheless, such as would so fain have had the Book
of England, left not the matter thus. And for that they
saw Knox to be in such credit with many of the Congre-
gation ; they first of all assayed, by a most cruel, barbarous,
and bloody, practice, to dispatch him out of the way, to the
end they might with more ease attain the thing which they
so greedily sought ; which was the placing of their Book.
They had among them a book of his, intituled, 'An
Admonition to Christians ',* written in the English
tongue ; wherein, by occasion, he spake of the Emperor
[Charles V.], Philip his son, and of Mary, then Queen
of England.
* ' A faithful Admonition made by John Knox unto the Professors of
GOD'S Truth in England, etc' The Colophon is ' Imprinted at Kalykow,
the 20th day of July, 1554.' E.A.
Knox is banished from Frankfort. isos.
This book certain of them presented to the Magistrates ;
who, upon receipt of the same, sent for Whittingham ; and
asked him of Knox their Minister, what manner of man he
was ?
Whittingham answered, That such a one there was
among them ; and, to his knowledge, both a learned, wise,
grave, and godly, man.
Then one of the Magistrates said unto him, ' Certain of
your countrymen have accused him unto us Lee see Majestatis
Imperatoriee ; that is, of High Treason
Knox accused • j xt_ td t.- j xi,
against the Emperor, his son, and the
Queen of England. Here is the book, and
the places which they have noted : the true and perfect
The places in all sense, we command you, suh peena pads,
were nine [see to bring unto US, in the Latin tongue, at
page 68], One of the clock in the afternoon.'
Which thing he did accordingly. At which time, after
certain communication among themselves, they commanded
that Knox should preach no more till their pleasure were
further known.
The words concerning the Emperor were these, spoken
in the pulpit in a town of Buckinghamshire, in the beginning
of Queen Mary's reign, as by the said book appeareth ; where
it is said :
' O, England I England 1 if thou wilt obstinately return into Egypt ;
that is, if thou contract marriage, confederacy, or league, with such
Princes as do maintain and advance Idolatry; such as the Emx)eror,
who is no less an enemy to Christ than Nero : If for the pleasure and
friendship, I say, of such Princes, thou return to thine old abominations
before used under Papistry : then assuredly, 0, England I thou shalt be
plagued and brought to desolation by the means of those whose favour
thou seekest; and by whom thou art procured to fall from Christ, and
serve Antichrist ! '
There were other eight places [see p. 68]; but this
was most noted, in that it touched the Emperor.
But it seemed the Magistrates abhorred this bloody,
cruel, and outrageous, attempt. For that when as certain of
Knox's enemies followed hardly the Magistrates, to know
what should be done with him: they did not only shew
most evident signs of disliking their unnatural suit ; but
60
1555. Knox leaves Frankfort on March 26th.
also sent for Masters Williams and Whittingham, willing
them that Master Knox should depart the
City. For otherwise, as they said, they ^ ^^^ ^ ^
should be forced to deliver him, if the
Emperor's Council, which then lay at Augsburg, should,^
upon like information, send for him.
The 25th of March [1555], Master Knox, being the
night before his departure, made a most comfortable Sermon,
at his lodging, to fifty persons, or thereabout, then present;
which Sermon was of the Death and Resurrection of Christ ;
and of the unspeakable joys which were prepared for GOD's
Elect, which, in this life, suffer trouble and persecution for
testimony of his blessed name.
The next day, he was brought three or four miles in his
way, by some of those unto whom, the night before, he had
made that Exhortation : who, with great heaviness of heart
and plenty of tears, committed him to the Lord.
6f
[John Knox's Account of his Banishment from
Frankfort, in March 1555-
David Calderwood in his ' History of the Kirk of Scotland,' says,
Thus have I, word by word, collected out of a book, entitled, ' A
Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort,' the troubles of
Master Knox for opponing to [opposing] the English Service Book, in
the year 1554 ; that the Reader may perceive what light he had, when
light was striving with darkness in Scotland. But "because, in this
printed book, there is but one place of many which were alleged out of
his book, by his Accusers ; I have set down more fully that part of the
History, as he himself hath set it down with his own hand.
OUR AGREEMENT WAS signified to the Con-
gregation, accepted, and allowed, by the same, to
take place to the last day of April ; and then, if
any contention should arise, that the matter
should be referred to the determination of five
Learned Men [Calvin, Musculus, Martye, Bullinger, and
Viret] : as a Writing made upon this Agreement does testify.
Herewith all men seemed pleased. No man did speak
against it. Thanks were given to GOD. The Lord's Supper
was ministered. The Order by us appointed was used ; well
liked by many, and by none reproved.
Till some of those that came amongst us, before they
desired to be admitted of the Church, did begin to break
the Order : whereof they were by the Seniors and others
admonished ; but no amendment appeared. For they were
admonished not to murmur aloud when the Minister prayed:
but they would not give place ; but quarrelled, and said.
They would do as they had done in England ; and their
Church should have an English face. The Lord grant it to
have the face of Christ's Church ! which is the only
matter that I sought, GOD is my record ! And therefore I
would have had it agreeable in outward Rites and Cere-
monies with Christian Churches Reformed.
62
[1555. Knox's Account of his banishment.]
But to be short. In the midst of these troubles, Master
Levek (unmindful of his Promise and all our Agreement)
uttereth himself to favour their Party. For he, hearing
and seeing their open misdemeanours, would never reprove
them ; nor (being admonished by me and the Seniors, that
he should persuade them to cease from the breaking of the
Order of the Congregation) did anything esteem our reasons
or requests ; neither yet the offence of the country : but
began to treat \_solicit^ that the Litany, which answered
Ihad responses~\ , might be used.
To whom, when it was answered by the Seniors, That it
might not be done without breaking of the Decree of Congre-
gation ; I said plainly. If any such thing should be done, it
should be without my consent. And, furthermore (perceiving
Master Lever not so mindful of his Promise, nor careful for
that small number that called him to be Pastor, as, me-
thought, his duty and charge required), I laboured with
Monsieur Valerandus Pollanus, a Minister of the French
Church, that he should admonish him to keep Promise
made to the Congregation ; and that he should not serve
the affections of Man to the contrair [contrary^ .
Notwithstanding, the Sunday next following [March
17], not consulting with any man that was in Office,
to the great grief and trouble of the Congregation, Master
Lever brought in one to preach, who had been at Mass in
England, and had subscribed to blasphemous Articles : who
read the Litany in the pulpit, the people answering. And
so the determination agreed and determined by the whole
Church was broken ; as appeareth, by [the] subtle under-
mining of Master Lever : who ought of the same to have
been Patron and Defender, as he was chosen by them
Minister and Pastor.
These things done. Orders being broken, and Promises
also, in contempt of that Church whereof I was Minister ;
and certain invectives made by Master Lever and others
against us, who withstood the unprofitable Ceremonies : it
coming to my course, the same day, after noon, to preach,
I was moved in heart, and desired by divers, to defend the
authority of the Church, mine own doctrine, and their
doings who were unworthily accused in the selfsame place
where the crimes were committed ; ' because,' they truly
said, ' such public offences ought not by the Preacher to be
overpassed.'
[Knox's Account of his banishment. 1555.]
Therefore, at the time appointed for the Sermon, by
occasion, I began to declare what opinion I had sometime of
the English Book; what moved me from the same; and
what was my opinion presently [now'] .
' I had once a good oi)inion of the Book,' I said ; ' but
even so,' I added, * like as yours is at the present, that it
ought not in all points to be observed. Then afterwards,
by the stubbornness of such men as would defend the whole,
and the deeper consideration of the damage that might
ensure thereof ; and by contemplation of our estate, which
requireth all our doings to have open defence of the Scrip-
tures, especially in GOD's service to admit nothing without
GOD's Word, I was driven away from my first opinion : and
now do I tell them plainly. That as, by GOD's Book, they
must seek our warrant for Religion ; and without that, we
must thrust nothing into any Christian Congregation ; so,
because I do find in the English Book (which they so highly
praise and advance above all other Orders) things super-
stitious, impure, unclean, and unperfect (the which I offered
myself ready to prove, and to justify, before any man) ;
therefore I could not agree that their Book should be of our
Church received.
And furthermore, I told them, That it became not the
proudest of them all to enterprize the breach of any Order
within that Church gathered in the name of Chkist ; because
he was Head among them: and this I would also justify.
At which time also, I put them in remembrance of the Order
taken : and added, moreover. That though we had changed
countries, GOD had not changed his nature. Wherefore, if
we from England brought the same vices that we had in
England, and obstinately did continue in the same ; his
justice must needs here punish us Germany also; and trans-
late us beyond the places of our expectation, as were some-
times the Israelites beyond Babylon.
Among many sins that moved GOD to plague England,
I affirmed that slackness to reform Religion, when the time
and place was granted, was one ; and therefore that it did
become us to be circumspect, how we did now lay our
foundations, and how we went forward.
^ And because that some men nothing ashamed to say,
and affirm openly. That there was no impediment nor stop
in England, but that Religion might go forth and grow to
the purity ; and that it was already brought to perfection :
64
[1555. Knox's Account of his banishment.]
I reproved this opinion as fained \_feigned'] and untrue :
By the lack of Discipline ; which is not in the Book,
neither could in England be obtained.
And by the trouble that Master Hoopee sustained
for the Rochet and such trifles; in the Book allowed.
As also, by that which appeared in all men's eyes, That
one man was permitted to have [the] power of five
Benefices : to the slander of the Gospel, and defraudation
of Christ's Flock of their lively [spiritual] food and
sustenance.
How this Sermon did exasperate the minds of men, by
the instigation of some that seemed to be touched there-
with ; and how I am reported of, for the same : though I
keep silence, the common bruit declareth.
Upon my complaint and accusation of Order and
Promise broken, was the Congregation, the same night,
assembled : wherein Master Lever and Doctor Cox accusing
me, I was suffered to say little, for the shortness of the
time; and the Tuesday following was appointed for the
disputation of the same.
To the which, when we assembled, no mention was
made of the principal matter ; but request was made.
That such as were lately come to the Congregation should be
admitted to have voices in the Congregation.
Answer was made :
That the Question depending ought first to be
determined.
Secondly. That they should subscribe to [the]
Ecclesiastical Discipline, as others their brethren had done
before them ; and so they should be admitted.
The which two things being denied and refused ; it was
again required, That such men amongst them as were known
to have been at Mass, and to have subscribed to idolatrous
Articles, and to have behaved themselves slanderously in
Christ's Cause and matters of Religion, should first, of
conscience, either purge them [selves] , or shew some sign
of repentance, before the Congregation.
*Fie! Nay! This was abominable injury!' say they: and,
departing twice or thrice, they seemed to be much offended.
The most part of the Congregation denied their
admission.
1 Whittingham 5 65
[Knox's Account of his banishment. 1555.]
I only [alone^ made intercession that they should be
admitted ; and obtained that which I requested.
I said these words, ' I know that your earnest desire to
be received, at this instant, within the number of the
Congregation is, because that, by the multitude of your
voices, you [may] justify a Promise-Breaker ; and so over-
throw my Cause. Howbeit, the matter is so evident, that
ye shall not be able to do it. Wherefore, I fear not your
judgement; and therefore do I require that ye might be
admitted/
Wherefore I did convict the Promise to be broken or
no (because time doth not suffer to prosecute these matters),
I partly remit \_refer] to the conscience of the adversary,
partly to their report to whom the Promise was made, to
whom then I appealed.
In the end of this matter, I was discharged to preach
\^froin preaching'] ; and that, with \hy the] authority of
Doctor Cox and such others as then had no authority in
the Congregation : but usurped for their well doing
in England.
The days following, the Sermon was delayed [siis'pended]
by commandment of the Magistrate; and Doctor Cox, Master
Lever, Master Whittingham, and I, were appointed to con-
sult of some godly Order: which we did, by the space of two
days, in the house of Valerandus Pollanus ; in the which
reasoning, what soberness was found in me, I refer to those
notes which Monsieur Valerand did take in writ[ing] of
our argument.
But the third day, when the Order of Matins, to begin
always with, Domine labia, Deus in adjutorium, et Deus
laudamus, and other prescript words, not read in Scripture,
was called an Order borrowed of the Papists and Papistical :
then began the Tragedy, and our consultation ended. Who
was most blame-worthy, GOD shall judge! and if I spake
fervently, to GOD was I fervent!
During the time of these our Controversies ; one Master
[Edward] Isaack, of [Patricksbourn,] of Kent, cometh to my
house, to move me to relent from my earnestness against
[1555. Knox's Account of his banishment.]
the Book ; and promiseth me favour : if not, he threateneth
somewhat to follow.
My answer was, That I could wish my name to perish,
so that GOD's Book and his glory might only be sought
amongst us.
But, afterwards, this same Master Isaack, by the counsel
of some [Protestant] Priests, who seemed to be sore
offended with my Sermon, devised how to have me cast into
prison : and he reported. He knew well I should not escape !
So, seeking their old shot-anker [sheet-anchor'], they
cried against me, Non est amicus Ccesaris ! ' He is not
Caesar's friend!' The which dart the Devil doth ever shoot,
by the craft of [the] Priests, against the true Preachers. For
when neither doctrine, nor life, can be reproved in Christ
and his Saints ; yet this serveth at all assays ! Yea, though
they love not the Emperor no more than did the old
Pharisees ; yet, for hatred of their brethren, they can
produce such cautels \_quirks, stratagems'] . O, Lord GOD !
open their hearts that they may see their wickedness ; and
forgive them, for thy manifold mercies ! and I forgive them,
O, Lord ! from the bottom of my heart.
But that thy message, sent by my mouth, should not
be slandered ; I am compelled to declare the cause of my
departing : and so to utter their follies, to their amendment
I trust ; and the example of others who, in the same banish-
ment, can have so cruel hearts to persecute their brethren.
To be short. The said Master IsAACK, and one Parry,
late Chancellor of [the Cathedral Church of] Salisbury, (by the
counsel of Doctor Cox, Doctor Bale, [Richard] Turner of
Windsor, Jewel of Oxford, and others) accused me before the
Magistrates, in Nine Articles, of High Treason against the
Emperor [Charles V.]; his son Philip, King of Spain;
and the Queen of England.
My words are these that follow, in a book, named,
* The Admonition of Christians, concerning the present
Troubles of England.'*
First, speaking against Idolaters, and how they ought, by the
express command of GOD, to be put to death; and yet reserved by
GOD's Providence, I said :
* A faithful Admonition made by
John Knox unto the Professors of
GOD's Truth in England, etc. The
Colophon is, ' Imprinted at Kalykow,
the 20th day of July, 1554.'— E. A.
67
[Knox's Account of his banishment. 1555.]
1. If Mary and her Councillors had been sent to Hell before these
days, her cruelty should not have so manifestly appeared to
the World.
2. Jesabel never erected half so many gallows in all Israel, as
mischievous Mary hath done within London alone.
3. Would any of you have confessed, two years ago, that Mary,
your Mirror, had been false, dissembling, inconstant, proud,
and a breaker of promise, except such promises as she made
to your God the Pope, to the great shame and dishonour of
her noble father ?
4. The love of her native country could not move that wicked
woman's heart to pity.
6. She declareth herself an open Traitoress to the realm of
England : contrary to the just laws of the same, to bring in
a stranger, and make a proud Spaniard, King ; to the destruc-
tion of the Nobility, and subversion of the realm.
6. If GOD had suffered her, for our scourge, and her cruel Council,
to come to authority, etc.
7. Under an English name, she beareth a Spaniard's heart.
8. Much trouble in England for the establishing of this wicked
Woman's authority; I mean, of her that now reigneth, in
GOD's wrath, etc.
9. Marriage ought not to be contracted with those that are
maintainers of Idolatry ; such as the Emperor, who is no less
enemy to Christ than was Nero.
These places being noted in my book to the Magistrates,
I was commanded by them to stay from Preaching : and yet,
being desirous to hear others, I went to the Church the next
day ; not thinking that my company would have offended
any. But, as soon as my Accusers saw me; they, with
Doctor Cox and others, departed from the Sermon : some of
them protesting, with great vehemency, that they could not
tarry where I was present.
After a few days, the said IsAACK and the said Jewel
laboured with the Magistrate for sentence and judgement;
whereupon they sent foi^ Master Williams and Master
Whittingham, and commanded them that they should
desire me to depart the City.
Thus have ye briefly, the cause of my departure ; the
cause of my Sermon, and the effect of the same; §;nd all my
public matters ; without any purgation of myself, or argu-
es
[1556. Knox's Account of his banishment.]
ment made for my own defence. One day, I do purpose, by
the grace of GOD, to handle this matter more at large.
[This was never done.']
And now, dear Brethren ! I do bid you all, Farewell
in the Lord, the living GOD ! beseeching you to stand
fast in that doctrine that ye have of me received ; for
I taught you not Man, nor Man's fantasies [fancies y
vagaries'] ; but, as I learned of the Lord, the true Word
of GOD. If I had cast me [designed] to please men;
I had not been the servant of GOD. If I had been a man-
pleaser ; men would not have persecuted me : but so little
do I repent [of] anything that they lay unto my charge,
forth of the book, called, 'The Admonition of Christians,'
either yet of my Sermon, either of any part of my doctrine
or public doings ; that, if GOD shall grant time, the World
shall know; and so be better able to judge of my whole
proceedings there. [This was never done.]
David Calderwood's MS. History; now
Add. MS. 4,734, pp. 214-218, in the British
Museum. Reprinted in D. Laing's ' Works
of John Knox,' iv. 41-49. Ed. 1864.]
T
HE VERY SAME day, being the
Many of the I ^Btli of March, one Adolphus
Learned Men were i /-. / tn ^ j. t ->
, I Glauberg (a Doctor of Law ; and
now come from ■ _ , ^,^ -r *
aU places nephew to Master JoHANN A
Glauberg, the Senator), whom
Doctor Cox and the rest had won unto them, sent for
Whittingham, and told him, That there were presented
to the Magistrates three Doctors, thirteen Bachelors, of
Divinity, besides others ; and that the Magistrates, at their
suits, had granted them the full use of the English Book :
commanding and charging him therefore not to meddle any
more to the contrary; for, as he said, it was fully concluded
that so it should be.
And supposing that Whittingham would let [7/ inder'] it
This adolphus ^^^* ^® might, the next day again [27th
was before this March] , he sent for him home to his house ;
time, a great where he gave the like charge : Doctor
furtherer of the Cox and others being present, by whose
Church, and the procurement the same was done.
Orders of the WHITTINGHAM answered. That if it
same ; howsoever were SO concluded, he would willingly
he was turned. obey: not doubting but that it might be
lawful for him and others to join themselves to some other
Church.
But Doctor Cox besought the Lawyer, that it might
not so be suffered. Whereto Whittingham answered. That
it would be too great cruelty to force men, contrary to their
consciences, to obey all their disorderly doings. Offering
that, if it would please the Magistrates to give him and
others the hearing ; they would dispute the matter against
all the contrary part, and prove that the Order which they
sought to establish ought not to take place in any Reformed
Church.
The Doctor of Law made a plain Answer, That Dis-
putation there should be none ; using his former words of
charging and commanding not to deal further in that matter.
70
1555. Adolphus Glauberg, Doctor of Laws.
When as the Congregation heard of the cruel, and more
than tyrannical, dealings of this Doctor ; Mark the placing
Master Gilby, and others with him, were of the EngUsh
sent to Master Johann a Glauberg, by Book ; and of the
whose commandment, as ye heard, they rejecting the
had received the French Order, putting other i
him in remembrance of the same ; and shewing him that
certain lately come among them, had sought, as they were
credibly informed, to overthrow their Church, by placing the
English Book among them.
To this Master Glauberg made answer, That he was
informed how both parties were fully agreed and contented ;
and that thereupon he had committed the whole matter to
the Lawyer his cousin. Then he asked for Whittingham.
It was answered, That strait charge was given him, that
he should meddle no more in that matter. Mark this
The Magistrate asked again. Of whom practice !
he had that commandment ? And when it was told him,
that the Doctor his cousin had given him that charge ; he
then began very gently to persuade with Master Gilby and
the rest, that they should be contented ; and he would see
that nothing should be used but that which should be
tolerable.
And so Master Gilby with the rest departed.
71
THE 28th OF MARCH [1555], Doctor Cox assembled
all such as had been Priests and Ministers in
England to his lodging ; and there declared how the
Magistrates had granted them the use of the
English Book, and that he thought it requisite
that they should consult together, whom they thought
At length, they most meet to be Bishop, Superintendent,
agreed upon the or Pastor ; with the rest of the Officers,
name, Pastor ! as Seniors, Ministers, and Deacons.
Whereunto Master Chkistophek Goodman answered.
That his opinion was. That they ought first to agree upon
some perfect and godly Order for the Church ; and thereto
to have the consent of the Congregation : whereby it might
appear that they contemned not the rest of their brethren.
And farther to proceed to the Election ; which he thought
also ought not to be attempted without the consent of the
whole Church.
To this was answered. That for the Order, it was
already determined; and other Order than the Book of
England they should not have.
So that the persuasions of Goodman nothing at all
prevailed; neither in the one thing or the other.*
Yea, the proceedings of sundry persons, which I could
name, were such as if there had been neither Orders,
Officers, or Church, there before their coming ; or any
Promise to be kept of their parts after their coming : as
may more plainly appear to the Reader by this Letter
following, written by Master Whittingham to a friend of his
in England ; which Letter is, of his own hand, to be seen.
* This was an Election of the Clergy
by the Clergy; in which the Laity
had practically no part. The punish -
72
ment of this act of usuri)ation came
in the Troubles later. — E.A.
1565. Whittingham's Letter of April.
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, through Oheist our Lord.
AS YOU REQUIRE a brief Answer to your short Letter ; so neither
time permitteth, nor I intend, to trouble you farther than the
very necessity of the matter asketh. An Answer to a
And, first, for that ye seem to hang in such Letter sent him
extreme perplexity : partly because of sundry talks, o^it of England.
and divers Letters of men of good credit, which causeth you not a little
to marvel ; and partly by reason of the good opinion once conceived,
and yet retained, of certain persons both godly and learned, which
maketh you to doubt — I think it best, briefly and simply to open a few
chief points; upon the which the rest of the matter dependeth.
After certain months that we had lived here in great consolation
and quietness ; it chanced that, as our number did increase, so some
entered in which busily undermined our liberty, and laboured to over-
throw our Discipline : which troubles grew at length in so great
quantity, that, by the greatest part, it was concluded, That no man
should need hereafter to subscribe to any Discipline ; forasmuch as
they presupposed that none would come hither which should have need
thereof. Which done, they altered our Orders in Prayers and other
things ; thinking to bring in place the full use of the great English
Book [great, because it ivas printed in Folio] : which, notwithstanding,
by reason of divers imperfections, we could not admit. So that, to
grow to a common concord, it was agreed, and the name of GOD
invocated, that the whole matter should be referred to Master Calvin,
Master MusouLUS, Master Martye, Master Bullinger, and Master
ViRET : that both parties should draw [up] their Orders ; and that to be
received which, by the judgements of these five excellent men, should
be thought most agreeable to a Reformed Church. In the meantime,
every man to stand content with that Order which was then agreed
upon.
But, within few days after, this determination was broken. A
stranger [was] craftily brought in to preach, who had both been at Mass,
and [had] also subscribed to blasphemous Articles. Many taunting
bitter Sermons were made, as they thought, to our defacing [disgrace] :
insomuch that Master Knox, being desired thereunto of divers, was
enforced to purge himself in sundry points ; and spake his mind freely
in the piilpit, as well in reproving certain parts of the English Book as
declaring the punishment of GOD which partly had light [ed] upon our
country for slackness in Religion : so as they seemed to take the matter
so to heart that, by their false delation [accusation] in accusing him,
before the Magistrates, of treason against the Emperor and the Queen,
in a certain book of his written to our countrymen of England, he was
commanded to depart.
73
Whittingham's Letter of April. isss.
And the Magistrates (understanding their fetches [tricJcs], and
greedy searching of their own glory ; who seemed to spare no kind of
contention to purchase the same) commanded that we should receive
the French Order ; which is according to the Order of Geneva, the
purest Reformed Church in Christendom. Whereupon all agreed ; and
Doctor Cox with others, commending the same to the Congregation,
gave thanks to the Magistrate in all our names.
Here you may note their double faces ; who, bearing the Magistrate
in hand {jpersuading him] that they received his commandment joy-
fully, privily practised, and so laboured underhand, that they made
this Magistrate unsay: and so obtained their Book. Promising not-
withstanding, both to the Magistrate and certain of the Congregation,
as well to prove by the Word of GOD so much of the Book as they
would use ; as also to set forth the same writing ; that they, before the
foresaid Order should be changed, might judge of the equity thereof.
But, preferring the joy of their unhoped-for victory before their promise,
[they] did neither the one, because they could not ; neither the other,
because they durst not. And yet have they not made an end of their
triumph. For, beginning in March, not only to neglect all Orders in
the Election of their Ministers and other Officers ; but also to scoff and
taunt others in their daily Sermons : [they] do not yet cease, as now
appeareth by their slanderous and lying Letters.
But to the end that we might be delivered from this unsupportable
yoke, GOD, of his mercy, hath provided better for us; and for this
incommodity hath granted us a double benefit : insomuch that, contrary
to their hope, he hath not only at Basle moved the Magistrates' hearts
towards us in granting us a Church ; but also at Geneva, where as
GOD'S Word is truly preached, manners best reformed, and in earth the
chiefest place of true comfort.
Thus, in few lines, I have gone about to satisfy your request:
bearing with time, which hasteth ; and also following mine own judg-
ment, which persuadeth me rather to give you a taste of things, which
I (moved in conscience) write as most true ; than to fill you with the
whole Discourse : which, if this may not suffice, you may by continu-
ance have at your commandment.
Pray for us, Brother 1 in this, our banishment, that the fruits of this
uncorruptible Seed may spring most abundantly 1 as we pray continu-
ally. That our heavenly Father would so strengthen you with his
spirit of boldness, that you may not only resist, but also triumph
over, all your enemies ; to the glory of GOD, and the confusion of our
adversaries.
74
1555. BuUinger's opinion of the Prayer Book.
Know, before you judge ; and believe not all fleeing tales I Keep
one ear open ; and report thee the best !
Yours,
William Whittingham.
Where as Master Whittingham, in this his letter,
maketh mention of a Church granted them both at Basle
and Geneva ; it is to be noted, that he himself was the man
which the oppressed Congregation required to travail
[labour] therein ; and, through GOD's great mercy, obtained
it, with great favour. Who, in his journey, passed by
Zurich, to know of Master Bullingek, What he thought of
the Book of England ? For that H. (who had reported to
Masters Williams, Whittingham, Gilby, and others. That
Ckanmer, Bishop of Canterbury, had drawn up a Book of
Prayer a hundred times more perfect than this that we now
have, the same could not take place ; for that [because']
he was matched with such a wicked Clergy and Convocation,
with other enemies) ; even H, I say, yet stood in this. That
BuLLiNGER did like well of the English Order ; and had it
in his Study.
But when Whittingham had demanded that question ;
BuLLiNGER told him. That indeed Master H. and Master C.
asked his judgement concerning certain points of that Book
(as Surplice, Private Baptism, Churching of Women, the
Ring in Marriage, with such like), which, as he said, he
allowed not : and that he neither could, if he would ; neither
would, if he might ; use the same in his Church, whatsoever
had been reported.
75
WHITTINGHAM PASSING FROM thence to
Geneva ; Master Calvin shewed him a Letter
sent from Doctor Cox and from fourteen
[? nine] more of Frankfort ; in which Letter,
they partly excused themselves that they put
Order in their Church without his counsel asked ; and
partly rejoicing for that they had, as they said, brought tJie
most part that had withstood their doings, to their opinion—
which, notwithstanding, was far otherwise.
They wrote also, that they had elected a Pastor [,David
Whitehead] , two Ministers, four Seniors, and two Deacons,
etc. : but how partially they proceeded in their Elections
(those that were in Office neither discharged, nor yet
their consents required), I leave to the consciences of them
which saw those disorders.
[We are able to give the text of this Letter.
Richard Cox and others to John Calvin.
GREETING. AFTER THAT our very dear brother, Thomas
Sampson, had communicated to us, sometime since, the Letter
that you wrote to him, touching our common controversy
with certain brethren ; we considered it a mark of our duty
and regard to you, to inform you, as early as possible, of all that has
been done, and with what design.
But though it may perhaps seem to you somewhat late to write to
you, when the matter is altogether brought to a termination ; yet we
implore you, by Jesus Christ, not to suppose that the delay has arisen
from any desire unduly to undervalue your authority. For it both is,
and ought to be, most highly esteemed and regarded, not only by our-
selves, but by the World at large. But since your Reverence was many
days' journey distant from us ; and because there was great hope that
all that controversy could be settled with less inconvenience between
the brethren themselves: we were unwilling to disturb your most
important meditations by our trifling and domestic concerns.
76
[1555. The Anglican Church's Letter to Calvin.]
But though we are very loath to suspect our brethren of anything
that savours of insincerity ; we are nevertheless somewhat afraid that
the whole affair and case has not been set before you with sufficient
explicitness. For neither are we so entirely wedded to our country as
not to be able to endure any customs differing from our own ; nor is
the authority of those Fathers and Martyrs of Christ so much regarded
by us, as that we have any scruple in thinking, or acting, in opposition
to it. And we have not only very frequently borne witness to this by
our assertions ; but have, at length, proved it by our actions.
■ For when the Magistrates lately gave us permission to adopt the
Rites of our native country ; we freely relinquished all those Ceremonies
which were regarded by our brethren as offensive and inconvenient.
For we gave up Private Baptisms, Confirmation of Children, Saints
Days, Kneeling at the Holy Communion, the Linen Surplices of the
Ministers, Crosses, and other things of the like character. And we gave
them up, not as being impure and Papistical, which certain of our
brethren often charged them with being : but, where as they were in
their own nature indifferent, and either ordained, or allowed, by godly
Fathers for the edification of our people ; we, notwithstanding, chose
rather to lay them aside, than to offend the minds, or alieniate the
affections, of the brethren.
We retain, however, the remainder of the Form of Prayer and of
the Administration of the Sacraments, which is prescribed in our
Book: and this with the consent of almost the whole Church; the
judgement of which, in matters of this sort we did not think should be
disregarded.
With the consent likewise of the same Church, there was forthwith
appointed One Pastor, Two Preachers, Four Elders, Two Deacons : the
greatest care being taken that every one should be at perfect liberty to
vote ; except only, that, by the command of the Magistrate, before the
Election took place, were set forth those Articles published lately,*
by the authority of King Edwaed, which contained a Summary
of our Doctrine ; and which we were, all of us, required to subscribe.
' For what kind of an Election,' they said, ' must be expected ; unless the
voters shall previously have agreed as to Doctrine ? '
Certain parties, who had before manifested some objection,
subscribed to these Articles of their own accord. Some few declined
doing so ; of whose peaceableness, nevertheless, we entertain good
hope.
* A short Catechism (by Bishop I Learned Men, in the last Convocation
John Poynet). To this Catechism
are adjoined, The Articles agreed
upon by the Bishops and other
at London in the year 1552. London,
1553.— E. A.
77
Calvin's Reply to the Anglican Church. 1555.
We have thought fit to write thus fully to your Kindness, that you
might ascertain the whole course of our proceedings from ourselves.
Our Liturgy is translated into French ; and the Articles above-
mentioned have very lately been printed at Zurich.
Did we not suppose that they would easily be met with among you ;
we would take care that copies should be forwarded [to] you.
But we pray your Kindness not to imagine that we have aimed at
anything else, throughout this whole business, (and this we testify
before the Lord !) than the purification of our Church ; and the avoiding
of most grievous stumbling-blocks which otherwise seemed to be
hanging over us.
May the Lord Jesus very long preserve your Piety to us, and to his
Church 1 Farewell !
Frankfort, April 5 [1555] .
Your Piety's most devoted English exiles,
Richard Cox. Edwin Sandys. Thomas Lever.
David Whitehead. Edmund Grindal. Thomas Sampson.
Richard Alvey. John Bale.
Thomas Becon. Robert Horne.
Original Letters, 753-755. Ed 1846-7. (Parker Society.)*]
To this Letter of theirs, the contents whereof are above
touched ; IVlaster Calvin answered in this wise.
To the Worshipful my loving Brethren in the Lord, Master Richard
Cox and the rest of the Englishmen which now remain at Frankfort.
PERADVENTURE, I ANSWER your Letter, Worshipful Friends,
and Brethren, more slowly than either ye hoped, or looked for :
but forsomuch as ye know the ways, for a time, so to be beset
with thieves that no messenger almost could pass from hence
to you, the excuse of my long delay towards you shall be the easier.
I expressed my mind frankly to our beloved brother, Thomas
Sampson, of that whereof I was informed by the Letters of certain men
as touching the Contention unluckily stirred up among you. For certain
of my friends found themselves grieved that you would so precisely
urge the Ceremonies of England ; whereby it might appear that ye are
more given and addict [ed] to your own country than reason would.
I confess that I heard certain reasons alleged on your behalf, which
♦This Letter is signed by two \ Bishops, Bale, Cox, and Horne;
men who became Archbishops, j while Whitehead had refused the
Grindal and Sandys; and by three I Archbishopric of Armagh. — E.A.
78
1555. Calvin's Reply to the Anglican Church.
would not suffer you to depart from, the received Order : but they might
be soon and easily confuted. Now, as I counselled mine own friends
which dissented from you, somewhat to yield, if they might conve-
niently ; so it offended me, that there was nothing granted or relented
on your parts. Because there was no man named unto me ; I durst not
entoj-prise to meddle with the matter, lest my credit should incur the
suspect [suspicion] of rashness. Now that ye are more mild and tract-
able in this Controversy, and that ye have, as ye say, stilled the matter
with quietness ; I am very glad.
Verily, no man, well instructed, or of a sound judgement, will deny,
as I think, that Lights, and Crossings, or such like trifles, sprang, or
issued, out of Superstition. Whereupon I am persuaded that they
which retain these Ceremonies in a free choice, or when they may
otherwise do, they are over-greedy and desirous to drink of the dregs :
neither do I see to what purpose it is, to burden the Church with
trifling and unprofitable Ceremonies, or as I may term them with their
proper name, hurtful and ostensible Ceremonies ; when as there is
liberty to have a simple and pure Order. But I keep in, and refrain
myself ; lest I should seem to begin to move a new Contention of that
matter which, as you report, is well ended.
All good men will allow the Pastors' and other Ministers' Elections
with common voices : so that none [can] complain that the other part of
the Church was oppressed fraudently, and with crafty practices. For it
standeth your Wisdoms in hand to consider, That how much commodity
the goodness of the Senate doth deserve ; so much envy shall you be
guilty of, or charged withal, if you have abused their lenity or gentle-
ness, which were so well affected towards your nation. Yet I would
not have this so taken, that I go about to be prejudicial to any man:
but I had rather shew plainly what may be said ; than to nourish an
ill opinion by silence, or in holding my peace. But certainly this one
thing I cannot keep secret, that Master Knox was, in my judgement,
neither godly nor brotherly dealt withal. If he were accused by the
subtle suggestion of certain ; it had been better for them to have tarried
still in their own land, than unjustly to have brought into far countries
the flrebrand of cruelty to set on fire those that would not be kindled.
Nothwithstanding, because it grieveth me [even] to speak slightly of
these evils, the remembrance whereof I would wish to be buried in
perpetual f orgetfulness ; therefore I only counsel you, not without a
cause, to be wounded [? minded] that ye apply yourselves to make them
amends for the fault committed.
When I heard that the one party was minded to depart from thence ;
I earnestly admonished them, as it became me, that They began
if they could not well remain there, that the distance prettily.
79
Calvin's Reply to the Anglican Church. 1555.
of place should not dissipate, or rent in sunder, their brotherly agree-
ment; for I feared much, lest that some privy grudge of the former
Contention remained. And certainly nothing could more comfort my
heart than to be delivered from this fear. For if any [should] haply
come to us ; it would grieve me that there should be, as it were, but a
suspicion of any secret debate between you.
Therefore, as touching that ye have written of your agreement ; I
desire that it may be firm and stable : that if it chance the one part to
go to another place ; yet that you, being so sundered by distance of
places, may keep sure the holy band of amity : for the fault already
committed is too much, although through discord it creep no further.
Wherefore it shall well beseem your Wisdoms, that ye may be friends,
to purge diligently whatsover remaineth of this breach.
Fare ye well. Brethren 1 The Lord succour you with his aid ; and
govern you with his Spirit 1 pour his blessings upon you, and mitigate
the sorrow of your exile 1
From Geneva, this last of May, anno 1555.
Yours,
John Calvin.
[For the Anglican Church at Frankfort's Reply, of September 20,
1555, to this Letter ; see pp. 87-93.]
Because that Master Calvin, in his Letter, maketh
mention of Lights ; some might gather that he was untruly
informed that, in the English Book, Lights were prescribed ;
the contrary whereof appeareth by the description before :
where it is manifest to such as be learned, that he useth
the Figure, Auxesis ; and that this is his argument a inajore
ad minus, Forsomuch as Lights and Crossings be two of
the most ancientest Ceremonies, having continued in the
Church above thirteen hundred years, are yet, for such
causes, abolished: how much more ought all others that
have not had the like continuance, and [are] yet abused, be
utterly removed 1
[But see page 88.]
AND FOR THAT [because^ Master Calvin, in his
Letter, earnestly wished that all strife should cease ;
and that if any were minded to depart, their
departure might be such as all occasions of offence
might be cut off and clean taken away : it was
thought good to such as were determined to go away within
three weeks after, to follow his counsel ; and the rather, for
thajt some, which took themselves to be Learned, had openly
termed their departure, a Schism.
Whereupon, they wrote to the Pastor, Ministers, and
whole Congregation, this Letter following ; and delivered it
in the open Congregation.
Forsomuch as, through the benefit of GOD, we have obtained a
Church in another place ; we thought it good to advertise you of the
same. And to the intent that not only slanderous reports may cease,
but also if any offence be either taken or given, the same may come to
trial ; we desire that you, for your part, would appoint Two Arbiters
[Arbitrators] ; and we shall appoint other Two : who, hearing our
matters thoroughly opened, may witness where the fault resteth. At
which time, we will undertake to defend our departure to be lawful ;
contrary to the slanderous reports of some, which unlearnedly term it,
a Schism.
Thus far, Brethren, we thought good to signify unto you, thinking
this to be the only means of our mutual quietness ; whereof how
desirous we are, our tedious and chargeable journey may be a sufficient
proof: being thoroughly persuaded that hereby Strife may be ended,
Charity revived, Friendship continued, GOD's glory advanced, and our
brethren edified.
Fare ye well, this 27th of August [1555] .
William Williams.
William Whittingham.
Anthony Gilby.
Christopher Goodman.
Thomas Cole.
John Fox.
1 Whittingham
Thomas Wood.
William Kethb.
John Kelke.
John Hilton.
Christopher Soothous.
Nicholas Purfoot.
John Escot.
Thomas Crofton.
William Walton.
Laurence Kent.
John Hollingham.
Anthony Carier.
81
The Calvinists appeal to Arbitration. i556.
When [David Whitehead,] the Pastor had read this
Letter to the Congregation, and was desired to know when
they should have an Answer ; he said unto them, That so
far as he perceived, it required none but that which might
be presently made: which was. That they might depart;
seeing they were so minded.
It was replied, That forsomuch as it was manifest that
they had been slandered, not only by Letters into divers
parts, but also by some that then were present, who had
affirmed their departure to be a Schism ; and farther that
they could find no indifferency [impartiality'] at their hands :
it was thought necessary to commit the hearing of that
Controversy to learned and indifferent Judges, by both
parties to be chosen ; whereby the fault might appear where
it was indeed ; and so they either excused, or found guilty.
Doctor Cox, at length, told them, That their Letter
should be considered of ; and an Answer should be given
them the Friday after.
On Friday, the 30th of August, both parties met.
The Pastor, accompanied with the Ministers and Elders,
spake this unto them. ' It seemeth very fond [foolish~\ that
Arbiters should be appointed to take up strife that may
come hereafter ; as your Letter signifieth. And furthermore
ye write, " If any offence be taken or given," which seemeth
as strange : for this word. If, importeth a doubt ; so t]iat if
ye doubt it, it is but folly to appoint Arbiters. Finally, to
excuse your departure ; you call them unlearned, which
judge it a Schism : ' but,' saith he, * term it as you list, yet
can you not let [hinder] men to think ! And if Arbiters
should pronounce it to be none ; yet men's opinions will be
divers !
* Now therefore, your Answer shall be. That if any man
be offended, either with any private man, or publicly, let
him, or them, complain to us ! or, if they refuse us, to the
Magistrate ! As for Arbiters, we will appoint none ! '
Then spake Whittingham, and said, That it was to him
no small wonder that men of such learning and wisdom
should so shrink in a most equal [impartial] request ; and
so, without all reason, to cavil where no matter was offered.
* For as concerning,' saith he, ' the First Point, it was
not unknown to them that, at that time, through their
occasion, there was no small Contention ; and that, seeing
82
1555. Arbitration is denied by the Anglicans.
they had given such offence, it could not be but that men's
minds were moved. And therefore, to the end that
Contention should grovr no farther, Arbiters were very
necessary ; who needed not to deliberate,' as he said, ' of
things to come, which were uncertain : but, as the Letter
truly purported, of injuries long ago begun, yet continued,
and hereafter not like [ly] to be ended ; except some good
mean[s] were used to stay their slanderous Letters and
false reports, to the utter perishing and loss of men's good
names. And where ye seem to be offended that the Letter
should call them '' unlearned " ; which term our departure,
a Schism — '
* You omit,' said Doctor Cox, ' the Second Point ;
which is of no small importance.' Whittingham
To whom he answered, That he thought here interrupted.
he did them a pleasure in omitting things of so small value ;
notwithstanding he would obey his will : ' but,' saith he,
*as touching this word " unlearnedly," it was not unadvisedly
placed. For either they be without learning, and therefore
may be so called indeed ; or if they bear the name of
learning, yet in this they shewed their unskilfulness ; for-
asmuch as every departure from a Congregation was not a
Schism ; neither were any that departed for just causes,
Schismatics ; as we,' saith he, ' will prove unto you, if you
will take our reasonable and most equal offer.'
' Nay ! ' saith the Pastor, * Arbiters in this point can
little avail : for be it, they judge it none ; yet men's thoughts
are free ; and we know that all men be not of one mind in
Sacrements and Predestination, should men therefore take
Arbiters ? Also,' saith he, ' Masters Calvin and Bullinger
are against you.'
To this was answered, * That thoughts, if they were not
grounded upon GOD's Word, were evil; neither was this
Controversy of like force with the matter of the Sacraments
and Predestination : notwithstanding, would to GOD ! that
not only the difference in those Articles, but also in all
others which be of weight and importance, might be decided
by the authority of GOD's Word, and arbitrement of godly
learned men ! But men may justly suspect your Cause to be
naught ; which refuse the judgements of the wise and godly.
And where you say, "That Calvin and Bullinger are
against us " ; you abuse yourselves and their names : for we
What is a Schism ? 1555.
know both what they and others write, as touching this
matter/
Then the Pastor asked, What Schiswa was, but a
cutting off from the body ? And that was Calvin's
definition.
To this, Whittingham answered, That he would under-
take, First, to prove that definition to be false ; and Secondly,
to be none of Calvin's definition: 'for if every cutting off
from the body should be a Schism, then you and all others
which once had sworn to the Pope, and now have refused
him, are Schismatics.'
Then the Pastor added, * From a Church well reformed.'
Answer was made, That a Church well reformed must
be builded upon the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles ;
the unity whereof Saint Paul comprehendeth in these
words, ' One GOD, one Faith, one Baptism ' [ Eph. iv. 5 ] ;
not beggarly Ceremonies and obscurations : although that
sundry causes besides, moved them to depart.
Then Master Trahekon asked. Whether the Donatists
were not Schismatics ?
* Yes,' said Whittingham, * and also heretics : but you
are deceived, if you think they separated themselves for
Ceremonies.'
* It is manifest,' said Traheron, ' that the Churches of
Asia were excommunicated as Schismatics, for that they
kept not Easter at the same time that the Roman
Church did.'
' And it is no less evident,' said Whittingham, ' that
Ir^neus and other godly men, as well of that time and
since, have sharply reproved and condemned Pope Victor
for the same.
Here Doctor Cox put Whittingham in remembrance,
that he had not answered to the faults of the Letter.
