Britain under Trojan, Roman Saxon rule

in fmitfc.

BRITAIN.

BY

JOHN MILTON.

RICHARD III

BY

SIR THOMAS MORE.

HENRY VII.

BY

SIR FRANCIS BACON.

.Ti .

BRITAIN

UNDER

TROJAN, ROMAN, SAXON RULE

BY

JOHN MILTON.

ENGLAND UNDER RICHARD III

BY

SIR THOMAS MORE.

THE REIGN OF HENRY VII.

BY

FRANCIS BACON, LORD VERULAM.

VERBATIM REPRINT FROM KENNETHS ENGLAND, ED. 1719.

LONDON:

ALEX. MURRAY & SON, 30, QUEEN SQUARE, W.C.

1870.

135"
K4-6

LONDON :

PRINTED BY VINCENT BROOKS, DAY AND SON,
GATE STREET, W.C.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

ALTHOUGH the fame of JOHN MILTON rests chiefly upon his poetry,
yet his intellect was of so high an order, that no work of his but will
be found well worth perusal. In the history now reprinted, will
be found many passages characteristic of the writer, the materials
being copious, curious, carefully arranged, written with great truthful-
ness, abounding energy, and sometimes with surpassing grandeur in
sentiment and expression. The poet became a historian in 1639,
soon after the blight of blindness had fallen upon him ; the book
was published in 1670, but mutilated by the censor of the press j
many remarks of the gifted writer being distasteful to the cavalier
interest. The suppressed passages appeared in the edition of 1 68 1, and
of the prose writings of Milton, published in 1738, his history of
England forms a part — the copy whence were formed these pages
will be found in Kennet's England, vol. i. fol. edition, 1719.

JOHN MILTON was born in Bread Street, London, December 9,
1608, his father being a scrivener there. From St. Paul's school,
where, he received the rudiments of his education, he was sent to
Christ's College, Cambridge, taking his B.A. there in 1628, and in
1632 his M.A. degree.

On the death of his mother, in 1638, his father permitted him to
visit the continent, where he spent some fifteen months being
received into the elite of literary circles in France and Italy.

The gathering troubles of civil war recalled Milton to England,
where espousing the puritan side, soon after Cromwell became firm
in power, he became Latin secretary to government, a place he was
eminently qualified to fill. John Milton married in 1643 the
daughter of Captain Powell, a cavalier ; the choice was unhappy, as,
on going to visit her parents the lady chose to remain with them,
and her husband was on eve of remarrying when his repenting wife
returned, hei father and mother with her, who, in their then dis-

6 BIOGRAPHIC NOTICE OF JOHN MILTON.

tressed circumstances, were cherished by Milton. The lady died
in child-bed, as did also a second wife, but the third survived the
poet, whose state of blindness did need a helpmate- at home. After
the restoration of monarchy, the republican writer fell into poverty
and narrowly escaped penal persecution for opinions which he
had warmly advocated.

Paradise Lost appeared in 1665, Simmons the publisher giving the
author Jive pounds for the copyright or first edition of 1,300, a
like sum for the second issue, but before a third was out the writer
was dead. The latter years of the life of Milton were spent in
Bunhill Row. He died Nov. 10, 1674, lies buried in the chancel of
St. Giles, Cripplegate, and it was 1737 before the monument was
erected to his memory in the Abbey of Westminster.

SIR THOMAS MORE may be best known as the writer of Utopia,
but his History of England under Richard III. is a work of no
ordinary merit, and few men could be more competent to produce
it, as he lived near the time, and had been brought up as a page in
the household of Cardinal Moreton, Archbishop of Canterbury, the
main mover in the destruction of Richard and the elevation of
Richmond his rival.

Sir Thomas More, a man of unparalleled virtue, according to the
report of his friend Erasmus, was born in Milk Street, London,
April 13, 1480, educated at St. Anthony's, Threadneedle Street ; he
became a page to Cardinal Moreton in his fifteenth year, and was
even then so advanced in wit and learning, that his patron declared
to his friends that " this child here waiting at the table, whosoever
shall live to see it, will prove a remarkable man !" More was a
fellow student with Wolsey at Oxford ; moved ' to New Inn
Chancery ; thence to Lincoln's Inn ; was three years reader at
Furnivals, and so devout that he narrowly escaped the cloister.

He married a Miss Colt of Newhall, Essex, lived in Bucklersbury ;

BIOGRAPHIC NOTICE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 1

and in his twenty-second year became a burgess of parliament, op-
posing court measures so keenly, that Henry VII., to punish the
son, sent the father, a justice of the king's bench, to the Tower,
whence he got out on paying a fine of £100. At the age of 31
he became under sheriff of London, a lucrative appointment, and
soon after distinguished himself as an advocate in a case of the
Pope v. the Crown, for seizure of a ship at Southampton. He
became Speaker of Parliament in 1523, and so noted for wit and
wisdom, that his society was sought for by his king, Henry VIII.
He represented England at the league and peace of Cambray ; was
made Lord Chancellor in 1529, but declining to abet the divorce
designs of his imperious master, and, as a good Catholic, refusing to
acknowledge Henry's claim to be the supreme head of the church,
Sir Thomas resigned office, became a poor man, (he had ever been
an honest one), was sent to the Tower, confined for fourteen months,
attainted, tried, condemned, and beheaded July 6, 1535. He was
the greatest lawyer of the age, and one of the best of the men of the
troublous times he lived in.

The History of England under Henry VII., was written in 1621
by Bacon, at request of James I., and the faults laid against it may
have sprung from the desire of a displaced courtier seeking to regain
favour. The faults of Henry VII. are many, but may have seemed
venial in the eyes of a man more famed for strength of intellect
than for purity of principle, yet no work from the pen of Sir Francis
Bacon, Lord Verulam, but will reward the labour of perusal, and
this, like the previous sections of this book, is a verbatim reprint
from Kennet's England, ed. 1719.

FRANCIS BACON, youngest son of Sir Nicholas, Lord Keeper to
Queen Elizabeth, was born at York House, Jan. 22, 1561. Asa
child he was delicate, but so grave in manner and advanced in mind,
that Elizabeth called the boy "her young Lord Keeper." At

8 BIOGRAPHIC NOTICE OF SIR FRANCIS BACON.

thirteen he entered Trinity College, Cambridge, then presided over
by Whitgift, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. At sixteen he
was sent to Paris to the house of Sir Amias Paulet, ambassador for
England, and thence he wrote his " Notes on the State of Europe."
His father dying in 1580, recalled him to England, where he looked
for patronage from Lord Burleigh, his uncle, but in vain, the father
being jealous of his abilities when brought to compete with those of
his son Robert, also a candidate for place and power.

Bacon settled in Gray's Inn, and rose rapidly in his profession,
becoming Queen's Counsel in 1 590, obtaining reversion of the
registrarship of the Star Chamber court, and became M.P. for
Middlesex in 1593. A speech of his in the House gave offence to
his Queen, but he won the patronage of the Earl of Essex, who pre-
sented him with an estate near Twickenham worth £2,000 a year.
Kind as Essex had been to him, Bacon deserted him when he lost
the favour of Elizabeth, and was counsel against him in the attainder
which resulted in his execution. In 1597 he published a small
volume of Essays. He was suitor for the hand of Lady Hatton,
who preferred Sir E. Coke. Bacon married a daughter of an alder-
man of London.

When James VI. of Scotland became I. of England, he soon
noticed the talents of Bacon, they securing him from contempt^,
while his manner and cool temperament saved him from hatred. In
1604 he rose to be King's Counsel ; in 1607 Solicitor General ; in
1612 Attorney General ; in 1612 Privy Counsellor ; in 1617 Lord
Keeper ; and Lord Chancellor in 1620. In 1621 he became Baron
Verulam, Viscount St. Albans. He early won the favour of Villiers,
Duke of Buckingham ; but feeling too sure in his seat, he gained
his enmity, lost his position, was impeached for "selling justice,"
fined £40,000, and imprisoned. He soon regained liberty, but
not power, receiving a pension of £1,200 per annum, and dying
9th April, 1626.

THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

CONTINU'D TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST.
By Mr. JOHN MILTON.

Author of Paradise Lost, &c*

BOOK I.

THE beginning of nations, those excepted of whom sacred books have
spoken, is to this day unknown. Nor only the beginning, but the
deeds also of many succeeding ages, yea, periods of ages, either
wholly unknown, or obscur'd and blemish'd with fables. Whether it
were that the use of letters came in long after, or were it the violence
of barbarous inundations, or they themselves, at certain revolutions of
time, fatally decaying, and degenerating into sloth and ignorance ;
whereby the monuments of more ancient civility have been some des-
troyed, some lost. Perhaps dis-esteem and contempt of the publick
affairs then present, as not worth recording, might partly be in cause.
Certainly oft-times we see that wise men, and of best ability, have
forborn to write the acts of their own days, while they beheld with a
just loathing and disdain, not only how unworthy, how perverse, how
corrupt, but often how ignoble, how petty, how below all history the
persons and their actions were ; who either by fortune, or some rude
election, had attain'd as a sore judgment, and ignominy upon the
land, to have chief sway in managing the commonwealth. But that
any law, or superstition of our old philosophers the Druids, forbade the
Britains to write their memorable deeds, I know not why any out of
Ccesar should (lib. 6.) alledge : he indeed saith, that their doctrine
they thought not lawful to commit to letters ; but in most matters else,
both private and publick, among which well may history be reckon'd,1

1 There are some objections, and those not inconsiderable, against this assertion. Gra^cis
Literis utuntur, saith Caesar : which does not necessarily imply that they used the Greek
tongue, but only their Letters : for if he had meant the language^ he would have rather said,
Grsecosermone, or Grsecalingua. But this does not take off the difficulty neither : for if they
made use of the Greek letters, it had been but apoor contrivance of Caesar's, to write to Cicero
(in Gaul) in the Greek character, for fear the letter should be intercepted, and their designs
discovered. Hanc Grsecis conscriptum literis mittit, ne intercepta epistola, npstra ab hostibus
consilia cognoscantur, saith Caesar, lib. 5. Now if the Druids (the great ministers of state)
us'd the Greek character in their common business, why should Caesar think, that this
character would conceal his designs ? The learned Selden believes, Graecis to have been
fois-.ed into that place of Caesar, where he speaks of the Druids, (lib. 6.) and will have him
mean no more, than that religious matters were never writ down, but in all secular affairs
they made use of writing : a conjecture natural enough, and very probably true.

10 THE SCOPE OF THIS HISTORY BRIEFLY OUTLINED.

they us'd the Greek tongue : and that the British Druids, who taught
those in Gaul, would be ignorant of any language known and us'd by
their disciples, or so frequently writing other things, and so inquisitive
into the highest, would for want of recording be ever children in the
knowledge of times and ages, is not likely. Whatever might be the
reason, this we find, that of British affairs, from the first peopling of
the island, to the coming of Julius Caesar, nothing certain, either by
tradition, history, or ancient fame, hath hitherto been left us. That
which we have of oldest seeming, hath by the greater part of judicious
antiquaries been long rejected for a modern fable.

Nevertheless, there being others besides the first suppos'd author,
men not unread, nor unlearned in antiquity, who admit that for
approved story, which the former explode for fiction ; and seeing that
oft-times relations heretofore accounted fabulous, have been after
found to contain in them many footsteps, and relics of something
true, as what we read in poets of the flood, and giants little believed,
till undoubted witnesses taught us, that all was not feign'd ; I have
therefore determin'd to bestow the telling over of these reputed tales ;
be it for nothing else but in favour of our English poets, and rhetori-
cians, who by their art will know how to use them judiciously.

I might also produce examples, as Diodorus among the Greeks,
Livy and others of the Latines, Polydore and Virunnius among our
own writers. But I intend not with controversies and quotations to
delay or interrupt the smooth course of history ; much less to argue
and debate long who were the first inhabitants, with what probabilities,
what authorities each opinion hath been upheld, but shall endeavour
that which hitherto hath been needed most, with plain and lightsome
brevity, to relate well and orderly things worth tne noting, so as may
best instruct and benefit them that read. Which imploring divine
assistance, that it may redound to his glory, and the good of the British
nation, I now begin.

THAT the whole earth was inhabited before the flood, and to the
utmost point of habitable ground, from those effectual words of God
in the creation, may be more than conjectur'd. Hence that this island
also had her dwellers, her affairs, and perhaps her stories, even in that
old world those many hundred years, with much reason we may in-
fer.1 After the flood, and the dispersing of nations, as they journey'd
leisurely from the east, Corner, the eldest son of Japhet, and his off-
spring, as by authorities, arguments, and affinity of divers names is
generally believed, were the first that peopl'd all these west and nor-
thern climes. But they of our own writers, who thought they had done
nothing, unless with all circumstance they tell us when, and who first

Britain, Mr. Cambden has given us as distinct an account,

distance of tirae and want of

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 11

set foot upon this island, presume to name out of fabulous and counter-
feit authors a certain Samothes or Dis, a fourth or sixth son of Japhet,
whom they make about two hundred years after the flood, to have
planted with colonies, first the continent of Celtica, or Gaul, and next
this island : Thence to have nam'd it Samothea, to have reign'd here,
and after him lineally four kings, Magus, Saron, Druis, and Bardus.
But the forg'd Berosus, whom only they have to cite, no where mentions
that either he, or any of those, whom they bring did ever pass into
Britain, or send their people hither. So that this out-landish figment
may easily excuse our not allowing it the room here so much as of a
British fable.

That which follows, perhaps as wide from truth, though seeming less
impertinent, is, that these Samotheans, under the reign of Bardus, were
subdu'd by Albian a giant, son of Neptune, who call'd the island after
his own name, and ruled it fourty-four years : till at length passing over
into Gaul, in aid of his brother Lestrygon, against whom Hercules was
hasting out of Spain into Italy, he was there slain in fight, and Bergion
also his brother.

Sure enough we are that Britain hath been anciently term'd Albion,
both by the Greeks and Romans. And Mela the geographer
makes mention of a stony shear in Languedoc, where by report such
a battle was fought. The rest,1 as his giving name to the isle, or ever
landing here, depends altogether upon late surmises. But too absurd,
and too unconscionably gross is that fond invention that wafted hither
the fifty daughters of a strange Dioclesian king of Syria ; brought
in doubtless by some illiterate pretender to something mistaken in the
common poetical story of Danaus king of Argos, while his vanity, not
pleas'd with the obscure beginning which truest antiquity affords the
nation, labour'd to contrive us a pedigree, as he thought, more noble.
These daughters, by appointment of Danaus on the marriage-night,
having murder'd all their husbands, except Linceus, whom his wife's
loyalty sav'd, were by him, at the suit of his wife their sister, not put
to death, but turn'd out to sea in a ship unmann'd ; of which whole sex
they had incurr'd the hate ; and as the tale goes, were driven on this
island : where the inhabitants, none but devils, as some write, or as
others, a lawless crew left here by Albion without head or governor,
both entertained them, and had issue by them a second breed of
giants, who tyranniz'd the isle till Brutus came.

The eldest of those dames in their legend they call Albina ; and
from thence, for which cause the whole scene was fram'd, will have
the same Albion deriv'd. Incredible it may seem, so sluggish a con-

1 "Pis possible enough he might give name to the isle, though he never landed here. Pliny
tells us, it was call'd Albion, to distinguish it from the islands round Britain, which went under
the_ general name of Britannicae : and this likely enough was done by the Greeks, who
delighted so much in fabulous names.

12 BRITTO, THE TROJAN.— BRUTUS AND HIS DESCENDANTS.

ceit should prove so ancient, as to be authoris'd by the elder Ninnius,
reputed to have lived above a thousand years ago. This I find not in
him, but that Histion sprung of Japhet, had four sons, Francus,
Romanus (Holinshed), Alemannus, and Britto, of whom the Britains ;
as true, I believe, as that those other nations whose names are
resembled, came of the other three ; if these dreams give not just
occasion to call in doubt the book itself, which bears that title.

Hitherto the things themselves have given us as a warrantable dis-
patch to run them soon over. But now (A.N. 2855.) of1 Brutus and his
line, with the whole progeny of kings, to the entrance of Julius Caesar,
we cannot so easily be discharg'd ; descents of ancestry, long-
continu'd laws and exploits, not plainly seeming to be borrow'd, or
devis'd, which on the common belief have wrought no small impres-
sion ; 2 defended by many, denyed utterly by few. For what though
Brutus, and the whole Trojan pretence were yielded up, seeing they
who first devis'd to bring us from some3 noble ancestor, were content
at first with Brutus the consul, till better invention, although not
willing to forgo the name, taught them to remove it higher, into a more
fabulous age, and by the same remove lighting on the Trojan tales, in
affectation to make the Britain of one original with the Roman,
pitch'd there, yet those old and inborn names of successive kings,
never any to have been real persons, or done in their lives, at least
some part of what so long hath been remember'd, cannot be thought
without too strict an incredulity.

For these, and those causes above-mention'd, that which hath
receiv'd approbation from so many, I have chosen not to omit. Cer-
tain or uncertain, be that upon the credit of those whom I must
follow ; so far as keeps aloof from impossible and absurd, attested by
ancient writers from books more ancient, I refuse not, as the due and
proper subject of story. The principal author is well known to be
Geoffry of Monmouth ;4 what he was, and whence his authority, who
in his age, or before him have deliver'd the same matter, and such
like general discourses, will better stand in a treatise by themselves.
All of them agree in this, that Brutus was the son of Silvius, he of

iThatromantick story of Brutus and his posterity, is fairly confuted by Mr. Cambden,
English Edit. p. 6.

2 Leland has published a vindication of the story ; and the Welsh are generally very un-
willing to give it up for fabulous.

3 If the Britains are so fond of a Trojan original, Mr. Cambden has pointed out a much
better claim to it, than the story of Brutus can give them : For the Romans (descended from
the irojans) by their long continuance in this island, could not but have many inter-
marriages with the Britains ; whereby a great many Britains at this day must be of Roman,
and, by consequence, of Trojan extraction.

• Nennius, who lived in the 7th century, makes the island to be first inhabited by Brito,
son of Ascanius and grandson to .Eneas ; who, as he supposes, reign'd in Britain at the time
when Eli judged Israel, about the year of the world, 2830. Sigebertus Gemblasensis, a
French monk, vvho hv'd 20 years before Geoffry of Monmouth, writes, that Brute past from
Uaulmto Britain: and Henry Huntmgton, contemporary with Geoffry, is of opinion that
Britain was peopled by Brute-

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 13

Ascanius, whose father was ^Eneas a Trojan prince, who at the burn-
ing of that city, with his son Ascanius, and a collected number that
escap'd, after a long wandring on the sea, arriv'd in Italy : where at
length by the assistance of Latinus king of Latium, who had given
him his daughter Lavinia, he obtain'd to succeed in that kingdom, and
left it to Ascanius, whose son Silvius (though Roman Histories deny
Silvius to be the son of Ascanius) had married secretly a niece of
Lavinia.

She being with child, the matter became known to Ascanius : who
commanding his magicians to enquire by art, what sex the maid had
conceiv'd ? had answer, that it was one who should be the death of
both his parents : and banish'd for the fact, should after all in a far
country attain to highest honour. The prediction fail'd not, for in
travail the mother dy'd : and Brutus (the child was so call'd) at fifteen
years of age, attending his father to the chace, with an arrow unfor-
tunately kill'd him.

Banish'd therefore by his kindred, he retires into Greece : where
meeting with the race of Helenus, king Priam's son, held there in
servile condition by Pandrasus, then king ; with them he abides : for
Pyrrhus, in revenge of his father slain at Troy, had brought thither
with him Helenus, and many others, into servitude. There Brutus,
among his own stock so thrives in vertue, and in arms, as renders
him belov'd by kings, and great captains, above all the youth of that
land. Whereby the Trojans not only began to hope, but secretly to
move him, that he would lead them the way to liberty. They alledge
their numbers, and the promis'd help of Assaracus, a noble Greekish
youth, by the mother's side a Trojan ; whom for that cause his brother
went about to dispossess of certain castles bequeath'd him by his
father. Brutus considering both the forces offer'd him, and the
strength of those holds, not unwillingly consents.

First, therefore, having fortify'd those castles, he, with Assaracus,
and the whole multitude, betake them to the woods and hills, as the
safest place from whence to expostulate ; and in the name of all sends
to Pandrasus this message ; that the Trojans holding it unworthy
their ancestors to serve in a Foreign Kingdom, had retreated to the
woods ; chusing rather a savage life than a slavish ; if that displeas'd
him, that then with his leave they might depart to some other soil.

As this may pass with good allowance, that the Trojans might be
many in these parts ; for Helenus was by Pyrrhus made king of the
Chaonians, and the sons of Pyrrhus by Andromache, Hector's wife,
could not but be powerful through all Epirus : so much the more it
may be doubted how these Trojans could be thus in bondage, where
they had friends and countrymen so potent. But to examine these
things with diligence, were but to confute the fables of Britain with
the fables of Greece or Italy ; for of this age, what have we to say, as

14 STRUGGLE OF THE TROJAN CAPTIVES TO BECOME FREE.

well concerning most other countries, as this island, is equally under
question. Be't how it will, Pandrasus not expecting so bold a mes-
sage from the sons of captives, gathers an army ; and marching
toward the woods, Brutus, who had notice of his approach nigh to a
town call'd Sparantinum, (I know not what town,, but certainly of no
Greek name) over night planting himself there with good part of his
men, suddenly sets upon him and with slaughter of the Greeks, pur-
sues him to the passage of a river, which mine author names Akalon,
meaning perhaps Achelous, or Acheron ; where at the ford he over-
lays them afresh. This victory obtain'd, and a sufficient strength left
in Sparantinum, Brutus with Antigonus, the king's brother, and his
friend Anacletus, whom he had taken in the fight, returns to the
residue of his friends in the thick woods: while Pandrasus with all
speed re-collecting, besieges the town. Brutus to relieve his men be-
sieg'd, who earnestly call'd him, distrusting the sufficiency of his force,
bethinks himself of this policy : calls to him Anacletus, and threaten-
ing instant death else both to him and his Antigonus, enjoyns him,
that he should go at the second hour of night to the Greekish league,
and tell the guards he had brought Antigonus by stealth out of prison
to a certain woody vale, unable through the weight of his fetters to
move further ; entreating them to come speedily and fetch him in.
Anacletus, to save both himself and his friend Antigonus, swears this ;
and at a fit hour sets out alone for the camp : is met, examin'd, and at
last unquestionably known. To whom, great profession of fidelity
first made, he frames his tale, as had been taught him : and they
now fully assur'd, with a credulous rashness leaving their stations,
far'd accordingly by the ambush that there awaited them. Forthwith
Brutus dividing his men into three parts, leads on in silence to the
camp ; commanding first each part at a several place to enter, and
forbear execution, till he with his squadron possess'd of the king's
tent, gave signal to them by trumpet. The sound whereof no sooner
heard, but huge havock begins upon the sleeping and unguarded
enemy ; whom the besieged also now sallying forth, on the other side,
assail. Brutus the while had special care to seize and secure the
king's person ; whose life still within his custody, he knew was the
surest pledge to obtain what he should demand. Day appearing, he
enters the town, there distributes the king's treasure, and leaving the
place better fortify'd, returns with the king his prisoner to the woods.
Strait the ancient and grave men he summons to counsel, what they
should now demand of the king.

After long debate, Mempricius, one of the gravest, utterly dissuad-
ing them from thought of longer stay in Greece, unless they meant
to be deluded with a subtle peace, and the awaited revenge of those
whose friends they had slain, advises them to demand first the king's
eldest daughter Innogen in marriage to their leader Brutus, with a

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 15

rich dowry, next shipping, money, and fit provision for them all to
depart the land.

This resolution pleasing best, the king now brought in, and placed
in a high seat, is briefly told, that on these conditions granted, he
might be free ; not granted, he must prepare to cjie.

Press'd with fear of death, the king readily yields, especially to
bestow his daughter on whom he confess'd so noble and so valiant :
offers him also the third part of his kingdom, if they like to stay ; if
not, to be their hostage himself, till he had made good his word.

The marriage therefore solemniz'd and shipping from all parts got
together, the Trojans in a fleet, no less written than three hundred
four and twenty sail, betake them to the wide sea : where with a pros-
perous course, two days and a night bring them to a certain island,
long before dispeopl'd and left waste by sea-rovers ; the name whereof
was then Leogecia, now unknown. They who were sent out to dis-
cover, came at length to a ruin'd city, where was a temple and image
of Diana that gave oracles ; but not meeting first or last save wild
beasts, they return with this notice to their ships : wishing their
general would enquire of that oracle what voyage to pursue.

Consultation had, Brutus taking with him Gerion his diviner, and
twelve of the ancientest, with wonted ceremonies before the inward
shrine of the goddess, in verse, as it seems the manner was, utters his
request, Diva patents nemorum, &c.

Goddess of shades, and huntress, who at will
Walk'st on the rowling sphere, and thro' the deep,
On thy third reign the earth look now and tell
What land, what seat of rest thou bidst me seek,
What certain seat, where I may worship thee
For aye, with temples vow'd and virgin quires.

To whom sleeping before the altar, Diana in a vision that night
thus answer'd, Brute, sub occasum, Solis, &c.

Brutus, far to the west, in th' ocean wide
Beyond the realm of Gaul, a land their lies ;
Sea-girt it lies, where giants dwelt or old,
Now void, it fits thy people ; thither bend
Thy course, there shalt thou find a lasting seat,
There to thy sons another Troy shall rise,
And kings be born of thee, whose dreaded might
Shall awe the world, and conquer nations bold.
These verses, originally Greek, were put in Latin, saith Virunnius,
by Gildas, a British Poet, and him to have lived under Claudius. Which
granted true, adds much to the antiquity of this fable ; and indeed
the Latin verses are much better, than for the age of Geoffrey ap
Arthur, unless perhaps Joseph of Exeter, the only smooth poet of
those times, befriended him. In this Diana over-shot her oracle thus

1 6 BRUTUS AND HIS TROJAN BAND SETTLE IN ALBION.

ending, Ipsis totius terra; snbditus orbis erit, that to the race of Brute,
kings of this island, the whole earth shall be subject.

But Brutus guided now, as he thought, by divine conduct, speeds
him towards the west ; and after some encounters on the Afric side,
arrives at a place on the Tyrrhene Sea, where he happens to find the
race of those Trojans, who with Antenor, came into Italy ; and
Corineus, a man much fam'd, was their chief: though by surer authors
it be reported, that those Trojans with Antenor, were seated on the
other side of Italy on the Adriatic, not the Tyrrhene shoar. But these
joyning company, and past the Herculean Pillars, at the mouth of
Ligeris in Aquitania cast anchor. Where after some discovery made
of the place, Corineus hunting nigh the shoar with his men, is by
messengers of the king Gossarius Pictus met, and question'd about
his errand there. Who not answering to their mind, Imbertus, one
of them, lets fly an arrow at Corineus, which he avoiding, slays him :
and the Pictavian himself hereupon levying his whole force, is over-
thrown by Brutus and Corineus ; who with the battle-ax, which he
was wont to manage against the Tyrrhene Giants, is said to have
done marvels. But Gossarius having drawn to his aid the whole
country of Gaul, at that time govern'd by twelve kings, puts his for-
tune to a second trial, wherein the Trojans over-born by multitude, or
driven back, and besieg'd in their own camp, which by good fore-
sight was strongly situate. Whence Brutus unexpectedly issuing
out, and Corineus in the mean while, whose device it was, assaulting
them behind from a wood, where he had convey'd his men the night
before, the Trojans are again victors, but with the loss of Turon a
valiant nephew of Brutus ; whose ashes left in that place, gave name
to the city of Tours, built there by the Trojans. Brutus finding now
his powers much lessen'd, and this yet not the place foretold him, leaves
Aquitain, and with an easie course,1 arriving at Totness in Devon-
shire, quickly perceives here to be the promis'd end of his labours.

The Island not yet Britain, but Albion, was in a manner desart and
inhospitable ; kept only by a remnant of giants : whose excessive
force and tyranny had consum'd the rest. Them Brutus destroys, and
to his people divides the land, which with some reference to his own
name, he thenceforth calls Britain. To Corineus, Cornwall, as we
now call it, fell by lot ; the rather by him lik'd, for that the hugest
giants, in rocks and caves were said to lurk still there ; which kind
of monsters to deal with was his old exercise.

And here, with leave bespoken, to recite a grand fable, though dig-
nify'd by our best poets ; while Brutus on a certain festival day,
solemnly kept on that shoar where he first landed, was with the
people in great jollity and mirth, a crew of these savages breaking in
upon them, began on the sudden another sort of game than at such a

1 The time of his landing is suppos'd to be about 1200 years after the flood, A.I.I. 2830.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 17

meeting was expected. But at length by many hands overcome,
Goemagog the hugest, in height twelve cubits, is reserv'd alive ; that
with him Corenius, who desir'd nothing more, might try his strength ;
whom in a wrestle the giant catching aloft, with a terrible hugg broke
three of his ribs : nevertheless Corenius enrag'd, heaving up by main
force, and on his shoulders bearing him to the next high rock, threw
him headlong all shattered into the sea, and left his name on the cliff,
called ever since Langoemagog, which is to say the giant's leap.

After this, Brutus in a chosen place builds Troja Nova,1 chang'd
in time to Trinovantum, now London, and began to enact laws ; Heli
being then high-priest in Judcea ; and having govern'd the whole isle
24 Years, dy'd, and was buried in his new Troy. His three sons,
Locrine, Albanact and Camber, divide the land by consent. Locrine
had the middle part Loegria ; Camber possessed Cambria or Wales ;
Albanact, Albania, now Scotland. But he in the end by Humber,
king of the Hunns, who with a fleet invaded that land, was slain in
fight, and his people driven back into Loegria. Locrine and his
brother go out against Humber ; who now marching onward, was by
them defeated, and in a river drown'd, which to this day retains his
name. Among the spoils of his camp and navy were found certain
young maids, and Estrildis, above the rest, passing fair, the daughter
of a king in Germany, from whence Humber, as he went wasting the sea-
coast, he led her captive: whom Locrine, though before contracted to the
daughter of Corineus, resolves to marry. But being forc'd and threaten'd
by Corineus,whose authority and power he fear'd; Guendolen the daughter
he yields to marry, but in secret loves the other ; and oft-times retiring
as to some private sacrifice, through vaults and passages made under
ground; and seven years thus enjoying her, had by her a daughter
equally fair, whose name was Sabra. But when once his fears was
off by the death of Corineus, not content with secret enjoyment,
divorcing Guendolen, he made Estrildis now his queen. Guendolen
all in rage departs into Cornwall, where Madan, the son she had by
Locrine, was hitherto brought up by Corineus his grand-father. And
gathering an army of her father's friends and subjects, gives battle to
her husband by the river Sture ; wherein Locrine shot with an arrow
ends his life. But not so ends the fury of Guendolen, for Estrildis,
and her daughter Sabra she throws into a river; and to leave a
monument of revenge, proclaims, that the stream be thenceforth
call'd after the damsel's name ; which by length of time is chang'd
now to Sabrina, or Severn.

Fifteen years she governs in behalf of her son, then resigning to
him at age, retires to her father's dominion. This, saith my author,
was (2909) in the days of Samuel. Madan hath the praise to have
well and peacefully rul'd the space of 40 years ; leaving (2949) behind

1 He gives it a Latin name, tho' that language was not then us'd in Italy.

2

1 8 GAUL AND GERMANUS WASTED. — TARVUS FOUNDED,

him two sons, Mempricius and Malim. Mempricius had first to do
with the ambition of his brother, aspiring to share with him in the
kingdom ; whom therefore at a meeting to compose the matters, with
a treachery which his cause needed not, he slew.

Nor was he better in the sole possession, whereof so ill he could
endure a partner, killing his nobles, and those especially next to
succeed him ; till lastly given over to unnatural lust, in the twentieth
of his reign, hunting in a forest, he was devour'd by wolves.

His son (2969), Ebranc, a man of mighty strength and stature,
reign'd 40 years. He first after Brutus wasted Gaul ; and returning
rich and prosperous, builded Caerebranc, now York; in Albania,
Alclud ; Mount Agned, or the Castle of Maidens, now Edinburgh.
He had 20 sons and 30 daughters by 20 wives. His daughters he
sent to Silvius Alba into Italy, who bestow'd them on his peers of
the Trojan line. His sons under the leading of Assaracus their
brother, won them lands and signiories in Germany, thence call'd,
from these brethren, Germania: a derivation too hastily suppos'd,
perhaps before the word Germanus or the Latin tongue was in use.
Some who have describ'd Henault, as Jacobus Bergomas, and Lessa-
beus, are cited to affirm, that Ebranc in his war there was by Brun-
childis Lord of Henault put to the worse.

Brutus therefore, sirnamed Greenshield, succeeding to repair his
father's losses, as the same Lessabeus reports, fought a second battle
in Henault with Brunchild at the mouth of Scaldis, and (3000) en-
carnp'd on the river Hania. Of which our Spencer also thus sings :
Let Scaldis tell, and let tell Hania,
And let the marsh of Esthambruges tell
What colour were their waters that same day,
And all the moor 'twixt Elversham and Dell,
With blood of Henelois which therein fell;
How oft that day did sad Brunchildis see
The Greenshield dy'd in dolorous Vermeil, &c.
But Henault, and Brunchild, and Greenshield, seem newer names
than for a story pretended thus ancient.

Him succeeded (3022) Leil, a maintainer of peace and equity ; but
slacken'd in his latter end, whence arose some civil discord. He built
in the north Caerliel, in the days of Solomon.

Rudhuddibras, or Hudibras, appeasing (3040) the commotions
which his- father could not, founded Caerkeynt or Canterbury ; Caer-
guent, or Winchester; and Mount Paladur, now Septonia or Shaftsbury:
but this by others is contradicted.

Bladud his son built (3085) Caerbadus or Bath, and those medicinal
waters he dedicated to Minerva, in whose temple there he kept fire
continually burning. He was a man of great invention, and taught
necromancy: till having made him wings to fly, he fell down upon
the temple of Apollo in Trinovant,and so dy'd, after twenty years reign.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 19

Hitherto from father to son the direct line (3 105) hath run on : but Leir,
who next reign'd, had only three daughters, and no male issue:
govern'd laudably: and built Caer-Leir. now Leicester on the bank of
Sora. But at last, failing through age, he determines to bestow his
daughters, and so among them to divide his kingdom. Yet first to
try which of them lov'd him best (a trial that might have made him,
had he known as wise how to try, as he seem'd to know how much the
trying behov'd him) he resolves a simple resolution, to ask them
solemnly in order ; and which of them should profess largest, her to
believe. Gonoril, the eldest, apprehending too well her father's
weakness, makes answer, invoking heaven, that she lov'd him above
her soul, therefore, quoth the old man over-joy'd, since thou so
honourest my declined age, to thee and the husband whom thou shalt
chuse, I give the third part of my realm. So fair a speeding for a
few words soon utter'd, was to Regan the second, ample instruction
what to say. She on the same demand spares no protesting, and the
gods must witness, that otherwise to express her thoughts she knew
not, but that she lov'd him above all creatures ; and so receives an
•equal reward with her sister. But Cordeilla the youngest, though
hitherto best belov'd, and now before her eyes the rich and present
hire of a little easie soothing, the danger also, and the loss likely to
betide plain dealing, yet moves not from the solid purpose of a sincere
and vertuous answer. ' Father, saith she, ' my love towards you is as
my duty bids ; what should a father seek? What can a child pro-
mise more? They who pretend beyond this, flatter.' When the old
man, sorry to hear this, and wishing her to recall those words, persisted
asking; with a loyal sadness at her father's infirmity, but something
on the sudden harsh, and glancing rather at her sisters, than speaking
her own mind, ' Two ways only,' sayth she, ' I have to answer what
you require me ; the former, your command is, I should recant ; accept
then this other which is left me ; look how much you have, so much
is your value, and so much I love you.' ' Then hear thou, quoth Leir,
' now all in a passion, what thy ingratitude hath gain'd thee ; because
thou hast not reverenc'd thy aged father equal to thy sisters, part in
my kingdom, or what else is mine, reckon to have none.' And without
delay gives in marriage his other daughters, Gonoril to Maglaunus
duke of Albania, Regan to Henninus duke of Cornwall; with them
in present, half his kingdom ; the rest to follow at his death. In the
mean while fame was not sparing to divulge the wisdom and other
graces of Cordeilla, insomuch that Aganippus a great king in Gaul
(however he came by his Greek name) seeks her to wife; and nothing
alter'd at the loss of her dowry, receives her gladly in such manner
as she was sent him. After this, king Leir, more and more drooping
with years, became an easie prey to his daughters and their husbands
who now by daily encroachment had seiz'd the whole kingdom into

20 MILTON'S VERSION OF TALE OF KING LEIR AND HIS DAUGHTERS.

their hands, and the old king is put to sojourn with his eldest
daughter, attended only by threescore knights. But they in a short
while grudg'd at, as too numerous and disorderly for continual guests,,
are reduc'd to thirty. Not brooking that affront, the old king betakes
him to his second daughter : but there also discord soon arising between
the servants of differing masters in one family, five only are suffer'd to
attend him. Then back again he returns to the other; hopingthat she his
eldest could not but have more pity on his grey hairs: but she now refuses
to admit him unless he be content with one only of his followers. At last
the remembrance of his youngest, Cordeilla, comes to his thoughts ; and
now acknowledging how true her words had been, though with little hope
from one he had so injur'd, be it but to pay her the last recompence she
can have from him, his confession of her wise fore-warning, that so
perhaps his misery, the proof and experiment of her wisdom, might
something soften her, he takes his journey into France. Now might
be seen a difference between the silent and downright spoken affection
of some children to their parents, and the talkative obsequiousness of
others ; while the hope of inheritance over-acts them, and on the
tongues end enlarges their duty. Cordeilla out of mere love, without
the suspicion of expected reward, at the message only of her father
in distress pours forth true filial tears. And not enduring either that
her own, or any other eye should see him in such forlorn condition as
his messenger declar'd, discreetly appoints one of her most trusty
servants, first to convey him privately toward some good sea town,
there to array him, bath him, cherish him, furnish him with such
attendants and state, as beseem'd his dignity. That then, as from his
first landing, he might send word of his arrival to her husband
Aganippus. Which done with all mature and requisite contrivance,
Cordeilla with the king her husband, and all the barony of his realm,
who then first had news of his passing the sea, go out to meet him ;
and after all honourable and joyful entertainment, Aganippus, as to
his wife's father, and his royal guest, surrenders him, during his abode
there, the power and disposal of his whole dominion : permitting his
wife Cordeilla to go with an army, and set her father upon his throne.
Wherein her piety so prosper'd, as that she vanquish'd her impious
sisters with those dukes, and Leir again, as saith the story, three years
obtain'd the crown. To whom dying, Cordeilla with all regal solem-
nities gave burial in the town of Leicester. And then as right heir
succeeding, and her husband dead, rul'd the land five years in peace;
until Marganus and Cunedagius, her two sisters' sons, not bearing
that a kingdom should be govern'd by a woman, in the unseason-
ablest time to raise that quarrel against a woman so worthy, make
war against her, depose her (3 169) and imprison her; of which im-
patient, and now long unexercis'd to suffer, she there, as is related,
kill'd herself. The victors between them part the land: but Marganus
the eldest sister's son, who held by agreement from the north-side of

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 21

Humber to Cathness, incited by those about him, to invade all his
own right, wars on Cunedagius, who soon met him, overcame, and
overtook him in a town of Wales, where he left his life, and ever since,
his name to the place.

Cunedagius was now sole king, and govern'd with much praise
many years, about the time when Rome was built.1 Him succeeded
(3203) Rivallo his son, wise also and fortunate; save what they tell
us of three days raining blood, and swarms of stinging flies, whereof
men dy'd. In order then (3248) Gurgustius, Jago or Lago, his
nephew;2 Sisillus, Kinmarcus. Then (3287) Gorbogudo, whom others
name Gorbodego, and Gorbodion, who had two sons, Ferrex and
Porrex. They (3420) in the old age of their father falling to contend
who should succeed, Porrex attempting (3477) by treachery his
brother's life, drives him into France; and in his return, though
aided with the force of that country, defeats and slays him. But by
his mother Videna, who less lov'd him, is himself, with the assistance
of her women, soon after slain in his bed : with whom ended, as is
thought, the line of Brutus;3 whereupon, the whole land with civil
broils was rent into five kingdoms, long time waging war on each
other; and some say 50 years. At length (3480) Dunwallo Molmutius,
the son of Cloten king of Cornwall, one of the aforesaid five, excelling in
valour and goodliness of person, after his father's decease found (3530)
means to reduce again the whole island into a monarchy : subduing
the rest at opportunities. First Ymner king of Loegria whom he
slew; then Rudaucus of Cambria, Staterius of Albania, confederate
together. In which fight Dunwallo is reported, while the victory
hung doubtful, to have us'd this art. He takes with him 600 stout
men, bids them put on the armour of their slain enemies, and so un-
expectedly approaching the squadron, where those two kings had
plac'd themselves in fight, from that part which they thought securest,
assaults and dispatches them. Then displaying his own ensigns,
which before he had conceal'd, and sending notice to the othert part
of his army what was done, adds to them new courage, and gains a
final victory. This Donwallo was the first in Britain that wore a
crown of gold ; and therefore by some reputed the first king. He
established the Molmutine laws, famous among the English to this
day ; written long after in Latin by Gildas, and in Saxon by king
Alfred ; so saith Geoffry ; but Gildas denies to have known ought of
the Britains before Caesar, much less knew (3563) Alfred. These
laws, whoever made them, bestow'd on temples the privilege of
sanctuary; to cities also, and the ways thither leading, yea to plows

1 Romulus built Rome, A.M. 3198. — Tall. Tab.

2 Sisilius reign'd before Lago, who according to Mr. Tallent's chronological tables suc-
ceeded him, A.M. 3336, and was succeeded by Kimmachus or Kinmarchus, A.M. 3364.

'A The line of Brutus reign'd in this island, according to Geofiry of Monmouth's account,
.six hundred and fifty years.

22 THE ROMAN HIGHWAYS.— CONTENTIONS OF THE BROTHERS.

granted a kind of like refuge : and made such riddance of thieves and
robbers, that all passages were safe. Forty years he govern'd alone,
and was buried nigh to the Temple of Concord •*• which he, to the
memory of peace restor'd, had built in Trinovant.

His two sons, Belinus and Brennus, contending about the Crown,,
by decision of friends came at length to an accord ; Brennus to have
the north of Humber, Belinus the sovereignty of all. But the younger
not long so contented, that he, as they whisper'd to him, whose valour
had so oft repell'd the invasions of Ceulphus the Morine duke, should
now be subject to his brother, upon new design sails into Nonvay ;
enters league and affinity with Elsing that king ; which Belinus per-
ceiving, in his absence dispossesses him of all the north. Brennus with
a fleet of Norwegians makes towards Britain ; but encounter'd by
Guithlac the Danish king, who laying claim to his bride, pursu'd him
on the sea, his haste was retarded, and he bereft of his spouse : who
from the fight by sudden tempest, was by the Danish king driven on
Northumberland, and brought to Belinus. Brennus nevertheless
re-collecting his navy, lands in Albania, and gives battle to his brother
in the wood Calaterium ; but losing the day, escapes with one single
ship into Gaul. Meanwhile the Dane, upon his own offer to become
tributary, sent home with his new prize, Belinus returns his thoughts
to the administring of justice, and the perfecting of his father's laws ;
and to explain what highways might enjoy the foresaid privileges, he
caus'd to be drawn out and pav'd four main roads to the utmost length
and breadth of the island, and two others athwart ; which are since
attributed to the Romans. Brennus on the other side sollicking to
his aid the kings of Gaul, happens at last on Seginus duke of the
Allobroges, where his worth and comeliness of person wan him the
duke's daughter and heir. In whose right he shortly succeeding, and
by obtain'd leave passing with a great host through the length of
Gaul, gets footing once again in Britain. Nor was Belinus unprepar'd ;
and now the battle ready to joyn, Conuvena the mother of them both,
all in a fright, throws herself between, and calling earnestly to Brennus
her son, whose absence had so long depriv'd her of his sight, after
embracements and tears, assails him with such a motherly power, and
the mention of things so dear and reverend, as irresistably wrung from
him all his enmity against Belinus.

Then all hands joyn'd, reconciliation made firm, and counsel held
to turn their united preparations on foreign parts. Thence that by
these two all Gallia was over-run, the story tells ; and what did they
in Italy, and at Rome, if these be they, and not Gauls, who took that
city, the Roman authors can best relate. So far from home I under-
take not for the Monmouth Chronicle ; which here against the stream

Blackwell-Ha11 °™ «^ Selden mentions Kin-

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST 23

of history, carries up and down these brethren, now into Germany,
then again to Rome, pursuing Gabius and Porsena, two unheard of
consuls. Thus much is more generally believ'd, that both this
Brenntis, and another famous captain, Britomarus, whom the epitomist
Florus and others mention, were not Gauls but Britains ; the name of
the first in that tongue signifying a king, and of the other a great
Britain. However, Belinus after a while returning home, the rest of
his days rul'd in peace, wealth, and honour above all his predecessors ;
building some cities, of which one was Caerose upon Osca, since
Caerlegion ; beautifying others, as Trinovant with a gate, a haven,
and a tower on the river Thames (Billingsgate), retaining yet his
name ; on the top whereof his ashes are said to have been laid up in a
golden urn.

After him Gurguntius Barbirus was (3596) king, mild and just, but
yet inheriting his father's courage, he subdu'd the Dacian, or Dane,
who refus'd to pay the tribute covenanted to Belinus for his enlarge-
ment. In his return finding about the Orkneys thirty ships of Spain,
or Biscay, fraught with men and women for a plantation, whose
captain also Bartholinus wrongfully banish'd, as he pleaded, besought
him, that some part of his territory might be assign'd them to dwell
in, he sent with them certain of his own men to Ireland, which then
lay unpeopl'd, and gave them that island to hold of him as in homage.
1 He was bury'd in Caerlegion, a city which he had wall'd about.

Guitheline his son, is (3615) also remember'd, as a just and good
prince, and his wife Martia to have excell'd so much in wisdom, as to
venture upon a new institution of laws : which king Alfred translating,
call'd Marchen- League, but more truly thereby is meant the Mercian
law ; not translated by Alfred, but digested or incorporated with the
West-Saxon. In the minority of her son (3656) she had the rule, and
then, as may be suppos'd, brought forth these laws, not herself, for laws
are masculine births, but by the advice of her sagest counsellors ; and
therein she might do virtuously, since it befel her to supply the nonage
of her son : else nothing more awry from the law of God and nature,
than that a woman should give laws to men.

Her son Sisillius coming to years, receiv'd (3666) the rule ; then in
order Kimarus ; then Danius or Elanius his brother ; then Morindus,
his son by Tanguestula, a concubine, who is recorded a man of ex-
cessive strength, valiant, liberal, and fair of aspect, but immanely
cruel ; not sparing in his anger, enemy or friend, if any weapon were
in his hand. A certain king of the Morines, or Picards, invaded
Northumberland ; whose army this king, though not wanting sufficient
numbers, chiefly by his own prowess overcame ; but dishonoured his
victory by the cruel usage of his prisoners, whom his own hands, or

1 He is said to have built Lancaster and Warwick. And Cambridge, as is pretended, was
now built by Cantabar a Spaniard.

24 ROMANCE OF THE KINGLY BROTHERS, ELIDURE AND ARCHIGALLO.

others in his presence, put all to several deaths. Well fitted to such
a beastial cruelty was his end ; for hearing of a huge monster that
from the Irish sea infested the coast, and in the pride of his strength,
foolishly attempting to set manly valour against a brute vastness, when
his weapons were all in vain, by that horrible mouth he was catch'd up
and devour'd.

Gorbonian the eldest of his five sons, than whom a juster man liv'd
not in his age, was (3676) a great builder of temples, and gave to all
what was their due ; to his gods devout worship ; to men of desert,
honour and preferment ; to the commons encouragement in their
labours and trades, defence and protection from injuries and oppres-
sions ; so that the land flourish'd above her neighbours ; violence and
wrong seldom was heard of ; his death was a general loss ; he was
buried in Trinovant. Archigallo the second brother follow'd (3686)
not his example ; but depress'd the ancient nobility ; and by peeling
the wealthier sort, stuft'd his treasury, and took the right way to be
depos'd. Elidure the next brother, sirnam'd the pious, was set up in
his place ; a mind so noble and so moderate, as almost is incredible
to have ever been found. For having held the sceptre five years,
hunting one day in the forest of Calater. he chanc'd to meet his de-
posed brother wandring in mean condition ; who had been long in
vain beyond the seas, importuning foreign aids to his restorement ; and
was now in a poor habit, with only ten followers, privately return'd to
find subsistence among his secret friends. At the unexpected sight
of him, Elidure himself also then (3690) but thinly accompanied, runs
to him with open arms ; and after many dear and sincere welcomings,
conveys him to the city Alcud, there hides him in his own bed-chamber.
Afterwards faining himself sick, summons all his peers, as about
greatest affairs : where admitting them one by one, as if his weakness
endur'd not the disturbance of more at once, causes them, willingly or
unwilling, once more to swear allegiance to Archigallo. Whom, after
reconciliation made on all sides, he leads to York, and from his own
head, places the crown on the head of his brother. Who thenceforth,
vice itself dissolving in him, and forgetting her firmest hold with the
admiration of a deed so heroick, became a true converted man, rul'd
worthily ten years, dy'd and was bury'd in Caerlieur. Thus was
a brother sav'd by a brother, to whom love of a crown, the thing that
so often dazzles and vitiates mortal men, for which thousands of
nearest blood have destroy'd each other, was, in respect of brotherly
dearness, a contemptible thing. Elidure now (3700), in his own behalf,
reassumes the government, and did as was worthy such a man to do.
When providence, that so great virtue might want no sort of tryal to
make it more illustrious, stirs up Virgenius and Peredure his younger
brethren, against him who had deserv'd so nobly of that relation, as
least of all by a brother to beinjur'd: yet him they defeat, him they

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 25

imprison in the tower of Trinovant, and divide his kingdom ; the
north to Peredure, the south to Vigenius. After whose death Pere-
dure obtaining all, so much the better us'd his power, by how much
the worse he got it. So that Elidure now is hardly miss'd. But yet
in all right, owing to his elder the due place whereof he had depriv'd
him, fate would that he should die first. And Elidure, after many
years imprisonment, is (3715) now the third time seated on the throne ;
which at last he enjoyed long in peace ; finishing the interrupted
course of his mild and just reign, as full of vertuous deeds as days, to
the end. After these five sons of Morindus, succeeded also their sons
in order (3720) : reign of Gorbonian, Marganus of Archigallo, both
good kings. But Enniaunus his brother taking other courses, was
after six years depos'd. Then Idwallo, taught by a near example,
govern'd soberly. Then Runno, then Geruntius, he of Peredure, this
last the son of Elidure. From whose loins (for that likely is the
durable and surviving race that springs of just progenitors) issu'd a
long descent of kings, whose names only for many successions, without
other memory, stands thus register'd, Catellus, Coilbus, Porrex, Cherin,
and his three sons ; Fulgenius, Eldadus, and Andragius, his son
Urianus ; Eliud, Eledaucus, Clotenus, Gurguntius, Merianus, Bleduno,
Capis, Oenus, Sisillius, twenty kings in a continu'd row, that either
did nothing, or liv'd in ages that wrote nothing, at least a foul preter-
mission in the author of this, whether story or fable ; himself weary,
as seems, of his own tedious tale.

But to make amends for this silence, Blegabredus next succeeding
(3800), is recorded to have excell'd all before him in the art of music ;
opportunely, had he but left us one song of his twenty predecessors
doings. Yet after him nine more succeeded in name ; his brother
Archimailus, Eldol, Redion, Rederchius, Samulius, Penissel, Pir,
Capoirus, but Cligueiiius,1 with the addition of modest, wise and just.
His son Heli reign'd (3818) forty years, and had three sons, Lud
Cassibelan and Nennius. This Heli seems to be the same whom
Ninnius in his fragment calls Minocan ; for him he writes to be the
father of Cassibelan. Lud was he that enlarg'd and wall'd about
Trinovant, there kept his court, made it the prime city, and call'd it
from his own name Gear- Lud, or Lud's Town, now London. Which,
as is alledg'd out of Gildas, became matter of great dissention betwixt
him and his brother Nennius ;2 who (3878) took it hainously that the
name of Troy, their ancient country, should be abolished for any new
one. Lud was hardy and bold in war, in peace a jolly feaster. He
conquer'd many islands in the sea, saith Huntingdon, (lib. i.), and was

1 Cliguellus or Dinellius, the son of Capoire, about eight years after the death of Elidure,
In which time there had reign'd thirty kings, came to the crown, and is the first of so many
princes that Geoffrey could, or would say anything of.

- 'Tis said, this Nennius wrote the history of Britain, which was turn'd into Latin by
another Nennius.

26 LUD-TOWN, LONDON.— DAWN OF BRITISH HISTORY.

bury'd by the gate which from thence we call Ludgate. His two sons,
Androgeus and Tenuantius, were left to the tuition of Cassibelan ;
whose beauty and high demeanor so wrought with the common people,
as got him easily the kingdom transferr'd upon himself. He neverthe-
less continuing to favour and support his nephews, confers (3880) freely
upon Androgeus, London with Kent ; upon Tenuanteus, Cornwall ;
reserving a superiority both over them, and all the other princes to
himself; till the Romans for a while circumscrib'd his power. Thus
far, though leaning only on the credit of Geoffrey Monmouth, and his
ass'ertors, I yet for the specify'd causes have thought it not beneath
my purpose to relate what I found. Whereto I neither oblige the
belief of other persons, nor overhastily subscribe mine own. Nor
have I stood with others, computing or collating years and chrono-
logies, lest I should be vainly curious about the time and circumstances
of things whereof the substance is so much in doubt. By this time,
like one who had set out on his way by night, and travell'd thro' a
region of smooth or idle dreams, our history now arrives on the con-
fines, where daylight and truth meets us with a clear dawn, represent-
ing to our view, though at a far distance, true colours and shapes.
For albeit Caesar, whose authority we are now first to follow, wanted
not who tax'd him of misreporting in his commentaries, yea, in his
civil wars against Pompey, much more may we think in the British
affairs, of whose little skill in writing he did not easily hope to be
contradicted, yet now in such variety of good authors, we hardly can
miss from one hand or the other to be sufficiently inform'd, as of
things past so long ago. But this will better be referr'd to a second
discourse.

BOOK II.

I AM now to write of what befel the Britains from fifty and three
years before the birth of our Saviour, when first the Romans came in,
till the decay and ceasing of that empire ; a story of much truth, and
for the first hundred years and somewhat more, collected without
much labour. So many and so prudent were the writers, which those
two, the civilest, and wisest of European Nations, both Italy and
Greece, afforded to the actions of that puissant city. For worthy
deeds are not often destitute of worthy relators : as by a certain fate
great acts and great eloquence have most commonly gone hand in
hand, equalling and honouring each other in the same ages.
3Tis true, that in obscurest times, by shallow and unskilful writers,
the indistinct noise of many battles, and devastations of many king-

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 27

doms over-run and lost, hath come to our ears. For what wonder, if
in all ages, ambition and the love of rapine hath stirr'd up greedy and
violent men to bold attempts in wasting and ruining wars, which to
posterity have left the work of wild beasts and destroyers, rather than
the deeds and monuments of men and conquerors ? but he whose just
and true valour uses the necessity of war and dominion, not to destroy
but to prevent destruction, to bring in liberty against tyrants, law and
civility among barbarous nations, knowing that when he conquers all
things else, he cannot conquer Time or Detraction, wisely conscious
of this his wants as well as of his worth not to be forgotten or con-
ceal'd, honours and hath recourse to the aid of eloquence, his friend-
liest and best supply ; by whose immortal record his noble deedsj
which else were transitory, becoming fixt and durable against the
force of years and generations, he fails not to continue through all
posterity, over Envy, Death, and Time, also victorious. Therefore
when the esteem of science and liberal study waxes low in the
commonwealth, we may presume that also there all civil virtue and
worthy action is grown as low to a decline : and then eloquence, as
it were consorted in the same destiny, with the decrease and fall of
virtue corrupts also and fades ; at least resigns her office of relating,
to illiterate and frivolous historians ; such as the persons themselves
both deserve, and are best pleas'd with ; whilst they want either the
understanding to chuse better, or the innocence to dare invite the
examining and searching stile of an intelligent and faithful writer to
the survey of their unfound exploits, better befriended by obscurity
than fame. As for these, the only authors we have of British Matters,
while the power of Rome, reach'd hither (for Gildas affirms, that of
the Roman times no British writer was in his Days extant, or if any
ever were, either burnt by enemies, or transported with such as fled
the Pictish and Saxon invasions) these therefore only Roman authors
there be, who in the English tongue have laid together, as much, and
perhaps more than was requisite to a history of Britain. So that were
it not for leaving an unsightly gap so near to the beginning, I should
have judg'd this labour, wherein so little seems to be requir'd above
transcription, almost superfluous. Notwithstanding, since I must
through it, if ought by diligence may be added, or omitted, or by
other disposing may be more explain'd, or more express'd, I shall
assay.

Julius Csesar (of whom, and of the Roman free state, more than
what appertains, is not here to be discours'd) having subdu'd most
part of Gallia, which by a potent faction he had obtain'd of the senate
as his province for many years, stirr'd up with a desire of adding still
more glory to his name, and the whole Roman empire to his ambition,
some say, (Suetonius : Vit. Cses.) with a far meaner and ignobler, the
desire of British pearls, whose bigness he delighted to balance in his

28 SCHEMES OF CAESAR FOR EXPLORATION AND CONQUEST OF BRITAIN.

hand, determines, and that upon no unjust pretended occasion, to try
his force in the conquest also of Britain. For he understood that the
Britains in most of his Gallian wars had sent supplies against him,
had receiv'd fugitives of the Bellovaci his enemies, and were calPd
over to aid the cities of Armorica, which had the year before con-
spir'd all in a new rebellion. Therefore, Caesar, A.C., 53, though
now the summer well nigh ending, and the season unagree-
able to transport a war, yet judg'd it would be great advantage, only
to get entrance into the Isle, knowledge of the men, the places, the
ports, the accesses, which then, it seems, were even to the Gauls
their neighbours almost unknown. For except merchants and traders,
it is not oft, saith he, that any use to travel thither ; and to those that
do, besides the sea-coast, and the ports next to Gallia, nothing
else is known. But here I must require, as Pollio, (Suetonius : Caes.
Com. 1. i.) did, the diligence, at least the memory of Caesar : for if
it were true, as they of Rhemes told him, that Divitiacus, not long
before, a puissant king of the Soisons, had Britain also under his
command, besides the Belgian colonies, which he affirms to have
nam'd and peopl'd many provinces there, if also the Britains had so
frequently given them aid in all their wars ; if lastly the Druid learn-
ing, honour'd so much among them, were at first taught them out of
Britain, and they who soonest would attain that discipline, sent hither
to learn, it appears not (Caes. Com. 1. 4.) how Britain at that time
should be so utterly unknown in Gallia, or only known to merchants,
yea to them so little, that being call'd together from all parts, none
could be found to inform Caesar of what bigness the isle, what nations,
how great, what use of war they had, what laws, or so much as what
commodious havens for bigger vessels. Of all which things, as it
were then first to make discovery, he sends Caius Volusenus in a long
galley, with command to return as soon as this could be effected.
He in the meantime with his whole Power draws nigh to the Morine 1
coast, whence the shortest passage was into Britain. Hither his
navy, which he us'd against the Armoricans, and what else of shipping
can be provided, he draws together. This known in Britain,
ambassadors are sent from many of the states there, who promise
hostages, and obedience to the Roman Empire. Them, after audience
given, Caesar as largely promising, and exhorting to continue in that
mind, sends home, and with them Comius of Arras, whom he had
made king of that Country, and now secretly employ'd to gain a
Roman Party among the Britains, in as many cities as he found incline-
able, and to tell them, that he himself was speeding thither.
Volusenus, with what discovery of the island he could make from
aboard his ship, not daring to venture on the shear, within five days

1 The ilorini inhabited the province of Picardy.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 29

returns to Caesar : who soon after, with two legions, ordinarily amount-
ing, of Romans and their allies, to about 25000 foot, and 4500 horse ;
the foot in 80 ships of burthen, the horse in 18, besides what gallies
were appointed for his chief commanders, sets off about the third
watch of the night with a good gale to sea ; leaving behind him
Sulpitius Rufus to make good the port with a sufficient strength.1
But the horse, whose appointed shipping lay wind-bound eight mile
upward in another haven, had much trouble to imbark. Caesar now
within sight of Britain, beholds on every hill multitudes of armed men,
ready to forbid his landing ; and Cicero writes to his friend Atticus, (Lie.
Alt. 1. 4. Ep. 1 6.) that the accesses of the island were wondrously fortify'd
with strong works or moles. Here from the fourth to the ninth hour of
day he awaits at anchor the coming up of his whole fleet: mean while with
his legates and tribunes consulting, and giving order to fit all things
for what might happen in such a various and floating water fight as
was to be expected. This place, which was a narrow bay, close
environ'd with hills, appearing no way commodious, he removes to a
plain and open shoar, eight mile distant, commonly suppos'd about
Deal in Kent. Which when the Britains perceiv'd, their horse and
chariots, as then they used in fight, scowring before, their main power
speeding after, some thick upon the shoar, others not tarrying to be
assail'd, ride in among the waves to encounter and assault the Romans,
even under their ships, with such a bold and free hardihood, that
Caesar himself, between confessing and excusing that his soldiers were
to come down from their ships, to stand in water heavy arm'd, and to
fight at once, denies not but that the terror of such new and resolute
opposition made them forget their wonted valour. To succour which
he commands his gallies, a sight unusual to the Britains, and more
apt for motion, drawn from the bigger vessels, to row against the open
side of the enemy, and thence with slings, engines and darts, to beat
them back. But neither yet, though amaz'd at the strangeness of
those new sea-castles, bearing up so near and so swiftly, as almost to
overwhelm them, the hurtling of oars, the battering of fierce engines
against their bodies barely expos'd, did the Britains give much ground,
or the Romans gain, till he who bore the eagle of the tenth legion,
yet in the gallies, first beseeching his gods, said thus aloud : Leap
down, soldiers, unless ye mean to betray your ensign ; I, for my part,
will perform what I owe to the common- wealth and my general. This
utter'd, over-board he leaps, and with his eagle fiercely advanc'd, runs
upon the enemy, the rest heartning one another not to admit the
dishonour of so nigh losing their chief standard, follow him resolutely.
Now was fought eagerly on both sides. Ours, who well knew their
own advantages, and expertly us'd them, now in the shallows, now on

1 Concerning the havens from whence Csesar set sail for Britain, see Somner's Dissertation
de Portu Iccio, publish'd at Oxford by Mr. Gibson.

30 INCIDENTS OF THE LANDING IN BRITAIN OF CAESAR.

the sand, still as the Romans went trooping to their ensigns, receiv'd
them, dispatch'd them, and with the help of their horse, put them
every where to great disorder. But Caesar causing all his boats and
shallops to be fill'd with soldiers, commanded to ply up and down
continually with relief where they saw need ; whereby at length all
the foot now disembark'd, and got together in some order on firm
ground, with a more steady charge put the Bri tains to flight : but
wanting all their horse, whom the winds yet withheld from sailing,
they were not able to make pursuit. In this confused fight, (Valer.
Max. Plutarch) Scaeva a Roman soldier, having press'd too far among
the Britains, and beset round, after incredible valour shown single
against a multitude, sworn back safe to his general ; and in the place
that rung with his praises, earnestly besought pardon for his rash
adventure against discipline : which modest confessing after no bad
event, for such a deed wherein valour and ingenuity so much out-
weigh'd transgression, easily made amends, and preferr'd him to be a
centurion.1 Caesar also, (Caesarib) is brought in by Julian, attributing
to himself the honour (if it were at all an honour to that person which
he sustain'd) of being the first that left his ship, and took land : but
this were to make Caesar less understand what became him than
Scaeva. The Britains finding themselves master'd in fight, forthwith
send ambassadors to treat of peace ; promising to give hostages, and
to be at command. With them Comius of Arras also return'd ; whom
hitherto, since his first coming from Caesar, they had detain'd in
prison as a spy ; the blame whereof they lay on the common people,
for whose violence and their own imprudence they crave pardon.
Caesar complaining they had first sought peace, and then without
cause had begun war, yet content to pardon them, commands host-
ages : whereof part they bring in straight, others far up in the country
to be sent for, they promise in a few days. Mean while the people
disbanded and sent home, many princes and chief men from all parts
of the isle submit themselves and their cities to the dispose of Caesar,
who lay then encamp'd, as is thought, on Barham Down. Thus had
the Britains made their peace, when suddenly an accident unlook'd
for put new counsels into their minds. Four days after the coming of
Caesar, those 1 8 ships of burthen, which from the upper haven had
taken in all the Roman horse, born with a soft wind to the very coast,
in sight of the Roman camp, where by a sudden tempest, scatter'd,
and driven back, some to the port from whence they loos'd, others
down into the west country; who finding there no safety either to
land, or to cast anchor, chose rather to commit themselves again to
the troubled sea ; and as Orosius reports, were most of them cast
away. The same night, it being full moon, the gallies left upon dry

1 This Scseva afterwards became more famous for his bravery at the battle of Dvrrachium
when he sided with Caesar against Pompey.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 3!

land, were, unaware to the Romans, covered with a spring-tide, and
the greater ships that lay off at anchor, torn and beaten with waves,
to the great perplexity of Caesar and his whole army ; who now had
neither shipping left to convey them back, nor any provision made to
stay here, intending to have winter'd in Gallia. All this the Britains
well perceiving, and by the compass of his camp, which without
baggage appear'd the smaller, guessing at his numbers, consult
together, and one by one- slily withdrawing from, the camp, where
they were waiting the conclusion of a peace, resolve to stop all pro-
visions, and to draw out the business till winter. Caesar though
ignorant of what they intended, yet from the condition wherein he
was, and their other hostages not sent, suspected what was likely,
begins to provide apace : all that might be, against what might
happen : lays in corn, and with materials fetch'd from the continent,
and what was left of those ships which were past help he repairs the
rest. So that now by the incessant labour of his soldiers, all but
twelve were again made serviceable. While these things are doing,
one of the legions being sent out to forage, as was accustom'd, and
no suspicion of war, while some of the Britains were remaining in
the country about, others also going and coming freely to the Roman
quarters, they who were in station at the camp gates sent speedy
word to Caesar, that from that part of the country, to which the legion
went, a greater dust than usual was seen to rise. Caesar guessing
the matter, commands the cohorts of guard to follow him thither,
two others to succeed in their stead, the rest all to arm and follow.
They had not march'd long, when Caesar discerns his legion sore
over-charg'd : for the Britains not doubting but that their enemies on
the morrow would be in that place which only they had left urireap'd
of all their harvest, had plac'd an ambush ; and while they were
disperst and busiest at their labour, s~t upon them, kill'd some, and
routed the rest. The manner of their fight was from a kind of
chariots;1 wherein riding about, and throwing darts, with the clatter
of their horse, and of their wheels, they oft-times broke the rank of
their enemies ; then retreating among the horse, and quitting their
chariots, they fought on foot. The charioteers (Essedarii] in the
meanwhile somewhat aside from the battle, set themselves in such
order, that their masters at any time oppress'd with odds, might retire
safely thither, having perform'd with one person both the nimble
service of a horse-man, and the stedfast duty of a foot soldier. So
much they could with their chariots by use, and exercise, as riding on
the speed down a steep hill, to stop suddenly, and with a short rein turn
swiftly, now running on the beam (temo\ now on the yoke (jugum),
then in the seat. With this sort of new skirmishing, the Romans
now overmatch'd, and terrify'd, Caesar with opportune aid appears ; for

1 Essedce, a sort of open waggons.

32 CESAR RETIRES TO BELGIA TO PREPARE FOR A SECOND INVASION.

then the Britains make a stand : but he considering that now was not
fit time to offer battle, while his men were scarce recover'd of so late
a fear, only keeps his ground, and soon after leads back his legions
to the camp. Farther action for many days following was hinder'd
on both sides by foul weather ; in which time the Britains dispatching
messengers round about, to how few the Romans were reduc'd, what
hope of prize and booty, and now if ever of freeing themselves from
the fear of like invasions hereafter, by making these an example, if
they could but now uncamp their enemies ; at this intimation, multi-
tudes of horse and foot coming down from all parts make towards the
Romans. Caesar foreseeing that the Britains, tho' beaten and put
to flight, would easily evade his foot, yet with no more than 30 horse,
which Comius had brought over, draws out his men to battle, puts
again the Britains to flight, pursues with slaughter; and returning,
burns and lays waste all about. Whereupon ambassadors the same
day being sent from the Britains to desire peace : Caesar, as his affairs
at present stood, for so great a breach of faith, only imposes on them
double the former hostages to be sent after him into Gallia : and
because September was nigh half spent, a season not fit to tempt the
sea with his weather-beaten fleet, the same night with a fair wind he
departs towards Belgia : whither two only of the Britain cities sent
hostages, as they promis'd ; the rest neglected. But at Rome, when
the news came of Caesar's acts here, whether it were esteem'd a
conquest, or a fair escape, supplication of twenty days is decreed by
the senate, as either for an exploit done, or a discovery made wherein
both Caesar and the Romans gloried not a little, though it brought no
benefit either to him, or the commonwealth.

The winter following, Caesar, as his custom (Dion) was, going into
Italy, when as he saw that most of the Britains regarded not to send
their hostages, appoints his legates (Caes. com. 5.) whom he left in
Belgia, to provide what possible shipping they could either build or
repair. Low built they were to be, as thereby easier both to fraught,
and to hale ashoar ; nor needed to be higher, because the tide so
often changing, was observ'd to make the billows less in our sea than
those in the Mediterranean : broader likewise they were made, for the
better transporting of horses, and all other fraughtage, being intended
chiefly to that end. These all about 600 in a readiness, with 28 ships
of burden, and what with adventurers, and other hulks above 200,
Cotta, one of the legates wrote them, as Athenaeus affirms, in all
1000, Caesar from port Iccius,1 a passage of some 30 mile over, leaving
behind him Labienus to guard the haven, and for other supply at
need, with five legions, though but 2000 horse, about sun set, hoisting

. * This is the same with Geossoriacum, at this day Bolen , as is prov'd at large by Somner
in his discourse de Portu Iccio, pubhsh'd by Dr. Gibson, with a dissertation of Du Fresne on
the same subject.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 33

sail with a slack south-west, at midnight was becalm'd. And finding
when it was light, that the whole navy lying on the current, had
fallen off from the isle, which now they could descry on their left
hand, by the unwearied labour of his soldiers, who refus'd not to tug
the car, and kept course with ships under sail, he bore up (A. c. 52) as
near as might be, to the same place where he had landed the year
before ; where about noon arriving, no enemy could be seen. For the
Britains, which in great numbers, as was after known, had been
there, at sight of so huge a fleet durst not abide. Caesar forthwith
landing his army, and encamping to his best advantage, some notice
being given him by those he took, where to find the enemy, with his
whole power, save only ten cohorts, and 300 horse, left to Quintus
Atrius for the guard of his ships, about the third watch of the same
night marches up to Chilham, twelve mile into the country. And at
length by a river commonly thought the Stowre in Kent, espies em-
battel'd the British forces. They with their horses and chariots
advancing to the higher banks, oppose the Romans in their march,
and begin the fight ; but repuls'd by the Roman cavalry, give back into
the woods, to a place notably made strong both by art and nature ;
which, it seems, had been a fort, or hold of strength rais'd heretofore
in times of wars among themselves. For entrance and access on all
sides, by the felling of huge trees overthwart one another, was quite
barr'd up ; and within these Britains did their utmost to keep out the
enemy. But the soldiers of the seventh legion locking all their
shields together like a roof close over-head, and others raising a
mount, without much loss of blood took the place, and drove them all
to forsake the woods. Pursuit they made not long, as being through
ways unknown ; and now evening came on, which they more wisely
spent, in ch using out where to pitch and fortifie their camp that night.
The next morning Caesar had but newly sent out his men in three
bodies to pursue, and the last no further gone than yet in sight,
when horsemen all in post from Quintius Atrius bring word to Caesar,
that almost all his ships in a tempest that night had suffer'd wreck,
and lay broken upon the shoar. Caesar at this news recals his legions,
himself in all haste riding back to the sea-side, beheld with his own
eyes the ruinous prospect. About forty vessels were sunk and lost,
the residue so torn, and shaken, as not to be new rigg'd without much
labour. Straight he assembles what number of ship-wrights, either
in his own legions or from beyond sea, could be summon'd ; appoints
Labienus on the Belgian side to build more; and with a dreadful
industry of ten days, not respiting his soldiers day or night, drew
up all his ships, and entrench'd them round within the circuit of his
camp. This done, and leaving to their defence the same strength
as before, he returns with his whole forces to the same wood, where
he had defeated the Britains: who preventing him with greater

3

34 STOUT DEFENCE OF THE BRITAINS— THEIR MODE OF FIGHTING.

powers than before, had now repossess'd themselves of that place,
under Cassibelan their chief leader : whose territory from the states
bordering on the sea, was divided on the river Thames about 80 mile
inward. With him formerly other cities had continual war; but now
in the common danger had all made choice of him to be their general.
Here the British horse and charioteers meeting with the Roman
cavalry, fought stoutly; and at first, something over-match'd, they
retreat to the near advantage of their woods and hills, but still
follow'd by the Romans, made head again, cut off the forwardest
among them, and after some pause, while Caesar, who thought the
day's work had been done, was busied about the entrenching of his
camp, march out again, give fierce assault to the very stations of his
guards and sentries ; and while the main cohorts of two legions, that
were sent to the alarm, stood within a small distance of each other,
terrify'd at the newness and boldness of their fight, charged back
again through the midst, without loss of a man. Of the Romans that
day was slain Quintus Laberius Durus, a tribune : the Britains having
fought their fill at the very entrance of Caesar's camp, and sustain'd
the resistance of his whole army entrench'd, gave over the assault.
Caesar here acknowledges that the Roman way both of arming and
fighting, was not so well fitted against this kind of enemy ; for that
the foot in heavy armour could not follow their cunning flight, and
durst not by ancient discipline stir from their ensign ; and the horse
alone disjoyn'd from the legions, against a foe that turn'd suddenly
upon them, with a mixt encounter both of horse and foot, were in
equal danger both following and retiring. Besides their fashion was,
not in great bodies, and close order, but in small divisions, and open
distances to make their onset; appointing others at certain spaces,
now to relieve and bring off the weary, now to succeed and renew
the conflict ; which argu'd no small experience, and use of arms.
Next day the Britains afar off upon the hills begin to shew them-
selves here and there, and though less boldly than before, to skirmish
with the Roman horse. But at noon Caesar having sent out three
legions, and all his horse with Trebonius the legate, to seek fodder,
suddenly on all sides they set upon the foragers, and charge up
after them to the very legions, and their standards. The Romans
with great courage beat them back, and in the chace, being well
seconded by the legions, not giving them time either to rally, to
stand or to descend from their chariots as they were wont, slew
many. From this overthrow, the Britains that dwelt farther off,
betook them home ; and (Cambden) came no more after that time
with so great a power against Caesar. Whereof advertis'd, he marches
onward to the frontiers of Cassibelan, which on this side were
bounded by the Thames, not passable except in one place, and that
difficult, about Coway-stakes near Oatlands, as is conjectur'd. Hither

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 35

coming, he descries on the other side great forces of the enemy
plac'd in good array; the bank set all with sharp stakes, others in the
bottom, cover'd with water ; whereof the marks in Beda's time were
to be seen, as he relates. This having learnt by such as were taken,
or had run to him, he first commands his horse to pass over, then
his foot, who wading up to the neck, went on so resolutely and so
fast, that they on the further side not enduring the violence, retreated
and fled. Cassibelan no more now in hope to contend for victory,
dismissing all but 4000 of those charioteers, through woods and
intricate ways attends their motion, where the Romans are to pass,
drives all before him ; and with continual sallies upon the horse, where
they least expected, cutting off some and terrifying others, compels
them so close together, as gave them no leave to fetch in prey or
booty without ill success. Whereupon Caesar strictly commanding
all not to part from the legions, had nothing left him in his way but
empty fields and houses, which he spoil'd and burnt. Meanwhile the
Trinobantes,1 a state or kingdom, and perhaps the greatest then
among the Britains, less favouring Cassibelan, sent ambassadors, and
yield to Caesar upon this reason. Immanuentius had been their king :
him Cassibelan had slain, and purpos'd the like to Mandubratius his
son, wdom Orosius calls Androgorius, Beda, Androgius; but the
youth escaping by flight into Gallia, put himself under the pro-
tection of Caesar. These entreat that Mandubratius may be still
defended, and sent home to succeed in his father's right. Caesar
sends him, demands forty hostages and provision for his army,
which they immediately bring in, and have their confines pro-
tected from the soldier. By their example the Cenimagni,2 Segontiaci,3
Ancalites,4 Bibroci,5 Cassi6 (so I write them, for the modern names
are but guess'd) on like terms make their peace. By them he learns
that the town of Cassibelan, suppos'd to be Verulam, was not far
distant ; fenc'd about with woods and marshes, well stufPd with men
and much cattle. For towns then in Britain were only woody places
ditch'd round, and with a mud wall encompass'd against the inrodes
of enemies. Thither goes Caesar with his legions; and though a
place of great strength both by art and nature, assaults it in two
places. The Britains after some defence, fled out all at another end
of the town ; in the flight many were taken, many slain, and great
store of cattle found there. Cassibelan, for all these losses, yet deserts
not himself; nor was yet his authority so much impair'd, but that in
Kent, though in a manner possess'd by the enemy, his messengers and

1 They were the ancient inhabitants of Essex and Middlesex.

2 Thought to be the same with the Iceni.

3 On the north side of Hampshire, about Alton and Basingstoke.

4 About Henly in Berks.

5 About Bray in Berks. Bibracte in France is now contracted into Bray. Cambd. Brit.
Tit. Berkshire. 6 The Hundred of Caishow in Hertfordshire.

36 SUBMISSION OF CASSIBELAN.— THE COURAGE OF THE NATIONS.

commands find obedience enough to raise all the people. By his
direction Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus,and Segonax,four kings1
reigning in those countries which lie upon the sea, lead them on to
assault that camp wherein the Romans had entrench'd their shipping :
but they whom Caesar left there, issuing out, slew many, and took
prisoners Cingetorix a noted leader, without loss of their own. Cassi-
belan after so many defeats, mov'd especially by revolt of the cities
from him, their inconstancy and falshood one to another, uses media-
tion by Comius of Arras to send ambassadors about treaty of yielding.
Caesar, who had determin'd to winter in the continent, by reason that
Gallia was unsettled, and not much of the summer now behind, com-
mands him only hostages, and what yearly tribute the island should
pay to Rome, forbids him to molest the Trinobantes, or Mandubratius ;
and with his hostages, and great number of captives he puts to sea,
having at twice embark'd his whole army. At his return to Rome, as
from a glorious enterprize, he offers to Venus the patroness of his
family, a corslet of British pearls. (Pliny.) Howbeit, other ancient
writers have spoken more doubtfully of Caesar's victories here ; and
that in plain terms he fled from hence ; for which the common verse
in Lucan, with divers passages here and there in Tacitus is alledg'd.
Paulus Orosius, who took what he wrote from a history of Suetonius,
now lost, writes, (Oros. lib. 6, cap. 7, and 9), that Caesar in his first
journey, entertain'd with a sharp fight, lost no small number of his
foot, and by tempest nigh all his horse. Dion affirms, that once in
the second expedition all his foot were routed ; Orosius that another
time all his horse. The British author, whom I use only then when
others are all silent, hath many trivial discourses of Caesar's being
here, which are best omitted. Nor have we more of Cassibelan than
what the same story tells, how he warred soon after with Androgeus,
about his nephew slain by Evelinus, nephew to the other; which
business at length compos'd, Cassibelan dies and was buried in York,
if the Monmouth book fable not. But at Caesar's coming hither, such
likeliest were the Britains, as the writers of those times and their own
actions represent them, in courage and warlike readiness to take
advantage by ambush or sudden onset, not inferiour (Dion. Mela.
Caesar,) to the Romans, nor Cassibelan to Caesar, in weapons, arms,
and the skill of encamping. Embatteling, fortifying ovcr-match'd ;
their weapons were a short spear and light target, a sword also by
their side ; their fight sometimes in chariots phang'd at the axle with
iron sithes, their bodies most part naked, only painted with woad in
sundry figures, to seem terrible (Herodian), as they thought, but
pursu'd by enemies, not nice of their painting to run into bogs, worse
than wild Irish, up to the neck, and there to stay many days, holding
a certain (Dion) morsel in their mouths no bigger than a bean, to suffice

1 Mr. Cambden writes that they were governors of Kent,

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 37

hunger ; but that receit, and the temperance it taught, is long since
unknown among us ; their towns and strongholds (Caesar) were spaces
of ground fenc'd about with a ditch, and great trees fell'd overthwart
each other ; their buildings within were thatch'd houses for themselves
and their cattle : in peace, (Strabo), the upland inhabitants, besides
hunting, tended their flocks and herds, but with little skill (Dion) of
country affairs ; the making of cheese they commonly knew not ; wool
or flax they spun not (Strabo) ; gardening and planting many of them
knew not ; cloathing they had none, (Herodian), but what the skins of
beasts afforded them, and that not always ; yet gallantry they had,
painting (Solinus) their own skins with several portraitures of beast,
bird or flower, a vanity which hath not yet left us, remov'd only from
the skin to the skirt, behung now with as many colour'd ribbons and
gewgaws : toward the seaside they till'd the ground, and (Caesar) liv'd
much after the manner of the Gauls their neighbours, or first planters :
their money was brazen pieces or iron rings, their best merchandize
tin (Tacitus, Diodor. Strab.), the rest trifles of glass, ivory, and such
like ; yet gems and pearls they had, saith Mela, in some rivers : their
ships of light timber wickered with osier between, and cover'd over
with leather, serv'd not therefore to transport them far, and their
commodities were fetch'd away by foreign merchants : their dealing,
saith Diodorus, plain and simple without fraud ; their civil govern-
ment under many princes and states, not confederate (Tacitus) or
consulting in common, but mistrustful, and oft-times warring one with
the other, which (Mela) gave them up one by one an easie conquest
to the Romans : their religion was govern'd by a sort of priests or
magicians called Druides from the Greek name of an oak, which tree
they had in great reverence, and the misletoe especially growing
thereon : Pliny writes them skill'd in magick no less than those of
Persia : by their abstaining from a hen, a hare, and a goose, from fish
also, saith Dion, and their opinion of the soul's passing after death
into other bodies, they may be (CaesarJ thought to have studied
• Pythagoras ; yet philosophers I cannot call them, reported men fac-
tious and ambitious, contending sometimes about the arch-priesthood,
not without (Caesar) civil war and slaughter ; nor restrain'd they the
people under them from a lewd, adulterous and incestuous life, ten or
twelve men absurdly against nature, possessing one woman as their
common wife, though of nearest kin, mother, daughter, or sister ; pro-
genitors not to be glory'd in. But the gospel, not long after preach'd
here, abolish'd such impurities, and of the Romans we have cause not
to say much worse, than that they beat us into some civility ; likely
else to have continu'd longer in a barbarous and savage manner of
life. After Julius (for Julius before his death tyrannously had made
himself emperor of the Roman commonwealth, and was slain in the
senate for so doing) he who next obtain'd the empire, Octavianus

38 BRITAIN IS LITTLE MOLESTED BY THE ROMAN EMPERORS

Caesar Augustus, either contemning the island, as Strabo (1. 2) would
have us think, whose neither benefit was worth the having, nor enmity
worth the fearing ; or out of a wholesome state-maxim, as some say,
to moderate and bound the empire from growing vast and unwieldy,
made no attempt against the Britains : but the truer cause was partly
civil war among the Romans, partly other affairs more urging. For
about twenty years (A.C., 32, Dion, 1. 49.) after, all which time the
Britains had liv'd at their own dispose, Augustus in imitation of his
uncle Julius, either intending, or seeming to intend an expedition
hither, was come into Gallia, when the news of a revolt in Pannonia
diverted him: about seven years (A. C., 25. Dion. 1. 53. 3925-) after
in the same resolution, what with the unsettl'dness of Gallia, and
what with embassadors from Britain, which meet him there, he pro-
ceeded not. The next year, difference arising about covenants, he
was again prevented by other new commotions in Spain. Neverthe-
less some of the British Potentates omitted not to seek his friendship
by gifts offer'd in the capital, and other obsequious addresses ; inso-
much that the whole island became (Strabo 1. 4) even in those days
well known to the Romans ; too well perhaps for them, who from the
knowledge of us, were so like to prove enemies. But as for tribute,
the Britains paid none to Augustus, except what easie customs were
levy'd on the slight commodities wherewith they traded into Gallia.
After Cassibelan, Tenantius the younger son of Lud, according to the
Monmouth story was made king. For Androgeus the elder, conceiv-
ing himself generally hated, for siding with the Romans, forsook his
claim here, and follow'd Cassar's fortune. This king is recorded just
and warlike. His son Kymbeline or Cunobeline succeeding, was
brought up, as is said, in the court of Augustus, and with him held
friendly correspondencies to the end ; was a warlike prince ; his chief
seat Camalodunum, or Maldon,1 as by certain of his coins yet to be
seen, appears.2 Tiberius the next emperor, adhering always to the
advice of Augustus, and of himself, less caring to extend the bounds of
his empire, fought not the Britains : and they as little to incite him,
sent home courteously the soldiers of Germanicus, that by shipwreck
had been cast on the Britain shore. But Caligula his successor, a
wild and dissolute tyrant, having passed the Alps with intent to rob
and spoil those provinces, and stirr'd up by Adminius the son of
Cunobeline, who by his father banish'd, with a small number fled
thither to him, made semblance of marching (Dion. Sueton. Cal.
A.D. 40) toward Britain ; but being come to the ocean, and there

1 See the British coins publish'd in the late edition of Mr. Cambden. Tacit, an. 1. 2.

2 Coin first stamp'd in Britain in this king's reign, in which time our Saviour Jesus Christ
was born ; and if we may believe Baronius, was preach'd here by Joseph of Arimathea three
years after his crucifixion : which according to William of Malmsbury, in his antiquities of
the church of Glastenbury, was in the 63rd year after Christ's passion. This legend is ex-
ploded by Archbishop Usher in his antiquities of the British churches, and Bishop Stilling-
fleet in his Origines Britanicae.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 39

behaving himself madly and ridiculously, went back the same way ;
yet sent before him boasting letters to the senate, as if all Britain had
been yielded to him. Cunobeline now dead, Adminius the eldest by
his father banish'd from his country, and by his own practice against
it, from the crown, though by an old coin seeming to have also reign'd ;
Togodumnus, and Caractacus the two younger, uncertain whether
equal or subordinate in power, were (Dion) advanc'd into his place.
But through civil discord Bericus (what he was further is not known),
with others of his party flying to Rome, persuaded Claudius the
emperor to an invasion. Claudius now (A.D. 42) consul the third time,
and desirous to do something, whence he might gain the honour of a
triumph, at the perswasion of these fugitives, whom the Britains de-
manding, he had deny'd (Sueton) to render, and they for that cause
had deny'd further amity with Rome, make choice of this island for
his province : and sends before him Aulus Plautius the Prsetor, with
this command, if the business grew difficult to give him notice.
Plautius with much ado perswaded the legions to move out of Gallia,
murmuring that now they must be put to make war beyond the world's
end ; for so they counted Britain ; and what welcome Julius the dic-
tator found there, doubtless they had heard. At last prevail'd with,
and hoisting sail from three several ports, lest their landing should in
any one place be resisted, meeting cross winds, they were cast back
and dishearten'd : till in the night a meteor shooting flames from the
east, and, as they fansy'd, directing their course, they took heart again
to try the sea, and without opposition landed. For the Britains having
heard of their unwillingness to come, had teen negligent to provide
against them ; and retiring to the woods and moors, intended to
frustrate, and wear them out with delays, as they had serv'd Caesar
before. Plautius after much trouble to find them out, encountering
first with Caractacus, then with Togodumnus, overthrew them ; and
receiving into conditions part of the Boduni, who then were subject to
the Catuellani, and leaving there a garrison, went on toward a river ;
where the Britains not imagining that Plautius without a bridge could
pass, lay on the further side careless and secure. But he sending first
the Germans, whose custom was, arm'd as they were, to swim with
ease the strongest current, commands them to strike especially at the
horses, whereby the chariots, wherein consisted their chief art of fight,
became unserviceable. To second them, he sent Vespasian, who in
his latter days obtain'd the empire, and Sabinus his brother ; who
unexpectedly assailing those who were least aware, did much execu-
tion. Yet not for this were the Britains dismay'd ; but re-uniting the
next day fought with such a courage, as made it hard to decide which
way hung the victory : till Caius Sidius Geta, at point to have been
taken, recover'd himself so valiantly, as brought the day on his side ;
for which at Rome he received high honours. After this the Britains

40 CLAUDIUS IN BRITAIN.— CONDUCT OF AULUS PLAUTIUS.

drew back toward the mouth of Thames, and acquainted with those
places, cross'd over, where the Romans following them through bogs,
and dangerous flats, hazarded the loss of all. Yet the Germans
getting over, and others by a bridge at some place above, fell on
them again with sundry alarms and great slaughter ; but in the heat
of pursuit running themselves again into bogs and mires, lost as
many of their own. Upon which ill success, and seeing the
Britains more enraged at the death of Togodumnus, who in one
of these battles had been slain : Plautius fearing the worst, and
glad that he could hold what he held, as was enjoyn'd him, sends
to Claudius. He who waited ready with a huge preparation, as
if not safe enough amidst the flower of all his Romans, like a great
eastern king with arm'd elephants, marches through Gallia. So full
of peril was this enterprize esteem'd, as not without all this equipage,
and stranger terrors than Roman armies to meet the native and the
naked British Valour defending their country. Join'd with Plautius,
who encamping on the bank of Thames, attended him, he passes the
river. The Britains, who had the courage, but not the wise conduct
of old Cassibelan, laying all stratagem aside, in downright manhood
scrupled not to affront in open field almost the whole power of the
Roman Empire. But overcome and vanquish'd, part by force, others
by treaty come in and yield. Claudius therefore, who took Camalo-
num, the royal seat of Cunobeline, was often by his army saluted
Imperator ; a military title, which usually they gave their general after
any notable exploit ; but to others not above once in the same war ;
as if Claudius by these acts had deserv'd more than the laws of Rome
had provided honour to reward. Having therefore disarm'd the
Britains, (Dion. 1. 62) but remitted the confiscation of their goods, for
which they worshipp'd him with (Tacit, an. 14) sacrifice and temple
as a god ; leaving Plautius to subdue what remain'd, he returns to
Rome, from whence he had been absent only six months, and in
Britain but sixteen days ; sending the news before him of his victories,
though in a small part of the island. To whom the senate, as for
achievements of highest Merit, decreed excessive honours ; Arches,.
Triumphs, Annual Solemnities, and the Sirname of Britannicus both
to him and his son. Suetonius writes, that Claudius found here no
resistance, and that all was done without stroke : but this seems not
probable. The Monmouth Writer names these two sons of Cunobe-
line, Guiderius and Arviragus ; that Guiderius being slain in fight,
Arviragus to conceal it put on his brother's habilliments, and in his
person held up the battle to a victory ; the rest, as of Hamo the
Roman captain, Genuissa the emperor's daughter and such like stuff,,
is too palpably untrue to be worth rehersing in the midst of truth..
Plautius after this, (Suetonius. Claud. 5. 24) employing his fresh forces
to conquer on, and quiet the rebelling countries, found work enough

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 41

to deserve at his return a kind of triumphant riding into the capital,
side by side with the emperor. Vespasian1 also under Plautius had
thirty conflicts with the enemy (Sueton. Vesp. Dion. lib. 60.) in one
of which encompass'd, and in great danger, he was valiantly and
piously rescu'd by his son Titus : two powerful nations he subdu'd
(47) here, above twenty towns and the isle of Wight, for which he
received (49) at Rome triumphal ornaments, and other great dignities.
For that city in reward of virtue, was ever magnificent ; and long
after, when true merit was ceas'd among them, lest any thing resem-
bling virtue should want honour, the same rewards were yet allow'd to
the very shadow and ostentation of merit. (50.) Ostorius in the
room of Plautius Vice-praetor, met with turbulent affairs: (Tacitus,
an. 12.) theBritains not ceasing to vex with inrodes all those countries
that were yielded to the Romans ; and now the more eagerly, sup-
posing that the new general acquainted with his army, and on the edge
of winter, would not hastily oppose them. But he weighing that first
events were most available to breed fear or contempt, with such
cohorts as were next at hand, sets out against them : whom having
routed, so close he follows, as one who meant not to be every day
molested with the cavils of a slight peace, or an embolden'd enemy.
Lest they should make head again, he disarms whom he suspects ;
and to surround them,2 places many garrisons upon the rivers of3
Antona and Sabrina. But the4 Icenians, a stout people, untouched
yet by these wars, as having before sought alliance with the Romans,
were the first that brook'd not this. By their example others rise ;
and in a chosen place, fenc'd with high banks of earth, and narrow
lanes to prevent the horse, warily encamp. Ostorius, though yet not
strengthen'd with his legions, causes the auxiliar bands, his troops also
alighting, to assault the rampart. They within, tho' pestered with
their own number, stood to it like men resolv'd, and in a narrow com-
pass did remarkable deeds. But over-power'd at last, and others by
their success quieted, who till then wavered, Ostorius next (Tacit. An.
lib. 12. c. 32.) bends his force upon the5 Cangians, wasting all even to
the sea of Ireland, without foe in his way, or them who durst ill
handl'd : when the6 Brigantes attempting new matters, drew him back
to settle first what was unsecure behind him. They, of whom the
chief were punish'd, the rest forgiven, soon gave over ; but the
Silures, no way tractable, were not to be repress'd without a set war.
To further this, Camalodunum was planted with a colony of veteran

1 Afterwards Emperor. 2 See Cambden's Britannia, Eng. edit. p. 432 & 440.

3 The rivers Severn and Avon.

4 The Iceni inhabited the counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, and Huntingdon.

5 The annotator on the Preface to the late Edition of Cambden's Bntann. is of opinion, that
Somersetshire and North Wiltshire were the country of the Cangi. 'Tis not well known who
they were, but probably they inhabited Shropshire and Cheshire, bordering on Wales.

^ Brigantes, suppos'd to have been the inhabitants of Lancashire, Yorkshire, and the other
northern countries. 7 They inhabited what we now call South Wales.

42 CAPTURE AND CAPTIVITY OF CARACTACUS THE BRITISH HERO.

soldiers to be a firm and ready aid against revolts, and a means to
teach the natives Roman law and civility. Cogidunus, also a British
king, their fast friend, had (Tacit. Vit. Agric.) to the same intent
certain cities given him : a haughty craft, which the Romans us'd,
to make kings also the servile agents of enslaving others. But the
Silures, hardy of themselves, rely'd more on the valour of Caractacus,
whom many doubtful, many prosperous successes had made eminent
above all that rul'd in Britain. He adding to his courage policy, and
knowing himself to be of strength inferiour, in other advantages the
better, makes the seat of his war among the7 (Tacit. An. lib. 12. c, 33.)
Ordovices, a country wherein all the odds were to his own party, all
the difficulties to his enemy. The hills and every access he fortify'd
with heaps of stones, and guards of men ; to come at whom a river of
unsafe passage must be first waded. The place, as Cambden conjec-
tures, had thence the name of8 Caer-Caradoc, on the west edge of
Shropshire. He himself continually went up and down, animating his
officers and leaders, that this was the day, this the field, either to
defend their liberty, or to die free ; calling to mind the names of his
glorious ancestors, who drove Csesar the dictator out of Britain, whose
valour hitherto had preserv'd them from bondage, their wives and
children from dishonour. Inflam'd with these words, they all vow
their utmost, with such undaunted resolution as amaz'd the Roman
general ; but the soldiers less weighing, because less knowing, clamour'd
to be led on against any danger. Ostorius, after wary circumspection,
bids them pass the river : the Britains no sooner had them within
reach of their arrows, darts and stones, but slew and wounded largely
of the Romans. They on the other side closing their ranks, and over
head closing their targets, threw down the loose rampiers of the
Britains, and pursue them up the hills, both light arm'd, and legions :
till what with gauling darts and heavy stroke, the Britains who wore
neither helmet nor cuirass to defend them, were at last overcome.
This the Romans thought a famous victory ; wherein the wife and
daughter of1 Caractacus were taken, his brothers also reduc'd to
obedience ; himself escaping to Cartismandua queen of the Brigantes,
against faith given, was to the victors deliver'd bound : having held
out against the Romans nine years, saith Tacitus ; but by truer com-
putation2 seven. Whereby his name was up through all the adjoyning
provinces, even to Italy and Rome : many desiring to see who he was
that could withstand so many years the Romans puissance: and
Caesar, to extol his own victory, extoll'd the man whom he had

iThe Ordovices possess'd the counties, which now make North Wales.
^ Laradoc in the British tongue, is suppos'd to be the same with Caractacus in the Latin.
•> Caractacus king of the Silures was routed by the Romans near Ludlowin Shropshire; Mr.
Cambden says this battel was fought Anno 53. Carnb. Tit Shrop

m hiS llb< I2' CaP> 36<writes>'twasinthe seventhyear after this war began,

thatc mafaM

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 43

vanquish'd. Being brought to Rome, the people, as to a solemn
spectacle, were call'd together, the emperor's guard stood in arms.
In order came first the king's servants, bearing his trophies, won in
other wars ; next, his brothers, wife, and daughter ; last, himself.
The behaviour of others through fear was low and degenerate : he
only, neither in countenance, word or action submissive, standing at
the tribunal of Claudius, briefly spake to this purpose : 'If my mind,
Caesar, had been as moderate in the height of fortune, as my birth and
dignity was eminent, I might have come a friend rather than a captive
into this city. Nor could'st thou have dislik'd him for a confederate,
so noble of descent, and ruling so many nations. My present estate,
to me disgraceful, to thee is glorious ; I had riches, horses, arms, and
men ; no wonder then if I contended, not to lose them. But if by fate,
yours only must be empire, then of necessity ours among the rest must
be subjection. If I sooner had been brought to yield, my misfortune
had been less notorious, your conquest had been less renown'd, and in your
severest determining of me, both will be soon forgotten. But if you grant
that I shall live, by me will live to you for ever that praise which is so near
divine, the clemency of a conqueror.' Csesar mov'd at such a spectacle of
fortune, but especially at the nobleness of his bearing it, gave him
pardon, and to all the rest. They all unbound, submissively thank
him, and did like reverence to Agrippina the emperor's wife, who sat
by in state : a new and disdained sight to the manly eyes of Romans,
a woman sitting publick in her female pride among ensigns and armed
cohorts. To Ostorius, triumph is decreed ; and his acts esteemed
equal to theirs that brought in bonds to Rome famousest kings. But
the same prosperity attended not his latter actions here : for the
Silures, whether to revenge their loss of Caractacus, or that they saw
Ostorius, as if now all were done, less earnest to restrain them, beset
the prsefect of his camp, left there with legionary bands to appoint
garrisons : And had not speedy aid come in from the neighbouring
holds and castles, had cut them all off; notwithstanding which, the
Prasfect with eight centurions, and many their stoutest men were
slain : and upon the neck of this, meeting first with Roman foragers,
then with other troops hasting to their relief, utterly foil'd and broke
them also. Ostorius sending more after, could hardly stay their flight;
till the weighty legions coming on, at first pois'd the battel, at length
turn'd the scale, to the Britains without much loss, for by that time it
grew night. Then was the war shivered as it were into small frays
and bickerings, not unlike sometimes to so many robberies, in
woods, at waters, as chance or valour, advice or rashness led them
on, commanded or without command. That which most exasper-
ated the Silures, was a report of certain words cast out by the
emperor, that he would root them out to the very name. There-
fore two cohorts more of auxiliars, by the avarice of their leaders too

44 THE ROMANS FIND IT HARD TO HOLD BRITAIN IN SUBJECTION.

securely pillaging, they quite intercepted : and bestowing liberally
the spoils and captives, whereof they took plenty, drew other
countries to join with them. These losses falling so thick upon
the Romans, Ostorius with the thought and anguish thereof ended
his days : The Britains rejoicing, although no battle, that yet
adverse war had worn out so great a soldier. Caesar in his place
ordains Aulus Didius : but ere his coming, tho' much hasten'd, that
the province might not want a governor ; the Silures had given an
overthrow to Manlius Valens with his legion, rumour'd on both sides
greater than was true ; by the Silures to amate the new general : by
him in a double respect, of the more praise if he quell'd them, or the
more excuse if he fail'd. Mean time, the Silures forget not to infest
the Roman pale with wide excursions ; till Didius marching out, kept
them somewhat more within bounds. Nor were they long to seek,
who after Caractacus should lead them ; for (Tac. An. 12.) next to
him, in worth and skill of war, Venutius a prince of the Brigantines
merited to be their chief. He at first faithful to the Romans, and by
them protected, was the husband of Cratismandua queen of the
Brigantes, himself perhaps reigning elsewhere. She who had betray'd
Caractacus and her country to adorn the triumph of Claudius,
thereby grown powerful and gracious with the Romans, presuming on
the hire of her treason, deserted her husband ; and marrying Vello-
catus, one of his squires, confers on him the kingdom also. This
deed, so odious and full of infamy, disturb'dthe whole state : Venutius
with other forces, and the help of her own subjects, who detested the
example of so foul a fact, and with the uncomeliness of their subjec-
tion to the monarchy of a woman, a piece of manhood not every day
to be found among Britains, though she had got by subtle train his
brother with many of his kindred into her hands, brought her soon
below the confidence of being able to resist longer. When imploring
the Roman aid, with much ado, and after many a hard encounter,
she escap'd the punishment which was ready to have seiz'd her.
Venutius thus debarr'd the authority of ruling his own household,
justly turns his anger against the Romans themselves ; whose
magnanimity, not wont to undertake dishonourable causes, had
arrogantly intermeddled in his domestick affairs, to uphold
the rebellion of an adultress against her husband. And the
kingdom he retain'd against their utmost opposition ; and of
war gave them their fill ; first in a sharp conflict of uncertain event,
then against the legion of Cassus Nasica. Insomuch that Didius
growing old, and managing the war by deputies, had work enough to
stand on his defence, with the gaining now and then of a small castle.
And Nero (for in that part of the isle things continu'd in the same
plight (Tacit. Vit. Agric.) to the reign of Vespasian) was minded but
for shame to have withdrawn (55. Tac. Hist. 3. Sueton.) the

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 45

Roman forces out of Britain : in other parts whereof, about the same
time, other things befel. Verannius, whom Nero sent hither to suc-
ceed Didius, dying in his first year, saw a few inrodes upon the Silures,
left only a great boast behind him, that in two years, had he liv'd, he
would have conquer'd all. But Suetonius Paulinus, who next was
sent hither, esteem'd a soldier equal to the best in that age, for two
years together went on prosperously : both confirming what was got,
and subduing onward. At last, over-confident of his present actions,
and emulating others, of whose deeds he heard from abroad, marches
up as far as Mona, the isle of Anglesey, a populous place. For they,
it seems, had both entertain'd fugitives, and given good assistance to
the rest that withstood him. He makes him boats with flat bottoms,
fitted to the shallows which he expected in that narrow frith : his foot
so pass'd over, his horse waded or swam. Thick upon shoar stood
several gross bands of men well weapon'd, many women like furies
running to and fro in dismal habit, with hair loose about their shoul-
ders, held torches in their hands. The Druids, those were their
priests, of whom more in another place, with hands lifted up to heaven,
uttering direful prayers, astonish'd the Romans ; who, at so strange a
sight stood in amaze, tho' wounded : at length awak'd and encourag'd
by their general, not to fear a barbarous and lunatick rout, fall on, and,
beat them down scorch'd and rouling in their own fire. Then were
they yok'd with garrisons, and the places consecrate to their bloody
superstitions destroy'd. For whom they took in war they held it law-
ful to sacrifice ; and by the entrails of men us'd divination. While
thus Paulinus had his thought still fix'd before, to go on winning, his
back lay broad open to occasion of losing more behind. For the
Britains urg;d and oppress'd with many unsufferable injuries, had all
banded themselves to a general revolt. The particular causes are not
all written by one author; Tacitus, (Lib. 12.) who liv'd next those
times of any to us extant, writes, that Prasutagus king of the Iceni-
ans, abounding in wealth, had left Caesar coheir with his two
daughters ; thereby hoping to have secur'd from all wrong both his
kingdom and his house ; which fell out far otherwise. For under
colour to oversee and take possession of the emperor's new inheritance,
his kingdom became (61) a prey to centurions, his house to ravening
officers, his wife Boadicea violated with stripes, his daughters with
rape, the wealthiest of his subjects, as it were by the will and testa-
ment of their king, thrown out of their estates, his kindred made little
better than slaves. The new colony also at Camalodimum took
house or land from whom they pleas'd, terming them slaves and vas-
sals ; the soldiers complying with the colony, out of hope hereafter to
use the same licence themselves.1 Moreover the temple erected to

1 Boadicea Queen of the Britains, wars with the Romans.

46 THE INSURGENT BRITAINS.— LONDON DESERTED BY THE ROMANS.

Claudius, as a badge of their eternal slavery, stood a great eyesore ;
the priests whereof under pretext of what was due to the religious ser-
vice, wasted and embezzled each man's substance upon themselves.
And Catus Decianus, the procurator, endeavour^ to bring all their
goods under the compass of a new confiscation, by disavowing the
remitment (Dion. 1. 62.) of Claudius. Lastly, Seneca, in his books, a
philosopher, having drawn the Britains unwillingly to borrow of him
vast sums upon fair promises of easie loan, and for repayment
to take their own time, on a sudden compels them to pay in all
at once with great extortion. Thus provok'd by heaviest sufferings,
and thus invited by opportunities in the absence of Paulinus, the
Icenians, and by their example the Trinobantes, and as many else as
hated servitude, rise (Tac. in Vis. Agr. cap. 14.) up in arms. Of these
ensuing troubles many foregoing signs appear'd : the image of victory
at Camalodunum fell down of its self, with her face turn'd as it were
to the Britons ; certain women, in a kind of extasie, foretold of calami-
ties to come ; in the counsel-house were heard by night barbarous
noises ; in the theatre hideous howlings ; in the creek horrid sights,
betokening the destruction of that colony ; hereto the ocean seeming
of a bloody hue, and humane shapes, at a low ebb left imprinted on
the sand, wrought in the Britains new courage, in the Romans un-
wonted fears. Camalodunum, where the Romans had seated them-
selves to dwell pleasantly, rather than defensively, was not fortify'd :
against that therefore the Britains make first assault. The soldiers
within were not very many. Decianus, the procurator, could send
them but two hundred, those ill arm'd : and through the treachery of
some among them, who secretly favour'd the insurrection, they had
deferr'd both to entrench and to send out such as bore not arms ; such
as did, flying to the temple, which on the second day was forcibly
taken, were put all to the sword, the temple made a heap, the rest
rifled and burnt. Petilius Cerealls coming to his succour, is in his
way met, and overthrown, his whole legion cut to pieces ; he with his
horse hardly escaping to the Roman camp. Decianus, whose rapine
was the cause of all this, fled into Gallia. But Suetonius at these
tidings not dismay'd, through the midst of his enemy's country,
marches to London (though not term'd a colony, yet full of Roman
inhabitants, and for the frequency of trade and other commodities, a
town even then of principal note) with purpose to have made there the
seat of war. But considering the smallness of his numbers, and the
late rashness of Petilius, he chooses rather with the loss of one town
to save the rest. Nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of
them that besought him to tarry there ; but taking with him such as
were willing, gave signal to depart ; they, who through weakness of
sex or age, or love of the place, went not along, perish'd by the enemy ;
so did Verulam, a Roman free town. For the Britains omitting forts

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 47

and castles, flew thither first where richest booty, and the hope of
pillaging toal'd them on. In this massacree, about seventy thousand
Romans, and their associates, in the places above-mention'd, of a cer-
tain, lost their lives. N'one might be spar'd, none ransom'd, but
tasted all either a present or a lingring death ; no cruelty that either
outrage, or the insolence of success put into their heads, was (Dion. 1.
62.) left unacted. The Romans, wives and virgins hang'd up all
naked, had their breasts cut off, and sow'd to their mouths ; that
in the grimness of death they might seem to eat their own flesh ;
while the Britons fell to feasting and carousing in the temple of
Andate their Goddess of Victory. Suetonius adding to his legion
(the I4th) other old officers and soldiers thereabout, which gathered
to him, were near upon ten thousand ; and purposing with those
not to defer battle, had chosen a place narrow, and not to be
overwing'd, on his rear a wood ; being well inform'd, that his ene-
mies were all in front on a plain unapt for ambush : the legion-
aries stood thick in order, impal'd with light arm'd ; the horse on
either wing. The Britains in companies and squadrons were every-
where shouting and swarming, such a multitude as at other time
never ; no less reckoned than two hundred and thirty thousand, so
fierce and confident of victory, that their wives also came in wag-
gons to sit and behold the sport, as they made full account, of
killing Romans : a folly doubtless for the serious Romans to smile
at, as a sure token of prospering that day : a woman also was
their commander in chief. For Boadicea and her daughters ride
about in a chariot, telling the tall champions, as a great encourage-
ment, that with the Britains it was usual for women to be their
leaders. A deal of other fondness they put into her mouth, not
worth recital ; how she was lash'd, how her daughters were handled,
things worthier silence, retirement, and a veil, than for a woman
to repeat, as done to her own person, or to hear repeated before
an host of men. The Greek Historian (Dion.) sets her in the
field on a high heap of turves, in a loose-body'd gown declaiming,
a spear in her hand, a hare in her bosom, which after a long cir-
cumlocution she was to let slip among them for luck's sake ; then
praying to Andate, the British goddess, to talk again as fondly as
before. And this they do out of a vanity, hoping to embelish and
set out their history with the strangeness of our manners ; not
caring in the mean while to brand us with the rankest note of bar-
barism, as if in Britain women were men and men women. I affect
not set speeches in a history, unless known for certain to have
been so spoken in effect as they were written ; nor then, unless
worth rehearsal ; and to invent such, though eloquently, as some
historians have done, is an abuse of posterity, raising, in them that
read, other conceptions of those times and persons than were true.

48 DEFEAT AND DEATH OF BOADICEA— SLAUGHTER OF HER PEOPLE.

Much less therefore do I purpose here or elsewhere to copy out
tedious orations without decorum, though in their authors compos'd
ready to my hand. Hitherto what we have heard of Cassibelan,
Togadumnus, Venusius, and Caractacus, hath been full of magnani-
mity, soberness, and martial skill : but the truth is, that in this
battle, and whole business, the Britains never more plainly mani-
fested themselves to be right Barbarians ; no rule, no foresight, no
forecast, experience or estimation, either of themselves, or of their
enemies : such confusion, such impotence, as seem'd likest not to a
war, but to the wild hurry of a distracted woman, with as mad a
crew at her heels. Therefore Suetonius contemning their unruly
noises, and fierce looks, heartens his men but to stand close a while,
and strike manfully this headless rabble that stood nearest, the rest
would be a purchase rather than a toil. And so it fell out ; for the
legion, when they saw their time, bursting out like a violent wedge,
quickly broke and dissipated what oppos'd them ; all else held only
out their necks to the slayer, for their own carts and waggons were
so plac'd by themselves, as left them but little room to escape be-
tween. The Romans slew all ; men, women, and the very drawing
horses lay heap'd along the field, in a gory mixture of slaughter.
About four-score thousand Britains are said to have been slain on
the place ; of the enemy scarce four hundred, and not many more
wounded. Boadicea posyn'd her self, or, as others say, sicken'd and
dy'd. She1 was of stature big and tall, of vissage grim and stern,
harsh of voice, her hair of bright colour, flowing down to her hips ;
she wore a plaited garment of divers colours, with a great golden chain,
button'd over all a thick robe. Gildas calls her the crafty lioness,
and leaves an ill fame upon her doings. Dion sets down otherwise
the order of this fight, and that the field was not won without much
difficulty, nor without intention of the Britains to give another battle,
had not the death of Boadicea come between. Howbeit Suetonius, to
preserve discipline, and to dispatch the relicks of war, lodg'd with all
his army in the open field ; which was supply'd out of Germany with
a thousand horse and ten thousand foot ; thence dispers'd to winter,
and with incursions to waste those countries that stood out. But to
the Britains famine was a worse affliction ; having left off, during this
uproar, to till the ground, and made reckoning to serve themselves on
the provisions of their enemy. Nevertheless those nations, that were
yet untam'd, hearing of some discord risen between Suetonius and the
new procurator Classicianus, were brought but slowly to terms of
peace ; and the rigour us'd by Suetonius on them that yielded, taught
them the better course to stand on their defence. For it is certain,
that Suetonius, though else a worthy man (Tacit. Vit. Agric.), ovcr-

1 A full account of this war may be found in Tacitus, Annals lib. 14. cap. 31 to 39, and
in his Vit. Agr. cap. 16.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 49

proud of his victory, gave too much way to his anger against the
Britains. Classician therefore sending such word to Rome, that these
severe proceedings would beget an endless war ; Polycletus,1 no
Roman, but a courtier, was sent by Nero to examine how things went.
He admonishing Suetonius to use more mildness, aw'd the army, and
to the Britains gave matter of laughter. Who so much even till then
were nurs'd up in their native liberty, as to wonder that so great a
general with his whole army should be at the rebuke and ordering of
a court servitor. But Suetonius a while after having lost a few galleys
on the shoar, was bid resign his command to Petronius Turpilianus?
who not provoking the Britains, nor by them provok'd, was thought
to have pretended the love of peace to what indeed was his love of
ease and sloth. Trebellius Maximus follow'd his steps, usurp-
ing the name of gentle government to any remissness or neglect
of discipline ; which brought in first licence, next disobedience into
his camp ; incens'd against him, partly for his covetousness, partly by
the incitement of Roscius Ccelius legate of a legion ; with whom for-
merly disagreeing, now that civil war began in the empire, he fell to
open discord ; charging (Tacit. Hist. 8. i. & vit. Agric.) him with
disorder and sedition, and him Ccelius with peeling and defrauding
the legions of their pay ; insomuch that Trebellius hated and deserted
of the soldiers, was content a while to govern by a base entreaty, and
forc'd at length to fly the land. Which notwithstanding remain'd (69)
in good quiet, govern'd by Ccelius, and the other legate of a legion,
both faithful to Vitellius then emperor ; who sent hither (Tacit. Hist.
2. & vit. Agric. 70) Vectius Bolanus ; under whose lenity, though
not tainted with other fault, against the Britains nothing was done,
nor in their own discipline reform'd. Petilius Cerealis2 by ap-
pointment of Vespasian succeeding, had to do with the popu^
lous Brigantines in many battles, and some of those, not unbloody.
For as we heard before, it was Venusius who even to these
times (Calvis, Tacit. Hist. 3, and vit. Agric. cap. 17) held them
tack, both himself remaining to the end unvanquish'd, and some part
of his country not so much as reach'd. It appears also by several
passages in the histories of Tacitus, that no small number of British
forces were commanded' over sea the year before to serve in those
bloody wars between Otho and Vitellius, Vitellius and Vespasian con-
tending for the empire. To Cerealis succeeded (79) Julius Frontinus
in the government of Britain, who by taming the Silures, a people
warlike and strongly inhabiting, augmented much his reputation. But
Julius Agricola,3 whom Vespasian in his last year sent hither, train'd
up from his youth in the British wars, extended with victories the
Roman limit beyond all his predecessors. His coming was in the

1 Nero's Freed Man. 2 One of consular dignity.

3 Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote the life of Agricola, marry'd his daughter.

50 WISE MEASURES PURSUED BY AGRICOLA IN BRITAIN.

midst of summer ; and the Ordovices to welcome the new general,
had hewn in pieces a whole squadron of horse, which lay upon their
bounds, few escaping. Agricola, who perceiv'd that the noise of this
defeat had also in the province desirous of novelty, stirr'd up new ex-
pectations, resolves to be beforehand with the danger : and drawing
together the choice of his legions with a competent number of auxi-
liars, not being met by the Ordovices, who kept the hills, himself in
the head of his men hunts them up and down through difficult places,
almost to the final extirpating of that whole nation. With the same
current of success, what Paulinus had left unfinish'd he conquers in
the Isle of Mona: for the islanders altogether fearless of his approach,
whom they knew to have no shipping, when they saw themselves in-
vaded on a sudden by the Auxiliars, whose country use had taught
them to swim over with horse and arms, were compelPd to yield.
This gain'd Agricola much opinion ; who at his very entrance, a time
which others bestow'd of course in hearing compliments and gratula-
tions, had made such early progress into laborious and hardest enter-
prises. But by far not so famous was Agricola in bringing war to a
speedy end, as in cutting off the causes from whence war arises. For
he knowing that the end of war was not to make way for injuries in
peace, began reformation from his own house ; permitted not his
attendants and followers to sway, or have to do at all in publick
affairs : lays on with equality the proportions of corn and tribute that
were impos'd ; takes off exactions and the fees of encroaching officers,
heavier than the tribute itself. For the countries had been compelled
before, to sit and wait the opening of publick granaries, and both to
sell and buy their corn at what rate the publicans thought fit ; the
purveyors also commanding when they pleas'd to bring it in, not to
the nearest, but still to the remotest places, either by the compounding
of such as would be excus'd, or by causing a dearth, where none was,
made a particular g'ain. These grievances and the like, he in the
time of peace removing, brought peace into some credit ; which before,
since the Romans coming, had as ill a name as war. The summer
(80) following Titus then emperor, he so continually with inrodes dis-
quieted the enemy over all the isle, and after terror so allur'd them
with his gentle demeanour, that many cities which till that time would
not bend, gave hostages, admitted garrisons, and came in voluntarily.
The winter he spent all in worthy actions ; teaching and promoting
like a publick father, the institutes and customs of civil life. The
inhabitants rude and scatter'd, and by that the proner to war, he so
persuaded as to build houses, temples, and seats of justice ; and by
praising the forward, quick'ning the slow, assisting all, turn'd the name
of necessity into an emulation. He caus'd moreover the noblemen's
sons to be bred up in liberal arts ; and by preferring the wits of
Britain, before the studies of Gallia, brought them to affect the Latin

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 51

eloquence, who before hated the language. Then were the Roman
fashions imitated, and the gown ; after a while the incitements also
and materials of vice and voluptuous life, proud buildings, baths, and
the elegance of banqueting1 ; which the foolisher sort call'd civility,
but was indeed a secret art to prepare them for bondage. Spring
appearing, he took the field, and with a prosperous expedition wasted
as far northward as the frith of Taus all that obey'd not ; with such a
terror, as he went, that the Roman army, though much hinder'd by
tempestuous weather, had the leisure to build forts and castles where
they pleas'd, none daring to oppose them. Besides, Agricola had
this excellence in him, so providently to chuse his places where to
fortifie, as not another general then alive. No sconce, or fortress of
his raising was ever known either to have been forc'd, or yielded up,
or quitted. Out of these impregnable by siege, or in that case duely
reliev'd, with continual irruptions he so prevail'd, that the enemy,
whose manner was in winter to regain what in summer he had lost,
was now alike in both seasons kept short, and straiten'd. For these
exploits, then esteem'd so great and honourable (Dion. 1. 66), Titus in
whose reign they were achiev'd was the fifteenth time saluted Im-
perator ; and of him Agricola receiv'd triumphal honours. The fourth
summer, Domitian then ruling the empire, he spent in settling and
confirming what the year before he had travail'd over with a running
conquest : and had the valour of his soldiers been answerable, he had
reach'd that year, as was thought, the utmost bounds of Britain. For
Glota, and Bodotria, now Dunbritton, and the Frith of Edinborough ;
two opposite arms of the sea, divided only by a neck of land, and all
the creeks and inlets on this side, were held by the Romans, and the
enemy driven as it were into another island. In his fifth year (83) he
pass'd over into the Orcades, as we may probably guess, and other
Scotch isles : discovering and subduing nations till then unknown.
He gain'd also with his forces that part of Britain which faces Ireland,
as aiming also to conquer that island ; where one of the Irish kings
driven out by civil wars, coming to him, he both gladly receiv'd, and
retain'd him as against a fit time. The summer ensuing on, mistrust
that the nations beyond Bodotria would generally rise, and forelay the
passages by land, he caus'd his fleet, making a great shew, to bear
along the coast, and up the friths and harbours ; joining most com-
monly at night on the same shoar both land and sea forces, with
mutual shouts and loud greetings. At sight whereof the Britains, not
wont to see their sea so ridden, were much daunted. Howbeit, the
Caledonians with great preparation, and by rumour, as of things
unknown, much greater, taking arms, and of their own accord be-
ginning war by the assault of sundry castles, sent back some of their
fear to the Romans themselves : and there were of the commanders,

1 Tac. Qua res Pars Servitutts erat.

52 BRITAIN DISCOVERED TO BE AN ISLAND.— BATTLE ON GRAMPIANS.

who cloaking their fear under shew of sage advice, counsell'd the
general to retreat back on this side Bodotria. He in the meanwhile
having intelligence, that the enemy would fall on in many bodies,
divided also his army into three parts. Which advantage the Britains
also spying, and on a sudden uniting what before they had disjoyn'd,
assail by night with all their forces that part of the Roman army,
which they knew to be the weakest ; and breaking in upon the camp
surpriz'd between sleep and fear, had begun some execution. When
Agricola, who had learnt what way the enemies took, and follow'd
them with all speed, sending before him the lightest of his horse and
foot to charge them behind, the rest as they came on to affright them
with clamour, so ply'd them without respite, that by approach of day
the Roman ensigns glittering all about, had encompass'd the Britains:
who now after a sharp fight in the very ports of the camp, betook them
to their wonted refuge, the woods and fens, pursu'd a while by the
Romans, that day else in all appearance had ended the war. The
legions re-incourag'd by this event, they also now boasting, who but
lately trembl'd, cry all to be led on as far as there was British ground.
The Britains also not acknowledging the loss of that day to Roman
valour, but to the policy of their captain, abated nothing of their
stoutness, but arming their youth, conveying their wives and children
to places of safety, in frequent assemblies, and by solemn covenants
bound themselves to mutual assistance against the common enemy.
About the same time (Dion. 1. 66) a cohort of Germans having slain
their centurion with other Roman officers in a mutiny, and for fear of
punishment fled a shipboard, launch'd forth in three light gallies
without pilot : and by tide or weather carried round about the coast,
using piracy where they landed, while their ships held out, and as
their skill serv'd them, with various fortune, were the first discoverers
to the Romans that Britain was an island. The following summer
(85), Agricola having before sent his navy to hover on the coast, and
with sundry and uncertain landings to divert and disunite the Britains,
himself with a power best appointed for expedition, wherein also were
many Britains, whom he had long try'd both valiant and faithful,
marches onward to the mountain Grampius,1 where the British, above
30,000, were now lodg'd, and still increasing : for neither would their
old men, so many as were yet vigorous and lusty, be left at home, long
practis'd in war, and every one adorn'd with some badge, or cognisance
of his warlike deeds long ago. Of whom Galgacus,2 both by birth and
merit the prime leader, to their courage, though of itself hot and
violent, is by his rough oratory, in detestation of servitude and the
Roman yoke, said to have added much more eagerness of fight ;
testified by their shouts and barbarous applauses. As much did on

1 The Grainsbrane Hill in the county of Mar and other counties in Scotland.

2 Known in the Scottish Histories by the name of Corbred II.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 53

the other side Agricola exhort his soldiers to victory and glory : as
much the soldiers by his firm and well grounded exhortations were all
on fire to the onset. But first he orders them in this sort. Of 8,000
auxiliar foot he makes his middle ward, on the wings 3,000 horse, the
legions as a reserve, stood in array before the camp ; either to seize
the victory won without their own hazard, or to keep the battle if it
should need. The British powers on the hill side, as might best
serve for shew and terrour, stood in their battalions ; the first on even
ground, the next rising behind, as the hill ascended. The field be-
tween rung with the noise of horsemen and chariots ranging up and
down. Agricola doubting to be over-wing'd, stretches out his front,
though somewhat with the thinnest, insomuch that many advis'd to
bring up the legions ; yet he not altering, alights from his horse, and
stands on foot before the ensigns. The fight began aloof, and the
Britains had a certain skill with their broad swashing swords and
short bucklers either to strike aside, or to bear off the darts of their
enemies ; and withal to send back showers of their own. Until
Agricola discerning that those little targets and unwieldy glaves ill
pointed, would soon become ridiculous against the thrust and close,
commanded three Batavian cohorts, and two of the Tungrians
exercis'd and arm'd for close fight, to draw up, and come to handy
strokes. The Batavians, as they were commanded, running in upon
them, now with their long tucks thrusting at the face, now their piked
targets bearing them down, had made good riddance of them that
stood below ; and for hast omitting farther execution, began apace to
advance up hill, seconded now by all the other cohorts. Meanwhile
the horsemen fly, the charioteers mix themselves to fight among the
foot ; where many of their horse also falPn in disorderly, were now
more a mischief to their own, than before a terror to their enemies.
The battle was a confus'd heap ; the ground unequal ; men, horses,
chariots crowded pelmel ; sometimes in little room, by and by in
large, fighting, rushing, felling, over-bearing, over-turning. They on
the hill, which were not yet come to blows, perceiving the fewness of
their enemies came down amain ; and had enclos'd the Romans
unawares behind, but that Agricola with a strong body of horse, which
he reserv'd for such a purpose, repelPd them back as fast : and others
drawn off the front, were commanded to wheel about and charge them
on the backs. Then were the Romans clearly masters, they follow,
they wound, they take, and to take more, kill whom they take : the
Britains in whole troops with weapons in their hands, one while flying
the pursuer, anon without weapons desperately running upon the
slayer. But all of them, when once they got the woods to their shelter,
with fresh boldness made head again, and the forwardest on a sudden
they turn'd and slew, the rest so hamper'd, as had not Agricola, who
was everywhere at hand, sent out his readiest cohorts, with part of his

54 TOTAL DEFEAT OF GALGACUS.— AGRICOLA RECALLED BY DOMITIAN.

horse to alight and scower the woods, they had receiv'd a foil in the
midst of victory ; but following with a close and orderly pursuit, the
Britains fled again, and were totally scatter'd ; till night and weariness
ended the chase. And of them that day 10,000 fell ; of the Romans
340, among whom Aulus Atticus the leader of a cohort ; carried with
heat of youth and the fierceness of his horse too far on. The Romans
jocond of this victory, and the spoil they got, spent the night ; the
vanquished wandring about the field, both men and women, some
lamenting, some calling their lost friends, or carrying off their
wounded ; others forsaking, some burning their own houses ; and
it was certain enough that there were who with a stern com-
passion laid violent hands on their wives and children to pre-
vent the more violent hands of hostile injury. Next day appearing
manifest more plainly the greatness of their loss receiv'd ; everywhere
silence, desolation, houses burning afar off, not a man seen, and fled
and doubtful whither: such words the scouts bringing in from all
parts, and the summer now spent, not fit season to disperse a war,
the Roman general leads his army among the Horestians (High-
landers) j1 by whom hostages being given, he commands his admiral
with a sufficient navy to sail round the coast of Britain : himself with
slow marches, that his delay in passing might serve to awe those new
conquer'd nations, bestows his army in their winter-quarters. The
fleet also having fetch'd a prosperous and speedy compass about the
isle (Cambden. Juvenal, Sat. 2), put in at the haven Trutulensis, now
Richborrow near Sandwich, from whence it first set out : and now
likeliest, if not two years before (Eutrop. 1. 7), as was mention'd, the
Romans' might discover and subdue the isles of Orkney; which
others with less reason following Eusebius and Orosius, attribute to
the deeds of Claudius. These perpetual exploits abroad won him
wide fame ; with Domitian, under whom great virtue was as punish-
able (Dion. 1. 66), as open crime, won him hatred. For he maligning
the renown of these his acts, in shew decreed him honours, in secret
devis'd his ruin. Agricola therefore commanded (86) home for
doing too much of what he was sent to do, left the province to his
successor quiet and secure.2 Whether he, as is conjectured, were
Salustius Lucullus,3 or before him some other, for Suetonius only

1 These people have been plac'd about Eskdale, but the name does better answer the
Mountaneers, or Highlanders ; and Tacitus's relation of the matters of fact, agrees best to
those people.

2 The tyrant Domitian was so jealous of Agricola's glory, that he order'd him to make his
entry into Rome at his return by night, that he might not receive those honours the citizens
•were ready to pay him.

3 Salustius Lucullus was kill'd by Domitian, for calling his spears Lucullians.
Regem aliquem capies aut de Tenionc Brittanno Exidet Arviragus

— See the mighty ocean, see He cries of some illustrious victory:

Some captive king thee his new lord shall own,
Or from his British chariot headlong thrown,
The proud Arviragus come humbling down.
The poet supposes this speech made by Fabricius Veien to flatter the emperor Domitian..