Whittingham told him. That as touching that poor
word, J/, he marvelled how it could minister any cavillation ;
seeing the text joining thereto was so plain : 'which declareth
both the offences by you given, and by us taken. Also your
consciences bear you witness, the thing to be most true ;
except man will be wilfully blind, and find a knot in a rush :
so that that word. If, meant not that we do doubt who were
oppressed with infinite wrongs ; but if they would dissemble
so far, that they might seem to doubt thereof ; yet, at the
M
1555. The Calvinists migrate to Basle and Geneva.
least, they would abide the trial thereof before these
Arbiters.'
But here, the Disputation brake up with this plain and
final answer, That Arbiters they should have none: and
that if they found themselves grieved, they should seek
remedy where they thought good : and he, the Pastor, with
the rest of the Congregation, would answer them.
The next day [Saturday, August 31st, 1555], the Pastor,
Doctor Cox, Master Parry, and Master Ashley, sent for
Whittingham, Thomas Cole, John Fox, William Kethe,
Roger Hart, John Hilton, with certain others ; demanding
of them. What should be the cause of their departure ?
Whittingham made answer. That, the day before, they had
declared sufficiently ; and yet would farther shew reasons,
if they would permit the Controversy to arbitrement. And
to the intent they should not counterfeit ignorance ; among
other, these were some causes :
1. Their breach of Promise ; established with invoca-
tion of GOD's name.
2. Their orderless thrusting themselves into the
Church.
3. Taking away the Order of Discipline established
before their coming ; and placing no other.
4. The accusation of Master Knox, their godly
' Minister, of treason ; and seeking his blood.
5. Their overthrowing off the Common Order, taken
and commanded by the Magistrate.
6. The displacing of Officers, without any cause
alleged.
7. The bringing in of Papistical superstitions and
unprofitable Ceremonies : which were burdens, yokes,
and clogs.
Besides other things ; which, if they would abide the trial,
they should hear at large.
When he, and some of the rest, had rendered their
reasons for their departure to this effect : certain warm
words passed to and fro from the one to the other ; and so,
in some heat, they departed.
Not many days after, the oppressed Church departed
from Frankfort to Basle and Geneva ; some staying at
Basle, as Master Fox with others.
The English Church formed at Geneva. ' 1555.
The rest came to Geneva; vrhere they were received
with great favour and much courtesy ; both of the Magis-
trates, Ministers, and people. So soon as they entered their
Church ; they chose Knox and Goodman for their Pastors,
and GiLBY was requested to supply the room till Knox
returned out of France.
The Learned Men, which came from all places to Frank-
fort about this matter, when they had done that which they
came for, returned again from whence they came ; and some
to other places, where they might save charges and not to
be either burdened [with] , or bound to, the Exercises of the
Congregation : so that the Exile (which was to many a poor
man full bitter, grievous, and painful) was to some of the
greatest Persecutors of their poor brethren, as it were, a
pleasant Progress [Tour'] or recreation.
[The two following Letters give further details of the
Story, up to the time that the Calvinists left Frankfort.
David Whitehead and others to John Calvin.
AS WE WERE awaiting the arrival of certain of our brethren to
whom your Letter [at pp. 78-80] seemed especially to apply ; we
were prevented from answering it, most learned Calvin, so early
as either the case itself required, or as you probably expected.
But now, since all hope of their coming to us is taken away, it has
seemed good to us who are here, to make at length some reply : partly
indeed, lest by our silence we should seem unmindful of our duty
to you ; and partly, lest we should seem to betray our excellent Cause.
And, first, we desire you to be fully persuaded of this, That we
regard you with entire veneration and love ; both by reason of your
singular godliness, and also of your especial preeminence in the most
valuable attainments. But we consider it, as a matter of exceeding
regret, that our late Letter [of April 5 1555] was not altogether satis-
factory to you, in removing all your scruples. This, however, we must
ascribe to those parties, to whom you appeared to be a fit object for
them to endeavour to deceive ; and one whose authority they might
shamelessly abuse, for the purpose of disturbing our Church.
For it seems very evident to us, that they would never have
ventured to raise such a disturbance ; had you not refrained, in that
Letter of yours, from pouring, as it were, cold water on the flame. Your
Letter was to them like the Club of Hercules ; by which they easily
believed that they could beat down all their opponents. And, indeed,
your name ought deservedly to have influence both with us, and with
all godly persons.
But if you had been well acquainted with their devices ; if you had
been sufficiently aware of their boldness and wicked designs : we have
no doubt but that you would never have suffered them to come near
you; much less to impose upon you, as it were, in so barefaced a
manner.
Indeed, we consider it impossible to entertain any doubt of your
candour and impartiality, as soon as our Case shall have been clearly
87
[The Anglican Church's Letter to Calvin. 1555.]
made known to you; and their artifices exposed. But though your
Letter is not a little annoying to us ; inasmuch as it seems to brand us,
and bring us in guilty of such great offences : yet we hope that you
have another ear in reserve for our Reply.
Keceive, therefore, these few remarks, in answer to your Letter.
These friends of yours complain that ' we are too precise in
enforcing the English Ceremonies, and unreasonably partial to our
own country.'
These, indeed, we pertinaciously retain, as knowing them to be
very godly. This, however, has never been done by us in a precise
manner ; for we have abandoned some of them, for the sake of your
friends, which might at that time have been piously adopted. But we
make this concession to the love of our country ; to which, forsootli, we
are too much inclined! These, your friends, however, are altogether a
disgrace to their country : for whatever has been bestowed from Above
upon our country, in this respect ; with exceeding arrogance, not to say,
impudence, they are treading under foot. You must know, that we do
not entertain any regard for our country which is not agreeable to
GOD'S holy Word. Neither, in the mean while, are we so ungrateful to
our coimtry, nor have we so cast off every feeling of humanity, as
rashly to despise the benefits which GOD has bestowed upon it. Nor
have we such a mean opinion of the judgements of our countrymen,
who resisted ungodliness even unto blood, as that, by reason of the
clamours of individuals possessing no weight whatever, we should
brand them with the foulest marks of Papistical impiety.
You ' heard the reasons, which would not allow us to depart from
the received Form.'
You heard them, indeed : but not from us ; and probably not all of
them. And, indeed, we have very little doubt but you would easily
refute them ; but we are confident that the best reasons of our conduct
will stand good before the Judgement Seat of GOD.
You say that 'it offended you that there was no concession or
relaxation made to them, on our parts.'
And you might justly have been offended; liad no concession been
made. But as this is a barefaced and impudent falsehood of theirs ;
you can judge for yourself, in what light they must have regarded you.
You object to us, ' Lights and Crosses.'
As for Lights, we never had any : and with respect to Crosses, if we
ever made use of them, these friends of yours have not imposed upon
you. But consider again, what estimation they must have held you,
when they presumed to assault you with so many falsehoods.
[1555. The Anglican Church's Letter to Calvin.]
They also falsely lay it to our charge before you, That we wished
' to burden the Church with trifling and unprofitable Ceremonies.'
Our Ceremonies are very few ; and all of them of no little use
towards the advancement of godliness. But it is no wonder that our
Ceremonies appear redundant, and even burdensome, to those persons
who exclaim against the Public Reading of the Word of GOD, as an
irksome and unprofitable Form.
But from those words of yours, it is quite evident that you are
entirely ignorant of almost all the circumstances of our Case. For we
have nothing, we are well assured, which, either in your judgement or in
that of any godly man, will appear to be either unprofitable or injurious.
But you are right in restraining yourself ; or you would otherwise (as
the Mountebanks do) fight to no purpose, against things which have no
existence.
We are quite ready to give you an account of the Ceremonies we
make use of here, whenever you please : and (whatever our cavillers
may have muttered against them) we have more reason,* we think, to
apprehend the dissatisfaction of many persons, by reason of their
fewness, than of their number.
To return now to the other points of your Letter.
'All good men,' you say, 'will allow of the Pastors and other
Ministers to be elected by the common voice ; so that others do not
complain that a part of the Church has been oppressed fraudulently, and
with crafty practices.'
This assertion is certainly a stinging one ; and would have wounded
us severely, had not its point been blunted when it fell upon us. Nay,
we allow it to be a thunderbolt : but it has not reached the object at
which it was aimed. It is neither a novelty to us, nor a matter of
surprise, that men, conscious of being in the wrong, will at length
proceed to assert what is untrue. But it certainly turned out contrary
to all our expectation, that you should so lend your ears to them, as to
incline in some measure to that party.
For what kind of an Election ours was, we call to witness GOD, our
conscience, our whole Church, and the very Magistrates themselves I of
whose authority and advice we always availed aurselves.
But we will explain to you, at another time, if we are compelled to
do so, the means by which others have attempted to undermine the
Church, and consequently to overthrow it ; what indirect artifices they
have made use of, and by what turbulent proceedings they have
laboured, after their own exaltation: and, also, what a heavy charge
that is, which you seem to insinuate, that we have abused the lenity of
the Magistracy.
[The Anglican Church's Letter to Calvin. 1555.]
We wish, however, that those persons, who are filling your ears
with these calumnious and slanderous accusations, had never abused
our lenity, the kindness of the Magistrates, and your authority which
has given them no small encouragement to stir up this Controversy.
GOD forbid that we should abuse any persons whatever 1 much less
those excellent Magistrates who have deserved so well of us 1 But (if you
could bring your mind to believe that we were so lost to shame) how
could you possibly think that the Magistrates (discreet and worthy men
as they are) would either be so stupid, in regard to our Cause, as not to
find out our trickeries ; or that they would suffer them, when detected,
to go unpunished ; and even to regard us with greater kindness than
before ! In detecting the artifices of your friends (which, nevertheless,
they knew how to devise and manage with much more ingenuity than
we do), they were of such quick scent, that they immediately smelt them
out ; and their opinion of them is no secret 1
But leaving these things ; let us return to the business of Knox ;
wherein you greatly desire godliness and brotherly love on the part of
those that were implicated in it. We will, therefore, briefly and truly
explain to you the history of the whole affair.
There were, at that time, certain parties [individuals] in our
Church, who (instructed by long practice and experience) were able
easily to forsee and conceive beforehand in their minds, the evils that
were either already impending over our Church, or might happen to it
in future.
These persons understood that Knox had published a certain Book ;
which they perceived would supply their enemies with just ground for
overturning the whole Church. For there were interspersed in this
publication atrocious and horrible calumnies against the Queen of
England: whom Knox called at one time, 'the wicked Mary'; at
another time, ' a monster.' And he exasperated King Philip also, by
language not much less violent.
When these men had read this infamous Libel ; attached as they
are to true Religion and to our Church, they considered it neither
profitable, nor safe to ourselves, that Knox should be received with
favour by our Church.
One of them, therefore, called upon the intimate friend of Knox
[? W. Whittingham] ; and pointed out to him, that it would be most
advisable for Knox to leave the Church, and depart to some other
place : and this he earnestly recommended him to do.
Not succeeding in this; our friends (having more closely considered
the danger which, without doubt, was hanging over them) thought it
to
ri555. The Anglican Church's Letter to Calvin.]
right to proceed in a different way. The matter was, at last, brought
before the Magistrates ; with no other view than that Knox might be
ordered to quit the place.
When the Magistrate was made acquainted with the case, and had
also discovered that the Emperor was defamed in that pamphlet : con-
sidering that a man of this kind might easily occasion danger, not only
to our Church but also to his State ; he ordered him to leave the City.
Thus you have the whole affair, as it really took place ; nor would
we, for the sake of our friends, evade the subject, by holding back any-
thing ; or obscure it, by our relation of it.
Something was conceded to Knox. For our party had observed
some other things in him, which we have now purposely forborne to
mention ; but which induced them to desire his departure. But these
clearly were the reasons which drove our friends to this step ; and it
was altogether in this way, that they got rid of that affair.
But what an occasion for disseminating falsehoods these Authors of
Confusion thence laid hold of ; what dreadful language they uttered ;
what disturbance they excited ; must be a matter of wonder to everyone
who is unacquainted with their character : especially when they even
prevailed upon you to write concerning men who were in every respect
innocent, that * it had been better for them to have remained in their
own country, than to have brought over to a distant land, the firebrand
of unjust severity' [Calvin's words were 'to set on fire those that would
not be kindled,' see page 79.]
If those who occasioned Knox's departure from hence, had been in any
way known to you ; you would assuredly have dealt more gently with
them. For scarce any man living is more remote from cruelty than (by
the grace of GOD) those persons both are and have been.
Certainly, when an account of what they had done was demanded
of them by [David Whitehead,] our Pastor ; they gave such a straight-
forward statement that (scrupulous as he is in everything else), he had
nothing whatever to find fault with.
For you cannot but be aware, how unbecoming it would have been
in us impotently to rage in half -muttered abuse against Magistrates ;
not, perhaps, because they do not deserve it : but because of the Office
imposed upon them by GOD.
This we can assure you. That that outragious pamphlet of Knox's
added much oil to the flame of Persecution in England. For, before the
publication of that book, not one of our brethren had suffered death ;
but, as soon as it came forth, we doubt not but that you are well aware
of the number of excellent men who have perished in the flames ; to
say nothing of how many godly men besides, have been exposed to the
91
[The Anglican Church's Letter to Calvin. 1555.]
risk of all their property, and even life itself, upon the sole ground of
either having had this book in their possession, or of having read it :
who were, perhaps, rescued from the Sword at a greater cost and danger
of life than the others offered their necks to it.
But enough of these things.
You piously exhort us that, If we perceive that the minds of some
parties are wounded, not without cause ; we should endeavour to make
amends for the injury.
But when you have left no stone unturned to heal those persons
who have inflicted their wounds upon themselves; and have never-
theless lost all your pains : what can you possibly do for them ?
You say that you have ' diligently admonished those who are minded
to leave us, that their departure should not render asunder the agreement
of the brethren.'
We wish that your wisdom had foreseen this ; and that the authority
of your Letter had not given encouragement to the former Quarrel,
before you had heard the other side of the Question. We wish that
your sagacity had anticipated what was the tendency of their design,
namely, to open faction ; to say nothing more. For they themselves
now presume to write. That they are ready to maintain the lawfulness
of their secession from our Church.
We certainly hoped, indeed, when we wrote to you [on April 5th
1655] , that our reconciliation would have been lasting : and your
friend, Whittingham, with all the rest of his party except three or four,
had given in his adhesion to our Church. But, O, like true Proteuses,
they now make subterfuges ; and shamefully desert us, under I know
not what pretence.
We know not whence this change of sentiment has arisen : but we
leave you to judge what opinion must be entertained of those persons,
who tell you that they leave the Church solely on account of Ceremonies,
which even they themselves dare no longer affirm to be ungodly; or
can prove to be at variance with the Word of GOD, or in any way
unprofitable.
We pray GOD to bestow upon them a better mind, and we earnestly
entreat you no longer to mix up yourself in so hateful a business, lest
some disparagement should arise to your reputation ; which we desire
should, at all times, be most honourable and holy. May the Lord Jesus
preserve you as an especial ornament to his Church !
92
[1555. Whittingham's Letter to Calvin.]
Frankfort, Sept. 20 1555.
Your admirers,
David Whitehead, Thomas Becon, Richard Alvey.
Pastor. Minister of the Henry Parry.
Richard Cox. Word of God. Bartholomew Traheron.
Thomas Cottisford.
Original Letters, pp. 755-763. 1846-7. (Parker Society.)
William Whittingham to John Calvin.
SUPPOSING THAT THIS Letter will scarcely reach you much
sooner than I shall arrive myself ; I do not write so fully as the
subject itself requires, and as I could wish. For I have sent off
all my baggage ; and am hastening to you as speedily as possible.
With respect to those that are at Basle ; we are in hopes that, after
a mutual conference, they, together with us, will enjoy your valuable
assistance; and not only rejoice in that divine benefit, but will embrace
and cherish it.
I shall, very soon I hope, converse with you in person about your
Letter to our friends, and our own departure, and other matters.
Master Saint Andrew has zealously conducted himself here ; and
to the great and common benefit of the Churches.
Master Johann a Glauberg has made honourable mention of you,
as he ought to do ; and requests me to salute you most diligently, in his
name : as, being at this time especially engaged in a multitude of affairs,
he is unable to write to you.
All our friends salute you ! reverence, and most deservedly esteem
you I May Almighty GOD very long preserve you; both to his own
glory, and the common comfort both of ourselves and all others !
Frankfort, September 21 [1555.]
Your disciple,
Whittingham.
Original Letters, p. 766. Ed. 1846-7. (Parker Society.)]
93
BUT NOW IT shall be necessary to declare what
Order was taken, in this new -erected Congregation,
for the prosperous continuance of the same : which
thing to do, I cannot by a better means than
placing liere this Letter following ; which Master
Cole, late Dean of Sarum, wrote to a friend of his, whiles
he yet stayed, behind his company, in Frankfort among
them. His letter is yet [1574] to be seen.
The Holy Spirit of GOD, that guideth the children of GOD in truth
and godliness, be your comfort, through our mercy's seat, Jesus
Christ, now and for ever ! Amen.
THE tempest of the swelling seas which, in time past, threatened
shipwreck to every vessel that sailed with a fair wind and full
sails to the port of blessed Truth (which of herself is strong
enough, without any bar, or wall, of Man's inventions), are
somewhat, the Lord be praised 1 calmed to me-ward : so that, without
farther reasoning, they permit me, to my conscience, as touching their
Ceremonies.
The cause, I judge, is not for that [because] they bear less love to
them than in times past : but that they perceive the sturdy defending of
them to work them that they look not for, or rather that which they
are loath to see, viz., the decreasing of their Company : yet they labour
witli policy, what they may or can, to prevent this danger ; but yet that
which they fear, I suppose will fall upon them, unless GOD give them
to repent their old faults, and humble them more to know themselves.
They have set up a University, to repair again their estimation by
maintenance of Learning (which, surely, is well done), that was fondly
brought in decay by wilful ignorance, in defending of Ceremonies. To
which Master Hobne is chosen to be the Reader of the Hebrew Lecture;
Master MuLLiNGS, of the Greek ; and Master Traheron, when he is
strong, shall take the Divinity Lecture in hand. Master Whitehead
was appointed thereunto : but because he would escape the labour of
the Lecture, for just causes (as he said), he forsook the Pastoral Office
also : stoutly, as you know, denying to be in Office any longer. Great hold
^contention, struggle] there was about this matter in the Congregation ;
94
1556. Whitehead resigns the Pastorship.
insomuch as they hasted to a new Election : and verj few, as it seemed,
were of a contrary mind [to his resignation] ; no, not his own friends,
save Master Makebeay and Master Sorby, who desired him to take
respite, and the Congregation to give it.
But some, looking for the Office themselves, would not, in such a
matter, sulf er delay ; but again demanded of Master Whitehead, Whether
he would keep his Office or no ? supposing that he which had so stoutly
denied it in word, would not soon be flexible to the contrary.
But he (perceiving that some would have had him out on the one
side, and by leaving off it, his estimation was like [ly] to decay on the
other side, for many rough words were given him), when occasion of
intreaty was offered, [said] Non respuit conditioneni. [He did not
dislike the condition.] By that means, bringing to himself wittily a
triple commodity. One, the preventing of them, which looked for the
Office. Another, the refusal of the Divinity Lecture. Thirdly, a faster
grounding of himself in that Office, which he left in mouth ; but, as it
seemed, not in heart. Thus ended that Comedy.
But, shortly after, (notwithstanding a vehement Sermon made for
the purgation from Man's inventions) the seas began again to swell ; so
fickle an element is water I For Master Kent, having a child to christen,
purposing to have it done simply, without the beautifying of men's
traditions, came with his child, according to the French Order which
we once received, and one to hold it there, to profess his faith, if it
were required : but the Pastor denied the christening ; unless the two
Godmothers were had, after the Order of the Book. As concerning the
Godfather, Master Makebray, who is now come to that Office, supplied it.
A lucky matter is attained at Wesel in Westphalia, an open Church
for our Englishmen: to which, because of nighness [to England], they
fear many will go from hence; but more will come out of England to it.
I pray you, commend me to M. Tell him, that Master Wisdom [? D.
Whitehead] railed on them, that were gone to G [eneva] ; calling them,
' mad heads 1' with many pretty names : I will not say, unwisely ; but
I may say, uncharitably. In which Sermon, he shewed himself an
antagonist [champion] for the Book of England.
Yours,
Thomas Cole.
Shortly after these things, to wit, the 6th of January
[1556], when as IVIaster Whitehead gave up, of his own
good will (as he said), the Pastoral Office; IVIaster Horne was
95
Home is elected Pastor. isse.
in the Election to succeed him : who protested that he
would not meddle therewith, till he were cleared of certain
suspicions which some had bruited to the discredit of his
Ministry. Obtaining his request ; he, with the Seniors,
entered the Church, the 1st of March, anno Domini 1556 :
where they received all such persons as members of that
Church, which were contented to subscribe, and submit
themselves to the Orders of the same.
From which time forward, the troubles and contentions
were so sore among them, that whoso shall well weigh it
with due consideration, I ween [imagine] he shall think it
to be the just judgement of our righteous GOD, that fell
upon them for supplanting a Church there before them in
great quietness and of much sincerity.
The
History
of that
Stir and Strife
which was in the
English Church at Frankfort,
January 13 — September 30, 1557 A.D,
This Controversy, ivhich you have notv heard, , , I find
written by the hands of siich as are both learned and of credit;
but yet, I must needs say, by those that were parties in this broil. —
W. Whittingham, p. 215.
1 Whittingham 7 97
The History of that Stir and Strife which was
in the Enghsh Church at Frankfort, from the
13 th day of January, Anno Domini 1557,
forward.
THERE FELL A certain controversy, the 13th day of
January, at supper, hetween Master Hokne the
Pastor and Master Ashley ; which controversy
was handled with somewhat more sharp words
than was meet : hut yet they so departed, hy the
industry and labour of some certain persons, that they
drank wine one to another ; and all that strife and con-
tention was thought to be wholly taken away.
Afterward, to wit, the 16th day of January, at one of
the clock in the afternoon, three of the Elders sent for
Master Ashley into an house of one of the Elders ; and
they began to debate the matter with him, touching an injury
done, not to the Pastor alone, but to all the Elders, as they
affirmed, and to their Ministry : which thing Master Ashley
denied that he ever did, at any time.
The next day, being the 17th of January, after that
Public Prayers were ended, Master Ashley was, by the
Pastor and all the Elders, called into the Church and there, in
the name of them all, it was objected unto him. That he had
spoken, upon the 13th day of January, in supper- while, certain
words tending to the slander of them and their Ministry.
Ashley answered, That he perceived and understood
that they all were offended, as in their own matter ; and
that therefore he would not answer before them as com-
petent Judges of the Cause: but would refer the Cause that
he had against the Pastor and them, seeing they shewed
themselves an adversary party to him, to the whole Church
and Ecclesiastical Discipline.
Then the Pastor exhorted him that he would not so
proceed : for if he so did, that then they were minded to
seek and demand help of the Magistrate against him.
After that, the 24th of January, Ashley himself handled
his own Cause, in his own name, before the Pastor and Elders ;
99
Ashley appeals to the Church. 1557.
and then, in the afternoon, he sent two men of the Church,
who, in his name, required the Pastors and Elders that they
would not proceed against him in that Cause wherein they
themselves were a party, and therefore not fit or competent
Judges : but to give over the whole matter to eight or ten
men, upright in conscience, and inclining to neither party ;
by whose judgements, if he were found in fault he would
willingly submit himself to all Ecclesiastical Discipline.
Answer was made him by the Pastor, in the name of
them all [i.e., the Pastor, two Ministers, four Elders, and
two Deacons] , That they had received their authority from
the whole Church ; and would retain and keep the same till
such time as they, from whom they had received it, would
again demand it. And in the mean while, they proposed to
proceed thereafter against all such as had offended: and so
much the more severely and sharply against Master Ashley,
by how much it might be more profitable to the whole
Church, to make him, being a worshipful man, an ensample
to others to take heed and beware by.
Ashley, that answer being received the 26th of January,
which was a Day of Solemn Prayer, fearing those things
which HoRNE had said before, threatening him with the
Magistrate, when Common Prayer was ended, declared the
whole matter to the Church : and desired that the Church
would understand of the whole matter between the Pastor
and Elders as the one party, and himself as the other.
Whereupon certain men did, in the name of the whole
Church, demand of the Pastor and Elders, Whether they
were a party against Ashley ?
The Pastor answered, in all their names. That they
were not a party against him ; but that Ashley had
slandered them all.
Again, it was demanded, in the name of the Church,
Who were his accusers ? To which, when the Pastor
answered nothing, neither in his own name, nor in the
name of the Seniors : Ashley was commanded, by the
Church, publicly and openly to read those things which he
had comprehended in writing, concerning his Cause.
Afterward, the Pastor and Elders were asked. Whether
those things which Ashley had read were true ?
The Pastor answered, in all their names. That they
would not answer, either more largely or any otherwise, to
100
1557. John Hales summons a Meeting:
&•
any questions than they had ere while [ formerly'] answered.
And so the Congregation was dismissed without answer;
yet not without contempt, as [it] was thought.
The same day, at afternoon, Master Hales, who was
absent when these things were done, understanding that
this matter tended to more grievous strife and contention,
did write his Letter to some certain persons that seemed
desirous of the peace of the Church ; and desired that they
would come together, the next day after, to the Church, to
consult and deliberate what were the best way to pacify
this trouble and turmoil, before it waxed more strong; or
should be more published abroad, and made better known
to the Senate or Magistrates.
The very drift and purpose of the Letter ; together unto
them that were called, as them also which came, to the
place appointed, doth appear by the Letter itself : the copy
whereof ensueth.
The Superscription.
To his Brethren of the English Church,
Master Crawley, Master Caeell, Master Brikbeke,
Master Railton, Master Kente, Master Sutton,
Master Waroope, Master Kelke, Master Christopher Hales,
Master Falconer, Master Dakies,
Master Nowell, Master Bentham,
John Hales sendeth greeting in the Lord.
I HEAR, BRETHREN, THAT which is to me grevious to hear, to wit,
That strifes are arisen in our Church ; which tend either to the dis-
solution of the Church, or to the hurt and destruction of the poor.
Wherefore, I pray you, whose names are in the Superscription of
this Letter, that, if you shall so think good, we may meet to-morrow, in
the morning, in our Church : there to consult and take advice what may
be the best way to quiet this Stir, to the glory of GOD, and our own
quietness. GOD give us his peace !
This 26th of January, 1557.
Your loving Brother,
John Hales.
I pray you, that so many of you as will meet at the time and place
appointed, to put down your names ; lest some perhaps may come in vain.
Now all those whose names are before rehearsed came ;
except Master Warcope.
101
AFTER CONSULTATION and advice taken, it seemed
best to all them that were called together and met
there, that, the next day after [January 27th] , one
of them, in all their names, should deal with the
Pastor and Elders, That sith Isince'] Ashley com-
plained. That they were an adversary party unto him ; they
would suffer the Church, or some such certain persons as
the Church would appoint, to take knowledge of the Cause,
and to hear first. Whether they were [an] adversary party to
Ashley? which, if they were not found to be, then the
knowledge of the matter should be put back again to them ;
and that, with the ignominy and shame of him that had
appealed from them.
But if they were found to be the adversary party, that
then it should seem unjust that they should sit in their own
Cause as Judges : but more meet and upright it would be,
that then the Church should know and understand of the
whole matter.
Whereupon, the next day after, that is to say, the 28th
of January, when Prayers were ended ; the matter was
proposed to the Pastor and Elders, by one appointed for
that purpose.
When this counsel was once known, the Minister [i.e.,
Robert Horne], by the consent of the Elders, drew out of
his bosom a Decree which the Magistrate of that City had
made ; and read it with a loud voice before the whole Church.
The Decree being read; he added in grave words, That these
our Assemblies and meetings would be very dangerous, not
to us only ; but to all the Congregations of Strangers : for
it was greatly to be feared, lest the Magistrate, being offended
with such meetings, did not shut up the gates of our Church
alone [only] ; but also of all the Strange [rs'] Churches.
And therefore that he, to the end he might in good season
provide for such dangers, would surely, by Ecclesiastical
Discipline, handle, according to his desert, Master Hales
(who then, by occasion of sickness, was absent), the author
102
1557. The Majority reply to Home's Ministry.
of that Assembly : and that he would pronounce of us
generally, that if it were not schismatical ; yet that it did,
without doubt, tend to Schism, howsoever we excused our
minds and purposes. Moreover, he affirmed, That we had
done very ill, in that we had excluded and shut out certain
which came into the Church, in the time of our consultation
and meeting.
Answer was made, in the names of the Church, That
that Decree of the Magistrate was by them before both read
over thoroughly, and also very diligently weighed ; and that
they judged that Decree to be most upright, and justly to
be feared of wicked and lewd men, such as were Sectaries
and factious persons ; and that they did assuredly know
that the threats of that Decree did nothing at all concern
them, who were met together to make peace and unity : and
that they, for this deed, did so little fear the anger and dis-
pleasure of the Magistrates, that they trusted the Magistrate
would praise them for this matter, if perhaps he knew of the
thing itself ; and that therefore they were assembled and
come together that the whole matter might be quietly ended
among themselves, and not brought before the Magistrate.
' For where we,' said they, ' were banished men ; and had,
by the means of a very good Magistrate, received that singular
and most excellent benefit of rest and quietness ; we should
do that which should be most unfit and unseemly for us, if
we should, by occasion of our strifes and hurliburlies, trouble
the Magistrate, and to render unto that very good Magistrate
unquietness, troubles, and stirs : which should be very evil
thanks for so great a benefit of quietness and rest as we
have received. And we affirmed that we so much the more
diligently and willingly laboured in pacifying and ending
this controversy; because there were amongst us certain who,
rashly and without advice, brought unto the Magistrate all
light and small controversies which might easily have been
determined and ended among ourselves : herein deserving
no favour at all, either at the hands of so good a Magistrate,
whom they oftimes without cause troubled ; or of their
countrymen, whom they, by these their privy complaints
and accusations, did, among strangers, slander as unquiet
and troublesome men ; and that they had done no less
displeasure to the Gospel we profess (which, by occasion of
such accusations, is commonly evil spoken of among the
adversaries) than to that so good a Magistrate, and to their
103
Every Assembly is not a Church. 1557.
own countrymen. And that we therefore (to the end the
Magistrate might not be troubled, nor our nation slandered
as unquiet and troublesome, nor the Word of GOD through
us evil spoken of) met together to take counsel and advice
how all the matter might be peaceably ended; and for no
other cause or purpose.'
And where it was objected, That, in that Decree of the
Magistrate, there was no mention at all made, either of
the whole Church, or of the authority of [the] whole Church:
' We answer,' say they, ' that we do not so interpret the
Magistrate's Decree ; as though it were the Magistrate's
mind and pleasure to take from the Church the right and
authority due to the Church, and [to] make the whole Church
subject to some certain persons. For we both well enough
know, by the example of the French Church, in a like
controversy; and we have trust that so very good a Magistrate
hath very great care of the Church.'
As concerning Master Hales, it was answered. That he
was then absent, by reason of his sickness ; and not for
fear, or that he was guilty to himself of any ill.
And concerning our whole purpose and business, because
it was said. Though our minds, perhaps, were upright ; yet
the deed itself was, if not schismatical, yet verily tending to
Schism : Answer was made, in all our names, ' That we
would render accompt [accounf] , as well of our minds and
purpose before GOD as of our deed before the whole Church:
and that, under peril and pain of the last punishment that
Ecclesiastical Discipline can appoint ; or, if the matter
so require, before the civil Magistrate on pain of our life.'
And as touching them that were not admitted into the
Church to our consultation ; it was answered, That we were
unjustly accused: for that it was not a public and common
Assembly of the whole Church; but a meeting of some
certain persons to consult of that which might be profitable ;
and that therefore they had no greater injury done them, in
not being at the consultation to which they were not called
or sent for, than if they had not been admitted into some
certain private stone [? rooui^ or house. For as touching the
Church, seeing it was then empty and void of peojjle ; it was,
as it were, a private house. Neither is every Assembly met
there to be counted the Church. For when the Pastor, or
some other, readeth there a Lecture, or moderateth the
Deputations; it is not then a Church, but a School: and,
101
1557. John Hales offers to leave.
therefore, not the place, but the company of men gathered
together, did make a Church or Congregation.'
Afterwards, it was scarcely, by many words, obtained of
the Pastor and Seniors, That the Church might (without
their favour and good will) meet together, for the finishing
and taking up of this Controversy ; and uprightly determining,
Whether the said Pastor and Elders were an adversary party
to Ashley, Yea, or No ? Which thing yet, at the length,
the Pastor and Elders granted to the Church. And the
Pastor and Elders, being required and desired that they
would together be present with us in the Congregation ;
they answered, That there was no such need ; neither that
they would, at any hand, hinder us.
The next day after, to wit, the 29th of January, the
Pastor and Elders agreeing thereto, as is said before ; when
the Church was met together. Master Hales, who then was
somewhat better, and was present when they began to take
advice and counsel, rose up, and spake to this purpose. ' My
brethren,' saith he, ' seeing I am accused of the Pastor,
before the whole Church, as the author of Schism, or of a
schismatical fact, or at the least tending to Schism ; if you
also judge of me in like sort, I will depart out of this Company,
as one being unmeet to tarry with you in this Assembly.'
This being said ; he addressed himself to depart. After-
wards, he was called back by all the men there assembled ;
and intreated to abide amongst them.
Afterward, he drew forth that Letter by which he had
called certain men together to make peace, and end the stir;
as is before said : and preferred it to be openly read.
Which Letter being read ; that his deed was judged, of all
them that were present, both honest and most meet for a
Christian man : neither that any man that had called others
to make peace by their meeting, was, for such a fact, to be
accounted a Schismatic.
Then they were all desired, that, seeing they had so
judged and determined, they would appoint this their
Sentence to be registered and put down in writing : that it
might stand instead of a Record and Testimony; not for
Master Hales only, but for all others in the like case : and
withal that this new and present upstarting matter might,
105
Rights of Meeting, and of Speaking, claimed. 1557.
by their judgements, be decided and ended ; lest it might
bring forth and stir up new contentions among them.
Whereupon it was put down in writing to this effect:
If two, four, eight, twelve, or more or less, meet, in
the Church (when it was void of people, Prayer, or other
Exercises), or else in private houses, to make peace
between some members of the Church, or to consult of
any other thing profitable for the Church ; That that
their deed and act should not, in any case, be judged or
esteemed unorderly, seditious, schismatical, or tending to
Schism. Neither that he which, either by writing or word
of mouth, had so called them together should be thought
to be the author of any Schism, or a schismatical fact,
or tending to Schism and division.
And because now no place of speaking in the Congrega-
tion without offence did seem any more to be left to any
man ; it was ordained, the said 29th of January [1557]
That it should be lawful for any man (having before
desired of the Pastor, Elders, and whole Church, licence
and liberty to speak) to shew his judgment and opinion
in the Church, without any reproach of a disordered deed,
therefore : so it be that he did it godly, quietly, and
soberly. If he should speak any ungodly thing, that then
it was lawful for the Pastor and Seniors, or any of them,
forthwith to command him. to hold his tongue.
The last day of January, being the Sabbath Day, after
Morning Prayer was ended, pardon was offered of all private
offences, by the Pastor, in his own name and the name of
the Elders, to all the people of the Church; and, in like sort,
the people were desired to pardon them : yet in such sort
this was done that the Pastor and Elders would reserve to
themselves such Causes as concerned their Ministry, to l)e
pursued and followed of them.
It was answered again, in our names of the ChurcJj,
that we, in like sort, did pardon all private grudges : yet
that the Church did, according to their example, reserve
unto itself Public Causes belonging to the Church, and
the liberty thereof quietly and Christianly to be pursued
and followed. Which answer, although it were measured
by the rule of that pardon and forgiveness which the
Pastor had before offered ; yet it did no whit at all please
106
1657. No one will accuse Thomas Ashley.
him : which thing also, I warrant you, he did not dissemble.
Afterwards, the Pastor and Elders suffered, that same
day in the afternoon, the Church should again meet ; and
should try out and know the matter between them and
Ashley : to wit, Whether they were an adversary party to
Ashley, Yea, or No ? But the Pastor and Elders, being desired
that they also would be present, they would not thereto agree.
Wherefore the Church being gathered together in the
afternoon; it was judged by the testimony of some meet
men, and by this also that in the whole Church there could
no others be found that would accuse Ashley but the Pastor
and Elders : for it was three times very diligently enquired
of, and published among the people, That if there were any
in the whole Church which either would, or could, accuse
Master Ashley, he should then utter it. It was, I say,
judged and determined that the Pastor and Elders were an
adversary party to Master Ashley ; and that therefore they
were not fit and competent Judges.
Furthermore, it was fully decreed
That the Pastor and Elders in such Causes as in
which they were an adversary party, were not fit Arbiters
or Judges : but that such Causes did appertain and belong,
either to the knowledge of the Congregation, or of such
as the Congregation would appoint to that purpose.
And because the Pastor and Elders have been oftentimes
desired to be present with us, and yet would not ; notwith-
standing that they themselves su:ffered the Congregation
to meet together ; lest perhaps some deceit might be among
many of the Congregation, as though it were not of itself
lawful, or to small purpose, to appoint anything wiiiiout
the Pastor and Elders (which thing [was] afterward tried), it
was decreed
That if the Pastor and Elders were required to be
present at an Assembly, and would not come ; that the
Assembly was lawful, notwithstanding their absence : and
that those things which they decreed should be had and
esteemed as a lawful Decree.
These Ecclesiastical Decrees and Ordinances, which even
now we rehearsed, were subscribed unto by Master nowell
the names of Thirty-three persons : which is was the mouth
a great deal the bigger part of the Church : for the rest.
and, the 2nd of February [155 7], were offered up to the
107
Home's Ministry resign January 20. iojt.
Pastor and Elders, in the name of the whole Church, with
this Protestation following.
We present unto you these our Decrees and Ordin-
ances, agreeing with right and reason, and not contrary
to the holy Scriptures : desiring to have you know them,
and further requiring that you would, with us, consent,
yield, and subscribe, to the same. Or if ye will not do so ;
shew, we pray you, upright reasons and good causes why
ye refuse. For we are ready to correct and amend our
faults, if they be shewed us, at the monition of any
private person ; but much more at yours, the Pastor and
Elders. For as we desire their wisdoms, to come to perfect
truth ; so will we not, through stubbornness, defend
any error: [it] being shewed unto us to be an error indeed.
Yet notwithstanding, afterward, upon the aforesaid day
of February, the Pastor did, in his own name and in the name
of the Elders, openly read certain written Letters to which
he and the Seniors had before, in the presence of the
Church, subscribed their names. The same thereof was this ;
Seeing the Church had left unto them a vain Shadow
only of Authority, without any other matter ; that therefore
they did, in our presence, take off from themselves and
utterly forsake all Ecclesiastical Ministry and Service to
the Church.
Among other things, they added this, That we had given
them a cause to complain of us to the Magistrates; but
that, for our sakes, they would not do it.
Afterward, some of them departed, and sat down in
private men's places : neither would they suffer so much as
to be called by the name of Pastor and Elders.
Then one, in the name of the whole [Church], (having
fully shewed before that there was no just cause given them
by the Church so to forsake their Ministry) did afterward, in
the name of the whole Church, very earnestly desire them
that they would not, in such [a] manner, forsake and leave
the Church, that had deserved no such thing at their hands.
This was, with most earnest and effectual words, required
of them three or four times, in the name of the whole
Church : but they remained wilful and obstinate in their
purpose ; not so much as once suffering themselves to be
called by the name of Pastor and Elders.
Then, at the length, it was shewed unto them, in the
108
1667. Horne will answer, when 'ordinarily' asked.
name of the whole Church, That the Church would not
admit that their forsaking of their Ministry ; but would
still take and esteem them for the Pastor and Elders.
And when one, in the name of the Church, did accuse
the Pastor and [Richard] Chambers to be such as had
abused the Church ; leaving it and forsaking it in such a
manner, without any cause or reason shewed; and did,
in the name of the Church, desire them to make answer
unto him concerning this their deed : they utterly refused
the same. But Horne, who then was Pastor, hastily taking
a pen, wrote to this purpose on a piece of paper, in his own
name and in the name of the Elders :
'Whereas we are urged and pressed by one, in the name
of the Church, to make Answer ; we generally answer. That
whensoever we shall be ordinarily demanded before the
Church, or them which the Church shall appoint ; we will
then answer : or if we shall be called before the Civil Magis-
trate, we will there answer.'
Other answer than this, they would give none to any
of the Questions which we had proposed, in all our names of
the Church ; and they assigned [authenticated] this Writing
by putting to their names : whereas, indeed, this was not
only to answer nothing at all; but also to pretend a cloaked
cause of answering nothing at all.
Moreover, they were desired, in the name of the Church,
That they would deliver to the Church the Letter signed
with their own hands, by which they had shewed their
renouncal and denying of the Ministry : or if they would
not do that, that then, against a certain day, they would
grant and give to the Church a copy thereof. But neither
would they give them the Letter which they had in their
bosom, neither would they promise any copy to the Church ;
who most earnestly required the same of them.
At the last, the Pastor and Elders departed ; some
certain few following them : but the multitude remained, and,
so far forth as they could remember, committed to writing
the Acts of that day ; and the sum of that Letter by which
the Pastor and Elders had willingly put themselves from
the Ministry; and, for witness, subscribed thereto with
Thirty and three names.
The next day after, that is, the 3rd of February [1557],
the Pastor and Elders being called of the Church by the
109
Home stands by the Old Discipline. 1557.
Deacon, to in treat of mating peace; they came together and
met : bnt the Pastor and Elders set them down in private
places.
Afterwards, the Pastor (because one speaking in the
Congregation did not by and by [^immediately], so soon as
he bade him, hold his peace) feigned that he would depart.
But when he perceived that very few followed him, and
[was] by some counselled, he returned ; and suddenly placed
himself in the Pastor's place, and called the Elders to him :
which thing before he had refused to do ; although he were,
by the whole Church, very instantly and earnestly required
thereto.
Then he spake to this effect. * We, indeed,' saith he,
'did displace ourselves from the Ministry: notwithstanding
absolutely and fully we did it not ; but under this condition
only. If you should proceed to deal in such sort as you have
done against the Old and received Discipline. Now then, if
ye go forward, as you have appointed and proposed ; then
will we wholly and altogether displace ourselves from our
Ministries: but if you will obey the Old Discipline, then
will we continue Pastors and Elders as we are.'
Answer was made. That there was nothing at all con-
tained in the Old Discipline, whereby they might meddle
with, or proceed against, the Pastor and Elders; if, perhaps,
they were found faulty, and in some offence. Moreover,
Ibhat there was nothing put down concerning such Causes as
[that] in which the Pastor and Elders were an adversary
party : and therefore it was desired that they would suffer
the Discipline, in that behalf, to be amended, and to be made
more perfect.
Now the Pastor (being offended, as it should seem, with
so free speech) would immediately again have been gone,
and ran even to the Church door : but yet seeing but few
following him, by the counsel and advice of certain persons,
he returned ; and sat himself down in the Pastor's place
with the Seniors.
And, in like sort, by and by again, upon the sudden, he
ran, for the third time : but, within a little while after, he
returned, and planted himself in the Pastor's accustomed
place.
Afterwards, intreaty was made with the Pastor and
Elders, in the name of the Church, That they would
suffer Ashley's Cause (in which matter they themselves
110
1567. Eight men appointed to try Ashley's Cause.
were found, at the length, to he an adversary party), and the
hearing thereof, to come hefore the Church: and that the
Church would, if Ashley were found faulty, very sharply
and severely punish him ; and, in this behalf, abundantly
satisfy the Pastor and Elders, and all good men.
But the Pastor and Elders would at no hand suffer
that. And as concerning the amending of the Discipline,
the Pastor said, That he and the Elders, with certain others
by the authority of the Church being joined unto them,
would, if the Church so thought good, amend the Discipline.
But Answer was made unto both [Proposals], in the
name of the Church. First, that it was very unjust that the
Church should not be suffered to have judgement and
determination : for thereby the authority and right of the
Church was wholly, as it were, taken from the Church. To
the Second, it was answered that since such Ordinances and
Decrees were to be made, as by which the Pastor and Elders
should be hereafter deteined [restrained] in duty ; some of
them also being already accused : it should be unjust dealing
to admit them to the framing and making of such Decrees.
And when they affirmed, they would answer no other
thing ; and [when] they were desired to suffer those things
to be committed to writing which were done already, they
would not agree : but the Pastor, saying, He was a-cold,. made
himself ready to depart ; and, going his way, a few following
him, he pronounced. That he dissolved the Assembly.
But the company that tarried in the Church wrote the
doings of that day by their Decree ; and appointed eight
men to amend the Discipline, and afterward to offer it [to]
the Church, to be seen of them.