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 55

names him legate (87) of Britain under Domitian ; but farther of him,
or ought else done here until the time of Hadrian, is no where plainly
to be found. Some gather by a preface in Tacitus to the book of his
histories, that what Agricola won here, was soon after by Domitian
either through want of valour lost, or through envy neglected. And
Juvenal the poet speaks of Arviragus1 in these days, and not before,
king of Britain : who stood so well in his resistance, as not only to be
talk'd of at Rome, but to be held matter of a glorious triumph, if
Domitian could take him captive, or overcome him. Then also
Claudia Rufina, the daughter of a Britain, and wife of Prudence a
Roman senator, liv'd at Rome ; famous by the verse of Martial for
beauty, wit and learning. The next we hear of Britain, is that when
Trajan was emperor, it revolted, and was subdu'd. Under Hadrian,
Julius Severus, saith Dion, govern'd the island, a prime soldier of that
age, but he being call'd away to suppress the Jews then in tumult,
left things at such pass, as caus'd the emperor in person to take (122)
a journey hither; where many things he reform'd, and, as Augustus
and Tiberius counsell'd, to gird the empire within moderate bounds,
he rais'd a wall with great stakes driven in deep, and fasten'd together,
in a manner of a strong mound, eighty miles in length, to divide what
was Roman from Barbarian : no ancient author names the place, but
old inscriptions, and ruin itself yet testifies where it went along
between Solway Frith, by Carlisle, and the mouth of Tine. Hadrian
having quieted the island, took it for honour to be titl'd on his coin,
the restorer of Britain. In his time also Priscus Licinius, as appears
(Cambden) by an old inscription, was lieutenant here. Antonnius Pius
reigning, the Brigantes ever least patient of foreign servitude, breaking
in upon Genounia (which Cambden guesses to be Guinethia or North-
Wales) part of the Roman province, were with the loss of much
territory driven back by Lollius Urbicus, who drew another wall of
turves (144. Graham's Dike), in likelihood much beyond the former,
and as Cambden proves, between the Frith of Dunbritton, and of
Edenborough, to hedge out incursions from the north. And Seius
Saturninus, as is collected from the digest, had charge here of the
Roman navy. With like success did Marcus Aurelius, next emperor,
by his legate Calphurnius Agricola, finish (162. Digest. 1. 36) here a
new war: Commodius after him obtaining the empire in his time,2
as among so many different accounts may seem most probable, Lucius
a suppos'd (Beda) king in some part of Britain, the first of any king in Eu-
rope, that we read of, receiv'cl the Christian faith, and this nation the first by
publickauthorityprofess'dit: a high and singular grace from above, if sin-
cerity and perseverance went along, otherwise an empty boast, and to be

* Arviragus dy'd, says Geoffrey, about the end of Domitian's reign, and was succeeded by
his son Marius or Meurig, as the British historians call him. He is mention'd also by
William of Malmsbury long before Geoffrey wrote.

All the circumstances of that story are fully discuss'd by the learned bishop of Worcester,
in his Origines Brittannicae, p. 67. &c. See also bishop Usher's Primordia, p. 19, 23, &c.

$6 CHRISTIANISATION OF BRITAIN.— ULPIUS MARCELLUS.

fear'd the verify of that true sentence, the first shall be last. And indeed the
praise of this action is more proper to king Lucius, than common to
the nation ; whose first professing by publick authority was no real
commendation of their true faith ; which had appear'd more sincere
and praise-worthy, whether in this or other nation, first profess'd
without publick authority, or against it, might else have been but
outward conformity. Lucius in our Monmouth story is made the
second by descent from Marius. Marius, the son of Arviragus, is
there said to have overthrown the Picts, then first coming out of
Scythia, slain Rodoric their king; and in sign of victory to have set
up a monument of stone in the country, since call'd Westmaria ; but
these things have no foundation. Coilus, the son of Marius, all his reign,
which was just and peaceable, holding great amity with the Romans,
left it hereditary to Lucius. He (if Beda err not, living near five
hundred years after, yet our antientest author of this report) sent
(181) to Eleutherius, the bishop of Rome, an improbable letter, as
some of the contents discover, desiring that by his appointment he
and his people might receive Christianity. From whom two religious
doctors, nam'd in our chronicles Faganus and Deruvianus, forthwith
sent (198) are said (Nennius) to have converted and baptized well nigh
the whole nation : thence Lucius to have had the sirname of Laver-
maur, that is to say, Great Light. Nor yet then first was the Christian
faith here known, but even from the latter days of Tiberius, as Gildas
confidently affirms, taught and propagated, and as some say by Simon
Zelotes, as others by Joseph of Arimathea,1 Barnabas, Paul, Peter,
and their prime disciples. But of these matters, variously written
and believ'd, ecclesiastick historians can best determine : as the best
of them do, with little credit given to the particulars of such un-
certain relations.2 As for Lucius, they (Geoff. Mon.) write, that after
along reign he was buried at Glocester; but dying without issue,
left the kingdom in great commotion. By truer testimony (Dion. 1. 72)
we find, that the greatest war, which in those days busy'd Commodus,
was in this island. For the nations northward, notwithstanding the
wall rais'd to keep them out, breaking in upon the Roman province,
wasted wide ; and both the army, and the leader that came against
them, wholly routed and destroy'd ; which put the emperor in such
a fear, as to dispatch (183) hither one of his best commanders, Ulpius
Marcellus. He, a man endu'd with all nobleness of mind, frugal,
temperate, mild and magnanimous, in war bold and watchful, in-
vincible against lucre, and the assault of bribes, what with his valour,

1 Bishop Stillingfleet has made it very probable, that a church was planted here in the
apostles' times, by St. Paul himself. Viz. p. 35. Orig. Brit.

2 Archbishop Usher in his Accl. Brit. Antiq. and bishop Stillingfleet in his Orig. Brit, allow
the tradition of king Lucius ; the archbishop says, that he had seen two coins, one of gold,
and the other of silver, with the image of a king on them, and the letters LUC, with a cross,
which is plain proof, that there was such a king, and that he was a Christian ; but over what
part of Britain he reign'd, is uncertain. .

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 57

and these his other virtues, quickly ended this war that look'd so
dangerous, and had himself like to have been ended by the peace
he brought home, for presuming to be so worthy and so good under
the envy of so worthless and so bad an emperor. After whose de-
parture the Roman legions fell to sedition among themselves ; 1500
of them went (Lamprid. in Comm. p. 273. 186) to Rome in name of
the rest, and were so terrible to Commodus himself, as that to please
them he put to death Perennius the captain of his guard. Notwith-
standing which compliance they endeavour'd here to set up another
emperor against him; and Helvius Pertinax1 who succeeded go-
vernor, found it a work so difficult to appease them, that once in
a mutiny he was left for dead among many slain ; and was fain at
length to seek a dismission from his charge. After him Clodius
Albinus took the government; but he, for having to the soldiers made
an oration against monarchy, by the appointment of Commodus was
(193) bid resign to Junius Severus. But Albinus in those troublesome
times ensuing, under a short reign of Pertinax and Didius Julianus,
found means to keep in his hands the government of Britain ; although
Septinius Severus, who next held the empire, sent hither Heraclitus
to displace him ; but in vain, for Albinus, with all the British powers,
and those of Gallia, met Severus about Lyons in France, and fought
a bloody battle (Herod. 1. 3) with him for the empire, though at last
vanquished and slain.2 The government of Britain, Severus divided
between two deputies ; till then one legate was thought sufficient ; the
north he committed to Virius Lupus. Where the Meatae rising in
arms, and the Caledonians, though they had promis'd the contrary
to Lupus, preparing to defend them, so hard beset, he was compell'd
(Digest. 1. 28. tit. 6. Dion.) to buy his peace, and a few of prisoners with
great sums of money. But hearing that Severus had now brought to
an end his other wars, he writes (Herod. 1. 3.) him plainly the state
of things here, that the Britains of the north made war upon him,
broke into the province, and harrass'd all the countries nigh them,
that there needed suddenly either more aid, or himself in person.
Severus, though now much weaken'd with age and the gout, yet
desirous to leave some memorial of his warlike achievements here,
as he had done in other places, and besides to withdraw by this
means his two sons3 from the pleasures of Rome, and his soldiers
from idleness, with a mighty power, far sooner than could be expected,
arrives (208) in Britain. The northern people much daunted with
the report of so great forces brought over with him, and yet more
preparing, send ambassadors to treat of peace, and to excuse their

1 Pertinax was afterwards proclaimed emperor.

2 His body was sent to Rome by Severus's order, to be set over the place of publick execu-
tion ; and afterwards 'twas suffer'd to lie before the Pretorium till it stunk, and was devour'd
by dogs. 3 Bassianus and Geta.

58 CAMPAIGNS OF SEVERUS IN BRITAIN.— WALL HE ERECTED THERE.

former doings. The emperor now loth to .return home without some
memorable thing, whereby he might assume to his other titles the
addition of Britannicus, delays his answer, and quickens his prepa-
rations ; till in the end, when all things were in readiness to follow
them, they are dismiss'd without effect. His principal care was to
have many bridges laid over bogs and rotten moors, that his soldiers
might have to fight on sure footing. For it seems, through lack of
tillage, the northern parts were then, as Ireland is at this day; and
the inhabitants in like manner wonted to retire, and defend themselves
in such watry places half naked. He also being past Hadrian's wall,
cut down woods, made way through hills (209), fasten'd and filPd up
unsound and plashy fens. Notwithstanding all this industry us'd,
the enemy kept himself so cunningly within his best advantages, and
seldom appearing, so opportunely found his times to make irruption
upon the Romans, when they were most in straights and difficulties,
sometimes training them on with a few cattle turn'd out, and drawn
within ambush, cruelly handling them, that many a time enclos'd in
the midst of sloughs and quagmires, they chose (Dion.) rather them-
selves to kill such as were faint and could not shift away, than leave
them there a prey to the Caledonians. Thus lost Severus, and by
sickness in those noisome places, no less than 50,000 men: and yet
desisted not, though for weakness carry'd in a litter, till he had
march'd through with his army to the utmost northern verge of the
isle ; and the Britains offering peace were compell'd to lose much of
their country, not before subject to the Romans. Severus on the frontiers
of what he hadfirmly conquer'd builds (210) a wall across the island from
sea to sea; which one author judges the most magnificent of all his other
deeds; and that he thence receiv'd the stile of Britannicus; in length1 132
miles. Orosius adds it fortifi'd (210) with a deep trench, and between
certain spaces many towers or battlements. The place whereof some
will have to be in Scotland,1 the same (Eutropii Pean. Oros. 1. 7)
which Lollius Urbicus had walPd before. Others affirm (Cassidor)
it only Hadrian's work re-edified; both (Chro. Buchanan) plead
authorities and the ancient tract yet visible : but this I leave among
the studious of these antiquities to be discuss'd more at large. While
peace held, the empress Julia meeting on a time certain British ladies,
and discoursing with the wife of Argentocoxus a Caledonian, cast out
a scoff against the looseness of our island women ; whose manner
then was to use promiscuously the company of divers men. Whom
straight the British woman boldly thus answer'd : Much better do we
Britains fulfil the work of nature, than you Romans ; we with the best

1 So Paulus Orosius ; but Spartianus more truly, So or 82 miles ; as is clearly prov'd in the
new edition of Cambden, p. 845. and in archbishop Usher's Antiq. Eccl. Brit. cap. 4.

2 Buchanan of that opinion, in which he is not only oppos'd by our English historians, but by
Fordun and Major his own countrymen.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 59

men accustom openly ; you with the basest commit private adulteries.
Whether she thought this answer might serve to justifie the practice
of her country, as when vices are compar'd, the greater seems to
justifie the less, or whether the law and custom wherein she was bred,
had wip'd out of her conscience the better dictate of nature, and not
convinc'd her of the shame ; certain it is, that whereas other nations
us'd a liberty not unnatural (Csesar) for one man to have many wives,
the Britains altogether as licentious, but more absurd and preposterous
in their licence, had one or many wives in common among ten or
twelve husbands ; and those for the most part incestuously. But no
sooner was Severus returned into the province, than the Britains take
arms again. Against whom Severus worn out with labours and
infirmity, sends Antoninus his eldest son : expressly commandingihim
to spare neither sex nor age. But Antoninus who had his wicked
thoughts taken up with the contriving of his father's death, a safer
enemy than a son, did the Britains not much detriment. Whereat
Severus more overcome with grief than any other malady, ended (211)
his life at York. After whose decease Antoninus Caracalla his im-
pious son, concluding peace with the Britains, took hostages and
departed to Rome. The conductor of all this northern war, Scottish
writers name Donaldus, he of Monmouth, Fulgenius ; in the rest of
his relation nothing worth. From hence the Roman empire declining
apace, good historians growing scarce, or lost, have left us little else
but fragments for many years ensuing. Under Gordian the Emperor
(Cambd.) we find by the inscription of an altar-stone, that Nonius
Philippus govern'd here. Under Galienus we read there was a
(Eumen. Paneg. Const) strong and general revolt from the Roman
legate. Of the thirty tyrants which not long after (267. Cambd.) took
upon them the stile of Emperor, by many coins found among us,
Lollianus, Victorinus, Posthumus, the Tetrici and Marius are conjec-
tured to have risen or born great sway in this island. Whence
(Gildas) Porphyrius, a philosopher, then living, said that Britain was
a soil fruitful of tyrants ; and is noted to be the first author that makes
mention of the Scottish nation. While Probus was (282) Emperor,
Bonosus the son of a rhetorician, bred up a Spaniard, though by
descent a Britain, and a matchless drinker, nor much to be blam'd, if,
as they write, he were still wisest in his cups, having attained in war-
fare to high honours, and lastly in his charge over the German
shipping, willingly, as was thought, miscarried, trusting on his power with
the western armies, and join'd with Proculus, bore himself a while for
emperor ; but (282) after a long and bloody fight at Cullen vanquish'd
by Probus, he hang'd himself, and gave occasion of a ready jest made
on him for his much drinking ; here hangs a tankard not a man.
After this, Probus with much wisdom prevented (Zozim. 1. i.) a new
rising here in Britain, by the severe loyalty of Victorinus a Moor, at

60 CARAUSIUS BECOMES MASTER OF BRITAIN.— CQNSTANTIUS.

whose entreaty he had plac'd here that governor which rebelled. For
the emperor upbraiding him with the disloyalty of whom he had com-
mended, Victorinus undertaking to set all right again, hastes hither,
and finding indeed the governor to intend sedition, by some contri-
vance not mention'd in the story, slew him, whose name some imagine
to be Cornelius Lelianus. They (Cambd.) write also, that Probus
gave leave to the Spaniards, Gauls, and Britains, to plant vines, and
to make wine ; and having subdu'd the Vandals and Burgundians in
a great battle, sent over many of them hither to inhabit, where
(Zozimus) they did good service to the Romans when any insurrection
happen'd in the isle. After whom Carus emperor going (283. Vopisc.
in Carin.) against the Persians, left Carinus, one of his sons, to govern
among other western provinces this island with imperial authority ;
but him Dioclesian, saluted emperor by the eastern armies, overcame
and slew. About which time (284. Aurel. Viet, de Caesar) Carusius a
man of low parentage, born in Menapia, about the parts of Cleves
and Juliers, who through all military degrees was made at length
admiral of the Belgic and Armoric seas, then much infested by the
Franks and Saxons, what he took from the pirates, neither restoring
to the owners, nor accounting to the publick, but enriching himself,
and yet not scowring the seas, but conniving rather at those sea-rob-
bers, was grown (285. Eutro. Oros.) at length too great a delinquent
to be less than an emperor : for fear and guiltness in those days
made emperors ofter than merit : and understanding that Maximianus
Herculius, Dioclesian's adopted son. was come against him into
Gallia, pass'd (Eumen Paneg. 2. 286.) over with the navy which he
had made his own, into Britain, and possess'd the island. Where he
built a new fleet after the Roman fashion, got into his power the
legion that was left here in garrison, other outlandish cohorts detain'd,
listed the very merchants and factors of Gallia, and with the allure-
ment of spoil invited great numbers of other barbarous nations to his
part, and train'd them to sea-service, wherein the Romans at that time
were grown so out of skill, that Carausius with his navy did at sea
what he listed, robbing on every coast ; whereby Maximian, able to
come no nearer than the shoar of Boloigne, was forc'd (Victor. Eutrop.)
to conclude a peace with Carausius, and yield him Britain ; as one
fittest to guard the province there against inroads from the north.
But not long after (291) having assum'd Constantius Chlorus to the
dignity of Caesar, sent him against Carausius : who in the mean while
had made himself strong both within the land and without. Galfred
of Monmouth, writes that he made the Picts his confederates ; to
whom lately come out of Scythia (Buchanan) he gave Albany to dwell
in : and it is observ'd, that before his time the Picts are not known to
have been any where* mention'd,, and then first (Paneg. 2.) by Eumc-
nius a rhetorician. He repair'd and fortified the wall of Severus

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 61

with seven castles, and a round house of smooth stone on the
bank of Carron, which river, saith Nennius, was of his name so
calFd ; he built (291) also a triumphal arch in remembrance of some
victory there obtain'd. In France he held Gessoriacum, or Boloigne ;
and all the Franks which had by his permission seated themselves in
Belgia, were at his devotion. But Constantius hasting into Gallia,
besieges Boloigne, and with stones and timber obstructing the port,
keeps out all relief that could be sent in by Carausius. Who, e'er
Constantius with the great fleet which he had prepar'd, could arrive
hither,1 was (292) slain treacherously by Alectus, one of his friends,
who long'd to step into his place ; when he seven years, and worthily,
as some say, as others, tyrannically, had rul'd the island. So much
the more did Constantius prosecute that opportunity (Cambd. ex Nin,
Eume. Pan. 3.) before Alectus could well strengthen his affairs ; and
though in ill weather, putting to sea with all urgency from several
havens to spread the terror of his landing, and the doubt where to
expect him, in a mist passing the British fleet unseen, '.hat lay scout-
ing near the Isle of Wight, no sooner got ashoar, but fires his own
ships, to leave no hope of refuge but in victory. Alectus also, though
now much dismaid, transfers his fortune to a battle on the shoar ; but
encountered by Asclepiodotus captain of the Praetorian bands, and
desperately rushing on unmindful both of ordering his men or bring-
ing them all to fight, save the accessories of his treason, and his out-
landish hirelings, is overthrown, and slain with little or no loss to the
Romans, but great execution on the Franks. His body was found
almost naked in the Field, for his purple robe he had thrown aside,
lest it should descry him, unwilling to be found. The rest taking
flight to London, and purposing with the pillage of that city to escape
by sea, are met by another of the Roman army, whom the mist at sea
disjoining, had by chance brought thither, and with a new slaughter
chas'd through all the streets. The Britains, their wives also and
children, with great joy go out to meet Constantius, as one whom
they acknowledge their deliverer from bondage and insolence. All
this seems by Eumenius, who then liv'd, and was of Constantius's
household, to have been done in the course of our continu'd action ;
so also thinks Sigonius a learned writer : though all other allow three
years to the tyranny of Alectus.2 In these days were great store of
workmen, and excellent builders in this island, whom after the altera-
tion of things here, the ^Eduans in Burgundy entertain'd to build their
temples and publick edifices. Dioclesian having hitherto successfully

1 Cambden in his Britannia Tit. Buckinghamshire, says Alectus kill'd him in battle, and
thinks Caversfield to be the place where they fought. Caversfield stands on the Ouse, not
far from Buckingham.

2 See an account of Alectus and Carausius, and of the places nam'd from, Alcester and
Caversfield in Oxfordshire and Bucks : in a hisiory of Alcester, printed from the M S. by Dr.
Kennet in his Parochial antiquities.

62 THE BRITISH MARTYR.— BIRTH PLACE OF CONSTANTINE.

us'd his valour against the enemies of his empire, uses now his rage
in a bloody persecution (Gildas) against his obedient and harm-
less Christian subjects : from the feeling whereof neither was this
island, though most remote, far enough remov'd. Among them
here who suffer'd gloriously,1 Aron, and Julius of Caer-leon upon
Usk, but chiefly Alban of Verulam, were most renown'd : the
story of whose martyrdom soil'd, and worse martyr'd with the
fabling zeal of some idle fancies, more fond of miracles, than appre-
hensive of truth, deserves not longer digression. Constantius after
Dioclesian, dividing (303) the empire with Galerius, had Britain among
his other provinces ; where either preparing or returning with victory
from an expedition against the Caledonians, he dy'd at York. His
son Constantine, who happily came post from Rome to Boloigne just
about the time, saith Eumenius, that his father was setting sail his
last time hither, and not long before his death, was by him on his
death-bed nam'd, (306. Eutrop. Eumen) and after his funeral, by the
whole army saluted emperor.2 There goes a fame, and that seconded
by3 most of our own historians, though not those the ancientest, that
Constantine was born in this island, his mother Helena the daughter
of4 Coilus a British prince, not sure the father of king Lucius, whose
sister she must then be, for that would detect her too old by an
hundred years to be the mother of Constantine. But to salve this
incoherence, another Coilus is feign'd to be then earl of Colchester.
To this therefore the Roman authors give no testimony, except a
passage or two in the Panegyrics, about the sense whereof much is
argu'd : others (Euseb. Const.) nearest to those times clear the doubt,
and write him certainly born of Helena, a mean woman at Naisus in
Dardania. Howbeit, e'er his departure (307) hence he seems to have
had some bickerings in the north, which by reason of more urgent
affairs compos'd, he passes (Sigon) into Gallia ; and after four years
(311) returns either to settle or to alter the state of things here ; until
a new war against Maxentius call'd him back, leaving Pacatianus his
vice-gerent.5 He deceasing, Constantine his eldest son enjoy'd for
his part of the empire, with all the provinces that lay on this side the
Alps, this island also. But falling to civil war with Constans his
brother, was by him slain ; who with his third brother6 Constantius

1 A thousand martyr'd at Litchfield, thence call'd Licidfield, which Rouse of Warwick
renders a field _of carcasses, if Geoffrey of Monmouths account is not forg'd.

2 Eumenius, in his oration to Constantine, calls Britain the most blest and fortunate of all
lands, quia Constantimtm Ctesarem primum vidisti. Which is not to be understood that he
was born, but that he was first saluted emperor here, tho' Dr. Stillingfleet in his Orig. Brit,
makes it probable, that Britain was the place of his birth.

3 See Lipsius's epistle to Mr. Cambden, upon this point. Cambd. Ep. pag. 64., and Usher's
Primordia, folio, p. 93

4 Cambden in his Britan. says, Constantius Chlorus marry'd the daughter of Coilus or
Coelus, a British prince, and by her had Constantine the great in Britain.

5 Constantine, when he was last in Britain, divided the province into four parts. Britannica
Prima & Secunda, the old division, to which he added Flavia and Maxima Caesariensis.

6 Constantius was in Asia when Constans came into Britain. Dr. Howell history.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 63

coming into Britain, seiz'd it as victor. (340. Libanius.) Against him
rose (343) Magnentius, one of his chief commanders, by some affirm'd
the son of a Britain, he having gain'd on his side great forces, con-
tested with Constantius in many battles for the sole empire ; but
vanquish'd, (350 Cambden) in the end slew himself. Somewhat
before this time (353) Gratianus Funarius, the father of Valenti-
nian, afterwards emperor, had chief comman i of those armies
which the Romans kept here. And the Arrian doctrine which
(Ammian) then divided Christendom, wrought also in this island
no small disturbance : a land, saith Gildas, greedy of every thing
new, stedfast in nothing. At last Constantius appointed a Synod of
more than 400 bishops to assemble at Ariminum on the emperor's
charges, which the rest all refusing, three only of the British,1 poverty
constraining them, accepted ; though the other bishops among them
offer'd to have borne their charges : esteeming it more honourable to
live on the publick, than to be obnoxious to any private purse. l Doubt-
less an ingenious mind, and far above the presbyters of our age ; who
like well to sit in assembly on the publick stipend, but like not the
poverty that caus'd these to do so.32 After this Martinus was deputy
of the province ; who being offended with the cruelty which Paulus,
an inquisitor sent from Constantius, exercis'd in his inquiry after those
military officers, who had conspir'd (354) with Magnentius, was himself
laid hold on as an accessory ; at which enrag'd, he runs at Paulus3
with his drawn sword ; but failing to kill him, turns it on himself.
Next to whom, as may be guess'd, Alipius was made deputy. In the
meantime Julian, whom Constantius had made Cassar, having re-
cover'd much territory about Rhine, where the German inrodes before
had long insulted, to relieve those countries almost ruin'd, causes 800
pinaces to be built ; and with them by frequent voyages, plenty of
corn to be fetch'd in from Britain ; which even then was the usual
bounty of this soil to those parts, as oft as French and Saxon pirates
hinder'd not the transportation. While Constantius yet reign'd, (Amin.
1. 22. 360), the Scots and Picts breaking in upon the northern con-
fines, Julian being at Paris sends over Lupicinus, a well try'd soldier,
but a proud and covetous man ; who with a power of light-arm'd
Herulians, Batavians, and Massians, in the midst of winter sailing
from Boloigne, arrives at Rutupiae,4 seated on the opposite shoar, and
comes to London, to consult there about the war ; but soon after was
recall'd by Julian, then chosen emperor. Under whom we read not

1 The British Church encreas'd mightily under Constantine the great, and in the year 314,
sent deputies to the council of Aries, as also to the OEcumenical synod of Nice, Anne 225, and
to the council of Sardica. in the year 347.

2 This is spoken by the author with reference to the assembly of Presbyterian divines,
•who sat with daily wages.

3 This Paulus was burnt alive afterwards by an order of Julian the apostate. Mr. Wilton
places Paul the notary's coming into England five years after the time.

4 Richborrow near Sandwich in Kent. See Mr. Somner's discourse on the Roman port
in Kent, p. 3, 4.

64 PROGRESS OF THEODOSIUS IN BRITAIN. — THE TROOPS EMPLOYED.

of ought happening here ; only that Palladius, one of his great officers,
was hither banish'd. This year (Amm. 1. 26, 27), Valentinian being
Emperor, the Attacots,1 Picts, and Scots roving up and down ; and
last the Saxons, with perpetual landings and invasions, harry'd (367)
the south coast of Britain ; slew Nectaridius, who govern'd the sea
borders, and BuL~hobaudes with his forces by an ambush. With
which news Valentmian, not a little perplex'd, sends first Severus,
high steward of his house, and soon recalls him ; then Jovinus, who
intimating the necessity of greater supplies, he sends at length Theo-
docius, a man of try'd valour and experience, father to the first
emperor of that name. He with selected numbers out of the legions
and cohorts, crosses the sea from Boloigne to Rutupice : from whence
with the Batavians, Herulians,2 and other legions that arriv'd soon
after, he marches to London ; and dividing his forces into several
bodies, sets upon the dispers'd and plundering enemy, laden with
spoil ; from whom recovering the booty which they led away,
and were forc'd to leave there with their lives, he restores all to the
right owners, save a small portion to his wearied soldiers, and enters
London victoriously ; which, before in many straights and difficulties,
was now reviv'd as with a great deliverance. The numerous enemy,
with whom he had to deal, was of different nations, and the war
scatter'd ; which Theodosius, getting daily some intelligence from
fugitives and prisoners, resolves to carry on by sudden parties and
surprisals, rather than set battles ; nor omits he to proclaim indemnity
to such as would lay down arms, and accept of peace, which brought
in many. Yet all this not ending the work, he requires that Civilis, a
man of much uprightness, might be sent him, to be as deputy of the
island, and Dulcitius a famous captain. Thus was Theodosius busy'd,
besetting with ambushes the roving enemy, repressing his roads, re-
storing cities and castles to their former safety and defence, laying
every where the firm foundation of a long peace, when Valentius,3 a
Pannonian for some great offence banish'd into Britain, conspiring
(368. Amm. 1. 28. Zozim. 1. 4) with certain exiles and soldiers against
Theodosius, whose worth he dreaded as the only obstacle to his
greater design of gaining the isle into his power, is discover'd, and
with his chief accomplices deliver'd over to condign punishment :
against the rest, Theodosius with a wise lenity suffer'd not inquisition
to proceed too rigorously, lest the fear thereof appertaining to so
many, occasion might arise of new trouble in a time so unsettled. This
done, he applies himself to reform things out of order, raises on the
confines many strongholds : and in them appoints due and diligent

1 Dr. Gale supposes the Attacoti to be a barbarous sort of Eritains, inhabiting the north
of Scotland.

2 The Jovii and Victores, the Batavi and the Heruli, which serv'd in this expedition, were
the four best legions in the Roman armies.

3 Should be Falentinus.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 65

watches ; and so reduc'd all things out of danger, that the province,
which but lately was under command of the enemy, became now
wholly Roman, new nam'd Valentia of Valentinian, and the city of
London, Augusta. Thus Theodosius nobly acquitting himself in all
affairs, with general applause of the whole province, accompanied to
the sea-side, returns to Valentinian. Who about five years after (373.
Amm. 1. 29.) sent hither Fraomarius, a king of the Almans, with
authority of a tribune over his own country forces, which then both
for number and good service were in high esteem. Against Gratian,
who succeeded in the western empire, Maximus a Spaniard, and one
who had serv'd in the British wars with younger Theodosius (for he
also, either with his father, or not long after him, seems (Sozim, 1. 4,
Sigon.) to have done something in this island) and now general of the
Roman armies here, either discontented that Theodosius was pre-
ferr'd before him to the empire, or constrain'd by the soldiers who
hated Gratian, assumes the imperial purple, and having attain'd
victory against the Scots and Picts, with the flower and strength of
Britain, passes into France ; there (383) slays Gratian, and without
much difficulty, in the space of five years, obtains his part of the empire,
overthrown at length and slain by Theodosius. With whom perishing
most of his followers, or not returning out of Armorica,1 which Maximus
had given them to possess, the south of Britain by this means ex-
hausted of her youth, (Gildas. 388. Beda, Ninn.), and what there was
of Roman soldiers on the confines drawn off, became a prey to savage
invasions ; of Scots from the Irish seas, of Saxons from the German,
of Picts from the north. Against them, first Chrysanthus the son of
Marcian a Novatian bishop, made deputy of Britain by Theodosius,
demean'd himself worthily : then Stilicho, a man of great power, whom
Theodosius dying left protector of his son Honorius, either came in
person, or sending over sufficient aid, repress'd them, and as it seems
new fortify'd the wall against them. But that legion being call'd away,
when the Roman armies from all parts hasted to relieve Honorius,
then besieged in Asta of Piemont, by Alaric the Goth, Britain was
left expos'd as before to those barbarous robbers.

Lest any wonder how the Scots came to infest Britain from the Irish
sea, it must be understood, that the Scots not many years before had
been driven all out of Britain by Maximus ; and their king Eugenius
slain in fight, as their own annals report : whereby, it seems, wandring
up and down, without certain seat, they liv'd by scumming those seas

1 Geoffrey relates, that Maximus bestow'd Armorica, the province of Bretagne in France,
on Conan a Britain, Lord of Denbyshire, whom he made duke of it ; as also that Dionotus,
duke of Cornwall, sent his own daughter Ursula 11,000 noble virgins, and 60,000 others to
duke Conan, for wives for himself and his Britains ; of whom part perish'd in a storm, the
rest by the kings of the Hunns and the Picts, who either kill'd them, or made them slaves.
The virgms are esteemed martyrs in the Roman legends : and Card. Baronius, from no better
authority than Geoffrey of Monmouth, reports the same story, as if it had been matter of fact,
though it carries so many improbabilities with it.

66 ALARIC IN ITALY. — STILICHO. — INROADS OF THE VANDALS.

and shores as pirates. But more authentick writers confirm us, that
the Scots, whoever they be originally, came first into Ireland, and
dwelt there, and named it Scotia, long before the north of Britain took
that name. About this time, though troublesome, Pelagius a Britain
found the leisure to bring new and dangerous opinions into the Church,
and is largely writ against by St. Austin. But the Roman powers
which were call'd into Italy, when once the fear of Alaric was over,
made return into several provinces : and perhaps Victorinus1 of Tolosa,
whom Rutilius the poet much commends, might be then prefect of
the Island: if it were not he whom Stilicho sent hither.2 Buchanan
writes, that endeavouring to reduce the Picts into a province, he gave
the occasion of their calling back Fergusius and the Scots, whom
Maximus with their help had quite driven out of the island : and in-
deed the verses of that poet speak him to have been active in those
parts. But the time which is assign'd him later Buchanan after
Gratianus Municeps, by Cambden after Constantine the tyrant,,
accords not with that which follows in the plain course of history.
For the Vandals having broke in and wasted all Belgia, even to those
places from whence easiest passage is into Britain, the Roman forces
here, doubting to be suddenly invaded, were all in uproar, and in
tumultuous manner set up Marcus,3 who it may seem was then deputy.
But him not found agreeable to their heady courses, they as hastily
kill : for the giddy favour of a mutining rout is as dangerous as their
fury. The like they do by Gratian a British Roman, in four months
advanc'd, ador'd, and destroy'd. There was among them a common
soldier, whose name was Constantine, with him on a sudden so taken
they are,4 upon the conceit put in them of a luckiness in his name, as
without other visible merit, to create him emperor.5 It fortun'd that
the man had not his name for nought ; so well he knew to lay hold,
and make good use of an unexpected offer. He therefore with a
weaken'd spirit, to the extent of his fortune dilating his mind, which
in his mean condition before lay contracted and shrunk up, orders
with good advice his military affairs : and with the whole force of the
province, and what of British was able to bear arms, he passes into
France, aspiring at least to an equal share with Honorius in the

1 Cambden calls the Roman general Victorinus, Broetius and Buchanan say his name was
Maximinian.

2 Claudius in his Panegyrick on Sdlicho's first Consulship introduces Britannia speaking
thus in his praise :

Scoticane Pic fa trewerent nee Littore toto
Prospicerem duliis Venientem Saxona Ventis :
The Scots and Picts alike now dreadless are ;
No longer on the coasts I quivering stand,
Nor fear a fleet of Saxons on the strand.

3 Stilicho's succours were sent in his first consulship, Anno 395, and the Vandals did not
break into the empire till the year 407, when Marcus was proclaim' d emperor in Britain.
•which very well agrees with the plain course of history. Dr. Howell's Vol. II.

4 Hoping, says Cambden in his remains, he would prove another Constantinus Maximus.
6 He was proclaim'd emperor at Silcester in Hampshire.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 67

empire. Where by the valour of Edobecus a Frank, and Gerontius a
Britain, and partly by persuasion gaining all in his way, he comes to
Aries. With like facility by his son Constans, whom of a monk he
had made a Cassar, and by the conduct of Gerontius, he reduces all
Spain to his obedience. But Constans after this displacing Gerontius,
the affairs of Constantine soon went to wrack : for he by this means
alienated, set up Maximus one of his friends against him in Spain ;
and passing into France took Vienna1 by assault, and having slain
Constans in that city, calls on the Vandals against Constantine ; who
by him incited, as by him before they had been repress'd, breaking
forward, over-run most part of France. But when Constantius comes,
the emperor's general, with a strong power came out of Italy, Gerontius
deserted by his own forces, retires into Spain ; where also growing
into contempt with the soldiers, after his flight out of France, by whom
his house in the night was beset, having first with a few of his servants
defended himself valiantly, and slain above 300, though when his
darts and other weapons were spent, he might have scap't at a private
door, as all his servants did, not enduring to leave his wife Nonnichia,
whom he lov'd, to the violence of an enraged crew, he first cuts off
the head of his friend Alanus, as were agreed ; next his wife though
loth and delaying, yet by her entreated and importun'd, refusing to
outlive her husband, he dispatches : for which her resolution, Sozo-
menus an ecclesiastick writer gives her high praise, both as a wife and
as a Christian. Last of all, against himself he turns his sword ; but
missing the mortal place, with the ponyard finishes the work. Thus
far is pursu'd the story of a famous Britain,2 related negligently by
our other historians. As for Constantine, his ending was not answer-
able to his setting out : for he with his other son Julian besieg'd by
Constantius in Aries, and mistrusting the change of his wonted success,
to save his head, poorly turns priest ; but that not availing him, is
carried into Italy, and there put to death ; having four years acted the
emperor. While these things were doing, the Britains at home
destitute of Roman aid, and the chief strength of their own youth,
that went first with Maximus, then with Constantine, not returning
home, vex'd and harassed by their wonted enemies, had sent
messages to Honorius ; but he at that time not being able to
defend Rome itself, which the same year was taken by Alaric,
advises them by his letter to consult how best they might for
their own safety, and acquits them of the Roman jurisdiction.
They therefore thus relinquished, and by all right the government
relapsing into their own hands, henceforth betook themselves to live
after their own laws, defending their bounds as well as they were

1 Vienne in Dauphine.

2 Humphrey Lloid, in his discourse concerning Britain, says, he was so famous, that the
British bards celebrated him with several poems, part of which he recites.

6S BRITAIN DESERTED BY THE ROMANS.— MONKISH HISTORIANS.

able, and the Armoricans, who not long after were call'd the Britains
of France, follow'd their example. Thus expir'd this great empire of
the Romans ; first in Britain, soon after in Italy itself : having born
chief sway in this island, though never thoroughly subdued, or all at
once in subjection, if we reckon from the coming in of Julius to the
taking of Rome by Alaric, in which year Honorius wrote those letters
of discharge into Britain, the space of 462 years.1 And with the
empire fell also what before in this western world was chiefly Roman ;
learning, valour, eloquence, history, civility, and even language itself,
all these together, as it were, with equal pace diminishing, and decay-
ing. Henceforth we are to steer by another sort of authors ; near
enough to the things they write, as in their own country, if that would
serve ; in time not much belated, some of equal age ; in expression
barbarous ; and to say howjudicious, I suspend awhile : this we must
expect ; in civil matters to find them dubious relaters, and still to the
best advantage of what they term holy church, meaning indeed them-
selves : in most other matters of religion, blind, astonish'd, and struck
with superstition, as with a planet ; in one word, monks. Yet these
guides, where can be had no better, must be follow'd ; in gross it may
be true enough ; in circumstance each man as his judgement gives
him, may reserve his faith, or bestow it. But so different a state of
things requires a several relation.

BOOK III.

THIS third book having to tell of accidents as various and exemplary,
as the intermission or change of Governmennt hath any where brought
forth, may deserve attention more than common, and repay it with
like benefit to them who can judiciously read : considering especially
that the late civil broils had cast us into a condition not much unlike
to what the Britains then were in, when the imperial jurisdiction
departing hence, left them to the sway of their own councils ; which
times by comparing seriously with these latter, and that confused
anarchy with this interreign, we may be able from two such remark-
able turns, of state, producing like events among us, to raise a
knowledge of ourselves both great and weighty, by judging hence
what kind of men the Britains generally are in matters of so high

1 Julius Czesar landed in Britain 53 years before our Saviour's birth, and in the year 473,
according to Mr. Speed, the Romans hid their treasures in Britain, and despar'd of being
able to defend it against the Scots and Picts. By this calculation, their dominion over the
Britains lasted 490 years ; and we read in the same Mr. Speed's Chronicle, that the Britain's
ten years afterwards wrote to ^Etius in his third consulate to assist them. Cambden in his
Britannia Tit. The Romans in Britain, says the Roman empire expir'd here 476 years after
Caesar's first invasion. For Attila, the Hun, was so terrible at that time to the Romans, that
they cou'd not spare any of their forces to succour the Britains.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 69

enterprize, how by nature, industry, or custom fitted to attempt or
undergo matters of so main consequence ; for if it be a high point of
wisdom in every private man, much more is it in a nation to know it-
self ; rather than puft up with vulgar flatteries, and encomiums, for
want of self-knowledge, to enterprise rashly, and come off miserably in
great undertakings. The Britains, thus as we heard, being left with-
out protection from the empire, and the land in a manner emptied of
all her youth, consumed in wars abroad, or not caring to return home,
themselves through long subjection, servile in mind, slothful of body,
and with the use of arms unacquainted, sustain'd but ill for many
years the violence of those barbarous invaders, who now daily grew
upon them. For although at first greedy of change, and to be thought
the leading nation to freedom from the empire, they seem'd a while
to bestir them with a shew of diligence in their new affairs, some
secretly aspiring to rule, others adoring the name of liberty, yet so.
soon as they felt by proof the weight of what it was to govern well
themselves, and what was wanting within them, not stomach or the
love of licence, but the wisdom, the virtue, the labour, to use and
maintain true liberty, they soon remitted their heat, and shrunk more
wretchedly under the burden of their own liberty, than before under a
foreign yoke. Insomuch that the residue of those Romans which had
planted themselves here, desparing of their ill deportment at home,
and weak resistance in the field, by those few who had the courage, or
the strength to bear arms, nine years after the sacking of Rome
remov'd out of Britain into France, hiding for haste great part of their
treasure, which was never after found. And now again the Britains,
no longer able to support themselves against the prevailing enemy,
solicit Honorius to their aid, with mournful letters, embassages and
vows of perpetual subjection to Rome, if the northern foe were but
repuls'd. He at their request spares them one Legion, which with
great slaughter of the Scots and Picts drove (422) them beyond the
borders, rescu'd the Britains, and advis'd them to build a wall across
the island, between sea and sea, from1 the place where Edenburgh now
stands to the frith of Dunbritton, by the city Alcluith. But the
material being only turf, and by the rude multitude unartificially built
up without better direction, avail'd (Gildas) them little. For no
sooner was the Legion departed, but the greedy spoilers returning,
land in great numbers from their boats and pinaces, wasting, slaying^
and treading down all before them. Then are messengers again
posted to Rome in lamentable sort, beseeching that they would not
surfer a whole province to be destroy'd, and the Roman name, so
honourable yet among them, to become the subject of barbarian .scorn
and insolence. The emperor, at their sad complaint (423), with what
speed was possible sends to their succour. Who coming suddenly on,

[1 From Abercorn on the Forth to Danglass on the Clyde. — A. M.]

; O BUCHANAN, THE SCOTTISH HISTORIAN, HIS FABULOUS STORIES.

those ravenous multitudes that minded only spoil, surprise them with
a terrible slaughter. They who escap'd, fled back to those seas, from
whence yearly they were wont to arrive, and return laden with booties.
But the Romans, who came not now to rule, but charitably to aid,
declaring that it stood not longer with the ease of their affairs to
make such laborious voyages in pursuit of so base and vagabond
robbers, of whom neither glory was to be got, nor gain, exhorted them
to manage their own warfare ; and to defend like men their country,
their wives, their children, and what was to be dearer than life, their
liberty, against an enemy not stronger than themselves, if their own
sloth and cowardice had not made them so ; if they would but only
find hands to grasp defensive arms, rather than basely stretch them
(Bede.) out to receive bonds. They gave them also their help to build
a new wall, not of earth as the former (Gildas), but of stone (both at
the publick cost, and by particular contributions) traversing the isle in
direct line from east to west, between certain cities placed there as
frontiers to bear off the enemy, where Severus had wall'd once before.
They rais'd it twelve foot high, eight broad, Along the south shoar,1
because from thence also like hostility was fear'd, they place towers
by the sea-side at certain distances, for safety of the coast. Withal,
they instruct them in the art of war, leaving patterns of their arms and
weapons behind them ; and with animating words, and many lessons
of valour to a faint-hearted audience, bid them finally farewell, without
purpose to return. And these two friendly expeditions, the last of any
hither by the Romans, were perform'd, as may be gather'd out of
Beda and Diaconus, the two last years of Honorius. Their leader, as
some modernly write, was Gallic of Ravenna ; Buchanan, who
departs not much from the fables of his predecessor Boethius, names
him Maximianus, and brings against him to this battle Fergus first
king of Scots, after their second suppos'd coming into Scotland,
Durstus king of Picts, both there slain, and Dioneth an imaginary
king of Britain, or duke of Cornwall, who improbably sided \vith them
against his own country, hardly escaping. With no less exactness of
particular circumstances, he (Buch. 1. 5) takes upon him to relate all
those tumultuary inroads of the Scots and Picts into Britain, as if
they had but yesterday happen'd, their order of battle, manner of fight,
number of slain, articles of peace, things whereof Gildas and Beda
are utterly silent, authors to whom the Scotch writers have none to
cite comparable in antiquity ; no more thereof to be believ'd for bare
assertion, however quaintly dressed, than our Geoffry of Monmouth
when he varies most from authentick story. But either the inbred
vanity of some, in that respect unworthily call'd historians, or the fond
zeal of praising their nations above truth, hath so far transported them.

1 The enemies, which they fear'd on that side, were the Saxon pirates, who hover'd upon
the southern coast, and occasion'd the new officer, stil'd Comes Littoris Saxonici.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 71

that where they find nothing faithfully to relate, they fall confidently
to invent what they think may either best set goff their history, or
magnifie their country. The [Scots and Picts in manners differing
somewhat from each other, but still unanimous to rob and spoil,
hearing that the Romans intended not to return from the Gorroghs,
or leathern frigates, pour out themselves in swarms upon the land,
more confident than ever : and from the north end of the isle to the
very wall side, then first took possession, as (Gildas. Beda) inhabitants;
while the Britains with idle weapons in their hands stand trembling on
the battlements, till the half-naked barbarians with their long and
formidable iron hooks pull them down head-long. The rest not only
quitting the wall but towns and cities, leave them to the bloody pur-
suer, who follows killing, wasting, and destroying all in his way. From
these confusions arose a famine, and from thence discord and civil
commotion among the Britains : each man living by what he robb'd
or took violently from his neighbour. When all stores were consumed
and spent where men inhabited, they betook them to the woods, and
liv'd by hunting, which was their only sustainment. To the heaps of
their evils from without were (Beda. Constant) added new divisions
within the church. For Agricola the son of Severianus, a Pelagian
bishop, had spread his doctrine wide among the Britains not uninfected
before. The sounder part neither willing to embrace his opinion to
the overthrow of divine grace, nor able to refute him, crave assistance
from the churches of France : who send (429) them Germanus bishop
of Auxerre, and Lupus of Troyes. They by continual preaching
(Prosp. Aquit.) in churches, in streets, in fields, and not without
miracles, as is written, confirm'd some, regain'd others, and at Verulam
in a public disputation put to silence their chief adversaries. This
reformation (Matth. West, ad ann. 446) in the church was believ'd to
be the cause of their success a while after in the field. For (430) the
Saxons and Picts with joynt force, which was no new thing before
the Saxons at least had any dwelling in this island, during this abode
of Germanus here, had made a strong impression from the north.
The Britains marching (Constant, vit. Germ.) out against them, and
mistrusting their own power, send to Germanus and his colleague,
reposing more in the spiritual strength of those two men, than in their
own thousands arm'd. They came, and their presence in the camp
was not less than if a whole army had come to second them. It was
then the time of Lent, and the people instructed by the daily
sermons of these two pastors, come flocking to receive baptism.
There was a place in the camp set apart as a church, and
trick'd up with boughs upon Easter-day. The enemy under-
standing this, and that the Britains were taken up with religion
more than with feats of arms, advances, after the paschal feast, as
to a certain victory. Germanus, who also had intelligence of their ap-

72 VICTORY WON BY BISHOP GERMANUS.— AID IMPLORED IN VAIN.

proach, undertakes to be captain that day: and riding out with selected
troops to discover what advantages the place might offer, lights on a
valley compass'd about with hills, by which the enemy was to pass.
And placing there his ambush, warns them that what word they heard
him pronounce aloud, the same they should repeat with universal shout.
The enemy passes on securely, and Germanus thrice aloud cries Halle-
luia ; which answered by the soldiers with a sudden burst of clamour,
is from the hills and valleys redoubled. The Saxons and Picts on a
sudden supposing it the noise of a huge host, throw themselves into
flight, casting down their arms, and great numbers of them are drown'd
in the river which they had newly pass'd. This victory, thus won
without hands, left to the Britains plenty of spoil, and to the person
and the preaching of Germanus greater authority and reverence than
before. And the exploit might pass for current, if Constantius, the
writer of his life in the next age had resolv'd us how the British army
came to want baptizing ; for of any Paganism at that time, or long
before in the land, we read (Usher. Primord p. 333) not, or that Pela-
gianism was re-baptiz'd. The place of this victory, as is reported, was
in Flintshire, by a town calPd Guid-cruk,1 and the river Allen, where a
field retains the Name of Maes German (Germains field) to this day.
But so soon as Germanus was returned home (431. Prosp. Acquit.),
the Scots and Picts, though now so many of them Christians, that
Palladius a deacon was ordain'd and sent by Celestine the pope to be
a bishop of them, were not so well reclaim'd (Ethelwerd. Florent. Gild.
Bede.) or not so many of them as to cease from doing mischief to their
neighbours, where they found no impeachment to fall in yearly as
they were wont. They therefore of the Britains, who perhaps were not
yet wholly ruin'd, in the strongest and south-west parts of the Isley
send letters to ^Etius (Malmsbury 1. I. c. i. p. 8.), then third time consul
of Rome, with this supsrscription : To Altius thrice Consul, the groans
of the Britains (446). And after a few words thus, The Barbarians
drive us to the sea, the sea drives us back to the Barbarians ; thus
bandied up and down between two deaths we perish, either by the
sword or by the sea. But the empire at that time overspread with
Hunns and Vandals, was not in condition to lend them aid. Thus
rejected and wearied out with continual flying from place to place, but
more afflicted with famine, which then grew outrageous among them,
many for hunger yielded to the enemy, others either more resolute, or
less expos'd to wants, keeping within woods and mountainous places,
not only defended themselves, but sallying out at length gave a stop to-
the insulting foe with many seasonable defeats ; led by some eminent
person, as may be thought, who exhorted them not to trust in their
own strength, but in divine assistance. And perhaps no other is here
meant than the foresaid deliverance by Germanus, if computation would

1 Guiderac, in the British tongue, in the English, Mould in Flintshire.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 73

permit, which Gilclas either not much regarded, or might mistake ; but
that he tarried so long here, the writers of his life assent not. Finding
therefore such opposition, the Scots or Irish robbers, for so they are
indifferently term'd, without delay get them home. The Picts, as
before was mention'd, then first began to settle in the utmost parts of
the island, using now and then to make inroad upon the Britons.
But they in the mean while thus rid of their enemies, begin afresh to
till the ground ; which after cessation yields her fruit in such abun-
dance, as had not formerly been known for many ages. But wanton-
ness and luxury, the wonted companions of plenty, grow up as fast ;
and with them, if Gildas deserve belief, all other vices incident to
human corruption. That which he notes especially to be the chief
perverting of all good in the land, and so continued in his days, was
the hatred of truth, and all such as durst appear to vindicate and
maintain it. Against them, as against the only disturbers, all the
malice of the land was bent. Lies and falsities, and such as could best
invent them, were only in request. Evil was embrac'd for good,
wickedness honour'd and esteem'd as virtue : and this quality their
valour had against a foreign enemy, to be ever backward and heart-
less ; to civil broils eager and prompt. In matters of government, and
the search of truth, weak and shallow ; in falsehood and wicked deeds,
pregnant and industrious. Pleasing to God, or not pleasing, with them
weighed alike ; and the worse, most an end, was the weightier. All
things were done contrary to publick welfare and safety ; nor only by
secular men, for the clergy also, whose example should have guided
others, were as vicious and corrupt. Many of them besotted with
continual drunkenness, or swoll'n with pride and willfulness, full of
contention, full of envy, indiscreet, incompetent judges to detemine
what in the practice of life is good or evil, what lawful or unlawful.
Thus furnish' d with judgment, and for manners thus qualify'd both
priest and lay, they agree to choose them several kings of their own,
as near as might be, likest themselves ; and the words of my author
import as much. Kings were anointed, saith he, not of God's anoint-
ing, but such as were cruellest, and soon after as inconsiderately with-
out examining the truth, put to death by their anointers to set up
others more fierce and proud. As for the election of their kings (and
that they had not all one monarch, appears both in ages past and by
the sequel) it began, as nigh as may be guess'd, either this year or the
following, when they Saw the Romans had quite deserted their claim.
About which time also Pelagianism again prevailing by means of some
few, the British clergy too weak it seems at dispute, intreat (447. Con-
stant. Beda.) the second time, Germanus to their assistance. Who
coming with Severus a disciple of Lupus that was his former associate,
stands not now to argue, for the people generally continued right ; but
enquiring those authors of new disturbance, adjudges them to banish-

74 VORTIGERN, KING OF BRITAIN, INVITES THE SAXONS TO AID HIM.

ment. They therefore by consent of all who were deliver'd to Germanus ;
who (448. Sigon. Gildas.) carrying them over with him, dispos'd of
them in such place, where neither they could infect others, and were
themselves under cure of better instruction. But Germanus the same
year dy'd in Italy ; and the Britons not long after found themselves
again in much perplexity, with no slight rumour that their oldtroublers
the Scots and Picts had prepar'd a strong invasion, purposing to kill
all, and dwell themselves in the land from end to end. But e'er their
coming in, as if the instruments of divine justice had been at strife,
which of them first should destroy a wicked nation, the pestilence fore-
stalling the sword, left scarce alive whom to bury the dead ; and for
that time, as one extremity keeps off another, preserved the land from
a worse incumbrance of those barbarous dispossessers (Malms. 1. I.),
whom the contagion gave not leave now to enter far. And yet the
Britains nothing better'd by these heavy judgments, the one threaten'd,
the other felt, instead of acknowledging the hand of heaven, run to the
palace of their king Vortigern with complaints and cries of what they
suddenly fear'd from the Pictish invasion. Vortigern, who at that
time was chief rather than sole king, unless the rest had perhaps left
their dominions to the common enemy, is said by him of Monmouth
to have procur'd the death first of Constantine, then of Constans his
son, who of a monk was made king, and by that means to have usurp'd
the crown. But they who can remember how Constantine with his son
Constans the monk, the one made emperor, the other Caesar, perish'd in
France, may discern the simple fraud of this fable. But Vortigern how-
ever coming to reign (449), is decipher'd by truer stories a proud unfortu-
nate tyrant, and yet of the people much belov'd, because his vices sorted
so well with theirs. For neither was he skill'd in war nor wise in coun-
sel, but covetous, lustful, luxurious, and prone to all vice ; wasting the
publick treasury in gluttony and riot, careless of the common danger,
and through a haughty ignorance, unapprehensive of his own. Never-
theless importun'd and awak'd at length, by unusual clamours of the
people, he summons a general council, to provide some better means
than heretofore had been us'd against these continual annoyances
from the north. Wherein by advice of all, it was determin'd, that the
Saxons be invited into Britain against the Scots and Picts ; whose
breaking in they either shortly expected, or already found they had
not strength enough to oppose. The Saxons were a barbarous and
heathen nation, famous for nothing else but robberies and cruelties
done to all their neighbours both by sea and land ; in particular to
this island, witness that military force which the Roman emperors
maintain'd here purposely against them, under a special commander,
whose title, as is found on good record (Notitise Imperii.), was Count
of the Saxon-shoar in Britain ; and the many mischiefs done by their

1 Vorligern was chosen king in the year 447.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 75

landing here, both alone and with the Picts, as above hath been rela-
ted, witness as much. They were a people thought by good writers
(Florent. Wigorn. ad. an. 370) to be descended of the Sacag, a kind of
Scythian in the north of Asia, thence call'd Sacasons, or sons of Sacse,
who with a flood of other northern nations came into Europe, toward
the declining of the Roman empire ; 'and using piracy from Denmark
all along these seas, possess'd at length by intrusion all that coast of
Germany and the Netherlands, which (Ethel werd) took thence the
name of Old Saxony, lying between the Rhine and Elbe, and from
thence north as far as Fidora the river bounding Holsatia, tho' not so
firmly or so largely, but that their multitude wander'd yet uncertain of
habitation. Such guests as these the Britons resolve now to send for,
and entreat into their houses and possessions, at whose very name
heretofore they trembled afar off. So much do men through impa-
tience count ever that the heaviest which they bear at present, and
to remove the evil which they suffer, care not to pull on a greater ; as
if variety and change in evil also where acceptable. Or whether it be
that men in the despair of better, imagine fondly a kind of refuge from
one misery to another. The Britons (Ethelwerd, Malmsbur. Witi-
chind, Gest. Sax. 1. i. p. 3.) therefore, with Vortigern, who was then
accounted king over them all, resolve in full council to send ambassa-
dors to their choicest men with great gifts, and, saith a Saxon writer
in these words, desiring their aid ; ' Worthy Saxons, hearing the fame
of your prowess, the distress'd Britons wearied out, and overpress'd by
a continual invading enemy, have sent us to beseech your aid. They
have a land fertile and spatious,1 which to your commands they bid us
surrender. Heretofore we have liv'd with freedom under the obedi-
ence and protection of the Roman empire. Next to them we know
none worthier than yourselves ; and therefore become suppliants
to your valour. Leave us not below our present enemies, and to aught
by you impos'd, willingly we shall submit.' Yet Ethelwerd writes not
that they promis'd subjection, but only amity and league. They
therefore who had chief rule among them, hearing (Malms.) them-
selves entreated by the Britons, to that which gladly they would have
wish'd to obtain of them by entreating to the British embassy, re-

1 The bishop of Worcester will not agree with this opinion, because no rational account can
be given how the Sacse left their own country to people Saxony. Orig. Britann. p. 306-
See also Cambden, English Edit. p. 124, and Sheringtpn, De Anglorum Gentis Origine :
Cambden derives them from the Saci, a people of Scythia, Sarhmatia or Asiatica ; Shering-
ham does the same. Stillingfleet thinks they took their name from their Seaxes, or short
swords. Julius Scaliger observes, that Fader, Moder, Broder, &c., are used in the same
sense in the Persian language as in the Saxon, And Busbequius in his Epistles writes, that
the inhabitants of the Taurick Chersonese have these words, Wind, Silver, Corn, Salt, Fish,
Son, Apple ; and forty others in the same signification as they are now in with us. From,
whence Mr. Cambden in his Remains, p. 22, argues that our Saxon Progenitors planted their
colonies in the East as well as the West.

2 I know not how liberal the Britains might be in this distress ; but if they made such a
frank surrender, 'tis strange why the Saxons (designing *o make themselves masters of the
kingdom) should insist upon the poor pretence of short diet and bad pay ; and not rather urge
the express promise of the Saxon-Ambassadors.

76 SETTLEMENT OF SAXONS IN ENGLAND.— HORDES OF THE NORTH.

turn this answer : ' Be assur'd henceforth of the Saxons, as of faithful
friends to the Britons, no less ready to stand by them in their need,
than in their best of fortune.' The ambassadors return joyful, and
with news as welcome to their country, whose sinister fate had now
blinded them for destruction. ,The Saxons, consulting (Gildas.) first
their Gods (for they had answer, that the land whereto they Avent,
they should hold 300 years, half that time conquering, and half quietly
possessing) furnish out three long gallies, or kyules, with a chosen
company (about 1 500 men, Beda) of warlike youth, under the con-
duct of two brothers, Hengist and Horsa, descended in the fourth
degree from Woden ; of whom, deify'd for the fame of his acts, most
kings, of those nations derive their pedigree. These, and either mix'd
with these, or soon after by themselves, two other tribes, or neigbour-
ing people,1 Jutes and2 Angles, the one from Jutland, the other from
Anglen by the city of Sleswich, both provinces of Denmark, arrive in
the first year of Martian the Greek emperor, from the birth of Christ,
450, receiv'd (Nennius. Malms.) with much good will of the people
first, then of the king, who after some assurances giv'n and taken,
bestows on them the Isle of Tanet, where they first landed, hoping
they might be made hereby more eager against the Picts, when they
fought as for their own country, and more loyal to the Britons, from
whom they had receiv'd a place to dwell in, which before they wanted.
The British Nennius writes, that these brethren were driven into
exile out of Germany, and to Vortigern who reign'd in much fear, one
while of the Picts, then of the Romans, and Ambrosius came oppor-
tunely into the haven. For it was the custom in old Saxony, when their
numerous offspring overflow'd the narrowness of their bounds, to send
them out by lot into new dwellings, wherever they found room, either
vacant or to be forced. But whether sought, or unsought, they dwelt not
here long without employment. For the Scots and Picts werenowcome
down, some say, (Ethelwerd) as far as Stamford in Lincolnshire,3 whom,
perhaps not imagining to meetnew opposition, the Saxons, though nottill
after a sharp encounter, put to flight ; and that more than once : slaying
in fight, as some Scotch writers affirm, their King Eugenius the son of
Fergus. Hengist perceiving the island to be rich and fruitful, but her
princes and other inhabitants given to vicious ease, sends word home,
inviting others to a share of his good success : who returning with
seventeen ships, were grown up now to a sufficient army, and enter-

1 Vide Spelman Gloss, sub. Tit. Guti.

2 See Cambden's Britannia, Engl. p. 125. The Jutes, so call'd from the Gutes, Getes, or
Goths, inhabiting the Cymbrica Chersonesus, which the Danes to this day call Jutland. The
Angles, says Beda, lib. i, cap. 15, came out of the country call'd Angulus, which is said to
lie between the Jutes and the Saxons. Holstein was the ancient seat of the Saxons, and in
the country between Holstein and Jutland there is now a small province call'd Angel, under
the jurisdiction of the city of Flensberg.

3 Hengist, in this county, vanquish'd the Scots and Picts, and obtain'd of Vortigern as much,
land as he could encompass with an ox's hide cut into yery small thongs ; from which treaty,
the town of Thongcaster in Lincolnshire was so call'd-

MILTONS HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 77

tain'd without suspicion on these terms, that they should bear the
brunt of war against the Picts, receiving stipend and some place to
inhabit. With these was brought over the daughter of Hengist, a
virgin wondrous fair, as is reported. Rowen the British call her : she
by commandment of her father, who had invited the king to a
banquet, coming in presence with a bowl of wine to welcome him,
and to attend on his cup till the feast ended, won so much upon his
fancy, though already wiv'd, as to demand her in marriage upon any
conditions. Hengist at first, though it fell out perhaps according to
the drift, held off, excusing his meanness ; then obscurely intimating
a desire and almost a necessity, by reason of his augmented numbers,
to have his narrow bounds of Tanet enlarged to the circuit of Kent,1
had it straight by donation : though2 Guorangonus till then was king
of that place : and so, as it were overcome by the great munificence
of Vortigern, gave his daughter. And still encroaching on the king's
favour, got farther leave to call over Octa and Ebissa, his own and
his brother's son ; pretending that they, if the north were given them,
would sit there as a continual defence against the Scots, while himself
guarded the east. They therefore sailing with forty ships even to the
Orcades, and every way curbing the Scots and Picts, possess'd that
part of the isle which is now Northumberland. Notwithstanding this,
they complain, that their monthly pay was grown much into arrear ;
which when the Britons found means to satisfie, though alledging
withal, that they to whom promise was made of wages, were nothing
so many in number; quieted with this a while, but still seeking
occasion to fall off, they find fault next, that their pay is too small for
the danger they undergo, threatning open war unless it be augmented.
Guortimer, the king's son, perceiving his father and the kingdom
thus betray'd, from that time bends his utmost endeavour to drive
them out. They on the other side making league with the Picts and
Scots, and issuing out of Kent, wasted without resistance almost the
whole land even to the western sea, with such a horrid devastation,
that towns and colonies overturn'd, priests and people slain, temples
and palaces, what with fire and sword, lay altogether heaped in one
mixt ruin. Of all which multitude, so great was the sinfulness that
brought this upon them, Gildas adds, that few or none were likely to
be other than lewd and wicked persons. The residue of these, part
overtaken in the mountains, were slain ; others subdu'd with hunger,
preferred slavery before instant death ; some getting to rocks, hills and
woods inaccessible, preferr'd the fear and danger of any death before

1 This, we know, is the common story- : but the Saxon annals, as they say nothing of Ro-
wena, so they seem to intimate that Hengist got it by force of arms ; telling1 us, that he
•worsted the Britains in two pitched battles ; and that, upon this, they quitted Kent, and
betook themselves to London.

2 MY. Milton calls the name of this king of Kent, Guprangomis : whereas Cambden in his
Brit, says, the person who then govern'd Kent was Vortigern's vice-roy, or Guorong.

78 VORTIGERN DRIVEN INTO WALES.— HORSA, SAXON CHIEF, SLAIN.

the shame of a secure slavery ; many fled over sea into other countries;
some into Holland, where yet remain the ruins of Brittenburgh, an
old castle on the sea, to be seen at low water not far from Leiden ;
either built, as writers of their own affirm, or seiz'd on by those
Britons in their escape from Hengist : others into Armorica, peopl'd,
as some think, with Britons long before ; either by gift of Constantine
the Great, or else of Maximus, to those British forces which had
serv'd them in foreign wars ; to whom those also that miscarried not
with the latter Constantine at Aries : and lastly, these exiles driven
out by Saxons, fled for refuge. But the ancient chronicles of those
provinces attest their coming thither to be then first when they fled
the Saxons, and indeed the name of Britain in France is not read till
after that time.1 Yet how a sort of fugitives, who had quitted with-
out stroke their own country, should so soon win another, appears
not ; unless joyn'd to some part of their own settled there before.
Vortigern nothing better'd by these calamities, grew at last so obdu-
rate as to commit incest with his daughter tempted or tempting him
out of an ambition to the crown. For which being censur'd and con-
demn'd in a great synod of Clerks and Laics, and partly for fear of
the Saxons, according to the counsel of his peers, he retir'd into
Wales, and built him there a strong castle in Radnorshire, by the
advice of Ambrosius a young prophet, whom others call Merlin.
Nevertheles Faustus, who was the son thus incestuously begotten,
under the instructions of Germanus, or some of his disciples, for
Germanus was dead before, pro v'd a religious man, andliv'd in devotion
by the river Remnis in Glamorganshire. But the Saxons, though
finding it so easy to subdue the isle, with most of their forces, un-
certain for what cause, return'd home : when as the easiness of their
conquest might seem rather likely to have call'd in more. Which
makes more probable that which the British write of Guortimer. For
he coming to reign instead of his father, depos'd for incest, is said to
have thrice driv'n and beseig'd the Saxons in the isle of Tanet ; and
when they issu'd out with powerful supplies sent from Saxony, to have
fought with them four other battles, whereof three are nam'd ; the
first on the river Darwent, the second at Episford, wherein Horsa the
brother of Hengist fell, and on the British part Catigern, the other
son of Vortigon.2 The third in a field by Stonar3, then calM Lapis
tituli in Tanet, where he beat them into their ships that bore them
home, glad to have escap'd, and not venturing to land again for five

1 Bishop Stillingfleet proves the contrary from, several ancient authors, in his Antiquities of
the British Church, cap. 5.