They did also appoint other eight men, of which eight
three always stuck to the Pastor, Arbiters and Judges to
decide the Cause between the Pastor and Elders and
Ashley. These are their names. Master Railton, Master
Waecope, Master Kelke, Master Faulconee, Master
Bentham, Master Cockkoft, Master Carell, and Master
Wilson. Three of these were addicted to the Pastor : but
Master Bentham and Master Kelke always shewed them-
selves indifferent [impartiaV] and equal to both sides.
From that time forward, the Pastor and Elders and
certain others (being oftentimes called of the Church,
by the Deacons and certain others, to intreat of making
111
Home's Ministry leave the Church. 1557.
peace and agreement) would never appear, or be present.
Moreover, the Pastor, and the Deacons, and certain
painful poor men, ceased both from Preaching, and also the
Ecclesiastical Lectures, and other ordinary functions and
charges which they ought to have executed ; neither would
they come to solemn and Public Prayers in the Church.
Notwithstanding, the Church yet, through GOD's favour,
observed both Public Prayers, Sermons, and Ecclesiastical
Lectures, and all other things accustomed ; and minded to
keep them so long as the godly Magistrates should suffer
and grant the same.
And no other matter did so much spread abroad
throughout the City as the fame and report of our strifes ;
and as the deed of Master Hokne and Master Chambers.
For when they, of themselves, had forsaken the Church;
and had, by their example, stirred up some others, with
their families, to do the like ; some of these now frequented
and went, partly to the French Church, and partly to the
German Churches : the matter now could not any longer be
hid and [be] in secret ; seeing it was published and known,
not through the City alone, but the fame thereof ran to other
strangers also. Which matter and business with their
brethren, would to GOD ! they had chosen rather to have
had it ended quietly and peaceably in their own Church ;
than, in such troublesome sort, to have consulted so greatly
both to their own dishonours and ours.
The 4th day of February [1557], which was Thursday,
and appointed for Public Prayer ; the Pastor, who that day
should have preached, and all the Elders, were absent. Now
the Pastor (being before by the Deacon desired, in the name
of the Church, that either he himself would preach, or would
appoint some other in his place) made answer, That neither
would he preach himself ; nor appoint any other : for that
matter did nothing at all belong to him.
After Prayers were ended ; some there were that dis-
puted and reasoned in the Pastor's behalf, and said. That
that Assembly, which remained after the Pastor's departure
(inasmuch as he had authority to call together the Church,
and to break up the Assembly ; and he, going his way, said,
That he brake up that Assembly), was no lawful Assembly.
To whom it was, in the name of the Church, answered.
That Master Horne had put out himself from his Pastoral
112
1557. The Church earnestly intreat them to act.
duty ; and therefore, both for that matter, and many others
recited before among the Acts of the 2nd day of February,
he had not any authority, or any manner of right, either to
gather together, or to break up, the Assembly. And although
it were granted that he were their lawful Pastor; yet it was
affirmed. That the Church was above the Pastor ; and not
the Pastor above the Church : and that therefore, though the
Pastor departed before the Acts of that day were confirmed,
and pronounced that. He brake up the Assembly ; yet was
the Assembly which remained and tarried behind, a lawful
^justifiable^ Assembly; and had authority to make effectual
Decrees, by which they might bind all and every member of
the Church without exception. And that this question,
Whether the Pope was above the Church, or the Church
above the Pope? was stirred up in the Councils of Constance
and Basle ; and was decided also by the authority of the
School of Paris joined thereto. Now they which reasoned
in the Pastor's behalf did seem, by the space of certain days
after, to approve [of] these two Councils : for they placed
the Pastor above the Church. They brought forth openly all
the old store and household stuff of PiGHius and EcKius of
the Primacy of the Pope, under the name of the Pastoral
Authority, and for the proof thereof.
The Acts and Disputations of that day were, in testi-
mony, signed and confirmed with Two and thirty names.
The 5th of February [1557], Master Horne and the
Seniors, being required of the Congregation, by a Deacon, to
come and treat of reconciliation, would not appear. After
this, there were three Messengers sent from the Con-
gregation unto them, of whom one was to be specially
reverenced of all that be of the Congregation, both for his
age and gravity ; the other two specially well learned : to
the intent that they should be moved by these so honest a
company of Messengers sent by the Congregation. These
men (when they had, in the Church's name, instantly
[urgently^ desired and prayed them that they would come
to the Congregation and there common \_coniniune, confer]^
brotherly among themselves for a quiet agreement to be
had : so as the matter might not come to the Magistrates'
ears ; nor be bruited any further abroad, to the great infamy
of our nation) could do no good with them at all. For they
said. They would not come, unless they were ordinarily called :
1 Whittingham 8 113
Home's Ministry give up all Church work. i567.
as for other Answer, at that present, they would make none.
When this Answer was declared to the Congregation, it
was determined. That forasmuch as R. Horne had openly
put himself out of his Pastorship, by writing subscribed
with his own hand ; and confirmed the same by words and
deeds in long abstaining from Preaching and other Pastoral
functions, and affirming that such matters were no point of
his charge : Inasmuch as now, being called of the Church,
he will not appear; and so abstaineth altogether from
Public Prayers and all Ecclesiastical Meetings : And foras-
much also as the Seniors come not at the meetings of the
Church : lest the Congregation (through the forwardness of
the said Robert Horne ; and [the] absence of the Seniors),
being void and destitute of Common Prayer, Preaching, and
Reading the Scriptures, should be utterly dissolved ; that
certain men should take charge of the Church, and for all
things to be done in the Congregation, as it hath, by GOD's
goodness, been yet hitherto done.
Other Decrees also, which are specified in the Acts of
the 5th day of February, they established. All [of] which
every one that was present confirmed by his name sub-
scribed with his own hand : as they were wont to do in
other Acts and Decrees. And to the Decrees of that day
subscribed Thirty-three hands.
But in this behalf, both Master Horne and Master
Chambers and others in their behalf, did find very much
fault with us : for that we proceeded ' unordinarily ' : that is,
you must understand, contrary to the Old Discipline. For
where they could not justly find fault with those things
that the Church had done ; they made cavillation at the
manner of doing things, as an *unordinary' manner.
And we answered, as well many otlier things grew now
by occasion of that matter, as this chiefly :
In case Master Chambers, or any other man, eithei-
would, or could, shew any ordinary way in the Old Discipline,
whereby the Congregation, or any others, might commence
matter and proceed against him, or against a Senior or
Seniors ; being accused : or how we might proceed ordinarily,
according to the Old Discipline, in Causes where he and the
Seniors were the one party ; as they now were proved to be.
And if Master Horne, or any other man, either would, or
could, shew the Title [Section^ or words in the Old Discipline,
11*
1557. The meaning of 'ordinarily' called.
wherein this ordinary way is set forth and contained ; then
we would confess that we had gone amiss out of the ordinary
way and Old Discipline. But if neither he, nor any other,
would, or could, shew indeed ; That they would not be
discontent [ed] at us, that reduced the Congregation to their
right authority ; and amended that Old Discipline as a thing
amiss, or filled it up as a thing unperfect ; and brought the
matter to the hearing of the Church, as it ought to be : and
that they would, at length, give over to vaunt themselves so
of the Order which they never had ; or to blame us hereafter
for proceeding unordinarily.
The sum of this Answer, we divided into certain Articles,
and sent them privately to Master Hokne to peruse ; requiring
his Answer to the same : and also we sticked [stuck^ them
upon the Pulpit in the Church ; where they remained a
great many days. And where it was required, in that same
writing, that Master Hokne, or the Seniors, or some other
man, should make Answer unto these matters : there is no
man yet hitherto that hath made any Answer, either by
word or by writing ; saving that Master Horne, falling to
his old general Answer, said, He would make Answer ; when
he were ordinarily called or questioned with. For by this
shift, he thinketh he undoeth all doubts at once ; whereas
indeed to answer after that sort is to answer nothing at all :
but to pretend false causes to hold his tongue, when he is
able to shew no reason for himself.
For this was his meaning. That he is not ordinarily
called, nor questioned withal, nor accused ordinarily ; saving
only before himself and the Seniors as Judges, whereas they,
both in . their giving over of their Ministry, and in the
principal Cause against Master Ashley were the adversary
party : so that, by his judgement, there is no ordinary way
to meddle against the Pastors and Seniors, except they call
themselves to be hearers of their own Cause, and their own
Judges themselves. For other 'ordinary way' against the
Pastor and Seniors, in that Old Discipline of theirs, neither
he nor any other shall be able to shew.
After this, when those eight persons, which were
appointed by the Church to hear the variance between
Master Horne and Master Chambers on the one side, and
Master Ashley on the other side, should proceed in the
115
Ashley's Case was never determined. iss?.
hearing of that matter; Master Horne and Master Chambers,
which had absented themselves now eleven days from the
Church, were commanded by the Magistrate, the 12th of
February, (for that day, they and certain others were seen
with the Magistrate) that they should in no wise come at
our Church.
When we heard of it, we had marvel. First, that the
matter was come to the Magistrate's ear; for Master Horne
and the rest testified, the 2nd of February, by their own
handwriting, that they would never open it to the Magis-
trate : and Secondarily, seeing Master Horne and Master
Chambers could, by no means, be intreated to come to the
Church, it seemed a wonder that it was commanded by the
Magistrate that they should not come ; as though they had
been desirous to come — ^which, indeed, needed not.
Therefore, the most part thought, That that command-
ment was obtained by their own suit at the Magistrate's
hands: both that euch persons as knew not the matter
should be persuaded that it was long of [on account o/]
the Magistrate's commandment that they did not their
Offices in the Church : whereas, before the commandment
was given, they had, of a purposed forwardness [perversity'] ,
absented themselves now already more than ten days from
the Congregation. And also besides, That the Congregation
might not proceed against them; seeing that the Magistrate
commanded them that they should not appear. And this
was the very let [hindrance] indeed, why the Congregation
proceeded not in hearing and determining of the variance
between Masters Horne and Chambers of the one party, and
Ashley on the other.
And in this, they burden us maliciously without cause,
as though we would have Ashley rid from judgement of
that matter ; and as though that were the only thing which
was sought in our contention : whereas indeed it was long
of [on account of] them that his Cause was not determined.
Wherefore, having knowledge of this matter; for fear
lest we should be falsely accused, as though we had uttered
it to the Magistrate ; and had seemed first to have accused
our brethren unto the Magistrate, which we might not abide
to do : we assembled together in the Church, the 13th of
February [1557]; and there was openly recited in writing
this that followeth:
116
1557. The Church adopt the first New Discipline.
* Forasmuch as our contention is already hruited abroad,
not only through this City but also come to the Magistrate's
ear; for we hear say, That Master Hokne and Master
Chambees were commanded by the Magistrate, yesterday,
that is, the 12th of February, that they should in no wise
come at the Congregation till the Magistrate had fuller
knowledge of the matter : We profess that neither Master
HoRNE, nor Master Chambers, nor no man else, was com-
plained upon to the Magistrate by us, or any of us, or by
our means : but that we sought rather, by all diligent
endeavour, that the matter should not come abroad, but that
all matters might have been secretly agreed among our-
selves ; and that we would all men should [so] understand
by this our Writing.*
This done ; those that knew themselves to be of an
upright conscience in this behalf, were required to set
their hands to that Writing: and so there were Thirty-seven
hands subscribed ; as appeareth in the Acts of the 13th of
February.
And where Master Horne and Master Chambers (being
so often desired, by all instant [urgent^ means, of the
Congregation, that they would be content to have all
matters pacified among us by brotherly communication)
did never suffer themselves to be talked withal of any
matter ; lest they should afterwards allege to such as knew
not the matter, that they did it of force, because of the
Magistrate's commandment, which forbad them to come to
the Congregation. All the time wherein they absented
themselves, and contemned so many desires and intreaties
of the Church to have met upon agreement -making, before
any commandment was given of the Magistrate (which
commandment notwithstanding may seem that they, at
length, for the causes before mentioned, procured them-
selves) was recorded among the Acts of that 13th of
February ; and confirmed by the testimonies of Thirty-seven
names subscribed, as in the Act appeareth more at large.
The 14th of February, those eight men which were
appointed the 3rd of February, by the Congregation, to
amend the Discipline, presented the Book of Discipline to
the Congregation again : and the Congregation allowed it
[see pp. 127-128]. And those matters that were altered or
augmented in the Discipline were such as specially pertained
117
Chambers's General Proxy, as a Deacon. iss?.
to those Causes wherein the Pastor and Seniors were the
one party; and how it must be proceeded against the
Pastor and Seniors, in case any of them were accused.
For concerning these things, there was never a word in the
Old Discipline.
And where, in the Old Discipline, there was no certain
mention how the Church should be governed ; and seeing
Master Horne and others had now utterly forsaken the
Congregation ; who, in leaving their Offices, had drawn away
with them the most part of them that were appointed
Preachers ; and [also the] disposing of the Church's money ;
were more largely and more truly set forth and expressed.
For where Master Chambers had authority to gather
all godly men's alms for the poor of the Congregation
confirmed unto him (as he himself required) in writing,
signed by the Pastor and Seniors and certain others of the
chief men of the Church with their own hands ; and had
exercised the same gathering now a year and a half [August
1554-February 1556], that he alone should receive all; he
alone distribute, and be accomptable [accountahle] to no
man ; and he alone to be privy to the money ; that matter,
were he never so faithful a man, seemeth very suspicious to
him ; and hurtful to the Church if he should die suddenly,
as the state of Man is casual. And the example also should
seem pernicious to the Church ; lest perhaps another man,
of small fidelity, should, by the same reason, draw all the
Church money into his own only [sole] hands.
And forasmuch as the Deacons (unto whom the charge
of the Church's money seemeth to appertain by the Word of
GOD, and by the example of all rightly instituted Churches)
in our Congregation had not a mite to bestow. For there
were made Deacons honest men indeed ; but yet such, as for
their poverty, seemed not fit men to whom the common
money should be committed ; and by that colour [device,
'plausibility'] Master Chambers thought he might, without
controlling, receive all the common money in his own hands
alone. The Congregation thought good to have a Deaconship
appointed more uprightly ; according to the rule described
in the Acts of the Apostles, and the example of other
godly-instituted Churches : and to the intent [that] the
Church's money might be meddled withal by the Deacons
without all suspicion ; it is provided in the amending of the
Discipline, That such men should be chosen Deacons as be,
118
Chambers's ignoble conduct, as a Deacon. 1557.
not only of a most approved good fidelity ; but also such as
were able handsomely to live of their own, without any
need of the Church's alms.
And, indeed, this seemed to be now so much the more
necessary ; for that many complained : some, that the alms
which they received before privately of private friends, was
taken up by the way, since Master Chambers began to
gather; as, indeed, Master Horne, then Pastor, threatened
openly, out of the pulpit, in his Sermon, saying, * Tbat he
would stop all men's vents,' as he termed it, ' and receipts.'
Again, some complained that they could have nought at
Master Chambers' hands, but after beseeching, and
unreasonable long delays ; some that they could have
nothing without bitter upbraid [ing] s ; and some that they
could obtain nothing of gift, but only of loan ; and other
some that they could get nought at all. So that now it
seemed requisite, of necessity, to seek some remedy for
these mischiefs.
All which complaints, we sball be constrained, of
extreme necessity, to put into one several piece of work
touching the whole matter, and communicating it to good
men. And concerning the Discipline — seeing there was no
certain express way in the Old Discipline how the Congre-
gation should be governed, neither could any long quietness
endure so long as Master Horne had the government by
that Discipline ; and seeing now Master Horne and Master
Chambers have utterly forsaken the Church, not only
themselves but also have drawn away with them many
others, and of them the most part of such as were appointed
Preachers and Readers of the Scripture ; so as they might
plainly appear to seek nothing else but that the Congrega-
tion (being destitute of Preaching and Reading ; as though
it could not stand without those men) should be utterly
broken up : the Congregation was, of necessity, enforced to
devise and provide for some certain Way of Governing the
Church ; whereby the Congregation might be set at a firm
and a constant quietness.
119
AFTER, THIS 24th of February [1557], two Preachers
of the French and Flemish Churches, and Master
Valerand Poullain, came to the Congregation,
with the Magistrate's Edict.
The meaning of the Edict was, That Master
HoRNE, Master Chambers, Master Isaac, and the rest of the
Seniors should be restored unto their former full authority :
and that Master Horne should do the Office of Pastor, and
they of Seniors, in our Church, till the Magistrates might
have the hearing and determining of the matter more at
large. And it was commanded, That all such men as had
anything to say against Master Horne and the rest, should
exhibit the same to the Magistrate in writing.
Master Horne, the Decree being read, consulting first
with some of his complices (as in a new matter that he
never knew before), said to this effect. That he was ready
to obey the honourable Magistrate, as concerning other
functions belonging to the Pastor, that is to say. Consulta-
tions with the Seniors and Administration of Discipline :
but he would not meddle with Preaching; because [seeing
that] his Ministry was infamed by some men, he could not
do it without the offence of himself and of many.
Answer was made, in the Church's name. For that the
honourable Magistrate had sent the Seniors again to the
Church, the Church was glad of it : for they were all sorry
for their departure; and now were very joyous of their
coming again.
Concerning Master Horne, forsomuch as he refused the
chiefest part of the Pastor's Office, wherein he hath behaved
himself well, if in anything well, that is, in the Office of
Preaching ; again, where he would take upon him that part
wherein he is justly reprehended, as wanting discretion and
soberness therein, that is, the Administration of Ecclesias-
tical Discipline with the Seniors : he overshooteth himself
in both these points. Therefore inasmuch as he exempteth
himself from that Office wherein he might profit the Congre-
gation ; the Congregation, in like case, will not admit him
120
1557. Home and Chambers refuse quietness.
to that Office wherein he hath ill behaved himself before ;
as the Congregation, if need be, shall declare unto the
Magistrates. Wherein likewise the Congregation cannot
admit Master Chambees to the Office of Senior, for certain
causes.
And for the rest of the Seniors, ' We,' say they, ' give
unto the Magistrates right humble thanks.'
This done ; those Three men which came unto them
with the Magistrates' Edict, did earnestly exhort, first in
the Magistrates' name, and eftsoons [again] in their own,
to fall to a quiet agreement among themselves ; for that
were most honesty than to accuse one another unto the
Congregation : which thing as it is most unworthy of
Christian men ; so is it unto us specially, that profess our-
selves banished for the Gospel's sake.
Answer was made, in the name of the Church, as
folio weth :
' We wish for a brotherly peace from the bottom of our
hearts; praying Master Hokne and Master Chambers
instantly [urgently'] to bend their minds unto quietness : and
most heartily beseeching these Three men our brethren, and
banished for the same Gospel that we are, that they will help
with their authority to set a quietness among us ; so as the
matter should come no more to the Magistrate's ear.'
These Three answered. That they would hear what
Answer Master Horne and Master Chambers would make.
Hereto Master Horne answered. Seeing the matter is
already before the Magistrate ; the Magistrate shall have the
hearing and determining of it ! If any had aught against
him ; let them put it up in writing before the Magistrate !
For he was ready to answer all men ; and either he would
try his innocency, or (being found faulty) suffer punishment
for the same.
Master Chambers made like Answer for himself.
Then forasmuch as there could be.no other end; the
Congregation requested those Three grave and learned
Preachers to make report to the Magistrate of their desire
and readiness to have agreement.
And so they, as soon as these things were put in writing,
departed.
And the Church also made an Act of that day ; sub-
scribing with their hands to the same.
Herr Glauberg dismisses Home's Ministry. i667.
The same day, at afternoon, the Magistrates, having
more plain intelligence of the matter, commanded, by their
Edict subscribed with their hands, that Master Horne and
Master Chambers should meddle no more, the one with the
Pastorship and the other with the Seniorship, till all thc^
controversies were thoroughly heard and decided. And
commandment was given, that the eighth day after, which
was the 8rd of March, such as had to say of any party
should be present. This matter was grievous to the
Church, as may be thought, that things should grow to
such extremity.
When they had gathered certain matter, they exhibited
it to the Magistrates, when as they came to the English
Church; where all the Company were assembled before
them, which was the last of February : where the Magis-
trates made an end, by their own authority, of the contro-
versy ; as shall be said hereafter.
The last of February [1557], the Magistrate came to our
Temple [the French word for the edifice of a Church'],
a little before ten of the clock ; and there, of his authority,
reconciled certain of the Congregation that were at
variance among themselves, and took order that all former
offences should be utterly extinct, and buried in the grave
of forgetfulness.
Whereupon, at the commandment, and in the presence,
of this Magistrate, the parties joined hands together, in token
that they were reconciled, and were good friends and lovers.
Afterwards, the Pastor, Elders, and Deacons, were put
from their ecclesiastical functions, by an Edict signed and
subscribed with three of the Magistrates' hands ; and were all
made private men, as the rest of the Congregation. And, by
the same Edict of the Magistrates, it was decreed that that
Congregation might freely, when they would, choose either
them, or other Ministers. Likewise it was permitted and
granted that, according to the ability [to remunerate] of the
Congregation, they might choose one, or many. Ministers of
the Word or Doctors. Moreover, order was taken, by the
same Edict, that the Treasure or common money of the Con-
gregation should be kept and distributed by the Deacons ;
and that the Deacons should, at certain appointed times,
give up an Account of it, before the Ministers of the Word
and Seniors.
122
1557. The Church thanks Herr Glauberg.
We were licensed, by the same Edict of the Magistrates,
to draw out an Ecclesiastical Discipline; whereby the Con-
gregation should be governed.
Afterward, there was thanks given to the Magistrate,
in the name of the whole Congregation, for his singular
good will and affection to the Congregation ; and the Magis-
trate departed, wishing well, in like sort, to the Company.
But by whose means, the Magistrate came thus unto
us, and took such order; or whether the Magistrate, of
himself, wrought this device : we cannot certainly say. But
that we of the Church were not the cause that any such
thing were done ; we take GOD, and our consciences, and
the Magistrate, who knoweth the whole matter, to witness !
12S
THE MORROW AFTER, which was the 1st of March,
the Magistrate gave us counsel, by a few lines that
he wrote unto us [see page 142] , to draw forth the
Ecclesiastical Discipline out of hand [at once'] , while
we were as yet all private men, and therefore might
best take counsel for that that should be most behovable
[jprofitahle, advantageous] for the whole Company : lest that
if we deferred the doing of it until the Ministers were chosen
and appointed, our consultation should be more troublesome;
while the Ministers on the one side, and the Congregation
on the other, might pluck and force more unto themselves
than of right they ought.
This most wholesome and profitable counsel of the
Magistrate was, the next day after, which was the 2nd of
March, proposed in the Congregation ; and it liked and
pleased the whole Company: notwithstanding, because that
Master Horne made some matter, for that [because] some
were absent, the matter was deferred unto the next day.
The 3rd of March, by the advice of that good and godly
Magistrate, Eight and thirty of the Congregation chose, by
voices. Fifteen men to write Ecclesiastical Laws.
Master Horne, and Master Chambers, and almost to
the number of Fourteen more, sat by ; and would give no
voices : notwithstanding that we requested and intreated
them. But they required they might have leave to put
down their minds in writing.
So then, being requested to write down their minds ;
Master Horne rose up, and wrote on the paper in these
words following, 'My mind is that the Old Discipline be
kept still ; and not mended.'
Master Chambers and Master Isaac, and others, to the
number of Fourteen, wrote down their minds to the self-
same purpose.
Now when we saw, far beyond our expectation and
otherwise than we looked for, that there was a new dissen-
sion arising between us; being set at one and reconciled
124
1557. Home's simple subtilty.
one to the other, not scarce three days before, and in witness
thereof had given hands each to other : we could not other-
wise do but be grieved and sorrow greatly, to see the
groundwork of more troubles and dissensions laid.
And because those Fourteen gave to understand, by
their hands put down unto it in writing. That they thought
it not good to alter their Old Discipline ; to the end that it
might evidently appear how many we were, that had con-
sented upon the choice of Fifteen men which should set
down in writing a Form of Discipline, according as the
Magistrate had commanded : we, on the other side, trusted,
that we thought it for the behoof and profit of the Congre-
gation that a Form of Discipline should be made and put
down, as the Magistrate had commanded. And to this
determination and sentence, being put in writing, we, in
number Eight and thirty, subscribed our names : with pro-
testation that we did nothing but that was good and lawful,
according to the Magistrate's will and mind; requesting
them to give their consent, and to agree with us.
But they, after much debating and many words to and
fro for their Old Discipline, that it needed not to be deplaced
or altered, came to this pass at the length. That they said,
* We had to consult of [the] correcting, but
not of makinq, a Discipline ' : and very ^^® simp e
• X XI r \t7 n / ^1 ^ A subtilty of
instantly [urgently] and earnestly urged jj(-oj^j^E,gj
the same; upon the words of that advice factious head.
and counsel which the Magistrate had given
touching the speedy dispatch of the Discipline of the Church
before the Election of the Ministers.
We therefore, which thought it not much material
whether it were termed a new made, or a corrected.
Discipline, to have no occasion of dissension, changed
our Copy ; and put in, instead of these words, * Discipline
should be made,' * should be corrected.'
And so those Fourteen, which made a shew before as
though they would not suffer any ane jot of the Old
Discipline to be altered and changed; (calling to mind, I
suppose, either the fewness of their number ; or the odds of
the matter, because that Old Discipline was utterly taken
away by the Magistrate's Edict, the last of February, as
the chiefest cause of our controversies; or else foreseeing
that the Magistrate would be offended with that their
dissension) they all jointly together. Master Hokne and
125
Fifteen to frame the second New Discipline. 1557.
Master Chambers beginning the dance, put their hands to
HoRNEandhis ours, for the correction of the Discipline.
company sub- Then did Master Horne request, That,
scribe to the seeing now they had consented unto us, for
other party. the writing down of the Discipline ; he and
the residue of the Fourteen might freely give their voices
for the choosing of those Fourteen [Horne himself being
the Fifteenth] which they had already appointed, or some
such others, as they would.
But we (because we had before requested them to give
their voices, and they refused: considering that those
Fourteen drew all one line, and were fully bent in all points
to do one as the other, being all like affected, and, by that
means, might, of purpose, wholly bestow their voices upon
some certain, and so overthrow our Election, which they
knew already) denied to grant and suffer them ; and yet we
said. That if they would, we would not refuse to appoint
another day to choose the said Fourteen men, or others :
yet giving Master Horne, in the meanwhile, to wit \_know^ ,
that that matter, which might have been quietly despatched
in three hours, would scarcely, by his means, be finished in
three days.
At the length, Master HoRNE, after consultation had
with certain, spake aloud, in the name of the Fourteen, in
this wise. 'Although,' said he, 'it were meet that we all
severally give our voices ; yet that we may be no longer a
hindrance, I pronounce, in all their names, that we do all,
by our voices, choose those Fourteen men, whom you have
already [with himself] appointed.'
When the residue were asked. Whether they consented
to this, or no ? Master Isaac answered. That all agreed ;
otherwise if any were contrary minded, he would speak.
And thus, by a general consent of all, not one man
excepted, Fifteen men were chosen to write Ecclesiastical
Laws, the 3rd of March [1557].
126
T
HE FIFTEEN ELECTED agreed between them-
selves to assemble and come
together the 4th of March, at one
£ J.X. 1 1 X i?x came not till two.
of the clock at after noon.
When they came together there was much ado
a great while, Whether the Old Discipline should be
corrected ; or a new [one] made ?
We, of the Church, alleged that all occasions of old
controversies, whereof the Old Discipline (being unperfect
and naught) was one, were utterly taken away by the
Magistrate's Edict.
Some urged that this corrected, or amended, was in the
advice and counsel that the Magistrate gave us for the
speedy dispatch of Discipline. * For,' said they. * that is not
corrected ; which is clean taken away.'
At length, the Book of the Old Discipline, and another
of the New Discipline [see page 117,] which The Book of
was corrected in the absence of Master Discipline brought
HoENE and others, was read : and so they forth and read,
departed for that day ; appointing to meet again the 8th
of March, at the same hour.
The 8th of March, the Fifteen men assembled again ;
and there agreed upon Articles for the , „
Jj^aster S^oknei
making of Discipline, which were set down , .,
n n 1 -1- J ^ J.X. came at three,
m a paper, and all subscribed unto them ;
saving that Master Hoene, and Master Chambees, and
Master Isaac, and Master Bentham, would not subscribe to
that Article concerning the having of Two Ministers of the
Word : and yet, notwithstanding, they all agreed upon this,
that it was a matter indifferent, whether there should be
one or many Ministers of the Word ; for it is not defined in
the Scriptures, but left free.
Afterward, Master Hales gave to Master Chambees a
Book of Discipline, which was written in the absence of
Master Hoene and others, and was of the same Articles as
tbe Congregation had made and agreed upon [see page 117];
127
Home's wrath at the first New Disciphne. i667.
that Master Horne, and he, and Master Isaac, might read
it over ; and if they allowed aught therein, that it might
be annexed to the Discipline that was in hand.
But, afterward, when Master Horne, through occasion
of talk about the correcting of the Discipline, said, That
there had been no other Discipline in the Church but that
Old Discipline ; and that therefore the Magistrate spake of
correcting of that, not of the utter abolishing thereof : and
that it was answered. That that same other Book of Disci-
pline (being written when he was absent) might as well be
understood to be meant, as that same Old Discipline : both
for that there was more equity in it ; and also it was sub-
scribed unto of so \_as^ many as well as that Old Discipline,
which he so extolled. Then Master Horne brake out into
most spiteful words against all his countrymen that had
agreed to that Discipline ; which were, at the least, Thirty-
six persons : affirming, That all they that had thus conspired
together for the establishing of those Articles, according to
the shortness of the time wherein they met ; that they
were, in a certain degree, guilty of treason against the
Magistrate, against the Senate, and (to be short) against
the whole City.
Then Master Hales (understanding by Master Horne's
words, that nothing was sought but new trouble ; and being
put in mind also of Master Bentham) rehearsed again that
Book of Discipline, which, a little before, was offered to
Master Chambers : affirming. That he understood, they
went about to seek rather an occasion of challenging
at the Book by reading of it, than a way of making a new
Discipline.
The 11th of March [1557], the Fifteen men met again
upon certain Articles ; to which, except one which Master
Horne and Master Chambers would not subscribe, they all
subscribed.
A little before our departure ; it was thought profitable
that those things, which we had collected and agreed upon,
should be brought into a certain form of a Book : adding,
either out of the Old Discipline, or by occasion, as we were
gathering these things together, such things as might
seem profitable: Master Horne and Master Chambers being
intreated that they would gather those things in such sort,
or else be present to confer with others that read.
128
1557. Edward Isaac steals the Church's Draft.
Master Hokne answered, That he would not ; neither
was there any such need.
The 16th day of March [1557], they met again in the
Church; and there a certain Bill [Draff] (in which were
written certain Articles tending to Discipline) was exhibited
unto them, that among the Fifteen it might be deliberated
upon and debated.
Master Isaac spake many things very sharply against
one Article, as very dangerous and perilous against those
good men, through whose liberality the poor of the Church
were sustained ; and making-wise as though he would know
the matter better, he requested the Bill : which, being
reached unto him, he putteth it up in his bosom ; neither
would he give it again. And so, by this means, he took
away the matter for us to work upon ; since that we had no
other copy.
Afterward, the Book (in which those things were written
that were agreed upon among the Fifteen ; and certain
things out of the Old Discipline, and others also, were
gathered into some order) was brought out among them to
be consulted upon : and being read, Master HoRNE and
Master Chambers, first of all, complained. That Book
was gathered, they not witting thereof; and it had been
long beaten upon among certain of them : and therefore it
was reason that a copy should be given to them and to
Master Isaac ; and a farther time also to deliberate. Master
Isaac affirmed that he needed two months, or one at the
least, to consider of that Book.
It was answered, That although Masters HoRNE and
Chambers complained that they were not admitted to the
collecting of the Book: in that, they did us wrong: for
being of us thereunto required ; they refused it, and left it
to others.
In that they required a copy, it seemed unjust; seeing
that the Church had decreed that we, the Fifteen, should
debate together as concerning the writing of the Discipline :
for that thing tended again to a new dissension.
Again, that they required so long a time to deliberate,
and especially Master Isaac; it was most unjust. For
seeing the Mart was now at hand; it was profitable, or
rather necessary, that our Church should with speed be
1 Whittingham 9 129
The Frankfort Mart is now at hand. 1557.
established, and our Ministers elected : lest, to our great
infamy, men coming hither out of all Europe, they might
also see the broils of our Church, and so spread them far
abroad among all nations. Moreover, that it would fall out
to the great hurt of the poor, if godly men, being offended
with our dissensions, being before beneficial to the poor,
withdraw now their liberality; and therefore there was need
of speedy help in pacifying and quieting the Church before
the Mart ; being now at hand.
Master Hokne answereth, That he required not too
much time. Two or three days should be enough for him
to deliberate, notwithstanding that the copy ought to be
granted for no less time; seeing many things were contained
in that Book, and some also dark and doubtful things, and
to him, before that time, unheard of, or at the least unknown :
and that therefore he requested that all should be asked,
man by man, Whether they thought not this reasonable and
just that he required. For if to the most, it should seem
reasonable; he would, at any hand [cosf], have a copy of
that Book.
Every man therefore was asked ; beginning at Master
Bentham. He (as well for the causes before alleged ; as also
that no occasion of wrangling might arise of the Book, and
lest the Book should come to the hands of any others before
it were brought to the Congregation, and for certain other
causes) thought it not meet that any copy should be given
to any : but that the Book should be brought forth among
them, and all they hearing it (that were appointed of the
Congregation), it should be after read, and that time enough
should be given to stand upon [^debate, discuss^ every decree
and sentence ; and more exactly to examine them — and this
seemed to him very just and reasonable.
And this judgment is condescended [agreed^ to of all
the rest : and so Master Horne leaveth oif from requesting
the copy.
Afterwards, the Book is begun to be read from the
beginning ; and in examining of every of the Decrees long
time is spent, and of some Articles in the beginning much
disputation and debating is had. But Master Horne,
Masters Chambers and Isaac, being asked their judgements,
would not answer ; no, not in the most plainest matters
and iLQOwn of all men, either to allow or disallow : as, for
example, there was one Article.
130
1557. The Eleven finish the second New Discipline.
We profess the selfsame doctrine which is contained in the
Canonical Books of the Holy Scriptures, to wit, in the Books of the Old
and New Testament; in which is contained fully all doctrine
necessary for our salvation. [See page 152.]
To this and such others, being most plain and manifest,
Master Hoene answered, as to all the others.
That he would answer nothing, without
deliberation. By which his doings ;
gave occasion to all men to wonder.
And so, some other Decrees of that
Book being examined ; a meeting of the
Fifteen was appointed against the next
day: and so they departed.
great
he
If Master Horne
took such deliber-
ation before he
would subscribe
to that Article :
what meaneth
this, that poor
ignorant men and
women must thus
subscribe upon the
sudden ; or else to
Newgate !
The next day, being the 17th of March;
and again the day following, being the
18th; Twelve of the Fifteen met: for
Master Isaac, Masters Horne and Chambers, came not.
Upon both days, the Discipline was more diligently
read and examined ; and of Eleven of them which were
appointed, allowed and subscribed unto.
ISl
UPON THE 20th day of March [1557], the Discipline
was offered to the whole Congregation ; that it
might, of them, either in the whole, or in part, be
allowed or disallowed : and, the same day, was it
twice read over.
After the reading, Master Hokne and Master Chambers
required a copy of the Discipline ; that, at their leisure, they
might farther deliberate upon it.
It was answered. That it was to be openly read and
read again, both to them and others, as often as they would,
with time enough given to every man more diligently to
examine every Article : but seeing the Magistrate had com-
manded that we should exhibit to them a copy of the
Discipline, turned into Latin, so soon as possibly might be ;
therefore we durst not scatter any copies before the
Magistrate had seen it. Besides, that we feared lest Master
HoRNE and Master Chambers (who were among the Fifteen
appointed of the Church for the writing of the Discipline :
who might [have] also, when they would, not only hear the
Discipline, but also examine the same diligently, and yet
would not meet with the others at the appointed time)
would request a copy ; not so much to know the Discipline
as to stir up new broils. Nevertheless, when the Magistrate
had once seen it ; leave to be given to any man that would,
to see it.
With this Answer, they and some others, being offended ;
at the Second Reading of the Discipline, they departed
away ; and abstained again, with their whole households,
from the Church, from Public Prayers and Sermons : which
thing blew up and increased the report of our disagreements
and strifes. Neither would they, from that time forward,
unless they were commanded by the Magistrate, come to
the Church : when as, notwithstanding, they could not shew
us any just cause to be given them, why they should so
depart from the Church, and refrain [from] the Public
Prayers and godly Sermons; as if we had been Ethnics
[^pagans] or Publicans.
132
1557. The Church adopt the second New Disciphne.
The 25th day, our Discipline was read the Third time :
and the 26th day, it was read the Fourth time, by the
commandment of the Magistrate ; at the reading whereof,
all Englishmen that were of the Church were commanded
to be present.
The 30th of March [1557], it was read the Fifth time :
and so, at divers times, there subscribed Forty-two, in the
good allowance thereof ; which was the greater part by a
great deal of the Church : for the whole Church, at that
present, had not above Sixty-two.
And because now the Mart was at hand; that there
might be some better Form of a well-ordered Church,
Five were appointed of the Church, the 20th of March, to
nominate certain from among whom, according to the
Magistrate's Decree, should be chosen the Ministers of the
Word, Seniors, and Deacons.
The 21st of March, the names of Twenty men, or there-
abouts, were proponed [proposed] to those Five appoiuted
of the Church; and it was therewithal declared. That if any
would, or could, reprove any of them that were named, either
in doctrine or manners ; they should shew it the 23rd day after.
Upon the 28rd day, none finding any fault in any of
those whose names were propounded ; it was again decreed,
That yet if they had anything to say against any man; they
should declare that, the 24th day following.
The 25th of March, Master Chambers, Master Binkes,
Master Ade, Master Brikbek, and Master Bentham, who
were among them that were named, told the Church, That
if, peradventure, they should be chosen, for certain causes,
they could not serve the Church ; and that they signified
this to the Church in time, lest the Election were frustrate.
But when no man could object any fault in these or [the]
others that were named ; the Election of the Ministers was
made the 29th of March : and the ordaining of them that
were chosen, was appointed of the Church,>the day following.
In the mean season. Master Horne and Master Chambers
and certain others, left not oft* to sue to the Magistrates that,
both our Election might be hindered : and also that it might
be lawful for them to be of our Church, and yet not to sub-
scribe to our Discipline; the thing that they themselves,
notwithstanding, would never grant to any others.
133
A new Ministry is chosen. 1557.
The 27th of March, after dinner, it began to be muttered
of certain, That the Magistrate had forbidden that we should
go forward in the Election. The which thing surely grieved
us. For, by that means, we saw that we should have no form
of a Church before the Mart, and that therefore we should
become a reproach to all men ; which seemed [? shame~\
should be spread among all nations.
But this rumour was altogether vain. For the 28th of
March, which was the day before the Election should be,
after the Sermon, the Decree of the Magistrates was openly
read in the Church ; wherein it was commanded, That we
should take in hand and perform the Election of the Minis-
ters in the same order and upon the same day that we had
appointed ; and that all Englishmen, that were of our
Church, should be present the same day, at the Election,
and give their voices.
The 29th day of March [1557] , after Prayers, the Sermon,
and Public Fast ; a little before twelve, the Election of the
Ministers began to be made; and, when we were in the
midst of the Election, Master Horne, Master Chambers and
others, to the number of eighteen men, (who, before, were
neither with us at the Sermon, nor at Prayers ; but had kept
themselves in some houses not far from the Church; being
warned of their side that had watched in the Church) came
in suddenly, on a troop together, into the Church ; and there
each one striveth who shall cast in his Bill first upon the
table standing in the midst of the Church. All which Bills
contained one matter, and written almost with like words,
to wit, That they could not give their, voices in the same
Election; because they could not, of their consciences, allow
that Discipline by which the Election was made. And that
they might enlarge their number ; they brought with them
two Bills of those that were absent, and of some others
which were never accompted [accounted] of the Church.
And so (after they had troubled our Election; and after
Master Horne also walking with another, a little while,
overthwart [from aide to side] in the midst of the Church)
all in a manner departed again.
Afterwards, the Election was fully ended at one of the
clock at afternoon. There were chosen two Ministers of the
Word, six Seniors, and four Deacons. Now the Deacons
were, besides [in accordance witJi] the wonted custom of
our Church, of the number of those who could live of their
134
1557. Only John Wilford is re-elected.
own : for that [because^ the common Treasure might seem,
without all suspicion, to be commiitted to such, rather than
to the poorer sort.
Now in that Master Hoene, neither any of the others
that were before in the Ministry, except only Master
Wilford, were chosen again to the Ministry, was specially
through their own fault.
For Master Horne never almost ceased, for certain
days, to profess openly that he would never exercise again
any Ecclesiastical Ministry in that Church ; and being
before appointed by the Magistrate to preach in our Church,
he would never so much as once preach. And Master
Chambers, when his name, among the rest to be chosen,
was propounded the 25th of March ; he professed openly in
the Church, all men hearing it, before the Election, That
though he were chosen of us to some Ministry ; yet that he
would never use it : and therefore that we should not, in
any case, choose him, unless we would have our Election tc
be frustrate. Wherefore it is no marvel, if they were not
chosen; who, lest they should be chosen, did themselves
openly denounce it. And, therefore, in this, they do us
great wrong that would seem to bear men in hand \_persuade
them] that they were, at the first, thrust out of their
Ministry by us ; or long of [on account of] us, they were not
chosen in again.
Master Isaac, in like manner. Master Binks, Master
Brickbek, and Master EscoT, openly professed that they
would in no wise use any public Ministry in our Church.
And, hereupon, it came specially to pass that only Master
Wilford, who had not made any such exception, was, from
among them which were before in the Ministry, chosen again.
[There is a Letter to Heinrich Bullinger, in ' Original Letters *
764-5, Ed. 1846-7 (Parker Society) that gives the names of some of these
new Church Officers, It ends thus,
Dated at Frankfort, September 17, 1557.
Your Piety's most devoted, the Minister, Elders, and Deacons,
of the Church of the English Exiles at Frankfort on the Main.
David Whitehead. John Taverner. Gregory Railton.
John Wilford. John Hales. Edmund Sutton.]
Thomas Sowerby. William Master.
138
THE 3rd of APRIL [1557], the Magistrate (who
desired that these Church dissensions of ours might
be pacified and quieted ; and he now, because of the
Mart, had no leisure to do the same) writeth his
Letters to Doctor Cox, Doctor Sandys, and Master
Bartue [i.e. Richard Bertie, the husband of Catherine
Bertie, Duchess Dowager of Suffolk] ; in which he
exhorteth them, that they, if they could by any coHvenient
means, as Arbiters of some estimation, end this strife
among us.
Now when either side was come before them ; and all
we, in the name of the Church, (for all had granted our
controversies to be heard and determined, without any
exception at all to them, and to other Arbiters whatsoever,
whom they should call unto them) had offered this thing
to the Arbiters written, and all our names subscribed to it.
Master Horne, Master Chambers, and others first required.
That Master HoRNE might be restored to his Office of
Pastorship ; Master IsAACK, Master Chambers, and others,
into their Office of Seniors ; and the Old Discipline into
his former place and authority : so as they were in the
beginning of these controversies. 'For then,' said they, 'will
we leave all controversies to the Arbiters.'
When we had refused this, as most unjust and
unreasonable ; then they requested, That seeing we would
not restore the Old Discipline, and them to their former
authority ; that then we would suffer our Discipline and
Ministers to be none otherwise than their Old [Discipline],
without all authority, and no Minister at all nor Discipline,
to be in our Church : but that the matter should remain in
that state and condition that it was in the last of February ;
when the Magistrate, having put all the Ministers from their
Offices, departed from us. And so should the matter be left
to Arbiters.
When we remembered what, and how great, travails that
Discipline and Election of Ministers had cost us ; and saw
that, by this means, our Church should be made destitute
186
1557. The Three English Arbitrators.
of Ministers, and a large window to be opened for new
contentions ; and had also denied that thing : Master
HoRNE requested that it might be lawful for him to go a
little aside, and to consult with some of his side, about the
whole matter.
A little after, returning again, and saying, That they
would leave no way unsought after, whereby peace might be
gotten ; although they yielded much from their right.
Then he readeth a certain Bill to those Three appointed of
the Magistrate, and to us ; written in his own name and the
names of others : which I have added hereunder, written
word for word ; lest any man should think that anything,
of purpose, were altered by us.
The Bill of Master Horne and others.
WE OFFER AND permit with most willing minds (having the
licence of the Magistrate, as it may well be for this purpose)
that all our controversies and contentions whatsoever which
have been sown and brought in among us since the beginning
of this breach, and since the first day we began to strive until this present
time and hour, to be debated, decided, and determined, by Arbiters;
being none of this our Congregation, and yet from among the brethren,
our countrymen, equally and indifferently [impartially] by the parties
disagreeing to be chosen, upon this condition. That not only the Election
of Ministers, and besides all other things done by the Order of the said
Discipline, stand in suspense : to be allowed, or disallowed, by the deter-
mination and judgement of the Arbiters to be chosen as is aforesaid.
Written the 5th of April, Anno 1557.
And that the indifferent [impartiaT] Reader may, by
comparing their offer and ours, see which is the most
reasonable ; we have added ours also, written out, word for
word, as we offered it up before the foresaid Master Bartue
[i.e. Richard Bertie], Doctor Cox, and Doctor Sandys;
and to the dissenting brethren.
The copy whereof is this.
WE SUBMIT OURSELVES, and are contented to commit all
manner of controversies that have heretofore risen among
us in the Church to such Arbiters as the Magistrate hath
appointed, and to all such as they call unto them to the
hearing and determining thereof, according to GOD's Word and good
137
Everything is to stand in suspense. 1557.
reason. And thus simply and plainly ; without any manner of exception
or condition.
In witness whereof, we have subscribed our names, the 5th of April,
A7ino 1557.
Thou mayest see here, gentle Reader, that. Albeit we
had our Discipline written and allowed of Eleven, of the
Fifteen, men whom the Congregation, by the Magistrate's
authority, had appointed, to wit, the Discipline ; and there-
upon confirmed with the hands of Forty-two men, which
was the greatest part of our Church by a great deal ; Albeit
we had also all Ecclesiastical Ministers, by the Magistrate's
decree and the authority of the Congregation, lawfully
elected : Yet, for quietness sake, we put all to the Arbiters,
wholly ; either to be allowed, or disallowed, without any
manner of exception.
But Master Horne and Master Chambers and others,
seeking more their own will than any quiet agreement,
would not, at the first, admit those Three Arbiters appointed
of the Magistrates. For Master Horne made exception
against some of them : and afterwards would abide no
order or offer, unless we would, with our subscriptions,
suffer and commit our Discipline, the Election of Ministers,
and all other matters of our Church, to stand in suspense, as
they called it ; so that, by their drift, we should have had
no Discipline, no certain Ministry, no Order, and so conse-
quently no Church.
They would that these Arbiters should be chosen
These three indifferently [inipartiallyl from among such
Arbiters had their as were our countrymen ; but not of our
being out from the Congregation : so that it should be lawful
EngUsh Churches, for them to choose where they list, and
whom they list.
Now consider with me, whosoever thou art, indifferent
[impartial] Reader ! if we, first, having given and sealed our
writing, in the name of the whole Church, had granted our
Discipline, Ministers, and all other Orders of our Church to
stand in suspense, until they should either be allowed, or
disallowed, of the Arbiters chosen in such sort : and till
Master Horne and Master Chambers (according to their
canvassing craftiness, now enough, and more than enough,
known unto us) had chosen Arbiters, for their part, out of
far places ; who either could not, or else would not, meet
138
1557. This is refused by the Church.
together about this matter. Or (which was most certain to
come to pass), if Master Horne and Master Chambers,
wheresoever at length they had chosen Arbiters, had not,
for all that, chosen such for their side who, unless things
were done according to their own mind, would decree
nothing at all : but the Arbiters disagreeing on both sides,
the matter should be left undone. What then should have
become of our Church, with these their suspensive Ministers,
and with the Discipline, and all other things ? For the
condition offered up of Master Horne and Master Chambers
was declared to be this, That so long all should remain in
suspense, till they should be allowed, or disallowed, by the
Arbiters : so that, if the Arbiters should have been divided
equally, as many times it cometh to pass, the Ministers of
the Church might determine nothing ; but the Discipline
and all other things must continually hang in suspense.
Again, the Church, though it were in great peril and
danger, yet lest it should leave any way unproved for the
obtaining of peace, (because they thought that some of those
Three were not meet, whom the Magistrates had appointed
for Arbiters) offered up another Bill containing altogether the
self same matter, and writ with the same words. That they
would stand to the judgement of any other Arbiters whom-
soever; being chosen indifferently [impartially^ by the
other party, from among our countrymen; and leave all
things to them plainly and simply, without any exception
or condition, to be determined and decided.
But they would allow no condition offered of us ; unless
we would first, by the subscribing of our names, allow that
most unjust and unreasonable condition of theirs : and, by
our prejudice, condemn our Ministers, our Discipline, and
all other things that we had done ; and so, by this means,
had opened a gap to them, to overthrow our Church.
But when they had thus behaved themselves before
Master Bartue, Doctor Cox, and Doctor. Sandys: yet certain
of them, when now the Mart was in the chief flower, reported
throughout the whole City, That we had rejected their most
just and peaceable requests; and that we were altogether
troublesome men, and plainly bent to suffer no peace nor
quietness. Howbeit, we had rather that they should shew
these things that are false of us to others ; than that they,
together with others, should openly deride our folly; (if we
13»
Chambers's dishonourable conduct. 1557.
had yielded to such requests) as they that, with our great toil
and travail, had, to the quiet of our Church, established
some Church ; and now, on a sudden, by the subscription of
one Bill Idocument'] , through headiness and foolish facility,
should have overthrown the whole.
But they, when they could not obtain this, went about
this [other matter] very busily, that the whole Church
might then be dissolved and broken up. For Master
Chambeks, for half a month's space and more, would give
nothing to any man that remained in the Church, and
followed not Master Horne and him in departing \_separat-
ing'] from the Church.
To certain others also, he would give nothing at all,
which were in the Public Ministry, to preach the Word and
read Lectures, and also in the exercise of Disputing, by his
own appointment and the order taken by Master Horne,
always from the time [March 1, 1556, see page 96] since
they came to our Church : when now they were for their
board in debt to their hostesses for four months [December
1556 — ^April 1557] ; neither had done any fault, unless it
were because they remained in their function of Preaching
and Reading Lectures, in which they were placed by Master
Horne and Master Chambers, lest the Church should be
altogether destitute both of Sermons and Lectures.
Only because, in this dissension, they agreed not with
them, and took not their parts ; and had [not] with them
withdrawn themselves from the Church, that it might be
utterly scattered : when as, notwithstanding, which is most
unhonest, they had promised to give three months' warning
before they would forsake them ; which notwithstanding.
Master Chambers affirmed they would never do, unless it
were that they were constrained by extreme necessity.
About the midst of the Mart, or a little after, there
began a rumour to be spread of the departure of Master
Horne and Master Chambers from the City : but whither
they would go, or whether they would at all depart, it was
as yet uncertain.
For neither was it likely that Master Chambers, (having
gathered so much common money, and that by the authority
and in the name of the Church, seeing he had been here so
long without making of any Accompt [Account] to the
Church) would go away in such sort. Neither was it credible
liO
1557. Malicious reports spread during the Mart.
that Master Horne, who had governed in his Pastoral Office
and Charge so long, no reconciliation or pacification being
made for so great offences, would so depart; yea, not so
much as [to] have taken his leave of the Church.
In the meantime, it is incredible to be spoken, but
more shameful to be heard, what reports certain had spread,
that Mart-time, secretly ; and especially among the richer
sort, that were able to help the poor of our Church :
Forsooth ! That there were certain traitors among us.
That we desired to know the names of those persons that
were liberal towards the poor of our Church ; to the end to
betray them and undo them. That we had cast our Pastor
and Ministers out headlong from their Ministries and
Offices.
In all which things, they went about nothing else but
to stir new brawls and contentions; and that they may
alienate the hearts of the wealthy sort from us, and so bring
the poor of our Church, first to famine ; and then us into
deadly hatred of [hyl them, as though they were by us
thrown into these miseries.
But forasmuch as all these things are vain and untrue ;
and feigned by the secret sleights of those privy whisperers,
who dare speak nothing openly; we have thought them
rather to be contemned, than to be answered : hoping that,
at last, when they are weary of lying, they will be quiet.
But if they go forward still to belie us so impudently and
outrageously ; surely we will not neglect our fame and
honest estimation : but we will diligently wipe away all
their slanders with one sponge, and therewithal will open
to the World their wicked endeavours against our Church.
In the mean time, nothing distrusting the Lorcrs mercy,
howsoever the deceits of men would let [hinder] it ; hoping
that neither living nor food shall ever want to our poor
Congregation [through him] who also feedeth the ravens ;
and that he will always be present by his Spirit to us and
to our whole Church continually : which thing that it may
please him to bring to pass, we beseech thee, good Eeader !
whosoever thou art, pray unto GOD, together with us!
and, Farewell !
141
Here foil owe th the Exhortation of the Magis-
trate for the amending and establishing of the
Discipline.
The English thus.
WE THINK IT good and profitable, for the establishing of
peace and trajiquility of your Church, that you all together
consult and determine as concerning the amending of
Discipline now, whiles ye all be yet private men, and with-
out any Ecclesiastical Ministry. For, whiles none of you doth yet know,
whether he shall be a private person, or else shall have any Authority
Ecclesiastical ; every man will apply his mind and study to that which
shall seem most reasonable and profitable, as well for the Congregation
as for the Ministers. But after that the Ministers be once elected ; it is
to be feared lest they will draw somewhat more than reason to them-
selves; and in like wise, the Congregation to itself: and so your
consultation may chance to be somewhat troublous ; which we would
not should happen.
Wherefore that all things may proceed as well as may be, to the
establishing of sure peace ; we exhort you that, with all speed, ye take
in hand the consultation about the amending of your Discipline, with
minds and means most appliable to tranquility : which Almighty GOD
grant ye may happily bring to pass.
The 1st of March, 1557.
JOHANN A GlAUBERO.
[See page 124.]
143
Now foUoweth the Discipline : both the Old ;
and that which was, by the Magistrate's
appointment, corrected.
[See page 26.]
The Order of the Old Discip-
line in the City of Frankfort,
The Old Discipline.
THERE BE TWO Parts of the
Order of Discipline in the
Church. The one pertain-
ing to the whole Church.
The other pertaining to the
Ministers and Elders alone.
OF THE FIRST PART.
IN THE DISCIPLINE pertaining
to the whole Church is first
to be appointed, The order of
receiving men into the Con-
gregation: which is this.
The manner of receiving of
all sorts of persons into the
said Congregation.
FIRST, EVERYONE, AS well
man as woman, which
desireth to be received,
shall make a Declaration
or Confession of their Faith before
the Pastor and Seniors: shewing
himself fully to consent and agree
143
The Old Discipline. 1554.
with [the] Doctrine of the Church ;
and submitting themselves to the
Discipline of the same.
If any person, so desirous to
be received into the Congregation,
be notoriously defamed, or noted
of any corrupt or evil opinion in
Doctrine, or slanderous behaviour
in Life : the same may not by the
Pastor and Elders be admitted,
till he have either purged himself
thereof; or else have declared
himself to the Pastor and Elders,
penitent for the same.
The good Behaviour and
godly Conversation required
of such as are received.
SECONDARILY, ALL THE
members of the Church,
so admitted and received,
shall diligently observe and
keep all such godly Discipline
and Orders appointed within the
Church, which tend to the increase
of knowledge and godliness of
life : as the appointed times of
Prayer, Preaching, and hearing of
GOD'S Word ; the Administration
of the Sacraments ; with sub-
mission to all godly Discipline of
the Church.
Thirdly, such also as, being in This Article I
England, after knowledge received, And rased [crossed
have communicated with the ^^3 in the Copy.
Popish Mass contrary to their ^^^^ *^®y ™®*"*
consciences, by reason of fear, by it. I know not.
weakness, or otherwise, may not
be received till they have con-
fessed their Fall before the Pastor
and Seniors ; and have shewed
themselves penitent for the same.
144
1554. The Old Discipline.
How the Youth shall he
catechized,
ALSO FOR THE increase
of godly knowledge and
virtue ; all the Youth shall
resort to the Church, every
Saturday, at two of the clock at
afternoon ; and, when we have a
several [distinct] Church, at one
of the clock on the Sunday at
afternoon; there to be instructed
in the Catechism : and not to be
admitted to the Communion till
they be able to make Profession
of their Faith before the whole
Congregation; and also to have an
honest testimony of towardness
[aptitude] in godly conversation.
And that every member of the
Church do not refuse to read a
Declaration of their Faith before
the Pastor and Elders, whensoever
they shall be thereto required.
The Order of Correction for
private and privy offences.
FOURTHLY, FORASMUCH as
no Charge is so perfect but
offences may arise ; for the
godly and charitable re-
dressing and reformation of such,
this Order is to be observed.
First, if any of the Congrega-
tion be offensive in manners or
doctrine to any of the brethren,
so that [the] offence be private,
and not publicly known ; there can
be no better order devised than
that which Christ himself hath
appointed, which is :
First, brotherly to admonish
him alone.
1 Whittingham 10 148
The Old Discipline. i654.
If that do not prevail ; call
one or two witnesses.
If that also do not profit ; then
to declare it to the Pastor and
Elders ; to whom the Church hath
given authority to take order in
such cases; according to the
quality and grievousness of the
offence and crime.
Of the Order of Correction
for public and open crimes.
BUT IF ANY person shall be
a notorious known Offen-
der, so as he is offensive
to the whole Church;
then shall the Pastor and Elders
immediately call the Offender
before them, and travail with him
to reduce him to true repentance,
and satisfying of the Congre-
gation: which if he obstinately
refuse to do, then the Pastor shall
signify his offence and contempt
to the whole Congregation ; desir-
ing them to pray for him, and
further to assign him a day to be
denounced Excommunicate before
the Church ; except in the mean-
time the Offender submit himself,
before the Pastor and Seniors, to
the Order of Discipline.
Finally, in case any person of
the Congregation be known to be
a hinderer, or a def acer [impiigner]
of any of the godly usages now
exercised in the same Congrega-
tion, either privily or apertly
[openly] , by word, letter, or deed :
the same shall acknowledge his
offence, with satisfaction to the
Church; according to the true
Order of Discipline.
146
1654. The Old Discipline.
THE SECOND PART.
Of Discipline coficerning the
Ministers and Elders ; and
their Elections.
FIRST, FOR THE Election of
Ministers and Elders ; the
qualities of the same are
to be examined and con-
sidered according to the rule of
Saint Paul, 1 Tim. iii. ; whereof
this is the sum :
That no man be elected whose
Doctrine or Life can be justly
reproved and condemned.
As concerning the Order and
Form of Electing, the same is to
be observed which hath already
been practised; and is hereunto
annexed.
Of their Offices and
Functions.
THE PASTOR, ACCORDING
to the commandment of
the HOLY GHOST in the
Scriptures, ought, with all
pastoral care, diligently to attend
to his Flock, in preaching GOD's
Word, in ministering the Sacra-
ments, in example of good life ;
in exhorting, admonishing, rebuk-
ing: and, as the chief mouth of
the Church, to open and declare
all Orders, taken by him and the
Elders, which are to be opened
and published ; to whom no man
may, in the face of the Congre-
gation, reply.
But if any think himself to
have cause to speak ; let him come
before the Elders in the place
147
The Old Discipline. 155 <
appointed for their meeting ; and
there to open his mind, and to be
heai'd, with all charity, indiffer-
ently [impartially] .
The Office of Preachers, and
such as are learned in the
Congregation,
THE OFFICE OF Preachers,
and such as are learned in
the Church, is to assist the
Pastor in Preaching the
Word, Ministering the Sacraments,
and in all consultations and
meetings of him and the Elders,
especially in Causes of Doctrine;
and also at other times, when they
shall be required.
The Office of Elders.
THE OFFICE OF Elders is
to be, as it were. Censors,
Overseers of manners and
disorders ; and to be with
the Pastor in all consultations
for the public Order of the Church :
and that all corrections and exer-
cises of Discipline be done with
their common counsel.
• Deacons.
CONSIDERING ALSO THE
present state of the
Church ; it is thought re-
quisite that the Deticons
(besides the special Office appoint-
ed in the Acts of the Apostles in
caring and providing for the poor)
do also visit the sick, and be assis-
tant in catechising the Youth; if
they shall be thereunto required.
The same Order and Form is
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1554. The Old Discipline.
to be used for the reformation of
offences and crimes in Ministers
and Elders, which is described for
other Offenders ; and to be done
towards them rather with more
severity.
119
Now followeth the Discipline Reformed ; and
confirmed by the authority of the Church,
and Magistrate.
The New Discipline.
1. ¥ T IS MOST comely and godly
I that Christian people resort
'■' together in place and time,
thereunto by common con-
sent appointed (if the Persecution
of the ungodly will suffer the same ;
and they themselves have no
urgent cause to the contrary),
there to hear the pure doctrine of
GOD'S Word taught; and them-
selves openly, with their presence
and voice, to declare the consent
of their hearts with the same ; and
to confess with their mouth agree-
ably their belief and faith upon
GOD and his Holy Word ; according
to the Scriptures.
2. The Congregation thus
assembled is a particular [distinct]
visible Church; such as may be
in divers plaxies of the world very
many. And all these particular
Churches joined together, not in
place (for that is not possible) ; but
by the conjunction of true doctrine
and faith in the same, do make
one whole Church in this world.
And the Elect of GOD that be
In this whole Church and every
part thereof, with all the Elect
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1557. The second New Discipline.
that hath been from the beginning
of the world, and shall be to the
end thereof, do all together make
that holy Catholic and Apostolic
Church, the Spouse of our Saviour
Christ, which he hath purified to
himself in his blood; whereof
mention is made in the Creed, ' I
believe one holy Catholic and
Apostolic Church.*
But, at this present, our con-
sideration must be of the visible
and particular Church.
3. The Signs and Notes of a
visible Church are these :
First. True and godly Doc-
trine.
Secondly. The right Ministra-
tion and use of the Sacraments
and Common Prayer.
Thirdly. Honest and godly
Life, if not in the whole multitude ;
yet in many of them.
Fourthly. Discipline, i.e., The
correction of vices.
But the Two first Notes are
such as, without the which, no
Form of any godly visible Church
can possibly be. Wherefore they
be the principal and chief Notes.
And therefore we define a
particular Church visible to be,
The Congregation of Christian
men, whether they be few or
many, assembling together in place
and time convenient, to hear
Christ's true Doctrine taught ; to
use his holy Sacraments rightly;
and to make their Common Prayer
together: in the which there
appeareth a study of honest and
godly Life ; and which hath in it a
godly Discipline, that is to say,
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The second New Discipline. 1557
Ordinances and Decrees Ecclesias-
tical for the preservation of comely
order, and for the correction of
Vices.
Of the Doctrine of the Church ;
which is the First Note.
4. The Doctrine which we
hold and profess in our Church
is the same that is taught in
the Canonical Books of the Holy
Bible; containing the Old Testa-
ment and the New : in the which
is contained the true and lively
Word of GOD; and the Doctrine
of health, both as concerning
Faith and Godly Life, at full,
sufficient for the salvation of all
the Faithful that unfeignedly
believe therein. The sum of the
which, as concerning Faith, is
briefly and truly comprehended in
the Three Creeds, the common
Creed commonly called the Creed
of the Apostles, the Nicene Creed,
and the Creed of Athanasius;
and, as concerning Godly Life, in
the Ten Commandments, written
in the 20th Chapter of Exodus.
Of the Sacraments and Com-
mon Prayer.
The Second Note.
5. We observe and keep the
Form and Order of the Ministration
of the Sacraments and Common
Prayer, as it is set forth, by the
authority of the blessed King
Edward, of famous memory, in
the last Book of the English
Service [1552] : whereof, notwith-
standing, in respect of times and
places and other circumstances,
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1567. The second New Discipline.
certain Rites and Ceremonies ap-
pointed in the said Book, as things
indifferent, may be left out ; as
we at this present do.
6. The times and hours for
the teaching and hearing of GOD's
Word, and the Ministration of the
Sacraments, and the saying and
hearing of the Common Prayer,
such as be now used, or shall
hereafter by common consent be
thought most meet to be used, are
to be kept and observed of all men ;
not having lawful [jicstifiahle]
cause to the contrary.
Of the Ministers of the Word,
Sacraments, and Common
Prayer.
7- It is thought expedient
for the Church, at this present, to
have Two Ministers, or Teachers
of the Word, elected, of Doctrine
and Godly Life ; such as the rule
of the Scripture doth require, as
much as may be. And that the
said Two Ministers and Teachers
of the Word shall, in all things
and points, be of like authority ;
and neither of them superior or
inferior to the other.
Now that you have heard both the Old Discipline ; and
that which was, by the authority of the Magistrate, devised :
order requireth that I place here the Reasons which Master
HoRNE and the rest of his side, brought against the New
Discipline established.
And to the end this Yolume should not exceed measure
in greatness ; I think it expedient to do here, as I have done
already, and mind to do throughout the whole Story ; which
is, of a leaf to take, as I might say, a line or two ; as one
loath to weary you, since a taste may suffice.
HoRNE, Isaac, Chambers, Wilford, with divers others.
18 Sept.
i53
The second New Discipline. 1557.
To the Article of Two Ministers of like charge and authority ; we
think we have good Reasons to require, That there be no more in the
special burden and chaige pastoral than One: to whom the others,
joined with him for Preaching of the Word and Ministering of the
Sacraments, shall not, in cure and charge, government and pre-eminence,
be in all respects co-equal.
The Beasons,
1. First, the Scripture, speaking or treating of the Office of a
Bishop or Minister, so speaketh, as it were to be presupposed and as an
Order received, that One should in cure and charge be burdened above
others ; and in government, for order sake, in pre-eminence.
2. Item, the Expositions of all ancient Authors and Writers upon
the Scriptures that toucheth that matter, do altogether, as they seem to
gather out of the Text, conclude, declare, and teach, One Minister or
Pastor, in respects aforesaid, preferred and charged above others.
And thus do the new [Authors, etc.] also.
3. Item, this Order of One in cure, charge, and government, pre-
ferred, have all the Churches to be read of, planted by the Apostles and
all others in the Primitive Church observed ; whose examples of us are
not to be neglected.
4. Item, like as good reason of itself f orceth and concludeth ; so
all good Authors, both new and old, do freely teach, That, for conserva-
tion of unity and concord and for [the] avoiding of schisms and discord,
it is requisite and necessary that a prerogative and pre-eminence for
cure, charge, and government, be committed and given to some One ; to
be, as it is aforesaid, charged above others.
5. Item, all the Reformed Churches of Germany, for the most part,
be of that judgement ; and therefore observe that Order.
6. Item, if the Nicene Council decreed and ordered, for good order
sake, that One Bishop, and not Many, should be appointed to every one
City ; how much more is it of necessity, for order sake, that one little
Flock should be content with One ?
7. Item, who is ignorant of this ? That, for the most part, where
not One, but rather Two, must have the especial cure and charge:
there, commonly, things be most negligently done ; and not so much
regarded and cared for as otherwise they would be.
The Answer of the Church, touching this Seventh Article,
to the Beasons of the Dissenting Brethren.
Hales, Whitehead, Nowell, Mullins, Watts, Crowley,
Beasley, Pedder, Parry, Wilson, Sorby, Bedell, Fauconer,
Railton, Crawley, Ashley, Sutton, Raulinqs, Best, and
divers others.
IM
1557. The second New Discipline.
To the 1st. We see not, by the Scriptures, that any authority is
given to any One above others ; but rather the contrary.
To the 2nd, 3rd, 4th. As concerning old Writers; we know that
Jerome expressly declareth, That, in the beginning, the Church was
ruled equally by Many.
But after, when schisms began to spring, the chief authority was
given to One for authority's sake ; and by Man's ordinance, rather than
by divine authority. Wherefore we conclude that, as for Schisms the
first order of Many was left, and One chief appointed: so now, for tbe
avoiding of TjTauny, a worse evil in the Church than Schisms, which (as
appeareth by the Bishop of Kome) is grounded upon One, we think it
good to return to the first order of Two, or more, equal Ministers;
according to the institution of the Apostles, as Saint Jerome teacheth.
And that those [old] Learned Men, who do most earnestly maintain
the government of One, confess that, until the time of DiONYSlus, who
was after Christ 300 years and more, the regiment [rule] was equally
committed to Many.
And as for the new [Authors] , there be examples of the best
Churches to the contrary : and Master Calvin, in the Eighth Chapter
of his ' Institutions,' the 42nd and 52nd divisions, declareth expressly.
That there were, from the beginning, more Ministers of the Word ; and
that it is but of Man's ordinance that One was afterward made chief.
To the 5th. That [which] is alleged of the Reformed Churches in
Germany the multitude ought to serve no more for One, than the best
Reformed Churches, for Two, Ministers of the Word.
To the 6th. As concerning the Nicene Council, it is before
answered; and in that they decreed there should be but One, it
consequently folio we th that, before the said Decree, there were Many.
And if those godly Fathers were now living, and did see how
Antichrist is established upon One : they would more gladly return to
the first order of Many Equal, for the avoiding of that most horrible
mischief ; as they then did, for the avoiding of Schisms, appoint every
City One.
To the 7th. Negligence is no more in Two than One. Ability of
well-doing things is more in Two than in One. And sickness being so
rife in this City ; it is as much as Two can well do : and one may be
sick. And one may wilfully and suddenly leave yea; but though
his Flock. he did so then ; he
Wherefore Two be necessary: else in the sudden will not do so now,
sickness of One only Minister, when many others I warrant you !
be sick also, due Visitation of the Sick is not well [Because Horne,
seen to; and Preaching is omitted: as it hath in 1574, was Bishop
chanced in our Church; yea, and although we of Winchester.]
155
The second New Discipline. 1557.
have Many [Preachers] . And therefore reason telleth us, That it is
expedient to have Two rather than One.
8. Item, that the said Two
Ministers shall, by themselves, or
by fit persons (by them and the
Seniors, in the name of the whole
Congregation, to be appointed,
when necessary cause shall so
require), preach the ordinary Ser-
mons on Wednesdays, Thursdays,
and Sundays before noon; and
instruct and hear the examination
of the Youth in the Catechism on
Sunday in the afternoon, at the
hour accustomed.
And shall by themselves, or
[by] other appointed persons as is
aforesaid, Minister the Sacraments
duly, say the Common Prayers
distinctly, visit and comfort the
sick, specially at their last time
and hour of death, bury the dead
comely, and observe all other
comely rites and usages in the
Church: directing all their beha-
viour, acts, and life, according to
the rule of their Vocation set
forth in the Holy Scriptures.
HoRNE, etc., upon the Eighth Article.
Item, where it is provided that the Ministers shall by themselves,
or their Deputies, discharge the Sermons and other their duties, when
necessary case shall so require : we say. It is superfluous. For a neces-
sary cause needeth not to be provided for by law: besides that the
allowing of Deputies by law made for that purpose, openeth a window of
negligence to the Ministers in the executing of their Office.
Whitehead, etc.
A law doth well provide that such may be in a readiness which
shall serve in necessity. It is provided in many Cities by a law that, in
dread of fire, every man have a bucket of water at his door ; which is a
thing necessary: and, universally, the multitude of good laws be
grounded upon causes necessary. Wherefore we think that position,
' that necessary causes need not be provided for by a law,' ought to be
156
1567. The second New Discipline.
taken for no law. And where it is alleged, That it openeth a window of
negligence to the Ministers ; it is not so : for the appointment of those
Deputies appertaineth more to the Seniors than to the Ministers, by our
Discipline.
9. Item, that Six, either
fewer or more as the ability of
the Church will bear, such as be
godly and have need of the help
of the Church, be appointed by
the Ministers and Seniors, in the
name of the whole Congregation.
Whereof Four to be well
learned, who shall read and
expound the Chapters, and shall
help the Two Ministers of the
Word, when need shall require,
in the Doctrine of the Word,
Catechising of Youth, Ministering
of the Sacraments, and saying of
Common Prayer.
And the other Two or more
shall aid also the said Ministers,
Seniors, and Deacons, in visiting
of the sick, and seeing to strangers,
and in calling of the Congregation
when need shall be, and in all
other necessary and comely things
and rites to be done in the Church.
Notwithstanding, any other
godly and learned men, which
live of themselves and be not
burdenous to the Church, may
help the Ministers of the Word
in the above-named ecclesiastical
functions, if they themselves so
will, and [they] be thereunto called
by the said Ministers and Seniors.
10. Item, for the further in-
struction of Youth and Servants,
it is thought good that, besides
the Examination of Children in
the Catechism ordinarily used, the
said Children and Servants with
157
The second New Discipline. 1557.
the whole Congregation, should be
all present at our ordinary Sermon,
to be made purposely for them on
Sundays at afternoon, so learnedly
that it be yet, for their capacity,
most plain, and with all possible
perspicuity. And that one tenor
of Christian Doctrine, from the
beginning to the end, be observed
and kept in the said Sermon : of
the which no better form, in our
judgement, can be, than Calvin's
Catechism, received in so many
Churches, and translated into so
many languages.
It is thought good therefore
that the Preacher of said Cate-
chising Sermon follow the good
order of that Catechism in his
Sermons; and confirm the godly
doctrine of the same by the
Scriptures.
And after the same Sermon,
the Common Prayer and Service
to be exercised and finished, as
at other times.
HORNE, etc. Article Ten.
Item, in the Article of Catechism, we think it is superfluous and
tedious to have Two Catechisms in one afternoon : and also think that
Master Calvin's Catechism ought to be used no otherwise with us, than
it is in Calvin's Church, that alloweth and useth the same.
Whitehead, etc.
The first Catechism is only ordered for the Children ; and is but an
examination and opposing [qusstioning] of them. The other is not only
for Children ; but for all the Congregation, etc.
Now forsomuch as the Reasons and Answers are very
long ; and yet some of them repeated in Master Horne's
Objections to the Discipline, which he offered up to the
Magistrate ; I will here pass them over ; and come to the
said Objections, and the Answers of the Church to the same.
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1557. The second New Discipline.
HoBNE and the rest of his side, to the Magistrate.
We come to that now, Right Honourable S [enator] , which we were
charged to do by your commandment and appointment. That forasmuch
as, for the appeasing and final putting away of the contention between
us and our brethren, we should shew. Why we dissent from them, and
cannot proceed in the same passage and way that they do ? We shall so
open unto you our defence and cause ; even as we desire to be justified,
both in our consciences and before GOD. Howbeit, we are very sorry
that your Honour hath limited us [to] so short a time ; so as in a Cause
which, for the weightiness and di£&culty of it, ought to be debated upon
with more leisure, and very many things be weighed to and fro ; we
must, of force, in a manner, hold our pesLce, and say nothing.
But our trust is, that your Honour will hereafter remedy this
displeasure, in granting us longer time, that we may more amply here-
after confirm our Cause ; which we are forced to set forth naked and
without any defence at all : which we will most gladly do, and desire
that we may freely be permitted to do.
This is the thing that we often sought for, when we consulted
among our brethren for the correcting and amending of our Discipline,
That, as long as the matter and cause was in consultation, we might so
long polish and finish more at large that [which] was alleged ; to add
unto all our sentences before the sentences brought in, and to strike
out and take away from them, if aught seemed worthy to be taken
away, albeit anything were put in as firm and established by our
subscription. Which thing, we now eftsoons [again] desire most
earnestly at your Honour's hands, That forasmuch as nothing is yet
concluded and determined by your Honour; there be no such prejudice
objected unto our Cause : but that we may confirm all our allegations
with firm and available arguments.
And, indeed, seeing we must now intreat in order of those things
which we reprehend and condemn in our brethren's made Discipline ;
this we first reprehend universally, That any other alteration or inno-
vation of things should be in our affairs than such as serve only to the
correcting and amending of that Discipline, which hath been heretofore
received and used in our Church. Wherein we will seem also somewhat
to satisfy our brethren's curious minds. This we say ; because there is
almost nothing that we think is to be innovated with such post-haste J
and, indeed, there are many and weighty causes which do altogether
pull us back from these innovations, and bid us stick still to our Old
Discipline ; and not, for the pleasure of some men, and contrary also
to your commandment (given for the amending the, and not for the
making of any netu, Discipline) to contemn and cast away that which
so many have allowed.
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The second New Discipline. 1557.
Whitehead and the rest of that side, answer in this wise.
We had purposed, Right Honourable and righteous Magistrates, as
we also signified unto your Honours, to have made no answer at
all unto these unbrotherly reproaches of Master Horne and Master
Chambers; for they are the only Authors thereof: inasmuch as they be
unworthy to be answered unto ; seeing they have no sure grounds, but
bare assertions only, which are as easily denied as affirmed.
And besides that Master Horne said openly, in the hearing of all
his complices, before Master Bartue [i.e., Richard Bertie] Doctor Cox,
and Doctor Sandys, Arbiters appointed by your authority. That he was
not desirous that we should answer : wherein, indeed, he was not alto-
gether a fool. For he knew well enough what fond gear [foolish stuff]
he had written; and would bear away this brag the while: not as
though we would not, but could not, answer so light accusations.
Which petty brag, wherein he so much delighteth, we would have
been content to have spared him ; had not your authority, who thought
it meet for us in any wise to make Answer, come between : and in case
Master Horne and Master Chambers shall read some things here in our
Answer, that they would not ; let them remember that they have driven
us to it, in that they have blustered out in writing so unworthy matters,
and that so falsely, of such a multitude of their banished countrymen.
For they, forgetting all humanity and good manners, object before
the Magistrate, and that often. Poverty to a great many of ours now in
exile, as a most high reproach. What then ? Are they banished and
poor willingly, or perforce ? Were they not, and might they not, if they
[had] set more by goods than godliness, be richer ? And whence have
they this poverty which ye. Master Horne and Master Chambers, cast
so tauntingly in their teeth ? And whence have ye this plenty, whereby
ye look so high against your brethren ?
Surely, you ought to have advised yourselves, seeing ye carry the
common Purse, before ye had so rashly and undiscreetly published these
words unto the Right Honourable Magistrate, with the reproach of your-
selves and of your countrymen. Indeed, we would have suffered
these, as common reproaches, to be buried in perpetual silence, if it
seemed not otherwise meet to the Right Honourable Magistrate, whose
authority we obeying, as it becometh us, [we] shall answer particularly
unto all the particular Chapters of your Assertions.
To the Preface.
Where Master Horne and Master Chambers desire licence to say
and unsay, to put to and take from, to subscribe and revoke, to do and
undo all, as they think good themselves, they seem to require their own
right ; for they desire no other than that they have been used hitherto
to do: as it is most evidently known almost to all the whole
160
1557. The second New Discipline.
Congregation notwithstanding this, albeit it is against Saint PAUL'S
rule, who denieth it to be his property to say, Yea, and Nay.
Neither have we any more marvel that the same Master Horne and
Master Chambers think the Old Discipline is to be retained still ; as a
thing that both hath permitted them free liberty to do yet hitherto,
what they would at their own pleasure ; and sheweth no way how to
amend those matters, that they have done amiss a great while. And
yet, because we have provided, by the authority both of the Magistrate
and of the Congregation, that the like shall not happen hereafter ;, they
accuse us of Innovation, forsooth 1
Where they make cavillation about Discipline to be amended, and
not to be new tnade ; and accuse us, as though we have done against the
Magistrate's commandment : We answer, That all occasions of our old
controversies were taken away, by the Magistrate's commandment,
the last of February : but the Old Discipline, as a thing not perfect nor
indifferent [impartial] , hath been the special cause of our controversies
indeed. Therefore, we afl&rm. That it was taken away by that
commandment ; and power given to the Congregation to make another
as it is declared in the plain words of the same commandment.
Furthermore, forasmuch as we have kept still the greatest part of
the Old Discipline, which seemed indifferent [impartial] , as it appeareth
evidently in the Book of our Discipline ; let them call it, seeing it so
pleaseth them, the amending of the Old Discipline : inasmuch as to
amend is nothing else than to correct that which is amiss, to put out
that is evil, and to put in that is wanting. Therefore, whether they
call it our new-made Discipline, or the Old amended ; we will not strive
with them about that matter : seeing we give them leave to speak at
their pleasure. Only we declare that we have done nothing against the
Magistrate's commandment in that behalf.
Objection to the Title of the Discipline.
Horne, etc.
In the Title and Entrance unto their Discipline ; we reprove this
as plain false, in that they say. The Book of their yet old blind
Discipline was collected by Fifteen men appointed Father Lidford
to do the same by the Congregation and the being an alms-
authority of the Magistrate : and so exhibited man, was forced,
afterwards unto our Congregation by the same by the B [ishop] of
Fifteen men. For it was both collected before the L[? ondon], to
matter was committed unto them ; and confirmed subscribe to the
beforehand by many men's hands subscribed. ^^^^ ^* Prayer,
Touching the Forty-two which approved this
Discipline, and confirmed it by subscribing ; this we
1 Whittingham 11 161
The second New Discipline. 1557.
may allege, There are Twenty-four of them, which live of other men's
liberality and alms ; so as they may seem rather to follow other
men's wills, and to be inclined to their pleasures : especially seeing so
large and ample promises, as well to live at liberty as to have their
slender living relieved, have been made to this intent.
Whitehead, etc.
Master Hobne and Master Chambers deny the Book of Discipline
to be collected by the Fifteen men ; because they, being appointed of
the Fifteen, have laboured, by all means, that nothing should be done
for the setting of the Congregation at a quiet stay: and when they
perceived that they could not hinder it, they came not with the rest the
two last days, according to appointment ; so as, by that means, some of
the just number of Fifteen men should be wanting.
Was not the Book therefore both lawfully collected, and lawfully
exhibited to the Congregation ; because two or three of the appointed
men withdrew themselves, against right and equity ? What should be
determined in any affairs, if the matter should tarry till all together,
not one except [ed] , should agree thoroughly in all points ?
Where they say, The Book was collected before this matter was
committed to the Fifteen men ; it is a plain slander.
Master Horne and Master Chambers might be justly ashamed to
cast poverty in our brethren's teeth, now in exile ; and that before the
Magistrate ; and to lie so openly, That Twenty-four of our company that
subscribed live of other men's alms. And if so many poor men have
forsaken Master Purse-Bearer Chambers, is it not a plain matter, that
they have been evil-intreated at Chambers's hand, beforetime ?
But where they gather, That the poor men seem to have followed
other men's minds in subscribing to the Discipline, rather than their
own; it is fondly [foolishly] gathered: inasmuch as, on the contrary
part, it is most true that they which, were they poor men, followed not
Chambers, when he ran away with the bag, regarded their conscience
more than the [ir] living : forasmuch as both they and all others might
be certainly assured that they should most grievously offend, not only
the Purse-Bearer Chambers, but also two or three others of the richer
sort of our Congregation.
But how much more justly might we return this accusation, which
they falsely bend against ours, upon Master Horne and Master
Chambers, and many others of their number, which have followed
Chambers in running away from the Congregation ; because he carried,
and showed them, a well-stuffed Pouch, as it were a standard to follow.
For neither Master Chambers, nor Master Horne, durst ever have
departed from the Congregation as they have done, but upon trust of
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1557. The second New Discipline.
the Pouch ; which the one hath always borne, and the other hath been
ever an tinseparable waiter upon, wheresoever it were carried : and yet,
in the mean while, this gay fellow, Horne, from aloft, contemneth so
great a company of his countrymen as beggars and caitiffs in comparison
of himself.
But in case there be so many among us that live of other men's
alms, as Master Horne and Master Chambers do reason ; and seeing
Master Chambers took upon him especially, at the intreaty of Master
Horne. the charge of gathering godly men's alms publicly, in the name
of the Church, for the relief of the poor of our Congregation ; as it is
already known unto many, and shall hereafter, by the whole matter
severally set forth, be most evidently known to more. What mercy
and pity is this of theirs towards their brethren, to leave so many
miserable people behind them, contrary to their promise made to the
Congregation ; and to run away, not only from the Congregation, but
also out of the City, snapping away the Bag with them : which con-
tained many men's alms gathered for the poor, in the name of the Con-
gregation, and to leave them all destitute ! and also to leave certain
Preachers, appointed by them, (which have served the Church a year
and more, and to whom they promised that they should lack nothing) in
a great deal of debt to other men for their necessary board !
And where they play such pranks ; they cast our brethren in the
teeth still with poverty, by the way of reproach, before the Magistrate.
Let them go to therefore, seeing their pleasure is such, and number their
own company ! and leave out their servants, their boys, and such as depend
upon Chambers's Purse (for he hath made it his own ; and dedicated it
to his own property) and let them tell us then, How many there be left
on their part ? if they be not ashamed to tell how many there be.
Where we did comfort our poor brethren, to our power, whom
Chambers's running away with the Bag had made astonished, and
would have had them utterly discouraged; they lay it to our charge
as evil done. What is their manifest declaration else but that the poor
of our Congregation should be utterly destitute, not only of relief ; but
also of all hope of relief, which hath ever been the uttermost comfort
of such as be in misery.
In the Discipline itself an Objection,
Horne, etc.
The next thing now wherein we agree not is, that which is spoken
of the Two new Ministers. This they treat upon in the Seventh Article.
This we defend. That the Scripture doth lean and incline rather unto
One than unto Two ; which One, as he must not be above the rest by
lordship, so yet ought he to be above others in charge and in burden,
168
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inasmucli as he must needs give a greater accoumpt [account] than the
rest, for the Flock committed unto him and to his charge.
These we are able to prove. First, by the circumstances of the
places of Scripture considered. Secondly, by the interpretations of
ancient Fathers, and the best Learned Men of our time or latter days.
Thirdly, in the examples of the Churches instituted by the Apostles,
and most holy men after their time. Fourthly, this new Order of Two
Ministers or more, hath been (as all the wisest men have always
reasoned) the seed and fountain of all dissensions and contentions.
And like as, for order sake and for conservation of the Churches in
peace, our elders [forefathers] thought that One should necessarily be
above the rest ; so also, in this our remembrance, the greatest learned
men, as CaIiVIN, Brentius, and many others, do think. Of these
matters, the best instituted and Reformed Churches in Germany can
also be the best witnesses.
These, we profess that we both can, and will, more largely shew, as
farther occasion shall hereafter serve : which we cannot do now, for
that [because] we be limited to so short a time.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
As concerning the Two Ministers of the Word ; we affirm that it is
lawful [right] , by the Word of GOD, to have either Two or more.
Where these men say, The Scriptures do lean rather to One ; that
is to affiirm only, and to prove nothing : where as Paul, almost in all
his Epistles, writeth always as unto More, of equal authority, in every
Church ; and not as unto One principal.
Where they allege the ancient Doctors ; Jerome, which is the most
diligent in History matters, reporteth most plainly. That in the
beginning, there were Many; and afterward, for the avoiding of
dissensions, the chief authority was committed unto One, as the chief.
But yet, saith he, that was done rather by the statute of men than by
the authority of GOD.
Where they speak so much of the mischief of Contention in the
Church, we confess it is a great evil, but that Tyranny is a more
pestiferous destruction to the Church : and that Tyranny crept into the
Church by One, the Bishop of Rome, may teach us at large.
Therefore, forasmuch as both ways, either by One or by More, evils
may happen ; we thought good to beware more diligently of the greater
evil.
Where they bring in Calvin for One ; we marvel with what face
they can do that ! seeing it is out of all doubt, that he, upon one
day and in one hour, instituted Two Ministers [Christopher Goodman
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1557. The second New Discipline.
and Anthony Gilby ; see page 86] , of equal authority in all things, in
the English Congregation which is at Geneva. And also seeing that, in
the Eighth Chapter and 42 and 52 divisions of his ' Christian Institu-
tion,' he declareth openly, That there were, from the beginning, more
Ministers of the Word, of equal authority, in the Church of Christ.
Where they allege the examples of the Churches of Germany ; we
also want not examples, of the Dutch Church at Emden, wherein there
be Three Ministers of the Word, of equal authority ; and of the French
Church of this City ; and of the English Church of Geneva. Yea, and
Calvin himself is counted superior to his fellows, not by authority of
Office, but in respect of his learning and merits.
Therefore, inasmuch as it is also permitted unto us, by the
Magistrates' appointment, to choose One or More ; let them leave their
wrangling for a thing indifferent, as though it were for life and land 1
Where they profess that they will make large proof of this matter
at leisure ; let them profess these gay glorious promises so long as they
will 1 so [that] they know, The longer they labour in this matter ; so
much less shall they both shew and bring to pass.
The Objection to the Eighth Article,
HORNE, etc.
In the Eighth Article, Ministers commit and assign the burden and
cure, wherewith they are charged, unto others, with over-much facility.
We demand also this, which appeareth not plainly enough in their
Discipline, To whom pertaineth it, to allow their allegations and
excuses ; when they will leave their charges to others ? [See also
page 156.]