2 A monument something like Stonehenge, to be seen near Ailsford, call'd by the country
people Kith's Coty-house from Catigern.

3 So Cambden and my lord primate of Armagh : induc'd by the resemblance of Lapis tituli
to Stonar. But Mr. Somner discovering in some antient records, that this Stonar was writ
formerly Estanore, implying no more than Ora Otientalis, remov'd it to Folkston, and is f'ol-
low'd in that opinion by the bishop of Worcester. '£ee Somner's forts and ports in Kent, p.
94, £c. Still. Orig. Brit. p. 322.

MILTON'S HISTQRY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 79

years after. In the space whereof Guortemir dying, commanded they
should bury him in the port of Stonar ; persuaded that his bones
lying there would be terrour enough to keep the Saxons from ever
landing in that place : they, saith Nennius, neglecting his command,
buried him in Lincoln. But concerning these times, ancientest annals
of the Saxons relate in this manner. In the year 445. Hengist and
Horsa fought against Vortigern, in a place calPd Eglesthrip, now
Ailsford in Kent ; where Horsa lost his life, of whom Horsted, the
place of his burial, took name. After this first battle and the death
of his brother, Hengist with his son Esca took on him kingly title,
and peopl'd Kent with Jutes ; who also then or not long after possess'd
the Isle of Wight, and part of Hampshire lying opposite. Two years
after in a fight at Creganford, or Craford, Hengist and his son slew
of the Britains four chief commanders,1 and as many thousand men :
the rest in great disorder flying to London, with the total loss of Kent.
And eight years passing between, he made a new war on the Britains ;
of whom in a battle at Wepped-fleot, twelve princes were slain, and
Wipped the Saxon earl, who left his name to that place, though not
sufficient to direct us where it now stands. His last encounter was at
a place not mention'd, where he gave them such an overthrow, that
flying in great fear they left the spoil of all to their enemies. And
these perhaps are the four battles, according to Nennius, fought by
Guortemir, though by these writers far differently related and happen-
ing, besides many other bickerings, in the space of twenty years, as
Malmsbury reckons. Nevertheless it plainly appears that the Saxons,
by whomsoever, were put to hard shifts, being all this while fought
withal in Kent, their own allotted dwelling, and sometimes on the
very edge of the sea, which the word .Wippeds-fleot seems to intimate.
But Guortemir now (458) dead,2 and none of courage left to defend
the land, Vortigern, either by the power of his faction, or by consent
of all, re-assumes the government : and Hengist thus rid of his grand
opposer, hearing gladly the restorement of his old favourer, returns
again with great forces ; but to Vortigern whom he well knew how to
handle without warring, as to his son-in-law, now that the only author
of disscntion between them was remov'd by death, offers nothing but
all terms of new league and amity. The king, both for his wive's
sake and his own sottishness, consulting also with his peers not unlike
himself, readily yields ; and the place of parly is agreed on : to which
either side was to repair without weapons. Hengist, whose meaning
was not peace but treachery, appointed his men to be secretly arm'd,

1 Florence of Worcester mentions 4000 men.

- Wortimer, says Mr. Tallent, was poyson'd by" Rowena his mother-in-law, Anno 458, and
the Saxon annals under the year 465, place the battel of Wippedes fleet then, which Mr. Milton
puts in Anno 473.

3 The return of Hengist, and the murder of the British nobles happened according to Mr
Tallens chronology, Anno, 461, no authentick author places it so late as the year 473

8o SLAUGHTER OF THE BRITISH NOBLES. — AMBROSIUS. — MERLIN.

and acquainted them to what intent. The watch-word was Nemet
eour Saxes, that is, draw your daggers ; which they observing, when
the Britons were thoroughly heated with wine (for the treaty it seems
not without cups) and provok'd, as was plotted, by some affront,
dispatch'd with those poinards every one his next man, to the number
of 300, the chief of those that could do ought against him either in
counsel or in field. Vortigern they only bound and kept in custody,
until he granted them for his ransom three provinces, which were
called afterward Essex, Sussex, and Middlesex.1 Who thus dismist,
retiring (466) again to his solitary abode in his country of Guorthi-
girniaun,2 so call'd by his name, from thence to the castle of his own
building in North Wales by the river Tiebi ; and living there obscurely
among his wives, was at length burnt in his tower by fire from heaven,
at the prayer, as some say, of Germanus,but that coheres not ; as others,
by Ambrosius Aurelian ; of whom as we have heard at first, he stood
in great fear, and partly for that cause invited in the Saxons. Who
whether by constraint, or of their own accord, after much mischief
done, most of them returning back into their own country, left a fair
opportunity to the Britons of revenging themselves the easier on
those that staid behind. Repenting therefore, and with earnest sup-
plication imploring divine help to prevent their final rooting out, they
gather from all parts, and under the leading of Ambrosius Aurelianus,
a vertuous and modest man, the last here of Roman stock, advancing
now onward against the late victors, defeat them in a memorable
battle. Common opinion, but grounded chiefly on the British fables,
makes this Ambrosius to be a younger son of that Constantine, whose
eldest, as we heard, was Constans the monk : who both lost their
lives abroad usurping the empire. But the express words both of
Gildas and Bede, assures us that the parents of this Ambrosius hav-
ing here born regal dignity, were slain in these Pictish wars and
commotions in the island. And if the fear of Ambrose induc'd
Vortigern to call in the Saxons, it seems Vortigern usurp'd his right.
I perceive not that Nennius makes any difference between him and
Merlin : for that child without father that prophecy'd to Vortigern, he
names not Merlin but Ambrose, makes him the son of a Roman
consul ; but conceal'd by his mother, as fearing that the king there-
fore sought his life ; yet the youth no sooner had confess'd his
parentage, but Vortigern either in reward of his predictions, or as
his right, bestow'd upon him all the west of Britain ; himself retiring
to a solitary life. Whose ever son he was, he was the first, according
to the surest author, that led against the Saxons, and overthrew them ;
but whether before this time or after, none have written. This is
certain, that in a time when most of the Saxon forces were de-

* In the county of Radnor. See Cambd. Brit.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. Si

parted home, the Britains gather'd strength ; and either against
those who were left remaining, or against their whole powers, the second
time returning obtain'd this victory.1 Thus Ambrose as chief monarch
of the isle succeeded Vortigern ; to whose third son Pascentius he
permitted the rule of two regions in Wales,2 Buelth and Guorthigir-
niaun. In his days, saith Nennius, the Saxons prevailed not much :
against whom Arthur, as being then chief general for the British
kings, made great war ; but more renown'd in songs and romances,
than in true stories. And the sequel itself declares as much. For in
the year 477, Ella the Saxon, with his three sons, Cymen, Pleting, and
Cissa, at a place in Sussex, call'd Cymenshore, arrive in three ships,
kill many of the Britains, chasing them that remain'd into the wood 3
Andreds-League. Another battle was fought (485) at Mercreds-
Burnamsted, wherein Ella had by far the victory ; but Huntingdon
makes it so doubtful, that the Saxons were constrain'd to send home
for supplies. Four years (489) after dy'd Hengist, the first Saxon
king of Kent ; noted to have attain'd that dignity by craft as much
as valour, and giving scope to his own cruel nature, rather than pro-
ceeding by mildness and civility. His son Oeric, sirnam'd Oisc, of
whom the Kentish kings were call'd Oiscings, succeeded him, and sat
content with his father's winnings ; more desirous to settle and defend,
than to enlarge his bounds : he reign'd (492) twenty four-years. By
this time Ella and his son Cissa besieging Andred-chester,4 suppos'd
now to be Newenden in Kent, take it by force, and all within it put to
the sword. Thus Ella, three years after the death of Hengist, began
his kingdom of the South-Saxons ; peopling it with new inhabitants,
from the country which was then Old Saxony, at this day Holstein in
Denmark, and had besides at his command, all those provinces which
the Saxons had won on this side Humber. Animated with these good
successes, as if Britain were become now the field of fortune, Kerdic
another Saxon prince, the tenth by lineage from Woden, an old and
practis'd soldier, who in many prosperous conflicts against the enemy
in those parts, had nurs'd up a spirit too big to live at home with
equals, coming (495) to a5 certain place, which from thence took the
name of Kerdic-shoar, with five ships, and Kenric his son, the very
same day overthrew the Britains that oppos'd him ; and so effectually,
that smaller skirmishes after that day were sufficient to drive them
still farther off, leaving him a large territory. After him Porta another
Saxon, with his two sons Bida and Megla, in two ships arrive (501) at

1 Ambrosius commanded the Britains twenty years, as their general, and Anno 485, was
chosen king. Vid. Dr. Powell's catalogue of the kings of Wales.

2 Bualth in Brecknockshire, and Caer Guortigern in Radnorshire. Camb. Brit.

3 The Weald in Sussex ; call'd so from an ancient forest, which by the name Andreda.
Vid. Glos. ad Chron. Sax. in Voc- Andreceaster. Andreadswald took in Sussex, Kent and
Hampshire, 120 miles in length, and 30 in breadth.

4 See Mr. Cambden ; but Mr. Somner rather chuses Pemsey or Hastings. Ports and
Forts, p. 104, 105.

5 Sardichesora, quae nunc vocatur Gernemeth, (says Brompton) or Yarmouth in Norfolk.

6

82 KERDIC THE SAXON.— UTHER PENDRAGON.— KING ARTHUR.

Portsmouth,1 thence call'd, and at their landing slew a young British
nobleman, with many others who unadvisedly set upon them. The
Britains, (508) to recover what they had lost, draw together all their
forces, led by Natanleod, or Nazaleod, a certain king in Britain, and
the greatest, saith one ; but him with 5000 of his men Kerdic puts to
rout and slays. From whence the place in Hampshire, as far as
Kirdicsford, now Chardford, was call'd of old Nazaleod. Who this
king should be, hath bred much question ; some think it to be the
British name of Ambrose ; others to be the right name of his brother,
who for the terror of his eagerness in fight, became more known by the
sirname of Uther, which in the Welch tongue signifies dreadful. And
if ever such a king in Britain there were as Uther Pendragon,2 for so
also the Monmouth book surnames him, this in all likelihood must be
he. Kirdic by so great a blow given to the Britons had made (508)
large room about him ; not only for the men he brought with him, but
for such also of his friends as he desir'd to make great ; for which
cause, and withal the more to strengthen himself, his two nephews,
Stuf and Withgar, in three vessels bring him (514) new levies to
Kerdic-shoar. Who, that they might not come sluggishly to possess
what others had won for them, either by their own seeking, or by ap-
pointment, are set in place where they could not but at their first
coming give proof of themselves upon the enemy : and so well they
did it, that the Britains after a hard encounter left them masters of the
field. About the same time, Ella the first South-Saxon king dy'd ;
whom Cissa his youngest succeeded ; the other two failing before him.
Nor can it be much more or less than about this time, for it was before
the West-Saxon kingdom, that Uffa the eighth from Woden made
himself king of the East- Angels, who by their name testifie the country
above-mention'd ; from whence they came in such multitudes, that
their native soil is said to have remain'd in the days of Beda unin-
habited. Huntingdon defers the time of their coming in to the ninth
year of Kerdic's reign : for, saith he, at first many of them strove for
principality, seizing every one his province, and for some while so
continu'd, making petty wars among themselves ; till in the end Uffa,
of whom those kings were call'd Uffings, overtopp'd them all in the
year 571, then Titilus his son, the father of Redwald, who became
potent. And not much after the East-Angels, began also the East-
Saxons to erect a kingdom under Sleda the tenth from Woden. But
Huntingdon, as before, will have it later by eleven years, (519) and
Ercherwin to be the first king. Kerdic, the same in power, though
not so fond of title, forbore the name twenty-four years after his arrival;

1 Call'd so from its port, and not from Porta. Cambd.

2 The story of Uther Pendragon is reckon'd a fable by all the British Antiquaries. Bishop
Usher conjectures, that this Uther is the same person with Nazaleod, who for his valour was

isurnamed Uthej, i.e. terrible.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 83

but then founded so firmly the kingdom of West-Saxons, that it sub-
jected all the rest at length, and became the sole monarchy of England.
The same year he had a victory against the Britons at Kerdics-Ford,
by the river Aven ; and after (527) eight years, another great fight at
Kerdics-League,1 but which won the day is not by any set down.
Hitherto have been collected what there is of certainty, with circum-
stance of time and place, to be found register'd, and no more than
barely register'd in annals of best note ; without describing after
Huntingdon the manner of those battles and encounters, which they
who compare and can judge of books, may be confident he never found
in any current author whom he had to follow. But this disease hath
been incident to many more historians ; and the age whereof we now
write hath had the ill hap, more than any since the first fabulous
times, to be surcharg'd with all the idle fancies of posterity. Yet that
we may not rely altogether on Saxon relaters, Gildas, in antiquity far
before these, and every way more credible, speaks of these wars, in
such a manner, though nothing conceited of the British valour, as
declares the Saxons in his times and before, to have been foil'd not
seldomer than the Britons. For besides that first victory of Ambrose,
and the interchangeable success long after, he tells that the last over-
throw which they receiv'd (527) at Badon-hill was not the least;
which they in their oldest annals mention not at all. And because the
time of this battle, by any who could do more than guess, is not set
down, or any foundation given from whence to draw a solid compute,
it cannot be much wide to insert it in this place. For such authors as
we have to follow give the conduct and praise of this exploit to
Arthur ; and that this was the last of twelve great battles which he
fought victoriously against the Saxons. The several places written by
Nennius in their Welsh names, were many hundred years ago un-
known, and so here omitted. But who Arthur was, and whether ever any
such reign'd in Britain, hath been doubted heretofore, and may again
with good reason.1 For the monk of Malmsbury, and others whose
credit hath sway'd most with the learneder sort, we may well perceive
to have known no more of this Arthur five hundred years past, nor of his
doings, than we now living : and what they had to say, transcrib'd out
of Nennius, a very trivial writer yet extant, which hath already been
related. Or out of a British book, the same which he of Monmouth
set forth, utterly unknown to the world till more than six hundred

1 Suppos'd to be Cherdsley in Buckinghamshire.

_ 2 Bishop Stillingfleet, in his fifth chapter of his Antiquities of the British Churches, justi-
fies the History of King Arthur. He was born at Camelford, and dy'd at Tindagel in Corn-
wall. Camb. Brit. Tit. Corn. The story of this British hero is connrm'd by the Inscription
on his coffin, which was dug up by command of Henry the Second, who had learn'd by the
songs of the British bards, that he was bury'd at Glassenbury in Somersetshire, between two
Pyramids ; where nine foot deep a coffin made of the trunk of an oak was found, with this
Inscription on it in Gothic characters :

Hie jacet sepultus inclytus Rex Arturius in Insula Avalonia.

Cambd- Tit. Somersetsh,

84 DOUBTFUL HISTORY OF THE DEEDS OF ARTHUR AND HIS PEERS.

years after the days of Arthur, of whom (as Sigebert in his chronicle
confesses) all other histories were silent, both foreign and domestick,
except only that fabulous book. Others of later time have sought to
assert him by old legends and cathedral regests. But he who can
accept of legends for good story, may quickly swell a volume with
trash, and had need be furnish'd with two only necessaries, leisure and
belief, whether it be the writer, or he that shall read. As to Arthur,
no less is in doubt who was his father ; for if it be true, as Nennius or
his notist avers, that Arthur was calPd Mab-Uther, that is to say, a
cruel son, for the fierceness that men saw in him of a child, and the
intent of his name Arturus imports as much, it might well be that
some in after-ages, who sought to turn him into a fable, wrested the
word Uther into a proper name, and so fain'd him the son of Uther ;
since we read not in any certain story, that ever such person liv'd, till
Geoffry of Monmouth set him off with the surname of Pendragon.
And as we doubted of his parentage, so may we also of his puissance ;
for whether that victory at Baden-hill were his or no, is uncertain ;
Gildas not naming him, as he did Ambrose in the former. Next, if
it be true as Caradoc relates, that Melvas king of that country, which
is now Summerset, kept from him Gueniver his wife a whole year in the
town of Glaston, and restor'd her at the entreaty of Gildas, rather
than for any enforcement that Arthur with all his chivalry could make
against a small town, defended only by a moory situation : had either
his knowledge in war, or the force he had to make, been answerable to
the fame they bear, that petty king had neither dar'd such an affront,
nor he be so long, and at last without effect, in revenging it. Con-
sidering, lastly, how the Saxons gain'd upon him every where all the
time of his suppos'd reign, which began, as some write, in the tenth
year of Kerdic, who wrung from him by long war the countries of
Summerset and Hampshire ; there will remain neither place nor cir-
cumstance in story, which may administer any likelihood of those
great acts that are ascribed him. This only is alledg'd by Nennius in
Arthur's behalf, that the Saxons, tho' vanquish'd never so oft, grew
still more numerous upon him by continual supplies out of Germany.
And the truth is, that valour may be over-toil'd, and overcome at last
with endless overcoming. But as for this battle of Mount Baden,
where the Saxons were hemm'd in, or besieg'd, whether by Arthur
won, or whensoever, it seems indeed to have given a most un-
doubted and important blow to the Saxons, and to have stopp'd
their proceedings for a good while after. Gildas himself witnessing
that the Britons having thus compell'd them to sit down with peace,
fell thereupon to civil discord among themselves. Which words may
seem to let in some light toward the searching out when this battle
was fought. And we shall find no time since the first Saxon war, from
whence a longer peace ensu'd, than from the fight of Kerdic's-League

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 8$

in the year 527, which all the chronicles mention, without victory to
Kerdic ; and gave us argument, from the custom they have of magni-
fying their own deeds upon all occasions, to presume here his ill
speeding. And if we look still onward, even to the 44th year after,
wherein Gildas wrote, if his obscure utterance be understood, we shall
meet with very little war between the Britains and Saxons. This only
remains difficult, that the victory first won by Ambrose was not so
long before this at Badon siege, but that the same men living might
be eye-witnesses of both ; and by this rate hardly can the latter be
thought won by Arthur, unless we reckon him a grown youth at least
in the days of Ambrose, and much more than a youth, if Malmsbury
be heard, who affirms all the exploits of Ambrose to have been done
chiefly by Arthur as his general, which will add much unbelief to the
common assertion of his reigning after Ambrose and Uther, especially
the fight at Badon being the last of his twelve battles.1 But to prove by
that which follows, that the fight at Kerdics- League, though it differ in
name from that of Badon, may be thought the same by all effects ;
Kerdic three years (530) after, not proceeding onward, as his manner
was, on the continent, turns back his forces on the Isle of Wight,
which with the slaying of a few only in2 Withgarburgh, he soon
masters ; and not long surviving, left (534) it to his nephews by the
mother's side, Stuff and Withgar ; the rest of what he had subdu'd,
Kenric his son held, and reign'd 26 years, in whose tenth year (544)
Withgar was bury'd in the town of that island which bore his
name. Notwithstanding all these unlikelihoods of Arthurs' reign
and great achievements, in a narration crept in I know not how,
among the laws of Edward the Confessor, Arthur the famous
king of Britons, is said not only to have expell'd hence the Saracens,
who were not then known in Europe, but to have conquer'd Freesland,
and all the north-east isles as far as Russia, to have made Lapland
the eastern bound of his empire, and Norway the chamber of Britain.
When should this be done ? From the Saxons, till after twelve battles,
he had no rest at home : after those the Britains contented with the
quiet they had from the Saxon enemies, were so far from seeking con-
quests abroad, that by report of Gildas above-cited, they fell to civil
-wars at home. Surely Arthur much better had made war in old
Saxony, to repress their flowing hither, than to have won kingdoms as
far as Russia, scarce able here to defend his own. Buchanan our
neighbour historian reprehends him of Monmouth and others for
fabling in the deeds of Arthur, yet what he writes thereof himself, as
of better credit, shows not whence he had but from those fables ;
which he seems content to believe in part, on condition that the Scots

^ This fight was fought, according to the best British Manuscripts, Anno. 520
- Suppos'd to be Carisbrook-Castle in the Isle of Wight. The town was then call'd With-
.gv-nsbyrig, from Withgar, Cerdic's nephew, to whom it was given.

86 IDA OF NORTHUMBERLAND.— ANNALS OF SAXON RULE AND STRIFE.

and Picts may be thought to have assisted Arthur, in all his wars and
achievements, whereof appears as little ground by any credible story
as of that which he most counts fabulous. But not farther to contest
about such uncertainties. In the year 547, Ida the Saxon sprang also
from Woden in the tenth degree, began the kingdom of Bernicia in
Northumberland ; built the town Bebanburg, which was after wall'd ;
and had twelve sons, half by wives, and half by concubines. Hengist,
by leave of Vortigern, we may remember, had sent O eta and Ebissa
to seek them seats in the north, and there by warring on the Picts, to
secure the southern parts. Which they so prudently effected, that
what by force and fair proceeding, they well quitted those countries ;
and though so far distant from Kent, nor without power in their hands,
yet kept themselves nigh 1 80 years within moderation ; and as inferior
governours they and their offspring gave obedience to the kings of
Kent, as to the elder family. Till at length, following the example of
that age ; when no less than kingdoms were the prize of every fortu-
nate commander, they thought it but reason, as well as others of their
nation, to assume royalty. Of whom Ida was the first, a man in the
prime of his years, and of parentage as we heard ; but how he came
to wear the crown, aspiring or by free choice, is not said. Certain
enough it is, that his virtues made him not less noble than his birth,
in war undaunted, and unfoil'd ; in peace temp'ring the awe of magis-
tracy, with a natural mildness : he reign'd about twelve years. In the
meanwhile (552) Kenric in a fight at Searesbirig,- now Salisbury, kill'd
and put to flight many of the Britains ; and the fourth year after at Beran-
virig, now Banbury, as some think, with Keaulin his son put them
again to flight. Keaulin shortly after succeeded his father in the
West-Saxons. And Alia descended also of Woden, but by another
line, set up (560) a second kingdom in Deirathe south part of North-
umberland, and held it thirty years ; while Adda the son of Ida and
five more after him, reign'd without other memory in Bernicia : and
in Kent, Ethelbert the next year began. For Esca the son of Hen-
gist had left Otha, and he Emeric to rule after him ; both which
without adding to their bounds, kept what they had in peace fifty-
three years. But Ethelbert in length of reign equall'd both his pro-
genitors, and as Beda counts, three years exceeded. Young at his
first entrance, and unexperienc'd, he was the first raiser of civil war
among the Saxons ; claiming from the priority of time wherein Hen-
gist took possession here, a kind of right over the later kingdoms ;
and thereupon was troublesome to their confines : but by them twice
defeated, he who but now thought to seem dreadful, became almost con-
temptible. For Keaulin and Cutha his son, pursuing him into his
own territory, slew there (568) in battle, at Wibbandun (Wimbledon),
two of his earls, Ostac, and Cnebban. By this means the Britains,
but chiefly by this victory at Badon, for the space of forty-four years

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 87

ending in 571, receiv'd no great annoyance from the Saxons : but the
peace they enjoy'd, by ill using it, prov'd more destructive to them
than war. For being rais'd on a sudden by two such eminent suc-
cesses, from the lowest condition of thraldom, they whose eyes had
beheld both those deliverances, that by Ambrose, and this at Badon,
were taught by the experience of either fortune, both kings, magis-
trates, priests and private men, to live orderly. But when the next
age, unacquainted with past evils, and only sensible of their present
ease and quiet, succeeded, strait follow'd the apparent subversion of
all truth and justice, in the minds of most men : scarce the least foot-
step, or impression of goodness left remaining through all ranks and
degrees in the land ; except in some so very few, as to be hardly
visible in a general corruption : which grew in short space not only
manifest, but odious to all the neighbour nations. And first their
kings, among whom also, the sons or grand children of Ambrose,
were foully degenerated to all tyranny and vicious life. Whereof to
hear some particulars out of Gildas will not be impertinent. They
avenge, saith he, and they protect ; not the innocent, but the guilty :
they swear oft, but perjure ; they wage war, but civil and unjust war.
They punish rigorously them that rob by the highway ; but those grand
robbers that sit with them at table, they honour and reward. They give
alms largely, but in the face of their alms-deeds, pile up wickedness to a
far higher heap. They sit in the seat of judgment, but go seldom by the
rule of right; neglecting and proudly overlooking the modest and harm-
less ; but countenancing the audacious, though guilty of abominablest
crimes ; they stuff their prisons but with men committed rather with cir-
cumvention, than any just cause. Nothing better were the clergy, but at
the same pass or rather worse, than when the Saxons came first in ;
unlearned, unapprehensive, yet impudent ; subtle prowlers, pastors in
name, but indeed wolves ; intent upon all occasions, not to feed the
flock, but to pamper and well line themselves : not call'd, but seizing on
the ministry as a trade, nor as a spiritual charge ; teaching the people,
not by sound doctrine, but by evil example ; usurping them the chair
of Peter, but through the blindness of their own worldly lusts, they
stumble upon the seat of Judas : deadly haters of truth, broachers of
lies : looking on the poor Christian with eyes of pride and contempt ;
but fawning on the wickedest rich men without shame ; great pro-
moters of other men's alms with their set exhortations ; but themselves
contributing ever least ; slightly touching the many vices of the age,
but preaching without end their own grievances, as done to Christ ;
seeking after preferments and degrees in the church more than after
heav'n ; and so gain'd, make it their whole study how to keep them
by any tyranny. Yet lest they should be thought things of no use
in their eminent places, they have their niceties and trivial points to
keep in awe the superstitious multitude ; but in true saving knowledge

83 SAD PICTURE OF THE MANNERS AND MORALS OF THE ARTHUR ERA.

leave them still as gross and stupid as themselves ; bunglers at the
scripture nay forbidding and silencing them that know ; but in
worldly matters, practis'd and cunning shifters ; in that only art and
simony, great clerks and masters, bearing their heads high, but their
thoughts abject and low. He taxes them also as gluttonous, inconti-
nent, and daily drunkards. And what shouldst thou expect from
these, poor laity, so he goes on, these beasts, all belly ? Shall these
amend thee, who are themselves laborious in evil doings ? Shalt thou
see with their eyes, who see right forward nothing but gain ? Leave
them rather, as bids our saviour, lest ye fall both blind-fold into the
same perdition. Are all thus ? Perhaps not all, or not so grosly.
But what avail'd it Eli to be himself blameless, while he connived at
others that were abominable ? Who of them hath been envy'd for
his better life ? Who of them hath been hated to consort with these,
or withstood their entering the ministry, or endeavour'd zealously
their casting out ? Yet some of these perhaps by others are legended
for great saints. This was the state of government, this of religion
among the Britons, in that long calm of peace, which the fight at
Badon hill had brought forth. Whereby it came to pass, that so fair
,a victory came to nothing. Towns and cities were not reinhabited,
but lay ruin'd and waste ; nor was it long e're domestick war breaking
out, wasted them more. For Britain, as at other times, had then also
several kings. Five of whom Gildas living then in Armorica, at a
safe distance, boldly reproves by name ; first Constantine (fabl'd the
son of Cador, duke of Cornwall, Arthur's half brother by the mother's
side) who then reign'd in Cornwall and Devon, a tyrannical and
bloody king, polluted also with many adulteries : he got into his
power, two young princes of the blood royal, uncertain whether before
him in right, or otherwise suspected : and after solemn oath given of
their safety, the year that Gildas wrote, slew them with their two
governours in the church, and in their mother's arms, through the
abbot's cope, which he had thrown over them, thinking by the rever-
ence of his vesture to have withheld the murderer. These are com-
monly supposed to be the sons of Mordred, Arthur's nephew, said to
have revolted from his uncle, given him in a battle his death's wound,
and by him after to have been slain. Which things were they true,
would much diminish the blame of cruelty in Constantine, revenging
Arthur on the sons of so false a Mordred. In another part, but not
express'd where, Aurelius Conanus was king : him he charges also
with adulteries and parricide ; cruelties worse than the former : to be
a hater of his countrie's peace, thirsting after civil war and prey : his
condition it seems, was not very prosperous ; for Gildas wishes him,
being now left alone, like a tree withering in the midst of a barren field,
to remember the vanity, and arrogance of his father and elder
brethren, who came all to untimely death in their youth. The third

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 89

reigning in Demetia, or South Wales, was Vortipor, the son of
a good father ; he was when Gildas wrote, grown old, not in years
only, but in adulteries, and in governing full of falsehood, and cruel
actions. In his latter days, putting away his wife, who dy'd in
divorce, he became, if we mistake not Gildas, incestuous with his
daughter. The fourth was Cuneglas, imbru'd in civil war ; he also
had divorc'd his wife, and taken her sister, who had vow'd widow-
hood : he was a great enemy to the clergy, high-minded and trusting
to his wealth. The last but greatest of all in power, was Maglo-
cune, and greatest also in wickedness ; he has driv'n out or slain
many other kings, or tyrants ; and was called the Island Dragon, per-
haps having his seat in Anglesey : a profuse giver, a great warrior,
and of a goodly stature. While he was yet young, he overthrew his
uncle, though in the head of a complete army, and took from him
the kingdom ; then touch'd with remorse of his doings, not without
deliberation took upon him the profession of a monk ; but soon for-
sook his vow, and his wife also, which for that vow he had left,
making love to the wife of his brother's son then living. Who not
refusing the offer, if she were not rather the first that entic'd, found
means both to dispatch her own husband, and the former wife of
Maglocune, to make her marriage with him the more unquestionable.
Neither did he this for want of better instructions, having had the
learnedest and wisest man reputed of all Britain, the instituter of his
youth. Thus much, the utmost that can be learnt by truer story, of
what past among the Britons from the time of their useless victory
at Badon, to the time that Gildas wrote, that is to say, as may be
guessed from 527 to 571, is here set down all together ; not to be
reduced under any certainty of years. But now the Saxons, who for
the most part all this while had been still, unless among themselves,
began afresh to assault them, and e're long to drive them out of
all which they yet maintain'd on this side Wales. For Cuthulf the
brother of Keaulin, by a victory obtained (571) at Bedanford, now
Bedford, took from them four good towns,1 Liganburgh, Eglesburgh,
Besington, now Benson in Oxfordshire, and Ignisham, but outliv'd
not many months his good success.2 And after six years more,
Keaulin, and Cuthwin his son, gave them a great overthrow at
Deorrham in Gloucestershire, slew three of their kings, Comail,
Condidan, and Farinmail, and took three of their chief cities ;
Glocester, Cirencester, and Badencester. The Britons notwithstand-
ing, after some space of time, judging to have out-grown their
losses, gather to a head, and encounter Keaulin and Cutha his
son, at Fethanlege ; whom valiantly fighting, they slew among the

1 Possibly Layton in Bedfordshire. See the Glossary to the Saxon Chronicle.

2 Some authors place the founding of the kingdom of East-Angles by Ussa at this time.
Anno. 575. Mr. Tallent is of this opinion in his chronological tables-

90 DEEDS AND PROWESS OF THE DESCENDANTS OF WODEN.

thickest, and as is said, forc'd the Saxons to retire. But Keaulin
reinforcing the fight, put them to a main rout, and following his
advantage, took many towns, and return'd laden with booty. The
last of those Saxons who rais'd their own achievements to a mo-
narchy, was Grid a, much about this time,1 first founder of the Mer-
cian kingdom, drawing also his pedigree from Woden. Of whom
all to write the several genealogies, though it might be done with-
out long search, were, in my opinion, to encumber the story with
a sort of barbarous names, to little purpose. This may suffice, that
of Woden's three sons, from the eldest issu'd Hengist, and his suc-
cession ; from the second, the kings of Mercia ; from the third, all
that reign'd in West Saxon, and most of the Northumbers, of whom
Alia was one, the first king of Deira ; which after his death (584) the
race of Ida seiz'd, and made it one kingdom with Bernicia, usurping
on the childhood of Edwin, Alla's son, whom Ethelric the son of Ida
expell'd. Notwithstanding others write of him ; that from a poor life,
and beyond hope in his old age, coming to the crown, he could hardly
by the access of a kingdom, have overcome his former obscurity, had
not the fame of his son preserv'd him. Once more the Britons, ere
they quitted all on this side the mountains, forgot not to shew some
manhood ; for meeting Keaulin at Wodens Beorth, that is to say,
Wodens Mount2 in Wiltshire, whether it were by their own forces, or
assisted by the Angles, whose hatred Keaulin had incurr'd (592), they
ruin'd. his whole army, and chas'd him out of his kingdom, from
whence flying, he dy'd the next year in poverty, who a little before
was the most potent and indeed sole king of all the Saxons on this
side Humber. But who was chief among the Britons in this exploit
had been worth remembring, whether it were Maglocune, of whose
prowess hath been spoken, or Teudric king of Glamorgan, whom the
regest of Landaff recounts to have been always victorious in fight ; to
have reign'd about this time (592), and at length to have exchanged
his crown for a hermitage ; till in the aid of his son Mauric, whom the
Saxons had reduc'd to extremes, taking arms again, he defeated them
at Tinterne by the river Wye ; but himself receiv'd a mortal wound.
The same year with Keaulin, whom Keola the son of Cathulf, Keaulin's
brother succeeded, Crida also the Mercian king deceas'd, in whose
room Wibba succeeded ; and in Northumberland, Ethelfred in the room
of Ethelric, reigning twenty-four years. Thus omitting fables, we
have the view of what with reason can be rely'd on for truth, done in
Britain, since the Romans forsook it. Wherein we have heard the
many miseries and desolations brought by divine hand on a perverse
nation ; driven, when nothing else would reform them, out of a fair

1 Henry of Huntington and Matthew of Westminster, write that Crida founded the king-
dom ofMercia in the year 585-

2 'Tis probably the same place with Wanburrow, on the borders of Wilts and Berks ; or
rather a little village between Marlborough and the Devizes, near Wansdike.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 91

country, into a mountanous and barren corner,1 by strangers and
pagans. So much more tolerable in the eye of heaven is infidelity
profess'd, than Christian faith and religion dishonoured by unchristian
works. Yet they also at length renounc'd their heathenism ; which
how it came to pass, will be the matter next related.

BOOK IV.

THE Saxons grown up now to seven absolute kingdoms, and the latest
of them establish'd by succession, finding their power arrive well nigh
at the utmost of what was to be gain'd upon the Britons, and as little
fearing to be displanted by them, had time now to survey at leasure
one another's greatness. Which quickly bred among them either
envy or mutual jealousies ; till the west kingdom at length grown over-
powerful, put an end to all the rest. Meanwhile, above others, Ethel-
bert of Kent, who by this time had well ripen'd his young ambition,
with more ability of years and experience in war, what before he
attempted to his loss, now successfully attains ; and by degrees
brought all the other monarchies between Kent and Humber, to be at
his devotion. To which design the kingdom of West-Saxons, being
the firmest of them all, at that time sore shaken by their overthrow at
Wodens-beorth, and the death of Keaulin, gave him no doubt a main
advantage ; the rest yielded not subjection, but as he earn'd it by
continual victories. And to win him the more regard abroad, he
marries Bertha the French king's daughter, though a Christian, and
with this condition, to have the free exercise of her faith, under the
care and instruction of Letardus a bishop, sent by her parents along
with her ; the king notwithstanding and his people retaining their own
religion. Beda out of Gildas lays it sadly to the Britons charge, that
they never would vouchsafe their Saxon neighbours the means of con-
version : but how far to blame they were, and what hope there was of
converting in the midst of so much hostility, at least falsehood from
their first arrival, is not now easie to determine. Howbeit not long
after, they had the Christian faith preach'd to them by a nation more
remote, and (as report went, accounted old in Beda's time) upon this
occasion. The Northumbrians had a custom at that timr and many
hundred years after not abolish'd, to sell their children for a small
value into any foreign land. Of which number, two comely youths
were brought to Rome, whose fair and honest countenance invited
Gregory, archdeacon of that city, among others that beheld them,
pitying their condition, to demand whence they were ; it was answer'd
by some that stood by, that they were Angli of the province of Deira,
subjects to Alia king of Northumberland, and by religion Pagans.

1 The British Chronicles put the total retreat of the Welsh into Wales, Anno. 517.

92 CONVERSION OF ETHELBERT AND HIS SAXONS BY AUGUSTINE.

Which last Gregory deploring, fram'd, on a sudden this allusion to
the three names he heard ; that the Angli, so like to angels, should be
snatch'd de ira; that is, from the wrath of God, to sing Hallelujah :
and forthwith (593), obtaining licence of Benedict the pope, had come
and preach'd here among them, had not the Roman people, whose
love endur'd not the absence of so vigilant a pastor over them, re-
call'd him, then on his journey, though but deferr'd his pious intention.
For a while after (596), succeeding in the papal seat, and now in his
fourth year, admonish'd, saith Beda, by divine instinct, he sent
Augustine, whom he had design'd for bishop of the English nation
and other zealous monks with him, to preach to them the gospel,
Who being now on their way, discouraged by some reports, or their
own carnal fear, sent back Austin, in the name of all, to beseech
Gregory they might return home, and not be sent a journey so full of
hazard, to a fierce and infidel nation, whose tongue they understood
not. Gregory with pious and apostolick persuasions, exhorts them
not to shrink back from so good a work, but cheerfully to go on in the
strength of divine assistance. The letter itself yet extant among our
writers of ecclesiastick story, I omit here, as not professing to relate of
those matters more than what mixes aptly with civil affairs. The
Abbot Austin, for so he was ordain'd over the rest, reincourag'd by the
exhortations of Gregory, and his fellows, by the letter which he
brought them, came (597) safe to the isle of Tanet, in number about
forty, besides some of the French nation, which they took along as
interpreters. Ethelbert the king, to whom Austin at his landing had
sent a new and wondrous message, that he came from Rome to proffer
heaven and eternal happiness in the knowledge of another God than
the Saxons knew, appoints them to remain where they landed, and
necessaries to be provided for them, consulting in the meantime what
was to be done. And after certain days coming into the island, chose
a place to meet them under the open sky, possess'd with an old per-
suasion, that all spells, if they should use any to deceive him, so it
were not within doors, would be unavailable. They on the other side,
call'd to his presence, advancing for their standard a silver cross, and
the painted image of our saviour, came slowly forward singing their
solemn letanies ; which wrought in Ethelbert more suspicion perhaps
that they us'd enchantments ; till sitting down as the king will'd them,
they there preach'd to him, and all in that assembly, the tidings of
salvation. Whom having heard attentively, the king thus answer'd :
Fair indeed and ample are the promises which ye bring, and such
things as have the appearance in them of much good ; yet such as
being new and uncertain, I cannot hastily assent to, quitting the re-
ligion which from my ancestors, with all the English nation, for so
many years I have retain'd. Nevertheless because ye are strangers,
and have endured so long a journey, to impart us the knowledge of

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 93

things, which I persuade me you believe to be the truest and the best,
ye may be sure we shall not recompence you with any molestation,
but shall provide rather how we may friendliest entertain ye : nor do
we forbid whom ye can by preaching gain to your belief. And accord-
ingly their residence he allotted them in Deroverne or Canterbury his
chief city, and made provision for their maintenance, with free leave
to preach their doctrine where they pleased. By which, and by the
example of their holy life, spent in prayer, fasting, and continual
labour in the conversion of souls, they (597) won many ; on whose
bounty and the king's, receiving only what was necessary, they sub-
sisted. There stood without the city, on the east side, an ancient
church built in honour of St. Martin, while yet the Romans remain'd
here : in which Bertha the queen went out usually to pray. Here
they also began first to preach, baptize, and openly to exercise divine
worship. But when the king himself, convinc'd by their good life and
miracles, became Christian, and was baptiz'd, which came to pass in
the very fiset year (598) of their arrival ; then multitudes1 daily, con-
forming to their prince, thought it honour to be reckoned among those
of his faith : to whom Ethelbert indeed principally shewed his favour,
but compell'd none. For so he had been taught by them, who were
both the instructors and the authors of his faith, that Christian religion
ought to be voluntary, not compell'd. About this time (599) Kelwulf
the son of Cutha, Keaulin's brother, reign'd over the West-Saxons,
after his brother Keola or Kelric, and had continual war either with
English, Welsh, Picts or Scots. But Austin, whom with his fellows,
Ethelbert now (60 1), had endowed with a better place for their abode
in the city, and other possessions necessary to livelihood, crossing into
France, was by the archbishop of Aries, at the appointment of pope
Gregory, ordain'd archbishop of the English : and returning, sent to
Rome Laurence and Peter, two of his associates, to acquaint the pope
of his good success in England, and to be resolv'd of certain theo-
logical, or rather levitical questions : with answers to which, not
proper in this place, Gregory sends also to the great, work of convert-
ing, that went on so happily, a supply of labourers, Mellitus, Justus,
Paulinus, Rusinian, and many others ; who what they were may be
guess'd by the stuff which they brought with them, vessels and vest-
ments for the altar, copes, relicks, and for the archbishop Austin a
pall to say mass in : to such a rank superstition that age was grown,
though some of them yet retaining an emulation of apostolick zeal.
Lastly, to Ethelbert they brought a letter with many presents. Austin
thus exalted to archiepiscopal authority, recovered from the ruins and
other profane uses, a Christian church in Canterbury, built of old by
the Romans ; which he dedicated by the name of Christ's Church, and
joining to it built a seat for himself and his successors ; a monastery

1 Ten thousand baptiz'd in the year 599. Tall. Tab.

94 BUILDING OF CANTERBURY, ST. PAUL'S, AND ROCHESTER CHURCH

also near the city eastward, where Ethelbert at his motion built St.
Peter's, and enrich'd it with great endowments, to be a place of burial
for the archbishops and kings of Kent : so quickly they step up into
fellowship of pomp with kings. While thus Ethelbert and his people
had their minds intent, Ethelfrid the Northumbrian king was not less
busied in far different affairs : for being altogether warlike, and
covetous of fame, he more wasted the Britons than any Saxon king
before him : winning from them large territories, which either he made
tributary, or planted with his own subjects. Whence Edan king of
those Scots that dwelt in Britain, jealous of his successes, came (603)
against him with a mighty army, to a place call'd Degsaston ;
but in the fight losing most of his men, himself with a few
escap'd : only Theobald the king's brother, and the whole wing
which he commanded, unfortunately cut off, made the victory to
Ethelfrid less entire. Yet from that time no king of Scots in hostile
manner durst pass into Britain for a hundred and more years after :
and what some years before, Kelwulf of the West- Saxon is annal'd to
have done against the Scots and Picts, passing through the Land
of Ethelfrid a King so potent, unless in his aid and alliance, is not
likely. Buchanan writes as if Ethelfrid, assisted by Keaulin, whom he
mis-titles King of East-Saxons, had before this time a battle with
Aidan, wherein Cutha Keaulin's son was slain. But Cutha, as is
above written from better authority, was slain in fight against the
Welsh twenty years before. The number of Christians began now
(604) to increase so fast, that Augustine ordaining bishops under him,
two of his assistants, Mellitus1 and Justus, sent them out both to the
work of their ministry. And Mellitus by preaching converted the
East-Saxons, over whom Sebert the son of Sleda, by permission of
Ethelbert, being born of his sister Ricula, then reigned. Whose con-
version Ethelbert to gratulate, built them the great church of St. Paul in
London to be their bishop's cathedral ; as Justus also had his built at
Rochester, and both gifted by the same king with fair possessions.
Hitherto Austin labour'd well among Infidels, but not with like
commendation soon after among Christians. For by means of Ethel-
bert summoning the Briton bishops to a place2 on the edge of Wor-
cestershire, call'd from that time Augustine's oak, he requires them to
conform with him in the same day of celebrating Easter, and many
other points wherein they differed from the rites of Rome : which
when they refus'd to do, not prevailing by dispute, he appeals to a
miracle, restoring to sight a blind man whom the Britons could not
cure. At this something mov'd, though not minded to recede from
their own opinions, without further consultation, they request a second

1 Mellitus was made bishop of London, and Justus bishop of Rochester.

2 Bede says, it was on the confines of Wiccians and West-Saxons ; whereas Worcestershire
doth not anywhere border upon the West- Saxons. By his account, it should have stood
about that part of Gloucestershire, which joyns Somersetshire and Wiltshire.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 95

meeting : To which came seven Brtisih bishops, with many other
learned men especially fromthefamous monastery of Bangor, in which
were said to be so many monks, living all by their own labour, that
being divided under seven rectors, none had fewer than three hundred.
One man there was who stayed behind, a hermit by the life he led,
who by his wisdom effected more than all the rest who went ; being
demanded, for they held him as an oracle, how they might know
Austin to be a man from God, that they might follow him, he answer'd,
that if they found him meek and humble, they should be taught by
him, for it was likeliest to be the yoke of Christ, both what he bore
himself, and would have them bear ; but if he bore himself proudly,
that they should not regard him, for he was then certainly not of God.
They took his advice, and hasted to the place of meeting. Whom
Austin, being already there before them, neither arose to meet, nor re-
ceived into any brotherly sort, but sat all the while pontifically in his
chair. Whereat the Britons, as they were counsel'd by the holy man,
neglected him, and neither hearken'd to his proposals of conformity,
nor would acknowledge him for an arch-bishop : and in name of the
rest, Dimothus then abbot of Bangor, is said, thus sagely to have
answer'd him. ' As to the subjections which you require, be thus per-
suaded of us, that in the bond of love and charity we are all sub-
jects and servants to the Church of God, yea to the pope of Rome, and
every good Christian to help them forward, both by word and deed, to
be the children of God : other obedience than this we know not to be
due to him whom you term the pope ; and this obedience we are
ready to give both to him and to every Christian continually.
Besides, we are govern'd under God by the bishop of Caerleon, who is
to oversee us in spiritual matters.' To which Austin thus presaging,
some say menacing, replies, 'Since ye refuse to accept of Peace with
your brethren, ye shall have war from your enemies ? and since ye will
not with us preach the word of life, to whom ye ought, from their hands
ye shall receive death.' This, though writers agree not whether Austin
spake it as his prophecy, or as his plot against the Britons, fell out
accordingly. For many years were not past, when Ethelfrid, whether
of his own accord, or at the request of Ethelbert, incens'd by Austin,
with a powerful host, came (607) to Westchester, then Caer-legion.
Where being met by the British forces, and both sides in readiness
to give the onset, he discerns a company of men, not habited for war,
standing together in a place of some safety ; and by them a squadron
arm'd. Whom having learn'd upon some enquiry to be priests and
monks, assembl'd thither after three days fasting to pray for the good
success of the forces against them, therefore they first, saith he, shall
feel our swords ; for they who pray against us, fight heaviest against
us by their prayers, and are our dangerousest enemies. And with
that turns his first charge upon the monks. Broemail, the

96 MASSACREOF THEMONKSOF BANGON.--CHARACTEROFETHELBERT.

captain, set to guard them, quickly turns his back, and leaves
above 1200 monks to a sudden massacree, whereof scarce fifty
'scap'd : but not so easie work found Ethelfrid against another
part of Britons that stood in arms, whom though at last he
overthrew, yet with slaughter nigh as great to his own soldiers.
To excuse Austin of this bloodshed, lest some might think it his re-
vengeful policy, Beda writes that he was dead long before, although if
the time of his sitting arch-bishop be right computed sixteen years, he
must survive this action. Other just ground of charging him with this
imputation appears not, save what evidently we have from Geoffrey
Monmouth, whose weight we know. The same year Kelwulf made
war on the South-Saxons, bloody, saith Huntingdon, to both sides, but
most to them of the south : * and four years after (611) dying left the
government of West-Saxons to Kineglis and Cuichelm the sons of his
brother Keola. Others, as Florent of Worcester, and Matthew of West-
minster, will have Cuichelm, son of Kineglis, but admitted to reign (614)
with his father, in whose third year they are recorded with joynt forces
or conduct to have fought against the Britons in 2 Beandune, now
Bindon in Dorsetshire, and to have slain of them above two thousand.
More memorable was (616) the second year following, by the death of
Ethelbert the first Christian king of Saxons, and no less a favourer of
all civility in that rude age.3 He gave laws and statutes after the
example of Roman emperors, written with the advice of his sagest
counsellors, but in the English tongue, and observ'd long after.
Wherein his special care was to punish those who had stoll'n aught
from church or churchman, thereby shewing how gratefully he re-
ceiv'd at their hands the Christian faith, which, he no sooner dead
(616), but his son Eadbald took the course as fast to extinguish ; not
only falling back to heathenism, but that which heathenism was wont
to abhor, marrying his father's second wife. Then soon was perceiv'd
what multitudes for fear or countenance of the king had profess'd
Christianity, returning now as eagerly to their old religion. Nor staid
the apostasie within one province, but quickly spread over to the East-
Saxons ; occasion'd there likewise, or set forward by the death of their
Christian king Sebert : whose three sons of whom two are nam'd,
Sexted and Seward, neither in his life-time would be brought to bap-
tism, and after his decease re-establish'd the free exercise of idolatry ;
nor so content, they set themselves in despight to do some open profa-
nation against the other sacrament. Coming therefore into the church,
where Mellitus the bishop was ministring, they requir'd him in abuse
and scorn, to deliver to them unbaptiz'd the consecrated bread ; and

In this year 611, Sebert king of the East-Saxons founded St. Peter's church and abbey
at Westminster, which was consecrated by Melitus first bishop of London.

2 The Saxon chronical calls it Beamdune : and it is not unlikely, that 'twas Bampton in
Devonshire, wh;. e it borders upon Somersetshire, tho' Cambden in his Brit. Tit. Dorset-
shire, says Beamdune is Byndpn near Wareham in that county.

3 He was the first English king who coin'd money. Cambd. Rem.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 97

him refusing, drove disgracefully out of their dominion. Who cross'd
forthwith into Kent, where things were in the same plight, and thence
into France, with Justus bishop of Rochester. But divine vengeance
deferr'd not long the punishment of men so impious ; for Eadbald,
vext with an evil spirit, fell often into foul fits of distraction ; and the
sons of Sebert, in a fight against the West-Saxons perish'd, with their
whole army. But Eadbald, within the year, by an extraordinary
means became penitent. For when Laurence the arch-bishop and suc-
cessor of Austin was preparing to ship for France, after Justus and
Mellitus, the story goes, if it be worth believing, that St. Peter, in
whose church he spent the night before in watching and praying,
appear'd to him, and to make the vision more sensible, gave him many
stripes for offering to desert his flock ; at sight whereof the king (to
whom next morning he shewed the marks of what he had suffer'd, by
whom and for what cause) relenting and in great fear dissolv'd his
incestuous marriage, and apply'd himself to the Christian faith more
sincerely than before, with all his people. But the Londoners, addicted
still to Paganism, would not be persuaded to receive again Mellitus
their bishop, and to compel them was not in his power. Thus (617)
much through all the south was troubl'd in religion, as much were the
north parts disquieted through ambition. For Ethelfrid of Bernicia,
as was touch'd before, having thrown Edwin out of Deira, and joyn'd
that kingdom to his own, not content to have bereav'd him of his right,
whose known vertues and high parts gave cause of suspicion to his
enemies, sends messengers to demand him of Redwald king of East-
Angles ; under whose protection, after many years wandring ob-
scurely through all the island, he had plac'd his safety. Redwald,
though having promis'd all defence to Edwin as to his suppliant, yet
tempted with continual and large offers of gold, and not contemning
the puissance of Elthelfrid, yielded at length, either to dispatch him,
or to give him into their hands ; but earnestly exhorted by his wife,
not to betray the faith and inviolable law of hospitality and refuge
given, prefers his first promise as the more religious ; nor only refuses
to deliver him ; but since war was thereupon denounc'd, determines to be
beforehand with the danger ; and with a sudden army rais'd, surprises
Ethelfrid, little dreaming an invasion, and in a fight near to the east-
side of the river Idle, on the Mercian border, now Nottinghamshire,1
slays him, dissipating easily those few forces which he had got to
march out over hastily with him ; who yet has a testimony of his for-
tune, not his valour to be blam'd, slew first with his own hands Reiner
the king's son. His two sons, Oswald and Oswi, by Acca, Edwin's
sister, escap'd into Scotland. By this victory, Redwald became so far
superior to the other Saxon kings, that Beda reckons him the next
after Ella and Ethelbert ; who besides this conquest of the north, had

1 Near Markham.

7

98 CONVERSION, PERILS, AND PROWESS OF KING EDWIN.

likewise all on the hither-side Humber at his obedience. He had
formerly in Kent receiv'd baptism, but coming home, and per-
suaded by his wife, who still it seems, was his chief counsellor to good
or bad alike, relaps'd into his old religion ; yet not willing to forego
his new, thought it not the worst way, lest perhaps he might err in
either, for more assurance to keep them both : and in the same temple
erected one altar to Christ, another to his idols. But Edwin, as with
more deliberation he undertook, and with more sincerity retain'd the
Christian profession, so also in power and extent of dominion far ex-
ceeded all before him; subduing all, saith Beda, English or British, even
to the isles, then call'd Mevanian, Anglesey, and Man ; settl'd in his
kingdom by Redwald, he sought in marriage Edelburga, whom others
call'd Tate, the daughter of Ethelbert. To whose embassadors, Ead-
bald her brother made answer, that to wed their daughter to a pagan,
was not the Christian law. Edwin reply'd, that to her religion he
would be no hindrance, which with her whole household she might
freely exercise. And moreover, that if examin'd it were found the better,
he would imbrace it. These ingenious offers opening so fair a way to
the advancement of truth, are accepted, and Paulinus (625) as a spiri-
tual guardian sent along with the virgin. He being to that purpose
made bishop by Justus, omitted no occasion to plant the gos-
pel in those parts, but with small success, till the next year (626),
Cuichelm, at that time one of the two West-Saxon kings, envious of the
greatness which he saw Edwin growing up to, sent privily Eumerus a
hir'd sword-man to assassin him ; who under pretence of doing a mes-
sage from his master, with a poison'd weapon, stabs at Edwin, con-
ferring with him in his house, by the river Derwent in Yorkshire, on an
Easter-day : which Lilla, one of the king's attendants, at the instant
perceiving, with a loyalty that stood not then to deliberate, abandon'd
his whole body to the blow ; which notwithstanding made passage
through to the king's person, with a wound not to be slighted. The
murderer encompass'd now with swords, and desperate, fore-revenges
his own fall with the death of another, whom his poinard reach'd home.
Paulinus omitting no opportunity to win the king from mis-belief,
obtain'd at length this promise from him ; that if Christ, whom he so
magnify'd, would give him to recover of his wound, and victory of his
enemies who had thus assaulted him, he would then become Christian, in
pledge whereof he gave his young daughter Eanfled to be bred up in
religion ; who with twelve others of his family, on the day of Pentecost
was baptiz'd. And by that time well recover'd of his wound, to punish the
authors of so foul a fact, he went with an army against the West-
Saxons : whom having quell'd by war, and of such as had conspir'd
against him, put some to death, others pardon'd, he return'd home
victorious ; and from that time worshipp'd no more his idols, yet
ventur'd not rashly into baptism, but first took care to be instructed

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 99

rightly, what he learnt, examining and still considering with himself
and others, whom he held wisest ; though Boniface the pope, by large
letters of exhortation, both to him and his queen, was not wanting to
quicken his belief. But while he still deferr'd, and his deferring might
seem now to have past the maturity of wisdom to a faulty lingring ;
Paulinus by revelation, as was belie v'd, coming to the knowledge of a
secret, which befel him strangely in the time of his troubles, on a
certain day went in boldly to him, and laying his right hand on the
head of the king, ask'd him if he remembered what that sign meant ?
The king trembling, and in amaze rising up, straight fell at his feet :
'behold/ saith Paulinus, raising him from the ground, 'God hath dc-
liver'd you from your enemies, and given you the kingdom, as you
desir'd : perform now what long since you promised him, to receive his
doctrine which I now bring you, and the faith, which if you accept,
shall to your temporal felicity add eternal/ The promise claim'd of
him by Paulinus, how and wherefore made, though favouring much of
legend, is thus related : Redwald,1 as we heard before, dazled with the
gold of Ethelfrid, or by his threatning overaw'd, having promis'd to
yield up Edwin, one of his faithful companions, of which he had some
few with him in the court of Redwald, that never shrunk from his
adversity, about the first hour of night comes in haste to his chamber,
and calling him forth for better security, reveals to him his danger,
offers him his aid to make escape : but that course not approv'd, as
seeming dishonourable without more manifest cause to begin distrust
towards one who had so long been his only refuge, the friend departs.
Edwin left alone without the palace gate, full of sadness and perplext
thoughts, discerns about the dead of night a man, neither by counte-
nance nor by habit to him known, approaching towards him : who,
after salutation, ask'd him, ' why at this hour, when all others were at
rest, he alone so sadly sat waking on a cold stone ?' Edwin not a little
misdoubting who he might be, ask'd him again, what his sitting
within doors or without concern'd him to know ? To whom he again,
'think not that whothou art, or why sitting here, or what danger hangs
over thee, is to me unknown : but what would you promise to that
man, who ever would befriend you out of all these troubles, and per-
suade Redwald to the like ?' ' All that I am able,' answer'd Edwin.
And he, ' what if the same man should promise to make you greater
than any English king hath been before you ?' ' I should not doubt,
quoth Edwin, 'to be answerably grateful.' 'And what if to all this he
would inform you, said the other, in a way to happiness, beyond what
any of your ancestors hath known ; would you hearken to his counsel ?'
Edwin, without stopping, promis'd he would. And the other laying
his right hand on Edwin's head, when this sign, saith he, shall next
befall thee, remember this time of night, and this discourse, to perform

1 'Tis in Bede, and happen'd ten years before.

100 CONVERSION, BY PAULINUS, OF EDWIN, HIS COURT AND PRIESTS.

what thou hast promis'd ;' and with these words disappearing, left
Edwin much reviv'd, but not less fill'd with wonder who this unknown
should be. When suddenly the friend who had been gone all this
while to listen farther what was like to be decreed of Edwin, comes
back, and joyfully bids him rise to his repose, for that the king's mind,
tho' for a while drawn aside, was now fully resolv'd not only not to
betray him, but to defend him against all enemies, as he had promis'd.
This was said to be the cause why Edwin admonish'd by the bishop
of a sign which had befallen him so strangely, and as he thought so
secretly, arose to him with that reverence and amazement, as to one
sent from heaven, to claim that promise of him which he perceiv'd
well was due to a divine power that had assisted him in his troubles.
To Paulinus therefore he makes answer, that the Christian belief he
himself ought by promise, and intended to receive ; but would confer
first with his chief peers and counsellers, that if they likewise could
be won, all at once might be baptiz'd. They therefore being ask'd in
council what their opinion was concerning this new doctrine, and well
perceiving which way the king inclin'd, every one hereafter shap'd his
reply. The chief priest speaking first, discover'd an old grudge he
had against his gods, for advancing others in the king's favour above
him their chief priest : another hiding his court compliance with a
grave sentence, commended the choice of certain, before uncertain,
upon due examination ; to like purpose answer'd all the rest of his
sages, none openly dissenting from what was likely to be the king's
creed : whereas the preaching of Paulinus could work no such effect
upon them, toiling till that time without success. Whereupon Edwin
renouncing heathenism, became Christian : and the pagan priest
offering himself freely to demolish the altars of his former gods, made
some amends for his teaching to adore them. With Edwin, his two
sons, Osfrid and Eanfrid, born to him by Quenburga, daughter, as
saith Beda, of Kearle king of Mercia, in the time of his banishment,
and with them most of the people, both nobles and commons, easily
converted, were (627) baptized;1 he with his whole family at York, in
a church hastily built up of wood, the multitude most part in rivers.
Northumberland thus christen'd, Paulinus crossing Humber, con-
verted (628) also the province of Linsey, and Blecca the governour of
Lincoln, with his houshold and most of that city ; wherein he built a
church of stone, curiously wrought, but of small continuance ; for the
roof in Beda's time,2 uncertain whether by neglect or enemies, was
down, the walls only standing. Meanwhile in Mercia, Kearle a kins-
man of Wibba, saith Huntingdon, not a son, having long withheld
the kingdom from Penda, Wibba's son, left it now at length to the
fiftieth year of his age : with whom Kinelis and Cuichelm, the West-
Saxon kings, two years after (629), having by that time it seems re-

1 On Easter-day, Anno 627. ' About eighty years afterwards.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 101

cover'd strength, since the inroad made upon them by Edwin, fought
at Cirencester, then made truce. But Edwin seeking every way to
propagate the faith, which with so much deliberation he had received,
persuaded Eorpwald1 the son of Redwald, king of East-Angles, to em-
brace the same belief; willingly or in awe, is not known, retaining
under Edwin the name only of a king. But Eorpwald not long sur-
viv'd his conversion, slain in fight by Rickbert a pagan : whereby the
people having lightly follow'd the religion of their king, as lightly fell
back to their old superstitions for above three years after ; Edwin in
the meanwhile, to his faith adding virtue, by the due administration
of justice, wrought such peace over all his territories, that from sea to
sea, man or woman might have travell'd in safety. His care also was
of fountains by the wayside, to make them fittest for the use of
travellers. And not unmindful of regal state, whether in war or peace,
he had a royal banner carry'd before him. But having reign'd with
much honour seventeen years, he was at length by Kedwalla, or Cad-
wallon, king of the Britains, who with aid of the Mercian Pinda,2 had
rebelPd against him, slain in a battle with his son Osfred, at a place
call'd Hethfield,3 and his whole army overthrown or dispers'd in the
year 633, and the 47th of his age, in the eye of man worthy a more
peaceful end. His head brought to York, was there bury'd in the
church by him begun. Sad was this overthrow both to church and
state of the Northumbrians : for Penda being a heathen, and the
British king, though in name a Christian, yet in deeds more bloody
than the pagan, nothing was omitted of barbarous cruelty in the
slaughter of sex or age ; Kedwalla threatning to root out the whole
nation, though then newly Christian. For the Britons, and as Beda
saith, even to his days, accounted Saxon Christianity no better than
paganism, and with them held as little communion. From these
calamities no refuge being left but flight, Paulinus taking with him
Ethelburga the queen and her children, aided by Bassus, one of
Edwin's captains made escape by sea to Eadbald king of Kent : who
receiving his sister with all kindness, made Paulinus bishop of
Rochester, where he ended his days. After Edwin, the kingdom of
Northumberland became divided as before, each rightful heir seizing
his part ; in Deira, Osric the son of Elfric, Edwin's uncle, by pro-
fession a Christian, and baptiz'd by Paulinus ; in Bernicia, Eanfrid the
son of Ethelfrid ; who all the time of Edwin, with his brother Oswald,
and many of the young nobility, liv'd in Scotland exil'd, and had been
there taught and baptis'd. No sooner had they gotten each a kingdom,
but both turn'd recreant, sliding back into their old religion, and both

1 On the death of Redwald the East-Angles would have bestow'd their kingdom on Edwin,
but he out of gratitude to his benefactor Redwald permitted his son Eorpwald to reign as his
tributary. Bede, ch. 15. 2 Geoffrey says, he first conquer'd Penda.

3 Tis probably Hatfield, in the bounds of Yorkshire and Lincolnshire. See the Glossary to
the Saxoa Chronicle.

102 AIDAN, ABBOT OF LINDISFARNE, HIS DEEDS AND DEVOTION.

were the same year slain ; Osric by a sudden eruption of Kedwalla,
whom he in a strong town had unadvisedly besieged ; Eanfrid seeking
peace, and inconsiderately with a few surrendring himself. Kedwalla
now rang'd at will through both those provinces, using cruelly his con-
quest ; when Oswald,1 the brother of Eanfrid, with a small, but
Christian army, unexpectedly coming on, defeated and destroy'd both
him arid his huge 'forces, which he boasted to be invincible, by a little
river running into Tine, near the ancient Roman wall then call'd
Denisburn,2 the place afterwards Heavenfield, from the cross reported
miraculous for cures, which Oswald there erected before the battle, in
token of his faith against the great number of his enemies. Obtaining
the kingdom, he took care to instruct again the people in Christianity.
Sending therefore to the Scotish elders, Beda so terms them, among
whom he had receiv'd baptism, requested of them some faithful
teacher, who might again settle religion in his realm, which the late
troubles had impair'd ; they as readily hearkning to his request, send
Aidan, a Scotch monk and bishop, but of singular zeal and meekness,
with others to assist him, whom at their own desire he seated in
Lindisfarne, as the episcopal seat, now Holy Island : and being the
son of Ethelfrid, by the sister of Edwin, as right heir, others failing,
easily reduc'd both kingdoms of Northumberland as before into one ;
nor of Edwin's dominion lost any part, but enlarg'd it rather, over all
the four British nations, Angles, Britons, Picts, and Scots, exercising
regal authority. Of his devotion, humility, and almsdeeds, much is
spoken ; that he disdain'd not to be the interpreter of Aidan, preach-
ing in Scotch or bad English, to his nobles and houshold servants ;
and had the poor continually serv'd at his gate, after the promiscuous
manner of those times : his meaning might be upright, but the manner
more ancient of private or of church contribution, is doubtless more
evangelical. About this time the West-Saxons, anciently call'd
Gevissi, by the preaching of Berinus a bishop, whom pope Honorius
had sent, were converted to the faith with Kineglis their king : him
Oswald receiv'd out of the font, and his daughter in marriage. The
next year Cuichelm was baptiz'd in Dorchester,3 but h'v'd not to the
year's end. The East- Angles also this year were reclaim'd to the faith
of Christ, which for some years past they had thrown off. But Sigbert
the brother of Eorpwald now succeeded in that kingdom, prais'd for a
most Christian and learned man : who while his brother yet reign'd,
living in France an exile for some displeasure conceiv'd against him
by Redwald his father, learn'd there the Christian faith ; and reigning
soon after, in the same instructed his people, by the preaching of

- Nephew to Edwin by his sister Occa.