The Answer,
Whitehead, etc.
What inhumanity is it, not to be content, that the Ministers of the
Word, upon weighty causes, as sickness, or urgent business of import-
ance, should be eased of their burdens ? as though they, that find fault
at this now, permitted not the same to themselves before 1 rough against
others, and over favourable to themselves.
And where they demand, Unto whom it pertaineth to allow their
lawful causes? We wonder, that they neither read jointly, in the same
place, the name of Seniors, to whom the matter is committed ; nor
remember that general point in the Thirty-seventh Article, That the
government of the whole Church is committed to the Ministers and
Seniors. [See page 185.]
11. Item , that the one Preacher
being sick ; the other shall do, or
see done by other fit persons, as is
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The second New Discipline. i657.
before said, all the duty and duties
to the other, so sick, belonging.
12. Item, that a Lecture of
Divinity, and Disputations for the
exercise of Students, if it may
be, be maintained ; or else that
Prophecy [the discussion of Texts
of Scripture] be used every fort-
night in the English tongue, for
the exercise of the said Students,
and edifying of the Congregation :
or both Disputations and Prophecy
also ; if it so shall seem good unto
the Ministers and Seniors.
13. Item, that such as shall
thereunto seem most meet of the
Congregation, shall be appointed
to translate into English some
such books as shall be profitable,
either for the instruction, or for
the comfort, of our country [men] ,
in this our exile, and affliction of
our country.
The Objection to the Thirteenth Article,
HORNE, etc.
We allow the translating of books. But that so open a law should
be made for that matter; that is the thing we find fault with. For it
both containeth that which is a pestilent matter to our Congregation,
by means of danger of such as are wont to travel as strangers up hither
unto us out of England ; as also it may be reprehended in that it
seemeth to smell and tend openly to the private commodity [advantage]
of some men [in so common a profit] .
The Answer,
Whitehead, etc.
Where it is signified that certain books godly and fit either to
instruct, or comfort, our countrymen in this calamity of ours, and of
our country, should be translated into our tongue ; than the which
there can be nothing more profitable or necessary ; they say, It is a
pestilent matter, forsooth, because it is so openly mentioned ; as though
by speaking nothing, it might be persuaded that we do nothing here
but sleep.
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For where they add, touching 'the private commodity of some
[men] in so common a profit ' ; we cannot guess what that meaneth :
inasmuch as all men that have, in these miserable days, yet hitherto
caused books to be set forth in our tongue, have rather lost, than
won, by them.
14. Item, that the common books
or Library of the Church be, at the
appointment of the Ministers and
Seniors, in such place as all the
students may most conveniently
come unto.
The Third Note,
that is
Christian Life and Good
Works ; the fruits of Godly
Doctrine.
15. Item,we teach that such Good
Works are to be done as are com-
manded by GOD's Word in the
Scriptures ; and such evil deeds to
be avoided as are forbidden by the
same.
16. And where as concerning the
fruits of Godly Doctrine none is
more commanded in the Scriptures
than the Relieving of the Poor;
which either is done privately by
every person ; or else by the Com-
mon Treasury of the Church. For
the good and right use and order
of the same ; it appeareth, as well
by GOD's Word as by the examples
of Churches rightly reformed, that
both the keeping, and also the dis-
tribution, of the Treasure of the
Church appertaineth to the Dea-
cons : who be so necessary Minis-
ters in the Church of Christ that
without them, it cannot well be.
For Christ saith, You shall have
always poor men among you,
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The second New Discipline. 1557.
[Matt, xxvi., 11] . WTierefore they
ought to be honoured of all men :
and they themselves ought to have
this opinion, That they highly
please GOD in that Ministry.
The Ohjection to the Sixteenth Article,
HoRNE, etc.
In the Sixteenth Article, the custody of the Treasure of the Church
pertaineth not necessarily to the Deacons, by the Word of GOD. And,
at this day, many Reformed Churches do not observe it : and, moreover,
it seemeth more profitable unto our Congregation to have it otherwise.
Fourthly, the most part of the ancientest Churches keep a plain other
custom.
The Answer,
Whitehead, etc.
If they be able to shew so plain a place in all the whole Scripture
for any others that ought to have the custody of the Treasure of the
Church, as is in the 6th of the Acts of the Apostles, for the Deacons ; we
yield unto them.
Yea, and Calvin shall yield also I whose name they oftentimes
wondrous confidently and falsely allege ; who, in the Eighth Chapter of
the ' Institution of the Christian Religion,' in the 55th Division, thinketh
plainly as we do, as well concerning the custody, as the distribution, of
all Church money; and uttereth the same in plain words. 'In the
Primitive Church,' saith he, *the Deacons received, even as it was
under the Apostles, faithful people's daily oblations, and the yearly
revenues of the Church ; to the intent they should bestow them upon
true uses.' We desire them now to shew us more plainly, unto what
other men that charge doth rather belong, than to the Deacons, etc.
But they say. Many Reformed Churches observe not this ; and that
it will be more profitable for our Congregation to have it otherwise.
And that the most part of the ancientest Churches keep still another
custom. This, as we said before, is only to affirm, and prove nothing :
but thus they do almost always.
But where they speak of * the ancientest Churches ' ; we believe they
mean the Popish Churches, but would not, for shame, utter it : or else
let them shew us what ancient Churches those be ! Yet this we may
not overpass, how that they affirm that it will be profitable for our
Church to have it otherwise : that is, that One, as it is now, have the
custody alone, know alone, and distribute the Church money alone,
and make accompt [account] alone, and to himself alone. But we are
ready to prove, either to the Magistrate, or to the World (in case the
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1557. The second New Discipline.
Magistrate so permit it), both by testimonies, reasons, and matters
indeed, that this is not only not profitable ; but also that it hath [been] ,
and is, utterly pernicious ; and to the plain undoing of our Church.
17. Wherefore we think it expe-
dient for the Church, that Four
men, of special gravity, authority,
and credit, in the Church, such as
of themselves be able to live ; and
will do this godly Office rather for
Christ's sake, and the love they
bear to him and his Flock, than for
any their own necessity or worldly
reward, be chosen to be Deacons :
which Four Deacons shall have
the custody of the Treasure, and
[the] distribution of the same, and
other alms of the Church remain-
ing in their hands and keeping, in
such sort as it shall seem good to
the Ministers, Seniors, and Dea-
cons, for the most safety of the
said Treasure.
The Objection to the Seventeenth Article.
HoRNE, etc.
We find fault that the Election of the Deacons is not free enough.
For the rich men must be always taken. Also in that they ought to
depend upon the will and counsel of the Elders ; where now a great
part of the Elders both live and depend upon the Deacons' Purse.
Their mouth therefore seemeth to be stopped ; so as they dare never
reprove and over-sore correct the Deacons, when they offend.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
There was never man, that was in his right wits, which denied it to
be most profitable for the Church to have such men chosen to be
Deacons, as the least suspicion can be had in.
Where Horne and Chambers affirm that a great part of the Elders
live and depend upon the Deacons' Purse; it is a plain slanderous
report.
But admit there be one or two among them of the poorer sort, that
shall perhaps have need, now and then, of some relief of the Church
money. Do not you, Horne and Chambers 1 know that they have been
The second New Discipline. 1557.
richer in times past; and, except they prefer Religion to Riches, may be
richer, when they will? And now, as they are become willingly
banished men ; so are they willingly poor men, for the same Religion's
sake that ye will seem to profess 1 Wherefore then had ye rather
enviously to reprehend poverty in such a one, than gently to commend
so great a virtue ; but that ye are driven hereto by the grief of your
stomachs, through malice.
What ! Doth Paul require wealth in Elders, as ye do ; or virtue ?
Go to! and shew us out of Paul that this your Purse Wealth is so
necessary to an Elder ? We dare affirm that such a one should have
been of more authority with Paul, as also with all men that be godly,
and more worthy to be an Elder, by reason of his poverty ; for the
which he is so contemned at your hand.
But poor Elders dare not, ye must understand, reprove offending
Deacons ! Do not you, Horne and Chambers ! know that, in the
Primitive Church, Bishops themselves had their appointed living out
of the Treasure of the Church ; which was in the Deacons' hands : and
yet the Deacons, in case they did amiss, were never the less sharply
corrected of them I And yet these men, that require such ruffling
[swaggering] rich Elders, would have Deacons of the poorer sort ! But
by what example? and by what reason? Why cannot ye, being
Christians, be content, in exile, as well with poor Elders as with poor
Deacons ?
We remember that one of you said, in our hearing, and in the hear-
ing of many others, That you could not, with your conscience, be under
such Ministers and such Seniors as our Church hath now chosen. If
ye can find no other fault in them than wilful [voluntary] poverty ; the
Congregation also cannot repent them yet of the Ministers and Seniors
whom they have chosen : and as for this pure conscience of yours, we
pass [care] not for it I
But we think, if wealth be to [be] respected in any that is in
Ecclesiastical Ministry, it is to be respected chiefly in Deacons ; that
they meddle with the Church money without sinister suspicion.
Indeed, about four months past [? December 1556], ye had Deacons,
surely honest men, we say not. Nay ! : but yet such as, for their slender
ability, ye made such underlings, that ye brought, not only the honest
good men ; but also the Ministry of Deacons, to the great injury of the
Apostles' Ordinance, into very much contempt. And in case we have
thought good to beware, by all means, of that evil ; ye ought not to
have been grieved at it : but rather to have rejoiced in the Church's
behalf. But herein there is one great sin, That this is not done by
you ; but rather against your minds : seeing ye think nothing to be
right, nor any thing to stand in force ; unless it proceed of you.
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1557. The second New Discipline.
18. Item, that although the
Deacons have in their custody the
Treasure of the Church: yet the
Ministers and Seniors shall have
• knowledge of the whole sum of
the said Treasure.
The Objection against the Eighteenth Article.
HORNE, etc.
The Ministers shall be privy how much money there is ; but not
how it is bestowed. This is against the custom of jf calvin be so in
the ancientest and best instituted Churches ; and your judgement ;
contrary to the judgement of the greatest Learned I hope you will
that be in these days, as Calvin and others; allow his two
which as they permit the distribution unto the letters before [pp.
Deacons ; even so will they have it done at the 50-51, 78-80] .
arbitrament and appointment of the Elders.
The Ansiver.
Whitehead, etc.
' The Ministers,' say they, ' shall be privy how much money there is ;
but not how it is bestowed.' Where find you in our Book these words
' but not how it is bestowed ' ? And yet, when he hath added it, of his
own, Lord! how he triumpheth here, of 'the custom of the most
ancientest Churches,' of ' the minds of the greatest Learned Men,
namely. Master Calvin,' etc.
In this matter, the man truly seemeth not to have wanted space
and time, whereof he had too much to write so fond [foolisli] vanities ;
but that he lacked his eyesight, and somewhat else besides !
19. Provided always that neither
the said Four Deacons, Ministers,
Seniors, of any of them, shall have
any knowledge, or make any inqui-
sition, of the giver, or givers, of
any alms to the poor of the said
Church, otherwise than the mes-
senger or hringer of the said alms
shall, of himself, declare to whom,
and as he hath commission from
the givers so to do : but that the
gift be received and known; and
the giver's and givers' names be
unknown, and kept close with all
possible secrecy.
171
The second New Discipline. 1557.
The Objection against the Nineteenth Article.
HoRNE, etc.
Albeit they would cover the matter ; yet by making of laws, they
make all openly known. For they disclose thus much, That we send out
our gatherers to bring other men's liberality unto us : which thing shall
bring great danger to many ; inasmuch as the enemies of our Religion
will easily conjecture from whom this so great liberality cometh.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
There is a great foresight in these men, that they can reprehend
that thing in us, which they themselves have done now already these
three years [1555-1557] : but it is [is it not as] well known that they
send out their gatherers, no more than it is that we be at Frankfort.
And then he addeth, That the enemies may easily conjecture from
whom this so great liberality cometh.
We wonder what he meaneth! or how much it is, that he called
* so great ' 1 Doth Chambers, at unawares, mean the greatness of his
Purse ? For, as for us, we have yet hitherto sent out nobody to gather ;
much less have received anything by any gatherer.
20. Item, that the said Deacons,
once in a month, that is, the last
day of every month, shall make
their accompts [accounts] , before
the Ministers and Seniors, how the
said Treasure be bestowed : and
that all the said company so
appointed to make the accompt,
shall note the remains of the said
Treasure at the day and year in
the which every accompt shall be
taken.
21. Item, we think good, and
do decree. That there being a
School in the said Church (seeing
the said School is a member of the
said Church, as of the whole body),
the Treasure for its maintenance,
and for the maintenance of the
other poor also, be all one and
joined together: that neither in
the procuring of the said Treasure,
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1557. The second New Discipline.
or in the distribution thereof, any
occasion of division, emulation, or
contention, do happen among them. ;
who ought to live like brethren,
and members of one body, in all
concord, conjunction, and unity.
Otherwise the School, which is of
itself so worthy a member of the
body, may, by abuse, cause not
only the hindrance, but also the
destruction, of the whole body.
The Objection against the Twenty-first Article.
HORNE, etc.
We wot \_knoiv] not what they mean by the School : but howsoever
the matter is, it shall annoy us very much, if they build up so many
things with so solemn a Profession ; and shall bring our adversaries
into such a suspicion that we receive much more of other men than
Cometh to our hands indeed. And this shall come of it, that very many
shall, for our sakes, be most straitly handled and examined.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
What if two or three Papists list to lie. That we receive many
thousands ! shall this breed great danger to us and others ? and shall
many be most straitly handled and examined therefore ?
They may feign dangers out of everything, if they will I
But he thinketh it would not be known that here are Students,
Lectures, and Disputations ; if we had spoken nothing of the School in
our Discipline. For it was not [was it not\ known that there was a
College of Students at Zurich before ? It is a world to see how
circumspect these men be in words ; when they are minded to speak
anything against this our foolish simplicity I For what madness is it
to think that those things which be, every day, open before men's eyes,
are the more known by one sentence written in a Book, which very few
shall look in I
22. Item, that, in the distribu-
tion of the said Treasure, a special
regard be had of the said Students
that be poor: first, for that they
be poor ; and again, for that they
be destinate to be Workmen in
the Lord's Vineyard, and so [are]
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The second New Discipline. 1557.
worthy members in the body.
And that as they be studious, of
the Scriptures specially; and yet
withal of other Liberal Arts also,
as ministers and handmaids to the
setting forth of GOD's Word: so
they may be liberally handled ; and
receive GOD's blessing, which is
the liberality of the godly, with-
out the shame and abashment ; as
the gift of GOD, who giveth to all
men, and upbraideth no man.
23. Item, it is decreed, and
also the whole Congregation
desireth, the Deacons monthly to
visit and speak privately with the
said Students that be poor; and
other poor also : and to examine
their states friendly and chari-
tably, and, according to every
man's necessity, as the Treasure
of the Church will bear, to offer
to every one of them ; with obtes-
tation [calling God to witness] to
them, That if they have no need
thereof, they receive it not: for
that were nothing else but to rob
the needy.
For so shall both the shame -
fastness of the honest and liberal
natures be saved ; and the Treasure
of the Church willingly spared.
For he (that, upon such obtes-
tation, will not refrain to receive
that is offered, when he hath no
need) will not be ashamed to beg
and crave, when he hath no need ;
and that, not only [with] lying, but
also with perjury, if need be.
24. Item, if any, by evident
proofs, such as cannot be gainsaid,
be found to have taken, or used,
the Treasure of the Church,
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1557. The second New Discipline.
having no need thereof : that then,
not only he be exempted from
any more partaking of the said
Treasure till it appear that he
have evident need; but also that
he do make therefore public satis-
faction, before he be admitted to
the Communion.
The Objection to the Twenty -secofid, Twenty-third,
and Twenty -fourth Articles.
HORNE, etc.
The shamefastness of many is unshamefast enough; and to be
often diligently examined. And we think it necessary that nothing
be done, in this behalf, without consent of the Elders : who as they
best know the state of every man ; so they can, and ought to, make an
Exhortation, at the distributing, apt and fit for every man's disposition.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
The shamefastness of some is almost so far attempted of some
shameless men, that their heart is clean cast down. For these discreet
disposers of other men's alms, have, by passing too much on money,
utterly cast away men ; yea, both together the money and men. And
yet, in the meanwhile, these (that, without all shame, reason of
shamefastness, forsooth 1) whom rather than those that have any
spark of honest shamefastness left, would go unto ; they would almost
die ! Yea, these gentle and shamefast disposers have, with their odious
behaviour, driven many men, of notable good wits and towardness,
some to the Printing-house, some to be Serving Men, and some to run
into England again, with the peril both of body and soul.
But of this case of evil handling [treatment] ; we shall commence
matter against these men (if GOD will, and the Magistrate give us
leave), to the intent that good men may be the more wary henceforth
that they commit not their liberal alms so easily to any One man's
fidelity hereafter.
25. Item, that the Seniors
and Deacons see that the poor of
the Congregation be not idle;
but diligent in well doing.
26. Item, that if there be any
of the poor, sick ; that then forth-
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The second New Discipline. 1557.
with one of the Deacons resort to
them, and presently succour their
necessity : and that the needy
strangers of our nation be holpen
[helped] towards their travel and
journey; if the Treasure of the
Church will bear it.
The Objection against the Twenty-sixth Article,
HORNE, etc.
The law ordained for those that travel by the way, shall call unto
us all such as be the most idle persons and the veriest unthrifts ; and
also Papists, which will feign themselves to be religious that they may
be holpen, as we have learned by experience.
The Answer.
Whiteheads etc.
The traveller of our nation, having need by the way to be holpen
on his journey, if the Treasure of the Church will bear it ; please not
these men. They say, they have learned by experience that idle persons
and unthrifts, and also Papists, are called hither by this means. By
what experience ? we beseech you 1 before this law was made, or since ?
If they were called hither before this law was made ; they were not
called by occasion of this law. Let them cease therefore to impute
unto a law, that provideth only for those that be godly and needy, [not
for] those things that naughty packs [good for nothing fellows] have
ever hitherto done, and will do still hereafter.
27. Item, that in case the
Treasure of the Church do fail, or
wax thin ; that then such as be
of the wealthy sort of the Congre-
gation shall quarterly contribute,
according to their ability and
godly devotion, for the main-
tenance of the Ministry, Poor, and
Students, of the Congregation.
And the same, at every Quarter
Day, to be delivered into the
hands of the Deacons.
The Objection to the Twenty -seventh Article.
HoRNE, etc.
It is not an alms ; but a compulsion. Besides this, of these that are
found to be the setters forth of these laws, there are not past seventeen
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1557. The second New Discipline.
or eighteen which have competence enough to live upon, and to sustain
themselves : and of them, there would but only five give heretofore,
when collections were made ; and the sum of all their distributions
[contributions] came never to 13 Dalers [ = Thaler s, at 3s each]; they
gave so sparingly and so slenderly. And, perhaps, there is somewhat
herein to keep back and fray [frighten] away all such as be of the
richer sort from us, that they came not hither, when they shall see so
few rich dwell among so many poor ; which, nevertheless, shall be com-
pelled to sustain and bear very great charges, at sundry contributions.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
It is not a compulsion ; but an alms. For no man is constrained,
otherwise than his own good will and ability is ; and that, that is of
good will, is no compulsion. And there shall no man of the richer
sort, that is godly, be frayed [frightened] from us by this means : inas-
much as such as be godly seek, of their own accord, whom they may do
good unto.
And where they object unto us again, the small number of ours
which have competence enough to live upon themselves : these should
be some men of mighty ability, that would have the Magistrate
persuaded that others are but beggars in comparison of them. Perad-
venture, Horne, which is the deviser hereof, is admitted, underhand,
into the fellowship of the Purse with Chambers ; and thereof it cometh
his so great swelling ! such loftiness and contempt of others !
And where he addeth. That there were but five that gave at the
Collections before time ; and the sum of that they gave came scarce to
13 Dalers: it is a matter worthy to be known. For about half a
year past and more [November 1556 — April 1557] , when Horne and
Chambers had given warning openly, for certain things that they were
offended at, we wot not what, that they would give over their Ecclesias-
tical Ministries ; which is no novelty for them to do now : afterward
they went about to gather every man's alms, to the intent that they
might seem, at their departure from their Ministries, like good
husbands [stewards] of other men's liberality, to have left something
unto the Church. But seeing they gathered to this end, and that it was
perfectly known to all men that their gathering was for this cause ; we
marvel that there was so much as one that would give anything, or that
the sum which they gave, growed [grew] to so much as 13, not Dalers ;
but Hallers or Pfennings. But Chambers and Horne were not so evil
known at that time. Now, if they list to assay [try] ; they shall
perceive that there is not one that will put them in trust with so much
as a mite.
1 Whittingham 12 177
The second New Discipline. i567.
And yet, since they departed from the Congregation, there hath
been more given, by the grace of GOD, unto the poor than Horne and
Chambers have given of their own, all the days of their life.
28. Item, we think good that
declaration be made by the
Preachers of GOD's Word divers
times, as just occasion will serve,
How comely and profitable for
Christ's Church, that all men's
liberality towards the poor, do
come to the hands of the said
Four Deacons; by them publicly,
in the name of the whole Church,
to be ministered to the poor.
For, by this rule, ' Let not thy
left hand know what thy right
hand doeth' [Matt. vi. 3] , may best
be observed; and the blowing of
"^ the trumpet before the alms -giver,
and all worldly reward of vain com-
mendation may best be avoided:
and so our heavenly Father, who
seeth in secret, will reward every
man more abundantly in the Day
of the Revelation of the thoughts
of all men.
29. Item, we think good that
certain Letters in the same sense
be written ; with an Exhortation
and hearty prayer to all such as
will relieve the poor of our
Congregation with their godly
liberality, That they will deliver,
or send, their charitable relief to
the said Four Deacons, commonly
to be bestowed of them upon all
the poor, whether they be Students
or others, according to every man's
necessity; which the said Deacons
and the Church here present can
best know and judge ; rather than
to commit the alms to any one
178
1567. The second ISew Discipline.
person's hand, to any private
use ; for the avoiding of sundry
suspicions and many other incon-
veniences that may, both presently
and hereafter, arise and ensue of
the same.
And the said Letters, sub-
scribed with as many hands of the
Congregation as shall seem good,
with a general Superscription
[Address] to all such as will
charitably relieve the poor of
our Congregation, without any
naming of any persons ; to be sent
where the Ministers, Seniors, and
Deacons, or the more [majority]
of them, shall think good ; by a
most faithful and discreet messen-
ger, to all places where such
good men, by whose liberality the
Church is relieved, do, or may,
resort : that the said Letters may,
by the said messenger, be shewed,
as a testimony of credit, to the
said godly men, in places and at
times most convenient. [See an
example of this, in Edmund
Sutton's Letters of Request at
pp. 210-215.]
The Objections against the Twenty-ninth Article.
HORNE, etc.
This law hath these discommodities :
That First, it discloseth the thing overmuch that those (which were
wont to be liberal unto us) are most desirous to keep close.
Secondly, it is prejudicial to private men, which have felt many
men's private beneficence.
Thirdly, it nippeth and thwiteth [whittleth] away a great deal of
that liberality which might come to us ; in that we so appoint a strange
Collector, and unknown to the givers.
Fourthly, it doth wondrous suspiciously import the infamy of
certain that have used these labours.
179
The second New Discipline. 1557.
Fifthly, it shall strike a fear and a terror unto the giver, when he
must see so many hands subscribed to Public Letters : and by this
reason, they shall be eloigned [keep aloof] from us, that would gladly
succour the poor.
Sixthly, it shall be exceedingly hurtful to other Congregations ;
and a loss to all other banished men, wheresoever they are dispersed.
Finally, these so openly ordained laws shall signify unto our
Queen, that we nourish and sustain our Congregation by her subjects :
and that shall, of necessity, cause that they which were wont to give
us somewhat, shall be most diligently sought out ; to their undoing,
and our most pestilent plague.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
Here is a manifold finding of fault, as in a matter of most weighty
importance ; and wherewith Master Horne ajid Master Chambers are
wonderfully rubbed on the gall.
But passing over the First Member as vain, and mingled with
others ; we will first speak of the Second. If this be to the prejudice
of private men, what have you, Master Horne and Master Chambers,
done ; which, now a great while, have, by your messengers and Letters,
stopped all the private alms of all men ; and drawn them into your
own hands ? And that, you. Master Horne, threatened, out of the
pulpit, that you would do ; and that you would make poor miserable
men to eat hayt
Where they speak of an unknown Collector ; we answer, that the
less he shall be commonly known, the less danger shall he cause to
them that he shall have to do withal. For those Collectors of yours
are now, by this your diligence in gathering (Would to GOD ye were as
liberal in distributing ! ), and by these your close and most discreet
means, so known ; that no man dare bid them ' God speed 1 ', much less
talk with them. Therefore, it is wondrous fine, that Master Horne
hath forged here concerning an unknown Collector.
Where he saith that *a fear and a terror shall be stricken into
such as shall see many names subscribed ' : we understand not how
that can be. It seemeth he would say. That our messengers will show,
not our names ; but the messengers' names subscribed. Furthermore,
we demand of Chambers and Horne, Why they have done the same,
now these three years [1554-1557]; and compelled men to subscribe,
A small fault in against their wiUs. In them, this is a godly matter I
these days ! [1574J . in us, a horrible abomination !
Where he saith, That this will be exceedingly hurtful to other
Congregations ; certainly, it hath been almost an undoing, both to
180
1557. The second New Discipline.
our Congregation and others, that [which] Master Horne and Master
Chambers have, in this behalf, done yet hitherto. For one while, they
say, They have gathered alonely [only] for this Congregation; when
anybody of another Church, ye must understand, craved aught of them.
Another while they boast, That they have a great deal for other
Congregations : that is, when they be offended with us : as they are
now most grievously. For now, we believe, they will say plainly. They
have nothing for our poor. Therefore though they speak it not ; yet
they show it openly by their deeds, That they have all to themselves,
and keep all to themselves.
Where he saith. The Queen shall understand by this means that
our Congregation is nourished by her subjects. How so ? Do we
name Englishmen, or, universally, all good men; by whose liberality
the poor of our Congregation be nourished ? But the Queen will
suspect something of her subjects. O, fine witty men I She suspected
nothing, forsooth ! before we wrote this Discipline 1
That, that he hath in the Fourth place set, as it were in the middle
rank in safety, we saw not [overlooked] ; therefore we will speak of it
last.
But this is the grievous matter of all; and that which alone
tormenteth these men indeed : for [the] other causes are pretended.
But this is the very thing whence, as the man saith, cometh all this
anguish and anger too. Forsooth, it will be suspected, saith he, if some
others collect in the name of the Congregation, that we like not
Chambers's collection, nor Horne's and his distribution.
Hereof will all these weighty discommodities grow, that they two,
ye must understand, may not be in so great authority with all men, nor
be such buggards [bug-bears] to the poor, if they may not bear the Bag
alone. O, grievous and intolerable evils that will grow of these
suspicions! Indeed, they make an end of all this place with plain
tragical terms. This gear, saith he, shall cause undoing, and a most
pestilent plague, unto the Congregation ! We wonder that he cried not
out also, ' O, heaven I O, earth ! O, Neptune's seas 1'
But where they fear themselves so much of suspicions ; we believe
they may be out of [them] , peradventure, in a while. For all men will,
within a short time, as far as we see, give over to suspect what manner
of men Horne and Chambers be.
Finally, what fault soever they find with us, in all this ado, touching
the messenger to be sent ; they themselves have utterly forced us, by
extremity and violence, to attempt it. For seeing Chambers would give
nothing, being present, but unto certain of his own [party] ; and is now
run away with the Purse : we are utterly constrained to take this way,
that our poor perish not for famine.
181
The second New Discipline. i667.
This Article, following the
Twenty -ninth,
I also find in the Copy.
30. Item, as concerning the re-
lief to be had at strangers' hands,
who be not of our Church; such
order is to be taken as shall seem
most expedient to the Ministers of
the Word aiid Sacraments.
It seemeth that this Article was put in, in place of the
former, which they could not agree upon.
31. Item, we think it expedient
that the said Four Dea<Jons be
charged, neither with the helping
of the Ministers in the Preaching
of the Word, neither in the Cate-
chising of the Youth, neither in
Ministering of Sacraments, or Say-
ing of Common Prayer, or specially
the visiting of the sick, other than
the poor for the relieving of their
necessity, as with things pertaining
to the Office of Deaconship, nor
with any other Offices other than is
expressly declared in GOD's Word
[to] appertain to the Deacons ;
according to the rule of the which,
they shall, by all means possible,
direct their doings. The sum
whereof is, diligently to receive
and keep all, and all manner of,
public and private alms ; and the
same faithfully to bestow upon the
poor of Christ's Church, according
as every man's necessity shall re-
quire : and, by all means possible,
as well by word as by writing, to
procure the maintenance of the
said Treasure of the Church, so to
their credit committed. Notwith-
standing, it is not meant hereby,
in
^^' ' The second New Discipline,
but that any of the said Deacons,
being learned, when good occasion
shall thereto serve, may preach, or
instruct the Youth in the Cate-
chism, or do any other godly
function, whereunto they shall be
called.
The Objection against the Thirty-first Article.
HORNE, etc.
This is amiss, thtit the Deacons are bounden to visit the poor, only
to know if they need ; seeing it is chiefly required that they may exhort,
that they may comfort, that they may relieve such consciences as be
sick and burdened with sins. A man may ask them, Where it appeareth,
by plain words of the Scriptures^ that it is the Deacons' Office to receive
and keep the Treasures of the Church ; and that they alone ought to
execute and accomplish this Office ?
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
Let the Deacons visit all sick persons universally, if they will ; and
exhort them and comfort them. We forbid them not. Only we shew
that they are bounden, by reason of their Office, peculiarly to have
charge of the poor.
Where they say, It is chiefly required that Deacons should exhort
and comfort the sick consciences of them that are diseased. If they say
they be bound to do that, by reason of their Office ; let them prove it I
[so] that they do not only say all things : but if they respect [re/er to]
Christian pity towards their brethren ; neither do we exempt from the
Deacons, that which is the common duty of all Christians.
But forasmuch as they have burdened the Deacons before, with un-
necessary charges [responsihilities] as concerning the Office of Deacons ;
by reason whereof they frayed [frightened] many from that right godly
Office of Deacons : we have thought good to declare what things they
be, which properly appertain to the Deaconship ; and what be the
common duties of all Christians. And lest these men might justly
complain, as touching the lack of exhorting and comforting the sick :
that matter is sufficiently provided for by the Ministers of the Word,
unto whom that charge doth chiefly appertain ; and by other learned
men also.
And to that question that they harp upon again ; it is thoroughly
answered in the Fourth Article. [? page 168.]
In that they require plain words of Scripture of us; we cannot
183
1557. The second New Discipline.
marvel enough ; seeing they neither prove, or shew anything, either by
plain words or obscure words : but, as though we were scholars and
they Schoolmasters of Pytha(K)RAS's rule, they only say and affirm all
things; and confirm nothing. But they promise they will do it at
leisure, and God before 1 And that is enough, we trow.
32. Item, that where [as]
there is no godlier act than to
succour such as be both sick and
poor; for that their burden is
most heavy i we think good, if the
ability of the Church will extend
thereunto. That there be Four
grave and honest Women, either
Widows or Wives, such as have
need of the help of the Church,
appointed and chosen, with the
consent of their husbands, to keep
the poor when they be sick ; and
to watch with them, by course, one
after another : and that they have
therefore, out of the Treasure of
the Church, a certain stipend
quarterly paid unto them.
Of the Discipline of the
Church ; which is
the Fourth and Last Note.
33. First, in all matters
touching Conscience, GOD's Word
is the perfect rule ; as well for
those things which Christian men
ought to do, as for such things as
they are bound to abstain from.
34. Item, in all Controversies
Civil, the Civil, or Municipal, Law
of the country, or City, where the
Church is, is a sufficient rule to be
obeyed.
86. Item, all matters touch-
ing the Congregation, or the
members of the same, directly
18i
1557. The second New Discipline.
appertaining to neither of the
Two former Parts ; Ecclesiastical
Ordinance and Discipline of the
Church, ought by all members of
the same to be obeyed.
36. Item, although this word
Discipline generally doth contain
all Ecclesiastical Orders and
Ordinances : yet, in this place, it
is properly taken for the rule of
outward honest orders and man-
ners ; and of the punishment and
correction of vices.
37. Item, for the execution of
the which Discipline to the main-
taining of all comely order and
virtue in the Church, and cor-
rection of disorder and vice ; it is
agreed that Six men, of special
gravity, authority, and wisdom,
such as the rule of the holy
Scriptures doth set forth, as much
as may be, shall be chosen to be
Seniors: which Six Seniors, with
the Two Ministers of the Word,
shall have the execution of the
Discipline and Government of the
Church; and shall be reverenced,
and (in all things godly and
reasonable) obeyed and reverenced,
of all persons in the Congrega-
tion, under pain of most sharp
Discipline. ,^
38. Provided always. That
the said Ministers and Seniors,
severally and jointly, shall have
no authority to make any manner
of Decrees or Ordinances to bind
the Congregation, or any member
thereof: but shall execute such
Ordinances and Decrees as shall
be made by the Congregation, and
to them delivered.
188
The second New Discipline. 1557.
Of the Election of all
Ministers,
39. Item, it is agreed that all
Seniors, Deacons, and all other
Ministers, whatsoever they be (the
Two Teachers and Ministers of the
Word only excepted), shall once a
year, that is, the First day of
March, take an end of their
Ministry, whatsoever it be. And
they, from that date till a new
Election be made, which shall be
within one fortnight after the said
1st day of March, unless some
great causes incident do let
[hinder] the same, shall be all
private persons, as other members
of the Congregation, and so con-
tinue still, till they be new elected
to the same, or other, Ministry or
Office : every one of them yet
notwithstanding, in the meantime,
from the said Ist day of March till
new Ministers be elected, doing
the duty and duties to their Office
belonging.
The Objection to the Thirty-ninth Article.
HoRNE, etc.
The time is ill appointed. It were a great deal better after the
Mart ; for the avoiding of rumour, and blowing [reporting] of dissen-
sions which may arise ; as it is now in example.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
The time is appointed well enough. For these dissensions are not
to be imputed to times, but to men. And we trust that we shall, by
the grace of GOD, have henceforth good men ; that shall quietly govern
the Church in the true fear of GOD, and love to their brethren.
40. Item, that Public Prayer and
Fast be made before, and at, the
Election of all Ministers ; in time
186 I
1557. The second New Discipline.
and continuance, as to the Con-
gregation shall seem good.
41. Item, that before the Elec-
tion of the Ministers, Seniors, and
Deacons ; the places of the Scrip-
tures for that purpose most fit, be
openly read ; and a Sermon to be
made upon the same, as for the
present purpose, shall be most
convenient.
42. Item, that Election be made
by Bills [Voting Papers] : every
man bringing, on a little Bill rolled
up, the names of such persons^
appointed, as they shall think most
meet for the Office, whereunto the
Election is then made.
43. Item, that Imposition of
Hands, with Prayer, be used at the
Institution of the said Ministers,
Seniors, and Deacons; according
to the doctrine and examples of
the Scriptures.
Of the calling and assemhling
of the Congregation.
44. Item, that the Ministers and
Seniors, thus elect [ed] , have now
authority, as the principal mem-
bers of the Congregation, to govern
the said Congregation, according
to GOD'S Word and the Disci-
pline of the Church, as is aforesaid :
and also to call together and^ as-
semble the said Congregation, for
causes, and at times, as shall to
them seem expedient.
Provided always, That if any
dissension shall happen between
the Ministers and the Seniors, or
the more part [majority] of them,
and the Body of the Congregation,
or the more part of it; and that
187
The second New Discipline. 1557.
the said Ministers and Seniors, in
such controversy, being desired
thereto, will not assemble the
Congregation: that then the Con-
gregation may, of itself, come
together, and consult and deter-
mine as concerning the said con-
troversy or controversies ; and the
said Assembly to be a lawful Con-
gregation, and that which they,
[or] the more part of them, so
assembling, shall judge or decree,
the same to be a lawful Decree
• and Ordinance of sufBcient force
to bind the whole Congregation,
and every member of the same.
The Objection against the Forty-fourth Article,
HORNE, etc.
The Forty-fourth Article speaketh manifestly against the Edict of
the Senate ; for there it is specified, by these clear and manifest words :
* Furthermore, the Senate of this honourable City hath decreed,
That if there arise any dissension or contentions among the Strangers,
concerning Keligion or their Discipline; they be set at one with all
diligence by the Ministers and Seniors : specially for this cause, lest
those which profess themselves to be banished out of their country for
true Religion's sake, utter an evil token [of] what their mind is, by
reason of such controversies and debates. And in case the matter
cannot be appeased before the Ministers and Elders ; let them know
that the Senate of this City will take order therein : who, as reason is,
will look most sharply upon the Authors of such troubles.'
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
It is not against the meaning of the Edict, as it was declared by
the Magistrates themselves in our Church, before all the Congregation,
the last of February [1557] , by the mouth of Master Valerand Poullain ;
and the said Magistrates, seeing the Sentence pronounced by the said
Master Valerand, and written oiit by us, allowed it : according where-
unto, this Decree is altogether set forth.
46. Item, that no man, being
summoned or warned (either by
the Ministers and Seniors, or in
188
1557. The second New Discipline.
the name of the Congregation,
so as afore is said assembled) to
appear in the Congregation, shall
absent himself but upon a lawful
cause, under pain of Discipline.
And that none shall depart out of
the said Congregation so assem-
bled, till it be broken up ; without
licence of the whole, or the more
part remaining; upon pain of
Discipline before the whole Con-
gregation therefore.
46. Item, in case some do
depart; that yet notwithstanding
those which still remain, if they
be the greater part, to be a lawful
Congregation: and that which
they, or the more part of them,
shall decree, to be a lawful Decree,
of force to bind the whole body ;
Ministers, Seniors, Deacons, and
every other member or members
thereof, without exception.
The Objection against the Forty-sixth Article.
HORNE, etc.
This law doth not sufficiently forsee and provide for the quietness
of the Congregation, unless in this greater part the Pastor and Seniors
be included ; whose authority men ought not to bring into such
contempt, that we would so easily reject them. The multitude is, of
their own disposition, overmuch licentious and grudging at every
Superior Power : and this law is also against the Edict of the Senate.
The Ansiver.
WHITEHEAD, etC.
If the Ministers and Elders will be present, no man warneth them :
if they will not, who will force them against their wills ? It is
impertinent, that he saith. They be easily reject [ed]: which will not
come, when they be desired ; or when they be present, depart upon
their own will. Where he saith, ' That this Decree is also contrary to
the Edict of the Senate ', it is not enough ; except he prove it.
47. Item, that no checking,
or taunting, be used in the said
189
The second New Discipline. 1557.
Congregation, by any persons,
under pain of Discipline : and that
in speaking, all others shall hold
their peace and keep silence,
abstaining also from private talk ;
that all things may be done comely
and in order.
48. Item, that it shall be
lawful that every member of the
Congregation (making protestation
of licence before, to the Ministers,
Seniors, and the whole Congre-
gation) may speak his mind in the
Congregation, so he speak quietly
and not against GOD's truth : for,
in case he speak ungodly, that
then it shall be lawful for the
Ministers, Seniors, or any of them,
to command him silence by and
by [immediately].
The manner of receiving all
sorts of persons into the
said Congregation.
49. First, for the avoiding of
all heresies and sects in our
Churches ; every one, as well men
as women, which desire to be
received, shall make a Declaration,
or Confession, of their Faith before
the Ministers and Elders : shewing
himself fully to consent and agree
with the Doctrine of the Church,
and submitting themselves to the
Discipline of the same; and the
same to testify by subscribing
thereto, if they can write.
TJie Objection against the Forty-ninth Article,
HOBNE, etc.
The Subscribing is over hardly and constrainedly done ; specially
in so often alteration and innovation of laws, as they speak of.
190
1557. The second New Discipline.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
This Subscribing is not over hardly nor constrainedly done : but
so much the less hardly and constrainedly, in that there is an easy way
shewed to redress ; if anything be done amiss : where these men would
have their Decrees to be reputed for holy sacred Canons, which may not
be moved.
And as for this Subscribing, which they say is so constrained and
hard ; besides that it is provided for by the Edict of the Senate, it is
required also in their Old Discipline and Institution [see page 143] .
50. Item, if any person, so
desirous to be received into the
Congregation, be notoriously de-
famed; or noted of any corrupt
behaviour, or evil opinion in
Doctrine, or slanderous behaviour
in Life : the same may not by the
Ministers and Seniors be admitted,
till he have either purged himself
thereof ; or else have declared
himself to the Ministers and
Elders penitent for the same.
Of Admission to the Holy
Communion,
61. Item, that none of the
Youth be admitted to the Com-
munion till they be able to make
Profession of their Faith before
the whole Congregation ; and also
to have an honest testimony of
towardness [aptitude, pro^nise] in
godly conversation.
52. Item, that none openly
noted as a Heretic, Sectary,
Idolator, or other notorious
Offender, shall be admitted to
the Communion ; before he either
purge, or reconcile, himself pub-
licly before the whole Congrega-
tion. And that every member of
the Congregation do not refuse to
render a Declaration of their Faith
191
The second New Discipline. 1557.
before the Ministers and Elders;
wliensover they shall by them be
thereunto required.
The Order of Proceeding to the
execution of the Discipline
and correction of Offences.
53. Forasmuch as no Church
is so perfect, but offences may
rise; for godly and charitable
redressing and reforming of such,
this Order is to be observed :
First, if any of the Congre-
gation be offensive in manners or
doctrine to any of the brethren, so
that the offence be private and
not publicly known ; there can be
no better Order devised than
that which Christ himself hath
appointed ; which is
First, brotherly to admonish
him alone.
If that do not prevail ; to call
one or two witnesses.
If that also do not profit ; then
to declare it to the Ministers and
Elders ; to whom the Congregation
hath given authority to take order
in such cases, according to the
Discipline of the Church.
54. Item, that it may be the
better known what is meant by
this word, Discipline or Correction
of Vice; we think that there be
Three Degrees of Ecclesiastical
Discipline.
The First, that the Offender
acknowledge his fault, and shew
himself penitent, before the
Ministers and the Seniors.
The Second, that if he will
not so do; as well his original
192
i>57. The second New Discipline.
crime as also his contempt of the
Ministers and Elders who have thc»
authority of the Church, be openly
declared, by one of the Ministers,
before the whole Congregation:
and that he therefore make satis-
faction, both for his original crime
and also for his contempt of the
Ministers, before the whole Con-
gregation; and that he be not
tidinitted to the Communion before
he have satisfied.
The Third, that if he remain
still obstinate before the whole
Congregation, after a time to him
by the whole Congregation limited
to repent in ; he then shall be
openly denounced Excommunicate :
which Excommunication, seeing it
is the uttermost penalty of Eccle-
siastical Power, shall not therefore
be executed until the matter be
heard by the whole Church, or
such as it shall specially appoint
thereunto.
The Objection against the Fifty-fourth Article.
HoBNE, etc.
The authority of the Pastor and Seniors is all wiped away: for
everything is referred to the confused multitude of the Congregation.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
Except the matter be used, as we have provided in the Discipline ;
both the authority and liberty of the Congregation is wiped away, and
a mere Tyranny established.
W^here he saith, all things is referred to the confused multitude, it
is manifestly false : for it is always added, ' by such as the Congregation
shall appoint thereto ' ; as it is also, in the Fifty -fourth Article added
in plain words.
55. Item, if any person shall
be a notorious known Offender,
so as he is. offensive to the whole
1 Whittingham. 18 198
The second New Discipline. 1557.
Congregation : then shall the
Ministers and Elders immediately
call the Offender before them;
and travail [labour] with him, to
reduce him to true repentance,
and [the] satisfying of the Congre-
gation. Which, if he obstinately
refuse to do, then one of the
Ministers shall signify his offence
and contempt to the whole Con-
gregation: desiring them to pray
for him; and further to assign
him a day to be denounced Excom-
municate, before the Congrega-
tion ; except, in the meantime, the
Offender submit himself, before
the whole Congregation, to the
Order of the Discipline.
56. Item, that neither the Seniors
and Ministers, nor the whole Con-
gregation, shall meddle in any Civil
Matters, as Judges or Determiners
of the same : but only as Arbiters
for peace making, that the Magis-
trates be troubled as little as may
be, with our controversies. But in
case the Seniors first, and after-
wards the Congregation, or such
as the Congregation shall appoint,
can make no peaceable end by way
of Arbitrement ; then the judge-
ment of the said matters is to be
referred to the Magistrates of the
City, and there to be ended.
67. Item, we think good (for our
quietness' sake, and for the con-
serving of the good report of our
nation) that all matters and con-
troversies among ourselves (if they
cannot privately be pacified, which
first ought to be attempted) be
brought before the Seniors and
Ministers ; and there to be heard.
194
1557. The second New Discipline.
And, in case they cannot end
them; then afterward to be re-
ferred to the whole Congregation,
or such as the Congregation shall
appoint to the hearing and deter-
mining thereof, if they can.
And that no matter be brought
unto the Magistrate, or Senate, to
hinder, derogate, or let, the autho-
rity of the Church or the Discipline
thereof, before these ways be
proved; under pain of the Disci-
pline before the Congregation :
unless the thing appertain directly
to the state of the City ; or is an
offence against the Laws, Senate,
or Magistrate, of the same; in
which case every man may and
ought forthwith to complain to
the Magistrates.
The Objection against the Fifty-seventh Article.
HORNE, etc.
This Law is contrary to the Edict of the Senate.
The Answer,
Whitehead, etc.
This should not be said ; but shewed.
58. Item, where as the best way
of Christian reconciliation is, That
the parties privately between them-
selves agree; and the next, That
agreement be made by mediation
of some peaceable and godly men :
We decree that in case two, four,
six, more or less, do consult among
themselves, or travail with the
parties, for peace-making, quietly
and charitably ; then the said par-
ties, in so doing, do nothing
against good Order of Discipline;
but according to the duty and office
of Christian and peaceable men.
195
The second New Discipline. looi.
The Objection to the Fifty -eighth Article.
HoRNE, etc.
The assembly of four, six, eight, or ten is troublously done, and
without order ; and will stir up new tumults daily in the Congregation.
Such laws as this, condemn the authority and counsel of the Elders.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
HoRNE and Chambers condemn the assembly of four, six, eight, or
ten, men for peace-making : where they have, almost every day, these
three months [February-April 1557] , gathered corner-creeping assemblies.
to disturb the peace of the Church.
59. Item, that the Ministers and
Seniors shall have authority to hear
and determine, on behalf of the
Mhole Church, all offences (deter-
minable by the Congregation) com-
mitted by any person in the Con-
gregation: unless the party called
before them, have just occasion to
take exceptions to the said Minis-
ters and Seniors ; or to appeal from
them, as not competent Judges.
The Objection against the Fifty-ninth Article.
Horne, etc.
The Fifty-ninth Article is majiifestly rei)ugnant to the Fifty -sixth
Article.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
The Fifty-ninth [Article] is not repugnant against the Fifty-sixth
Article ; for there is intreated of Civil Controversies ; and here of
others.
60. Item, if any have just occa-
sion to take exception to some of
the Ministers and Seniors, and not
to the more part [majority] of
them ; then those of the Ministern
and Seniors to whom the exception
is made, in this case shall not be
Judges; but, in this case, for the
time, [be] removed from the
Ministry : and that the rest of the
196
1557. The second New Discipline.
Ministers and Seniors to whom no
exception shall be made, with as
many of the Congregation joined
to them, as they be in number
which shall be excepted, shall be
Arbiters and Judges in the said
Causes. And that the said persons
so to be joined to the Ministers
and Seniors shall be appointed by
the Congregation ; the Ministers
and Seniors not excepted, giving
their voices as others of the Con-
gregation.
61. Item, if exception be taken
to the more part [majority] of the
Ministry and Seniors ; that then
the Church shall appoint Six
more to be Judges with the rest
of the Ministers against whom
exception is not made : the same
rest of the Ministers having their
voices in the Election of the Six
as other members of the Church.
62. Item, if all the Ministers
and Seniors be suspected, or found
parties [partizans] , or if any
Appeal be made from them [, as not
competent Judges] ; that then such
Appeal shall be made to the body
of the Congregation ; the Ministers,
Seniors, and parties excepted. And
that the body of the Congregation
may appoint so many of the Congre-
gation to hear and determine the
said matter or matters, as it shall
seem good to the Congregation.
63. Item, if any person do un-
justly take exceptions to any of
the Ministers, or [unjustly] ap-
peals from the whole Ministry:
that then such persons, besides
the punishment for the principal
cause; shall also be punished as
197
The second New Discipline. 1557.
a contemner of the Ministry, and a
disturber of the Church.
The Objection against the Sixty-third Article.
HoRNE, etc.
This law also is against the Edict of the Senate.
The Answer,
Whitehead, etc.
It is not against the meaning of the Edict ; as it is declared in the
Answer to the Fifteenth Article [? the Forty-fourth Article, at page
188] . For it was declared by the Right Honourable and godly Magis-
trates openly, in our Church, that they thought of nothing less than to
impeach the lawful authority of the Congregation.
And except the Congregation, which giveth authority to Ministers,
be superior to the Ministers ; they are not now Ministers, but lords of
the Congregation — as to add no further.
64. Item, if all the Ministers
and Seniors, from whom it shall be
appealed as is aforesaid, shall say
and challenge the more part
of the Congregation, as not in-
different [impartial] Judges; that
then they may appeal from the
Congregation to the Magistrate,
Provided that if any Minister or
Senior so appeal to the Magistrate ;
and be found to have done it with-
out just cause : that then, by that
fact, he shaU be removed from his
Ministry ; and shall never after be
admitted in the Ministry before he
hath made public satisfaction for
the same.
66. Item,^that the Ministers
and Seniors, and every of them, be
subject to Ecclesiastical Discipline
and correction, as other private
members of the Church be. And
that in case any person or persons
accuse any of the Ministers or
Elders, or the more part of them,
or them all, of any crime or
198
1557. The second New Discipline.
crimes: the same Order of Pro-
ceeding in all points [is to] be used
as it is heretofore particularly
expressed, in the making the
exception to some, or the more
part, or all, the said Ministers, as
parties [partizans] , or otherwise
incompetent Arbiters. [See Articles
60-62.]
66. Item, that no accusation
against any of the Ministers and
Seniors be admitted under two
witnesses at the least. And that
if any do unjustly accuse the
Ministers and Seniors, or any of
them ; that he, or they, shall there-
fore be most sharply disciplined,
as a contemner and defacer of the
Ministry, and a disturber of the
whole Church.
67. Item, if any controversy
be upon the doubtful meaning
of any word or words in the
Discipline ; that first it be referred
to the Ministers and Seniors : and
if they cannot agree thereupon,
then the thing [is] to be brought
and referred to the whole Congre-
gation.
68. Item, for the avoiding of
the occasion of contention here-
after. That Books of Discipline
concerning this Church heretofore
made, be of no effect hereafter;
but [axe] void and cancelled.
The Objection to the Sixty-eighth Article.
HORNE, etc.
In this place, we desire that our Old Discipline may be looked
upon, that we may see. Whether it be to be so lightly cast away; seeing
it proceeded of so learned men ; and shall, with a mean [moderate^
amending, be far perfecter than this New Discipline.
199
Tlie second New Discipline. 1557.
The Ansurr.
Whitehead, etc.
Wliere they desire that tlie Old Discipline may be looked upon ; we
answer. The more they shall look upon it, the more evidently shall the
naughtiness [worthlessness] and imperfection of it appear. And it shall
also more plainly appear, how much the Congregation hath been
beholden to them that have retained such an unperfect DiKcixiline so
long in the Church ; only because it permitteth all to the Pastor I
\Vhere they say, That the Discipline proceeded of so learned men :
yet the same that wrote it (were they never so well learned) confess
themselves : both that it was gathered in haste ; and given to the Con-
gregation as imperfect, only for a time.
Where they speak of the amending of that Discipline ; we marvel
that it never came into their mind before.
69. Item, that all Books and
Writings of Record concerning
Acts and Orders of this Church be
delivered to, and remain in the
custody of, the Ministers and
Elders for the time being.
70. Item, that a Register Book
be kept by the Ministers and
Seniors, of all such names [of per-
sons] as be in the Congregation ;
and [the names of] such as shall
be hereafter admitted, to be written
in the same.
71. Item, that Marriages, Chris-
tenings, and Burials, wath the day
and year thereof, be registered in
the same Book.
72. Item, for the avoiding [of J
all controversies that hereafter
may happen, it is Ordained, That
all Testaments and AVills by any
of our nation dying in this Con-
gregation, shall be brought forth,
and exhibited to the Seniors of this
Congregation for the time being;
for a perpetual testimony of the
truth in that behalf.
200
i''>57. The second New Discipline.
The Objection against the Seventy -second Article.
HoRNE, etc.
That concerning Testaments in this dangerous World, is a per-
nicious Law.
The Ansiver.
Whitehead, etc.
We cannot tell what serpent the law concerning Testaments hath
lurking under the herb. They say, It 'is a pernicious Law'; and they
only say so. But we say, It is very wholesome and profitable against
the fraud of falsaries [falsifiers, forgers] , and to the succour of the
Fatherless and Widows.
73. Item, that because all men's
doings be uncertain and change-
able ; the Discipline and Orders of
the Church shall be read openly
once every Quarter ; and warning
thereof before, shall be given to
the whole Congregation : both that
every member thereof may know
their duty ; and that every man
may, with liberty, quietly speak
his mind for the changing and
amending of it, or any part thereof,
according to GOD's Word; and the
same [to be] exhibited in writing,
with the arguments and reasons
of that his request.
The Objection to the Seventy-third Article,
HORNE, etc.
Quietness is not sufiiciently provided for by this means: inasmuch
as it is commanded, as it were, that every one should look and study
for an innovation.
The Answer.
Whitehead, etc.
Quietness is provided for sufficiently: inasmuch as the matter
must pass quietly and peaceable; and also by writings.
Men's consciences are also necessarily provided for : that in case
anything be found in the Ecclesiastical Ordinances, ungodly or dis-
agreeing, or else unprofitable for the Church, it may be changed
straightways : so as men's pleasures be not holden for holy, sacred, and
un moveable, [laws]; as the Papists would.
201
The second New Discipline.
1557.
The Names of such as subscribed to this Discipline ;
and were of the Church.
Thomas Crawley.
Christopher Hales.
Thomas Ashley.
Edmund Oldsworth.
Edmund Sutton.
Thomas Acworth.
Richard Alvay.
Walter Franck.
Richard Letler.
Richard Mason.
Richard Beesley.
Richard Naqors.
Robert Best.
Henry Reignolds.
Percival Harrington.
Richard Porter.
Magnus Elyot.
Henry Perryus.
John Browne.
David Whitehead.
John Mullins.
John Pedder.
John Hales.
Gregory Railton.
Alexander Nowell.
John Wilford.
John Fauconer.
Thomas Serbis.
Thomas Wilson.
John Bedell.
John Olde.
James Peers.
Thomas Sandes.
Edward Parpoint.
Thomas Walker.
John Kelke.
Thomas Watts.
Leonard Parry.
Robert Crowley.
William Master.
Laurence Kent.
Thomas Knoll [ys],
Peter Sade.
John Vates.
William Raulings.
Thomas Water.
Thomas Willobie.
Edmund Tomson.
Richard Luddington.
Thomas Oldsworth.
Edmund Harries.
Philip Adishe.
Gawen Dixson.
John Geoffrie.
Anthony Donnings.
Edward Colton.
John Turpin.
The 21st of December, 1557,
These were added to the Church.
Sir Francis Knoll [y] s.
Edward Boyes.
John Browne.
Francis Wilford.
Thomas Knot.
Thomas Donnell.
Arthur Saule.
Richard Sandell.
Robert Joyner.
Henry Wood.
Richard Lynbrought.
Ralph Selye.
Henry Knoll [y]s.
Thomas Wilford.
William Davage.
Reignold Bakeb.
Robert Hodgston.
John Penteny.
Michael Coke.
Thomas Todchamber.
Alexander Nowbll.
John Ade.
Thomas Bagster.
Daniel Rogers.
202
1557. The second New Discipline.
The Objectors' Conclusion,
HoRNE, etc.
In aU this ado ; we say this, for a Conclusion, That there be three
things, which they only seek :
The Innovation of Ministers ;
A Purse and Treasure, I wot not what ; and
The Purging of their own offences, before committed.
Now have we alleged as much as we handsomely could bring;
considering the time. We would also have alleged very many other
things, so as it should plainly appear. That our brethren have, in
ordaining their Discipline, respected neither so great weighty reasons ;
nor so great commodities of our Congregation : but have, in the mean
while, given that that shall be offensive and slanderous to all good
men ; and to our adversaries and GOD's enemies the Papists, high
rejoicing and pleasure.
The Book of the Old Discipline, with a very little and small correc-
tion and amending, would cause many more plentiful fruits of Christian
hearts to be brought forth; and would settle a great deal more constant
and more durable quietness among us.
The Answer to the Conclusion.
Whitehead, etc.
In all this ado. Master Horne and Master Chambers go about
nothing else but to disquiet the Congregation, that Horne might rule
the roast [domineer] over all. Chambers bear the Bag alone ; and they
two together exercise a most unworthy lordship over the poor, aud by
them [over] all others: and that they might have no certain Discipline,
but that their pleasures might be holden for laws ; and that nothing
should be thought right, or stand in force, but what they do yet
hitherto ; and the same they go about now. And it seemeth they have
utterly determined, either to establish a Tyranny, or to leave no
common wealth at all in the Congregation.
Where Horne and Chambers make rehearsal here of the purging
of offences committed by us ; they ought justly to have been ashamed
to make mention of ' offences ' : seeing they have never left, for these
three or four months [December 1556 — April 1557] , to lade themselves
with wicked doings. And as for occasion of offence and slander given
to good and godly men and to our adversaries and GOD's enemies the
Papists' high rejoicing and pleasure : they accuse us thereof so falsely,
as they themselves have given the occasion indeed. For they could
never abide to have anything amended, nor themselves to be admonished
of anything, or to be commoned [communed, conferred^ withal in any
The second New Discipline. 1557.
wise. But for the most light, yea, no, causes indeed ; they forsook their
Ministry straightways : the Pastor forsook the Flock; the Treasurer, the
poor; and both forsook the Church, and moved others by their example
to do the same.
Neither was it enough for them to give over their own functions ;
but they must draw other Preachers and Readers with them also, to the
intent the Congregation should, by this means, be destitute of GOD's
Word, and [be] utterly scattered : as though it could not possibly stand
without them.
And when they had forsaken their own Church ; they haunted
partly the French Church, and partly the Dewtche [German] Churches:
and so raised rumours abroad ; and spread [the knowledge of] our dis-
sensions, first through this City, and then through other Cities of
Germany.
And, last of all, when they would not come to the Church in the
Mart time, but by the Magistrates' commandment ; neither could they
then be quiet, [but] they spread the like rumours almost throughout all
Europe.
And when they have played these pranks themselves, they charge
Then I hope it ^^ with their own faults ; and go about to lay the
may now spread infamy upon us, which they themselves have stirred
again without up. If you shall cry out that old matters are
offence ; all things rehearsed by these means ; you ought to have
well weighed. abstained from provoking us hereunto ; neither to
have mentioned, offences committed, old subscriptions, nor yet to have
called us back thus to the Old Discipline, the fountain of all contentions.
The Names subscribed to the Objections ;
with a Postscript.
Robert Horne. Anthony Mathew. John Binkes.
Edward Isaac. Richard Davids. John Escot.
RicH.\RD Chambers. Cuthbert Warcope. Nicholas Cauvile.
Christopher Brickbeck. Robert Harrington. John Machet.
Horne, etc.
The rest of our consenting brethren, we rould not call together
unto this Subscribing ; by reason of the sliortness of time : whose
names shall be put afterwards ; having your Honours' licences thereto.
The Ansiver to the Postscript.
Whitehead, etc.
Where tliey complain of shortness of time in the end, as they did
in the beginning ; and that they could not, by reason thereof, call their
204
The second New Discipline. 1557.
consenting brethren together to the subscribing : what meaneth that ?
For where they have set to the names of them which dwell most far
asunder, and have left out almost none but the names of their own
servants, whom they have always at a beck ; yet they could not call the
rest of their brethren together, forsooth I to the intent they might,
by this shift, make a show to such as know not the matter, of some
multitude of men of some estimation which are left out.
And they desire also, as in a matter of weight, that they may set to
the names of the others afterwards.
And as, here in the end, they vaunt a certain show of some great
multitude that will subscribe ; even so, in the beginning and in many
other places of their book, they make a great brag, as though they
would exhibit some notable matter to the Magistrate ; so they may have
time enough given them to bethink themselves. But Master Horne
and Master Chambers shall (with these their mighty and great promises,
both of Subscriptions, Declarations, and. Confirmations) bring to pass
as good as nothing !
But yet this they are desirous to bring to pass in the mean time.
That, while these gay glorious promises of theirs be looked for, they
may, a long time, hinder the peace and quietness of the Church ; which
their only desire is to have disquieted : and, if it be possible, that they
may recover a most intolerable Lordship over the Congregation ; or,
in case they cannot obtain the chief state in the Congregation, that
they may leave the Church in the worst, or in no. state at all; but
that they may rend it, and all-to-scatter [utterly scatter] it.
These be the devices of Horne and Chambers ! These be their
fetches [tricks] , Right Honourable and most righteous Magistrates I
And yet we have no distrust that Almighty GOD, for his mercy's sake
towards our most afflicted Church, and that your authority for your
equity's sake and singular benevolence towards us, will withstand the
same.
And forasmuch as we have proved. That none of these things,
which they have reprehended in our Discipline, be either against GOD'&
Word, or against good reason ; and forasmuch also as we are ready to
prove that all things contained in our Discipline are taken out of, either
GOD's Word, or of the Edict of the Senate and Magistrate ; either out of
their own Old Discipline which they stick so fast unto, or else of the
judgement of good reason : we humbly beseech the Right Honourable
and righteous Magistrates that they will vouchsafe to conlirm it with
their authority.
209
WHERE AS BOTH parties gave consent that
certain others, very Worshipful, should also
deal in this Controversy between them, to
appease, if it might be, the same ; I have here
following placed the order which they took
for their quietness.
To the Ministry and Body of the Congregation
of the English Church at Frankfort.
FORASMUCH AS, AT the request of all our brethren and country-
men of this Church of Frankfort, we have undertaken to
endeavour ourselves to make an end of this sorrowful
Controversy which so grievously, so long time, hath vexed this
Congregation, slandered Religion, and infamed the name of all
Englishmen ; we thought we could neither satisfy the duty of Christian
charity, nor the office of loving countrymen, if we did omit anything
which, by any probable conjecture, might seem to bring to effect our
honest enterprise in this behalf.
Whereupon we have thought good to offer unto you our brethren,
on both parties, such a Form of Agreement touching certain points of
your Discipline as had seemed unto us, upon conference between certain
chosen persons on both sides before us, most convenient : so to satisfy
all men, that every man might willingly and cheerfully submit himself
unto the obedience thereof. Desiring you all, as ye hope to have favour
at GOD'S hands in the blood of Jesus Christ, so to apply your
favourable minds each to other, that, all strife and contention set apart,
you may join together in a blessed Christian and happy society, peace,
and concord.
And the thing whereunto we wish both the parties should agree to,
is as followeth :
The Form of Reconciliation.
FIRST, where as, in this whole Treaty of Reconciliation and Altera-
tion of Discipline, some things might happen to seem to tend to
the condemnation of some party or person; we do all freely
pronounce and testify, each part of other, that neither of us do condemn
1557. The attempted Reconciliation in September.
either party, or any person, as those which have done anything contrary
to GOD's Word, or probability of reason, in this matter of Discipline*,
but friendly and lovingly every man doth embrace all men, omitting all
rehearsal and disputation of things past, with common and hearty
prayer unto GOD that from henceforth we may remain and live together
in brotherly love, to the glory of GOD and comfort of us all.
1. Concerning the Article for Exercise of Learning. That there
be no mention made of the same in the Book of Discipline : but that
forsomuch as Learned Men remain in the Congregation that the
Ministry shall, for the furtherance of Learning, labour to put in ure
[use] such Exercise of Learning as the Learned can perform, and the
ability of the Church bear.
2. Concerning the receiving and distributing of the Treasure of
the Church. The receiving and distributing thereof doth appertain to
the DeELCons ; yet not so that they do it without the knowledge and con-
sent of the Ministers and Seniors. Concerning the keeping of the said
Treasure, it may very well appertain to the Deacons : yet is it not of
such necessity, but that the rest of the Ministry may otherwise set
order for the custody thereof, as time and occasion shall serve.
3. Concerning the Article of Contribution, when the Treasure of
the Church f aileth ; it pertaineth to the Ministers and Deacons to travail
[labour] , by way of exhortation, to the rich to help in that need,
without any further compulsion.
4. Concerning the Article of sending of Common Letters for the
relief of the Congregation. That there be no mention made of any
part thereof in the Book of Discipline : but that the Ministry, with all
possible secrecy, use such policies and means as may best serve to the
relief and maintenance of the Congregation.
5. Concerning the Article of making laws. That they be made by
the Ministry and Body of the Congregation ; being called together for
that purpose. And if the Ministry, or any of them, refuse to be present,
being by the Body of the Congregation required thereunto; without just
cause by them, or him, alleged : That then, after a due time given for
the hearing of the cause, if they bring not in good reason and Just cause
of such refusal ; then to be deprived, by the same, from their, or his.
Ministry : and new to be chosen.
6. Concerning the Article of the Election of Ministers. That a
Scrutiny be had, every year, of the time of Election, for the examina-
tion of the Ministers of the Word : wherein shall be, by the appointment
of the Congregation, six, or eight, grave and wise men, which shall hear
what fault be alleged against the same Minister. And if the faults be
weighty and worthy of open correction, to signify the same to the Con-
gregation, that the offenders, or offender, may be corrected, or deprived,
207
The attempted Reconciliation in Septembei'. i5>7.
accordingly. If the offences be lesser than that they ought to be
published ; then the same Ministers, or Minister, offending, to be
[adj nionished of his fault, according to the discretion of the Scrutineers.
7. Concerning the Article of Testaments. That no man, by order,
in this Congregation, shall be forced to register his Testament: but
that there be eight, or ten, grave, wise, substantial, and honest, men,
chosen by the Congregation ; out of which number, the Testator shall
have his choice, or if he omit the thing, his Executors shall have the
choice, to take two of the said eight or ten, besides such as are made
Witnesses, whom the Executors, within a month after the death of the
Testator, shall make privy to the Testament. And that the said two.
being required thereunto, shall faithfully declare unto every party com-
prehended in the Will, so much of the Will as shall j)articularly apper-
tain to every of them ; and shall keep secret all the rest of the Will or
Testament, as they shall protest before GOD and the Congregation upon
their consciences, at the time of their Election.
And now, in case it shall seem good unto all your Wisdoms, as well
of the Ministry and Body of the Congregation of the one part as of the
Dissenting Brethren of the other part. That we shall, by our mediation,
proceed any further, according unto this Form of Reconciliation, which is
here described ; We do heartily require you. That, signifying your minds
unto us with as convenient speed as ye may, ye will also appoint out,
on either party. Two discreet and sober persons, lovers of peace and
concord; which, by conference with other Two of us, whom we shall
appoint, may draw these Articles afore written into such a form as they
may be conveniently annexed to the rest of your Discipline.
The 29th of September 1557.
Your loving brethren and countrymen,
Thomas Wrothe. Henry Knollys. Edwin Sandys.
Francis Knollys. John Browne. Thomas Eaton.
Roger Parker. Francis Wilford. Richard Springha.m.
John Abell. John Turner.
906
1557. The attempted Reconciliation in September.
The Answer of the Church to this Offer,
or the effect of the same.
WE CANNOT ALLOW this Way of Reconciliation offered to
our Church by our countrymen : forasmuch as we should
condemn ourselves, as evil-doers, and our doings as ungodly
and unreasonable : but we are assured that we have not
done, in our Discipline, anything contrary to GOD's Word, and good
reason.
The last of September [1657] .
David Whitehead. Henry Parry. William Rawlinqs.
John Hales. Richard Beesley. Robert Best.
Thomas Sorby. Robert Crowley. Richard Luddingtox.
John Pedder. Thomas Watts. Edmund Haries.
Thomas Ashley. Richard Rogers.
1 Whittingham H 209
The Copy of the Letters of Request
sent forth for the reUef of the poor,
by Master [Edmund] Sutton,
25 J% 1557-
To all them that bear an unfeigned reverence and zeal unto the
eternal Testament of Jesus Christ, joined with the charitable and
sincere bowels of mercy towards the poor ; Grace, Mercy, and Peace,
from GOD the Father, by the same our Lord Jesus Christ his Son, the
common and only Saviour of the World.
IT IS NOT like[ly] that the bruit of the Controversy, which hath
now, at the end of six months [13 January-25 July 1557] , continued
in this English Church at Frankfort, is unknown to strangers. It
is more like [ly] that, so many being privy thereto, it is carried and
spread too far abroad ; and most like [ly] by the fruits springing thereof,
that it hath been untruly reported by the wilful authors and stubborn
maintainers of it : not only to the infamy, reproach, and discredit, of
the Body of this Church, and to the intent to stop all relief from the
poor members of the same ; but also that their uncharitable and lewd
behaviours should not come to light.
For it is well known that divers charitable men (albeit their
persons and names be neither known, nor desired to be known) were,
before the beginning of this Controversy, very liberal in sending their
charity to the use of the whole Congregation universally, and some
were beneficial to sundry members of the same particularly : which.
since that time, to our knowledge, they have left undone utterly.
We, the Ministers of the Church, (hoping that these men, the
authors and maintainers of this Controversy, would, in time, have
known their faults ; and made satisfaction to the Church, as became
Christian men to do) did, not only with patience suffer their slandrous
talk and unquiet demeanour ; but also bear with their unjust dealing,
and, as much as in ns lay, studied to cover their faulty doings.
Nevertheless, seeing no likelihood of their amendment, but most
manifest proofs of their malice (this poor Congregation rather daily
210
1667. Sutton's Letters of Request of July 25.
increasing than in any part abating ; and thereby the poverty thereof
continually augmenting) ; we thought it our bounden duty in conscience
no longer to hide the matter ; but thus (of necessity constrained) to
disclose it : so as, seeing they will not be as they ought to be, they may
at least be known as they be.
And thus we do, not for any malice that we bear to any man's
person (as GOD, the searcher of all hearts, knoweth 1) but that, the
truth being known, such good people, as through untrue report, have
been persuaded to withdraw their good minds and favour from this
poor Congregation ; might understand that, without just cause, they
have so long done it, and hereafter be the more willing to renew
their charity in the relieving of this poor Church of Christ.
And to come to the matter, ye shall understand that after Master
HoRNE, late Pastor, and the Seniors that were joined in the Ministry
with him, had, by a Writing subscribed with their own hands, openly,
before the Congregation, surrendered and given over their Offices
(retaining nevertheless the Writing of their Surrender in their own
hands) : and yet, being desired by the Congregation not to leave their
Ministries, but still to exercise the same, they would, in no wise, do it;
whereby the Church was, divers days, destitute of the Preaching of
GOD's Word. Whereupon, the more part of the Congregation (minding
to have the Church kept in good order ; and to redress those things
that Were a great occasion of the former contention: so that after
there might be a perpetual quietness and concord among us) went
esimestly about the same.
But it happened, contrary to our expectation, the former grudges
continuing, and new business daily increasing ; which came at length
to the Magistrate's ear, contrary to our minds and determination. For
then we thought that it should, without any further bruit, amongst our-
selves, have been pacified and ended, as we would to GOD it had been I
Whereupon the godly Magistrates, lamenting much our dissension
and desiring our quietness, came into our Church ; and there first made
us to promise one to another that from thenceforth no mention should
be made of any former grudge or contention between us ; but that all
things past should be clean forgotten.
Afterwards (for the better continuance of love amongst us ; and
good order in the Church), with the consent of Master Horne the
Pastor and the Seniors; [they] discharged him and them of their
Oflftces : and willed the Church to choose new Ministers ; and to make
a New Discipline (for by reason of the unperfectness of the Old
Discipline, a great part of the former controversy was), as if there had
been never any Church here before.
211
Sutton's Letters of Request of July 25. 1557.
Whereupon the Church divers times assembling ; at length, the most
part of the Church thought [it] most reasonable that, among others,
an Order should be in this Church (like as it was in the Primitive
Church, and is now in all well-reformed Churches), that the Treasure
should be in the custody of all the Deacons ; and not of any one man
alone.
Master Horne, with certain of the Seniors and a few others, would
in no wise agree unto it ; but, to their uttermost, resisted it : which
gave us occasion of farther just suspicion that the Treasure of the
Church, in time past, had not been Christianly used.
And where as also we had devised another Order, That forsomucb
as the Magistrate doth permit us to use the customs and manners ol
making of Wills that be used in England, that (for the more surety of
our friends that were here or elsewhere, if we were disposed, by
our Wills, to give unto them any of that little substance that GOD hath
left us ; if we should die here) our Wills should be seen and exemplified
[an attested Copy made of each] by the Seniors; and so to be out of all
danger of counterfeiting [forgery] at any time.
Horne and Chambers, only upon fond will [solely from fooli^li
wilfulness] , without any just consideration or good reason, cavilled
[frivolously objected] against said Order : only afllrming it to be
pernicious.
These things we find manifestly, at length, not to proceed of any
good mind or purpose ; but of contentious frowardness, grounded upon
self-love and gain : that, under a colour [jpretence, pretext] of the
Church, they might gather good men's devotions [alms] : and never
distribute any penny thereof, or at the least to none (had they never so
great need), unless they would either fawn, and hang, on them ; or else
sustain uncharitable taunts and reproaches at their hands.
For where Chambers, above eighteen months past [? December
1555] , had of Master Whitehead, then Pastor, and the Seniors then, a
Letter to receive of one special man ^620 ; and besides, [later,] through
Horne's procurement, a General Proxy to Chambers and his Deputy, to
gather the devotions [alm,s] of good men, for the relief of this poor
Congregation ; which, by their own proceedings here before the Magis-
trates, their own handwriting testifying the same, and otherwise by
our knowledge, we are certain they did put in practice ; and received
much thereby. Yet Chambers, upon the Accompt [Accownt] here left
behind him ; neither confesseth tliat he [had] received the said JG20, nor
yet any other sum ; neither hath he distributed, during all the time he
was in Office yet to this day, in this Congregation to any one person,
saving to three Scholars that came with him [from Zurich], one penny
that he did not receive here in this Congregation and City.
212
1557. Sutton's Letters of Request of July 25.
And yet, at his departure hence, he left two of the said Scholars
(unto whom nevertheless he promised sufficient provision and finding ;
iind never warned them to the contrary) in debt for their board and for
other necessaries, almost 20 guilderns [at Ss. 4^. each] : which this poor
Congregation was forced to pay.
Finally, where good Mistress Wilkinson, of blessed memory, put
HoRNE and Chambers in trust, with the devising and making of her
Will ; whereby she gave to this and other poor Congregations of the
poor banished Englishmen, a Christian liberal relief : albeit they have
caused some of the Congregations to be paid of the same bequest ; yet
hitherto would they not make this poor Congregation privy to the sum
bequeathed unto it, much less pay it : nor yet, according to the order
of our Church's Discipline aforesaid, let the Will be seen ; so as the
friendless young Gentlewoman, her daughter, should not be defrauded
of her right, nor her mother's Will be altered to her loss.
Furthermore, Master Chambers (understanding that we were
minded, according to our duties, to require an Accompt [Account] of
him, for the use of his Proxy) getteth him [away] suddenly hence,
accompanied with Master Horne, early in a morning : without the
consent, or leave-taking, of the Congregation or the Ministry thereof ;
and contrary to his own openly-made promise. That he would not
depart till he had answered all that any man could charge him with.
And, at his going away, he left behind him an Accompt ; which (by
cutting out the leaves, and new written) seemeth not to be now at the
last as it was at the first ; albeit it was never so perfect as Christian
fidelity would have required it to be.
And moreover, albeit we have twice written unto him charitably,
exhorting and requiring him to come hither, and [to] discharge himself
of those things that shall be said unto him in the behalf of this
Congregation, and to the intent he should restore unto it the Proxy he
received, and no longer, by himself or his Deputy, exercise it in the
name of this poor Church, as we are informed he doth : he neither
Cometh, nor yet maketh answer to our Letters [see pp. 216, 217].
Whereby we cannot but think, that he meaneth not only craft and
subtilty, much unworthy the integrity and fidelity that he pretendeth :
but also to hinder, and, as much as in him lieth, to undo, this poor
Congregation ; not only of that he hath already received and carried
away (as he hath heretofore dealt with the Company of poor Students
at Zurich) : but also through untrue reports of all good men's devotions
[alms] and liberality that hereafter would else be bestowed.
Their reports (which, among many other untruths, to hinder this
poor Congregation) they slanderously bruit abroad, are chiefly these :
213
Sutton's Letters of Kequest of July 25. iss?.
First, that the poor of this Church be so well provided for, that
the worst hath after the rate of Two shillings by the week.
Secondly, that some of the poor here be so stout, that they disdain
to ask relief in their need. -
So that our poor seem, either not to need, or not to be worthy
of help.
And Thirdly, that men here seek to know the names of the givers
to this Congregation, to their great peril and utter undoing.
Which reports be all utterly untrue : but the truth is, That for lack,
many poor men have been driven, both to depart hence to seek their
living in other places ; and some forced to go for relief into England.
These specialities, besides much more that we have thought good
and very necessary that good godly men should know ; both that they
should not conceive any evil opinion of this Congregation by false
report : and also that (minding to relieve the poor and miserably
afflicted members of Christ, their brethren in this Church) they should
(when GOD shall move them to depart [part with] anything to that
use) so deliver it, as it may safely come, and justly be distributed where
they would have it bestowed.
And, therefore, we (considering the state of our fellow-exiles living
here with us in need and poverty ; and fed by the only good Providence
of GOD) desire all Christian men, for the love of our Saviour, Jesus
Christ, to consider how pleasant a sacrifice, how sweet a savour, the
relieving of the poor, for his sake, is before the face of our heavenly
Father. A good man's life is almost nothing else than a continual
exercise of mercy. All the day long, he hath mercy and pity, saith
the Prophet David.
Give alms of thy goods, saith the holy man, Tobit ; and turn never
thy face from the poor : and so shall it come to pass that the face of
the Lord shall not be turned away from thee. Be merciful after thy
power. If thou hast much, give plenteously ; if thou hast little, do
thy diligence gladly to do that little : for so gatherest thou thyself
a good reward in the day of necessity. For alms delivereth from
death ; and suffereth not the Soul to come into darkness. A great
comfort is alms, before the high GOD unto all them that do it.
Blessed is he that considereth the poor, saith the Prophet David
the Lord shall deliver him in the time of trouble, etc. The good
man, saith David, hath distributed abroad, and given to the poor ; his
righteousness remaineth for ever, his horn shall be exalted with
honour.
He that giveth to the poor shall not lack, saith the Wise Man in
the Proverbs.
114
1667. Sutton's Letters of Request of July 25.
As water quencheth burning fire, so doth mercy reconcile sins ;
which GOD shall reward and not forget, and the doer shall find a stay
to keep him up when he falleth, saith Jesus, the son of Sirach.
Break unto the hungry thy bread, saith the Prophet Esay ; and
bring the poor fatherless into thy house. When thou seest the naked,
cover him ; and hide not thy face from thine own flesh. Then shall
thy light break forth as the morning ; and thy health flourish right
shortly. Thy righteousness shall go before thee, and the glory of the
Lord shall embrace thee. Then if thou callest, the Lord shall answer
thee : if thou criest, he shall say, ' Here I am.'
* Lay ye not up treasures in earth, where the rust and moth may
destroy it ; and thieves may dig it out and steal it,' saith Cheist, * but
lay up your treasures in heaven. Give alms of that ye have ; and
behold,' saith Christ, * all is clean unto you. What ye give to one of
these little ones,' saith he, ' ye give it unto me I ' Also he said ' Blessed
are the merciful ; for they shall find mercy I '
When the idolatrous King Nebuchadnezar should be converted
unto GOD, what said the Prophet Daniel unto him ? ' Redeem thy sins
with alms ; and thy wickedness with mercy on the poor : so perhaps
GOD will pardon thy sins 1 Think ye that GOD forgat Abdias [Obadiah]
that preserved the hundred Prophets in caves, and fed them there ? '
Paul, and the other Apostles, diligently, both with words and
writing, did labour for the relief of the poor brethren that were at
Jerusalem, and elsewhere.
And we hope that GOD will open your hearts and minds to consider
our state ; and, by these sayings and examples, move you to have pity
on your poor brethren : which if it shall please his mercy to grajit you
cheerfully to do, it is not to be doubted but, albeit he suffer you to slide
and fall for a time ; yet will he heave you up, when it shall be his good
pleasure, and preserve you so as, at the length, ye may be partakers of
the joyful Kingdom of GOD, which our Saviour Jesus Christ hath
purchased for his Elect, with the price of his blood.
The HOLY SPIRIT of GOD be always with you 1 Amen.
This Controversy, which you have now heard, from the
13th of January hitherto [i.e., to 30th September 1557; see
page 210] , I find written by the hands of such as are both
learned and of credit ; but yet, I must needs say, by those
that were parties in this broil.
215
AND FORSOMUCH AS Master Chambers, in this
Controversy, is very sore charged, among the rest ;
who yet was thought of many wise and godly men,
to be very godly, upright, and honest (and so, no
doubt, he took his leave of this life) : 1 have there-
fore thought good to place a Letter which is yet of his
own hand to be seen, writing the same in his own defence
touching these matters ; so as the Reader, weighing both the
one and the other, may use his judgement with discretion.
The Cop/j of the Letter.
To the Worshipful Master John Hales, Master Thomas Crawley,
Master John Wilford; and to Master Whitehead, Thomas Sorsby,
William Maister, and John Olde ; at Frankfort.
Immanuel.
I WISH UNTO YOU the peace of God ; with my eoniinendations.
The tenor of your demand hath caused me to defer answering
to your Letters until this time: not of purpose to give you no
Answer ; but that I then, upon the sudden, wanted sure knowledge
in that thing whereby you chiefly charge me.
At my coming from Zurich to Frankfort; I was entreated by certain
men to continue my travails in gathering the alms and liberalities of
godly men, to relieve therewith such poor dispersed English brethren, as
I should think most meet to be relieved : even as before time I had done.
This request put in writing, subscribed by certain, was delivered
unto me, not as Letters Testimonial of authority; which as I needed
not, or I required them not: neither yet that I should, by force of them,
gather for the Church of Frankfort only, or specially, which I purposed
not; but that I might be the rather moved to do as before I had done.
And they then required (which was after promise made to further my
doings with all faithful secrecy, in such sort as I should, from time to
time, devise and require) to bestow such sums of mojiey, as should
hereafter come to ray hands ; to such uses and purposes as I thought
good. [But see pp. 118 and 21 H.]
Therefore, as by force of those Letters I gathered not: so the
gathering for the Frankfort Church hath not been, nor is in, my hands,
nor of any other at my appointment ; as ye do write.
Wherefore, as I might, so I did (and that by the advice ot many
216
1557. Chambers on his defence, June 20.
honest, grave, and godly, men) depart from thence; without making
that Accompt [Account] , to which I am not bound ; nor leaving for the
relief of the poor, of whom such have had their portion in this blessing,
for the time, as I thought meet to be relieved. Unto the Students,
whom I never placed there, I have performed whatsoever I promised
[see pp. 212, 213.]
The Accompt of Receipts, Payments, and Remains, which ye require;
I intend not to make unto you. But I shall be ready, at all times and
in all places, to make a just Accompt of my whole dealings in this
behalf ; unto them which have authority to demand it of me. In the
mean time as I shall, by GOD's help, truly do my endeavour to relieve
the poor ; as I shall have wherewith, and find them meet to receive it :
so shall I keep the names and sums secret, as I am bound, till by them
which have just authority to loose me, I be otherwise appointed.
Thus I commit you to the Grace of Almighty GOD.
From Strasburg, this 20th of June, anno 1557.
Richard Chambers.
After I had written this Answer to your first Letter, retaining it in
my hand until I might have a convenient carrier ; I received your
second Letter.
The principal matters therein are answered before.
To the rest that be anything material, thus I say. As touching the
delay of mine Answer, you call contempt more uncharitably than
truly ; as unto godly wise men is well known.
As my departure was not, so my return to Frankfort may not be, at
your appointment.
Your general accusations of misbehaviours and contempts, in the
which you say I am faulty ; I admit not. If you can justly charge me
with particulars ; I shall make answer, to the contentation of ail godly
minds.
Where the Discipline of Christ is used in just causes, it is to be
regarded : but your unorderly abusing of it, and against me, that am
not of your Church ; I esteem not.
If you use Civil Proofs against me ; I shall be as ready to answer
the Cause as you to enter the Suit. As for your displaying of me to
our dispersed brethren, to my undeserved dispraise in this matter,
cannot be such but that I shall easily purge myself ; as GOD knoweth 1
Who with his HOLY SPIRIT mollify your hearts; and give you the
unfeigned true sight of yourselves ! Amen.
From Strasburg, the 80th of June 1557.
Richard Chambers.
Delivered the 20tli of July, to Master John Hales, by John Escot.
217
Now WHILES THESE sharp and grievous con-
tentions grew more and more at Frankfort, as
ye have heard; many things happened in other
places, which may in this place be shortly touched,
to the glory of GOD, I hope ; and also to the great
comfort of the godly : who may, by the same, behold most
evidently the marvellous Providence of GOD towards his
poor afflicted and dispersed Church.
After that Master Bartue [Richard Bertie] and
[Catharine Bertie,] the Duchess [Dowager] of Suffolk
were safely arrived at Wesel in Westphalia ; the bruit
thereof was the cause that more English people, in short
time, resorted thither.
It please GOD also that Master Coverdale, after that
he had been with the King of Denmark, should come to the
same town : who preached there no long time, till he was
sent for by Wolfgang, Duke of Bipont, to take the Pastoral
Charge of Bergzabem, one of his towns of Germany.
At whose coming to the Duke, he made it known, both
M. Coverdale to himself and to other Noblemen about
sent [for] by the him, of Master Bartue and the Duchess
Duke of Bipont. being in the Low Countries.
They (understanding the danger that might come unto
them in those parts ; as also calling to remembrance what
great courtesy strangers had found in England at the
Duchess's hands) made offer that, if they were forced to
The courtesy of remove, or otherwise if it pleased them,
the Noblemen they should have the Castle of Weinheim,
of Germany to by Heidelberg, within the Liberties of
Master babtubj Otto Henricus the Palsgrave, and a godly
and the Duchess Prince; who most gladly, as well appeared,
of SUFFOLK. gave consent to the same.
Master Bartue and the Duchess, accepting this offer,
left Wesel, and came up to the said Castle ; and there
continued till, leaving Germany, they travelled towards
the land of Poland.
218
1657. The English Church at Wesel remove to Aarau.
The Congregation that was at Wesel, wanting among
them, partly the comfort which many of them had hy
Master Baktue and my Lady being there, and partly also
other reasonable considerations moving them ; they left
Wesel, and followed after.
But passing by Frankfort, and perceiving the Contention
to be among them so boiling hot, that it ran over on both
sides, and yet no fire quenched ; many had small pleasure
to tarry there, but went to Basle and other places : while
Master Lever made suit to the Lords of Berne for a
Church within their dominions ; whose Letters he obtained,
with great favour, to all their subjects, for the friendly
entertainment of the English nation.
These letters obtained. Master Lever, Master Boyes,
Master Wilford, Master Pownall, and T. Upchair, came
to Geneva, to have the advice of that Church, what was
best to be done, touching the erection of a new Church.
They of Geneva gave GOD thanks, for that it had
pleased him so to incline the hearts of the Lords of Berne
towards them ; and gave encouragement that they should
not let slip so good an occasion.
Master J. Bodliegh (who was no small stay, as well to
that Church as to others) and W. Kethe, travelled with
them. And passing through many parts of the Lords of
Berne's dominions in Savoy and Switzerland ; they found
such favour, in all places where they came, as verily may
be to the great condemnation of all such Englishmen as
use the godly stranger (I mean those who come for Religion)
so uncourteously.
Master Lever and the company at length chose Aarau
for their resting place : where the Congre- EngUshmen
gation lived together in godly quietness placed at Aarau.
among themselves, with great favour of the people, among
whom, for a time, they were planted.
819
[Thomas Lever takes charge at Wesel. isse.]
[The following two Letters give further details about
tlie English exiles at Wesel, and their removal to Aarau.]
M
Thomas Lever to Heinrich Bullinger,
4th January 1556.