2 Diston, the seat and barony of the Earl of Dar.ventwater, call'd in old books Devilstone,
by Bede, Devilsburn. Vid. Camb. Britan. Tit. Northumberland.

3 By Byninus an Italian, the first bishop of Dorchester in Oxfordshire.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 103

Felix1 a Burgundian bishop. In the year 640, Eadbald deceasing, left
to Ercombert his son by Emma the French king's daughter, the
kingdom of Kent ; recorded the first of English kings who commanded
through his limits the destroying of idols ; laudably, if all idols without
exception ; and the first to have establish'd Lent among us, under
strict penalty, not worth remembring, but only to inform us, that no
Lent was observ'd here till his time by compulsion ; especially being
noted by some to have fradulently usurp'd upon his elder brother
Ermenred, whose right was precedent to the crown. Oswald having
reign'd eight years, worthy also as might seem of longer life,2 fell into
the same fate with Edwin, and from the same hand, in a great battle
overcome and slain by Penda, at a place call'd Maserfield, now
Oswestre3 in Shropshire, miraculous, as saith Beda, after his death.
His brother Oswi succeeded him, reigning, tho' in much trouble,
twenty-eight years ; oppos'd either by Penda, or his son Alfred, or his
brother's son Ethel wald. Next year Kinegils the West- Saxon dying
(643), left his son Kenwalk in his stead, though as yet uncon-
verted. About this time Sigebert, king of East- Angles, having learn'd
in France, e'er his coming to reign, the manner of their schools, with
the assistance of some teachers out of Kent, instituted a school here
after the same discipline, thought to be the university of Cambridge
then first founded :4 and at length weary of his kingly office, betook
him to a monastical life ; commending the care of government to his
kinsman Egric, who had sustain'd with him part of that burthen
before. It happen'd some years after, that Penda made war on the
East-Angles : they expecting a sharp encounter, besought Sigebert,
whom they esteem'd an expert leader, with his presence to confirm
the soldiery : and him refusing carried by force out of the monastery
into the camp ; where acting the monk rather than the captain, with
single wand in his hand, he was slain with Egric, and his whole
army put to flight. Anna of the royal stock, as next in right, suc-
ceeded ; and hath the praise of a virtuous and most Christian prince.
But Kenwalk the West- Saxon having (645) married the sister of
Penda, and divorc'd her, was by him with more appearance of a just
cause vanquish'd in fight, and depriv'd of his crown : whence retiring
to Anna king of the East- Angles, after three years abode in his court,
he there became Christian, and afterwards (646) regain'd his kingdom.
Oswi in the former years of his reign, had sharer with him, Oswir
nephew of Edwin, who rul'd in Deira seven years, commended much
for his zeal in religion, and for comeliness of person, with other
princely qualities, belov'd of all. Notwithstanding which, dissentions

1 The first bishop of Dunwich in Suffolk.

2 He liv'd 38 years only. 3 Oswaldstre on the borders of Denbighshire.

4 Bede says, 'twas a little desolate city in his time, and takes no notice of it as an University,
Anno. 700. Robert of Remington writes, that in the reign of Edward the First, Grant-
Bridge or Cambridge, from a school was made an University like Oxford. Cambden
'Tit. Cambridge.

104 DEATH OF BISHOP AIDAN.— FAITH AND PRACTICE OF PENDA.

growing between them; it came to arms. Oswin seeing himself
much exceeded in numbers, thought it more prudence, dismissing his
army, to reserve himself for some better occasion. But committing
his person with one faithful attendant to the loyalty of Hunwald an
earl, his imagin'd friend, he was by him treacherously discover'd and
(651) by command of Oswi slain. After whom within twelve days,
and for grief of him whose death he foretold, dy'd bishop Aidan,
famous for his charity, meekness, and labour in the gospel. The
fate of Oswi was detestable to all; which therefore to expiate, a
monastery was built in the place where it was done, and prayers there
daily offer'd up for the souls of both kings, the slain and the slayer.
Kenwalk by this time reinstall'd in his kingdom, kept it long, but with
various fortune ; for Beda relates him oft-times afflicted by his
enemies with great losses : and in 652 by the annals, fought a battle
(civil war Ethelward calls it) at Bradanford by the river Afene;
against whom, and for what cause, or who had the victory, they write
not. Cambden names the place Bradford in Wiltshire, by the river
Avon, and Cuthred his near kinsman, against whom he fought, but
cites no authority ; certain it is, that Kenwalk four years before had
given large possession to his nephew Cuthred, the more unlikely
therefore now to have rebell'd. The next year (653) Penda, whom
his father Penda, though a heathen, had for his princely virtues made
prince of Middle- Angles, belonging to the Mercians, was with that
people converted to the faith. For coming to Oswi with request to
have in marriage Alfleda his daughter, he was deny'd her but on
condition, that he with all his people should receive Christianity.
Hearing therefore not unwillingly what was preach'd to him of resur-
rection and eternal life, much persuaded also by Alfrid the king's
son, who had his sister Kyniburg to wife, he easily assented, for the
truth's sake only, as he profess'd, whether he obtain'd the virgin or
no, and was baptiz'd with all his followers. Returning, he took with
him four presbyters to teach the people of his province ; who by their
daily preaching won many. Neither did Penda, though himself no
believer, probibit any in his kingdom to hear or believe the gospel,
but rather hated and despis'd those, who professing to believe, attested
not their faith by good works ; condemning them for miserable and
justly to be despis'd, who obey not that God in whom they chuse to
believe. How well might Penda, this heathen, rise up in judgment
against many pretending Christians, both of his own and these days !
Yet being a man bred up to war (as no less were others then reigning,
and oft-times one against another, though both Christian) he warr'd
on Anna, king of the East-Angles, perhaps without cause, for Anna
was esteem'd a just man, and at length (654) slew him. About this
time the East- Saxons, who, as above hath been said, had expell'd
their bishop Mellitus, and renounc'd the faith, were by the means of

MILTON'S HISTORY Of ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 105

Oswi thus reconverted. Sigebert, sirnam'd the Small, being the son
of Seward, without other memory of his reign, left his son king of that
province, after him Sigebert the second, who coming often to visit
Oswi his great friend, was by him at several times fervently dissuaded
from idolatry, and convinc'd at length to forsake it, was there baptiz'd ;
on his return home, taking with him Kedda a laborious preacher,
afterwards made bishop; by whose teaching with some help of
others, the people were again recover'd from misbelief. But Sigebert
some years (66 1) after, though standing fast in religion, was by the
conspiracy of two brethren in place near about him, wickedly
murder'd ; who being ask'd what mov'd them to do a deed so heinous,
gave no other than this barbarous answer : ' That they were angry
with him for being so gentle to his enemies, as to forgive them their
injuries whenever they besought him.' Yet his death seems to have
happen'd not without some cause by him given of divine displeasure.
For one of those earls who slew him, living in unlawful wedlock,
therefore excommunicated so severely by the bishop, that no man
might presume to enter into his house, much less to sit at meat with
him, the king not regarding this church censure, went to feast with
him at his invitation. Whom the bishop meeting in his return,
though penitent for what he had done, and fall'n at his feet, touch'd
with the rod in his hand, and angerly thus foretold : l Because thou
hast neglected to abstain from the house of that excommunicate, in
that house thou shalt die:' and so it fell out perhaps from that pre-
diction, God bearing witness to his minister in the power of church
discipline, spiritually executed, not juridically on the contemner thereof.
This year 655 prov'd fortunate to Oswi, and fatal to Penda, for Oswi
by the continual inroads of Penda, having long endur'd much de-
vastation, to the endangering once by assault and fire Bebbanburg,
his strongest city, now Banborrow castle, unable to resist him, with
many rich presents offer'd to buy his peace. Which not accepted by
the pagan, who intended nothing but destruction to that king, though
more than once in affinity with him, turning gifts into vows, he im-
plores divine assistance, devoting, if he were deliver'd from his enemy,
a child of one year old, his daughter to be a nun, and twelve portions
of land whereupon to build monasteries. His vows, as may be
thought, found better success than his proffer'd gifts ; for hereupon
with his son Alfrid gathering a small power, he encounter'd and dis-
comfited the Mercians, thirty times exceeding his in number, and
led on by expert captains ; at a place call'd Loydes, now Leeds in
Yorkshire. Besides, this Ethelwald, the son of Oswald, who rul'd in
Deira, took part with the Mercians, but in the fight withdrew his
forces, and in a safe place expected the event : with which unseason-
able retreat, the Mercians perhaps terrify'd and misdouting more
danger, fled; their commanders, with Penda himself, most being

Io6 SYNOD OF SCOTCH AND ENGLISH BISHOPS.

slain, among whom Edelhere the brother of Anna, who rul'd after
him the East- Angles, and was the author of this war ; many more
flying were drown'd in the river, which Beda calls Winved,1 then
swoll'n above his banks. The death of Penda, who had been the
death of so many good kings, made general rejoicing, as the song
witness'd. l At the river Winwed, Anna was aveng'd.' To Edelhere
succeeded Ethelwald his brother, in the East- Angles ; to Sigebert in
the East-Saxons, Suidelhelm the son of Sexbald, saith Bede, the
brother of Sigebert, saith Malmsbury ; he was baptiz'd by Kedda,
then residing in the East-Angles, and by Ethelwald the king, receiv'd
out of the font. But Oswi in the strength of his late victory, within
(658) three years after subdu'd all Mercia, and of the Pictish nation
greatest part at which time he gave to Peada his son-in-law the
kingdom of South-Mercia, divided from the northern by Trent. But
Peada the (659) spring following, as was said, by the treason of his
wife the daughter of Oswi, married by him for a special Christian, on
the feast of Easter, not protected by the holy time, was slain. The
Mercian nobles, Immin, Eaba, and Eadbert, throwing off the govern-
ment of Oswi, set up Wulfer the other son of Penda to be their
king, whom till then they had kept hid, and with him adhered to
the Christian faith. Kenwalk the West-Saxon, now settl'd at home,
and desirous to enlarge his dominion, prepares against the Britons,
joins battle with them at Pen in Somersetshire, and overcoming
pursues them to Pedridan. Another fight he had with them before,
at a place call'd Witgeornesbrug, barely mentioned by the monk of
Malmsbury. Nor was it long (661) e'er he fell at variance with
Wulfer the son of Penda, his old enemy, scarce yet warm in his
throne, fought with him at Possentesburg,2 on the Easter holydays,
and as Ethelwerd saith, took him prisoner; but the Saxon annals,
quite otherwise, that Wulfer winning the field, wasted the West-
Saxon country as far as Eskesdun;3 nor staying there, took and
wasted the isle of Wight, but causing the inhabitants to be baptiz'd,
till then unbelievers, gave the island to Ethelwald king of the South-
Saxons, whom he had receiv'd out of the font.4 The year 664 a
synod of Scotch and English bishops, in the presence of Oswi and
Alfred his son, was held at a monastery in those parts, to debate
upon what day Easter should be kept; a controversie which long
before had disturb'd the Greek and Latin churches: wherein the
Scots not agreeing with the way of Rome, not yielding to the dis-
putants on that side, to whom the king most inclin'd, such as were
bishops here, resign'd, and return'd home with their disciples. An-
other clerical question was there also much controverted, not so supersti-
tious in my opinion as ridiculous, about the right shaving of crowns.

1 Suppos'd to be the river Aire. _ 2 Pontesbury in Shropshire.

* Aston near Wallingford in Berkshire. * Bede agrees with the Saxon annals.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 107

The same year was seen an eclipse of the sun in May, followed by
a sore pestilence beginning in the south, but spreading to the north,
and over all Ireland with great mortality. In which time the East
Saxon after Swithelm's decease, being govern'd by Siger the son of
Sigebert the Small, and Sebbi of Seward, though both subject to
the Mercians. Siger and his people unsteady of faith, supposing
that this plague was come upon them for renouncing their old religion,
fell off the second time to infidelity. Which the Mercian king
Wulfer understanding, sent Jerumanus a faithful bishop, who with
other his fellow labourers, by sound doctrine and gentle dealing, soon
recur'd them of their second relapse. In Kent, Ercombert expiring,
was succeeded by his son Ecbert. In whose fourth (668) year by
means of Theodore, a learned Greekish monk of Tarsus, whom pope
Vitalian had ordain'd archbishop of Canterbury, the Greek and
Latin tongue, with other liberal arts, arithmetick, musick, astronomy,
and the like ; began first to flourish among the Saxons ; as did also
the whole land, under potent and religious kings, more than ever
before, as Bede affirms, till his own days. Two years after (670), in
Northumberland dy'd Oswi, much addicted to Romish rites, and
resolv'd, had his disease released him, to have ended his days at
Rome; Ecfrid the eldest of his sons begot in wedlock, succeeded him.
After other three years (673), Ecbert in Kent deceasing, left nothing
memorable behind him, but the general suspicion to have slain or
conniv'd at the slaughter of his uncle's two sons,1 Elbert and Egel-
bright. In recompence whereof, he gave to the mother of them part
of Tanet, wherein to build an abbey ; the kingdom fell to his brother
Lothair. And much about this time, by best account it should be,
however plac'd in Beda, that Ecfrid of Northumberland, having
war with the Mercian Wulfer, won from him Lindsey, and the country
there about. Sebbi having reign'd over the East Saxons thirty
years, not long before his death, though long before desiring, took
on him the habit of a monk ; and drew his wife at length, though
unwilling, to the same devotion. Kenwalk also dying, left the
government to Sexbarga his wife, who out-liv'd him in it but one
year, driven out (674), saith Mat. West, by the nobles, disdaining
female government. After whom several petty kings, as Beda calls
them, for ten years space divided the West Saxons ; others name
two, Escwin the nephew of Kinigils, and Kentwin the son, not petty
by their deeds : for Escwin fought a battle with Wulfer, at Bedan-
hafde,2 and about a year after (676) both deceas'd ; but Wulfer not with-
out a stain left behind him, of selling the bishoprick of London, to
Wini the first simonist we read of in this story; Kenwalk had
before expell'd him from his chair at Winchester; Ethelfred

1 Matt, of Westminster calls them his cousins. 2 Suppos'd to be Bcdwin in Wiltshire.

CONVERSION OF THE SOUTH-SAXONS.— CADWALLADER.

the brother of Wulfer obtaining next the kingdom of Mercia,
not only recover'd Lindsey, and what besides in those parts Wulfer
had lost to Ecfrid some years before, but found himself strong enough
to extend his arms another way, as far as Kent, wasting that country
without respect to church or monastery, much also endamaging the
city of Rochester : notwithstanding what resistance Lothair could
make against him. In August 678, was seen a morning comet foi
three months following, in manner of a fiery pillar. And the South-
Saxons about this time were converted to the Christian faith, upon
this occasion. Wilfrid bishop of the Northumbrians entering into con-
tention with Ecfrid the king, was by him depriv'd of his bishoprick,
and long wandering up and down as far as Rome, return'd at length
(679) into England, but not daring to approach the north, whence he
was banish'd, bethought him where he might to best purpose elsewhere
exercise his ministry. The south of all other Saxons remain'd yet
heathen ; but Edelwalk their king not long before had been baptiz'd
in Mercia, persuaded by Wulfer, and by him, as hath been said,
receiv'd out of the font. For which relation's sake he had the Isle of
Wight, and a province of the Meanuari adjoining, given him on the
continent about Meanesborow in Hantshire, which Wulfer had a little
before gotten from Kenwalk. Thither Wilfrid takes his journey, and
with the help of other spiritual labourers about him, in short time
planted there the gospel. It had not rain'd, as is said, of three years
before in that country, whence many of the people daily perish'd by
famine ; tili on the first day of their publick baptism, soft and plentiful
showers descending, restor'd all abundance to the summer following.
Two years (68 1) after this, Kentwin the other West-Saxon king above-
nam'd, chac'd the Welch-Britons, as is chronicPd without circumstance
to the very sea shoar. But in the year, by Beda's reck'ning, 683,
Kedwalla a West-Saxon of the royal line (whom the Welch will have
to be Cadwallader, last king of the Britons) thrown out by faction,
return'd from banishment, and invaded both Kentwin, if then living,
or whoever else had divided the succession of Kentwalk, slaying in
fight Edelwalk the South-Saxon, who oppos'd him in their aid ; but
soon after was repuls'd by two of his captains, Bertune, and Andune,
who for a while held the province in their power. But Kedwalla
gathering new force, with the slaughter of Bertune, and also of Edric
the successor of Edelwalk, won (684) the kingdom : but reduc'd the
people to heavy thraldom. Then addressing to conquer the isle of
Wight, till that time pagan, saith Beda (others otherwise, as above
hath been related) made a vow, though himself yet unbaptiz'd, to
devote the fourth part of that island, and the spoils thereof, to holy
uses. Conquest obtain'd, paying his vow as then was the belief, he
gave his fourth to bishop Wilfrid, by chance there present ; and he to
Bertwin a priest, his sister's son, with commission to baptize all the

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 1OQ

vanquish'd, who meant to save their lives. But the two young sons
of Arwald, king of that island, met with much more hostility ; for they
at the enemies approach flying out of the isle, and betray'd where they
were hid not far from thence, were led to Kedwalla, who lay then under
cure of some wounds receiv'd, and by his appointment, after instruction
and baptism, first given them, harshly put to death, which the youths
are said above their age to have christianly suffer'd. In Kent, Lothair
dy'd this year of his wounds receiv'd in fight against the South-
Saxons, led on by Edric, who descending from Ermenred, it seems
challeng'd the crown ; and wore it, though not commendably, one
year and a half : but coming to a violent death, left the land expos'd
a prey either to home-bred usurpers, or neighbouring invaders. Among
whom Kedwalla, taking advantage from their civil distempers, and
marching easily through the South-Saxons, whom he had subdu'd,
sorely harrass'd the country, untouch'd of long time by any hostile
incursion. But the Kentish men, all parties uniting against a common
enemy, with joynt power so oppos'd him, that he was constraint to
retire back ; his brother Mollo in the fight with twelve men of his
company, seeking shelter in a house, was beset and therein burnt by
the pursuers : Kedwalla much troubl'd at so great a loss, recalling and
soon rallying his disordered forces, return'd (686) fiercely upon the
chasing enemy : nor could be got out of the province, till both by fire
and sword, he had aveng'd the death of his brother. At length Victred
the son of Ecbert, attaining the kingdom, both settl'd at home all
things in peace, and secur'd his borders from all outward hostility.
While thus Kedwalla disquieted both west and east, after his winning
the crown, Ecfrid the Northumbrian, and Ethelfred the Mercian,
fought a sore battle by the river Trent ; wherein Elfwin brother to
Ecfrid, a youth of eighteen years, much belov'd, was slain ; and the
accident likely to occasion much more shedding of blood, peace was
happily made by the grave exhortation of archbishop Theodore, a
pecuniary fine only paid to Ecfrid, as some satisfaction for the loss
of his brother's life. Another adversity befel Ecfrid in his family, by
means of Ethildrith his wife, king Anna's daughter, who having taken
him for her husband, and professing to love him above all other men,
persisted twelve years in the obstinate refusal of his bed, thereby
thinking to live the purer life. So perversly then was chastity in-
structed against the apostles rule. At length obtaining of him with
much importunity her departure, she veil'd herself a nun, then made
abbess of Ely, dy'd seven years after the pestilence ; and might with
better warrant have kept faithfully her undertaken wedlock, though
now canoniz'd St. Audrey of Ely. In the mean while Ecfrid had sent
Bertus with a power to subdue Ireland, a harmless nation, saith Beda,
and ever friendly to the English ; in both which they seem to have
left a posterity much unlike them at this day : miserably wasted, with-

110 IRELAND A HARMLESS NATION!— LAWS OF COUNCIL OF INA.

out regard had to places hallowed or profane, they betook them
partly to their weapons, partly to implore divine aid ; and, as was
thought, obtain'd it in their full avengement upon Ecfrid, for he the
next year, against the mind and psrsuasion of his sagest friends, and
especially of Cudbert, a famous bishop of that age, marching unad-
visedly against the Picts, who long before had been subject to North-
umberland, was by them, feigning flight, drawn unawares into
narrow streights overtopt with hills, and cut off with most of his army.
From which time, saith Bede, Military valour began among the
Saxons to decay, not only the Picts till then peaceable, but some part
of the Britons also recover'd by arms their liberty for many years
after. Yet Alfred, elder but base brother to Ecfrid, a man said to be
learned in the scriptures, recall'd from Ireland, to which place in his
brother's reign he had retir'd, and now succeeding, upheld with much
honour, though in narrower bounds, the residue of his kingdom.
Kedwalla having now with great disturbance of his neighbours,
reign'd over the West-Saxons two years, besides what time he spent
in gaining it ; weary'd perhaps with his own turbulence, went to Rome,
desirous there to receive baptism, which till then his worldly affairs
had deferred ; and accordingly on Easter-day 689,1 he was baptiz'd by
Sergius the pope, and his name changed to Peter. All which not-
withstanding, surpriz'd with a disease, he out-lived not the ceremony
so far sought, much above the space of five weeks, in the thirtieth year
of his age, and in the church of St. Peter was there bury'd, with a large
epitaph upon his tomb. Him succeeded Ina of the royal family, and
from the time of his coming in, for many years oppress'd the land
with little grievances, as Kedwalla had done before him, insomuch
that in those times there was no bishop among them. His first
expedition was into Kent, to demand satisfaction for the burning of
Mollo : Victred, loth to hazard all for the rash act of a few, deliver'd
up thirty of those that could be found accessory; or, as others say,
pacify'd Ina with a great sum of money.2 Meanwhile, at the in-
citement of Ecbert, a devout monk, Wilbrod a priest, eminent for
learning, pass'd over sea, having twelve others in company, with
intent to preach the gospel in Germany. And coming (694) to
Pepin, chief regent of the Franks, who a little before had conquer'd
the hither Frisia, by his countenance and protection, promise also
of many benefits to them who should believe, they found the work
of conversion much the easier, and Wilbrod the first bishop in that

1 Dr. Powell and Mr. Vaughan, in their notes on Caradoc's Welsh Chronicle, suppose that
this Cadwalla was Edwal, surnam'd Ywrch, prince of Wales ; who about this time went to
Rome, and there dy'd. Other Welsh authors pretend, Cadwalla here mentiori'd was their
king Cadwallader; who, according to Caradoc, publish'd by Dr. Powell, went to Rome, Anno
664, and dy'd there eight years afterwards.

a Ina in the year 693, held a great council of his bishops, elder men, and the antients of his
people, by whom several laws were made, and is the first authentick great council, whose
laws are come to us entire. Spelm. Brit. Counc.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 1 1 1

nation.1 But tv/o priests, each of them Hewald by name, and for
distinction surnam'd from the colour of their hair, the black and
the white, by his example, piously affected to the souls of their
countrymen the old Saxons, at their coming thither to convert
them, met with much worse entertainment. For in the house of a
farmer, who had promis'd to convey them, as they desir'd, to the
governour of that country, discover'd by their daily ceremonies to
be Christian priests, and the cause of their coming suspected, they
were by him and his heathen neighbours cruelly butcher'd ; yet
not unaveng'd, for the governor enrag'd at such violence offer'd to
his strangers, sending arm'd men, slew all those inhabitants, ana
burnt their village. After three years in Mercia, Ostred the queen,
wife to Ethelred, was kill'd (697) by her own nobles, as Beda's
epitome records ; Florence calls them Southimbrians, negligently
omitting the cause of so strange a fact. And the year (698)
following, Bertred, a Northumbrian general, was slain by the Picts.
Ethelred, seven years (704) after the violent death of his queen,
put on the monk, and resign'd his kingdom to Kenred the son of
Wulfer his brother. The next year (700), Aldfrid in Northumber-
land dy'd, leaving Osred a child of eight years to succeed him.
Four years (702) after which, Kenred having a while with praise
govern'd the Mercian kingdom, went to Rome in the time of pope
Constantine, and shorn a monk spent there the residue of his days.
Kelred succeeded him, the son of Ethelred, who had reign'd the
next before. With Kenred went Offa the son of Siger, king of East-
Saxons, and betook him to the same habit, leaving his wife and
native country ; a comely person in the prime of his youth, much
desir'd of the people ; and such his virtue, by report, as might have
otherwise been worthy to have reign'd. Ina the West-Saxon one
year after (710) fought a battle, at first doubtful, at last successful,
against2 Cerent king of Wales. The next year (711) Bertfrid, another
Northumbrian captain, fought with the Picts, and slaughter'd them,
saith Huntingdon, to the full avengement of Ecfrid's death. The
fourth year after, Ina had another doubtful and cruel battle at Wod-
nesburg in Wiltshire, with Kelred the Mercian, who dy'd the year
following a lamentable death : for as he sat one day feasting with his
nobles, suddenly possess'd with an evil spirit, he expir'd in despair, as
Boniface archbishop of Mentz, an Englishman, who taxes him for a
defiler of nuns, writes by way of caution to Ethelbald, his next of kin,
who succeeded him. Osred also the young Northumbrian king, slain
by his kindred in the eleventh of his reign, for his vicious life and
incest committed with nuns ; was by Kenred succeeded and aveng'd,

1 His see was Weltaburgh, in the Gal'.ick tongue Trajectum, now Utrecht.

2 Supposed to be king of Cornwall, there being no such name in the catalogue of the king$
Of North or South- Wales.

112 PETER'S PENCE PAID BY INA.— CLOISTERS AT ROME CROWDED.

He reigning two years, left Osric in his room. In whose seventh
year (718), if Beda calculate right, Victred king of Kent deceas'd,
having reign'd thirty four years, and some part of them with Suebhard,
as Beda testifies. He left behind him three sons, Ethelbert, Eadbert,
and Alric his heirs1 (725). Three years after (728) which, appeared
two comets about the sun, terrible to behold, the one before him in
the morning, the other after him in the evening, for the space of two
weeks in January, bending their blaze towards the north ; at which
time the Saracens furiously invaded France, but were expell'd soon
after with great overthrow. The same year in Northumberland, Osric
dying or slain, adopted Kelwulf the brother of Kenrid his successor,
to whom Beda dedicates his story ; but writes this only of him, that
the beginning and the process of his reign met with many adverse
commotions, whereof the event was then doubtfully expected. Mean-
while Ina seven years before having slain Kenwulf, to whom Florent
gives the addition of Clito, given usually to none but of the blood
royal, and the fourth year after overthrown and slain Albright another
Clito, driven from Taimton to the South-Saxons for aid, vanquish'd
also the East-Angles in more than one battle, as Malmsbury writes,
but not the year, whether to expiate so much blood, or infected with
the contagious humour of those times, Malmsbury saith, at the per-
suasion of Ethelburga his wife, went to Rome, and there ended his
days ; yet this praise left behind him, to have made good laws, the
first of Saxon that remain extant to this day, and to his kins-
man Edelard, bequeath'd the crown : no less than the whole
monarchy of England and Wales. For Ina, if we believe a
digression in the laws of Edward the Confessor, was the first king
crown'd of English and British, since the Saxon entrance ; of
the British by means of his second wife, some way related to Cad-
wallader last king of Wales, which I had not noted, being unlikely,
but for the place where I found it.2 After Ina, by a surer author,
Ethelbald king of Mercia commanded all the provinces on this side
Humber, with their kings ; the Picts were in league with the English,
the Scots peaceable within their bounds, and the Britons part were in
their own government, part subject to the English. In which peace-
ful state of the land, many in Northumberland, both nobles and com-
mons, laying aside the exercise of arms, betook them to the cloister :
and not content so to do at home, many in the days of Ina, clerks and
laicks, men and women, hasting to Rome in herds, thought themselves
no where sure of eternal life, till they were cloister'd there. Thus re-
presenting the state of things in this island, Beda surceas'd to write.
Out of whom chiefly hath been gather'd, since the Saxons arrival, such

1 Peter-Pence was granted to the pope about the year 725, by Ina king of the West- Saxons.

2 Among the laws of Edward the Confessor, 'tis inserted, that Ina marry'd Gaula, the
daughter of Cadwallader king of Wales. Vid, Lambert's Archieves, cap. 17.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 113

as hath been delivered, a scattered story pick'd out here and there, with
some trouble and tedious Work from among his many legends of visions
and miracles ; toward the latter end so bare of civil matters, as what
can be thence collected may seem a kalendar rather than a history,
taken up for the most part with succession of kings and computation
of years, yet those hard to be reconcil'd with the Saxon annals. Their
actions, we read of, were most commonly wars, but for what cause
wag'd, or by what counsels carry'd on, no care was had to let us know :
whereby their strength and violence we understand, of their wisdom,
reason, or justice, little or nothing, the rest superstition and monastical
affectation ; kings, one after another, leaving their kingly charge, to run
their heads fondly into a monks cowle : which leaves us uncertain,
whether Beda was wanting to matter, or his matter to him. Yet from
hence to the Danish invasion it will be worse with us, destitute of
Beda. Left only to obscure and blockish chronicles whom Malmsbury
and Huntingdon, (for neither they than we had better authors of those
times) ambitious to adorn the history, make no scruple oft-times, I
doubt, to interline with conjectures and surmises of their own : them
rather than imitate, I shall choose to represent the truth naked, though
as lean as a plain journal. Yet William of Malmsbury must be
acknowledg'd, both for style and judgment, to be by far the best writer
of them all : but what labour is to be endured, turning over volumes
of rubbish in the rest, Florence of Worcester, Huntingdon, Simeon of
Durham, Hoveden, Matthew of Westminster, and many others of
obscurer note, with all their monachisms, is a penance to think. Yet
these are our only registers, transcribers one after another for the
most part, and sometimes worthy enough for the things they register.
This travel rather than not know at once what may be known of our
ancient story, sifted from fables and impertinences, I voluntarily
undergo ; and to save others, if they please, the like unpleasing
labour ; except those who take pleasure to be all their life-time raking
in the foundations of old abbies and cathedrals : but to my task now
as it befalls. In the year 733, on the I7th kalends of September, was
an eclipse of the sun about the third hour of day, obscuring almost
his whole orb, as with a black shield.1 Ethelbald of Mercia besieg'd
and took the Castle or town of Somerton : and two years after (735),
Beda our historian dy'd, some say the year before. Kelwulf in North-
umberland three years after (738), became monk in Lindisfarne, yet
none of the severest ; for he brought those monks from milk and
water, to wine and ale : in which doctrine no doubt but they were
soon docile : and well might, for Kelwulf2 brought with him good •

1 The next year, 734, the moon appear'd as it were stained with blood, which, says Simeon
of Durham, lasted one whole hour, then follow'd a blackness, and then it return d to its
natural colour. In this or the next year Bede dy'd.

2 To this Kelwulf Bede dedicated his history.

B

114 IMPROVED FARE OF THE MONKS OF LINDISFARXE

provision, great treasure and revenues of land, recited by Simeon, yet
all under pretence of following ( I use the author's words) poor Christ,
by voluntary poverty : no marvel then if snch applause were given by
monkish writers to kings turning monks, and much cunning perhaps
us'd to allure them. To Eadbert, his uncle's son, he left the kingdom,
whose brother Ecbert, archbishop of York, built a library there. But
two years after (740), while Eadbert was busy'd in war against the
Picts, Ethebald the Mercian, by foul fraud, assaulted part of Northum-
berland in his absence, as the supplement of Beda's epitomy records.
In the West-Saxons, Edelard who succeeded Ina, having been much
molested in the beginning of his reign, with the rebellion of Oswald
his kinsman, who contended with him for the right of succession ;
overcoming at last those troubles, dy'd in peace 741, leaving
Cuthred one of the same lineage to succeed him : who at first had
much war with Ethelbald the Mercian, and various success, but joining
with him in league two years after (743) made war on the Welsh ;
Huntingdon doubts not to give them a great victory. And Simeon
reports, another battle fought between Britons and Picts the year (744)
ensuing. Now was the kingdom of East- Saxons drawing to a period ;
for Sigeard and Senfred, the sons of Sebbi, having reign'd a while and
after them young Offa, who soon quitted his kingdom to go to Rome
with Kenred, as hath been said, the government was conferr'd on
Selred son of Sigebert the Good, who having rul'd thirty-eight years,
(746) came to a violent death ; how or wherefore, is not set down.
After whom Swithred was the last king, driven out by Ecbert the
West-Saxon : but London, with the countries adjacent, obey'd the
Mercians till they also were dissolv'd. Cuthred had now (748)
reign'd about nine years, when Kenric his son a valiant young prince,
was in military tumult slain by his own soldiers. The same year
Eadbert dying in Kent, his brother Edilbert reign'd in his stead. But
after two years, (750) the other Eadbert in Northumberland, whose
war with the Picts hath been above mention'd, made now such pro-
gress there, as to subdue Kyle,1 so saith the auctary of Bede, and
other countries thereabout, to his dominion ; while Cuthred the West-
Saxon had a fight with Ethelbun, one of his nobles, a stout warrier,
envy'd by him in some matter of the commonwealth, as far as by the
latin of Ethelwerd can be understood (others interpret it sedition), and
with much ado over-coming, took Ethelbun for his valour into favour,
by whom faithfully serv'd in the twelfth or thirteenth of his reign, he
encounter'd in a set battle with Ethelbald the Mercian at Beorford,
'now Burford in Oxfordshire ; one year after (753) against the Welsh,
which was the last but one of his life. Huntingdon, as his manner is
to comment upon the annal text, makes a terrible description of that
fight between Cuthred and Ethelbald, and the prowess of Ethelbun, at

1 Or Dumbritton-Frith, Dumbarton, Frith of Clyde, in Scotland.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 115

Beorford, but so affectedly, and therefore suspiciously, that I hold it
not worth rehearsal ; and both in that and the latter conflict, gives
victory to Cuthred ; after whom Sigebert, uncertain by what right his
kinsman, saith Florent, step'd (754) into the throne, whom hated for
his cruelty and other evil doings, Kinwulf joyning with most of the1
nobility, dispossess'd (755) of all but Hampshire, that province he lost
also within a year, together with the love of all those who till then
remain'd his adherents, by slaying Cumbram, one of his chief captains,
who for a long time had faithfully serv'd, and now dissuaded him from
incensing the people by such tyrannical practices. Thence flying for
safety into Andreds wood, forsaken of all, he was at length slain by the
swineherd of Cumbran in revenge of his master, and Kinwulf who had
undoubted right to the crown, joyfully saluted king. The next year
(756) Eadbert the Northumbrian joining forces with Unust king of the
Picts, as Simeon writes, besieg'd and took by surrender the city
Alcluith, now Dunbritton in Lenox, from the Britons of Cumberland ;
and ten days after, the whole army perish'd about Niwanbirig, but to
tell us how, he forgets. In Mercia, Ethelbald was slain (757), at a
place call'd Secandune, now Seckington in Warwickshire, the year
following, in a bloody fight against Cuthred, as Huntingdon surmises,
but Cuthred was dead two or three years before ; others write him
murder'd in the night by his own guard, and the treason, as some say,
of Beornred, who succeeded him ; but e're many months, was defeated
and slain by Offa. Yet Ethelbald seems not without cause, after a
long and prosperous reign, to have fallen by a violent death ; not
shaming on the vain confidence of his many alms, to commit unclean-
ness with consecrated nuns, besides laick adulteries, as the arch-
bishop of Ments in a letter taxes him and his predecessors, and that
by his example most of his peers did the like ; which adulterous doings
he foretold him were likely to produce a slothful off-spring, good for
nothing but to be the ruin of that kingdom, as it fell out not long after.
The next year (758) Osmund, according to Florence, ruling the
South-Saxons, and Swithred the East, Eadbert in Northumberland,
following the steps of his predecessor, got him into a monk's
hood ; the more to be wonder'd, that having reign'd worthily twenty-
one years, with the love and high estimation of all, both at home
and abroad, able still to govern, and much entreated by the kings
his neighbours, not to lay down his charge ; with offer on that
condition to yield up to him part of their own dominion ; he could
not be mov'd from his resolution, but relinquished his regal office to
Oswulf his son ; who at the years end (759), though without just
cause, was slain by his own servants. And the year after dy'd
Ethelbert, son of Victred, the second of that name in Kent. After
Oswulf, Ethelwald, otherwise call'd Mollo, was set up king ; who in

1 The Saxon annals call them the wise and noble men of the West-Saxons.

Il6 MEAGRENESS OF MATERIALS FOR AN INSTRUCTIVE HISTORY.

his third year (762) had a great battle at Eldune, by Melros, slew
Oswin a great lord, rebelling, and gain'd the victory. But the third
year (765) after, fell by the treachery of Alcred, who assum'd his
place. The fourth year (769) after which,1 Cataracta an ancient and
fair city in Yorkshire, was burnt by Arnred a certain tyrant, who the
same year came to like end. And after five years more, Alcred the
king depos'd and forsaken of all his people, fled (774) with a few, first
to Bebba, a strong city of those parts, thence to Kinot king of the
Picts. Ethelred the son of Mollo, was crown'd in his stead. Mean
while Offa the Mercian, growing powerful, had subdu'd a neighbouring
people, by Simeon calPd Nestings ;2 and fought successfully this year
with Alric king of Kent, at a place call'd Ottanford : the annals also
speak of wondrous serpents then seen in Essex. Nor had Kinwulf the
West-Saxon given small proof of his valour in several battles against
the Welsh heretofore, but this year 775, meeting with Offa, at a place
call'd Besington,was put to the worse, and Offa won the townfor which
they contended. In Northumberland, Ethelred having caus'd three of
his nobles, Aldwulf, Renwulf, and Ecca, treacherously to be slain by
two other peers, was himself the next year driven into banishment,3
Elfwald the son of Oswulf succeeding in his place, yet not without
civil broils ; for in his second year (780) Osbald and Ethelheard, two
noblemen, raising forces against him, routed Bearne his general, and
pursuing, burnt him at a place call'd Seletune. I am sensible how
wearisome it may likely be to read of so many bare and reasonless
actions, so many names of kings one ofter another, acting little more
than mute persons in a scene. What would it be to have inserted the
long bead-roll of arch-bishops, bishops, abbots, abbesses, and their
doings, neither to religion profitable, nor to morality ; swelling my
authors each to a voluminous body, by me studiously omitted ; and
left as their propriety, who have a mind to write the ecclesiastical
matters of those ages ; neither do I care to wrinkle the smoothness
of history with rugged names of places unknown, better harp'd at in
Cambden, and other chorographers. Six years (786) therefore pass'd
over in silence, as wholly of such argument, bring us to relate next
the unfortunate end of Kinwulf the West-Saxon ; who having laudably
reign'd about thirty-one years, yet suspecting that Kineard brother of
Sigebert the former king, intended to usurp the crown after his
decease, or revenge his brother's expulsion, had commanded him into
banishment ; but he lurking here and there on the borders with a
small company, having had intelligence that Kinwulf was in the
country thereabout, at Merantun, or Merton in Surrey, at the house

1 Catarick-bridge, of the antiquity whereof see the additions, in the late edition of Camb-
den's Britannia.

2 Lambert in his glossary, at the end of the Decem Scriptores, thinks they were Danes.

3 Roger Hovedon says he was depos'd by the common council, and consent of his own
subjects.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 117

ot a woman whom he lov'd, went by night and beset the place.
Kinwulf over-confident either of his royal presence, or personal valour,
issuing forth with the few about him, runs fiercely at Kineard, and
wounds him sore, but by his followers hemm'd in, is kill'd among
them. The report of so great an accident soon running to a place not
far off, where many more attendants awaited the king's return, Osric
and Wivert, two earls, hasted with a great number to the house,
where Kineard and his fellows yet remained. He seeing himself sur-
rounded, with fair words and promise of great gifts, attempted to
appease them; but those rejected with disdain, fights it out to the last,
and is slain with all but one or two of his retinue, which were nigh a
hundred. Kinwulf was succeeded by Birthric, being both descended
of Kerdic the founder of that kingdom. Not better was the end ot
Elfwald in Northumberland, two years after (788) slain miserably by
the conspiracy of Siggan, one of his nobles, others say of the whole
people at Scilcester by the Roman wall ; yet undeservedly, as his
sepulchre at Hagulstald, now Hexam upon Tine, and some miracles
there said to be done, are alledg'd to witness ; and Siggan five years
after laid violent hands on himself. Osred, son of Alcred, advanc'd
into the room of Elfwald, and within one year driven out, left his seat
vacant to Ethelred son of Mollo, who after ten years of banishment
(imprisonment, saith Alcuin) had the scepter put again into his hand.
The third year (789) of Birthric king of West-Saxons, gave beginning
from abroad to a new and fatal revolution of calamity on this land.
For three Danish ships, the first that had been seen here of that
nation arriving in the west, to visit these, as was suppos'd, foreign
merchants, the king's gatherer of customs taking horse from Dor-
chester,1 found them spies and enemies. For being commanded to
come and give account of their lading at the king's custom-house,
they slew him and all who came with him ; as an earnest of the many
slaughters, rapines, and hostilities, which they return'd not long after
to commit over all the island. Of this Danish first arrival, and on a
sudden worse than hostile aggression, the Danish history far other-
wise relates, as if their landing had been at the mouth of Humber,
and their spoilful march far into the country ; tho' soon repell'd by
the inhabitants, they hasted back as fast to their ships : but from what
cause, what reason of state, what authority or publick council the in-
vasion proceeded, makes not mention, and our wonder yet the more,
by telling us that Sigefrid then king in Denmark, and long after, was
a man studious more of peace and quiet, than of warlike matters.
These therefore seem rather to have been some wanderers at sea, who
with publick commission, or without, through love of spoil, or hatred

1 Cambden, in his Britania Tit. Devonshire, tells us, that the Danes first landed at Teign-
mouth in that county : now Tinmouth, a fisher-town, which was burnt by the French in
the last war.

Il8 LINDISFARNE DESTROYED DY THE DANES.— CHARLEMAGNE.

of Christianity, seeking booties on any land of Christians, came by
chance or weather on this shoar. The next year (790) Osred in
Northumberland, who driven out by his nobles had given place to
Ethelred, was taken and forcibly shaven a monk at York. And the
year (791) after, Oelf, and Oelfwin, sons of Elfwald, formerly king,
were drawn by fair promises from the principal church of York, and
after by command of Ethelred, cruelly put to death at Wonwaldremere,
a village by the great pool in Lancashire, now call'd Winandermere.
Nor was the third year less bloody ; for Osred, who not liking a shaven
crown, had desired banishment and obtain'd it, returning from the
Isle of Man with small forces, at the secret but deceitful call of certain
nobles, who by oath had promis'd to assist him, was also taken, and
by Ethelred dealt with in the same manner ; who the better to avouch
his cruelties, thereupon married Elfled the daughter of Offa : for in
Offa was found as little faith or mercy. He the same year having
drawn to his palace Ethelbrite king of East-Angles, with fair invita-
tions to marry his daughter, caus'd him to be there inhospitably
beheaded, and his kingdom wrongfully seiz'd by the wicked counsel of
his wife, saith Matt. West, annexing thereto a long unlikely tale.
For which violence and bloodshed to make atonement, with fryars at
least, he bestows (792) the reliques of St. Alban, in a shrine of pearl and
gold. Far worse it far'd the next year (793) with the reliques in
Lendisfarne ; where the Danes landing, pillag'd that monastery, and
of fryars kill'd some, carried away others captive, sparing neither
priest nor lay : which many strange thunders and fiery dragons, with
other impressions in the air seen frequently before, were judg'd to
foresignifie. This year Alric third son of Victred, ended in Kent his
long reign of thirty-four years. With him ended the race of Hen-
gist : thenceforth whomsoever wealth or faction advanc'd, took on
him the name and state of a king. The Saxon Annals of 784 name
Ealmund then reigning in Kent ; but that consists not with the time
of Alric, and I find him no where else mention'd. The year (794)
following was remarkable for the death of Offa the Mercian, a strenu-
ous and subtle king ; he had much intercourse with Charles the
Great, at first enmity, to the interdicting of commerce on either side,
at length much amity and firm league, as appears by the letter of
Charles himself yet extant, procured by1 Alcuin a learned and prudent
man, though a monk, whom the kings of England in those days had
sent orator into France, to maintain good correspondence between
them and Charles the Great. He granted, saith Huntingdon, a per-
petual tribute to the Pope, out of every house in his kingdom ^
for yielding perhaps to translate the primacy of Canterbury to
Lichfield in his own dominion. He drew a trench2 of wondrous

•*• He assisted Charlemagne in his founding the University of Paris.
8 Call'd Offa's Dyke, about 90 miles long, says Mr. Cambden.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 119

length1 between Mercia and the British confines, from sea to sea. Ec-
ferth the son of Offa, a prince of great hope, who also had been crown'd
nine years before his father's decease, restoring to the church what his
father had seiz'd on : yet within four months by a sickness ended his
reign. And to Kenulf next in right of the same progeny bequeath'd
his kingdom. Mean while the Danish pirates who still wasted North-
umberland, venturing on shoar to spoil another monastery at the
mouth of the river Don, were assail'd by the English, their chief cap-
tain slain on the place ; then returning to sea, were most of them
ship-wreck'd ; others driven again on shoar, were put all to the sword.
Simeon attributes this their punishment to the power of St. Cudbert,
offended with them for the rifling of his convent. Two years (796)
after this, dy'd Ethelred twice King, but not exempted at last from
the fate of his many predecessors, miserably slain by his people,
some say deservedly, as not inconscious with them who train'd
Osred to his ruin. Osbald, a nobleman, exalted to the throne, and
in less than a month, deserted and expelled, was forc'd to fly at last
from Lindisfarne by sea to the Pictish king, and dy'd an abbot. Ear-
dulf whom Ethelred six years before had commanded to be put to
death at Ripun, before the abbey-gate, dead as was suppos'd, and
with solemn dirge carried into the church, after midnight found there
alive, I read not how, then banish'd, now recall'd, was in York created
king. In Kent, Ethelbert or Pren, whom the annals call Eadbright
(so different they often are one from another, both in timing and
naming) by some means having usurp'd (796) regal power, after
two years reign contending with Kenulf the Mercian, was by him
taken prisoner, and soon after, out of pious commiseration, let go :
but not receiv'd of his own, what become of him, Malmsbury
leaves to doubt. Simeon writes, that Kenulf commanded to put
out his eyes, and lop off his hands ; but whether the sentence were
executed or not, is left as much in doubt by his want of expression.
The second year (798) after this, they in Northumberland who had
conspir'd against Ethelred, now also raising war against Eardulf,
under Wada their chief captain, after much havock on either side
at Langho, by Whaley in Lancashire, the conspirators at last flying,
Eardulf return'd with victory. The same year (800) London with a
great multitude of her inhabitants, by a sudden fire was consum'd.
The year 800 made way for great alteration in England, uniting
her seven kingdoms into one, by Ecbert the famous West- Saxon ;
him Birthric, dying childless, left next to reign, the only sur-
vivor of that lineage descended from Inegild the brother of king
Ina. And according to his birth, liberally bred, he began early
from his youth to give signal hopes of more than ordinary worth

_ ! From the mouth of Dee to that of the river Wye. Mr. Lloyd, in his additions to Wales
(in the late edition of Cambden) has set down the exact course of it, Pag. 587.

120 THE WAR OF KITES AND CROWS.

growing up in him ; which Birthric fearing, and withal his juster title
to the crown, secretly sought his life, and Ecbert perceiving, fled to
Offa the Mercian : but he having marry'd Eadburg his daughter to
Birthric, easily gave ear to his ambassadors coming to require Ecbert.
He again put to his shifts, escap'd thence into France : but after three
years banishment there, which perhaps contributed much to his edu-
cation, Charles the Great then reigning, he was call'd over by the
publick voice (for Birthric was newly dead) and with general applause1
created king of West- Saxons. The same day Ethelmund at Kin-
meresford,2 passing over with the Worcestershire men, was met by
Weolstan another nobleman with those of Wiltshire, between whom
happen'd a great fray, wherein the Wiltshire men overcame, but both
dukes were slain ; no reason of their quarrel written. Such bicker-
ings to recount, met often in these our writers ; what more worth is
it than to chronicle the wars of kites or crows flocking and fighting in
the air ? The year (801) following Eardulf the Northumbrian, leading
forth an army against Kenulf the Mercian, for harbouring certain of
his enemies, by the diligent mediation of other prince^ and prelates,
arms were laid aside, and amity soon sworn between them. But
Eadburga the wife of Birthric, a woman every way wicked, in malice
-especially cruel, could not or car'd not to appease (802) the general
hatred justly conceiv'd against her ; accustom'd in her husband's days
to accuse any whom she spighted ; and not prevailing to his ruin, her
practice was by poison secretly to contrive his death. It fortun'd that
the king her husband, lighting on a cup which she had temper'd, not
for him, but for one of his great favourites, whom she could not harm
by accusing, sipp'd thereof only, and in a while after still pining away,
ended his days ; the favourite drinking deeper, found speedier the
operation. She fearing to be question'd for these facts, with what
treasure she had, pass'd over sea to Charles the Great, whom with
rich gifts coming to his presence, the emperor courtly receiv'd with
this pleasant proposal : ' Choose, Eadburga, which of us two thou wilt,
me or my son (for his son stood by him) to be thy husband :' she, no
dissembler of what she lik'd best, made easie answer : ' Were it in my
choice, I should choose of the two your son rather, as the younger
man.' To whom the emperor, between jest and earnest, ' Hadst thou
chosen me, I had bestow'd on thee my son ; but since thou hast
chosen him, thou shalt have neither him nor me.' Nevertheless he
assign'd her a rich monastery to dwell in as abbess ; for that life, it
may seem, she chose next to profess : but being a while after detected
of unchastity with one of her followers, she was commanded to depart
thence ; from that time wandring poorly up and down with one ser-

1 Ethelwerd says, he was ordain'd king ; Dr. Lloid bishop of Worcester, from Asser's
Annals, Simeon of Durham, Roger Hoveden, and others, proves Egbert's accession to the
throne to be two years forwarder, Anno 802.

2 It seems to be Kempsford on the edge of Gloucestershire, next to Wiltshire.

MILTON'S HISTORY QF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 121

vant, in Pavia a city of Italy, she finish'd at last in beggary her shame-
ful life. In the year 805, Cuthred, whom Kenulf the Mercian had,
instead of Pren, made king in Kent, having obscurely reign'd eight
years, deceas'd. In Northumberland, Eardulf the year (806) follow-
ing was driven out of his realm by Alfwold, who reign'd two years

(808) in his room ; after whom Eandred, son of Eardulf, thirty-three
years. But I see not how this can stand with the sequel of story
out of better authors : much less that which Buchanan relates the year

(809) following of Acaius king of Scots, who having reign'd thirty-two
years, and dying in 809, had formerly aided (but in what year of his
reign tells not) Hungus king of Picts, with 10,000 Scots, against
Athelstan a Saxon or Englishman, then wasting the Pictish borders ;
*Jiat Hungus, by the aid of those Scots, and the help of St. Andrew
their patron, in a vision by night, and the appearance of his cross by
day, routed the astonish'd English, and slew Athelstan in fight. Who
this Athelstan was, I believe no man knows : Buchanan supposes him
to have been some Danish commander, on whom king Alured, or
Alfred, had bestow'd Northumberland : but of this I find no footstep
in our ancient writers ; and if any such thing were done in the time of
Alfred, it must be little less than one hundred years after : this Athel-
stan therefore, and this great overthrow seems rather to have been the
fancy of some legend, than any warrantable record. Meanwhile
Ecbert having with much prudence, justice and clemency, a work of
more than one year establish'd (813) his kingdom, and himself in the
affections of his people, turns his first enterprise against the Britons,
both them of Cornwall, and those beyond Severn, subduing both. In
Mercia, Kenulf the sixth year after, having reign'd with great praise
of his religious mind and virtues, both in peace and war, deceas'd.
His son Kenelm, a child of seven years (819) was committed to the
care of his eldest sister Quendred ; who with a female ambition
aspiring to the crown, hir'd one who had the charge of his nurture, to
murder him, led into a woody place upon pretence of hunting. The
murder, as is reported, was miraculously reveal'd ; but to tell how, by
a dove dropping a written note on the altar at Rome, is a long story
told, tho' out of order, by Malmsbury ; and under the year 821 by
Matt. West, where I leave it to be sought by such as are more credu-
lous than I with my readers. Only the note was to this purpose :

Low in a mead of kine under a thorn,

Of head bereaft li'th poor Kenelm king-born.

Keolwulf, the brother of Kenulf, after one year's reign (820), was
driven out by one Bernulf an usurper : who in his third year (823),
uncertain whether invading or invaded, was by Ecbert, though with
great loss on both sides, overthrown and put to flight at Ellandune, cr
Wilton : yet Malmsbury accounts this battle fought in 806, a wide

122 HOT SCEPTRES.— DANISH INROADS.— LAXITY OF MORALS.

difference, but frequently found in their computations. Bermilf thence
retiring to the East- Angles, as part of his dominion by the late seizure
of Offa, was by them met in the field and slain : but they doubting
what the Mercians might do in revenge hereof, forthwith yielded them-
selves, both king and people, to the sovereignty of Ecbert. As for the
kings of East-Angles, our annals mention them not since Ethelwald ;
him succeeded his brother's sons, as we find in Malmsbury, Aldulf (a
good king, well acquainted with Bede) and Elwold who left the
kingdom to Beorn, he to Ethelred the father of this Ethelbrite, whom
Offa perfidiously put to death. Simeon and Hoveden, in the year
749, write, that Elfwald king of East- Angles dying, Humbeanna and
Albert shar'd the kingdom between them ; but where to insert this
among the former successions, is not easie, nor much material : after
Ethelbrite none is nam'd of that kingdom till their submitting now to
Ecbert : he from this victory against Bernulf sent part of his army
under Ethelwulf his son, with Alstan bishop of Shirburn, and Wulfred
a chief commander, into Kent. Who finding Baldred there reigning
in his eighteenth year, overcame and drove him over the Thames ;
whereupon all Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and lastly Essex, with her king
Swithred, became subject to the dominion of Ecbert. Neither were
these all his exploits of this year, the first in order set down in Saxon
annals, being his fight against the Devonshire Welsh, at a place call'd
Gafulford, now Camelford in Cornwall. Ludiken the Mercian, after
two years (825) preparing to avenge Bernulf his kinsman on the East-
Angles, was by them with his five consuls, as the annals call them,
surpriz'd and put to the sword : and Witlaf his successor first van-
quish'd, then upon submission with all Mercia, made tributary to
Ecbert. Meanwhile the Northumbrian kingdom of itself was fallen
to shivers : their kings, one after another, so often slain by the people,
no man daring, tho' never so ambitious, to take up the sceptre, which
many had found so hot (the only effectual cure of ambition that I have
read), for the space of thirty-three years after the death of Ethelred
son of M olio, as Malmsbury writes, there was no king : many noblemen
and prelates were fled the country. Which misrule among them, the
Danes having understood, oft-times from their ships entring far into
the land, infested those parts with wide depopulation, wasting towns,
churches, and monasteries, for they were yet heathen : the Lent before
whose coming, on the north side of St. Peter's church in York, was
seen from the roof to rain blood. The causes of these calamities, and
the ruin of that kingdom, Alcuin, a learned monk living in those days,
attributes in several epistles, and well may, to the general ignorance
and decay of learning, which crept in among them after the death of
Beda, and of Ecbert the archbishop ; their neglect of breeding up
youth in the scriptures, the spruce and gay apparel of their priests and
nuns, discovering their vain and wanton minds ; examples are also

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TQ THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 123

read, even in Beda's days, of their wanton deeds : thence altars de-
fil'd with perjuries, cloisters violated with adulteries, the land polluted
with blood of their princes, civil dissensions among the people, and
finally all the same vices which Gildas alledg'd of old to have ruin'd
the Britons. In this estate, Ecbert, who had now conquer'd all the
south, finding them in the year 827 (for he was march'd thither with an
army to complete his conquest of the whole island) no wonder if
they submitted themselves to the yoke without resistance, Eandred
their king becoming tributary. Thence turning his forces the year
following (828), he subdu'd more thoroughly what remain'd of North
Wales.

BOOK V.

THE sum of things in this island, or the best part thereof, reduc'd now
(828) under the power of one man ; and him one of the worthiest,
which, as far as can be found in good authors, was by none attain'd at
any time here before unless in fables ; men might with some reason
have expected from such union, peace and plenty, greatness, and the
flourishing of all estates and degrees : but far the contrary fell out soon
after, invasion, spoil, desolation, slaughter of many, slavery of the rest,
by the forcible landing of a fierce nation ; Danes commonly called,
and sometimes Dacians by others, the same with Normans ; as bar-
barous as the Saxons themselves were at first reputed, and much
more ; for the Saxons first invited came hither to dwell ; these unsent
for, unprovoked, came only to destroy. But if the Saxons, as is above
related, came most of them from Jutland and Anglen, a part of Den-
mark, as Danish writers affirm, and that Danes and Normans are the
same; then in this invasion, Danes drove out Danes, their own
posterity : and Normans afterwards, none but ancienter Normans.
Which invasion perhaps, had the heptarchy stood divided as it was,
had either not been attempted, or not uneasily resisted ; while each
prince and people, excited by their nearest concernments, had more
industriously defended their own bounds, than depending on the
neglect of a deputed governor, sent oft-times from the remote residence
of a secure monarch. Though as it fell out in those troubles, the lesser
kingdoms revolting from the West-Saxon yoke, and not aiding each
other, too much concern'd with their own safety, it came to no better
pass ; while severally they sought to repel the danger nigh at hand,
rather than jointly to prevent it far off. But when God hath decreed
servitude on a sinful nation, fitted by their own vices for no condition
but servile, all estates of government are alike unable to avoid it. God

124 MISERABLE STATE OF SOCIETY.— DEATH OF EGBERT.

had purpos'd to punish our instrumental punishers, though now
Christians, by other heathen, according to his divine retaliation, in-
vasion for invasion, spoil for spoil, destruction for destruction. The
Saxons were now full as wicked as the Britons were at their arrival,
broken with luxury and sloth, either secular or superstitious ; for lay-
ing aside the exercise of arms, and the study of all virtuous knowledge,
some betook them to over worldly or vitious practice, others to religious
idleness and solitude, which brought forth nothing but vain and de-
lusive visions ; easily perceiv'd such, by their commanding of things,
either not belonging to the gospel, or utterly forbidden, ceremonies,
reliques, monasteries, masses, idols, add to these ostentation of alms,
got oft-times by rapine and oppression, or intermixt with violent and
lustful deeds, sometimes prodigally bestow'd, as the expiation of cruelty
and bloodshed. What longer suffering could there be, when religion
itself grew so void of sincerity, and the greatest shews of purity were
impur'd.

EGBERT in full height of glory, having now enjoy'd his conquest
seven peaceful years, his victorious army long since disbanded, and
the exercise of arms perhaps laid aside, the more was found unprovided
against a sudden storm of Danes from the sea, who landing in the 32nd
of his reign, wasted Shepey in Kent. Ecbert the next year gather-
ing an army, for he had heard of their arrival in 35 ships, gave them
battle by the river Carr1 in Dorsetshire ; the event whereof was, that
the Danes kept their ground, and encamp'd where the field was
fought ; two Saxon leaders, Dudda and Osmund, and two bishops as
some say, were there slain. This was the only check of fortune we
read of, that Ecbert in all his time receiv'd. For the Danes returning
two years (835) after with a great navy, and joyning forces with the
Cornish, who had enter'd league with them, were overthrown and put
to flight.2 Of these invasions against Ecbert, the Danish history is
not silent ; whether out of their own records or ours, may be justly
doubted ; for of these times at home, I find them in much uncertainty,
and beholding rather to outlandish chronicles than any records of their
own. The victor Ecbert, as one who had done enough, seasonably
now, after prosperous success, the next year (836) with glory ended his
days, and was buried at Winchester.

ETHELWOLF the son of Ecbert succeeded ; by Malmsbury describ'd
a man of mild nature, not inclin'd to war, or delighted with
much dominion ; that therefore contented with the ancient West-
Saxon bounds, he gave to Ethalstan his brother, or son, as
some write, the kingdom of Kent and Essex. But (Mat. West.)

1 Near Charmouth in Dorsetshire.

3 At Henston in Cornwall : so call'd from Hengist the Saxon.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 125

the Saxon annalist, whose authority is elder, saith plainly, that both
these countries and Sussex, were bequeath'd to Ethelstan by Ecbert
his father. The unwarlike disposition of Ethelwolf, gave encourage'
ment no doubt, and easier entrance to the Danes, who came agair,
(837) the next year with thirty-three ships ; but Wulfheard, one of
the king's chief captains, drove them back at Southampton with
great slaughter ; himself dying the same year of age, as I suppose, for he
seems to have been one of Ecbert's old commanders, who was sent with
Ethelwulf to subdue Kent. Ethelhelm another of the king's captains
with the Dorsetshire men, had at first like success against the Danes
at Portsmouth;1 but they reinforcing stood their ground, and put the
English to rout. Worse was the success of earl Herbert at a place
call'd Mereswar,2 slain (839) with the most part of his army. The
year following in Lindsey also, East-Angles, and Kent, much mischief
was done by their landing; where the next year, imbolden'd by
success, they come on as far as Canterbury, Rochester, and London
itself, with no less cruel hostility : and giving no respite to the peace-
able mind of Ethelwolf, they yet return'd with the next year (840) in
thirty-five ships, fought with him, as before with his father, at the
river Carr, and made good their ground. In Northumberland
Eandred the tributary king deceasing, left the same tenure to his son
Ethelred, driven out (844) in his fourth year, and succeeded by
Readwulf, who soon after his coronation, hasting forth to battle
against the Danes at Alvetheli, fell with the most part of his army ;
and Ethelred like in fortune to the former Ethelred, was re-exalted
to his seat: and to be yet farther like him in fate, was slain the
fourth year after. Osbert succeeded in his room. But more southerly,
the Danes next year (845) after met with some stop in the full course
of their outrageous insolencies. For Earnulf with the men of So-
merset, Alstan the bishop, and Osric with those of Dorsetshire,
setting upon them at the river's mouth of Pedridan, slaughter'd them
in great numbers, and obtain'd a just victory.3 This repulse quell'a
them, for aught we hear, the space of six years; then (851) also
renewing their invasion, with little better success. For Keorle an
earl, aided with the forces of Devonshire, assaulted and overthrew
them at Wigganbeorch4 with great destruction ; as prosperously were
they fought with the same year at Sandwich, by king Ethelstan, and
Ealker his general, their great army defeated, and nine of their shi s
taken, the rest driven off, however to ride out the winter on that
shore, Asser saith, they then first winter'd in Shepey Isle. Hard it

1 At Port now call'd Portland.

2 On Mersc^arum, says the Saxon chronicle, i.e., among the Marshers, or inhabitants of the
marshes or fenns. The name does not denote any particular place, as Mr. Milton imagin'd.

3 This battle is rather suppps'd to be fought at the mouth of the river Axe, on Bladen-
Down in Somersetshire ; the village being from the slaughter of that day, call'd Bleadon or
Bloody-down.