UCH HEALTH in Christ Jesus 1 While I was so engaged at
Geneva, both in my private studies, and in hearing the dis-
courses of the Preachers in the public Congregation, as that
nothing at that time seemed to be more desirable, both for my
own individual improvement, and the edifying of the Church : some of
my fellow-countrymen, who were banished from England on account of
Keligion, and had settled at Wesel, sent a Letter to me ; wherein it was
stated that, by the majority of their votes, and by the common and united
consent of all, in a free election, I had been chosen as their Pastor.
They therefore earnestly entreated me by Letter, and implored me
in Christ, that I would neither decline the Charge which GOD (in
answer to their prayers and overruling their votes) had imposed upon
me ; nor delay my journey to them, who were anxiously expecting me.
For since their late Pastor had already left them of his own accord ;
and the Magistrates had forbidden them the use of the Sacraments :
they hoped to be enabled, by my arrival, both to have a Minister, and
re-obtain the permission of the Magistrates for the frpe use of the
Sacraments ; or, at least, that they should receive some useful and
necessary counsel.
Having therefore perused their Letter to this effect, and with
prayer to GOD ; after consulting Master Calvin and my pious and
learned brother Ministers of the Church of England : I am now on my
road from Geneva to Wesel ; entertaining such a view both of their
state and condition and of my own slender abilities, as that I am
persuaded that I ought neither to undertake the Office of their
Minister, nor yet to refuse any diligence or labour of instructing them.
For the Ministerial Office neither seems to myself, nor to others
whom I have consulted, to be capable of being exercised either with,
or among those, to whom the Ministry of the Sacraments is forbidden :
and, indeed, I do not as yet find in myself those qualities, which the
Word of GOD declares should exist in a Minister. Whatever gifts of
GOD I may discover in myself ; I shall never refuse, by GOD's help,
to impart all of them freely and diligently to my brethren in Christ,
at their request ....
Strasburgh, on my journey, January 4 [1556] .
Yours faithfully in Christ,
Thomas Lever.
Original Letters, pp. 160-161. Ed. 1846-7. (Parker Society)
?20
J
[1557. The English Church at Wesel remove to Aaraii.J
Thomas Lever to Rodolph Gualter.
11 August 1557.
AFTER A LONG and wearisome tossing about ; I, at length, seem
to myself to have arrived, with some of my friends, at Aarau,
as at a harbour of refuge. For we have explored the whole
Bernese territory, both in Germany and Savoy : and found in
each country one place especially (namely Aarau in Germany or rather
in Switzerland, and Vevay in Savoy,) that was both able and willing
to afford a comfortable home to the English exiles for the sake of
Religion ; and in these two towns, we found the inhabitants favourable
to us,'beyond all expectation.
But the people of Aarau, by reason of their confined situation, are
unable, at present, to supply and accommodate us with more than
seven houses'" : and the people of Vevay, though, in a short time, thoy
will be able and willing to receive the whole twenty-tive families, are
yet a great way off, and difficult of access. Wherefore we have judged
it far better and more practicable, that some few persons, here in this
neighbourhood, commencing with a small number, should gradually
advance from small beginnings, and daily increase by fresh additions ;
than that all of them should contend at once, with great expense and
labour and peril, for the attainment of their object. As many persons
therefore as the seven houses which Aarau supplies us with, can
contain, are now established with their wives and children. The
remainder (wishing rather to join us here, than to remove as far as
Vevay) are lingering in other places ; hoping and desiring an oppor-
tunity of coining hither.
And thus we English, driven from our country by Popery, and from
Wesel by Lutheranism, are now, most of us (by our mutual wishes,
counsels, and assistance) tending to one spot ; where it is still permitted
us freely, sincerely, and openly, to acknowledge and worship Christ.
Original Letters, 166-169. Ed. 1846-7. (Parker Society).]
* A Letter from Young to Bullin-
GER, dated, Basle, August 5 1557,
states that *A large portion of the
EngUsh are remaining here. The
rest will go to Aarau ; unless more
ehgible terms are offered them at
Vevay. I went up to Aarau with them,
last week ; and easily obtained leave
of residence for them among the
citizens themselves ; but we could
not meet with suitable houses and
apartments for more than seven
families. The Church of St Ursula is
appropriated to them ; and hcence to
engage in the manufacture of wool,
in spite of the opposition of some of
the more wealthy of the inhabitants.
GOD be praised! ' 'Original Letters,'
as above. — E.A.
221
Home and Chambers visit Aarau and Geneva. 1557.
Not long after this, Master Hoene and Master
HoRNE and Chambeks came by Aarau to Geneva ;
Chambers come seeming, at that time, to like very well
to Geneva. of those Congregations, as the Church
of Frankfort then did, as appeareth by their Letters afore :
insomuch that the said Masters Horne and Chambers did
distribute largely to the necessity of those Churches. So
that it appeared that the old grudge, which had been
between the Churches of Frankfort and Geneva, had been
clean forgotten.
222
IT CAME TO PASS, not many days after, that the Lord
began to shew mercy unto England, in removing
Queen Maky by death; and placing the Queen's Majesty
that now is, whom GOD long preserve ! in the seat
[on the throne].
The news whereof, as it was joyful to all such as were
in exile, so it appeared that the English] Church of Geneva
was not behind the rest. Who, after that they had given
GOD hearty thanks for his great goodness, consulted among
themselves, and concluded, That, forsomuch as there had
been jars between them and other Churches, about the Book
of Common Prayer and Ceremonies ; it was now expedient
and necessary, not only that unfeigned reconciliation should
be between them, but also that they might so join together in
matters of Religion and Ceremonies, that no Papist, or other
enemy, should take hold, or [take] advantage, by a farther
dissension in their own country; which might arise in time
to come, if it were not in time forseen and prevented.
To this end was William Kethe, one of the Congre-
gation, chosen, to do [perform] this kethe sent into
message to them of Aarau, Basle, Germany and
Strasburg, Worms, Frankfort, etc. Helvetia.
And to them of Aarau and Frankfort, this Letter was
written which f oUoweth ; and subscribed by the Ministry,
in the name of the whole Congregation.
The Copy of the Letter,
written the 16th of December [1658].
The Father of mercies and GOD of all consolation confirm and
increase you in the love of his son Jesus Cheist ; that, being in the
conduct of the Lion of the Tribe of Judah, ye may be victorious
against Satan and Antichrist, to the overthrowing of Papistry and
error, and establishing of Cheist's glorious Kingdom.
228
Geneva's Eirenicon to the exiled Churches. i5r>8.
AFTER THAT WE heard, dearly Beloved! of tbe joyful tidings
of GOD'S favour and grace restored unto us, by the preferment
of the most virtuous and gracious Queen Elizabeth ; we lifted
up our hearts and voices to our heavenly Father : who hath, not
only by his due Providence nourished us in our banishment, preserved
us and as it were carried us in his wings ; but also heard our prayers,
granted our requests, pitied our country, and restored his Word. So
that the greatness of this marvellous benefit overcometh our judge-
ments and thoughts, how to be able worthily to receive it, and to give
thanks for the same.
And when we had, with great comfort, weighed the matter, to the
intent that we might, at the least, shew ourselves mindful of this most
wonderful and undeserved grace; we thought, among other things, how
we might best serve to GOD's glory in this work and vocation of
furthering the Gospel of our Saviour Jesus Christ.
And because [in order that] all impediments and cavillations of
adversaries might be removed; it seemed good to have your godly
counsel and brotherly conference herein, which we desire to learn by
this bearer, our loving brother Kethe : that we might all join hearts
and hands together in this great work ; wherein, no doubt, we shall
tind many adversaries and stays [hindrances] . ' Yet if we (whose
suffrance and persecutions are certain signs of our sound doctrine)
hold fast together, it is most certain that the enemies shall have less
power ; offences shall sooner be taken away ; and Religion best proceed
and flourish.
For what can the Papist wish more than that we should dissent
one from another ; and, instead of Preaching Jesus Christ and profit-
able doctrine, to contend one against another, either for superfluous
Ceremonies, or other like trifles; from the which, GOD, of his mercy,
hath delivered us.
Therefore, dear Brethren ! we beseech you (as we doubt not but
your godly judgements will think it so best) that whatsoever offence]
hath been, heretofore, either taken or given ; it may so cease and be i
forgotten that hereafter GOD lay it not to our charges, if thereby hisj
blessed Word should be anything hindered.
And as we, for our parts, freely remit all offences, and most entirely!
embrace you, our dear Brethren 1 so we beseech you in the Lord thatj
unfeignedly you will do the like on our behalf: whereof albeit we
assure ourselves as both by good experience we have proved, and also,
have received by your Letters : yet (to cut off all occasions from Papists.
and other cavillers) we thought it best to renew the same amity, andj
to confirm it by these Letters.
Most earnestly desiring you, that we may together reach andj
224
1559. The Reply of the Frankfort Anglican Church.
practise the true knowledge of GOD's Word ; which we have learned in
this our banishment, and by GOD's merciful Providence seen in the
best Keformed Churches, That (considering our negligence in times
past ; and GOD's punishment for the same) we may, with zeal and
diligence, endeavour to recompense it : that GOD, in all our doings, may
be glorified ; our consciences discharged ; and the members of Jesus
Christ relieved and comforted. The which thing the Lord GOD (who
hath mercifully visited and restored us) grant ajid perform. To whom
be all honour, praise, and glory, for ever and ever.
Your loving friends,
and in the name of the whole Church,
Christopher Goodman. William Williams. John Pullain.
Miles Coverdale. Anthony Gilby. William Bevoyes.
John Knox. Francis Withers. William Whittingham.
John Bodliegh. William Fuller.
The Answer returned from Frankfort,
by W, Kethe,
The Grace of GOD and the assistance of the HOLY GHOST lighten
and strengthen you, to the understanding and constant retaining of his
Truth, to the furtherance of his honour and glory, and to the edifying
and maintenance of his Church in Christ Jesu our Lord.
DEARLY BELOVED 1 as your Letters were most welcome unto
us, both for that ye rejoice at the preferment of our godly
Queen ; and also that ye study how to promote the glory of
GOD : so are we right sorry that they came not afore the
departure of such as ye seek a charitable reconciliation withal. For
where as ye require that all such offences as have been given and taken
between you and us may be forgotten hereafter : there be not here past
four left which were then present when ye dwelt here [in 1554 — 1555] ;
and not one of the learned sort, saving Master Beesley. Yet we doubt
not but, as they promised in their former Letters, to forget all dis-
pleasures afore conceived ; so they will perform the same, and esteem
you as their brethren.
As for our parts, as we have had no contention with you at all afore
time ; so we purpose not, as we trust there shall be no cause, to enter
into contention with you hereafter. For Ceremonies to contend (where
it shall lie neither in your hands or ours to appoint what they shall be ;
but in such men's wisdoms as shall be appointed to the devising of the
same, and which shall be received by [the] common consent of the
1 Whittingham. 15 225
The Reply of the Anglican Church at Aarau. 1559.
Parliament), it shall be to small purpose. But we trust that both true
Religion shall be restored ; and that we shall not be burdened with
unprofitable Ceremonies. And therefore, as we purpose to submit our-
selves to such Orders as shall be established by Authority, being not of
themselves wicked ; so we would wish you willingly to do the same.
For where as all the Reformed Churches dififer among themselves in
divers Ceremonies, and yet agree in the unity of Doctrine ; we see no
inconvenience, if we use some Ceremonies diverse from them, so that
we agree in the chief points of our Religion. Notwithstanding, if any
shall be intruded that shall be offensive ; we, upon just conference and
deliberation upon the same, at our meeting with you in England, which
we trust by GOD's grace will be shortly, will brotherly join with you to
be suitors for the reformation and abolishing of the same.
In the mean season, let us, with one ' heart and mind, call to the
Almighty GOD, that of his infinite mercy he w^ill finish and establish
that work that he hath begun in our country; and that we may all
lovingly consent together in the earnest setting forth of his Truth:
that GOD may be known and exalted, and his Church perfectly builded
up, through Christ our Lord.
From Frankfort, this 3rd of January 1559.
Your loving friends,
in the name of the rest of the Church,
James Pilkington. John Browne. Richard Beesley.
John Mullings. Henry Knoll [y] s. John Gray.
Henry Carowe. Francis Wilford. Christopher Brickbate.
Edmund Isaac. Alexander Nowell.
An Answer brought from the Congregation of Aarau,
hy W, Kethe.
i
The Father of mercies and GOD of all consolation confir
increase, and continue, you always in the love of his son Jesus christ
our Lord.
PRAISED BE GOD, through our Lord Jesus Christ, which pulled
down Mary that did persecute, and hath set up the godly Lady
Elizabeth, Queen of England, to restore and maintain there
the pure preaching of his Word.
And for that it hath pleased GOD to move your good hearts, for the
furtherance of the same, with godly zeal and charitable desire, by your
Letters, to shew unto us your advice and purpose ; and also to require
ours to be returned and sent to you, by our brother Kethe. We do,
226
1559. The Reply of the Anglican Church at Aarau.
with most hearty thanks, unfeignedly afore GOD, certify you, That
to your counsel and conference with us, we do consent willingly
concerning your most godly request : for that we acknowledge that the
same shall be to the advancement of his glory and quietness of his
Church.
Also we desire you that, as oft as we may find hereafter any
occasion to consult and confer, by word or writing, that then both you
and we so take and seek the same as may be most to our unity in
minds, and diligence to do good in the Lord's work.
And, farthermore, for the forgetting and putting away all occasions
of offences ; we do likewise consent unto your good ensample and
request.
And so, finally, for the Preaching and Professing of sincere Doctrine,
so as we have seen and learned [it] in the best Reformed Churches, we
do gladly hear your advice to be so agreeable to our purpose, that
we beseech you to pray with us, that you and all we together that be
faithful, may continue, proceed, and prosper, in godly zeal, charitable
concord, and earnest diligence to honour and serve GOD ; and to
comfort and edify his Elect [at] all times and in every place, and
especially now in England.
O, Lord I not unto us ; but unto thy name be honour and praise
for ever 1
From Aarau, this 16th day of January 1559.
Your loving friends of the Ministry,
in the name, and by the consent, of the whole Church,
Thomas Lever. Richard Langhorne. Thomas Turpin.
Robert Pownall.
227
Now WHEN AS W. Kethe was returned to Geneva,
with the Answers from the Congregations and
Companies that were dispersed in sundry places
of Germany and Helvetia [Sivitzerland] ; the
Congregation, after that they had rendered their
humble thanks to the Magistrates for their great goodness
towards them, prepared themselves to depart : saving certain
which remained behind the rest, to wit, to finish the Bible
and the Psalms both in metre and prose : which were
already begun, at the charges of such as were of most
[financial] ability in that Congregation. And with what
success these Works were finished, especially the Bible, I
must leave it to the judgements of the godly learned ; who
should best judge of the same.
But if that Bible be such, as no enemy of GOD could
justly find fault with, then may men marvel that such a
Work (being so profitable) should find so small favour as
not to be printed again.* If it be not faithfully translated,
then let it still find as little favour as it doth, because of
the inconveniences that a false translation brings with it.
The Ministers of Geneva, in an Epistle which they
wrote before the New Testament [published at Geneva,
10th June 1557 ; and translated by William Whittingham]
have these words.
There is nothing more requisite to attain the right and absolut
knowledge of the Doctrine of Salvation, whereby to resist all heres]
and falsehood, than to have the text of the Scriptures faithfully anc
truly translated.
The consideration whereof moved them, with one
assent, as they say in that Ei)istle, to request two of theii
brethren, to wit, Calvin and Beza, eftsoons [again] U
l)eru8e the same ; notwithstanding their former travails.
• Up to the date of this ' Brief
Uiscourse,' 1575, only three Editions
of the Geneva, or Breeches, English
Bible had appeared; in 1560, 1562,
and 1570 : all of them printed at
228
Geneva. It was not till 1576, that
Christopher Barker printed th<
first of the many London Editions of
that Version. — E. A.
1560. Beza's Plea for true Bibles.
Beza also, in his Epistle to the Prince of Conde and
[the] Nobles of France, hath these words :
Seeing then all these Controversies must be discussed by GOD's
Word ; I suppose that this thing ought chiefly to be provided for, That
seeing all cannot have the knowledge to understand the Word of GOD
in these peculiar [particular] languages, the Hebrew and the Greek,
which were to be wished; that there should be some true and apt
Translation of the Old and New Testament made: the which divers
have already laboured to bring to pass ; but yet no man hath hitherto
sufficiently performed it. For the Old Translation [of the Latin
Vulgate] , whosesoever it is, although it ought not to be condemned :
yet is it found both obscure, unperfect, and superfluous, and also false
in many places ; to speak nothing of an infinite variety [variation]
of the copies. The which Text therefore many learned and godly men
have laboured to amend; but not with like success. And yet how
necessary a thing this is, whosoever shall read those most learned
Writers of the Grecians, and shall compare their interpretations, which
are many times far from the purpose, with the Hebrew verity ; he shall
confess it with great sorrow.
And the same evil was not only hurtful among the Latin Writers ;
but also the ignorance of the Greek tongue wherewith many of them
were troubled, whiles they did depend of the common Translation [the
Vulgate] , they oft times seek ' a knot in a rush,' according to the old
Proverb, and fell into most foul errors.
This cause therefore hath moved me to compare most diligently
the diversity of copies; and to weigh the sentences and judgements
of the most part of the Learned Men : specially of them that this Age
hath brought forth, skilful in the languages ; who are more in number,
doubtless, and better learned, than the Church hath had since the time
of the Apostles, and so ease them somewhat, that desire a more pure
interpretation.
And that it might be done with more profit; I have also added
Annotations : in the which I have also compared together the diversity
of interpretations ; and, as much as I could, I have laboured to make
plain and evident the sense and meaning of all the dark places, etc.
Thus far BezA; by whose judgement and the rest, ye
see that to have the Holy Scriptures truly and faithfully
translated is a matter of no small importance.
Here might I touch a thing perhaps worth the hearing,
if hope [there] were of redress ; which is, That if the
Learned were but one half so earnest, zealous, and careful,
Appeal for a new English Version of the Bible. 1574
to see that the Holy Scriptures in this realm might be
faithfully translated and truly corrected, as they are, many
times, about matters nothing so necessary ; I would not
doubt to say, that they should do unto GOD an excellent
piece of service.
For the most part of our English Bibles are so ill
translated, as the Learned report ; and so falsely printed,
as the simple may find : that such had need to be very well
acquainted with Scripture, as, in many places, should get
out the true meaning and sense. And it is high time to
look unto this, considering that [in 1574], in most parts
of this realm. Preachers ye have none ; nor any that can,
or will, preach, very few excepted : saving certain wanderers,
amongst whom, and especially in some shires, are such
ruffianly rake-hells and common cozeners [cheats] permitted
and suffered ; by whose preachings the Word of Truth is
become odious in the eyes of the people. Seeing then,
I say, that, in most places, the Ministry doth stand [not
progress] ; and consists of old Popish Priests, tolerated
Readers, and many new-made Ministers whose readings [of
the Homilies] are such that the people cannot be edified
(especially where one is tolerated to serve two or three
Churches), and turning their backs to the people : Heave to
the consideration of such who have to deal in this matter,
what great and intolerable mischiefs may come more and
more, by suffering such corrupted Bibles in Churches and
elsewhere, to the poor simple Flock of Christ.
BUT NOW TO draw to an end. Ye see, Brethren, by
this Brief and Short Discourse, that the Grudge,
whereupon this dissension hangeth, is past the
age of a child ; and therefore may (without offence,
I hope) be called an old Grudge ; which, as it
seemeth, was never yet thoroughly healed : as will more
and more appear, as this Discourse shall be, from time to
time, continued, till it be brought even to this present time ;
which time, verily, is so extreme as the like hath rarely
been heard of.
For it is come to pass that if any should, with a godly
grief, bewail the imperfections that remain and crave for
redress, yea, but suspected [of such] ; or should, by the
malice of an Atheist, a Papist, or an Epicure, be presented :
such are not only reviled and taunted, scoffed at, and termed
by these odious names of, Precisian, Puritan, Contentious,
Seditious, Rebel, Traitor ; and what not. But also if he
come once into the presence of the Bishops, and subscribe
not to whatsoever they will ; then, if he have a Living, to
be deprived : or, whether he have a Living or not, be he
learned or unlearned, be he man or woman, halt or blind ;
to prison he must, without all redemption !
I will not say that, in the mean time, such as are
turn-coats, and can change with all seasons, subscribing to
whatsoever, and can cap it, can cope it, and curry for advan-
tage, that such, I say, (how ignorant, how vicious, and
ungodly, soever they be) live at their ease, in all pleasure ;
and in some places are thought to be most meet men for
the Ministry. But this I may be bold to affirm. That
although in very deed I neither do, nor dare, condemn
certain godly persons, who (of infirmity; but yet with
sorrowful and heavy hearts, as hath well appeared by their
most lamentable protestations, with plenty of tears, to their
Congregations) have yielded to more than expedient it were
they should ; praying the Lord to let them see it in time :
yet it may not only be said; but proved. That neither is
Subscribing always a sure note of [a] good subject; nor yet
231
The Puritans are loyal English subjects. 1574.
the refusal, due proof of a Rebel.
The greatest traitors and rebels that godly King
Edward had in the West parts were Priests, and such
as had subscribed to the Book [of Common Prayer], or
whatsoever, by law, was then in force : but, for all their
subscribings, there was no skirmish where some of those
Subscribers left not their carcases in the field, against
GOD and their Prince.
Plumtree and his fellow-Priests of the North, I doubt
not, but they were conformable and appliable to all Orders,
and never staggered at Subscriptions: but for all that, time
tried their traitorous hearts !
But in all the Stirs which have happened since the
Queen's Majesty came to the crown, or before, I have not
heard of so much as one, Minister or others, that hath lifted
up his hand against Her Majesty or [the] State ; whom it
pleaseth the envious and malicious man to term, Precisian,
and Puritan, in great despite and contempt.
Indeed, this have I found and learned. That even such
as must be content to patiently bear those odious names of
Puritan, Precisian, Traitor, and Rebel, have yet been the
men who most faithfully, in their calling, have served the
Queen's Majesty and their country, both within the realm
and without the realm, in garrison and in field [of battle]
hazarding their bodies against harquebus and cannon : when
as those who now so furiously charge them, both out of
pulpits and other places, durst not, or at least would not, in
any such service of the Prince and country be seen.
For proof hereof, if you call to remembrance who
hazarded his life with that old Honourable [John Russell,]
Earl of Bedford, when as he was sent to subdue the Popish
rebels of the West [in 1549] ; you shall find that none of
the Clergy were hasty to take that service in hand, but only
old Father Coverdale.
When most likelihood was of danger between the Scots
and us ; the Preacher to the soldiers was first Master
[Thomas] Sampson, and afterwards Master Greshopp;
when as the Right Honourable [Francis Russell,] tlie
Earl of Bedford that now is, had there the charge.
[Ambrose* Dudley,] The Earl of Warwick, at his being
at Newhaven IHavre, in 1562 — 1563] had indeed with him
1574. This Discourse is a Defence of Puritanism.
certain Ministers for a time: but, after that the cannon
came and began to roar, and the plague of Pestilence so
terribly to rage, then, I ween, [there was] not a Minister
there left but Master Kethe alone. [Whittingham says
nothing at all about himself ; but see pp. 4-9.] And
when as means were made to have more Ministers over, to
aid the said Kethe (who had so much to do, what with
Preaching, and visiting the poor sick soldiers which were
in no small numbers) ; there could not be found (as that
Right Noble Earl can, upon his honour, testify) so much as
one which could be brought to so much Conformity as to
subscribe to any such service of the Queen's Majesty.
When Sir Henry Sidney had to do with the Popish
rebels of Ireland; Master Christopher Goodman shewed
his faithful diligence in that service.
When [Ambrose Dudley,] the Earl of Warwick was
sent to subdue the Popish rebels in the north parts [in the
Rebellion of the North in 1569] ; the Preachers of the
Queen's Majesty's Army were Kethe, Temes, and Standon;
who offered themselves in that service voluntarily, without
all constraint.
And thus it is evident that these, with a number more
(who are now so ill thought of, as if they were Traitors and
Rebels), have yet been so far from being seditious, that they
have, at all times, adventured there lives against seditious
persons and rebels : when as such as now so hardily charge
them both by word and writing have been right heartily
well content to take their ease, and rest at home.
Considering then, how many ways we are unjustly
burdened, and brought into hatred, without just cause; I
supposed that no godly man would be offended, if, by such
lawful means as I might, I sought both to purge myself and
the rest of my brethren from such heinous and odious
crimes as some would seem to charge us. ' And that could I
not do so well any way, as by the gathering together of this
Discourse : wherein the indifferent [impartial^ Reader shall
find. That the Religion which we hold and profess is not only
the true and sincere Religion of Christ, and the self- same
with all the Reformed Churches in Christendom ; but also
[with] that which this Realm hath established, touching
the true Doctrine commonly taught therein.
Many Players of this Tragedy are yet living. 1574.
By this Discourse also, it may be seen, both When,
Where, How, and By whom, this Controversy first began :
Who continued it. Who was on the suffering side, and Who
[was] readiest to forget and forgive, that godly peace and
concord might be had.
Now, if any shall seem to be offended with this that
I have done ; I do most humbly beseech them to weigh well
and expend [^consider, deliberate^ with themselves, first.
Whether I have given them any just cause ?
If it be for that [because~\ 1 have, in this Discourse,
brought to light some things that might have been kept
secret (the Contention being among brethren), to the end
the common enemy should not have cause to triumph, let
this satisfy them !
First, that the wicked and common enemy cannot (for
his heart) more triumph over the godly than he doth
already ; and that throughout this whole realm.
Again, the cruelty of Cain to Abel, of Ishmael to
Isaac, of Esau to Jacob, of the Patriarchs to their brother
Joseph, the hot contention between Paul and Baknabas,
and Paul and Petek, etc. : all these, being known to the
World, hath turned notwithstanding to the great glory of
GOD ; as my assured hope is, that even this will also,
in the end.
And therefore (as the Lord of heaven knoweth) that the
keeping of these things, almost by the space of these twenty
years [1555 — 1574], in secret, might suffice to witness with
me that I had now no great pleasure to utter it : so I wot
not how it Cometh to pass that (even in the midst of great
striving and struggling with myself, what to do) I could
not be, by any means, resolved, or see just cause, why I
should any longer conceal it.
If any should think that I have not with indifferency
[impartiality^ penned the Story; I refer me, to satisfy
such, to the judgements and consciences of those persons
who were the Players of this Tragedy; of both Parties
many [are] yet living : assuring myself that neither Party
shall be able justly to charge me; except it be for that
[because^ , in very deed, I have sought rather how to cover;
many things than to lay them wide open to the World, as I
nothing doubt to prove, if I might be but heard indifferently;
insomuch as, in this Discourse, I have, as much as I could,
234
1
1574. The Author's purpose in writing this Discourse.
passed over the names of all, where credit might seem to
have been impaired thereby, saving only of such as were,
of very necessity, to be noted, for the better understanding
of the History.
To conclude. Against the offences which some may
take at these my travails [labou7's^ ; I have set the great
profit that this may bring to GOD's Church, and to the
posterity: who, being taught by other men's harms, if they
be happy, will learn to beware. The hope whereof had
greater force to push my pen forward to the finishing of
this Work than the displeasures of certain (arising so far as
I see, of no ground) could be to withdraw me from the same.
Beseeching Almighty GOD so to strengthen me with
his Holy Spirit, that what troubles or trials soever shall, by
the Lord GOD's Providence, happen to me hereby ; he will
vouchsafe to give me a contented mind quietly and with
patience to bear it. Before whom I protest, that, in writing
this Discourse, I have had respect to his glory ; the defence
of his sacred Truth ; the clearing, so far as I might, of so
many excellent Learned Men, on whose necks this Stir is
laid as Authors of the same : and not that I have willingly
sought the hurt, hindrance, or discredit, of any man.
And this I pray, that your love may abound yet more
and more in knowledge, and in all judgement, that ye may
discern things that differ one from another, that ye may be
pure without offence until the day of Chkist. — Phil. i. 8, 9.
Geneva Version.
Keep the true pattern of the wholesome words, which
thou hast heard of me in faith and love which is in Christ
Jesu. — 2 Tim. i. 13. Geneva Version.
Study to shew thyself approved unto GOD, a workman
that needeth not to be ashamed, dividing the Word of Truth
aright. — 2 Tim. ii. 15. Geneva Version.
A Letter from the 3\dinisters
of the Church of Genelpa,
24 October 1567.
<r// Letter from the (general Assembly
of the Kirk of Scotland^
28 December 1566.
[These Letters have nothing to do with the Frankfort Controversies:
but may be regarded as an Appendix to them ; being Argmnents in favour
of the Geneva Liturgy and Discipline.]
237
I
The Answer of the Ministers of Geneva
to certain of the
Brethren of the Church of England ;
concerning some Controversy
in the Ecclesiastical Policy.
[24th October 1567.]
BEING RIGHT EARNESTLY and often required,
by certain dear brethren of the Church of England,
that we would, in their miserable state, give
them some kind of counsel, whereon their con-
sciences might be stayed, the judgement of many
being therein divers ; we did long defer the satisfying of
their requests, upon weighty causes. And we assure the
Reader that, even now, also we most gladly would hold our
peace; were it not a matter of conscience to reject the suit
of the brethren so often enforced, and with most grievous
groanings renewed.
Of which stiffened silence of ours, these were the
causes :
First, as, on the one part, we doubt not of the credit of
the brethren, as though they had not sincerely described
the state of the Cause unto us : so, on the other side, it is
most hard for to suspect such things, so clean besides all
Office of Bishops ; much less persuade ourselves [of] the
same, by such Personages done.
And farther. What men are we, that we should deter-
mine upon such Causes ! Also if it were lawful for us,
either by authority, or .else by consent, or request, of either
party, to give sentence hereupon ; yet were it a matter most
wrongful ; if either party [be] not heard, or not present to
determine.
Last of all, fear mistrusted lest so great a mischief
should, by this our counsel, how simple soever it is, rather
become raw than skinned : it being a sore of so desperate
The Calling of unfit men to the Ministry. i567.
a nature, as that it seemeth to be, that prayers and patience
can only salve the same.
Seeing then that, by the sundry requests of the brethren,
we are so hardly persuaded, that, of force, we ought to give
them some kind of advice ; We do openly protest that we so
give the same herein, as those that will not in any wise
prejudice the other party; much less challenge to us a
Justicier's room over any. And all those men, into whose
hands these do come, We do in the Lord desire, that they
be not herewith offended : but do persuade themselves that
these Contents are both simply and faithfully written of us,
as upon a questioned Cause granted ; that the consciences
of the brethren which desire it, might some way be better
appeased : which to set altogether at nought were a deed
wholly void of charity.
Therefore, the Cause standing as we are informed ; We
profess, plainly and in good faith, that our judgements over
these Questions are thus :
It is demanded. Whether we can approve this disorder
in calling of men to the function of the Ministry? which is.
That the multitude of those which sue for Order [s] , shall
be enrolled in the Ministry ; both without the voices of the
Elders, and also no certain Cure appointed them, [and] but
lightly examined of their lives and behaviour : to whom
also, at the lust [will] of the Bishop, shall liberty be given
afterwards to preach the Word of GOD for a time prescribed ;
otherwise to rehearse only the Church Service.
We answer. That such Callings of Ministers (whether
we answer them by the rule of GOD's express Word ; or
else by force of Canons that are best tried and allowed)
are holden and esteemed of us altogether unlawful : albeit
we know that it is better to have half a loaf than no bread.
But we beseech GOD, with our whole hearts, that it also
will please him to bestow upon the Kingdom of England
also the same, that is, a lawful and ordinary Calling of men
to the Ministry of the Word and Sacraments. For it being
either kept out, or hindered ; the benefit of the Doctrine of
Truth must, of force, by and by, vanish away ; or else be
held up by some means that are strange, yea, altogether
ghostly and supernatural.
240
1567. The Puritan Clergy to abide in their Calling.
Furthermore, We do, in GOD's most holy name, most
humbly sue to the Prince's Sovereign Majesty, that, with
the whole force of her mind, she endeavour the correction
of this point : wherein the whole ground and stay of the
Church of England, and therefore of the Realm also, doth
stand and persist.
And, thirdly. We do, with tears, beseech both those
high Personages that are of Her Majesty's Honourable
Council, and those which have succeeded in the place of the
Popish Bishops (undoubtedly through the special mercy of
the high and good GOD), that, out of the self-same place where
Overthrow and Destruction did issue, they should utterly
destroy that Tyranny which hath thus cast down headlong
the very Christian Church : and We crave of them, in the
dreadful name of GOD, before whose redoubted Throne of
Judgement we all shall be arrested \_judgecl'\, that (with
all consideration and mindfulness of the years past; and
conscience of their duty and charge) they will not slack to
vow and betroth their whole diligence, as well in ordering
the means that may accomplish this thing as in persuading
the Queen's Majesty thereto : and that they cease not at all
this thing, being unachieved; chiefly, seeing GOD hath
bestowed upon them the Princely Majesty of so singular a
Mistress, as from whose hands they cannot but hope for all
princely and excellent things ; unless they list, in their own
case, to fail themselves.
But some will ask, How shall we do in this point, until
then ? Verily, if the case were ours ; we would not receive
this Ministry upon these conditions, if it were proferred.
A great deal less would we sue for it. Notwithstanding, we
exhort these men to whom GOD hath, by this way, made
entrance to the enlarging of the glory of his Kingdom, that,
in the fear of GOD, they do courageously abide therein : yet
with the condition that it may be lawful for them holily
and religiously to exercise all their whole Ministry ; and
therefore may also propound and urge those things in their
Cures which do always appertain to the advancement of the
better estate therein.
For otherwise, if they be forced of this liberty, and so
willed to wink at manifest abuses, that they should also
approve these things which doubtless ought to be redressed :
what thing else can we persuade them, than that they
should retire from this, to their private, life ; rather than,
1 Whittingham 16 241
The wearing of Copes, etc., by the Ministry. i567.
without conscience, to nourish that mischief which doth,
of force, draw with it the whole wasting and decay of all
the Congregation.
Yet we hope that the Queen's Highness, and so many
honourable and good men, will, in such sort, plant their
diligence, that rather privilege of liberty may be granted to
the consciences of so many godly and learned brethren,
than that these horrible evils should follow, to wit :
That the Pastors of the Flocks should be constrained,
either, against the soundness of their consciences, to do
that which is evil, and so to be chained in other men's sins;
or else to resign their Ministry. For that third necessity
that will ensue this, which is, that, against the Prince's and
Bishops' wills, they should exercise their Office ; We do so
much the more tremble at, because of those reasons which,
of themselves, are plain enough; albeit we do not utter
them.
It is also desired of us to answer plainly and truly.
Whether we do allow the distinction ordained in the wear-
ing of Copes and garments, as well for the common use, as
for the Ministry ?
We therefore do flatly answer, the Cause standing as
we do understand [it], That those men that are authors
hereof do deserve most evil of the Church ; and shall answer
at the dreadful Bar of Christ his Judgement. For although
that we think that that politic \_prudent'] Order, whereby
not citizens alone, but also the degrees of functions, are
marked and noted, is not to be discommended wholly at all :
yet we are of opinion that not every Mark and Note is
straightway to be used. For put the case, that the Ministers
were commanded to wear the pied \_party -coloured] coat of
a Fool, or the garment of a Vice in a Play ; were it not
manifest scorning of the Ministry so to do. And those that
use these other garments and apparel commanded, do seem
verily to us, to trespass somewhat worse than so : because
that the Lord hath not only reared and set us this Priest-
like Apparel as a toy to be laughed at, even of many of the
Papists themselves : but it is also certain that the same
is polluted and defiled with infinite superstition.
But some men will plead the antiquity thereof. Surely,
they are old : and yet the Apostolic simplicity, wherein the
Church did flourish, is a great deal more ancient than thi
242
I
1567. Ministering Apparel originally the people's dress.
Also, if it please him to wade yet further to search about
these matters ; it shall be easy enough to shew, That these
things, which, after that, did serve for the Note and Mark of
the Ministry, were first usual among the people and com-
mon : and therefore whence cometh it, things being altered
after so long a season, that this foreign and strange guise
should be retained ? Doth it not come of a zeal both evil
and unprofitable ?
But some man will say, These things, for all that, are
things of the middle sort and indifferent. We grant indeed
that they are such, if you will consider them simply and in
their own nature, and apart from all circumstances : but
who are they that will so weigh and consider them ? For
these men that are yet Papists, what purpose soever this
Civil Law doth pretend, are surely, by these means, estab-
lished deeper in this superstition which hath so over-
grown them. And these men that began so earnestly
to abhor superstition, that they now did detest the
monuments and relics thereof ; how much are they offended
and wounded herein ? As for those which are further and
better learned ; what fruit reap they thereof ? And, farther,
is this Difference and Mark of the functions of such import-
ance that therefore the consciences of so many should be
troubled ? especially seeing the reason and purpose thereof
newly set abroche [set on foot] is but drawn, even from
those that are themselves the manifest sworn enemies to
Sound Doctrine. What meaneth it also, that, of those also,
that are termed to be ecclesiastically brought up and are in
the Ministry, not the smallest part [but] are said to have
their Papistry in their breasts about with them ? Is this
the good hour wherein they shall better profit by the
restoring of this Attire? or shall they not rather vaunt
[display] their crests, as in hope to have Popery restored
again ?
If any shall object the circumcising of Timothy, and
other like examples ; we right earnestly pray him to consider
what Paul would have said, if any man should have made
this law. That every man that is in the Ministry of the
Gospel shall be constrained to wear the garments of the
Pharisees; or that they, in the apparel of prophane \the
heathen] Priests, should preach the Gospel, and administer
the Sacraments; and not only [simply] circumcise their
children : notwithstanding that, under some colour [pretext]
243
What should the Puritan Clergy do ? ise?.
of reason, this Civil Commandment might set forth
the same.
Yea, to what end are these things brought in? For
howsoever they might, at the first, be tolerated till that, by
little and little, they might be taken away : yet being once
removed out of the Churches, we see not with what com-
modity they can be restored to their possession again.
Therefore we do eftsoons lagaifi] repeat that we before
said, That we cannot allow this device ; not yet hope for
any good to issue thereof. Notwithstanding, we will gladly
give over this opinion ; if we shall learn better reason
therefore.
'What then,' will the brethren say, on whom these
things are so thrown, ' judge you, what we ought to do
herein ? '
We answer. That there needeth in this Answer a dis-
tinction. For the case of the Ministers, and the case of the
people, are not all one herein. Furthermore, many things
may, yea, and ought to, be borne and tolerated ; which are,
notwithstanding, not justly commanded.
First, therefore, we answer. That albeit these things,
as we judge, are not rightly restored to their possession in
the Congregations ; yet, seeing that they are not of those
kinds of things which are of their own nature impious and
ungodly, they seem to us not to be of such weight that the
Shepherds should rather give over their functions, than
receive the Apparel ; or that the Flock should refuse the
public Food of the Soul, rather than to receive the same
from the Shepherds that are apparelled herein. Only that,
as well the Shepherds as their Flocks, may not sin against
their consciences, so that the Purity of Doctrine itself
remain untouched, we do persuade the Ministers, after they
have, both before the Queen's Highness and also before the
Bishops, set their consciences at liberty, by modest Protesta-
tion (as doth appertain to such Christians as seek not sedition
and tumult) and yet grave (according to the importance of
the Cause) ; that they do indeed openly, in their parish, still
beat upon those things that may serve to the utter taking
away of the stumbling-block. And that, as GOD shall give
occasion, they will wliolly give themselves, both wisely and
meekly, to correct all those abuses : but yet to bear those
things which they cannot straightway change ; rather than,
244
1567. The Singing of the Psalms ; and Baptism.
forsaking their Congregation, they should give occasion to
Satan, that seeketh nothing else to stir up greater and more
perilous mischiefs than these.
As for the people, the Doctrine being unhurt ; we
exhort them, That, for [in spite o/] all these things, they
will diligently hear the same ; to use the Sacraments reli-
giously; and so long to groan to GOD, with earnest amend-
ment of life, until they obtain of them, that which doth
appertain to the full redress and amendment of the Church.
But again if that the Minister be commanded, not only
to tolerate these things ; but also that they shall, with
their Subscriptions, allow them as lawful ; or else by their
stillness foster them ?
What can we else persuade them to do : but that, having
witnessed their innocency, and, in the fear of the Lord,
tried all means, they should give over their functions to
open wrong. But our hearts betide [augur to] us of
England much better things than these extremities.
It is demanded of us. What do we judge of the trolling
[repeating] and descanting [ivarbling'] of [the singing of]
the Psalms ? Crossing of those babes that shall be baptized,
and of the Demands in Baptism? also of the round un-
leavened Wafer Cake, and Kneeling, in the Lord's Supper ?
We answer. That kind of singeth seemeth to be the
corruption of the pure ancient Church Service and glorify-
ing of GOD therein.
And as for Crossing of babes, whatsoever practice there
hath been thereof in time of old, yet is it most certain that
it is truly, in these days, through so late greenness of the
superstition, so most abominable as that we judge those
men to have done assuredly well that have once driven
this Rite out of the Congregation : whereof also we see not
what the profit is.
And we doubt not but the Demands in Baptism have
crept into the Church upon this occasion : because that,
through the negligence of the Bishops, the same Form of
Baptizing Children was retained, which, at the first rearing
of the Primitive Church, was to be used at the baptizing of
those that, being of years [of discretion], did enter the
245
The unleavened Wafer Cake ; and Kneeling. i567.
Profession of Christ. This thing also we may perceive, by
many the like yet in use in the Popish Baptism. Where-
fore, even as the Cream \_Chrisnil^ and Charm used in
Baptism are, by GOD's law, abolished ; although they were
ancient : so wish we also these Demandings, being not only
vain but foolish, should be also passed over; albeit that
Saint Augustine himself doth seem, in an Epistle of his, to
sustain it by certain devised construction.
The bread, whether it ought to be made with Leaven,
or without, we think it not greatly to be striven for : although
we judge it more fit and consonant with Christ's Institu-
tion to have the bread at the Communion which is used at
the common table. For why did the Lord use unleavened
bread? Because that, in that hour, wherein he thought
good to institute his holy Supper, not one man in all Jewry
used any other. Therefore, it behoveth us to restore the
Jewish Feast of Unleavened Bread; or else must it be
granted that it is better to use the common and accustomed
bread of all tables, according to the example of Christ :
notwithstanding that the bread that he then took was un-
leavened. For of the practice of the Primitive Church,
which the Greek Church doth yet in this behalf retain, we
Overpass to write of.
Furthermore, Kneeling at the very receipt of the Sacra-
ment hath in it a show of godly and Christian reverence ;
and might therefore, in times past, be used with profit : yet
for all that, because out of this fountain the detestable usej
of Bread-Worship did follow, and doth yet, in these daysJ
stick in many minds, it seemeth to us that it was justly]
abolished out from the Congregations. Therefore we d<
beseech the most good and great GOD, that it would please
him to instruct both the Queen's Majesty's Highness, anc
also the Bishops, with such device as shall be most needful
for the perfect doing out of these filths ; and that at once.
In the meantime, because these things also are noi
such as are, in their own nature, idolatrous; we do judg(
that they ought so to be dealt with, as we have advised ii
the things going next before.
It is demanded of us. Whether we allow that Baptism]
which is administered by Midwives ?
We answer. That not only we disallow the Baptism, as]
216
1567. Excommunication in the Bishops' Courts.
the rest of [the] things before spoken: hut that we do judg^
it also intolerable. For it is a thing that hath risen as
well of ignorance of the very use of Baptism, as [of] the
public Ministry of the Church. We judge therefore, That
the Ministers are bound sharply to rebuke this abuse ; much
less ought they to hold this false baptism, for good and
firm. The reason Why, the Learned on our side have often
declared ; and we are also ready, when it shall be needful,
to declare [it] .
It is also reported unto us, That the Keys of Binding
and Loosing are practised in certain Courts of the Bishops ;
neither by the sentences and judgements of Elders (which
Office that Church hath not yet received), nor according to
the Word of GOD : but by the authority of certain Lawyers
and other like, which is more oftentimes by the authority
of some one man ; and that also for such kinds of Actions
as are pure money matters, even as the misuse of the same
was in Popery.
Whereto we answer. That it seemeth to us almost in-
credible that any such customs and examples, being most
perverse, should be used in that Kingdom, where as purity
and soundness of Doctrine is. For the right of Excommuni-
cation and Binding of the Offender shall be found never to
have been, before the time of the Papists, in the power and
hand of one sole person ; but did appertain to all the whole
Eldership ; from which also the people themselves were not
rashly shut out.