4 Thought to be Wenbury in Devonshire. 6 Okely in Surrey, upon the borders of Sussex.

126 LONDON SACKED BY THE DANES.— ETHELWOLF VISITS ROME.

is through the bad expression of these writers to define this fight,
whether by sea or land ; Hoveden terms it a sea-fight. Nevertheless,
with fifty ships, (Asser and others add three hundred) they enter'd
the mouth of Thames, and made excursions as far as Canterbury
and London, and as Ethelwerd writes, destroy'd both ; of London,
Asser signifies only that they pillag'd it. Bertulf also the Mercian,
successor of Withlaf, with all his army they forc'd to fly, and him
beyond the sea. Then passing over Thames with their powers into
Surrey, and the West-Saxons, and meeting there with king Ethel-
wolf and Ethelbald his son, at a place call'd Ak-Lea, or Oak- Lea,1
they received a total defeat with memorable slaughter. This was
counted a lucky year to England, and brought to Ethelwolf great
reputation. Burhed therefore who after Bertulf held of him the
Mercian kingdom, two years (853) after this, imploring his aid against
the North- Welsh, as then troublesome to his confines, obtain'd it of
him in person, and thereby reduc'd them to obedience. This done,
Ethelwolf sent his son Alfrid, a child of five years, well accompanied
to Rome, whom Leo the pope both consecrated to be king after-
ward, and adopted to be his son. At home Ealker with the forces
of Kent, and Huda with those of Surrey, fell on the Danes at their
landing in Tanet, and at first put them back; but the slain and
drown'd were at length so many on either side, as left the loss equal
on both : which yet hinder'd not the solemnity of a marriage2 at the
feast of Easter, between Burhed the Mercian, and Ethelswida king
Ethelwolf's daughter. Howbeit the Danes next year (854) winter'd
again in Shepey. Whom Ethelwolf not finding human health suffi-
cient to resist, growing daily upon him, in hope of divine aid,
register'd in a book, and dedicated to God, the tenth part of his own
lands, and of his whole kingdom, eas'd of all impositions, but con-
verted to the maintenance of masses and psalms weekly to be sung
for the prospering of Ethelwolf and his captains, as appears at large
by the patent itself, in William of Malmsbury. Asser saith, he did
it for the redemption of his soul, and the soul of his ancestors. After
which, as having done some great matter, to shew himself at Rome,
and be applauded of the Pope, he takes a long and cumbersome
journey (855) thither with young Alfrid again, and there stays a year,
when his place requir'd him rather here in the field against pagan
enemies left wintering in his land. Yet so much manhood he had,
as to return thence no monk; and in his way home took to wife
Judith daughter of Charles the Bald, king of France. But e'er his
return, Ethelbard his eldest son, Alstan his trusty bishop, and Enulf
earl of Somerset conspir'd against him ; their complaints »were, that
he had taken with him Alfrid his youngest son to be there inaugurated
king, and brought home with an out-landish wife; for which they

1 Okely in Surrey, upon the borders of Sussex. 2 At Chippenham in Wiltshire.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 127

endeavour'd to deprive him of his kingdom. The disturbance was
expected to bring forth nothing less than war : but the king abhorring
civil discord, after many conferences tending to peace, condescended
to divide the kingdom with his son: division was made, but the
matter so carried, that the eastern and worst part was malignly afforded
to the father : the western and best given to the son ; at which many
of the nobles had great indignation, offering to the king their utmost
assistance for the recovery of all ; whom he peacefully dissuading,
sat down contented with his portion assign'd. In the East-Angles,
Edmund, lineal from the ancient stock of those kings, a youth of
fourteen years only, but of great hopes, was with consent of all but
his own crown'd at Burie. About this time (857), as Buchanan
relates, the Picts, who not long before had by the Scots been driven
out (857) of their country, part of them coming to Osbert and Ella,
then kings of Northumberland, obtain'd aid against Donaldus the
Scottish king, to recover their ancient possession. Osbert, who in
person undertook the expedition, marching into Scotland, was at first
put to a retreat ; but returning soon after on the Scots, over-secure
of their suppos'd victory, put them to flight with great slaughter, took
prisoner their king, and pursu'd his victory beyond Sterlingbridge.
The Scots unable to resist longer, and by ambassadors intreating
peace, had it granted them on these conditions : the Scots were to
quit all they had possess'd within the wall of Severus : the limits of
Scotland were beneath Sterlingbridge to be the river Forth, and on
the other side Dunbritton-Frith ; from that time so call'd of the
British then seated in Cumberland, who had join'd with Osbert in
this action, and so far extended on that side the British limits. If
this be true, as the Scotch writers themselves witness (and who
would think them fabulous to the disparagement of their own country?)
how much wanting have been our historians to their country's
honour, in letting pass unmention'd an exploit so memorable, by
them remember'd and attested, who are wont ofter to extenuate than
to amplify ought done in Scotland by the English? Donaldus on these
conditions releas'd, soon after dies, according to Buchanan, in 858.
Ethelwolf, chief king in England, had the year before ended his life,
and was bury'd as his father at Winchester. He was from his youth
much addicted to devotion; so that in his father's time he was
ordain'd bishop of Winchester ; and unwillingly, for want of other
legitimate issue, succeeded him in the throne : managing therefore
his greatest affairs by the activity of two bishops, Alstan of Sher-
burne, and Swithin of Winchester. But Alstan is noted of covetous-
ness and oppression, by William of Malmsbury ; the more vehemently,
no doubt, for doing some notable damage to that monastery. The
same author writes, that Ethelwolf at Rome paid a tribute to the
Pope, continu'd to his days. However he were facile to his son

128 QUEEN JUDITH, HER CHARACTER.— THE DANES WASTE KENT.

and seditious nobles, in yielding up part of his kingdom; yet his
queen he treated not the less honourably, for whomsoever it displeas'd.
The West-Saxons had decreed, ever since the time of Eadburga,
the infamous wife of Birthric, that no queen should sit in state with
the king, or be dignify'd with the title of queen. But Ethelwolf
permitted not that Judith his queen should lose any point of regal
state by that law. At his death he divided the kingdom between his
two sons, Ethelbald and Ethelbert; to the younger, Kent, Essex,
Surrey, Sussex ; to the elder, all the rest : to Peter and Paul certain
revenues yearly, for what uses let others relate, who write also his
pedigree from son to father, up to Adam.

ETHELBALD, unnatural and disloyal to his father, fell justly into
another, though contrary sin, of too much love to his father's wife ;
and whom at first he oppos'd coming into the land, her now unlaw-
fully marrying, he takes into his bed ; but not long enjoying, dy'd at
three years end, without doing aught more worthy to be remember'd ;
having reign'd two years with his father, impiously usurping, and
three after him, as unworthily inheriting. And his hap was all that
while to be unmolested by the Danes ; not of divine favour doubtless,
but to his great condemnation, living the more securely his incestuous
life. Huntingdon on the other side much praises Ethelbald, and
writes him bury'd at Sherburn (860), with great sorrow of his people,
who miss'd him long after. Mat. West saith, that he repented of his
incest with Judith, and dismiss'd her : but Asser an eye-witness of
those times, mentions no such thing.

ETHELBALD by death remov'd, the whole kingdom came rightfully
to Ethelbert his next brother. Who though a prince of great virtue
and no blame, had as short a reign allotted him as his faulty brother,
nor that so peaceful ; once or twice invaded by the Danes. But they
having landed in the west with a great army, and sack'd Winchester,
were met by Osric earl of Southampton, and Ethelwolf of Barkshire,
beaten to their ships, and forc'd to leave their booty. Five years
after (865), about the time of his death, they set foot again in Tanet;
the Kentishmen weary'd out with so frequent alarms, came to agree-
ment with them for a certain sum of money ; but e'er the peace could
be ratify'd, and the money gather'd, the Danes impatient of delay by
a sudden eruption in the night, soon wasted all the east of Kent.
Meanwhile, or something before, Ethelbert deceasing was bury'd as
his brother at Sherburn.

ETHELRED the third son of Ethelwolf, at his first coming (866) to the
crown was entertain'd with a fresh invasion of Danes, led by Hinguar
and Hubba, two brothers, who now had got footing among the East-

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 129

Angles ; there they winter'd, and coming to terms of peace with the
inhabitants, furnish'd themselves of horses, forming by that means
many troops with riders of their own : these pagans, Asser saith,
came from the river Danubius. Fitted thus for a long expedition,
they ventur'd the next year (867) to make their way over land and
over Humber, as far as York, them they found to their hands em-
broil'd in civil dissentions; their king, Osbert, they had thrown out,
and Ella leader of another faction chosen in his room ; who both,
though late, admonish'd by their common danger, towards the year's
end, with united powers made head against the Danes and prevailed ;
but pursuing them over-eagerly into York, then but slenderly wall'd,
the Northumbrians were everywhere slaughter'd, both within and
without ; their kings also both slain, their city burnt, saith Malmsbury,
the rest as they could made their peace, over-run and vanquished as
far as the river Tine, and Ecbert of English race appointed king over
them. Brompton, no ancient author (for he wrote since Mat. West)
nor of much credit, writes a particular cause of the Danes coming to
York : that Bruern a nobleman, whose wife king Osbert had ravish'd,
call'd in Hinguar and Hubba to revenge him. The example is re-
markable, if the truth were as evident. Thence victorious, the Danes,
next year (868) enter'd into Mercia towards Nottingham, where they
spent the winter. Burhed, then king of that country, unable to resist,
implores the aid of Ethelred and young Alfred his brother, they assem-
bling (868) their forces and joining with the Mercians about Notting-
ham, offer battle : the Danes, not daring to come forth, kept them-
selves within that town and castle, so that no great fight was hazarded
there ; at length the Mercians, weary of long suspense, entered into
conditions of peace with their enemies. After which the Danes re-
turning back to York, made their abode there the space of one year,
(869), committing, some say, many cruelties. Thence imbarking to
Lindsey, and all the summer destroying that country, about Septem-
ber (870) they came .with like fury into Kesteven, another part of
Lincolnshire, where Algar, the Earl of Rowland, now Holland, with
his forces, and two hundred stout soldiers belonging to the abby of
Croiland, three hundred from about Boston, Morcard lord of Brunne,
with his numerous family, well train'd and arm'd, Osgot governor of
Lincoln, with five hundred of that city, all joining together, gave battle
to the Danes, slew of them a great multitude, with three of their kings,
and pursu'd the rest to their tents : but the night following, Gothurn,
Baseg, Osketil, Halfden, and Hamond, five kings ; and as many earls,
Frena, Hinguar, Hubba, Sidroc the elder and younger, coming in from
several parts with great forces and spoils, great part of the English
began to slink home. Nevertheless, Algar, with such as forsook him
not, all next day in order of battle facing the Danes, and sustaining
unmov'd the brunt of their assaults, could not withhold his men at

Q

130 THE DANISH INVASION.— ALFRED IN THE BATTLE FIELD.

last from pursuing their counterfeited flight ; whereby open'd and dis-
order'd, they fell into the snares of their enemies, rushing back upon
them. Algar, and those captains fore-nam'd with him, all resolute
men, retreating to a hill-side, and slaying of such as followed them,
manifold their number, dy'd at length upon heaps of dead which they
had made round about them. The Danes thence passing on into the
country of East-Angles, rifled and burnt the monastery of Ely, over-
threw Earl Wulketul with his whole army, and lodg'd out the winter
at Thetford ; where king Edmund assailing them, was with his whole
army put to flight, himself taken, bound to a stake, and shot to death
with arrows, his whole country subdu'd. The next year (871), with
great supplies, saith Huntingdon, bending their march toward the
West-Saxons, the only people now left, in whom might seem yet to
remain strength or courage likely to oppose them, they came to Read-
ing, fortify'd there between the two rivers of Thames and Kennet ;
and about three days after, sent out wings of horse under two earls to
forage the country ; but Ethelwulf earl of Berkshire, at Englefield a
village nigh, encounter'd them, slew one of their earls, and obtain'd a
great victory. Four days after came the king himself and his brother
Alfred with the main battle ; and the Danes issuing forth, a bloody
fight began, on either side great slaughter, in which earl Ethelwulf
lost his life ; but the Danes losing no ground, kept their place of
standing to the end. Neither did the English for this make less haste
to another conflict at Ecesdune, or Ashdown, four days after, where
both armies with their whole forces on either side met. The Danes
were imbattel'd in two great bodies, the one led by Bascai and Half-
den their two kings, the other by such earls as were appointed. In
like manner the English divided their powers, Ethelred the king stood
against their kings ; and though on the lower ground, and coming
later into the battle from his orisons, gave a fierce onset, wherein
Bascai (the Danish history names him Ivarus the son of Regnerus)
was slain. Alfred was plac'd against the earls, and beginning the
battle e're his brother came into the field, with such resolution charg'd
them, that in the shock most of them were slain ; they were nam'd,
Sedroc, elder and younger, Osbern, Frean, Harald ; at length in both
divisions, the Danes turn'd their backs ; many thousands of them cut
off, the rest pursu'd till night. So much the more it may be wonder'd
to hear next in the annals, that the Danes fourteen days after such an
overthrow, fighting again with Ethelred and his brother Alfred at
Basing, under conduct, saith the Danish history, of Agnerus and Hubbo,
brothers of the slain Ivarus, should obtain the victory ; especially
since the new supply of Danes mention'd by Asser, arriv'd after this
action. But after two months, the king and his brother fought with
them again at Mertun, in Surrey, in two squadrons as before, in which
fight hard it is to understand who had the better ; so darkly do the

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 131

Saxon annals deliver their meaning with more than wonted infancy.
Yet these I take (for Asser is here silent) to be the chief fountain of
our story, the ground and basis upon which the monks later in time
gloss and comment at their pleasure. Nevertheless it appears, that
on the Saxon part, not Heamund the bishop only, but many valiant
men lost their lives. This fight was follow'd by a heavy summer
plague ; whereof, as is thought, king Ethelred dy'd in the fifth of his
reign, and was bury'd at Winburne, where his epitaph inscribes, that
he had his death's wound by the Danes, according to the Danish
history, 872.1 Of all these terrible landings and devastations by the
Danes, from the days of Ethelwolf till their two last battles with
Ethelred, or of their leaders, whether kings, dukes, or earls, the Danish
history of best credit saith nothing ; so little wit or conscience it seems
they had to leave any memory of their brutish, rather than manly
actions ; unless we shall suppose them to have come, as above was
cited out of Asser, from Danubius, rather than from Denmark, more
probably some barbarous nations of Prussia, or Livonia, not long
before seated more northward on the Baltick sea.

ALFRED2 the fourth son of Ethelwolf, had scarce perform'd his
brother's obsequies, an$ the solemnity of his own crowning, when at
the month's end in haste with a small power he encounter'd the whole
army of Danes at Wilton, and most part of the day foil'd them ; but
unwarily following the chase, gave others of them the advantage to
rally ; who returning upon him now weary, remained masters of the
field. This year (871), as is affirm'd in the annals, nine battles had
been fought against the Danes on the south-side of Thames, besides
innumerable excursions made by Alfred and other leaders ; one king,
nine earls were fall'n in fight, so that weary on both sides at the year's
end (872) league or truce was concluded. Yet next year the Danes
took their march to London, now expos'd their prey, there they
winter'd, and thither came the Mercians to renew peace with them.
The year (873) following they revok'd back to the parts beyond Humber,
but winter'd at Torksey in Lincolnshire, where the Mercians now
the third time made peace with them. Notwithstanding which, re-
moving their camp to Rependune in Mercia, now Repton upon Trent
in Derbyshire, and there wint'ring (874), they constrain'd Burhead the
king to fly into foreign parts, making seizure of his kingdom, he run-
ing the direct way to Rome, with better reason than his ancestors,

1 It appears by the inscription on his tomb, which may be read in Winbourn church, that he
fell per manus Danorum Paganorum, by the hands of the pagan Danes, the 2$d of April,
Anno. 872.

2 Asserius Menevensis, Asser bishop of St. David's, wrote the life of this prince, in v.'hose
reign he liv'd. The life of king Alfred was also written at large by Sir John Spelman, (son
to Sir Henry) the original manuscript whereof is now in the Bodleian library. It was trans-
lated into latin ; and published in folio, with Mr. Walker's notes, some years ago.

132 ALFRED AT SEA.— FINDS REFUGE WITH A SWINE-HERD.

dy'd there, and was buried in a church by the English school. His
kingdom the Danes farmed out to Kelfvvulf, one of his household ser-
vants or officers, with condition to be resign'd them when they com-
manded. From Rependune they dislodg'd, Hafden their king, lead-
ing part of his army northward, winter'd (875) by the river Tine, and
subjecting all those quarters, wasted also the Picts and British beyond :
but Cuthrun, Oskitell, and Anwynd, other three of their kings moving
from Rependune, came with a great army to Grantbridge (Cambridge),
and remain'd there a whole year. Alfred that summer purposing to
try his fortune with a fleet at sea (for he had found that the want of
-shipping and neglect of navigation, had expos'd the land to these
piracies) met with seven Danish rovers, took one, the rest escaping ;
an acceptable success from so small a beginning : for the English at
that time were but little experienc'd in sea affairs. The next year's (876)
first motion of the Danes was towards Warham Castle : when Alfred
meeting them, either by policy, or their doubt of his power ; Ethel-
werd saith, by money brought them to such terms of peace, as that
they swore to him upon a hollow'd bracelet, others say upon certain
reliques (a solemn oath it seems which they never vouchsafed before
4:o any other nation) forthwith to depart the land ; but falsifying that
oath, by night with all the horse they had (Asser saith, slaying all the
horsemen he had) stole to Exeter, and there winter'd. In Northum-
berland, Hafden their king began to settle, to divide the land, to till,
-and to inhabit. Mean while they in the west who were marched to
Exeter, enter'd the city, coursing now and then to Warham ; but their
fleet the next year (877) sailing or rowing about the west, met with
.such a tempest near to Swanswich, or Gnavewic, as wrack'd 120 of
their ships, and left the rest easie to be master'd by those gallies which
Alfred had set there to guard the seas, and straiten Exeter of provision.
He the while beleaguering them in the city ; now humbled with the
loss of their navy (two navies, saith Asser, the one at Gnavewic, the
other at Swanwine) distress'd them so, as that they gave him as many
hostages as he requir'd, and as many oaths, to keep their covenanted
peace, and kept it. For the summer coming on, they departed into
Mercia, whereof part they divided amongst themselves, part left to
Kelwulf their substituted king. The twelfthtide following, all oaths
forgotten, they came to Chippenham in Wiltshire dispeopling the
countries round, dispossessing some, driving others beyond the sea ;
Alfred himself with a small company was forc'd to keep within woods
and fenny places,1 and for some time (878) all alone, as Florent saith, so-
journ'd with Dunwulf a swine-herd, made afterwards for his devotion,
and aptness to learning, bishop of Winchester. Hafden and the
brother of Hinguar, coming with twenty-three ships from North-
IVales, where they had made great spoil, landed in Devonshire, nigh

1 Between the rivers Tone and Parrett in Somersetshire, about North-Petherton.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 133;

to a strong castle nam'd Kinwith ; where by the garrison issuing forth
unexpectedly, they were slain with twelve hundred of their men. Mean-
while the king about Easter, not despairing of his affairs, built a fortress
at a place called Athelney in Somersetshire, therein valiantly defend-
ing himself and his followers, frequently sallying forth. The seventh
week after, he rode out to a place calFd1 Ecbryt-stone in the east part
of Selwood : thither resorted to him with much gratulation, the Somer-
set and Wiltshire men, with many out of Hampshire, some of whom
a little before had fled their country ; with these marching to Ethan-
dune now Edindon in Wiltshire, he gave battle to the whole Danish
power, and put them to flight. Then besieging their castle, within
fourteen days took it. Malmsbury writes, that in this time of his
recess, to go a spy into the Danish camp, he took upon him with one
servant the habit of a fidler ; by this means gaining access to the
king's table, and sometimes to his bed-chamber, got knowledge of
their secrets, their careless encamping, and thereby this opportunity
of assailing them on a sudden. The Danes by this misfortune broken,
gave him more hostages, and renew'd their oaths to depart out of his
kingdom. Their king Gytro, or Gothrum, offer'd willingly to receive
baptism, and accordingly came with thirty of his friends, to a place
call'd Aldra, or Aulre, near to Athelney, and were baptiz'd at Wed-
more ; where Alfred receiv'd him out of the font and nam'd him Athel-
stan. After which, they abode with him twelve days, and were dis-
missed with rich presents. Whereupon the Danes remov'd next year
to Cirencester, thence peaceably to the East-Angles ; which Alfred, as,
some write have bestow'd on Gothron to hold of him ; the bounds,
whereof may be read among the laws of Alfred. Others of them
went to Fulham on the Thames, and joining there with a great fleet
newly come into the river, thence pass'd over into France and Flanders^
both which they enter'd, so far conquering or wasting, as witness'd
sufficiently, that the French and Flemish were no more able than the
English, by policy or prowess to keep off that Danish inundation from
their land. Alfred thus rid of them, and intending for the future to-
prevent their landing ; three years after (882) (quiet the meanwhile)
with more ships and better provided, puts to sea, and at first met with
four of theirs, whereof two he took, throwing the men over-board, then
with two others, wherein were two of their princes, and took them also,
but not without some loss of his own. After three years (885) another
fleet of them appear'd on these seas, so huge, that one part thought
themselves sufficient to enter upon East-France, the other came to
Rochester, and beleaguer'd it, they within stoutly defending them-
selves, till Alfred with great forces, coming down upon the Danes,
drove them to their ships, leaving for haste all their horses behind
them. The same year Alfred sent a fleet toward the East-Angles, then

1 Possibly Brixton on the west-side of Wiltshire. See Glossary to the Saxon Chronicle.

1-34 LONDON RE-PEOPLED.— BATTLE OF FARNHAM.— DANISH FLEETS.

inhabited by the Danes, which at the mouth of Stour,1 meeting with
sixteen Danish ships, after some fight took them all, and slew the
soldiers aboard ; but in the way home lying careless, were overtaken
by another part of that fleet, and came off with loss ; whereupon per-
haps those Danes who were settled among the East-Angles, erected
with new hopes, violated the peace which they had sworn to Alfred,
who spent the next year (886) in repairing London (besieging, saith
Huntingdon), much ruin'd and unpeopl'd by the Danes ; the Londoners,
all but those who had been led away captive, soon return'd to their
dwellings, and Ethred duke of Mercia, was by the king appointed
their governour.2 But after thirteen years (893) respite of peace,
another Danish fleet of 250 sail,3 from the east part of France arriv'd
at the mouth of a river in East- Kent, call'd Limen,* nigh to the great
wood Andred,5 famous for length and breadth ; into that wood they
drew up their ships four miles from the river's mouth, and built a
fortress. After whom Haesten with another Danish fleet of eighty
ships, entring the mouth of Thames, built a fort at Middleton, the
former army remaining at a place call'd Apeltree. Alfred perceiving
this, took of those Danes who dwelt in Northumberland, a new oath
of fidelity, and of those in Essex, hostages, lest they should join, as
they were wont, with their countrymen newly arriv'd. And by the
next year (894), having got together his forces, between either army of
the Danes, encamp'd so as to be ready for either of them, who first
should happen to stir forth ; troops of horse also he sent continually
abroad, assisted by such as could be spar'd from strong places, where-
ever the countries wanted them, to encounter foraging parties of the
enemy. The king also divided sometimes his whole army, marching
out with one part by turns, the other keeping intrench'd. In con-
clusion, rowling up and down, both sides met at Farnham in Surry ;6
where the Danes by Alfred's horse troops were put to flight, and
crossing the Thames to a certain island near Coin in Essex, or as
Cambden thinks, by Colebroke, where besieg'd there by Alfred till
provision fail'd the besiegers, another part staid behind with the king
wounded. Meanwhile Alfred preparing to reinforce the siege at
Colney, the Danes of Northumberland breaking faith, came by sea to
the East- Angles, and with a hundred ships coasting southward, landed
in Devonshire, and besieged Exeter ; thither Alfred hasted with his
powers, except a squadron of Welsh that came to London : with whom

1 Not that in Kent, but that which runs by Harwich in Essex.

2 In the year 886, 'tis said Alfred founded the university of Oxford, and in the next, he
held that great council wherein all the laws were made that go under his name. Cambden
Spelman.

3 In 885 Mr. Milton says the Danes invaded England, and in 893 they came again ; so
there cou'd be but 8 years peace.

4 The mouth of this river then ran into the sea near Romney, but 'tis now turn'd.

5 The Weald of Kent, Sussex, and the wood-land part of Hampshire.

6 Mr. Cambden writes, that the battle of Farnham. was fought in the year 893. Britania
Tit. Surrey.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 135

the citizens marching forth to Beamflet, where Haestan the Dane had
built a strong fort, and left a garrison, while he himself with the main
of his army was enter'd far into the country, luckily surprize the fort,
master the garrison, make prey of all they find there ; their ships also
they burnt or brought away with good booty, and many prisoners,
among whom, the wife and two sons of Heasten were sent to the
king, who forthwith set them at liberty. Whereupon Heasten gave
oath of amity and hostages to the king ; he in requital, whether
freely, or by agreement, a sum of money. Nevertheless, without
regard of faith given, while Alfred was busied about Exeter, joyning
with the other Danish army, he built another castle in Essex at Sho-
berie, thence marching westward by the Thames, aided with Northum-
brians and East-Anglish Danes, they came at length to Severn,
pillaging all in their way. But, Ethred, Ethelm, and Ethelnoth, the
king's captains, with united forces pitch'd nigh to them at Buttingtun,
on the Severn bank in Montgomeryshire, the river running between,
and there many weeks attended ; the king meanwhile blocking up the
Danes, who besieg'd Exeter, having eaten part of their horses, the
rest urg'd with hunger broke forth to their fellows, who lay encamp'd
on the east side of the river, and were all there discomfited, with some
loss of valiant men on the king's party ; the rest fled back to Essex
and their fortress there. Then Laf, one of their leaders, gather'd
before winter a great army of Northumbrian and East-Anglish Danes,
who leaving their money, ships and wives with the East-Angles, and
marching day and night, sat down before a city in the west call'd
Wirheal1 near to Chester, and took it e'er they could be overtaken.
The English after two days siege, hopeless to dislodge them, wasted
the country round to cut off from them all provision, and departed.
Soon after which, next year (895) the Danes no longer able to hold
Wirheal, destitute of victuals, enter'd North Wales ; thence laden with
spoils, part return'd into Northumberland, others to the East-Angles
as far as Essex, where they seiz'd on a small island call'd Meresig.
And here again the annals record them to besiege Exeter, but without
coherence of sense or story. Others relate to this purpose, that re-
turning by sea from the siege of Exeter, and in their way landing on
the coast of Sussex, they of Chichester sallied out, and slew of them
many hundreds, taking also some of their ships. The same year they
who possess'd Meresig, intending to winter thereabouts, drew up their
ships, some into the Thames, others into the river Lee, and on the
bank thereof built a castle twenty miles from London ; to assault
which the Londoners aided with other forces, march'd out the summer
following (896), but were soon put to flight, losing four of the king's
captains. Huntingdon writes quite the contrary, that these four were

1 Mr. Milton mistakes the name of the country for that of the city. H. Huntingdon says
'twas a certain city in Warheal call'd Legacester, now Chester, and the country that runs into
±he sea to the N. W. is by Mr. Cambden call'd Wirrall. Brit. Tit. Cheshire.

136 LANDING OF ROLLO THE DANE OR NORMAN.

Danish captains, and the overthrow theirs ; but little credit is to be
plac'd in Huntingdon single. For the king thereupon with his forces,
lay encamp'd nearer the city, that the Danes might not infest them in
time of harvest ; in the meantime, subtlely devising to turn Lee stream
several ways ; whereby the Danish bottoms were left on dry ground r
which they soon perceiving march'd over the land to Quatbrig1 on the
Severn, built a fortress and winter'd there ; while their ships left in
Lee, were either broken or brought away by the Londoners ; but their
wives and children they had left in safety with the East- Angles. The
next year was pestilent, and besides the common sort took away many-
great earls, Kelmond in Kent, Brithulf in Essex, Wulfred in Hamp-
shire, with many others ; and to this evil, the Danes of Northumber-
land and East-Angles ceas'd not to endamage the West-Saxons,
especially by stealth, robbing on the south shoar in certain long
galleys. But the king causing to be built others twice as long as
usually were built, and some of sixty or seventy oars higher, swifter
and steadier than such as were in use before either with Danes or
Frisons, his own invention, some of these he sent out against six
Danish pirates, who had done much harm in the Isle of Wight and
parts adjoyning. The bickering: was doubtful and intricate, part on
the water, part on the sands ; not without loss of some eminent men
on the English side. The pirates at length were either slain or taken,
two of them stranded ; the men brought to Winchester, where the king
then was, were executed by his command ; one of them escap'd to the
East-Angles, her men much wounded : the same year not fewer than
twenty of their ships perish'd on the south coast with all their men.
And Rollo the Dane or Norman landing here, as Mat. West, writes,
though not in what part of the island, after an unsuccessful fight
against those forces which first oppos'd him, sail'd into France, and
conquer'd the country, since that time called Normandy. This is the
sum of what pass'd in three years against the Danes, returning out of
France, set down so perplexedly by the Saxon annalist, ill-gifted with
utterance, as with much ado can be understood sometimes what is
spoken, whether meant of the Danes or of the Saxons. After which
troublesome time, Alfred enjoying three years of peace, by him spent,
as his manner was, not idly or voluptuously, but in all vertuous em-
ployments both of mind and body, becoming a prince of his renown,
ended his days in the year 900, the $ist of his age, the 3oth of his reign,
and was buried regally at Winchester : he was born (A.D. 849,) at
a place call'd Wanading (Wantage) in Berkshire, his mother Osburga
the daughter of Oslac the king's cup-bearer, a Goth2 by nation, and of

1 This is most like to be Bridgenorth in Shropshire. For what reasons, fee the gloss
of the Saxon chronicle, under the title of Cwathrigge. Suppos'd by others to be Cam-
bridge, in Gloucestershire, now a village situated on the river Cam, where it falls into the
Severn.

2 A Saxon Lord descended from Withgar first prince of the isle of Wight.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 137

noble descent. He was of person comelier than all his brethren, of
pleasing tongue and graceful behaviour, ready wit and memory ; yet
through the fondness of his parents towards him, had not been taught
to read till the twelfth year of his age ; but the great desire of learning
which was in him, soon appear'd, by his conning of Saxon poems day
and night, which with great attention he heard by others repeated.
He was besides, excellent at hunting, and the new art then of hawk-
ing, but more exemplary in devotion, having collected into a book
certain prayers and psalms, which he carried over with him in his
bosom to use on all occasions. He thirsted after all liberal know-
ledge, and oft complain'd that in his youth he had no teachers, in his
middle age so little vacancy from wars, and the cares of his kingdom ;
yet leisure he found sometimes, not only to learn much himself, but to
communicate thereof what he could to his people, by translating books
out of Latin into English, Orosius, Boethius, Beda's history, and
others, permitted none unlearn'd to bear office, either in court or
commonwealth : at twenty years of age, not yet reigning, he took to
wife Egelswitha the daughter of Ethelred a Mercian earl. The ex-
tremities which befel him in the sixth of his reign, Neothan abbot told
him, were justly come upon him for neglecting in his younger days the
complaints of such as injur'd and oppress'd repair'd to him, as then
second person in the kingdom for redress ; which neglect, were it
such indeed, were yet excusable in his youth, through jollity of mind,
unwilling perhaps to be detain'd long with sad and sorrowful narra-
tions ; but from the time of his undertaking regal charge, no man
more patient in hearing causes, more inquisitive in examining, more
exact in doing justice, and providing good laws, which are yet extant ;
more severe in punishing unjust judges or obstinate offenders.
Thieves especially and robbers, to the terrour of whom in cross-ways
were hung upon a high post certain chains of gold, as it were daring
any one to take them thence ; so that justice seem'd in his days not
to flourish only, but to triumph : no man than he more frugal of two
precious things in man's life, his time and his revenue ; no man wiser
in the disposal of both. His time, the day and night, he distributed
by the burning of certain tapours into three equal portions : the one
was for devotion, the other for publick or private affairs, the third for
bodily refreshment : how each hour past, he was put in mind by one
who had that office. His whole annual revenue, which his first care
was should be justly his own, he divided into twro equal parts ; the
first he employ'd to secular uses, and subdivided those into three, the
first to pay his soldiers, houshold servants and guard, of which divided
into three bands, one attended monthly by turn ; the second was to
pay his architects and workmen, whom he had got together of several
nations ; for he was also an elegant builder, above the custom and
conceit of Englishmen in those days : the third he had in readiness to

138 THE CHARACTER, GRACES, AND VIRTUES OF ALFRED THE GREAT.

relieve or honour strangers according to their worth, who came from
all parts to see him, and to live under him. The other equal part of
his yearly wealth he dedicated to religious uses ; those of four sorts ;
the first to relieve the poor, the second to building and maintenance
of two monasteries, the third of a school, where he had persuaded the
sons of many noblemen to study sacred knowledge and liberal arts,
some say at Oxford t1 the fourth was for the relief of foreign churches,
as far as India to the shrine of St. Thomas, sending thither Sigelm
bishop of Sherburn, who both return'd safe, and brought with him
many rich gems and spices ; gifts also, and a letter he receiv'd from
the patriarch of Jerusalem, sent many to Rome, and for them receiv'd
reliques. Thus far, and much more might be said of his noble mind,
which render'd him the mirrour of princes ; his body was diseas'd in
his youth with a great soreness in the siege, and that ceasing of itself,
with another inward pain of unknown cause, which held him by frequent
fits to his dying day ; yet not disenabl'd to sustain those many glorious
labours of his life both in peace and war.

EDWARD the son of Alfred succeeded, in learning not equal,
in power and extent of dominion, surpassing his father. The be-
ginning of his reign had much disturbance by Ethelwald an
ambitious young man, son of the king's uncle, or cousin-german,
or brother, for his genealogy is variously delivered. He vainly avouch-
ing to have equal right with Edward of succession to the crown,
possess'd himself of Winburne in Dorset, and another town diversly
nam'd, giving out that there he would live or die ; but encompass'd
with the king's forces at Badburie, a place nigh, his heart failing him,
he stole out by night, and fled to the Danish army beyond Plumber.
The king sent after him, but not overtaking, found his wife in the
town, whom he had married out of a nunnery, and commanded her to
be sent back thither.2 About this time (902) the Kentish men,
against a multitude of Danish pirates, fought prosperously at a place
call'd Holme, as Hoveden records, Ethelwald aided by the North-
umbrians with shipping, three years (905) after, failing to the East-
Angles, persuaded the Danes there to fall into the king's territory,
who marching with him as far as Crecklad, and passing the Thames
there, wasted as far beyond as they durst venture, and laden
with spoils return'd home. The king with his powers making speed
after them, between the Dike3 and Ouse, suppos'd to be Suffolk and
Cambridgeshire, as far as the fens northward, laid waste all before

1 The truth of it is so clearly made out by several authors, that he had no reason to men-
tion it so suspiciously.

" Ran Higden, in his Polychron, says he took her out of the Monastery of Winburne, and
went away with her to the Danes.

3 The Devil's Ditch, which formerly divided the kingdoms of the Mercians and the
East-Angles.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 139

him. Thence intending to return, he commanding that all his
army should follow him close without delay ; but the Kentish men,
though often call'd upon, lagging behind, the Danish army pre-
vented them, and joyn'd battle with the king ; where duke Sigulf
and earl Sigelm, with many other of the nobles were slain ; on the
Danes part, Eoric their king, and Ethelwald the author of this war,
with others of high note, and of them greater number, but with
great ruin on both sides ; yet the Danes kept in their power the
burying of their slain. Whatever followed upon this conflict, which
we read not, the king two years after (907) with the Danes, both of
East-Angles and Northumberland, concluded peace, which continued
three years (910), by whomsoever broken ; for at the end thereof king
Edward raising great forces out of West- Sex, and Mercia, sent them
against the Danes beyond Humber ; where staying five weeks, they
made great spoil and slaughter. The king offered them terms of
peace, but they rejecting all, enter'd with the next year (911) into
Mercia, rendering no less hostility than they had suffer'd : but at
Tetnal in Staffordshire, saith Florent, were by the English in a set
battle overthrown. King Edward then in Kent, had got together
of ships about a hundred sail, others gone southward, came back and
met him. The Danes now supposing that his main forces were upon
the sea, took liberty to rove and plunder up and down, as hope of
prey led them, beyond Severn. The king guessing what might im-
bolden them, sent before him the lightest of his army to entertain
them ; then following with the rest, set upon them in their return over
Cantbrig in Gloucestershire, and slew many thousands, among whom
Ecwils, Hasden, and Hinguar their kings, and many other harsh
names in Huntingdon ; the place also of this fight is variously written
by Ethelwerd and Florent, call'd Wodensfield. The year (912) fol-
lowing Ethred duke of Mercia, to whom Alfred had given London,
with his daughter in marriage ; now dying, king Edward resum'd that
city, and Oxford, with the countries adjoyning into his own hands,
and the year (913) after built, or much repair'd by his soldiers, the
town of Hertford on either side Lee, and leaving a sufficient number
at the work, march'd about middle summer with the other part of his
forces into Essex, and encamp'd at Maldon. while his soldiers built
Witham ; where a good part of the country, subject fonnerly by the
the Danes, yielded themselves to his protection.1 Four years (917)
after (Florent allows but one year) the Danes from Leister and
Northampton, falling into Oxfordshire, committed much rapine, and
in some towns thereof great slaughter ; while another party wasting
Hertfordshire, met with other fortune ; for the country-people inur'd
now to such kind of incursions, joyning stoutly together, fell upon the

1 The next year 914, the Danes committed great outrages in Buckinghamshire about Bern-
wood, and destroy'd an ancient Roman burgh, which stood where now Briel stands.

140 ELFLED THE KING'S SISTER. — ILL-SUCCESS OF THE DANES.

spoilers, recover'd their own goods, with some booty from their
enemies. About the same time Elfled the king's sister sent her
army of Mercians into Wales, who routed the Welsh, took the castle
of Bricenam-mere1 by Brecknock, and brought away the king's wife
of that country, with other prisoners. Not long after she took Derby
from the Danes, and the castle by a sharp assault. But the year
(918) ensuing brought a new fleet of Danes to Lidwic in Devonshire,
under two leaders, Otter and Roald ; who sailing thence westward
about the island's end, came up to the mouth of Severn ;2 there land-
ing wasted the Welsh Coast, and Irchenfield part of Hertfordshire ;
where they took Kuneleac a British Bishop, for whose ransome king
Edward gave forty pounds, but the men of Hereford and Gloucester-
shire assembling, put them to flight ; slaying Roald and the brother
of Otter, with many more, pursu'd them to a wood, and there beset,
compell'd them to give hostages of present departure. The king with
his army sat not far off, securing from the south of Severn to Avon :
so that openly they durst not, by night they twice ventur'd to land :
but found such welcome, that few of them came back; the rest
anchor'd by a small island, where many of them famish'd ; then sail-
ing to a place call'd Deomed,3 they cross'd into Ireland, The king
with his army went to Buckingham, staid there a month, and built two
castles or forts on either bank of Ouse e'er his departing, and Turkitel
a Danish leader, with those of Bedford and Northampton, yielded
him subjection. Whereupon the next year (919) he came with his
army to the town of Bedford, took possession thereof, staid there a
month, and gave order to build another part of the town, on the
south side of Ouse. Thence the year (920) following went again to
Maldon, repair'd and fortifi'd the town. Turkitel the Dane having
small hope to thrive here, where things with such prudence were
manag'd against his interest, got leave of the king, with as many volun-
taries as would follow him, to pass into France. Early the next year
(921) King Edward re-edifi'd Tovechester, now Torchester ; and
another city in the annals call'd Wigingmere. Meanwhile (921) the
Danes of Leister and Northamptonshire ; not liking perhaps to be
neighboured with strong towns, laid siege to Torchester, but they
within, repelling the assault one whole day till supplies came, quitted
the siege by night ; and pursu'd close by the besieged, between Brin-
wood4 and Ailsbury were surpris'd, many of them made prisoners, and

1 Brecenanmere is the right name : in English Brecknock Mere.

2 Where they besieg'd an island, which Florence of Worcester calls Reoric, suppos'd to be
Stepholm ; and when they had taken it, were almost starv'd with hunger. This island is now
of no use nor defence, yielding nothing fit for human nourishment : it lies about two leagues
from the shore, over-against Uphill in Somersetshire.

3 Deomod the Saxon Annals call it. 'Tis no particular place, but a country ; the same:
which the ancients call'd Demetas, including Carmarthenshire, Pembrokeshire, and Cardigan-
shire.

* forest of Bernwood. Kennel's Paroch. Antiquities of Ambrosden, &c

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 141

much of their baggage lost. Other of the Danes at Huntingdon,
aided from the East-Angles, finding that castle not commodious, left
it, and built another at Temsford, judging that place more opportune
from whence to make their excursions ; and soon after went forthwith
to assail Bedford : but the garrison issuing out, slew a great part of
them, the rest fled. After this, a great army of them gather'd out of
Mercia and the East-Angles, came and besieg'd the city call'd Win-
gingamere a whole day ; but finding it defended stoutly by them
within, thence also departed, driving away much of their cattle : where-
upon the English, from towns and cities round about joyning forces,
laid siege to the town and castle of Temsford, and by assault took
both ; slew their king with Toglea a duke, and Mannan his son an
earl, with all the rest there found ; who chose to die rather than
yield. Encourag'd by this, the men of Kent, Surrey, and part of
Essex, enterprize the siege of Colchester, nor gave over till they won
it, sacking the town, and putting to sword all the Danes therein,
except some who escap'd over the wall. To the succour of these, a
great number of Danes inhabiting ports and other towns in the East-
Angles, united their forces ; but coming too late, as in revenge
beleaguer'd Maldon ; but that town also timely relieved, they departed,
not only frustrate of their design, but so hotly pursu'd, that many thou-
sands of them lost their lives in the flight. Forthwith king Edward,
with his West-Saxons, went to Pasham upon Ouse, there to guard the
passage, while others were building a stonewall about Torchester ; to him
the earl Thursert, and other lord Danes, with their army there about
as far as Woelud, came and submitted. Whereat the king's soldiers
joyfully cry'd out to be dismiss'd home : therefore with another part
of them he enter'd Huntingdon, and repair'd it, where breaches had
been made ; all the people thereabout returning to obedience. The
like was done at Colnchester by the next remove of his army ; after
which both East and West-Angles, and the Danish forces among
them, yielded to the king, swearing allegiance to him both by sea and
land : the army also of Danes at Grantbrig, surrendering themselves,
took the same oath. The summer (922) following he came with his
army to Stamford, built a castle there on the south-side of the river,
where all the people of those quarters acknowledg'd him supream.
During his abode there, Elfled his sister a martial woman, who
after her husband's death would no more marry, but gave her
self to publick affairs, repairing and fortifying many towns, war-
ring sometimes, dy'd at Tamworth the chief seat of Mercia, whereof
by gift of Alfred her father, she was lady or queen ; whereby that
whole nation became obedient to king Edward, as did also North-
Wales, with Howel, Cledaucus, and Jeothwell their kings. Thence
passing to Nottingham, he enter'd and repair'd the town, plac'd there
part English, part Danes, and receiv'd fealty from all in Mercia of

142 THE SCOTS SWEAR FAITH TO EDWARD.— DEATH OF THAT KING.

either nation. The next autumn (923) coming with his army into
Cheshire, he built and fortify'd Thelwel ; and while he staid there,
call'd another army out of Mercia, which he sent to repair and fortifie
Manchester.1 About Midsummer (924) following, he march'd again
to Nottingham, built a town over against it on the south-side of that
river, and with a bridge joyn'd them both ; thence journeyed to a place
call'd Bedecanwillan in Pictland ;2 there also built and fenc'd a city
on the borders, where the king of Scots did him honour as to his sove-
reign, together with the whole Scotish nation ; the like did Reginald
and the son of Eadulf, Danish princes, with all the Northumbrians,
both English and Danes. The king also of a people thereabout call'd
Streatgledwalli (the North- Welsh, as Cambden thinks, of Strat-Cluid
in Denbighshire, perhaps rather the British of Cumberland) did him
homage, and not undeserv'd. For Buchanan himself confesses, that
this king Edward, with a small number of men compar'd to his ene-
mies, overthrew in a great battle, the whole united power both of Scots
and Danes, slew most of the Scotish nobility, and forc'd Malcolmb,
whom Constantine the Scotish king had made general, and design'd
heir of his crown, to save himself by flight, sore wounded. Of the
English he makes Athelstan the son of Edward chief leader ; and so
far seems to confound times and actions, as to make this battle the
same with that fought by Athelstan, about twenty-four years after at
Bruneford, against Anlaf and Constantine, whereof hereafter. But
here Buchanan takes occasion to inveigh against the English writers,
upbraiding them with ignorance who affirm Athelstan to have been
supream king of Britain, Constantine the Scotish king with others to
have held of him ; and denies that in the annals of Marianus Scotus,
any mention is to be found thereof; which I shall not stand much to
contradict ; for in Marianus, whether by sirname or by nation
Scotus, will be found as little mention of any other Scotish affairs, till
the time of king Dunchand slain by Machetad or Mackbeth, in the
year 1040 which gives cause of suspicion, that the affairs of Scotland
before that time were so obscure as to be unknown to their own
countryman, who liv'd and wrote his chronicle not long after. But
king Edward thus nobly doing, and thus honour'd, the year (925) fol-
lowing dy'd at Farendon, a builder and restorer even in war, not a
destroyer of his land. He had by several wives many children ; his
eldest daughter Edgith, he gave in marriage to Charles king of France,
grand-child of Charles the Bald above mention'd ; of the rest in place
convenient. His laws are yet to be seen. He was buried at Win-

This is an error which has been handed down to our historians by Marianus, who mistook
the Saxon Annals. These do not tell us, that King Edward repair'd Manchester, but that he
repair'd BianilC' CCartfrfl i-e-> many cities : which is certainly the sense of the place-

2 The Cottonian Copy of the Saxon Annals relate, that he went from Nottingham into
Peakland, the Peak in Darbyshire, and thence to Bedecanwell, suppos'd to be Bakewell in
that county.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 143

Chester, in the monastery, by Alfred his father. And a few days after
him dy'd (at Oxford) Ethelwerd his eldest son, the heir of his crown.
He had the whole island in subjection, yet so as petty kings reign'd
under him. In Northumberland, after Ecbert whom the Danes had
set up, and the Northumbrians yet unruly under their yoke, at the end
of six years had expell'd, one Ricsig was set up king, and bore the name
three years, then another Ecbert, and Guthred, the latter if we believe
legends, of a servant made king by command of St. Cudbert, in a
vision ; and enjoyn'd by another vision of the same saint, to pay well
for his royalty many lands and privileges to his church and monastery.
But now to the story.

ATHELSTAN next in age to Ethelward his brother, who deceas'd
untimely few days before, though born of a concubine, yet for the
great appearance of many virtues in him, and his brethren being yet
under age. was (926) exalted to the throne,1 at Kingstone upon
Thames, and by his father's last will, saith Malmsbury, yet not with-
out some opposition of one Alfred and his accomplices ; who not
liking he should reign, had conspir'd to seize on him after his father's
death, and put out his eyes. But the conspiratours discover'd, and
Alfred denying the plot, was sent to Rome to assert his innocence
before the pope ; where taking his oath on the altar, he fell down
immediately, and carried out by his servants, three days after dy'd.
Meanwhile beyond Humber, the Danes though much aw'd were
not idle. Inguald, one of their kings, took possession of York.
Sitric, who some years before had slain Niel his brother, by force
took Davenport in Cheshire ; and however he defended these doings,
grew so considerable, that Athelstan with great solemnity gave him
his sister Edgith to wife : but he enjoy'd her not long, dying e're
the year's end, nor his sons Anlaf and Guthfert the kingdom,
driven out the next year (927) by Athelstan ; nor unjustly saith
Huntingdon, as being first raisers of the war. Simeon calls him
Gudfrid a British king, whom Athelstan this year drove out of his
kingdom ; and perhaps they were both one, the name and time
not much differing, the place only mistaken. Malmsbury differs in
the name also, calling him Aldulf a certain rebel. Them also I wish
as much mistaken, who write that Athelstan, jealous of his younger
brother Edwin's towardly vertues, lest added to the right of birth, they
might some time or other call in question his illegitimate precedence,
caus'd him to be drown'd in the sea ; expos'd, some say, with one
servant in a rotten bark, without sail or oar ; where the youth far off
land, and in rough weather despairing, threw himself overboard ; the
servant more patient, got to land and reported the success. But this

1 He was crown'd by Athelm bishop of Canterbury, on a scaffold erected for that purpose,
in the midst of the town.

144 ATHELSTAN WINS THE GREATEST BATTLE IN SAXON ANNALS.

Malmsbury confesses to be sung in old songs, not read in warrantable
authors : and Huntingdon speaks as of a sad accident to Athelstan,
that he lost his brother Edwin by sea ; far the more credible, in that
Athelstan, as is written by all, tenderly lov'd, and bred up the rest of
his brethren, of whom he had no less cause to be jealous. And the
year (934) following he prosper'd better than from so foul a fact,
passing into Scotland with great puissance, both by sea and land, and
chasing his enemies before him by land as far as Dunfeoder, and
Wertermore, by sea as far as Cathness. The cause of this expedition,
saith Malmsbury, was to demand Gudfert the son of Sitric, thither
fled, though not deny'd at length by Constantine, who with Eugenius
king of Cumberland, at a place call'd Dacor or Dacre in that shire,
surrender'd himself and each his kingdom to Athelstan, who brought
back with him for hostage the son of Constantine. But Gudfert
escaping in the meanwhile out of Scotland, and Constantine exasper-
ated by this invasion, persuaded Anlaf the other son of Sitric then fled
into Ireland, others write Anlaf king of Ireland and the Isles, his
son-in-law, with 615 ships, and the king of Cumberland with other
forces, to his aid. This within four years (938) effected, they enter'd
England by Humber, and fought with Athelstan at a place call'd
Wendune, others term it Brunanburg, others Bruneford, which Ingulf
places beyond Humber, Cambden in Glendale of Northumberland on
the Scotch borders : the bloodiest fight, say authors, that ever this
island saw ; to describe which, the Saxon annalist wont to be sober
and succinct, whether the same or another writer, now labouring
under the weight of his argument, and over-charg'd, runs on a sudden
into such extravagant1 fancies and metaphors, as bear him quite beside
the scope of being understood. Huntingdon, though himself peccant
enough in this kind, transcribes him word for word as a pastime to
his readers. I shall only sum up what I can attain, in usual language.
The battle was fought eagerly from morning till night ; some fell of
king Edward's old army, try'd in many a battle before ; but on the
other side great multitudes, the rest fled to their ships. Five kings,
and seven of Anlaf 's chief captains were slain on the place, with Froda
a Norman leader ; Constantine escap'd home, but lost his son in the
fight, if I understand my author ; Anlaf by sea to Dublin, with a small
remainder of his great host. Malmsbury relates this war, adding
many circumstances after this manner. That Anlaf joyning with
Constantine and the whole power of Scotland, besides those which he
brought with him out of Ireland, came on far southwards, till Athelstan
who had retir'd on set purpose to be the surer of his enemies, en-
closed from all succour and retreat, met him at Bruneford. Anlaf

1 What he calls extravagant fancies, is nothing but a passage in intimation of Csedmon's
verse, which was the standard of poetry among the Saxons. This Caedmon, says Mr.
Cambden in his remains, ab,out the year 680, became so divine a poet in our English tongue,
that with his sweet verses he withdrew many from vice to virtue.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 145

perceiving the valour and resolution of Athelstan, and mistrusting his
own forces though numerous, resolv'd first to spy in what posture his
enemies lay : and imitating perhaps what he heard attempted by
king Alfred the age. before, in the habit of a musician, got access by his
lute and voice to the king's tent, there playing both the minstrel and
the spy : then towards evening dismiss'd, he was observ'd by one who
had been his soldier and well knew him, viewing earnestly the king's
tent, and what approaches lay about it, then in the twilight to depart.
The soldier forthwith acquaints the king, and by him blamed for letting
go his enemy, answer'd, that he had given first his military oath to
Anlaf, whom if he had betray'd, the king might suspect him of like
treasonous mind towards himself ; which to disprove, he advis'd him
to remove his tent a good distance off; and so done, it happen'd that
a bishop with his retinue coming that night to the army, pitch'd his
tent in the same place, from whence the king had remov'd. Anlaf
coming by night, as he had design'd to assault the camp, and
especially the king's tent, finding there the bishop instead, slew him
with all his followers. Athelstan took the alarm, and as it seems, was
not found so unprovided, but that the day now appearing, he put his
men in order, and rnaintain'd the fight till evening ; wherein Constan-
tine himself was slain, with five other kings and twelve earls, the
annals were content with seven, in the rest not disagreeing. Ingulf
abbot of Croyland, from the authority of Turketul a principal leader in
this battle, relate it more at large to this effect : that Athelstan, about
a mile distant from the place where execution was done upon the
bishop and his supplies, alarm'd at the noise, came down by break
of day, upon Anlaf and his army, overwatch'd and wearied
now with the slaughter they had made, and something out of order,
yet in two main battles. The king therefore in like manner
dividing, led the one part, consisting most of West-Saxons, against
Anlaf with his Danes and Irish, committing the other to his Chan-
cellor Turketul, with the Mercians and Londoners against Constan-
tine and the Scots. The shower of arrows and darts over-pass'd,
both battles attack'd each other with a close and terrible engagement,
for a long space neither side giving ground. Till the chancellor
Turketul a man of great stature and strength, taking with him a
few Londoners of select valour, and Singin who led the Worstershire
men, a captain of undaunted courage, broke into the thickect,
making his way first through the Picts and Orkeners, then through
the Cumbrians and Scots, and came at length where Constantine
himself fought, unhors'd him, and us'd all means to take him alive ;
but the Scots valiantly defending their king, and laying load upon
Turketul, which the goodness of his armour well endur'd, he had yet
been beaten down, had not Singin his faithful second at the same
time slain Constantine ; which once known, Anlaf and the whole

146 CHARACTER, LINEAGE, AND PROSPERITY OF ATHELSTAN.

army betook them to flight, whereof a huge multitude fell by the
sword. This Turketul not long after leaving worldly affairs, became
abbot of Croyland, which at his own cost he had repair'd from Danish
ruins, and left there this memorial of his former actions. Athelstan
with his brother Edmund victorious, thence turning into Wales, with
much more ease vanquish'd Ludwal the king, and possest his land.
But Malmsbury writes, that commiserating human chance, as he dis-
plac'd, so he restor'd both him and Constantine to their regal state ;
for the surrender of king Constantine hath been above spoken of.
However the Welsh did him homage at the city of Hereford, and
covenanted yearly payment of gold 20 pounds, of silver 300, of Oxen
25 thousand, besides hunting dogs and hawks. He also took Exeter
from the Cornish Britons, who till that time had equal right there with
the English, and bounded them with the river Tamar, as the other
British with Wey. Thus dreaded of his enemies, and renown'd far
and near, three years (941) after he dy'd at Gloster, and was buried
with many trophies at Malmsbury, where he had caus'd to be laid
his two cousin-germans, Elwin and Ethelstan, both slain in the
battle against Anlaf. He was thirty years old at his coming to the
crown, mature in wisdom from his childhood, comely of person and
behaviour ; so that Alfred his grandfather in blessing him was wont
to pray he might live to have the kingdom, and put him yet a
child into soldier's habit. He had his breeding in the court of Elfled
his aunt, of whose vertues more than female we have related, sufficient
to evince that his mother, though said to be no wedded wife, was yet
such of parentage and worth, as the royal line disdain'd not, though
the song went in Malmsbury's days (for it seems he refus'd not the
authority of ballads for want of better) that his mother was a farmer's
daughter, but of excellent feature ; who dreamt one night she brought
forth a moon that should enlighten the whole land : which the king's
nurse hearing of, took her home and bred up courtly ; that the king
coming one day to visit his nurse, saw there this damsel, lik'd her, and
by earnest suit prevailing, had by her this famous Athelstan, a
bounteous, just and affable king, as Malmsbury sets him forth ; nor
less honour'd abroad by foreign kings, who sought his friendship by
great gifts or affinity ; that Harold king of Noricum sent him a ship,
whose prow was of gold, sails purple, and other golden things, the
more to be wonder'd at, sent from Noricum, whether meant Norway or
Bavaria, the one place so far from such superfluity of wealth, the other
from all sea : the embassadors were Helgrim and Offrid, who found
the king at York. His sisters he gave in marriage to greatest princes,
Elgif to Otho son of Henry the emperour, Egdith to a certain duke
about the Alps, Edgiv to Ludwic king of Aquitain, sprung of Charles
the great, Ethilda to Hugo king of France who sent Aldulf son of
Baldwin, earl of Flanders, to obtain her, From all these great suitors

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 147

especially from the emperour and king of France came rich presents,
horses of excellent breed, gorgeous trappings and armour, reliques,
jewels, odors, vessels of onyx, and other precious things, which I leave
poetically describ'd in Malmsbury, taken, as he confesses, out of an
old versifier, some of whose verses he recites. The only blemish left
upon him, was the exposing of his brother Edwin, who disavow'd by
oath the treason whereof he was accus'd, and implor'd an equal
hearing. But these were songs, as before hath been said, which add
also that Athelstan, his anger over, soon repented of the fact, and put
to death his cup-bearer, who had induc'd him to suspect and expose
his brother, put in mind by a word falling from the cup-bearer's own
mouth, who slipping one day as he bore the king's cup, and recovering
himself on the other leg, said aloud, fatally as to him it proved, one
brother helps the other. Which words the king laying to heart, and
pondering how ill he had done to make away his brother, aveng'd
himself first on the adviser of that fact, took on him seven years
penance, and as Mat. West, saith, built two monasteries for the
soul of his brother. His laws are extant among the laws of other
Saxon kings to this day.

EDMUND not above eighteen years old succeeded (942) his
brother Athelstan, in courage not inferiour. For in the second of
his reign he freed Mercia of the Danes that remain'd there, and
took from them the cities of Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford,
Derby, and Leister, where they were plac'd by king Edward, but
it seems gave not good proof of their fidelity. Simeon writes that
Anlaf setting forth from York, and having wasted southward as far
as Northampton, was met by Edmund at Leister ; but that e're
the battles joyn'd, peace was made between them by Odo and
Wulstan the two arch-bishops, with conversion of Anlaf; for the
same year Edmund receiv'd at the font-stone this or another
Anlaf, as saith Huntingdon, not him spoken of before, who dy'd
this year (so uncertain they are in the story of these times also)
and held Reginald another king of the Northumbers, while the
bishop confirm'd him : their limits were divided north and south by
Watling-street. But spiritual kindred little avail'd to keep peace
between them, whoever gave the cause ; for we read him two years
(944) after driving Anlaf (whom the annals now first call the son of
Sitric) and Suthfrid son of Reginald out of Northumberland, taking
the whole country into subjection. Edmund the next year
harass'd Cumberland, then gave it to Malcolm king of Scots,
thereby bound to assist him in his wars, both by sea and
land ; Mat. West, adds, that in this action Edmund had
the aid of Leolin prince of North Wales, against Dummail the Cum-
brian king, him depriving of his kingdom, and his two sons of their

148 KING EDMUND SLAIN.— NORTHUMBERLAND SUBDUED.

sight.1 But the year (946) after, he himself by strange
accident, came to an untimely death, feasting with his nobles
on St. Austin's Day at Puckle-kerke in Glostershire, to cele-
brate the memory of his first converting the Saxons. He spy'd Leof
a noted thief whom he had banish'd, sitting among his guests; whereat
transported with too much vehemence of spirit, though in a just cause,
rising from the table he ran upon the thief, and catching his hair,
pull'd him to the ground. The thief who doubted from such handling
no less than his death intended, thought to die not unreveng'd ; and
with a short dagger struck the king, who still laid at him, and little
expected such assassination, mortally into the breast. The matter
was done in a moment, e're men set at table could turn them, or
imagine at first what the stir meant, till perceiving the king deadly
wounded, they flew upon the murderer, and hew'd him to pieces ;
who like a wild beast at bay, seeing himself surrounded, despe-
rately laid about him, wounding some in his fall. The king was
buried at Glaston, whereof Dunstan was then abbot ; his laws yet
remain to be seen among the laws of other Saxon kings.

EDRED the third brother of Athelstan, the sons of Edmund being
yet but children, next (948) reign'd, not degenerating from his worthy
predecessors, andcrown'd at Kingston. Northumberland he thoroughly
subdu'd, the Scots without refusal swore him allegiance ; yet the
Northumbrians, ever of doubtful faith, soon after chose to themselves
one Eric, a Dane. Huntingdon still haunts us with this Anlaf (of
whom we gladly would have been rid) and will have him before Eric
recall'd once more and reign four years, then again put to his shifts.
But Edred (950) entering into Northumberland, and with spoils re-
turning, Eric the king fell upon his rear. Edred turning about, both
shook off the enemy, and prepared to make a second inroad : which
the Northumbrians dreading rejected Eric, slew Amancus the son of
Anlaf, and with many presents appeasing Edred, submitted again to
his government ; nor from that time had kings, but were govern'd by
earls, of whom Osulf was the first. About this time (953) Wulstan
Archbishop of York, accused to have slain certain men of Thetford,
in revenge of their abbot whom the townsmen had slain, was com-
mitted by the king to close custody ; but soon after enlarg'd, was
restor'd to his place. Malmsbury writes, that his crime was to have
conniv'd at the revolt of his countrymen : But kind Edred two years
after (955) sickning in the flower of his youth, dy'd much lamented,
and was buried at Winchester.

EDWI the son of Edmund now come to age, after his uncle Edred's

1 The Laudean copy of the Saxon annals, and Ethelwerd in his history, place the death
of king Athelstane, Anno 898.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 149

death took on him the government, and was crowned at Kingston.
His lovely person sirnamed him the Fair : his actions are diversly
reported, by Huntingdon not thought illaudable. But Malmsbury and
such as follow him write far otherwise, that he married or kept as
concubine, his near kinswoman, some say both her and her daughter ;
so inordinately given to his pleasure, that on the very day of his
coronation, he abruptly withdrew himself from the company of his
peers, whether in banquet or consultation, to sit wantoning in the
chamber with this Algiva, so was her name, who had such power over
him. Whereat his barons offended, sent Bishop Dunstan, the boldest
among them, to request his return : he going to his chamber, not
only interrupted his dalliance and rebuk'd the lady, but taking him
by the hand, between force and persuasion brought him back to his
nobles. The king highly displeased, and instigated perhaps by her,
who was so prevalent with him, not long (956) after sent Dunstan
into banishment, caus'd his monastery to be rifled, and became an
enemy to all monks. Whereupon Odo archbishop of Canterbury pro-
nounc'd a separation or divorce of the king from Algiva. But that
which most incited William of Malmsbury against him, he gave that
monastery to be dwelt in by secular priests, or, to use his own phrase
made it a sta'ble of clerks : at length these affronts done to the church
were resented by the people, that the Mercians and Northumbrians
revolted from him, and set up Edgar his brother (957), leaving to
Edwi the West-Saxons only, bounded by the River Thames ; with
grief whereof, as is thought, he soon after ended his days, and was
buried at Winchester. (958.) Meanwhile Elfsin bishop of that place
after the death of Odo, ascending by simony to the chair of Canterbury,
and going to Rome the same year for his pall, was frozen to death in
the Alps.