Because [of] this also, the lawyer-like hearing of Suits
that appertain to Livings did fall to the Bishops' charge
altogether through abuse. For that place wherein the
Apostle talketh of Days-men [Beconcilers^, Umpires, at
Corinth, is to no purpose where as the Magistrate is a
Christian ; nor did the Apostle ever think to burden the
Eldership with the hearing of such mere Civil Causes. And
it is most certain that the Bishops of the Elder Age of the
Church have had the determining of such Controversies :
not for any authority that they had therein ; but through
the importunity of Suitors ; and that, as Householders,
Umpires, and Daysmen. Also, notwithstanding, among
those men where this were shewed unto, those did most
wisely govern themselves, which chose rather to follow the
example of Christ our Saviour, who refused to be the
247
Tlie Blood of the Martyrs, the Seed of the Church, ise?.
Umpire in dividing of the patrimony [Luke xii. 14] , or else
Judge in the matter of Adultery [John viii. 1-11]; when both
the same were proffered unto him.
Therefore, if, in England, anything be done, contrary to
this; surely, we ought to think that, by such sentences and
judgements, there is not any man, before GOD, any more
bound than by the Popish Excommunications. And we
wish that this Torment House of Consciences, and loath-
some profanation of the Ecclesiastical and mere Spiritual
Jurisdiction, might, by the authority of the Queen's Majesty,
out of hand, be abolished : [it being] no otherwise than the
marring of the very Doctrine itself. And that Eldership
and Deacons may be restored and set up, according to the
Word of GOD and Canons of the pure Church: which
thing, if it be not done, verily, we are sore afraid that this
only thing will be the beginning of many calamities ; which
we would that GOD would turn away from us. For it is
most certain that the Son of GOD will, one day, from
heaven, roughly revenge these manifest abuses, wherewith
the consciences of our brethren are troubled ; except speedy
redress be had therein.
In the mean while, the things which are not well done
by the one party, may be well enough tolerated, as we
think, by those men w^hich bear the thing which they
cannot change. Yet thus far, as that they allow not the
thing itself for good ; but do only redeem their unjust
disquieting by patience. But if so be that they shall be
forced, not only to tolerate this fashion, but also to approve
this Excommunication as lawful [jiistifiahle^; and be
constrained to ask unlawful absolution to assent to this
manifest abuse : we then exhort them that they will rather
suffer any kind of trouble, than to do herein against their
consciences.
But to what end is all this ? For, verily, we do promise
ourselves much better things ; yea, of all things the best,
even at this pinch ; especially of that Realm in which the
Restoring of [the] Christian Religion hath been sealed and
confirmed with the blood of so many excellent Martyrs also.
Only we fear this, lest that which hath befallen so many
countries, should happen to England : to wit, lest because
the due fruits of repentance are not brought forth, the
angry GOD should double our darkness; the light of his
Gospel being first taken from us.
248
1567. Suffer, so long as Purity of Doctrine remains.
Of this content [^purport, tenor] are our daily preach-
ings in our Congregations ; and, verily, we think the same
ought to be done of all Ministers of GOD's Word, especially
in these our days : that they chiefly set forwards this
principle of the Gospel which doth appertain to earnest
Amendment of Life. For this point achieved ; undoubtedly
the Lord shall give both counsel and zeal and all things
else which do necessarily appertain to the accomplishment
of the Reparation of the Church already begun.
And, before all, we do require, and with tears humbly
crave, that our good and right worshipful in the Lord the
brethren of the English Churches, all bitterness of mind
set apart (which we surely fear, after what sort it hath, on
either side, forced this evil) , would patiently bear and suffer
each other, so long as Purity of Christian Doctrine itself
and Soundness of Conscience do remain ; willing to obey
the Queen's Majesty who is full of compassion, and all other
Prelates. And, finally, that, with all concord [of] minds in
the Lord,. they man[ful]ly set against Satan; who seeketh
all occasion of tumult and infinite calamities. Yea, although
they have not like judgement of all sorts of Prelates at the
first. For this our writing, GOD is our witness ! doth not
tend to this purpose, that either party should use it against
the other ; as that we should send it to you as an Apple of
Contention.
Although we have, concerning these matters declared
our judgements, even simply, as upon a supposed Case, GOD
is our witness ! ; being overcome with the continual suit of
our brethren. And we join our daily prayers to the groan-
ings of all the godly on that side of the seas, that it may
please the most merciful GOD, having compassion on Man's
frailty, to direct the Queen's Highness, and all the Nobles
of the realm of England, also every Prelate, and finally
each workman of this Spiritual Building, with his HOLY
SPIRIT most effectuously ! so as the work of the Lord, so
often begun and so often stayed, may luckily be set forward,
to the great quietness and concord of all men : that not only
the old stains in the Doctrine itself, and Ecclesiastical
Discipline also, being at length utterly done [put'] out;
but also all monstrousness of errors, which Satan newly
seeketh to bring into the Church again [be] driven away.
249
The benediction of the Church of Geneva.
1567.
Which vouchsafe to bring to pass, through his HOLY
SPIRIT, the most kind Father, in Jesus Christ his very
Son, eternal and consubstantial with him ! in which
Persons ; we profess One GOD, and not divers, ought to
be worshipped for ever ! Amen.
From Geneva, the 24th October, 1547.*
Your brethren in
to all your Godliness
Theodorus Beza, etc.
Remundus Calvetus.
nicolaus coladonus.
Johannes Gaiagn^zius.
Johannes Tremlerus.
Johannes Pinaldus.
Ge. Favergius.
Car. p.
^GIDIUS CAUSEUS.
Christ,
most assured,
Johannes Parnilius.
KUDS Faverius.
Urbanus Calvetus.
Simon Golerlius.
Petrus Carpenterus.
Franciscus Portus.
Cornelius Barlierdus.
Henricus S.
Abden. Dupleus.
f
1
• This most friendly and moderate
statement of the views of the Church
of Geneva is clearly wronj»ly dated.
For (1) it was written in Queen Eliza-
beth's reign ; (2) it largely relates to
230
the Ministering Apparel Controversy
of 1566 ; and (3) it is not signed by
Jean Calvin, who died in 1564. The
real date of it then is 1567 ; and not
1547.— E.A.
A Copy of the Letter sent to the Bishops and
Pastors of England, who hath renounced
the Roman Antichrist, and profess
the Lord Jesus in sincerity.
The Superintendent Ministers, and Commissioners of
Charges within the Realm of Scotland, To their brethren
the Bishops and Pastors of England ; who hath renounced
the Roman Antichrist, and do profess, with them, the Lord
Jesus in sincerity, desire the perpetual increase of the
HOLY SPIRIT!
BY WORD AND WRIT, it is come to our knowledge,
Reverend Pastors ! that divers of our dearest breth-
ren, amongst whom are some of the best learned
within that Realm, are deprived from ecclesiastical
function, and forbidden to preach, and so by you
that they are stayed [^Jiindered] to promote the Kingdom of
Jesus Christ ; because their consciences will not suffer
them to take upon them, at the commandment of the
Authority, such garments as Idolators, in time of blindes
{blindness^, have used in their idolatry: which bruit cannot
be but most dolorous to our hearts ; mindful of that sentence
of the Apostle, saying ' If ye bite and devour one another ;
take heed lest ye be consumed one of another! ' [Gal. v. 15.]
We purpose not, at this present, to enter into the
ground of that Question which we hear; of either party to
be agitated with greater vehemency than well liketh us, to
wit. Whether that such Apparel is to be counted among
things that are simply indifferent, or not? But in the
bowels of the Lord Jesus, we crave that Christian charity
may so prevail in you, in you, we say, the Pastors and
Leaders of the Flock within that Realm, that ye do not to
others, that which you would not others should do to you.
251
How tender a thing the Conscience of Man is. isee.
Ye cannot be ignorant how tender a thing the Con-
science of Man is. All that have knowledge are not alike
persuaded. Your consciences reclaims Itrouble'] not at the
wearing of such garments : but many thousands, both godly
and learned, are otherwise persuaded ; whose consciences
are continually stricken with these sentences. What hath
Christ Jesus to do with Belial ? What fellowship is there
betwixt darkness and light? If Surplice, Corner Cap, and
Tippet, have been badges of Idolators, in the very act of
their idolatry; what have the Preachers of Christian
Liberty, and the open Rebukers of all Superstition, to do
with the the dregs of the Romish Beast?
Our brethren that, of conscience, refuse that unprofit-
able Apparel, do neither damn ^condemn] you, nor molest
you, that use such vain trifles. If ye shall do the like to
them, we doubt not but therein ye shall please GOD ; and
comfort the hearts of many which are wounded with the
extremity which is used against those godly and our beloved
brethren.
Colour IPlaiisihility'] of Rhetoric, or manly persuasion,
we will use none : but charitably we desire you to call that
sentence of pity to mind. Feed the Flock of GOD which
is committed to your charge, not by constraint ; but
willingly : not as though ye were Lords over GOD's heri-
tage ; but that ye may be examples to the Flock. [1 Pet. v.
2, 3.] And farther also, we desire you to meditate that
sentence of the Apostle, saying, Give none offence, neither
to the Jews, nor to the Grecians, nor to the Church of GOD !
[1 Cor. X. 32.]
In what condition of time, ye and we both travail in
the promoting of Christ's Kingdom ; we suppose you not
to be ignorant. And, therefore, we are [the] more bold to
exhort you to walk more circumspectly, than that (for such
vanities) the godly should be troubled. For all things that
may seem lawful, edify not. [1 Cor. x. 23.] If the com-
mandment of Authority urge the conscience of your and
our brethren more than they can bear; we unfeignedly
crave of you that ye remember that ye are called the Light
of the World and [of] the Earth.
All Civil Authority hath not the Light of GOD always
shining before their eyes in the statutes and command-
ments : but their affections offttimes savour too much of
the earth, and of worldly wisdom. And, therefore, we think
232
1566. The days are evil. Iniquity abounds.
that ye should boldly oppone [oppose'] yourselves to all
Power that will, or dare, extol itself, not only against GOD ;
but also against all such as do burden the consciences of the
Faithful farther than GOD has burdened them by his own
Word.
But herein, we confess our offence in that we have
entered farther in reasoning than we purposed ; and
promised at the beginning. And therefore we shortly
return to our former humble Supplication, which is, That
our brethren who, amongst you, refuse the Romish rags,
may find of you, the Prelates, such favours as our Head
and Master commands every one of his members to shew
one to another. Which we look to receive of your gentle-
ness, not only for that ye fear to offend GOD's Majesty in
troubling of your brethren for such vain trifles ; but also
because ye will not refuse the humble requests of us, your
brethren and fellow-Preachers of Christ Jesus : in whom,
albeit there appear no great worldly pomp ; yet we suppose
that you will not so far despise us, but that ye will esteem
us to be of the number of those that fight against that
Roman Antichrist ; and travail that the Kingdom of Christ
Jesus universally may be maintained and advanced. The
days are evil. Iniquity abounds, Christian charity, alas, is
waxing cold. And therefore we ought the more diligently
to watch. For the hour is uncertain when the Lord Jesus
shall appear ; before whom, we your brethren, and ye, may
give an account of our administration.
And thus, in conclusion, we once again crave favour to
our brethren : which granted, ye, in the Lord, shall com-
mand us in things of doable more importance.
The Lord Jesus rule your hearts in his true fear to the
end ; and give unto you, and unto us, victory over that con-
jured [sivorn~\ enemy of all true Religion, to wit, over that
Roman Antichrist ; whose wounded head Satan, by all
means, labours to cure again : but to destruction shall he
and his maintainers go, by the power of the Lord Jesus.
To whose mighty power and protection, we heartily commit
you !
Subscribed by the hands of [the] Superintendents on
[the] part of [the] Ministers; and scribed in our General
253
The Conclusion. 1574.
Assembly, and the Fourth Session thereof.
At Edinburgh, the 28th day of December 1566.
Your loving Brethren,
and fellow-Preachers in Christ Jesus,
John Craig. John Row.
Jacob. Mailvil. David Lyndesay.
Robert Pont. John Erskine.
guilielmus gislisonus. john wiram.
Nicholas Spittall. John Spottiswood.
THUS HAVE YOU heard, in these Two Letters, the
Judgements of those excellent Churches of the
French and Scotch, touching the things in con-
troversy.
Now if to these, I should add all others which are of
the same judgement, and of their opinion ; the number
of Churches would be so many, that the adversaries should
evidently see and perceive what small cause they have to
charge us with Singularity : as though we were post alone,
and none to be of our opinion.
And it may here also be noted, that the most ancientest
Fathers of this our own country, as Master Coverdale,
Master Doctor [William] Turner, Master [David] White-
head, and many others, some dead, some yet living, from
whose mouths and pens, the Urgers of these [things]
received first the Light of the Gospel, could never be
brought to yield, or consent, unto such things as are now
forced with so great extremity.
FINIS.
254
Index.
Aarau, English Exiled Church at.
xi, xxi, 219-223, 226, 227. (It was
previously at Wesel. 26, 95, 220).
Abell, John. 208.
Acworth, Thomas. 202.
Ade, John. 133, 202.
Adishe, Philip. 202.
Adrian, a citizen of Frankfort on the
Main. 23.
Alcockson, Humphrey. 39.
Alford, Hugh. 36.
Alvay, Richard. 78, 93, 202.
Ashley, Thomas. 85, 99, 100, 102,
105, 107, 110, 111, 115, 116, 154,
202, 209.
Augustine, Saint. 7, 246.
Bagster, Thomas. 202.
Baker, Eeignold. 202.
Bale, Bp. John, xi, 31, 36, 41, 67, 78.
Barker, Christopher. 228.
Barlierdus, Cornelius. 250.
Barnes, Bp. Richard. 12, 13.
Bartue, Master = R. Bertie.
Basle, EngUsh Exiled Church at.
xi, xvi, 75, 85, 219, 221, 223.
Beamont, Robert. 33.
Becon, Thomas, xi, 78, 93.
Bedell, John. 154, 202.
Beesley, Richard. 154, 202, 209, 225,
226.
Benefc, . 10.
Bentham, Bp. Thomas, xi, 33, 101,
111, 127, 128, 130, 133.
Bertie, Catharine ; Duchess Dowager
of Suffolk. 136, 218, 219.
Bertie, Richard. 136, 137, 139, 160,
218. 219.
Berwick on Tweed was, in Elizabeth's
reign, the great Arsenal of Eng-
land ; as Portsmouth is now. 4.
Best, Robert. 154, 202, 209.
Bevoyes, William. 225.
Beza, Theodorus = T. de Beze.
B^ze, Theodore de. xi, 228, 229, 250.
Binkes, John. 133, 135, 204.
Bodliegh, John ; the father of Sir
Thomas Bodley. 219, 225.
Bourbon, Antoine de ; King of Navarre.
8, 9.
Boyes, Edward. 202, 219.
Boynton, Sir Thomas. 13.
Bradbridge, Augustine. 39.
Brentius = J. Brentz.
Brentz, Johann, the Elder. 164.
Brickbate, Christopher. 101, 133, 135,
204, 226.
Browne, John. 202.
Browne, John. 202, 208, 226.
BulHnger, Heinrich. xi, xxi, 53, 57,
62, 73,75, 83, 135, 220.
C. Master [i.e. R. Chambers] . 75.
Calais, xii.
Calderwood, David. 62, 69.
Calvetus, Remundus. 250.
Calvetus, Urbanus. 250.
Calvin, Jean, xi, xii, xiv, xxv, xxvi,
3, 9, 44, 49-53, 57, 58, 62, 73, 76,
78, 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 91, 93, 155,
158, 164, 165, 168, 171, 220, 228,
250.
Carell, . 101, 111.
Carier, Anthony. 36, 81.
Carowe, Henry. 226.
Carpenterus, Petrus. 250.
253
Index.
Carvile, Nicholas. 33, 204.
Castalio, . 23, 24.
Causaeus, ^gidiiis. 250.
Cechelles, . 18.
Cecil, William ; Lord Burghley. xxiii,
5-9.
Chambers, Richard, xvi-xviii, xxiii,
33-39, 41, 75; and passim 109-217 ;
222.
Charles V., Emperor, xvi, 59, 60, 67,
68, 73, 91.
Chidley, George. 36.
Clinton, Edward de; Earl of Lincoln.
11.
Cockcraft, Henry. 33.
Cockroft, . 111.
Coke, Michael. 202.
Coladonus, Nicolaus. 250.
Cole, Dean Thomas, xi, 4, 36, 52, 81,
85, 94, 95.
Cole, WiUiam. 33.
Colton, Edward. 202.
Conde, Prince de. 229.
Cottisford, Thomas. 93.
Coverdale, Bp. Miles, xi, 3, 218, 225,
232, 254.
Cox, Bp. Richard, xi, xv, xvi; 22,
31, 54-56, 59, 65-68, 70, 72, 74f 76,
78, 82-85, 93, 136, 137, 139, 160.
Crafton, Thomas. 39.
Craig, John. 254.
Cranmer, Abp. Thomas, xxv, 75.
Crawley., Thomas. 101, 154, 202, 216.
Crofton, Thomas. 81.
Crowley, Robert, xi, 154, 202, 209.
Dakies, . 101.
Davage, Wilham. 202.
Davids, Richard. 204.
Densborugh = Duisburg.
Dixson, Gawen. 202.
Donnell, Thomas. 202.
Donnings, Anthony. 202.
Dudley, Ambrose ; Earl of Warwick.
4, 5, 8, 11, 232, 233.
256
Dudley, Robert; Earl of Leicester.
5, 11.
Duisburg, English Exiled Church at.
xi, 25.
Dupleus, Abdeus. 250.
Durham, The Deanery of. 5, 9-17.
Eaten, Guido. 39.
Eaten, Thomas = T. Eaton.
Eaton, Thomas. 39, 208.
Eckius, Johann. 113.
Edward VI., King, xiii, 2, 3, 23, 24,
37, 58, 77, 152, 232.
Elbowroome, Doctor. 22.
Elizabeth, Queen, xi, xiii, xxiii, 4,
5, 8, 223-226.
Elyot, Magnus. 202.
Emden, Dutch Church at. 165.
Emden, Enghsh Exiled Church at.
xi, 25, 26, 31, 42.
Erskine, John. 254.
Escot, John. 81, 135, 204, 217.
Falconer, John. 101, 111, 154, 202.
Fauconer, John = J. Falconer.
Favergius, Ge. 250.
Faverius, Kuds. 250.
Fox, John; the Martyrologist. xi,22,
41, 52, 81, 85.
Francis II, King of France. 4.
Franck, Walter. 202.
Frankfort on the Main, Enghsh
Exiled Church at.
The earlier Calvinistic Church,
xi-xvi, 3, 25-93.
The later Anglican Church, xi,
xii, XV, xvi-xxiv, 3, 72-226.
Frankfort on the Main, Flemish
Exiled Church at. xii, 120.
Frankfort on the Main, French
Exiled Church at. xii, xiii, 18, 23.
24, 57, 59, 74, 104, 112, 120, 165.
See also V. Poullain.
Fuller, Wilham. 225.
Index.
Gaiagnsezius Johannes. 250.
Geneva, The Church of. xxiii, xxv,
xxvi, 14, 74, 76, 158, 165, 237,
239-250.
Geneva, Enghsh Exiled Church at.
xi, xvi, xxi, xxiv, 3, 4, 9, 14, 31,
74, 75, 85, 86, 165, 219, 222-225, 228.
Geoffrey, John. 36, 39, 202.
Gilby, Anthony. 4, 52, 71, 75, 81, 86,
165, 225.
Giovio, Bp. Paolo. 22.
Gill, Michael. 30, 36, 41.
Gislisonus, Guilielmus. 254.
Glastonbury (Som.) The French and
WaUoon Church at. 18.
Glauberg, Adolphus. 70, 71.
Glauberg, Johann a. 24, 56, 59, 70, 71,
93, 142.
GolerUus, Simon. 250.
Goodman, Christopher. 3, 39, 72, 81,
86, 164, 225, 233.
Gray, John. 36, 226.
Gregory, Pope. 45.
Greshopp, . 232.
Grindal, Abp. Edmund, xi, xii, 7, 31,
38-41, 78, 161.
Gu alter [or Walther], Rudolph, xi,
221.
H., Master \i.e. E. Home] . 75.
Haddon, James, xiii, 31, 33, 39.
Hales, Christopher. 101, 202.
Hales, John. 101, 102, 104, 105, 127,
128, 135, 154, 202, 209, 216, 217.
Hallyday, . 10.
Hammon, WiUiam. 30, 36.
Harding, Thomas. 2.
Harries, Edmund. 202, 209.
Harrington, Percival. 202.
Harrington, Robert. 204.
Hart, Roger. 85.
Hastings, Henry ; Earl of Huntingdon.
13.
Havre, The Siege of. 4-9, 11, 232, 233.
Hilton, John. 81, 85.
Hodgston, Robert. 202.
HoUingham, John. 41, 81.
Hooper, Anne. 18.
Hooper, Bp. John, xv, 18, 55, 58, 65.
Hopkins, John, xxiv, 4.
Home, Bp. Robert, xi, xiii, xvi-
xxiii, 22, 33, 75, 78, 94, 95; and
passim 99-213 ; 222.
Horsey, Sir Edward. 11, 12.
Humphrey, Dean Laurence, xi, 33.
Huntingdon, John. 39.
Hutton, Abp. Matthew. 13, 14.
Huycke, William. 42.
Iraeneus, Saint. 84.
Isaac, Edward, xvi, 66-68, 120, 124,
126-131, 135, 136, 153, 204, 226.
Jacq ueman , afterwards Whittingham ,
Louise. 1.
Jerome, Saint. 155, 164,
Jewel, Bp. John, xi, xv, xxi, 2, 56,
67, 68.
Jovius, Paulus = P. Giovio.
Joyner, Robert. 202.
Karvile, Nicholas = N. Carvile.
Kelbe, Roger. 33.
Kelke, John. 81, 101, 111, 202.
Kent, Laurence. 41, 81, 95, 101, 202.
Kethe, William, xi, 41, 81, 85, 219,
223-226, 228, 233.
KnoUys, Sir Francis. 202, 208.
KnoUys, Henry. 202, 208, 226.
KnoUys, Thomas. 202.
Knot, Thomas. 202.
Knox, John, xi, xiii-xvi, xxv, 3, 31,
35, 39, 41, 42, 44, 49, 50, 52-56,
59-69, 73, 79, 85, 86, 90, 91, 225.
Laing, David. 69.
Lakin, Thomas. 39.
Langhome, Richard. 227.
Leicester, Earl of. — R. Dudley.
Letler, Richard. 202.
Lever, Thomas, xiii, xv, xxi, 31, 33,
43, 52, 56, 59, 63, 65, 66, 78, 219-
221, 227.
257
Index,
Lidford, Father. 161.
London, Bishop of. 161 = E. Grindal.
Luddington, Richard. 202, 209.
Lynbrought, Richard. 202.
Lyndesay, David. 254.
M. 95.
Machet, John. 204.
Mailvil, Jacob [= James Melville] . 254.
Makebray, John. 30, 36, 41, 95.
MaUory, Sir William. 13.
Martyr, = P. M. Vermigli.
Mary, Queen, xi, xii, xvi, 2, 4, 22,
23, 59, 60, 67, 68, 73, 90, 180, 181,
223, 226.
Mason, Richard. 202.
Master, WilUam. 135, 202, 216.
Mathew, Anthony. 204.
Mey, Bp. John. 13.
Milton, John. xiv.
MoreUio, . 18, 23, 24.
Mullins, . 22.
MulUns, John. 33, 94, 154, 202, 226.
Murray, Dr. J. H. xii.
Musculus, Wolfgang. 53, 57, 62, 73.
Nagors, Richard. 202.
Nero, Emperor. 60.
Newhaven =^ Havre.
Nowell, Dean Alexander, xi, 101,
107, 154, 202, 226.
Nowell, Alexander. 202.
Olde, John, xi, 202, 216.
Oldsworth, Edmund. 202.
Oldsworth, Thomas. 202.
Otto Henricus, Count Palatine of the
Rhine. 218.
P. Car. 250.
Parker, Roger. 208.
Parkhurst, Bp. John, xi, 33.
Pamilius, Johannes. 250.
258
Parpoint, Edward. 202.
Parry, Henry, xvi, 52, 67, 85, 93,
154, 209.
Parry, Leonard. 202.
Pedder, John. 39, 154, 202, 209.
Peers, James. 202.
Penteny, John. 202.
Perryus, Henry. 202.
Philip II, King, xvi, 59, 60, 67, 68,
90.
Philip Francis, Elector Palatine of
the Rhine. 4, 6.
Philippson, Johann, Sleidanus. 22.
Pickering, Sir William. 2.
Pighius, Albertus. 113.
Pilkington, Bp. James, xi, 10, 226.
Pinaldus, Johannes. 250.
Platina = B. Sacchi.
Plumtree, . 232.
Pollanus, Valerandus = V. Poullain.
Pont, Robert. 254.
Porter, Richard. 202.
Portus, Franciscus. 250.
Poullain, Valerand; Chief Pastor of
the French Church at Frankfort
on the Main. 18, 23, 56, 67, 63, 66,
120, 188.
Pownall, Robert. 219, 227.
Poynet, Bp. John. 31, 77.
Pretio, John. 33.
Pullain, John. 225.
Purfoot, Nicholas, xi, 81.
Railton, Gregory. 101, 111, 135, 164,
202.
Rawlings, William. 154, 202, 209.
Read, Captain. 5.
Reignolds, Henry. 202.
Reymuger, Michael. 39.
Rlieingraf, The = Philip Francis.
Rogers, Daniel. 202.
Rogers, Richard. 209.
Row, John. 264.
Russell, Francis ; Earl of Bedford.
4, 232.
Russell, John ; Earl of Bedford. 232.
Index.
S., Henricus. 250.
Sacchi, Bartholomaeus, de Platina.
22.
Sade, Peter. 202.
Saint Andrew. , 93.
Samford, John. 36, 41.
Sampson, Dean Thomas, xi, 4, 76,
78, 232.
Sandell, Richard. 202.
Sandes, Thomas. 202.
Sandys, Abp. Edwin, xi, xxvii, 12-16,
39, 78, 136, 137, 139, 160, 208.
Saul, Arthur. 39, 202.
Scory, Bp. John, xi, 31.
Scotland, General Assembly of the
Kirk of. xxiii, xxv, 237, 251-254.
Selye, Ralph. 202.
Serbis, Thomas. 202.
Shakespeare, William, xiv.
Sidney, Sir Henry. 4, 233.
Sleidan = J. Philippson, Sleidanus.
Soothous, Christopher. 81.
Sorby, Thomas. 36, 95, 154, 209, 216.
(? T. Serbis. 202).
Sowerby, Thomas. 135.
Spencer, Thomas. 33.
Spittall, Nicholas. 254.
Spottiswood, John. 254.
Springham, Richard. 208.
Standon, . 233.
Stanton, John. 30, 36, 41.
Stapleton, Sir Robert. 13.
Sternhold, Thomas, xxiv, 4.
Steward, Thomas. 36, 39.
Strasburg, EngUsh Exiled Church at.
xi, xiii, 25, 26, 31, 36, 38, 41, 42,
220, 223.
Sutton, Edmund, xiii, xvii, 23, 36,
41, 101, 135, 154, 179, 202, 210-215.
Swift, Jasper. 36.
Tavemer, John. 135.
Temes, . 233.
Todchamber, Thomas. 202.
Tomson, Edmund. 202.
Traheron, Bartholomew. 84, 93, 94.
Tremlerus, Johannes, 250.
Turner, John. 208.
Turner, Richard. 67.
Turner, William. 254.
Turpin, John. 202,
Turpin, Thomas. 227.
Upchair, T. 219.
Vates, John. 202.
Vermigli, Pietro Martire, xi, 53, 57,
62, 73.
Vevay. 221.
Victor, Pope. 84.
Viret, Pierre, xi, 53, 57, 62, 73.
Viron, . 7.
Walker, Thomas. 202.
Walsingham, Sir Francis. 16.
Walton, William, 36, 41, 81.
Wandsford, Sir Christopher. 14.
Warcope, Cuthbert. 101, 111, 204.
Water, Thomas. 202.
Watts, Thomas. 154, 202, 209.
Wesel, English Exiled Church at ;
afterwards at Aarau. xi, 26, 95,
218-221, 226, 227,
Whetnall, George. 41.
Whetnall, Thomas. 41.
Whitchurch, Edward. 42.
Whitehead, David, xiv, xvi, xvii,
33, 76, 78, 82-85, 87, 91, 93-95, 135;
passmi between 154-209 ; 212, 216,
254.
Whittingham, House of. 1.
Whittingham, Dean William; His
Life. 1-17. He is the general
Author of 19-96, 218, 219, 222, 228-
235, 254; and the general Editor
of the rest of the Work. See also
xi, xiii-xvii, xxi, xxiii, xxv-xxvii.
Wilford, Francis. 202, 208, 226.
Wilford, John, 135, 153, 202, 216, 219.
Wilford, Thomas. 202.
Wilkinson, Mistress, xxii, xxiii, 213.
WiUiams, WilUam. 23, 30, 36, 41, 61,
68, 75, 81, 225.
Index.
WiUobie, Thomas. 202.
Wilson, Thomas. Ill, 154, 202.
Wilson, Thomas, LL.D. 5, 13.
Wiram, John. 254.
Withers, Francis. 225.
Wolfgang, Duke of Bipont. 218.
Wolsey, Card. Thomas. 1.
Wood, Henry. 202.
Wood, John. 36.
Wood, Thomas. 23, 30, 36, 41, 81.
Worms, EngUsh Exiled Church at.
xi, 223.
Wrothe, Thomas. 208. (? Sir Thomas
Wrothe).
Yonge,
Young,
21.
221.
Zurich, English Exiled Church at.
xi, xiii, xviii, 25, 26, 31-36, 42, 173.
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A SPECIMEN PAGE OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
Protestant Slaves l;)astinadoe<l on the (Talleys. 1700.
There is something, I say, in this punishment juore
dreadful and terrible than the Wheel : for they are upon
the point of death, and yet they are not put to death ;
and the Executioners never give over striking till they he
weary, and out of breath; and are forced to send the
Sufferers to the Hospital. Who could forbear trembling,
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spectacle ! Who could believe that such as be^ir the name
of Christians could harden their bowels to that degree, as
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The same Letter of October the 16th, acquaints us
As to particulars, I must tell you, with unspeakable
grief, that all the Galleys almost have been severely treated ;
except the 'Old R^ale' appointed for the disabled Slaves.
and some others: and that they have cruelly butchered all
those who would not put off the Cap ; insomuch that in
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Galley, have been stretched on the rack [i.e. the Gangivayli
and struck 50, 100, and 120 times, with a rope in many
places done over with pitch and tar, and dipped in the sea :
and that they have inflicted twice, thrice, four times, or
more, this cruel punishment on them till they had promised
to put the Cap off, or that the Torm enters had been forced
to send them to the Hospital.
They add to it. That Monsieur Maurin underwent the
same torment three, and I think four, times: and he was,
last Monday, shut up in one of the Dungeons of the
Hospital. That Monsieur CARRiiiRE and Monsieur Lostalet
have been twice most cruelly abused ; having received, at
one and the same time, six score blows each ; so that they
have been forced to send them away very sick, raw, and
bruised, to the Hospital. Monsieur Lostalet hatli been,
all along, constant and steady, as well as Monsieur Serres,
Maurin, Grange, and Pelevier; and are all now in the
Hospital, very sick with the blows they received. They add.
That Monsieur Lostalet was exposiMl to so great sufferings
that he is not able to stir out of his bed, but by the help of
some ropes hanging down from the ceiling, and of some
men besides.
The Major declared, to-day. That they would be let
alone till they are recovered: and then they should bo
racked [fogyed'] again and again, till they should either die,
or promise to put their Caps off to the Flost.
Elliot Stock. 62, Paternoster Kow, London, E.G.
u
Chaptek II.
Of Wisdom, Learning, and Understanding,
Aristotle.
NDERSTANDING IS a light, which GOD poureth
into Man's Soul.
Wisdom is the knowledge of divine things ;
and is the head of all otherSciences.
Socrates.
Wisdom is Life ; and Ignorance is Death. Wherefore
the wise man liveth, for why [because] he understandeth
what he doeth : but the ignorant isTdead ; because he doth
he knoweth not what.
Plato.
Of all the gifts of GOD, Wisdom is chiefest. Wisdom
ordereth the mind. She directeth the life, and ruleth the
works thereof ; teaching what ought to be done, and what
to be left undone : without which no man may be safe.
Wisdom teacheth to do, as well as to speak.
Of all the gifts of GOD, Wisdom is [the] most excellent.
She giveth goodness to the good ; and forgiveth the wicked
their wickedness.
To men of low degree. Wisdom is an honour ; and
Foolishness is a shame to men of high degree.
Wisdom garnisheth \_adorneth'] Iliches ; and shadoweth
[casteth into the shadow] Poverty.
Wisdom is the defence of the Soul, and the mirror of
Reason ; and therefore blessed is he that travaileth [labours']
to get her : for she is the ground and root of all noble deeds.
By her, we obtain the Chief Good, that is, Eternal Felicity.
Seneca.
Prudence is the guide of all other good Virtues.
E. 2. 3. Baldwin. 1
Intelligence is King both of heaven and earth. Hermes.
Hermes.
Of all the good gifts of GOD, Wisdom is the purest. She
giveth goodness to good people; and obtaineth for the
wicked pardon for their wickedness. She maketh the poor
rich ; and the rich honourable : and such as unfeignedly
embrace her, she maketh like to GOD.
Wisdom and Justice are honourable, both to GOD and
man.
Intelligence is King both of heaven and earth.
Wisdom is the messenger of Reason.
Pythagoras.
Wisdom, at the beginning, seemeth a great wonder.
Wisdom is like a thing fallen into the water ; which no
man can find, except he search [for] it at the bottom.
Wisdom thoroughly learned, will never be forgotten.
Science is got by diligence ; but Discretion and Wisdom
cometh of GOD.
Socrates.
In the company of Wise Men is rest ; but in the fellow-
ship of Fools is nothing but labour.
A wise man ought not to sorrow for his losses ; but to
be careful to keep the rest of his goods.
A wise man is known by two points. He will not
lightly l^easilyl be angry for the wrong that is done him :
neither is [he] proud, when he is praised.
He that seeketh Wisdom the right way, findeth her :
but many err, because they seek her not duly ; and blame
her without cause.
Isocrates.
A wise man is known by three points. In making his
enemies his friends : in making the rude learned : and in
reforming the evil-disposed unto goodness.
He is wise that acknowledgeth his ignorance : and he
is ignorant that knoweth not himself.
Seneca.
There is none happy, but the wise man.
Wise men, for the Truth's sake, ought to contrary
loppose"] one another ; that, by their contention, the Truth
may the better be known.
Plato.
It is better to be wise, and not to seem so ; than to
9
Hermes. Wisdom teacheth Man to know his Creator.
seem wise, and not to be so : yet men, for the most part,
desire the contrary.
A wise man understandeth both the things that are
above him ; and those also that are beneath him. He
knoweth the things that are above him, by the benefits
which he receiveth thereby ; and [the] things beneath him,
by the use and profit that he hath by them.
Hermes.
Wisdom teacheth Man to know his Creator.
Seneca.
A perfect wise man mortifieth his worldly desires ; by
means whereof he subdueth both his Soul and body.
He that desireth Wisdom, desireth the most high and
divine estate.
He that findeth Wisdom, findeth Life ; both in this
world, and in the world to come.
It is not possible for him to be wise, that desireth not
to be good.
Aristotle.
A young man cannot be perfectly wise. For Wisdom
requireth Experience ; which, for lack of time, young men
may not have.
A wise man ought to repute his error great ; and his
goodness small.
Seneca.
The wise man, and not the rich, is void of misery.
He shall be wise, that enhaunteth [frequenteth'] wise
men's company.
It is not uncomely, for Wisdom's sake, for a man to be
in subjection, to whomsoever it be.
A wise man is known by silence ; and a fool, by much
babbling.
Learning maketh young men sober. It comforteth old
men. It is riches to the poor ; and it garnisheth [adorns']
the rich.
It is a shame for a wise man to say, * I thought not so
m.uch ! '
Pythagoras.
Much babbling is [a] sign of small knowledge.
Knowledge is better in Youth than in Age.
3
Learning is Study's sister. piato.
The best kind of Learning is to unlearn our evils.
No man may refrain from doing amiss ; but a wise
man, by one peril, will avoid another.
Plato.
Wisdom in the heart of a Fool is like a flying thing,
that cannot long continue in one place.
A man of perfect wisdom cannot die ; and a man of
good understanding cannot be poor.
Learning is Study's sister.
Wisdom is a tree which springeth in the heart ; and
beareth fruit in the tongue.
Without study of Wisdom, the mind is sick.
Early rising and much watching are profitable to keep
a man in health ; and to increase his riches and wisdom.
A man without Science is like a realm without a King.
Aristotle.
Science, separate from Justice and Virtue, is not
Wisdom ; but Subtilty.
Nothing becometh a wise man so much as Temperance.
He that is worshipped for wisdom, is angry with them
that despise it.
Seneca.
Of all things, the least quantity is easiest to be borne ;
save of Knowledge and Science : of which the more that a
man hath, the better he may bear it.
A wise man knoweth what Ignorance is ; because he
himself, before time, hath been ignorant : but the ignorant
[man] was never wise ; and therefore he knoweth not what
Wisdom is.
The true lovers of Wisdom shall see GOD !
Power and Might is in young men ; but Wisdom and
Prudence is in the aged.
Socrates. ' Be gentle and loving to everybody!'
Whatsoever thou wilt speak ; before thou shew it to
another, shew it secretly to thyself !
Whatsoever thou wilt have kept secret ; shew it to
nobody !
Search forth the Cause of every deed !
Let not thy thoughts depart from the Truth !
Promise, with consideration ; and perform faithfully !
Praise little ; but dispraise less !
Let not the authority of the speaker persuade thee ;
nor regard thou his person that speaketh : but mark well
what it is that is spoken !
Perform more fully, than thou hast promised !
Such things as thou hast, use thou as thine own ! and
keep them not, as if they were another body's !
Be gentle and loving to everybody !
Flatter none !
Be familiar with few !
Be indifferent [impartial] and equal towards every man !
Be slow to wrath ! swift to mercy and pity !
Be constant and patient in adversity ; and in prosperity
wary and lowly !
Worship gentleness ; and hate cruelty !
Flee and eschew [avoid^ thine own vices ; and be not
curious to search out other men's !
Be not busy to upbraid men with their faults ; for so
shalt thou be hated of everybody !
Sometimes, among earnest things, use merry conceits ;
but measurably !
Live with thine underlings, as thou wouldest thy
betters should live with thee : and do to all men, as thou
wouldest be done by !
Think not thyself to be that, which thou art not ; nor
desire to seem greater than thou art indeed !
Think [that] all things may be suffered ; save filthiness
and vice !
Eat rather for hunger ; than for pleasure and delight.
Solon.
Be apt to learn Wisdom ; and diligent to teach it !
Be merry, without laughter !
Thou shalt be loved of GOD, if thou follow him in this
point ! In desire to do good to all men ; and to hurt
nobody.
* I will never spare to say the Truth !' Socrates.
him, which was that he should drink poison, could not be
revoked.
The King had a ship, freighted with sacrifices, which
he offered to his idols ; which then was abroad : and he
would never give any Sentence upon a man's death, before
it came [back] to Athens.
Wherefore one of SocRATEs's friends, called, Incittes,
counselled him to give a certain sum of money to the
Keepers, to let him [e]scape away secretly ; and so to go
to Rome.
But Socrates said. He had not so much.
Then said Incittes, ' I and my friends have so much ;
which we will gladly give, to save thy life.'
To which Socrates answered, * I thank you and my
friends ! but since this City, wherein I must suffer my
death, is the natural place of my birth ; I had rather die
here than elsewhere. For if I die here in my country,
without deserving [it] : only because I reprove their
wickedness, and their worshipping of vain idols ; and would
have them worship the true GOD. If these men, of mine
own nation, persecute me for saying and maintaining
Truth ; even so will strangers wheresoever I be come ; for
I will never spare to say the Truth. And, surely, strangers
would have less mercy on me, than mine own countryfolks ! '
Being thus minded ; he continued still in prison, teach-
ing his Scholars, which resorted to him, many things ; both
of the composition of the Elements, and also of the Soul.
But [he] would write nothing. For he said. That Wisdom
ought to be written in men's hearts ; and not on beasts'
skins. Nevertheless, his disciple, Plato, wrote well nigh all
that he taught.
A little before he should be put to death ; he desired
that he might bathe himself and say his Orations
\_Prayers~\ ; which he did : and [then] called his Wife and
children, and gave them good instruction.
And when he went toward the place where he should
finish his life ; his Wife went after him, crying, 'Alas ! my
Husband dieth guiltless ! ' To whom he said, * Why,
woman ! wouldest thou have me die otherwise ? ', and sent
her away.
So when the Cup of Poison was delivered him to drink,
6
Similitudes.
As Plants, measurably watered, grow the better ; but
watered too much are drowned and die : so the Mind, with
moderate labour, is refreshed ; but, with over much, is
utterly dulled.
As empty vessels make the loudest sound : they that
have least wit are the greatest babblers.
Like as a Ship, that hath a sure Anchor, may lie safely
in any place : right so the Mind, that is ruled by perfect
Reason, is quiet everywhere.
Like as narrow-mouthed Vessels, which are longest in
filling, keep their liquor the better : so Wits, that are slow
in taking, are best of all to retain that they learn.
As Iron and Brass are the brighter for the wearing :
so the Wit is most ready that is most occupied.
Like as the Chameleon hath all colours, save white :
so hath a Flatterer all points, save Honesty.
As a precious Stone in a gold ring ; so shineth a Heart
that is settled in virtuousness.
Like as a Field (although it be fertile) can bring forth
no good fruit ; except it be first tilled : so the Mind
(although it be apt of itself) cannot, without Learning,
bring forth any goodness.
As the Plough rooteth out from the earth all brambles
and thistles : even so Wisdom rooteth out all vices from
the mind.
As the Shadow followeth the body ; so Praise followeth
Virtue. And as the Shadow goeth sometimes before, and
sometimes behind ; so doth Praise also to Virtue : but the
later that it cometh, the greater it is ; and the more of value.
As a man appeareth more in a mist than in clear
weather : so appeareth his vice more when he is angry,
than when he is at quiet.
Like as the Fire wasteth the firebrand : so doth Scorn-
fulness waste love between friends.
As men, for their bodily health, do abstain from evil
meats : so ought they to abstain from sin, for the salvation
of their Souls.
As Health preserveth tte body ; so Wisdom conserveth
the Soul.
As a Captain is the Director of a whole host : so Reason
joined with Knowledge is the Guide of Life.
Like as a hand is no part of [a] man, except it can do
the office of a hand : so is Wisdom no part of a wise man,
7
Similitudes.
except it be occupied [_7nade use o/] as it should be.
As a golden Bridle, although it garnish [adorri] a horse ;
yet maketh him never the better : so although Riches
garnish a man ; yet can they not make him good.
Like as Age followeth Youth ; even so Death followeth
Age.
As to the good, their goodness is a reward : so to the
wicked, their wickedness is a punishment.
Like as Grief is the disease of the body : so is Malice a
sickness of the Soul.
As a man, in a dark cave, may not see his own proper
figure ; so the Soul, that is not clean and pure, cannot
perceive the true and perfect goodness of Almighty GOD.
As GOD surmounteth all other creatures : so the
remembrance of him surmounteth all other imaginations.
As Liberality maketh friends of enemies ; so Pride
maketh enemies of friends.
Like as bees, out of Flowers, suck forth the sweetest ;
so should men, out of Sciences, learn that [which] is best.
As Ivy, in every place, findeth somewhat to cleave to :
so Love is never lightly leasily~\ without a subject.
Like as rain may not profit the corn that is sown upon
dry stones ; so neither Teaching, nor Study, may profit a
Fool to learn Wisdom.
As Fire and Heat are inseparable ; so are the hearts
of faithful Friends.
Like as the body is an instrument of the Soul ; so is
the Soul an instrument of GOD.
Like as they which bring up horses well, teach them
first to follow the bridle : so they that teach children should
first teach them to give ear to that which is spoken.
As a Looking Glass representeth everything that is
[over] against it : even so doth a Flatterer.
Where as is no Light, there is no Shadow ; and where
as is no Wealth, there is no Envy.
Like as an Adamant draweth, by little and little, the
heavy iron until, at the last, it be joined with it : so Virtue
and Wisdom join men unto them.
As he which, in a Game Place, runneth swiftest, and
continueth still his pace, obtaineth the crown for his
labour: so all that diligently learn, and earnestly follow.
Wisdom and Virtue shall be crowned with Everlasting
Glory.
8
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