EDGAR by his brother's death now (959) king of all England at
sixteen years of age, called home Dunstan out of Flanders, where he
liv'd in exile. This king had no war all his reign ; yet always well
prepar'd for war, govern'd the kingdom in great peace, honour and
prosperity, gaining thence the sirname of Peaceable, much extoll'd
for justice, clemency, and all kingly vertues, the more, ye may be
sure, by monks, for his building so many monasteries ; as some write,
every year one : for he much favour'd the monks against secular priests,
•who in the time of Edwi had got possession in most of their convents.
His care and wisdom was great in guarding the coasts round with
stout ships, to the number of three thousand six hundred, Mat. West,
reckons them four thousand eight hundred, divided into four squadrons,
to sail to and fro about the four quarters of the land meeting each
other ; the first of one thousand two hundred sail from east to west,
fhe second of as many from west to east, the third and fourth between

150 KING EDGAR ROWED ON THE DEE BY FEUDAL PRINCES.

north and south, himself in the summer time with his fleet. Thus he
kept out wisely the force of strangers, and prevented foreign war ;
but by their two frequent resort hither in time of peace, and his too
much favouring them, he let in their vices unaware. Thence the
people, saith Malmsbury, learnt of the outlandish Saxons rudeness, of
the Flemish daintiness and softness, of the Danes drunkenness; though
I doubt these vices are as naturally home-bred here as in any other
countries. Yet in the winter and spring time he usually rode the
circuit as a judge itinerant through all his provinces, to see justice
well administered, and the poor not oppress'd. Thieves and robbers
he routed almost out of the land, and wild beasts of prey altogether ;
enjoyning (961) Ludwal king of Wales to pay the yearly tribute of
three hundred wolves, which he did for two years together, till the
third year no more were to be found, nor ever after ; but his laws may
be read yet extant. Whatever was the cause he was not crown'd till
the 3Oth of his age, but then (973) with great splendor and magnifi-
cence at the city of Bath, in the feast of Pentecost.1 This year (974)
dy'd Swarling a monk of Croyland, in the I42nd year of his age, and
another soon after him in the H5th, in that fenny and waterish air, the
more remarkable. King Edgar the next year went to Chester, and
summoning to his court there all the kings that held of him, took
homage of them : Their names are Kened king of Scots, Malcolm of
Cumberland. Maccuse of the isles, five of Wales, Duswil, Huwal,
Grifith, Jacob, Judethil, these he had in such awe, that going one
day into a gaily, he caus'd them to take each man his oar, and row
him down the river Dee, while he himself sat at the stern : which
might be, done in merriment, easily obey'd ; if with a serious brow,
discover'd rather vain glory, and insulting haughtiness, than modera-
tion of mind. And that he did it seriously triumphing, appears by
his words then utter'd, that his successors might then glory to be
kings of England, when they had such honour done them. And
perhaps the divine power was displeas'd with him for taking too much
honour to himself; since we read that the year (975) following he was
taken out of this life by sickness in the heighth of his glory and the prime
of his age, buried at Glaston Abbey. The same year, as Mat. West.,
relates, he gave to Kened the Scotish king, many rich presents, and
the whole country of Laudain, or Lothein, to hold of him on condi-
tion that he and his successors should repair to the English Court at
high festivals when the king sat crown'd ; gave him also many lodg-
ing places by the way, which till the days of Henry the second were
still held by the kings of Scotland. He was of stature not tall, of body
slender, yet so well made, that in strength he chose to contend with
such as were thought strongest, and dislik'd nothing more than that
they should spare him for respect or fear to hurt him. Kened king

1 In an assembly of the Witena Gemos or counsel of wise men.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 151

of Scots then in the court of Edgar, sitting one day at table was heard
to say jestingly amongst his servants, he wonder'd how so many pro-
vinces could be held in subjection by such a little dapper man : his
words were brought to the king's ear ; he sends for Kened as about
some private business, and in talk drawing him forth to a secret place,
takes from under his garment two swords which he had brought with
him, gave one of them to Kened ; and now saith he, ' it shall be try'd
which ought to be the subject ; for it is shameful for a king to boast
at table, and shrink in fight.' Kened much abash'd fell presently
at his feet, and besought him to pardon what he had simply spoken,
no way intended to his dishonour or disparagement : wherewith the
king was satisfied. Cambden in his description of Ireland, cites a
charter of king Edgar, wherein it appears, he had in subjection all the
kingdoms of the isles as far as Norway, and had subdu'd the greatest
part of Ireland, with the city of Dublin : but of this other writers make
no mention. In his youth having heard of Elfrida, daughter to Ord-
gar Duke of Devonshire, much commended for her beauty, he sent
earl Athelwold, whose loyalty he trusted most, to see her ; intending,
if she were found such as answer'd report, to demand her in marriage.
He at the first view taken with her presence, disloyally, as it often
happens in such employments, began to sue for himself; and with
consent of her parents obtain'd her. Returning therefore with scarce
an ordinary commendation of her feature, he easily took off the king's
mind, soon diverted another way. But the matter coming to light
how Ethelwald had forestall'd the king, and Elfrida's beauty more and
more spoken of, the king now heated not only with a relapse of love,
but with a deep sense of the abuse, yet dissembling his disturbance,
pleasantly told the earl, what day he meant to come and visit him and
his fair wife. The earl seemingly assur'd his welcome, but in mean-
while acquainting his wife, earnestly advis'd her to deform herself,
what she might, either in dress or otherwise, lest the king, whose
amorous inclination was not unknown, should chance be attracted.
She who by this time was not ignorant, how Athelwold had step'd be-
tween her and the king, against his coming arrays herself richly, using
whatever art she could devise might render her the more amiable ;
and it took effect. For the king inflam'd with her love, the more for
that he had been so long defrauded and robbed of her, resolved not
only to recover his intercepted right, but to punish the interloper of his
destin'd spouse, and appointing with him, as was usual, a day of hunt-
ing, drawn aside in a forest, now call'd Harewood, smote him through
with a dart. Some censure this act as cruel and tyrannical, but con-
sider'd well, it may be judg'd more favourable, and that no man of
sensible spirit, but in his place, without extraordinary perfection, would
have done the like : for next to life, what worse treason could have
been committed against him ? It chanc'd that the earl's base son

152 AMOUR OF THE KING.— FADING OF SAXON GLORY.

coming by'upon the fact, the king stern'ly ask'd him, * how he lik'd this
game ;' he submissively answering, that ' whatsoever pleas'd the king,
must not displease him ;' the king return'd to his wonted tem-
per, took an affection to the youth, and ever after highly
favour'd him making amends in the son for what he had done
to the father. Ethelfrida forthwith he took to wife, who to ex-
piate her former husband's death, though therein she had
no hand, cover'd the place of his bloodshed with a monastery
of nuns to sing over him. Another fault is laid to his charge,
no way excusable, that he took a virgin Wilfrida by force out of the
nunnery, where she was plac'dbyher friends to avoid his pursuit, and
kept her as his concubine ; but liv'd not obstinately in the offence ;
for sharply reprov'd by Dunstan, he submitted to seven year's penance,
and for that time to want his coronation : but why he had it not before,
is left unwritten. Another story there goes of Edgar, fitter for a novel
than a history ; but as I find it in Malmsbury, so I relate it. While
he was yet unmarried, in his youth he abstain'd not from women, and
coming on a day to Andover, caus'd a duke's daughter there dwelling,
reported of rare beauty to be brought to him. The mother not daring
flatly to deny, yet abhorring that her daughter should be so deflower'd,
at fit time of night sent in her attire one of her waiting maids : a
maid it seems not unhandsome nor unwitty ; who supplied the place
of her young lady. Night pass'd, the maid going to rise, but day-
light scarce yet appearing, was by the king ask'd, why she made such
liaste, she answer'd, to do the work which her lady had set her ; at
which the king wondring, and with much ado staying her to unfold
the riddle, for he took her to be the duke's daughter, she falling at his
feet besought him, that since at the command of her lady she came to
his bed, and was enjoy'd by him, he would be pleased in recompence
to set her free from the hard service of her mistress. The king a while
standing in a study whether he had best be angry or not, at length
turning all to a jest, took the maid away with him, advanc'd her above
her lady, lov'd her, and accompanied with her only, till he married
Elfrida. These only are his faults upon record, rather to be wonder'd
how they were so few, and so soon left, he coming at sixteen to the
licence of a scepter ; and that his virtues were so many and so mature,
he dying before the age wherein wisdom can in others attain to any
ripeness : however with him dy'd all the Saxon glory. From hence-
forth nothing is to be heard of but their decline and ruin under a
double conquest, and the causes foregoing ; which, not to blur or taint
the praises of their former actions and liberty well defended, shall
stand severally related, and will be more than long enough for ano-
ther book.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 153

BOOK VI.

EDWARD the eldest son ot Edgar by Egelsteda his first wife, the
daughter of duke Ordmer, was according to right and his father's will,
plac'd in the throne ; Elfrida his second wife, and her faction only
repining, who labour'd to have had her son Ethelred, a child of seven
years, preferr'd before him ; that she under that pretence might have
rul'd all. Mean while comets were seen in heaven, portending not
famine only, which follow'd the next year, but the troubl'd state of the
whole realm not long after to ensue. The troubles began in Edwin's
days, between monks and secular priests, now reviv'd and drew on
either side many of the nobles into parties. For Elfere duke of the
Mercians, with many other peers, corrupted as is said with gifts, drove
the monks out of those monasteries where Edgar had plac'd them,
and in their stead put secular priests with their wives. But Ethelwin
duke of East-Angles, with his brother Elfwold, and earl Bretnoth
oppos'd them, and gathering an army defended the abbies of East-
Angles from such intruders. To appease these tumults, a synod was
call'd at Winchester, and nothing there concluded, a general council
both of nobles and prelates, was held (978) at Cain in Wiltshire, where
while the dispute was hot, but chiefly against Dunstan, the room
wherein they sat fell upon their heads, killing some, maiming others,
Dunstan only escaping upon a beam that fell not, and the king absent
by reason of his tender age. This accident quieted the controversie,
and brought both parts to hold with Dunstan and the monks. Mean
while the king addicted to a religious life, and of a mild spirit, simply
permitted all things to the ambitious will of his stepmother and her
son Ethelred : to whom she displeased that the name only of king
was wanting, practis'd thenceforth to remove king Edward out of the
way ; which in this manner she brought about. Edward on a day
wearied with hunting, thirsty and alone, while his attendants follow'd
the dogs, hearing that Ethelred and his mother lodg'd at Corvesgate
(Corfe-Castle, saith Cambden, in the isle of Purbeck) innocently went
thither. She with all shew of kindness welcoming him, commanded
drink to be brought forth, for it seems he lighted not from his horse ;
and while he was drinking, caus'd one of her servants, privately before
instructed, to stab him with a poignard. The poor youth who little
expected such unkindness there, turning speedily the reins, fled bleed-
ing ; till through loss of blood falling from his horse, and expiring,
yet held with one foot in the stirrup, he was dragg'd along the way,
trac'd by his blood, and buried without honour at Werham, having
reigned about three years : but the place of his burial not long after
grew famous for miracles. After which by duke Elfer (who, as

1 54 THE SLUGGARD PRINCE.— DUNSTAN.— DANISH INROADS.

Malmsbury saith, had a hand in his death) he was royally interr'd at
Skepton, or Shaftesbury. The murdress Elfrida at length repenting,
spent the residue of her days in sorrow and great penance.

ETHELFRED second son of Edgar by Elfrida, (for Edmund dy'd a
child) his brother Edward wickedly remov'd, was now (979) next in
right to succeed, and accordingly crown'd at Kingston : reported by
some, fair of visage, comely of person, elegant of behaviour ; but the
event will shew, that with many sluggish and ignoble vices he quickly
sham'd his outside ; born and prolong'd a fatal mischief of the people,
and the ruine of his country ; whereof he gave early signs from his
first infancy, bewraying the font and water while the bishop was bap-
tizing him.1 Whereat Dunstan much troubl'd, for he stood by and
saw it, to them next him broke into these words, ' By God and God's
mother this boy will prove a sluggard.' Another thing is written of
him in his childhood, which argu'd no bad nature, that hearing of his
brother Edward's cruel death, he made loud lamentation ; but his
furious mother offended therewith, and having no rod at hand, beat
him so with great wax candles, that he hated the sight of them ever
after. Dunstan though unwilling to set the crown upon his head ; but
at the same time foretold openly as is reported, the great evils that
were to come upon him and the land, in avengement of his brother's
innocent blood. And about the same time, one midnight, a cloud
sometimes bloody, sometimes fiery, was seen over all England ; and
within three years (982) the Danish tempest, which had long surceast,
revolv'd again upon this island. To the more ample relating whereof,
the Danish history, at least their latest and diligentest historian, as
neither from the first landing of Danes, in the reign of West-Saxon
Birthric, so now again from first to last, contributes nothing ; busied
more than enough to make out the bare names and successions of their
uncertain kings, and their small actions at home : unless out of him
I should transcribe what he takes, and I better may, from our own
annals ; the surer and the sadder witnesses of their doings here, not
glorious, as they vainly boast, but most inhumanly barbarous. For
the Danes well understanding that England had now a slothful king
to their wish, first landing at Southampton from seven great ships,
took the town, spoiled the country, and carried away with them great
pillage ; nor was Devonshire nor Cornwall uninfested on the shoar ;
pirates of Norway also harried the coast of West-Chester : and to
add a worse calamity, the city of London was burnt, casually or not,
is not written. It chanc'd four years after (986) that Ethelred besieg'd
Rochester, some way or other offended by the bishop thereof. Dun-
stan not approving the cause, sent to warn him that he provoke not

1 This seems to be a monkish fable, copy'd from the story of Constantine the Vlth emperor
of Constantinople, who is said to have done so, and was then called Copronymus.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 155

St. Andrew the patron of that city, nor wast his lands ; an old craft
of the clergy to secure their church-lands, by entailing them on some
saint ; the king not hearkning, Dunstan on this condition that the
siege might be rais'd, sent him a hundred pounds, the money was ac-
cepted and the siege dissolv'd. Dunstan reprehending his avarice,
sent him again this word, because thou hast respected money more
than religion, the evils which I foretold shall the sooner come upon
thee ; but not in my days, for so God hath spoken. The next year
(987) was calamitous, bringing strange fluxes upon men, and murrain
upon cattle. Dunstan the year (988) following dy'd, a strenuous bishop,
zealous without dread of person, and for aught appears, the best of
many ages, if he busied not himself too much in secular affairs. He
was chaplain at first to king Athelstan, and Edmund who succeeded,
much imploy'd in court affairs, till envied by some who laid many
things to his charge, he was by Edmund forbidden the court, but by
the earnest mediation, saith Ingulf, of Turkitul the chancellor, receiv'd
at length to favour, and made abbot of Glaston,1 lastly by Edgar and
the general vote, Archbishop of Canterbury. Not long after his death,
the Danes arriving in Devonshire were met by Goda lieutenant of that
country, and Strenwold a valiant leader, who put back the Danes, but
with loss of their own lives. The third year following, under the con-
duct of Justin and Guthmund the son of Steytan, they landed and
spoil'd Ipswich, fought with Brithnoth duke of the East-Angles about
Maldon, where they slew him ; the slaughter else had been equal on
both sides. These and the like depredations on every side, the Eng-
lish not able to resist, by counsel of Siric then Archbishop of Canterbury,
and two dukes, Ethelward and Alfric ; it was thought best for the pre-
sent to buy that with silver which they could not gain with their iron :
and ten thousand pounds was paid to the Danes for peace. Which
for a while contented ; but taught them the ready way how easiest to
come by more. The next year (993) but one they took by storm and
rifl'd Bebbanburgh an ancient city nigh Durham : sailing thence into
the mouth of Humber, they wasted both sides thereof, Yorkshire and
Lindsey, burning and destroying all before them. Against these went
out three noblemen, Frasna, Frithegist, and Godwin, but being all
Danes b^ the father's side, willingly began flight, and forsook their
own forces betray'd to the enemy. No less treachery was at sea ; for
Alfric the son of Elfer duke of Mercia, whom the king for some
offence had banish'd, but now recall'd, sent from London with a
fleet to surprize the Danes, in some place of disadvantage, gave them
over-night intelligence thereof, then fled to them himself; which his
fleet, saith Florent, perceiving, pursu'd, took the ship, but miss'd of
his person ; the Londoners by chance grappling with the East-Angles
made them fewer, saith my author, by many thousands. Others say,

- Then bishop of Worcester.

156 THE DANES BOUGHT OFF.— VALUE OF DISCIPLINE TO SOLDIERS

that by this notice of Alfric, the Danes not only escap'd, but with a
great fleet (994) set upon the English, took many of their ships, and in
triumph brought them up the Thames, intending to besiege London :
for Anlaf king of Norway, and Swane of Denmark, at the head of
these, came with ninety-four gallies. The king for this treason of
Alfric, put out his son's eyes ; but the Londoners both by land
and water, so valiantly resisted their besiegers, that they were
forc'd in one day with great loss to give over. But what they
could not on the city, they wreak'd themselves on the countries
round about, wasting with sword and fire all Essex, Kent,
and Sussex. Thence horsing their foot, diffus'd far wider their
outrageous incursions, without mercy either to sex or age. The slothful
king instead of warlike opposition in the field, sends ambassadors to
treat about another payment ; the sum promised was now 16000 ; till
which paid, the Danes winter'd at Southampton ; Ethelred inviting
Anlaf to come and visit him at Andover ; where he was royally enter-
tain'd, some say baptiz'd, or confirm'd, adopted son by the king, and
dismiss'd, with great presents, promising by oath to depart, and molest
the kingdom no more ; which he perform'd, but the calamity ended
not, for after some intermission of their rage for three years (997), the
other navy of Danes sailing about to the west, enter'd Severn, and
wasted one while South- Wales, then Cornwall and Devonshire, till at
length they winter'd about Tavistoc. For it were an endless work to
relate how they wallow'd up and down to every particular place, and
to repeat as oft what devastations they wrought, what desolations left
behind them, easie to be imagin'd. In summer the next year (998), they
afflicted Dorsetshire, Hamshire, and the isle of Wight ; by the English
many resolutions were taken, many armies rais'd, but either betray'd
by the falshood, or discourag'd by the weakness of their leaders, they
were put to rout, or disbanded themselves. For soldiers most
commonly are as their commanders, without much odds of valour in
one nation or other, only as they are more or less wisely disciplin'd
and conducted. The following year (999) brought them back upon
Kent, where they enter'd Medway, and besieg'd Rochester ; but the
Kentish men assembling, gave them a sharp encounter, yet that
suffic'd not to hinder them from doing as they had done in other places.
Against these depopulations, the king levied an army ; but the un-
skilful leaders not knowing what to do with it when they had it, did
but drive out time, burthening and impoverishing the people, con-
suming the publick treasure, and more emboldening the enemy, than
if they had sat quiet at home. What cause mov'd the Danes next
year (1000) to pass into Normandy, is not recorded; but that they
return'd thence more outrageous than before. Meanwhile the king, to
make some diversion, undertakes an expedition both by land and sea
into Cumberland, where the Danes were most planted ; there and in

MILTON S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 157

the isle of Man, or as Cambden saith, Anglesey, imitating his enemies
in spoiling and unpeopling; the Danes from Normandy arriving
(1001) in the river Ex, laid siege to Exeter ; but the citizens, as those
of London, valourously defending themselves, they wreak'd their anger,
as before, on the villages round about. The country people of Somerset
and Devonshire assembling themselves at Penho,1 shew'd their readi-
ness, but wanted a head ; and besides, being then but few in number,
were easily put to flight ; the enemy plundering all at will, with loaded
spoils pass'd into the isle of Wight ; from whence all Dorsetshire, and
Hamshire, felt again their fury. The Saxon annals write, that before
their coming to Exeter, the Hamshire men had (1002) a bickering with
them, wherein Ethelvvard the king's general was slain, adding other
things hardly to be understood, and in one ancient copy ; so end.
Ethelred, whom no adversity could awake from his soft and sluggish
life, still coming by the worse at fighting, by the advice of his peers
not unlike himself, sends one of his gay courtiers, though looking
loftily, to stoop basely and propose a third tribute to the Danes : they
willingly hearken, but the sum is enhanc'd now to twenty-four thousand
pounds, and paid : the Danes thereupon abstaining from hostility.
But the king to strengthen his house by some potent affinity, marries
Emma, whom the Saxons call Elgiva, daughter of Richard duke of
Normandy. With him Ethelred formerly had war or no good corres-
pondence, as appears by a letter of pope John the 1 5th, who made
peace between them about eleven years before. Puft up now with his
suppos'd access of strength by this affinity, he caus'd the Danes all
over England, though now living peaceably, in one day perfidiously to
be massacred, both men, women and children ; sending private letters
to every town and city, whereby they might be ready all at the same
hour ; which till the appointed time (being the 9th of July) was con-
ceal'd with great silence, and perform'd with much unanimity ; so
generally hated were the Danes. Mat. West, writes, that this execu-
tion upon the Danes was ten years after ; that Huna one of Ethelred's
chief captains, complaining of the Danish insolencies in time of peace,
their pride, their ravishing of matrons and virgins, incited the king to
this massacre, which in the madness of rage made no difference of
innocent or nocent. Among these, Gunhildis the sister of Swane was
not spar'd, though much deserving not pity only, but all protection :
she with her husband earl Palingus, coming to live in England, and
receiving Christianity, had her husband and young son slain before
her face, herself then beheaded ; foretelling and denouncing that her
blood would cost England dear. Some say this was done by the
traytor Edric, to whose custody she was committed ; but the massacre
was some years before Edric's advancement ; and if it were done
by him afterward, it seems to contradict the private correspondence

1 Pen in Somersetshire, on the borders of Dorsetshire.

158 MASSACRE OF HIS COUNTRYMEN AVENGED BY SWANE THE DANE.

which he was thought to hold with the Danes. For Swane breathing
revenge, hasted the next year (1003) into England, and by the treason
or negligence of count Hugh, whom Emma had recommended to the
government of Devonshire, sack'd the city of Exeter, her wall from
east to west gate, broken down : after this wasting Wiltshire, the
people of that county, and of Hamshire, came together in great
numbers with resolution stoutly to oppose him ; but Alfric their general,
whose son's eyes the king had lately put out, madly thinking to re-
venge himself on the king, by ruining his own country, when he should
have order'd his battle, the enemy being at hand, feign'd himself taken
with a vomiting ; whereby his army in great discontent, destitute of a
commander, turn'd from the enemy ; who straight took Wilton and
Salisbury,1 carrying the pillage thereof to his ships. Thence the next
year (1004) landing on the coast of Norfolk, he wasted the country,2
and set Norwich on fire ; Ulf ketel duke of the East-Angles, a man of
great valour, not having space to gather his forces, after consultation had
thought it best to make peace with the Dane,' which he breaking
within three weeks, issued silently out of his ships, came to Thetford,
staid there a night, and in the morning left it flaming. Ulfketel
hearing this, commanded some to go and break, or burn his ships ;
but they not daring or neglecting, he in the meanwhile with what
secrecy and speed was possible, drawing together his forces, went out
against the enemy, and gave them a fierce onset retreating to their
ships ; but much inferiour in number, many of the chief East-Angles
there lost their lives. Nor did the Danes come off without great
slaughter of their own ; confessing that they never met in England
with so rough a charge. The next year (1005), whom war could not,
a great famine drove Swane out of the land. But the summer (1006)
following, another great fleet of Danes enter'd the port of Sandwich,
thence pour'd out over all Kent and Sussex, made prey of what they
found. The king levying an army out of Mercia, and the West-
Saxons, took on him for once the manhood to go out and face them ;
but they who held it safer to live by rapine, than to hazard a battle,
shifting lightly from place to place, frustrated the slow motions of a
heavy camp, following their wonted course of robbery, then running to
their ships. Thus all autumn they wearied out the king's army, which
gone home to winter, they carried all their pillage to the isle of Wight,
and there staid till Christmas ; at which time the king being in
Shropshire, and but ill employ'd (for by the procurement of Edric, he
caus'd, as is thought, Alfhelm a noble duke, treacherously to be slain,
and the eyes of his two sons to be put out), they came forth again,
over-running Hampshire, and Barkshire, as far as Reading and

1 Old Sarum : for Salisbury, or New Sarum, was not built till the reign of Kenry III.,
above 200 years afterwards.

2 He came with his fleet to Norwich up the river Yare, which was then navigable.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 159

Wallingford : thence to Ashdune, and other places thereabout, neither
known nor of tolerable pronunciation ; and returning by another way,
found many of the people in arms by the river Kenet ; but making
their way through, they got safe with vast booty to their ships. The
king and his courtiers wearied out with their last summer's (1007)
jaunt after the nimble Danes to no purpose, which by proof they
found too toilsome for their soft bones, more us'd to beds and couches,
had recourse to their last and only remedy, their coffers ; and send
now the fourth time to buy a dishonourable peace, every time still
dearer, not to be had now under thirty-six thousand pounds (for the
Danes knew how to milk such easie kine) in name of tribute and
expences : which out of the people over all England, already half
beggar'd, was extorted and paid. About the same time Etheldred
advanc'd Edric, sirnam'd Streon, from obscure condition to be duke
of Mercia, and marry Edgitha the king's daughter. The cause of his
advancement, Florent of Worster, and Mat. West, attribute to his
great wealth, gotten by fine policies and a plausible tongue : he proved
a man accessory to the ruine of England, as his actions will soon
declare. Ethelred the next year (1008), somewhat rousing himself,
ordain'd that every three hundred and ten hides (a hide is so much
land as one plow can sufficiently till) should set out a ship or galley,
and every nine hides find a corslet and head-piece : new ships in every
port were builded, victualed, fraught with stout mariners and soldiers,
and appointed to meet all at Sandwich. A man might now think that
all would go well, when suddenly a new mischief sprung up, dissention
among the great ones ; which brought all this diligence to as little
success as at other times before. Bithric the brother of Edric, falsly
accus'd Wulnoth a great officer set over the South- Saxons, who fearing
the potency of his enemies, with twenty ships got to sea, and practis'd
piracy on the coast. Against whom, reported to be in a place where
he might be easily surpriz'd, Bithric sets forth with eighty ships, all
which driven back by a tempest, and wrack'd upon the shoar, were
burnt soon after by Wulnoth. Dishearten'd with this misfortune, the
king returns to London ; the rest of his navy after him ; and all this
great preparation to nothing. Whereupon Turkill, a Danish earl,
came with a navy to the isle of Tanet, and in August (1009) a far
greater, led by Heming and Ilaf joyn'd with him. Thence coasting
to Sandwich, and landed, they went onward and began to assault
Canterbury, but the citizens and East-Kentish men, coming to com-
position with them for three thousand pounds, they departed thence to
the isle of Wight, robbing and burning by the way. Against these the
king levies an army through all the island, and in several quarters
places them nigh the sea, but so unskilfully or unsuccessfully, that the
Danes were not thereby hinder'd from exercising their wonted robberies.
It happen'd that the Danes one day were gone up into the country,

160 ENGLAND OVERRUN AND DESOLATED BY THE DANES.

far from their ships ; the king having notice thereof, thought to inter-
cept them in their return ; his men were resolute to overcome or die,
time and place advantageous ; but where courage and fortune was
not wanting, there wanted loyalty among them. Edric with subtle
arguments that had a shew of deep policy, disputed and persuaded
the simplicity of his fellow counsellors, that it would be best consulted
at that time to let the Danes pass without ambush or interception.
The Danes where they expected danger, finding none, pass'd on with
great joy and booty to their ships. After this, sailing about Kent,
they lay that winter in the Thames, forcing Kent and Essex to con-
tribution, oft-times attempting the city of London, but repuls'd as oft
to their great loss. Spring (1010) begun, leaving their ships, they
pass'd through Chiltern1 wood into Oxfordshire, burnt the city, and
thence returning with divided forces, wasted on both sides the Thames ;
but hearing, that an army from London was march'd out against
them, they on the north side passing the river at Stanes, join'd with
them on the south into one body, and, enrich'd with great spoils, came
back through Surrey to their ships ; which all the Lent time they re-
pair'd. After Easter, sailing to the East-Angles, they arriv'd at
Ipswich, and came to a place call'd Ringmere, where they heard that
Ulfketel with his forces lay, who with a sharp encounter soon enter-
tain'd them ; but his men at length giving back, through the subtlety
of a Danish servant among them who began the flight, lost the field,
though the men of Cambridgeshire stood to it valiantly. In this battle
Ethelstan the king's son-in-law, with many other noblemen, was slain ;
whereby the Danes, without more resistance, three months together
had the spoiling of those countries and all the fenns, burnt Thetford
and Grantbrig, or Cambridge ; thence to a hilly place not far off,
called by Huntingdon, Balesham, by Cambden, Gogmagog hills, and
the villages thereabout they turn'd their fury, slaying all they met
save one man, who getting up into a steeple, is said to have de-
fended himself against the whole Danish army. They therefore
so leaving him, their foot by sea, their horse by land through
Essex, return'd back laden to their ships left in the Thames.
But many days pass'd not between, when sallying again out of
their ships as out of savage dens, they plunder'd over again all
Oxfordshire, and added to their prey Buckingham, Bedford, and
Hertfordshire; then like wild beasts glutted, returning to their caves,
A third excursion they made into Northamptonshire, burnt Northamp-
ton, ransacking the country round ; then as to fresh pasture betook
them to the West-Saxons, and in like sort harassing all Wiltshire,
return'd, as I said before, like wild beasts, or rather sea-monsters to
their water-stables, accomplishing by Christmas the circuit of their

1 The hill country of Hertfordshire, Bucks, and Oxfordshire ; so call'd from Chilt or Cylt,
In Saxon, chalk.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 161

whole years good deeds; an unjust and inhumane nation, who
receiving or not receiving tribute where none was owing them, made
such destruction of mankind, and rapine of their livelihood, as is
a misery to read. Yet here they ceas'd not, for the next year (1011)
repeating the same cruelties on both sides the Thames, one way as
far as Huntingdon, the other as far as Wiltshire and Southampton,
solicited again by the king for peace, and receiving their demands
both of tribute and contribution, they slighted their faith; and in
the beginning of September laid siege to Canterbury. On the 2Oth
day, by the treachery of Almere the Arch-deaco%.they took part
of it and burnt it, committing all sorts of massacre, as a sport: some
they threw over the wall, others into the fire; hung some by the
privy members ; infants pulled from their mother's breast, were either
toss'd on spears, or carts drawn over them; matrons and virgins by
the hair dragg'd and ravish'd. Alfage the grave Arch-bishop, above
others hated of the Danes, as in all councils and actions to his might
their known opposer, taken, wounded, imprison'd in a noisome ship ;
the multitude are tith'd, and every tenth only spar'd. Early the next
year (1012) before Easter, while Ethelred and his peers were assembl'd
at London, to raise now the fifth tribute, amounting to forty-eight
thousand pounds, the Danes at Canterbury propose to the Arch-bishop,
who had been now seven months their prisoner, life and liberty, if
he pay them three thousand pounds ; which he refusing, as not able
of himself, and not willing to extort it from his tenants, is permitted
till the next Sunday to consider ; then hal'd before their council, of
whom Turkill was chief, and still refusing, they rise, most of them
being drunk, and beat him with the blunt side of their axes, then
thrust forth, deliver him to be pelted with stones ; till one Thrum a con-
verted Dane, pitying him half dead, to put him out of pain, with
a pious impiety, at one stroke of his ax on the head, dispatch'd him.1
His body was carried to London, and there buried, thence afterwards
remov'd to Canterbury. By this time the tribute paid and peace so
often violated sworn again by the Danes, they dispersed their fleet ;
forty-five of them, and Turkill their chief, staid at London with the
king, swore him allegiance to defend his land against all strangers, on
condition only to be fed and cloath'd by him. But this voluntary
friendship of Turkill was thought to be deceitful, that staying under
this pretence he gave intelligence to Swane, when it would be most
seasonable to come. In July therefore of the next year (1013), king
Swane arriving at Sandwich, made no stay there, but sailing first to

1 Alfage was kill'd not at Canterbury, but at Greenwich ; to which place, the station of their
ships, they had brought him prisoner. And therefore in the present church of Greenwich, on
the top of the partition wall, between the nave of the church and the chancel is this inscrip-
tion, This church was erected and dedicated to the glory of God, and the memory of S.
Alphage, arch-bishop of Canterbury, here slain by the Danes ; because he would not ransom
his life by an unreasonable sum of money, An. 1012." j

1 62 ENGLAND INVADED BY SWANE AND CANUTE THE DANES.

Humber, thence into Trent, landing and encamp'd at Gainsburrow :
whither without delay repaifd to him the Northumbrians, with Uthred
their earl; those of Lindsey also, then those of Fisburg, and lastly
all on the north of Watling-street (which is a high-way from east to
west sea) gave oath and hostages to obey him. From whom he com-
manded horses and provision for his army, taking with him besides
bands and companies of their choicest men ; and committing to his
son Canute the care of his fleet and hostages ; he marches towards
the South Mercians, commanding his soldiers to exercise all acts of
hostility; with the terror whereof fully executed, he took in few days
the city of Oxford, then Winchester ; thence tending to London, in
his hasty passage over the Thames, without seeking bridge or ford,
lost many of his men. Nor was his expedition against London
prosperous; for assaying all means by force or wile to take the
city, wherein the king then was, and Turkill with his Danes, he was
stoutly beaten off as at other times. Thence back to Wallingford
and Bath, directing his course, after usual havock made, he sat
a while and refresh'd his army. There Ethelm an earl of Devon-
shire, and other great officers in the west, yielded him subjection.
These things flowing to his wish, he betook him to his navy, from
that time stil'd and accounted king of England, if a tyrant, saith
Simeon, may be call'd a king. The Londoners also sent him hostages,
and made their peace, for they fear'd his fury. Ethelred thus reduc'd
to narrow compass, sent Emma his queen, with his two sons had by
her, and all his treasure to Richard II. her brother, duke of Nor-
mandy; himself with the Danish fleet abode some while at Greenwich,
then sailing to the Isle of Wight, pass'd after Christmas into Nor-
mandy; where he was honourably receiv'd at Roen by the duke,
though known to have born himself churlishly and proudly towards
Emma his sister, besides his dissolute company with other women.
Meanwhile Swane ceas'd not to exact almost insupportable tribute
of the people, spoiling them when he listed; besides, the like did
Turkill at Greenwich. The next year (1014) beginning, Swane
sickens and dies;1 some say terrifi'd by an appearing shape of St.
Edmund arm'd, whose church at Bury he had threaten'd to demolish ;
but the authority hereof relies only upon the legend of St. Edmund.
After his death the Danish army and fleet made his son Canute their
king; but the nobility and states2 of England sent messengers to
Ethelred, declaring that they preferr'd none before their native
sovereign, if he would promise to govern them better than he had
done, and with more clemency. Whereat the king rejoicing, sends
over his son Edward with ambassadors to court both high and low,
and win their love, promising largely to be their mild and devoted

1 At Gainsborough in Lincolnshire.

2 The wise and chief men as well of the clersy as the laity.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 163

lord, to consent in all things to their will, follow their counsel, and
whatever had been done or spoken by any man against him, freely
to pardon, if they would loyally restore him to be their king. To this
the people chearfully answer'd, and amity was both promis'd and
confirm'd on both sides. An embassy of lords is sent to bring back
the king honourably ; he returns in Lent, and is joyfully received of
the people, marches with a strong army against Canute ; who having
got horses, and joyn'd with the men of Lindsey, was preparing to
make spoil in the countries adjoyning; but by Ethelred unexpectedly
coming upon him, was soon driven to his ships, and his confederates
of Lindsey left to the anger of their countrymen, executed without
mercy by fire and sword. Canute in all haste sailing back to Sand-
wich, took the hostages given to his father from all parts of England,
and with slit noses, ears cropp'd, and hands chopp'd off, setting them
ashore, departed into Denmark. Yet the people were not dis-
burthen'd, far the king rais'd out of them thirty thousand pounds to
pay his fleet of Danes at Greenwich. To these evils the sea in
October1 pass'd his bounds, overwhelming many towns in England,
and of their inhabitants many thousands. The year (1015) following,
an assembly being at Oxford, Edric of Streon, having invited two
noblemen, Sigeferth and Morcar,the sons of Earngrun of Seav'nburg2
to his lodging, secretly murder'd them : the king, for what cause is
unknown, seiz'd their estates, and caus'd Algith the wife of Sigeferth,
to be kept at Maidulfsburg, now Malmsbury ; whom Edmund the
prince there married against his father's mind, then went and possess'd
their lands, making the people there subject to him. Mat. West,
saith, that these two were of the Danes, who had seated themselves
in Northumberland, slain by Edric under colour of treason laid to
their charge. They who attended them without, tumulting at the
death of their masters, were beaten back ; and driven into a church,
and defending themselves, were burnt there in the steeple. Mean-
while Canute returning from Denmark with a great navy, two hundred
ships richly gilded and adorn'd, well fraught with arms, and all
provision ; and, which Encomium Emmse mentions not, two other
kings, Lachman of Sweden, and Olav of Norway, arriv'd at Sand-
wich ; and as the same author then living writes, sent out spies to
discover what resistance on land was to be expected ; who return'd
with certain report, that a great army of English was in readiness to
oppose them. Turkill, who upon the arrival of those Danish powers,
kept faith no longer with the English, but joyning now with Canute,
as it were to re-ingratiate himself after his revolt, whether real or corn-
plotted, counsell'd him (being yet young) not to land, but leave to him

1 The Saxon annals tell us 'twas on the vigil of St. Michsel in September.

2 The same annals call the place Seafenburghs, i.e. seven towns, but where they lay we
know not.

1 64 CANUTE, THE DANE, ASSISTS THE SAXON POWERS.

the management of this first battle ; the king assented, and he with
the forces which he had brought, and part of those which arriv'd with
Canute, landing to their wish, encounter'd the English, though double
in number, at a place call'd Scorastan,1 and was at first beaten back
with much loss. But at length animating his men with rage only and
despair, obtain'd a clear victory, which won him great reward and
possessions from Canute. But of this action no other writer makes
mention. From Sandwich therefore sailing about to the river
Frome, and there landing over all Dorset, Somerset, and Wiltshire,
he spread wastful hostility. The king lay then sick at Cosham in
this county ; though it may seem strange how he could lie sick there
in the midst of his enemies. Howbeit Edmund in one part, and
Edric of Streon in another, rais'd forces by themselves ; but so soon
as both armies were united, the traytor Edric being found to practice
against the life of Edmund, he remov'd with his army from him ;
whereof the enemy took great advantage. Edric easily enticing the
forty ships of Danes to side with him, revolted to Canute, the West-
Saxons also gave pledges and furnish'd him with horses. By which
means the year (1016) ensuing, he with Edric the traytor, passing the
Thames at Creclad, about twelftide, enter'd into Mercia, and especially
Warwickshire, depopulating all places in their way. Against these,
Prince Edmund, for his hardiness call'd Ironside, gather'd an army ;
but the Mercians refus'd to fight unless Ethelred with the Londoners
came to aid them ; and so every man return'd home. After the fes-
tival, Edmund gathering another army, besought his father to come
with the Londoners, and what force besides he was able ; they came
with great strength gotten together, but being come, and in a hopeful
way of great success, it was told the king, that unless he took the
better heed, some of his own forces would fall off and betray him.
The king daunted with this perhaps cunning whisper of the enemy,
disbanded his army, returns to London. Edmund betook him into
Northumberland, as some thought to raise fresh forces ; but he with
earl Uthred on the one side, and Canute with Edric on the other, did
little else but waste the provinces ; Canute to conquer them, Edmund
to punish ' them who stood neuter ; for which cause Stafford, Shrop-
shire, and Lestershire, felt heavily his hand ; while Canute, who was
ruining the more southern shires, at length march'd into Northumber-
land ; which Edmund hearing, dismiss'd his forces, and came to Lon-
don. Uthred the earl hasted back to Northumberland, and finding
no other remedy, submitted himself with all the Northumbrians,
giving hostages to Canute. Nevertheless by his command or con-

1 Sherston in Wiltshire. See the addit. to that county in the English edition of Cambden.
The battle of Seorstan in the Saxon annals, comes under the year 1016, and after Ethelred's
death. This Seorstan is suppos'd by others to be the place where four stones call'd Shirestones
part the four counties of Oxford, Gloucester, Worcester, and Warwick.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 165

nivance, and the hand of one Turebrand a Danish lord, Uthred was
slain, and Eric another Dane made earl in his stead. This Uthred
son of Walteof, as Simeon writes, in his treatise of the siege of Dur-
ham, in his youth obtain'd a great victory against Malcolm son of
Kened king of Scots, who with the whole power of his kingdom was
fallen into Northumberland, and laid siege to Durham. Walteof the
old earl, unable to resist, had secur'd himself in Bebbanburg, a strong
town ; but Uthred gathering an army rais'd the siege, slew most of
the Scots, their king narrowly escaping, and with the heads of their
slain, fixt upon poles, beset round the walls of Durham. The year of
this exploit Simeon clears not, for in 969, and in the reign of Ethelred,
as he affirms, it could not be. Canute by another way returning south-
ward, joyful of his success, before Easter came back with all the army
to his fleet. About the 23d of April ensuing, Ethelred after a long,
troublesome, and ill-go vern'd reign, ended his days at London, and
was buried in the church of S"t. Paul.

AFTER the decease of Ethelred, they of the nobility who were then
(1016) at London, together with the citizens, chose Edmund his son
(not by Emma, but a former wife the daughter of earl Thored) in his
father's room ; but the archbishops, abbots, and many of the nobles
assembling together elected Canute ; and coming to Southampton
where he then remain'd, renounc'd before him all the race of Ethelred,
and swore him fidelity ; he also swore to them in matters both religious
and secular, to be their faithful lord. But Edmund with all speed
going to the West-Saxons, was joyfully received of them as their king,
and of many other provinces by their example. Mean while Canute
about mid May, came with his whole fleet up the river to London ;
then causing a great dike to be made on Surrey side, turn'd the stream
and drew his ships thither west of the bridge ; then begirting the
city with a broad and deep trench, assail'd it on every side ; but re-
puls'd as before by the valourous defendants, and in despair of success
at that time, leaving part of his army for the defence of his ships,
with the rest sped him to the West-Saxons e'er Edmund could have
time to assemble all his powers : who yet with such as were at hand
invoking divine aid, encounter'd the Danes at Pen1 by Gillingham in
Dorsetshire, and put him to flight. After Midsummer, encreas'd with
new forces, he2 met with him at a place call'd Sherastan, now Shar-
stan ;3 but Edric, Almar, and Algar, with the Hampshire and Wilt-
shire men, then siding with the Danes, he only maintain'd the fight,
obstinately fought on both sides, till night and weariness parted them.

1 Pen is in Somersetshire.

2 Canute was then at the Siege of London, according to the annals we have often men-
tion'd, did not command the Danes in the fight at Pen, nor at Sherstan.

3 Sherston in Wiltshire, Cambden. Thought by others to be Shirestones on the borders
of Oxfordshire.

l66 STRUGGLES OF CANUTE WITH EDMUND IRONSIDE.

Day-light returning renew'd the conflict ; wherein the Danes appear-
ing inferiour, Edric to dishearten the English, cut off the head of one
Osmer, in countenance and hair somewhat resembling the king, and
holding it up, cries aloud to the English, that Edmund being slain and
this his head, it was time for them to flie ; which fallacy Edmund per-
ceiving, and openly shewing himself to his soldiers, by a spear thrown
at Edric, that missing him yet slew one next him, and through him
another behind, they recovered heart, and lay sore upon the Danes till
night parted them as before : for e'er the third morn, Canute sensible
of his loss, march'd away by stealth to his ships at London, renewing
there his leagre. Some would have this battle at Sherastan the same
with that at Scorastan1 beforemention'd, but the circumstance of time
permits not that, having been before the landing of Canute, this a
good while after, as by the process of things appears ; from Sherastan,
or Sharstan, Edmund return'd to the West-Saxons, whose valour
Edric fearing, lest it might prevail against the Danes, sought pardon
of his revolt, and obtaining it, swore loyalty to the king, who now the
third time coming with an army from the West-Saxons to London
rais'd the siege, chasing Canute and his Danes to their ships. Then
after two days passing the Thames at Branford, and so coming on
their backs, kept them so turn'd, and obtain'd the victory : then re-
turns again to his West-Saxons, and Canute to his siege, but still in
vain ; rising therefore thence, he enter'd with his ships a river then
call'd Arenne ;2 and from the banks thereof wasted Mercia ; thence
their horse by inland, their foot by ship came to Medway. Edmund
in the mean while, with multiplied forces out of many shires, crossing
again at Branford, came into Kent, seeking Canute ; encountred him
at Otford, and so defeated, that of his horse, they who escap'd fled to
the isle of Sheppy ; and a full victory he had gain'd, had not Edric
still the traytor, by some wile or other detain'd his pursuit : and Ed.
mund who never wanted courage, here wanted prudence to be so mis-
led, ever after forsaken of his wonted fortune. Canute crossing with
his army into Essex, thence wasted Mercia worse than before, and
with heavy prey return'd to his ships : them Edmund with a collected
army pursuing, overtook at a place call'd Assandune, or Asseshill,3
now Ashdown in Essex ; the battle on either side was fought with
great vehemence ; but perfidious Edric perceiving the victory to
incline towards Edmund, with that part of the army which was under
him,4 fled, as he had promis'd Canute, and left the king over-match'd

1 Mr Milton owns, that no other writer, but the author of Encomium Emse, mentions the
first battle of Scorastan : and 'tis much to be doubted, whether there was any such action.

2 Mr. Gibson the editor of the Saxon Annals, supposes there is a mistake in the copy ; and that
it should be read to Waran or Ware, on the river Lee ; or else that this Arenne is the river
we now call Orwell, which divides Essex from Suffolk.

3 Rather Assington, in that county : for the Saxon Annals have it Assandun : whereas the
old /Escesdun is the word always turn'd by the moderns into Ashdown.

4 The Mageasstons suppos'd by Cambden to be the Radnorshire Men.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUFST. 167

with numbers :wby which desertion the English were overthrown,
duke Alfric, duke Godwin, and Ulfketel the valiant duke of East-
Angles, with a great part of the nobility slain, so as the English of a
long time had not receiv'd a greater blow. Yet after a while Edmund
not absurdly call'd Ironside, preparing to try again his fortune in
another field, was hinder'd by Edric and his faction, advising him to
make peace and divide the kingdom with Canute. To which Edmund
over-rul'd, a treaty appointed, and pledges mutually given, both kings1
met at a place call'd Deorhirst in Gloucestershire ; Edmund on the
West-side of Severn, Canute on the East with their armies, then both
in person wafted into an island, at that time call'd Olanege,2 now
Alney in the midst of the river ; swearing amity and brotherhood,
they parted the kingdom between them. Then interchanging arms
and the habit they wore, assessing also what pay should be allotted to
the navy ; they departed each his way. Concerning this interview,
and the cause thereof, others write otherwise ; Malmsbury, that Ed-
mund grieving at the loss of so much blood spilt for the ambition only
•of two men striving who should reign, of his own accord sent to
Canute, offering him single combat, to prevent in their own cause the
effusion of more blood than their own ; that Canute though of courage
enough, yet not unwisely doubting to adventure his body of small
timber, against a man of iron sides, refus'd the combat, offering (1016)
to divide the kingdom ; this offer pleasing both armies, Edmund was
not difficult to consent ; and the decision was, that he as his here-
ditary kingdom should rule the West-Saxons, and all the South,3
Canute the Mercians, and the north. Huntingdon follow'd by Mat.
West, relates, that the peers on every side wearied out with continual
warfare, and not refraining to affirm openly, that they two who ex-
pected to reign singly, had most reason to fight singly, the kings were
content ; the island was their lists, the combat knightly ; till Knute
finding himself too weak, began to parley, which ended as is said
before. After which the Londoners bought their peace of the Danes,
and permitted them to winter in the city. But king Edmund about
the feast of St. Andrew, unexpectedly deceas'd at London, and was
buried near to Edgar his grand-father at Glaston. The cause of his
.so sudden death is uncertain ; common fame, saith Malmsbury, lays
the guilt thereof upon Edric, who to please Canute, allured with pro-
mise of reward two of the king's privy chamber, though at first
abhorring the fact, to assassinate him at the stool, by thrusting a sharp
iron into his hinder parts. Huntingdon and Mat. West, relate it done
at Oxford by the son of Edric, and something vary in the manner,4

1 Bromton's Chronicle says, their Commissioners only met.

2 Cambden writes it was call'd Alny by the Saxons ; it now bears the name of the Eight, i.e.
Isles ; others say this island was betwixt Oversbridge and Maysmore. Brit, last Edit. p. 245.

3 No mention made of the North or South by the authors that speak of the combat.

4 He stabb'd him with a long knife in the same parts.

1 68 CANUTE BECOMES KING OF ENGLAND.— THE SAXON PRINCES.

not worth recital. Edmund dead, Canute meaning to reign sole king
of England, calls to him all the dukes, barons, and bishops of the land,
cunningly demanding of them who were witnesses what agreement
was made between him and Edmund dividing the kingdom, whether
the sons and brothers of Edmund were to govern the West-Saxons
after him, Canute living ? They who understood his meaning, and
fear'd to undergo his anger, timorously answered, that Edmund they
knew had left no part thereof to his sons or brethren, living or dying ;
but that he intended Canute should be their guardian, till they came
to age of reigning. Simeon affirms, that for fear or hope of reward
they attested what was not true : notwithstanding which he put many
of them to death not long after.

CANUTE having (1017) thus sounded the nobility, and by them
understood, receiv'd their oath of fealty, they the pledge of his bare
hand, and oath from the Danish nobles ; whereupon the house of
Edmund was renounc'd, and Canute crown'd. Then they enacted,
that Edwi, brother of Edmund, a prince of great hope, should be
banish'd the realm. But Canute not thinking himself secure while
Edwi liv'd, consulted with Edric how to make him away ; who told
him of one Ethelward a decay'd nobleman, likeliest to do the work.
Ethelward sent for, and tempted by the king in private, with largest
rewards, but abhorring in his mind the deed, promis'd to do it when
he saw his opportunity ; and so still deferr'd it. But Edwi afterwards
receiv'd into favour as a share, was by him or some other of his false
friends, Canute contriving it, the same year (1017) slain.1 Edric also
counsel'd him to dispatch Edward and Edmund, the sons2 of Ironside,
but the king doubting that the fact would seem too foul done in Eng-
land, sent them to the king of Sweden, with like intent ; but he dis-
daining the office, sent them for better safety to Solomon king of
Hungary ; where Edmund at length dy'd, but Edward married Agatha
daughter to Henry the German emperor. A digression in the laws of
Edward Confessor, under the title of Lex Noricorum saith, that this
Edward for fear of Canute, fled of his own accord to Malesclot king of
the Rugians, who receiv'd him honourably, and of that country gave
him a wife. Canute settl'd in his throne, divided the government of
his kingdom into four parts ; the West-Saxons to himself, the East-
Angles to Earl Turkill, the Mercians to Edric, the Northumbrians to
Eric ; then made peace with all princes round about him, and his
former wife being dead, in July married Emma the widow of king
Elhelred. The Christmas following was an ill feast to Edric, of whose

1 William of Malmsbury writes, that this prince having been long toss'd about by sea and
land, return'd at last to England, where he lay conceal'd to his death, and was then bury d
at Tavistock.

By Algothe, widow of Sigeferth the Dane

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 169

treason, the king having now made use as much as serv'd his turn,
and fearing himself to be the next betray'd, caus'd him to be slain at
London in the palace, thrown over the city wall, and there to lie un-
buried ; the head of Edric fix'd on a pole, he commanded to be set
on the highest tower of London, as in a double sense he had promis'd
him, for the murder of king Edmund to exalt him above all the peers
of England. Huntingdon, Malmsbury, and Mat. West, write, that
suspecting the king's intention to degrade him from his Mercian duke-
dom, and upbraiding him with his merits, the king enrag'd, caus'd
him to be strangl'd in the room, and out at a window thrown into the
Thames. Another writes, that Eric at the king's command struck off
his head. Other great men though without fault, as duke Norman
the son of Leofwin, Ethelward son of duke Agelmar,1 he put to death
at the same time, jealous of their power or familiarity with Edric : and
notwithstanding peace, kept still his army ; to maintain which, the
next year (1018) he squeez'd out of the English, though now his sub-
jects, not his enemies, seventy-two, some say eighty-two thousand
pounds, besides fifteen thousand out of London.2 Mean while great
war arose at Carr, between Uthred son of Waldef, Earl of Northumber-
land, and Malcolm son of Kened king of Scots, with whom held
Eugenius king of Lothian. But here Simeon the relater seems to have
committed some mistake, having slain Uthred by Canute two years
before, and set Eric in his place : Eric therefore it must needs be, not
Uthred, who manag'd this war against the Scots. About which time
in a convention of Danes3 at Oxford, it was agreed on both parties to
keep the laws of Edgar ; Mat. West, saith of Edward the Elder. The
next year (1019) Canute sail'd into Denmark, and there abode all winter.
Huntingdon and Mat. West, say, he went thither to repress the Swedes,
and that the night before a battle to be fought with them, Godwin steal-
ing out of the camp with his English, assaulted the Swedes, and had got
the victory e'er Canute in the morning knew of any fight. For which
bold enterprize, though against discipline, he had the English in more
esteem ever after. In the spring (1020), at his return into England,
he held in the time of Easter a great assembly at Chirchester, and
the same year was with Turkill the Dane at the dedication of a church
by them built at Assendune, in the place of that great victory which
won him the crown. But suspecting his greatness, the year (1021)
following banish'd him the realm, and found occasion to do the like
by Eric the Northumbrian earl upon* the same jealousie.4 Nor yet

1 And Brithtrio, son of yElfger, Earl of Defenanseire or Devonshire. „,

2 In the annals the tax is but 82,000 pounds in all ; 11,000 pounds for London, and yi.ooc
pounds for the rest of England.

3 And English. Bromton says, 'twas done in great council or parliament.

4 In the year before, Canute founded the monastery of St. Edmundsbury, in honour of bt.
Edmund the king, and two years afterwards remov'd the reliques of St Alphage whom las
countrymen had murder'd ; both which were popular acts. The body of Alphage ..as
translated to Canterbury.

170 CANUTE, THE DANE, BECOMES KING OF ENGLAND.

(1028) content with his conquest of England, though now above ten
years enjoy'd, hepass'dwith fifty ships into Norway, dispossess'd Olave
their king, and subdu'd the land, first with great sums of money sent
the year before to gain him a party, then coming with an army to
compel the rest.1 Thence (1029) returning king of England, Denmark,
and Norway, yet not secure in his mind, under colour of an embassy
he sent into banishment Hacun a powerful Dane, who had married
the daughter of his sister Gunildis, having conceiv'd some suspicion
of his practices against him : but such course was taken, that he never
came back ; either perishing at sea, or slain by contrivance the next
year (1030) in Orkney. Canute therefore having thus established him-
self by bloodshed and oppression, to wash away, as he thought the
guilt thereof, sailing again into Denmark, went (1031) thence to Rome,
and offer'd there to St. Peter great gifts of gold and silver, and other
precious things ; besides the usual tribute of Romscot, giving great
alms, by the way, both thither and back again, freeing many places of
custom and toll with great expense, where strangers were wont to pay,
having vow'd great amendment of life at the sepulchre of Peter and
Paul, and to his whole people in a large2 letter written from Rome
yet extant. At his return (1032) therefore he built and dedicated a
church to St. Edmund at Bury,3 whom his ancestors had slain, threw
out the secular priests who had intruded there, and plac'd monks in
their stead ; then going into Scotland, subdu'd and receiv'd homage of
Malcolm, and two other kings there, Melbeath and Jermare. Three
years (1035) after having made4 Swane his supposed son by Algiva of
Northampton, duke Alfhelms's daughter (for others say the son of a
priest whom Algiva, barren, had got ready at the time of her feigned
labour) king of Norway, and Hardecnute his son by Emma, king of
Denmark, and designed Harold his son by Algiva of Northampton,
king of England, dy*d at Shaftsbury, and was buried at Winchester in
the old monastery. This king, as appears, ended better than he began;
for tho' he seems to have had no hand in the death of Ironside, but
detested the fact, and bringing the murderers, who came to him in
hope of great reward, forth among his courtiers, as it were to receive
thanks, after they had openly related the manner of their killing him;
delivered them to deserved punishment, yet he spar'd Edric whom he

1 Bromton writes, that he was in a manner expell'd by his own subjects, for his weakness
and effeminacy : and returning a year afterwards, the people rose upon him and slew him.
He was canoniz'd under the title of king Olaf the martyr.

2 This letter was sent into England by Living Abbot of Tavistock. 'Twas address'd thus :
To ^Ethelnoth bishop of Canterbury, to Alfric of York, with all the bishops and primates ; and
to the whole English nation, as well noblemen as plebeians, health, &c. is very kind and
particular. 'Tis at large in William of Malmsb. Hist.

3 This was done eleven years before, as appears by an old manuscript belonging to St.
Edmundsbury ; also by the lord Coke, in the preface to the 8th book of his reports.

_4 Sweyne is suppos'd to be his son by some other woman, probably a Dane, before he was
king of England : for 'tis not likely that ,/Elgiva, who 'tis said was barren, should be able to
impose two sons upon him.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 171

knew to be the prime author of that detestable fact ; till willing to be
rid of him, grown importune upon the confidence of his merits, and
upbraided by him that he had first relinquish'd, then extinguished
Edmund for his sake ; angry to be so upbraided, therefore said he
with a chang'd countenance, ' Traytor to God and to me, thou shalt die;
thine own mouth accuses thee to have slain thy master my confederate
brother, and the Lord's anointed.' Whereupon, although present and
private execution was in rage done upon Edric, yet he himself in cool
blood scrupl'd not to make away the brother and children of Edmund,
who hadbetterrightto be the Lord's anointed here than himself. When
he had obtain'd in England what he desir'd, no wonder if he sought
the love of his conquer'd subjects for the love of his own quiet, the
maintainers of his wealth and state, for his own profit. For the like
reason he is thought to have married Emma, and that Richard duke of
Normandy her brother might the less care what became of Elfred and
Edward, her sons by king Ethelred. He commanded to be observ'd
the ancient Saxon laws, call'd afterwards the laws of Edward the Con-
fessor, not that he made them, but strictly observ'd them. His letter
from Rome professes, if he had done aught amiss in his youth,
though negligence or want of due temper, full resolution with the help
of God to make amends, by governing justly and piously for the future;
charges and adjures all his officers and viscounts, that neither for
fear of him, or favour of any person, or to enrich the king, they suffer
injustice to be done in the land ; commands his treasurers to pay all
his debts e'er his return home, which was by Denmark, to compose
matters there ; and what his letter profess'd, he perform'd all his life
after. But it is a fond conceit in many great ones, and pernicious in
the end, to cease from no violence till they have attain'd the utmost of
their ambitions and desires ; then to think God appeas'd by their
seeking to bribe him with a share, however large, of their ill-gotten
spoils, and then lastly to grow zealous of doing right, when they have
no longer need to do wrong. Howbeit Canute was famous through
Europe, and much honour'd of Conrade the emperour then at Rome,
with rich gifts and many grants of what he there demanded for the
freeing of passages from toll and custom. I must not omit one re-
markable action done by him, as Huntingdon reports it, with great
scene of circumstance, and emphatical expression, to shew the small
power of kings in respect of God ; which, unless to court-parasites,
needed no such laborious demonstration. He caus'd his royal seat to
be set on the shoar, while the tide was coming in : and with all the
state that royalty could put into his countenance, said thus to the sea:
' Thou sea belong'st to me, and the land whereon I sit is mine ; nor
hath any one unpunish'd resisted my commands : I charge thee come
no farther upon my land, neither presume to wet the feet of thy
sovereign lord,' But the sea, as before, came rolling on, and without

172 HAROLD-HAREFOOT, AND QUEEN EMMA.

reverence both wet and dashed him. Whereat the king quickly rising,
wish'd all about him to behold and consider the weak and frivolous
power of a king, and that none indeed deserv'd the name of a king,
but he whose eternal law, both heaven, earth, and sea obey. A truth
so evident of itself, as I said before, that unless to shame his court
flatterers, who would not else be convinc'd Canute needed not to
have gone wet-shod home : the best is, from that time forth he
never would wear a crown, esteeming earthly royalty contemptible
and vain.

HAROLD for his swiftness surnam'd Harefoot, the son of Canute by
Algiva of Northampton (though1 some speak doubtfully as if she bore
him not, but had him of a shoe-maker's wife, as Swane before of a
priest : others of a maid servant, to conceal her barrenness) in a great
assembly at Oxford, was by duke Leofric and the Mercians, with the2
Londoners, according to his father's testament elected king; but
without the regal habiliments, which ^Elnot the arch-bishop having in
his custody, refus'd to deliver up, but to the sons of Emma, for which
Harold ever after hated the clergy ; and (as the clergy are wont thence
to infer) all religion. Godwin earl of Kent, and the West-Saxons
with him, stood for Hardecnute. Malmsbury saith, that the contest
was between Dane and English : that the Danes and Londoners
grown now in a manner Danish, were all for Hardecnute ; but he
being then in Denmark, Harold prevail'd, yet so as that the kingdom
should be divided between them ; the west and south part reserv'd by
Emma for Hardecnute, till his return. But Harold once advanc'd
into the throne, banish'd Emma his mother-in-law, seiz'd on his
father's treasure at Winchester, and there remain'd. Emma not
holding it safe to abide in Normandy while duke William the bastard
was yet under age, retir'd (1036) to Baldwin earl of Flanders.3 In
the meanwhile Aired and Edward, sons of Ethelred, accompanied
with a small number of Norman soldiers in a few ships, coming to
visit their mother Emma, not yet departed the land, and perhaps to
see how the people were inclin'd to restore them their right ; Elfred
was sent for by the king then at London ; but in his way met at
Guilford by earl Godwin, who with all seeming friendship entertain'd
him, was in the night surpris'd and made prisoner, most of his com-
pany put to various sorts of cruel death, decimated twice over, then
brought to London, was by the king sent bound to Ely, had his eyes
put out by the way, and delivered to the monks there, dy'd soon after
in their custody. Malmsbury gives little credit to this story of Elfred,

* Radulph dc diceto, who wrote in the reign of king John, says he was a shoemaker's son.

2 The annals call them the seamen of London, whose citizens as William of Malmsbury
observes, by their long conversation with the Danes, were become wholly Danish in their
inclinations.

3 The Saxon annals place her flight to earl Baldwin, under the year 1037.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 173

as not chronicl'd in his time, but rumour'd only. Which Emma how-
ever hearing, sent away her son Edward, who by good hap accompanied
not his brother, with all speed into Normandy. But the author of
Encomium Emmae, who seems plainly (though nameless) to have
been some monk, yet liv'd, and perhaps wrote within the same year
when these things were done : by his relation differing from all
others, much aggravates the cruelty of Harold, that he not content to
have practis'd in secret (for openly he durst not) against the life of
Emma, sought many treacherous ways to get her son within his
power ; and resolv'd at length to forge a letter in the name of their
mother, inviting them into England, the copy of which letter he pro-
duces written to this purpose.

' Emma in name only queen, to her sons Edward and Alfrid
imparts motherly salutation. While we severally bewail the death
of our lord the king, most dear sons, and while daily ye are
deprived more and more of the kingdom, your inheritance ; I
admire what counsel ye take, knowing that your intermitted delay,
is a daily strengthening to the reign of your usurper, who inces-
santly goes about from town to city, gaining the chief nobles to his
party, either by gifts, prayers, or threats. But they had much
rather one of you should reign over them, than to be held under
the power of him who now over-rules them. I entreat therefore
that one of you come to me speedily, and privately ; to receive from
me wholesome counsel, and to know how the business which I intend,
shall be accomplish'd. By this messenger present, send back what
you determine. Farewell, as dear both as my own heart.'

These letters were sent to the princes then in Normandy, by express
messengers, with presents also, as from their mother ; which they
joyfully receiving, return word by the same messengers, that one of
them will be with her shortly ; naming both the time and place.
Alfrid therefore the younger (for so it was thought best) at the
appointed time, with a few ships and small numbers about him,
appearing on the coast, no sooner came ashore but fell into the snare
of earl Godwin, sent on purpose to betray him ; as above was related.
Emma greatly sorrowing for the loss of her son, thus cruelly made
away, fled immediately with some of her nobles her faithfullest ad-
herents into Flanders, had her dwelling assign'd at Bruges by the
earl; where having remain'd about two years, she was (1039) visited
out of Denmark by Hardecnute her son ; and he not long had
remain'd with her there, when Harold in England, having done nothing
the while worth memory, save the taxing of every port at eight marks
of silver to sixteen ships, dy'd (1040) at London, some say at Oxford,
and was buried at Winchester. After which, most of the nobility,
both Danes and English now agreeing, send embassadors to Harde-
cnute still at Bruges with his mother, entreating him to come and

174 HARDICANUTE ; EARLS GODWIN, LEOFRIC, AND SEWARD.

receive as his right, the scepter, who before midsummer came with
sixty ships, and many soldiers out of Denmark.

HARDECNUTE receiv'd with acclamation, and seated in the
throne, first call'd to mind the injuries done to him, or his
mother Emma, in the time of Harold ; sent Alfric arch-
bishop of York, Godwin and others, with Troud his executioner,
to London, commanding them to dig up the body of king Harold,
and throw it into a ditch ; but by a second order into the
Thames. Whence taken up by a fisherman, and convey'd to a church-
yard in London, belonging to the Danes, it was interr'd again with
honour. This done, he levied a sore tax, that eight marks to every
rower, and twelve to every officer in his fleet, should be paid throughout
England j1 by which time they who were so forward to call him over,
had enough of him ; for he, as they thought, had too much of theirs.
After this he call'd to account Godwin earl of Kent, and Leving bishop
of Worcester, about the death of Elfred his half brother, which Alfric
the archbishop laid to their charge ; the king depriv'd Leving of his
bishoprick, and gave it to his accuser : but the year following, pacify'd
with a round sum, restor'd it to Leving. Godwin made his peace by
a sumptuous present, a galley with a gilded stem bravely rigg'd, and
eighty soldiers in her, every one with bracelets of gold on each arm,
weighing sixteen ounces, helmet, corslet, and hilts of his swords
gilded ; a Danish curtax listed with gold or silver hung on his left
shoulder, a shield with boss and nails gilded in his left hand, in his
right a launce : besides this he took his oath before the king, that
neither of his own counsel or will, but by the command of Harold he
had done what he did, to the putting out of Elfred's eyes. The like
oath took most of the nobility for themselves, or in his behalf. The
next year (1041), Hardecnute sending his housecarles,2 so they call'd
his officers, to gather the tribute impos'd ; two of them, rigorous in
their office, were slain at Worcester by the people ; whereat the king
enrag'd, sent Leofric duke of Mercia, and Seward of Northumberland,3
with great forces and commission to slay the citizens, rifle and burn
the city, waste the whole province. Affrighted with such news, all the
people fled ; the countrymen whither they could, the citizens to a
small island in Severn, call'd Beverege, which they fortify'd and de-
fended stoutly, till peace was granted them, and freely to return home:
but their city they found sack'd and burnt ; wherewith the king was
appeas'd. This was commendable in him, however cruel to others,
that towards his half brethren, tho' rivals of his crown, he shew'd himself
always tenderly affection'd \ as now towards Edward, who without

1 Also 29029 pounds, and 11048 pounds for 32 sail of ships. This tax was the same as Dane-
gelt, which was become a prerogative.

2 Housecurles, in English, servants of the houshold. 8 Earl Godwin went with them.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 175

fear came to him ouf of Normandy, and with unfeigned kindness re-
ceiv'd, remain'd safely and honourably in his court.1 But Hardecnute
the year (1042) following, at a feast wherein Osgod, a great Danish
lord, gave his daughter in marriage at Lambeth, to Prudon, another
potent Dane : in the midst of his mirth, sound and healthful to sight,
while he was drinking fell down speechless, and so dying, was buried
at Winchester beside his father. He was it seems a great lover of
good cheer ; sitting at table four times a day, with great variety of
dishes, and superfluity to all comers. Whereas, saith Huntingdon, in
our time princes in their houses made but one meal a day.2 He gave
his sister Gunildis, a virgin of rare beauty, in marriage to Henry the
Almain emperor ; and to send her forth pompously, all the nobility
contributed their jewels and richest ornaments. But it may seem a
wonder, that our historians, if they deserve that name, should, in a
matter so remarkable, and so near their own time, so much differ.
Huntingdon relates, against the credit of all other records, that Harde-
cnute thus dead, the English rejoycing at this unexpected riddance of
the Danish yoke, sent over to Elfrid the eldest son of Emma by king
Ethelred, of whom we heard but now, that he dy'd prisoner at Ely,
sent thither by Harold six years before ; that he came now out of
Normandy, with a great number of men to receive the crown ; that
earl Godwin aiming to have his daughter queen of England, by marry-
ing her to Edward a simple youth, for he thought Elfred of a higher
spirit than to accept her, persuaded the nobles that Elfred had brought
over too many Normans, and promis'd them lands here, that it was
not safe to suffer a warlike and subtle nation to take root in the land ;
that these were to be so handled as none of them might dare for the
future to flock hither, upon pretence of relation to the king ; thereupon,
by common consent of the nobles, both Elfred and his company were
dealt with as was above related ; that they then sent for Edward out
of Normandy, with hostages to be left there, of their faithful intentions
to make him king, and their desires not to bring over with him many
Normans ; that Edward at their call, came then first out of Normandy ;
whereas all others agree, that he came voluntarily over to visit
Hardecnute, as is before said, and was remaining in the court at the
time of his death. For Hardecnute dead, saith Malmsbury, Edward
doubting greatly his own safety, determin'd to rely wholly on the
advice and favour of earl Godwin ; desiring therefore by messengers
to have private speech with him ; the earl a while deliberated : at
last assenting, prince Edward came, and would have fallen at his feet ;
but that not permitted, told him the danger wherein he thought himself
at present, and in great perplexity besought his help to convey him

1 The Saxon annals tell us, he came into England the year before, 1040.

2 John Rouse of Warwick, in his treatise De Regibus A ng., relates, that the day of king
Hardecnute's death was kept by the English as a holy-day in his time, 400 years afterwards,
and was call'd Hoct Wednesday.

176 KING EDWARD.— AMBITION OF EARL GODWIN.

some whither out of the land. Godwin soon apprehending the fair
occasion that now as it were prompted him how to advance himself
and his family, cheerfully exhorted him to remember himself the son
of Ethelred, the grandchild of Edgar, right heir to the crown, at full
age ; not to think of flying, but of reigning, which might easily be
brought about, if he would follow his counsel : then setting forth the
power and authority which he had in England, promis'd it should be
all his to set him on his throne, if he on his part would promise and
swear to be for ever his friend, to preserve the honour of his house,
and to marry his daughter. Edward, as his necessity then was, con-
sented easily, and swore to whatever Godwin requir'd. An assembly
of states thereupon met at Gillingham, where Edward pleaded his
right ; and by the powerful influence of Godwin was accepted. Others,
as Bromton, with no probability, write, that Godwin at this time was
fled into Denmark, for what he had done to Elfred, return'd and sub-
mitted himself to Edward then king, was by him charg'd openly with
the death of Elfred, and, not without much ado, by the intercession of
Leofric, and other peers, receiv'd at length into favour.

GLAD were the English, deliver'd so unexpectedly from their Danish
masters,1 and little thought how near another conquest was hanging
over them. Edward, the Easter following, crown'd at Winchester,2 the
same year (1043) accompanied with earl Godwin, Leofric, and Siward,
came again thither on a sudden, and by their counsel seiz'd on the
treasure of his mother Emma. The cause alleg'd is, that she was hard
to him in the time of his banishment ; and indeed she is said not
much to have lov'd Ethelred her former husband, and thereafter the
children by him ; she was moreover noted to be very covetous, hard
to the poor, and profuse to monasteries. About this time also, king
Edward, according to promise, took to wife Edith or Egith, earl God-
win's daughter, commended much for beauty, modesty, and, beyond
what is requisite in a woman, learning. Ingulf, then a youth, lodging
in the court with his father, saw her oft, and coming from the school,
was sometimes met by her and pos'd, not in grammar only, but in
logick. Edward, the next year but one (1045), made ready a strong
navy at Sandwich against Magnus king of Norway, who threaten'd an
invasion : had not Swane king of Denmark diverted (1046) him by a
war at home to defend his own land, not out of good will to Edward,
as may be suppos'd, who at the same time express'd none to the Danes,
banishing Gunildis the niece of Canute with her two sons, and Osgod,

1 Brompton in his Chronicle tells us, that the great council, who elected Edward king,
nanimously agreed and swore, that no Dane should reign over them any more. The
jJanes, insolence being become intolerable ; an Englishman not daring to pass a bridge if he
met a Dane, till the latter first pass'd it ; and if he did not salute him, he was sure to b

••• crompton in ms ^nromcie tens us, that the great council, wno elected ±Ldwara km
unanimously agreed and swore, that no Dane should reign over them any more. T
Canes,_insolence being become intolerable ; an Englishman not daring to pass a bridge if .
, till the latter first pass'd it ; and if he did not salute him, i

ibishop_Eadsige, who preach'd on this occasion ; which i
tioned in history.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 177

by sirname Clapa, out of the realm. Swane overpower'd by Magnus,
sent the next year (1047) to entreat aid of king Edward ; Godwin gave
counsel to send him fifty ships fraught with soldiers ; but Leofric and
the general voice gainsaying, none were sent.1 The next year (1048)
Harold Harvager king of Norway sending ambassadors, made peace
with king Edward ; but an earthquake at Worcester and Darby,
pestilence and famine in many places, much lessen'd the enjoyment
thereof. The next year (1049), Henry the emperor displeas'd with
Baldwin earl of Flanders, had straiten'd him with a great army by
land ; and sending to king Edward, desir'd him with his ships to
hinder what he might, his escape by sea. The king therefore with a
great navy coming to Sandwich, there staid till the emperor came to
an agreement with earl Baldwin. Meanwhile, Swane, son of earl
Godwin, who not permitted to marry Edgiva the abbess of Chester, by
him deflour'd, had left the land, came out of Denmark with eight
ships, feigning a desire to return into the king's favour ; and Beorn his
cousin-german, who commanded part of the king's navy, promis'd to
intercede that his earldom might be restor'd him. Godwin therefore
and Beorn with a few ships, the rest of the fleet gone home, coming to
Pevensey (but Godwin soon departing thence in pursuit of twenty-
nine Danish ships, who had got much booty on the coast of Essex,
and perish'd by tempest in their return) Swane with his ships comes to
Beorn at Pevensey, guilefully requests him to sail with him to Sand-
wich, and reconcile him to the king, as he had promis'd. Beorn mis-
trusting no evil where he intended good, went with him in his ship,,
attended by three only of his servants : but Swane, set upon barbarous
cruelty, not reconciliation with the king, took Beon, now in his
power, and bound him ; then coming to Dartmouth, slew and bury'd
him in a deep ditch. After which, the men of Hastings took six of
his ships, and brought them to the king at Sandwich ; with the other
two he escap'd into Flanders, there remaining, till Aldred bishop of
Worcester, by earnest mediation, wrought his peace with the king.
About this time king Edward sent to Pope Leo, desiring absolution
from a vow, which he had made in his younger years to take a journey
to Rome, if God vouchsaf d him to reign in England ; the pope dis-
penc'd with his vow, but not without the expence of his journey given
to the poor, and a monastery built or re-edefy'd to St. Peter ; who in
a vision to a monk, as is said, chose Westminster, which king Edward
thereupon rebuilding, endow'd with large privileges and revenues.
The same year (1050), saith Florent of Worcester, certain Irish pirates
with thirty-six ships enter'd the mouth of Severn, and with the aid of
Griffin prince of South- Wales, did some hurt in those parts : then
passing the river Wey, burnt Dunedham, and slew all the inhabitants

1 The same author, Simeon of Durham, writes, that the king of Norway dying soon after
Swane recover'd his kingdom.

12

178 THE NORMANS GAIN INFLUENCE IN ENGLAND.

they found. Against whom Aldred bishop of Worcester, with a few
out of Glocester and Herefordshire, went out in haste ; but Griffin, to
whom the Welsh and Irish had privily sent messengers, came down
upon the English with his whole power by night, and early in the
morning suddenly assaulting them, slew many, and put the rest to
flight. The next year (1051) but one, king Edward remitted the Danish
tax, which had continu'd thirty-eight years heavy upon the land ; since
Ethelred first paid it to the Danes, and what remain'd thereof in his
treasury he sent back to the owners ; but through imprudence, laid the
foundation of a far worse mischief to the English ; while studying
gratitude to those Normans,1 who to him in exile had been helpful :
he call'd them over to publick offices here, whom better he might have
repaid out of his private purse ; by this means exasperating either
nation one against the other, and making way by degrees to the
Norman conquest. Robert, a monk of that country, who had been
serviceable to him there in time of need, he made bishop, first of
London, then of Canterbury ; William his chaplain, bishop of
Dorchester. Then began the English to lay aside their own ancient
customs, and in many things to imitate French manners, the great
peers to speak French in their houses, in French to write their bills
and letters, as a great piece of gentility, asham'd of their own ; a pre-
sage of their subjection shortly to that people, whose fashions
and language they affected so slavishly : but that which gave
beginning to many troubles ensuing, happen'd this year, and
upon this occasion. Eustace earl of Boloign, father of the famous
Godfrey who won Jerusalem from the Saracens, and husband to Goda
the king's sister, having been to visit king Edward, and returning by
Canterbury to take ship at Dover, one of his harbingers insolently
seeking to lodge by force in a house there, provok'd so the master
thereof, as by chance, or heat of anger to kill him. The count with
his whole train going to the house where his servant had been kill'd,
slew both the slayer and eighteen more who defended him. But the
townsmen running to arms, requited him with the slaughter of twenty-
one more of his servants, wounded most of the rest ; he himself with
one or two hardly escaping, ran back with clamour to the king ; whom
seconded by other Norman courtiers, he stirr'd up to great anger
against the citizens of Canterbury. Earl Godwin in haste is sent for,
the cause related and much aggravated by the king against that city,
the earl commanded to raise forces, and use the citizens thereof as
enemies. Godwin, sorry to see strangers more favour'd of the king
than his native people, answer'd, that it were better to summon first
the chief men of the town into the king's court, to charge them with

1 Ingulph says, William duke of Normandy, who was afterwards king of England, visited
king Edward in this year ; and some authors relate, that the king promis'd to make the duke
his successor ; but Ingulf affirms, no mention was then made of it.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 179

sedition, where both parties might be heard, that not found in fault they
might be acquitted, if otherwise, by fine or loss of life might satisfie
the king whose peace they had broken, and the count whom they had
injur'd : till this were done refusing to prosecute with hostile punish-
ment them of his own country unheard, whom his office was rather
to defend. The king displeased with his refusal, and not knowing how
to compel him, appointed an assembly of all the peers to be held at
Gloster, where the matter might be fully try'd ; the assembly was full
and frequent according to summons ; but Godwin mistrusting his own
cause, or the violence of his adversaries ; with his two sons, Swane
and Harold, and a great power gathered out of his own and his sons
earldoms, which contained most of the south-east and west parts of
England, came no farther than Beverstan, giving out that their forces
were to go against the Welsh, who intended an irruption into Here-
fordshire ; and Swane under that pretence lay with part of his army
thereabout. The Welsh understanding this device, and with all dili-
gence clearing themselves before the king, left Godwin detected of
false accusation in great hatred to all the assembly. Leofric therefore
and Siward dukes of great power, the former in Mercia, the other in
all parts beyond Humber, both ever faithful to the king, send privily
with speed to raise the forces of their provinces. Which Godwin not
knowing, sent boldly to king Edward, demanding Count Eustace and
his followers, together with those Boloignians, who as Simeon writes,
held a castle in the jurisdiction of Canterbury. The king as then
having but little force at hand, entertain'd him a while with treaties
and delays, till his summon'd army drew nigh, then rejected his
demands. Godwin thus match'd, commanded his sons not to begin
fight against the king ; begun with, not to give ground. The king's
forces were the flower of those counties whence they came, and eager
to fall on ; but Leofric and the wiser sort, detesting civil war, brought
the matter to this accord, that hostages given on either side, the whole
cause should be again debated at London. Thither the king and
lords coming with their army, sent to Godwin and his son (who
with their powers were come as far as Southwark) commanding their
appearance unarm'd, with only twelve attendants, and that the rest of
their soldiers they should deliver over to the king. They to appear
without pledges before an adverse faction deny'd ; but to dismiss their
soldiers refus'd not, nor in aught else to obey the king as far as might
stand with honour and the just regard of their safety. This answer
not pleasing the king, an edict was presently issu'd forth, that Godwin
and his sons within five days depart the land. He who perceiv'd now
his numbers to diminish, readily obeyed, and with his wife and three
sons, Tosti, Swane, and Gyrrha, with as much treasure as their ship
could carry, embarking at Thorney,1 sail'd into Flanders to Earl

1 The annals say Bosenham in Sussex.

l8o WILLIAM OF NORMANDY THE GUEST OF KING EDWARD.

Baldwin, whose daughter Judith Tosti had married : for Wulnod his
fourth son was then hostage to the king in Normandy ; his other two,
Harold and Leofwin, taking ship at Bristow, in a vessel that lay ready
there belonging to Swane, passed into Ireland. King Edward pursu-
ing his displeasure, divorc'd his wife Edith earl Godwin's daughter,
sending her despoil'd of all her ornaments to Warewel with one wait-
ing maid, to be kept in custody by his sister the abbess there. His
reason of so doing was as harsh as his act, that she only, while her
nearest relations were in banishment, might not, though innocent,
enjoy ease at home. After this, William Duke of Normandy with a
great number of followers coming into England, was by king Edward
honourably entertain'd and led about the cities, and castles, as it were
to shew him what e're long was to be his own (though at that time,
saith Ingulf, no mention thereof pass'd between them) then after some
time of his abode here, presented richly and dismiss'd, he jreturn'd
home. The next year (1052) queen Emma dy'd, and was buried at
Winchester.1 The chronicle attributed to John Brompton a York-
shire abbot,2 but rather of some nameless author living under Edward
the Third, or later, reports that the year before, by Robert the arch-
bishop, she was accused both of consenting to the death of her son
Alfred, and of preparing poyson for Edward also ; lastly, of too much
familiarity with Alwin bishop of Winchester ; that to approve her
innocence, praying over-night to St. Swithune, she offer'd to pass blind-
.fold between certain plow-shares red hot, according to the Ordalian-
Law, which without harm she perform'd ; that the king thereupon
receiv'd her to honour, and from her and the bishop, penance for his
credulity ; that the archbishop asham'd of his accusation, fled out of
England. Which besides the silence of ancienter authors (for the
bishop fled not till a year after) brings the whole story into suspicion,
in this more probable, if it can be prov'd, that in. the memory of this
deliverance from the nine burning plow-shares, queen Emma gave to
the abbey of St. Swithune nine manors, and bishop Alwin other nine.
About this time, Griffin prince of South- Wales, wasted Herefordshire ;
to oppose whom the people of that country with many Normans,
garrison'd in the castle of Hereford, went out in arms, but were put to
the worse, many slain, and much booty driven away by the Welsh.
Soon after which, Harold and Leofwin, sons of Godwin, coming into
Severn with many ships, in the confines of Somerset and Dorsetshire,
spoiled many villages, and resisted by those of Somerset and Devon-
shire, slew in fight more than thirty of their principal men, many of
the common sort, and return'd with much booty to their fleet. King
Edward on the other side made ready above sixty ships at Sandwich,
well stor'd with men and provision, under the conduct of Odo and

1 According to the Saxon Annals, Mr. Milton is out in his chronology ; for the events of
the last three years, the latest of them Earl Godwin's banishment, happen'd Anno. 1048.
3 Henry of Knighton also mentions it in his history.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 181

Radulf two of his Norman kindred, enjoyning them to find out God-
win, whom he heard to be at sea. To quicken them, he himself lay
on ship-board, oft times watch'd and saiPd up and down in search of
those Pirates. But Godwin, whether in a mist, or by other accident,
passing by them, arrived in another part of Kent, and dispersing
secret messengers abroad, by fair words allured the chief men of Kent,
Sussex, Surrey, and Essex to his party ; which news coming to the
king's fleet at Sandwich, they hasted to find him out ; but missing of
him again, came up without effect to London. Godwin advertis'd of
this, forthwith saiFd to the Isle of Wight ; where at length his two
sons Harold and Leofwin finding him, with their united navy lay on
the coast, forbearing other hostility than to furnish themselves with
fresh victual from land as they needed.1 Thence as one fleet they set
forwards to Sandwich, using all fair means by the way to encrease
their numbers both of mariners and soldiers. The king then at Lon-
don, startl'd at those tidings, gave speedy order to raise forces in all
parts which had not revolted from him ; but now too late, for Godwin
within a few days after with his ships or galleys came up the river
Thames to Southwark, and till the tide return'd had conference with
the Londoners ; whom by fair speeches, for he was held a good
speaker in those times, he brought to his bent. The tide returning,
and none upon the bridge hindring, he row'd up in his galleys along
the south bank ; where his land army, now come to him, in array of
battle stood on the shore ; then turning towards the north side of tht
river, where the king's galleys lay in some readiness, and land forces
also not far off, he made shew as offering to fight ; but they under-
stood one another, and the soldiers on either side soon declar'd their
resolution not to fight English against English. Thence coining to
treaty, the king and the earl reconcil'd, both armies were dissolv'd,
Godwin and his sons restor'd to their former dignities, except Swane,
who touch'd in conscience for the slaughter of Beorn his kinsman,
was gone barefoot to Jerusalem, and returning home, dy'd by sickness
or Saracens in Lycia; his wife Edith, Godwin's daughter, king
Edward took to him again, dignify'd as before. Then were the
Normans, who had done many unjust things under the king's authority,
and given him ill counsel against his people, banish'd the realm, some
of them not blameable permitted to stay. Robert Archbishop of
Canterbury, William of London, Ulf of Lincoln, all Normans, hardly
escaping with their followers, got to sea. The Archbishop went with
his complaint to Rome ; but returning, dy'd in Normandy at the same
monastery from whence he came. Osbern and Hugh surrendered their
castles, and by permission of Leofric passed through his countries with
their Normans to Macbeth king of Scotland. The year (1053) follow-

1 The Annals tell us, Godwin plunder'd it, and kill'd all before him at Porlock in Somer-
setshire.

l82 THE SUDDEN DEATH OF EARL GODWIN.— MACBETH THE SCOT.

ing Rhese, brother to Griffin, Prince of South Wales who by inrodes
had done much damage to the English, taken at Bulendun, was put to
death by the king's appointment, and his head brought to him at Gloster.
The same year at Winchester, on the second holyday of Easter, earl
Godwin sitting with the king at table, sunk down suddenly in his seat
as dead : his three sons, Harold, Tosti, and Gytha, forthwith carried
him to the king's chamber, hoping he might revive ; but the malady
had so seiz'd him, that the $th day after he expir'd. The Normans,,
who hated Godwin, give out, saith Malmsbury, that mention happen-
ing to be made of Elfred, and the king thereat looking sowerly upon
Godwin, he to vindicate himself, uttered these words, ' Thou O king, at
every mention made of thy brother Elfred, look'st frowningly upon
me : but let God not suffer me to swallow this morsel, if I be guilty of
aught done against his life or thy advantage ;' that after these words,
choak'd with the morsel taken, he sunk down and recover'd not. His
first wife was the sister of Canute, a woman of much infamy for the
trade she drove of buying up English youths and maids to sell in
Denmark, whereof she made great gain ; but e'er long was struck with
thunder, and dy'd. The year (1054) ensuing, Siward, earl of Northum-
berland, with a great number of horse and foot, attended also by a
strong fleet at the king's appointment, made an expedition into Scot-
land, vanquish'd the tyrant Macbeth, slaying many thousands of Scots,
with those Normans that went thither, and plac'd Malcolm1 son of the
Cumbrian king in his stead ; yet not without loss of his own
son, and many other both English and Danes. Told of his son's
death, he ask'd, whether he receiv'd his death's wound before or be-
hind ? When it was answer'd before, * I am glad,' saith he ; " and
should not else have thought him, though my son, worthy of burial.
In the mean while king Edward being without issue to succeed him,
sent Aldred bishop of Winchester with great presents to the emperor,
entreating him to prevail with the king of Hungary, that Edward
the remaining son of his brother Edmund Ironside, might be sent into
England. Siward but one year (1055) surviving his great victory,
dy'd at York ; reported by Huntingdon a man of giant-like stature,
and by his own demeanour at point of death manifested, of a rough
and mere soldierly mind : for much disdaining to die in bed by a dis-
ease, not in the field fighting with his enemies, he caus'd himself com-
pletely arm'd, and weapon'd with battle-ax and shield, to be set in a
chair, whether to fight with death, if he could be so vain, or to meet
him (when far other weapons and preparations were needful) in a mar-
tial bravery ; but true fortitude glories not in feats of war, as they are
such, but as they serve to end war soonest by a victorious peace.
His earldom the king bestow'd on Tosti the son of earl Godwin : and

1 Mat. Westminster writes, king Edward bestow'd the kingdom of Scotland en Malcolm^
to be held of himself.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 183

soon after a convention held at London, banish'd without visible
cause, Huntingdon saith for treason, Algar the son of Leofric ; who
passing into Ireland, soon return'd with eighteen ships to Griffin prince
of South- Wales, requesting his aid against king Edward. He assem-
bling his powers, enter'd with him into Herefordshire ; whom Radulf
a timorous captain, son to the king's sister, not by Eustace, but a
former husband, met two miles distant from Hereford*; and having
horsed the English who knew better to fight on foot, without stroke he
with his French and Normans, beginning to flie, taught the English
by his example. Griffin and Algar following the chase, slew
many, wounded more, enter'd Hereford, slew seven Canons defend-
ing the minster, burnt the monastery and reliques, then the city;
killing some, leading captive others of the citizens, return'd with
great spoils ; whereof king Edward having notice, gather'd (1055)
a great army at Gloster under the conduct of Harold now earl of
Kent ; who strenuously pursuing Griffin, enter'd Wales, and encamp'd
beyond Straddale. But the enemy, flying before him farther into the
country, leaving there the greater part of his army with such as had
charge to fight, if occasion were offer'd, with the rest he return'd, and
fortifiy'd Hereford with a wall and gates. Meanwhile, Griffin and
Algar dreading the diligence of Harold, after many messages to
and fro, concluded a peace with him : Algar discharging his fleet
with pay at Winchester, came to the king, and was restor'd to his
earldom. But Griffin, with breach of faith, the next year (1056) set
upon Leofgar, the bishop of Hereford, and his clerks, then at a place
call'd Glastbrig, with Agelnoth viscount of the shire, and slew them ;
but Leofric, Harold, and king Edward, by force, as is likeliest, though
it be not said how, reduc'd him to peace. The next year (1057),
Edward son of Edmund Ironside, for whom his uncle king Edward
had sent to the emperor, came out of Hungary, design'd successor to
the crown ; but within a few days after his coming, dy'd at London,
leaving behind him Edgar Atheling his son Margaret and Christina
his daughters. About the same time also dy'd earl Leofric in a good
old age, a man of no less virtue than power in his time ; religious,
prudent, and faithful to his country, happily wedded to Godiva,1 a
woman of great praise. His son Algar found less favour with king
Edward, again banish'd after his father's death ; but he again (1058)
by the aid of Griffin, and fleet from Norway, maugre the king, soon
recover'd his earldom. The next year (1059) Malcolm king of Scots
coming to visit king Edward, was brought on his way by Tosti the
Northumbrian earl, to whom he swore brotherhood : yet the next year

1 The lady who is famous in story for riding naked through Coventry, to gain some immu-
nities for the citizens : the story is at large in Bromton's Chronicle. The pictures of earl
Leofric, and his countess Godiva, were set up in the windows of Trinity church, with this
inscription :

Lurick, for the lov« of thee, Do set Coventry toll-free.

1 84 HAROLD, DUKE OF THE WEST SAXONS AND HIS BROTHER TOSTI.

but one (1061) while Tosti was gone to Rome with Aldred arch-bishop
of York for his pall, this sworn brother taking advantage of his
absence, roughly harrass'd Northumberland. The year passing to an
end without other matter of moment, save the frequent inrodes and
robberies of Griffin, whom no bonds of faith could restrain, king
Edward sent (1062) against him after Christmas, Harold now duke of
West-Saxons, with no great body of horse from Gloster ; where he
then kept his court ; whose coming heard of, Griffin not daring to
abide, nor in any part of his island holding himself secure, escap'd
hardly by sea, e're Harold coming to1 Rudeland, burnt his palace and
ships there, returning to Gloster the same day : but by the middle of
May (1063) setting out with a fleet from Bristow, he sail'd about the
most part of Wales, and met by his brother Tosti with many troops of
horse, as the king had appointed, began to waste the country ; but
the Welsh giving pledges, yielded themselves, promis'd to become
tributary, and banish Griffin their prince j who lurking somewhere,
was the next year (1064) taken and slain by Griffin prince of North-
Wales ; his head, with the head and tackle of his ship, sent to Harold,
by him to the king, who of his gentleness made Blechgent and Rith-
wallon or Rivallon, his two brothers, princes in his stead : they to
Harold, in behalf of the king, swore fealty and tribute.2 Yet the next
year (1065), Harold having built a fair house at a place call'd Portas-
cith in Monmouthshire, and stor'd it with provision, that the king
might lodge there in time of hunting ; Caradoc the son of Griffin,
slain the year before, came with a number of men, slew all he found
there, and took away the provision. Soon after which, the Northum-
brians in a tumult at York, beset the palace of Tosti their earl, slew
more than two hundred of his soldiers and servants, pillaged his
treasure, and put him to flie for his life. The cause of this insurrec-
tion they alledg'd to be, for that the queen Edith had commanded in
her brother Tosti's behalf, Gospatric a Nobleman of that country to be
treacherously slain in the king's court ; and that Tosti himself the
year before with like treachery had caus'd to be slain in his chamber
Gamel and Ulf, two other of their noblemen, besides his intolerable
exactions and oppressions. Then in a manner the whole country
coming up to complain of their grievances, met with Harold at
Northampton, whom the king at Tosti's request had sent to pacific the
Northumbrians ; but they laying open the cruelty of his government,
•and their own birthright of freedom,3 not to endure the tyranny of any

agreement of the sound, and the nearness of the place to Glocester, it should be
Ragland in Monmouthshire, which stands near the little river Usk ; but the ships he burnt
must be very small, or the river more navigable than 'tis at present.

2 Florence of Worcester says, they swore fealty to earl Harold also.

3 William of Malmsbury gives us the reason for which the Northumbrians declar'd they
took arms, viz., that they were freemen born, and as freely educated, and that they
wou'd not endure the insolence of an earl ; for they had learnt from their ancestors to choose
either liberty or death.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 185

governour whatsoever, with absolute refusal to admit him again, and
Harold hearing reason, all the accomplices of Tosti were expell'd the
earldom. He himself banish'd the realm, went into Flanders ; Morcar
the son of Algar made earl in his stead. Huntingdon tells another
cause of Tosti's banishment, that one day at Windsor, while Harold
reach'd the cup to king Edward, Tosti envying to see his younger
brother in greater favour than himself, could not forbear to run
furiously upon him, catching hold of his hair ; the scuffle was soon
parted by other attendants rushing between, and Tosti forbidden the
court. He with continu'd fury riding to Hereford, where Harold had
many servants, preparing an entertainment for the king, came to the
house and sat upon them with his followers ; then lopping off hands,
arms, legs of some, heads of others, threw them into butts of wine,
meath or ale, which were laid in for the king's drinking : and at his
going away charg'd them to send him this word, that of other fresh
meats he might bring with him to his farm what he pleas'd, but of
souse he should find plenty provided ready for him ; that for his
barbarous act the king pronounc'd him banish'd ; that the Northum-
brians taking advantage at the king's displeasure and sentence
against him, rose also to be reveng'd of his cruelties done to them-
selves ; but this no way agrees, for why then should Harold, or the
king, so much labour with the Northumbrians to re-admit him, if he
\vere a banish'd man for his crimes done before ? About this time it
happen'd, that Harold putting to sea one day for his pleasure, in a
fisher-boat, from his manner at Boseham in Sussex, caught with a
tempest too far off land, was carry'd into Normandy ; and by the earl
of Pentiew, on whose coast he was driven, at his own request brought
to duke William ; who entertaining him with great curtesie, so far
won him, as to promise the duke by oath of his own accord, not only
the castle of Dover, then in his tenure, but the kingdom also after king
Edward's death to his utmost endeavour ; thereupon betrothing the
duke's daughter, then too young for marriage ; and departing richly
presented. Others say, that king Edward himself, after the death of
Edward his nephew, sent Harold thither, on purpose to acquaint
duke William with his intention to bequeath him his kingdom : but
Malmsbury accounts the former story to be the truer. Ingulf writes,
that king Edward now grown old, and perceiving Edgar his nephew
both in body and mind unfit to govern, especially against the pride
and insolence of Godwin's sons, who would never obey him ; duke
William on the other side of high merit, and his kinsman by the
mother, had sent Robert archbishop of Canterbury to acquaint the
duke with his purpose, not long before Harold came thither. The
former part may be true, that king Edward upon such considerations
had sent one or other ; but archbishop Robert was fled the land,
and dead many years before. Eadmer and Simeon write, that Harold

1 86 DEATH OF EDWARD. — HAROLD. — DUKE WILLIAM OF NORMANDY.

went of his own accord into Normandy, by the king's permission or
connivance, to get free his brother Wulnod and nephew Hacun the son
of Swane, whom the king had taken hostages of Godwin and sent into
Normandy ; that king Edward foretold Harold, his journey thither
would be to the detriment of all England, and his own reproach ; that
duke William then acquainted Harold, how Edward e're his coming
to the crown had promis'd, if he ever attain'd it, to leave duke William
successor after him. Last of these Matthew Paris writes, that Harold
to get free of Duke William, affirm'd his coming thither not to have
been by accident or force of tempest, but on set purpose, in that
private manner to enter with him into secret confederacy : so variously
are these things reported. After this king Edward grew sickly, yet as
he was able kept his Christmas at London, and was at the dedication
of St. Peter's church in Westminster, which he had rebuilt ; but on
the eve of Epiphany, or Twelftide (1066), deceas'd much lamented, and
in the church was entomb'd. That he was harmless and simple, is
conjectured by his words in anger to a peasant, who had cross'd his
game (for with hunting and hawking he was much delighted), 'By God
and God's mother,' said he, ' I shall do you as shrewd a turn, if I can :'
observing that law-maxim the best of all his successors, that the king
of England can do no wrong. The softness of his nature gave growth to
factions of those about him, Normans especially and English ; these
complaining, that Robert the arch-bishop was a sower of dissention
between the king and his people, a traducer of the English ; the other
side, that Godwin and his sons bore themselves arrogantly and
proudly towards the king, usurping to themselves equal share in the
government ; oft-times making sport with his simplicity, that thro*
their power in the land they made no scruple to kill men, of whose
inheritance they took a liking, and so to take possession. The truth
is, that Godwin and his sons did many things boisterously and
violently, much against the king's mind ; which not able to resist, he
had, as some say, his wife Edith, Godwin's daughter, in such aversation,
as in bed never to have touch'd her ; whether for this cause, or mis-
taken chastity, not commendable ; to enquire farther, is not material.
His laws held good and just, and long after desir'd by the English of
their Norman kings, are yet extant. He is said to be at table not
excessive, at festivals nothing puft up with the costly robes he wore,
which his queen with curious art had woven for him in gold. He was
full of almsdeeds, and exhorted the monks to like charity. He is
said to be the first of English kings that cur'd the disease, call'd thence
the king's evil ; yet Malmsbury blames them who attribute that cure
to his royalty, not to his sanctity ; said also to have cur'd certain blind
men with the water wherein he had wash'd his hands. A little before
his death, lying speechless two days, the third day, after a deep sleep,
he was heard to pray, that if it were a true vision, not an illusion

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 187

which he had seen, God would give him strength to utter it, otherwise
not. Then he related how he had seen two devout monks, whom he
knew in Normandy, to have liv'd and dy'd well, who appearing, told
him they were sent messengers from God to foretel, that because the
great ones of England, dukes, lords, bishops, and abbots, were not
ministers of God, but of the devil, God had deliver'd the land to their
enemies ; and when he desir'd that he might reveal this vision, to the
end they might repent, it was answer'd, they neither will repent,
neither will God pardon them. At thjs relation others trembling,
Stigand the Simonious archbishop, whom Edward much to blame had
suffered many years to sit primate of the church, is said to have laugh'd,
as at the feavourish dream of a doting old man ; but the event prov'd
it true.

HAROLD, whether by king Edward a little before his death ordain'd
successor to the crown, as Simeon of Durham, and others1 affirm ;
or by the prevalence of his faction, excluding Edgar the right heir,
grandchild to Edmund Ironside, as Malmsbury and Huntingdon
agree ; no sooner was the funeral of king Edward ended, but on the
same day was elected and crown'd-king : and no sooner plac'd in the
throne, but began to frame himself by all manner of compliances to
gain affection, endeavoured to make good laws, repeal'd bad, became
a great patron to church and churchmen, courteous and affable to all
reputed good, a hater of evil-doers, charg'd all his officers to punish
thieves, robbers, and all disturbers of the peace, while he himself
by sea and land labour'd in the defence of his country : so good
an actor is ambition. In the meanwhile a blazing star, seven
mornings together, about the end of April, was seen to stream
terribly, not only over England, but other parts of the world;
foretelling here, as was thought, the great changes approaching :
plainliest prognosticated by Elmer a monk of Malmsbury, who could
not foresee, when time was, the breaking of his own legs for
soaring too high. He in his youth strangely aspiring, had made
and fitted wings to his hands and feet; with these on the top of
a tower, spread out to gather air, he flew more than a furlong ;
but the wind being too high, came fluttering down, to the maiming
of all his limbs ; yet so conceited of his art, that he attributed the
cause of his fall to the want of a tail, as birds have, which he
forgot to make to his hinder parts. This story, tho' seeming
otherwise too light in the midst of a sad narration, yet for the
strangeness thereof, I thought worthy enough the placing as I
found it plac'd in my author. But to digress no farther, Tosti the
king's brother coming from Flanders, full of envy at his younger

!The annals says, he succeeded, as king Edward appointed. William of Malmsbury
affirms, he extorted an oath of fidelity from the chief men all the bishops were for Harold.

1 88 WILLIAM OF NORMANDY CLAIMS THE CROWN OF ENGLAND

brother's advancement to the crown, resolv'd what he might to trouble
his reign; forcing therefore them of Wight-isle to contribution, he sail'd
thence to Sandwich, committing piracies on the coast between.
Harold then residing at London, with a great number of ships drawn
together, and of horse troops by land, prepares in person for Sand-
wich : whereof Tosti having notice, directs his course with sixty ships
towards Lindsey, taking with him all the seamen he found, willing
or unwilling : where he burnt many villages, and slew many of the
inhabitants ; but Edwin the Mercian duke, and Morcar his brother,
the Northumbrian earl, with their forces on either side, soon drove him
out of the country. Who thence betook him to Malcolm the Scotish
king, and with him abode the whole summer. About the same time
Duke William sending ambassadors to admonish Harold of his promise
and oath, to assist him in his plea to the kingdom, he made answer,
that by the death of his daughter betroth'd to him on that condition, he
was absolv'd of his oath, or not dead, he could not take her now an
outlandish woman, without consent of the realm ; that it was presump-
tuously done, and not to be persisted in, if without consent or know-
ledge of the states, he had sworn away the right of the kingdom ; that
what he swore was to gain his liberty, being in a manner then his
prisoner ; that it was unreasonable in the duke to require or expect of
him the foregoing of a kingdom, conferr'd upon him with universal
favour and acclamation of the people : to this flat denial he added con-
tempt, sending the messengers back, saith Matthew Paris, on maim'd
horses. The duke thus contemptuously put off, addresses himself to
the Pope, setting forth the justice of his cause, which Harold, whether
through haughtiness of mind or distrust, or that the ways to Rome
were stop'd, sought not to do. Duke William, besides the promise
and oath of Harold, alledg'd that king Edward by the advice of
Seward, Godwin himself, and Stigand the arch-bishop, had given him
the right of succession, and had sent him the son and nephew of God-
win, pledges of the gift ; the Pope sent duke William, after this
demonstration of his right, a consecrated banner. Whereupon he hav-
ing with great care and choice got an army of tall and stout soldiers,
under captains of great skill and mature age, came in August to the
port of St. Valerie. Mean while Harold from London comes to Sand-
wich, there expecting his navy ; which also coming, he sails to the
Isle of Wight ; and having heard of duke William's preparations and
readiness to invade him, kept good watch on the coast, and foot
forces every where in fit places to guard the shoar. But e'er the
middle of September, provision failing when it was most needed, both
fleet and army return home. When on a sudden, Harold Harvager
king of Norway, with a navy of more than five hundred great ships,
(others lessen them by two hundred, others augment them to a thou-
sand) appears at the mouth of Tine ; to whom earl Tosti with his

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 189

ships came as was agreed between them ; whence both uniting, set
sail with all speed, and enter'd the river Humber. Thence turning
into Ouse, as far as Rical, landed ; and won York by assault. At
these tidings, Harold with all his power hastes thitherward ; but e'er
his coming, Edwin and Morcar at Fulford by York, on the north-side
of Ouse, about the feast of St. Matthew had given them battle ; suc-
cessfully at first, but overborn at length with numbers ; and forc'd to
turn their backs, more of them perish'd in the river than in the fight.
The Norwegians taking with them five hundred hostages out of York,
and leaving there one hundred and fifty of their own, retir'd to their
ships. But the fifth day after king Harold with a great and well
appointed army, coming to York, and at Stamford bridge, or Battle
bridge on Darwent, assailing the Norwegians, after much blood shed
on both sides, cut off the greatest part of them with Harfager their
king, and Tosti his own brother. But Olave the king's son, and Paul
earl of Orkney, left with many soldiers to guard the ships, surrender-
ing themselves with hostages, and oath given never to return as
enemies, he suffer'd freely to depart with twenty ships, and the small
remnant of their army. One man of the Norwegians is not to be for-
gotten, who with incredible valour keeping the bridge a long hour
against the whole English army, with his single resistance delay'd
their victory ; and scorning offer'd life, till in the end no man daring to
grapple with him, either dreaded as too strong, or contemned as one
desperate, he was at length shot dead with an arrow ; and by his fall
open'd the passage of pursuit to a compleat victory. Wherewith
Harold lifted up in mind, and forgetting now his former shews of
popularity, defrauded his soldiers of their due and well deserved share
of the spoils. While these things thus pass'd in Northumberland,
duke William lay still at St. Valerie ; his ships were ready, but the
wind serv'd not for many days ; which put the soldiery into much dis-
couragement and murmur, taking this for an unlucky sign of their
success ; at last the wind came favourable, the duke first under sail
awaited the rest at anchor, till all coming forth, the whole fleet of nine
hundred ships, with a prosperous gale arriv'd at Hastings. At his
going out of the boat by a slip falling on his hands, to correct the
omen, a soldier standing by said aloud, that their duke had taken
seisin of England. Landed, he restrain'd his army from waste and
spoil, saying, that they ought to spare what was their own. But these
are things related of Alexander and Cassar, and I doubt thence bor-
row'd by the monks to inlay their story. The duke for fifteen days
after landing kept his men quiet within the camp, having taken the
castle of Hastings, or built a fortress there. Harold secure the while,
and proud of his new victory, thought all his enemies now under foot :
but sitting jollily at dinner, news is brought him, that duke William of
Normandy with a great multitude of horse and foot, slingcrs and

190 HAROLD PREPARES TO DEFEND HIS COUNTRY.

archers, besides other choice auxiliaries which he had hir'd in France,
was arriv'd at Pevensey. Harold who had expected him all the sum-
mer, but not so late in the year as now it was, for it was October ;
with his forces much diminish'd after two sore conflicts, and the de-
parting of many others from him discontented, in great haste marches
to London. Thence not tarrying for supplies which were on their
way towards him, hurries into Sussex (for he was always in haste since
the day of his coronation) and e'er the third part of his army could be
well put in order, finds the duke about nine miles from Hastings, and
now drawing nigh, sent spies before him to survey the strength and
number of his enemies : them, discover'd such, the duke causing to be
led about, and after well fill'd with meat and drink sent back. They not
over- wise, brought word that the duke's army were most of them
priests ; for they saw their faces all over shaven ; the English then
using to let grow on their upper-lip large mustachio's, as did anciently
the Britons. The king laughing, answer'd that they were not priests,
but valiant and hardy soldiers. ' Therefore,' said Girtha his brother,
a youth of noble courage and understanding above his age, 'forbear
thou thy self to fight, who are obnoxious to duke William by oath ; let
us unsworn undergo the hazard of battle, who may justly fight in the
defence of our country ; thou reserved to fitter time, mayst either re-
unite us flying, or revenge us dead.' The king not hearkning to this,
lest it might seem to argue fear in him, or a bad cause, with like reso-
lution rejected the offers of duke William sent to him by a monk
before the battle, with this only answer hastily deliver'd, ' Let God judge
between us.' The offers were these, that Harold would either lay
down the scepter, or hold it of him, or try his title with him by single
combat in the sight of both armies, or refer it to the Pope. These
rejected, both sides prepar'd to fight the next morning, the English
from singing and drinking all night, the Normans from confession of
their sins, and communion of the host. The English were in a strait
disadvantagous place,1 so that many discourag'd with their ill order-
ing, scarce having room where to stand, slip'd away before the onset,
the rest in close order with their battel-axes and shields, made an
impenetrable squadron : the king himself with his brothers on foot,
stood by the royal standard, wherein the figure of a man fighting was
inwoven with gold and precious stones. The Norman foot, most bow-
men, made the foremost front, on their side wings of horse somewhat
behind. The duke arming, and his corslet given him on the wrong
side, said pleasantly, ' The strength of my dukedom will be turn'd now
into a kingdom.' Then the whole army singing the song of Rowland,
the remembrance of whose exploits might hearten them, imploring
lastly divine help, the battle began ; and was fought sorely on either

1 The battle was fought near Heathfield in Sussex, at the place where now stands the
town of Battle, so call'd from this day's action.

MILTON'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 191

side ; but the main body of English foot by no means would be broken,
till the duke causing his men to feign flight, drew them out with desire
of pursuit into open disorder, then turn'd suddenly upon them so
routed by themselves, which wrought their overthrow ; yet so they
dy'd not unmanfully, but turning oft upon their enemies, by the advan-
tage of an upper ground, beat them down by heaps, and fill'd up a
great ditch with their carcasses. Thus hung the victory wavering on
either side, from the third hour of day to evening ; when Harold
having maintain'd the fight with unspeakable [courage and personal
valour, shot into the head with an arrow, fell at length, and left his
soldiers without heart longer to withstand the unwearied enemy. With
Harold, fell also his two brothers, Leofwin and Girtha, with them the
greatest part of the English nobility. His body lying dead, a knight
or soldier wounding it on the thigh, was by the Duke presently turn'd
out of military service. Of Normans and French were slain no small
number ; the Duke himself also that day not a little hazarded his
person, having had three choice horses kill'd under him. Victory
obtain'd (Oct. I4th, 1066), and his dead carefully buried, the English
also by permission, he sent the body of Harold to his mother without
ransom, though she offer'd very much to redeem it, which having re-
ceiv'd, she buried at Waltham, in a church built there by Harold.1
In the meanwhile, Edwin and Morca, who had withdrawn them-
selves from Harold, hearing of his death, came to London ; send-
ing Aldgith the queen their sister with all speed to West-Chester.
Aldred archbishop of York, and many of the nobles, with the
Londoners, would have set up Edgar the right heir, and prepar'd
themselves to fight for him ; but Morca and Edwin not liking the
choice, who each of them expected to have been chosen before him,
withdrew their forces and returned home. Duke William contrary to
his former resolution, if Florent of Worster, and they who follow him
say true, wasting, burning, and slaying all in his way, or rather, as
saith Malmsbury, not in a hostile but in regal manner came up to
London, met at Barcham by Edgar, with the nobles, bishops, citizens,
and at length Edwin and Morca, who all submitted to him, gave
hostages, and swore fidelity, he to them promis'd peace and defence ;
yet permitted his men the while, to burn and make prey. Coming to
London with all his army, he was on Christmas day solemnly crown'd
in the great church at Westminster, by Aldred archbishop of York,
having first given his oath at the altar in presence of all the people, to
defend the church, well govern the people, maintain right law ; pro-
hibit rapine and unjust judgment. Thus the English, while they
agreed not about the choice of their native king, were constraint to
take the yoke of an outlandish conquerour. With what minds, and

1 Giraldus Cambrensis, and Henry de Knighton say, he was not slain in the Battle ; but
retiring privately put of it, liv'd and dy'd an Anchoret in a cell near St. John's church in
Chester. — Which is against the report of all other authentick historians.

192 WILLIAM OF NORMANDY CONQUERS ENGLAND.

by what course of life they had fitted themselves for this servitude
William of Malmsbury spares not to lay open. Not a few years before
the Normans came, the clergy, though in Edward the Confessor's
days, had lost all good literature and religion, scarce able to read and
understand their Latin service : he was a miracle to others who knew
his grammar. The monks went clad in fine stuffs, and made no
difference what they eat ; which though in itself no fault, yet to their
consciences was irreligious. The great men given to gluttony and
dissolute life, made a prey of the common people, abusing their
daughters whom they had in service, then turning them off to the
stews ; the meaner sort tipling together night and day, spent all they
had in drunkenness, attended with other vices, which effeminate men's
minds. Whence it came to pass, that carried on with fury and rash-
ness more than any true fortitude or skill of war, they gave to William
their conquerour so easie a conquest. Not but that some few of all
sorts were much better among them ; but such was the generality.
And as the long suffering of God permits bad men to enjoy prosperous
days with the good, so his severity oft-times exempts not good men
from their share in evil times with the bad.

If these were the causes of such misery and thraldom to those our
ancestors, with what better close can be concluded, that here in fit
season to remember this age in the midst of her security, to fear from
like vices without amendment, the revolution of like calamities.

[Many othes corrections and additions might be made to Mr. Milton's
history, if collated with Mr. Sheringham's de Gentes Anglorum, Mr.
Langhorn's Antiquitates Albionenses, and other industrious and
learned writers : but we have noted what is most remarkable in
them, wherein they differ from Mr. Milton, or he falls short of them.]

THE LIFE AND REIGN OF

EDWARD V. £ RICHARD III.

KINGS OF ENGLAND.

BY SIR THOMAS MORE.

BY the death of king Edward IV, the first prince of the York line,
the inheritance of the crown descended by the right of succession to
his eldest son Edward, then prince of Wales, who from that day
(April 9, 1483,) was stil'd king of England, and proclaim'd such by
the name of Edward V., being then about 13 years of age.1 In his
father's sickness, which was something long, and tho' lingering was
judg'd mortal, necessities of state, and the peace of the nation had
oblig'd that king to separate his nobles and kindred from him ; which
gave them an opportunity of forming new contrivances and schemes
among themselves to be put in execution after his death ; which,
notwithstanding the king's foresight and endeavours to prevent, prov'd
fatal to his son. The prince of Wales himself was sent down to Lud-
low in Shropshire, that by his presence he might compose the disorders
of the Welsh ; who, tho' not in actual rebellion, yet were grown so
unruly, and disobedient to their governors and superiors, that the
magistrates with all their power, were not able to suppress the dissen-
tions and disorders, robberies and wrongs committed by them. The
wisdom of this action appear'd in the present effect it had upon them :
for the Welsh, who have always been very affectionate to those princes,
who have born the title of their principality, as being memorials of
their ancient liberty and dominion, shewed a wonderful respect to
him ; and tho' but a child, were more obedient to him, than ever they
were known to their ancient magistrates. The queen, who had a
mighty sway over the king's affections, and never more than at this
time, had so framed matters, that for the security of her son, the
prince, as well as for their honour and interest, all her own kindred
and relations were placed in the greatest offices about him ; by which
contrivance she thought to secure his right and their power, against

IThis unfortunate prince was born in Sept. 1470. His mother, queen Elizabeth, was
delivered of him in sanctuary ; whither she -was escap'd from the earl of Warwick, who had
driven her husband king Edward put of England. The abbot and prior of Westminster were
his godfathers, the lady Scroop his godmother, and the whole ceremony of his christriing as
mean as a poor man's child.

13

IQ4 THE QUEEN MOTHER THWARTED BY THE ENGLISH PEERS.

all her and their enemies : for the queen's brother Anthony Woodvile
Lord Rivers, a wise and valiant man, was appointed his governour ;
and Richard lord Grey, the queen's son by her former husband, with
others of her friends and kin, had other offices about him ; and that
London the regal seat might be kept to her son's interests, in his ab-
sence, Thomas Grey her eldest son, being created marquess Dorset,
was made governour of the tower, and not only the arms of that maga-
zine, but the king's treasure put into his hands. These things the
ancient nobility of the nation, of whom Henry Stafford duke of
Buckingham, and William lord Hastings, chamberlain to king Edward,
were the chief, bore with much indignation, as knowing, that if the
queen and her kindred were so insolent and imperious when they
had a king over them, who tho' too willing to yield to their humours
and desires for the queen's sake, yet kept them within some bounds
of modesty and subjection, they would grow most intolerable when
they had a young prince under their command, and might abuse his
power as they pleas'd, to fulfil their wills, and so they should be in
greater danger and contempt under the new king, than they had been
under the old ; tho' even by him few of them were trusted, or regarded.
These presages of unhappy times, made them entertain the thoughts
and resolutions of getting the prince into their power, if the king
should die, and to put him under the government of the duke of
Gloucester, who might justly claim that place, as the next prince of
the blood, and their uncle by the father's side, and would certainly put
the affairs of the nation into the right current, by honouring and en-
trusting the ancient nobility more. But whether they had communi-
cated their designs to the duke of Gloucester or no, is uncertain,
because he was then at York, being lately return'd from his expedition
to the borders of Scotland, whither he had been sent by his brother
to repress the sudden invasions of those people, who, upon the breach
with Lewis XI., the French king, were grown very troublesome
neighbours to the English. This duke remaining here unemploy'd,
began to cast his thoughts upon the succession to the crown, and to
consider, how many things made for his title, tho' his brother's
children stood between it and him, in the eye of the world : which yet
ought to be no hindrance to his claim, if justice and right were on his
side. And first, he call'd to mind, that in the attainder of his brother
George duke of Clarence, it was (Anno 17, Edv. 4) alledg'd against
him, * that to advance himself to the kingdom, and for ever to disable
the king, and his posterity from inheriting the crown, he had con-
trary to truth, nature, and religion, viper-like destroying her who gave
him life, publish'd, that king Edward was a bastard, and so no way
capable to reign ; and that he himself therefore was true heir of the
kingdom, and the royalty and crown belong'd to him and his heirs.
As also that there was a report grounded upon vehement presumptions,

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 195

that the duke of Clarence himself was a bastard.' Which malicious
calumnies, tho' he did not believe, and was more loath to alledge
against his mother as true, yet he thought they might be thus far
serviceable to him, that since both his brothers were now dead, or
dying, he was the only legitimate issue of Richard duke of York ; and
so unquestionably the right heir to the crown, if the issue of his
brothers were either thereby, or any other ways made incapable of it.
And as to the children of the duke of Clarence, they were render'd
incapable ot the crown by the attainder of their father, and need not
that bastardy be pleaded against them. The only bar of his title was
then the children of his brother king Edward, by the lady Elizabeth
Grey : the marriage with whom having at first begotten a great con-
test, and being violently opposed by his mother the duchess of York
upon this ground, because he was before married to the lady Eleanour
Butler, widow of Thomas lord Butler, baron of Sudesley, and daughter
of John lord Talbot earl of Shrewsbury ; he resolv'd to search
narrowly into the truth of it, not only to vindicate his own right, but
to keep the royal line from the foul plot of an illegitimate succession.
This inquiry he made by men both diligent and faithful, by whose
labour he got the depositions of several persons concerning it ; and
among others, (as Philip de Comines relates in vita Lud. XI. c. 112
and 122) the testimony of Dr. Thomas Stillington, bishop of Bath, to
this effect, according to the words of the author ; ' Le evesque de
Bath (lequel avoit este counseiller du roy Edward) disoit, que le dit
roy avoit promis foy de marriage a une dame de Angleterre, & que il
avoit nomme dame Eleanor Talbot, & que le roy avoit fait la promise
entre les mains du diet evesque, & dit aussi c'est evesque, qu'avoit
apres espouse, & n'y avoit, que luy, & ceux deux.' Which is thus
English'd : The bishop of Bath, a privy councellor of king Edward,
said, that the said king had plighted his faith to marry a lady of
England, whom the bishop named the lady Eleanour Talbot, and that
this contract was made between the hands of the said bishop, who
said that afterwards he married them, no persons being present but
they two, and he the king charging him strictly not to reveal it.' These
proofs the duke caused to be drawn up into an authentick form, and
consulted the most eminent doctors and proctors of the civil law, who
unanimously gave their judgments, that king Edward's children were
bastards, the king having another wife before their mother ; and con-
sequently that Richard duke of Gloucester was the only undoubted
heir to the lord Richard Plantagenet duke of York, who was adjudged
to be the true heir to the crown of this realm by authority of parlia-
ment. And thus the duke of Gloucester having cleared up his title to
the crown kept it secret, till he should have a fair opportunity after
his brother's death to vindicate his own right, with as little disturbance
to the peace of the nation, and dishonour to his nephews, as was

196 THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER CONSPIRES TO BE KING.

possible ; tho' it is probable, that one Potter of Redcross-street with-
out Cripple-gate, a servant of the duke's, who was privy to the
business, unwarily discover'd it, by telling one Mistlebronke, who
brought him the news of king Edward's death : ' Then,' says he,
'will my master the duke of Gloucester be king': which words
tho' startling to him, yet the grounds of them not being known,
made little noise, till the duke of Gloucester was on the throne.

These foundations of discord being laid, tho' privately, in the life of
the father, receiv'd a perfection immediately after his death, and began
with the reign of the son ; tho' to satisfie the king on his death-bed
the two parties had shaken hands as friends, and promis'd to forget all
former injuries. For the queen, as if she had been conscious that her
pride had been too great to be forgiven, presently after her husband's
death, writes down to her brother the earl of Rivers to raise such a
body of men, as might be sufficient to defend him against the lords,
and bring her son up to London to be crown'd, that it might not be in
the power of her enemies to keep him from the actual possession of
the throne ; which order the said earl as carefully obey'd. On the
other side, the duke of Buckingham, as zealous to carry on the design
of himself and his party, to take the king out of the hands of his mother's
kindred, sent a trusty servant of his, named Pursival, to the city of
York, to propound their design to the duke of Gloucester, and to
offer him, if need requir'd, a thousand stout fellows to assist him in the
effecting of it. The duke of Gloucester looking upon this tender, as
the first step to his greater design, willingly comply'd with the proposal,
and sending the messenger back with many thanks to his master, and
other private instructions, contrived a meeting soon after about
Northampton ; where the two dukes, with all the lords and gentlemen
their friends, and 900 men in their retinue, came at the time agreed
on. Here they entered into a consultation immediately upon their
arrival, and the duke of Gloucester, who was the chief man in the
action, communicated the necessity and reasonableness of the under-
taking, to all the lords and gentlemen assembled, in words to this
effect : ' That it was neither reasonable, nor tolerable, to leave the
young king their master in the hands and custody of his mother's
Idndred ; who to engross all honour to themselves, would exclude,
the rest of the nobility from their attendance on him, tho' all of
them were as ready and willing to perform all the services
of a good subject to him, as themselves, and many of them a far
more honourable part of his kindred, than those of his mother's
side, whose blood (saving that it was the king's pleasure to have it
so), was very unfit to be match'd with his. But granting it allowable
for the king to do as he pleased ; yet that all the ancient nobility
should be remov'd from the king's presence, and only the least noble
left about him, is neither honourable to his majesty, nor to us, and

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 197

must in the issue be both dangerous to the nation in general, and
unsafe to his majesty; for will not this strangeness make the king's
most potent friends either turn his utter enemies, or become very
indifferent to his service, when they see their inferiors both in birth
and power in greatest authority and credit with him, and themselves
likely to live in disgrace for ever, because the king, being in his
youth framed to the love and liking of them, and to a distaste of
others, will very hardly in his riper years alter his affections. They
could not but remember, that the late king Edward himself, although
he was a man of age and discretion, yet was often so over-ruled by
his wife and her friends, that he did many things inconsistent with
his own honour, our safety, and the nation's welfare, merely to ad-
vance them and establish their power. And if the friendship of some
persons had not prevail'd more with the king, sometimes, than the
suits of his kindred, they had before this brought some of us to ruin,
as they did some of as great degree as any of us. And though
indeed those dangers are now past, yet as great are growing, if
we suffer the young king, still to remain in their hands, who, we
see, value not the destruction of any that stand in the way of their
designs, or the road to their greatness. Will they not engross all
honours, and places of trust to themselves, and whenever they have
occasion, abuse his name and authority to any of our destructions?
Can we imagine, that their old resentments are so quite bury'd, that
they will not remember to revenge them upon the least disgust, and,
now their pride is arm'd with authority, become implacable to most of
us, to whom they have ever had malice enough to ruin us, and wanted
nothing but what they have now, authority to vent it upon us? That
these things consider'd, it was their greatest wisdom to take the
young king out of fcheir enemies hands, and not suffer things to
continue in the posture they are now in any longer : for tho' indeed
there appears an outward friendship for the present, which was and
is the effect more of the king's desire than their own ; yet we shall
find, that their old enmity will revive with their power, and their long
accustom'd malice will be strengthen'd with their authority, in which
if we endure them once to be settled, it will not be in all our powers
to oppose them effectually; and therefore now's the time to prevent
all mischiefs by taking away the cause of them.' These words and
persuasions moved all present to engage heartily in the business;
and the duke of Buckingham and lord Hastings, who were men both
of great power and interest, shew'd such a forwardness in the at-
tempt, that all the rest were ehcourag'd by their example to be
assistants and followers of them ; and many, which were not present,
were drawn in by the duke of Gloucester's letters to promise their
help in the same affair, if there were further occasion.

While the lords were thus consulting, and contriving to get the

198 LORD RIVERS SEEKS TO SAVE AND SERVE EDWARD V.

king into their hands, without the knowledge or privity of the queen;
and her friends, the duke of Gloucester receiv'd the news, that the
lord Rivers had gather'd a strong body of armed men, and with
them was ready to bring up the king to London to his coronation ;
which unexpected report surprised them much, because it broke all
their measures at once, it being impossible for them, though they
had a good number of attendants, to effect their design, if he were
brought to London under a strong guard ; especially considering, that
as on the one hand the earl of Rivers was a valiant and experienc'd
soldier, so if they should gain the king by force, besides the danger
of the king's person, it would look like an open rebellion. Where-
upon the duke of Gloucester, and his friends, rather chose to overturn
force by policy, and to that end privately ordered some of his friends^
who were about the queen, to represent to her, ' That as it was no
ways necessary to bring the king to London with an army of at-
tendants, as though he were to pass through an enemy's and not his
own country, so it would be dangerous to tfye king's person and
government ; for whereas now all the lords seem'd to be perfect friends,
and to study nothing but the honour of the king, and the triumph
of his coronation, if they see the lords about his royal person, whom
so lately they thought their enemies, to gather great numbers of men
armed about them in the king's name, they will immediately suspect
and fear, that those men are intended not so much for the king's
safety as their destruction, and so they would take themselves
obliged for their own defence to raise an equal force, and fill the
nation with uproar and confusion, to the danger of the king and
breach of the peace; and therefore such methods of action ought
carefully to be avoided, especially since her son was a child, and in
the beginning of his reign.' These reasons seem'd plausible to the
queen, who was not suspicious of the evil designed, and very willing
to submit to anything for the good of her son, and his quiet settle-
ment on the throne; and therefore without delay wrote letters to
her brother the lord Rivers, ordering him to dismiss all her son's
extraordinary attendants and guards, and hasten to London with only
his own household servants and usual retinue. The duke of Glou-
cester also, much about the same time, sent letters to the lord
Rivers, with full assurances of duty and subjection to the king his
nephew, and love and friendship to himself; so that he seeing all
things calm and peaceable, concurred readily with the queen's de-
sires, and leaving his armed men behind him, came up with no greater
number of followers, than was necessary to shew the king's honour
and greatness. In their way about Northampton, the dukes of
Gloucester and Buckingham, with their retinues, had layn some days,
and hearing of the king's arrival met him at Northampton; but
because that town was not big enough to hold both their companies,.

MQRE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD v. AND RICHARD in. 199

they advised, that the king should go forward to Stony-Stratford to
lodge there, and they would stay at Northampton, inviting the lord
Rivers to lodge with them, that they might enjoy his company that
evening. The lord Rivers, hoping to improve his friendship with
them by compliance, dismissed his company, and took his lodgings
with the dukes, who feasted him that night with all demonstrations of
joy, and signs of friendship, till they parted with him to his lodgings.
But as soon as he was gone, the two dukes with a select number of
their friends enter'd into a consultation, and spent the greatest part
of the night in it : what their resolutions were, the next day's actions
shew. In the morning they got up very early, and by private orders
had all their servants ready to attend them, before the lord Rivers
or his servants were stirring. The keys of the inn, wherein they all
were, they took into their own custody; and pretending that they
themselves would be the first in the morning, who should be at Stony-
Stratford to attend the king, they sent a certain number of their
retinue to line the way, and suffer none to enter that town till they
should arrive to wait on his majesty; for the dukes were resolv'd (as
it was given out) to be the first that morning who should go to the
king from Northampton. All this was done without lord Rivers'
knowledge or advice, who therefore when he came to hear it, was
very much surpris'd at the thing, and so much the more, because
neither himself, nor servants were permitted to go out of the inn.
His thoughts were in a great hurry, and what the reason should be,
he could not conjecture. He easily saw thro' their weak pretences,
and began to fear, that his last night's cheer might prove a bait to
falshood and treachery. Fly he could not if he were guilty, but not
being conscious of any wrong done them, which might provoke
them to revenge, he resolv'd to go to the dukes, and demand of them
the reason and cause of this action, which he accordingly did : but
instead of giving him an answer, they quarrell'd with him, and told
him with great passion, ' That he was one of them, who had laboured
all he could to alienate the king's mind from them, and stir up a dis-
sension between the king and his nobles, that he might bring them
and their families to confusion : but now they would take care that it
should not lie in his power.' The lord Rivers was an eloquent and
well-spoken man, and began to make his defence calmly and coolly;
but they would hear no excuses, nor suffer him to make answer, and
committing him to the custody of some of their servants, till they
should give further orders concerning him, they mounted their horses,
and rode in haste to the king at Stony-Strattord. When they were
come into the royal presence (the king being ready to mount to leave
room for their companies), they alighted from their horses with all
their attendants, and saluted the king upon their knees, who received
them freely and favourably, not mistrusting in the least vhat had

20O LORD GREY AND FRIENDS CORRECTED IN THE KING'S PRESENCE.

been done. They pretended that they came only to wait on his
majesty in his journey, and to that end the duke of Buckingham
call'd aloud to the gentlemen and yeomen to keep their places, and
march forward. But before the king was out of the town they
pick'd a quarrel with the lord Richard Gray, the queen's son and the
king's half brother, charging him in the king's presence, 'That he
and the marquess Dorset, with his uncle the lord Rivers, had conspir'd
together to rule the king and realm while the king was in his minority;
and to that end had stirr'd up divisions among the nobles, that by
subduing some of them, they might destroy the rest: and for the
more effectual accomplishment of this their design, the Lord Marquess
had entered into the Tower of London, and had taken from thence
all the king's treasure, and sent several ships to sea with it, that none
might be able to oppose him.' The king, who not only was young,
and unexperienc'd in state-affairs, but having been absent some
time, was ignorant of such matters of fact as his brother was charged
with, yet gave a very judicious answer to the accusation, ' That he
could not tell what his brother the marquess had done ; but in good
faith, he said, he dare well answer for his uncle Rivers, and his
brother Richard, that they were both innocent of any such matter,
having been continually with him.' The duke of Buckingham re-
ply'd? ' That they had kept the knowledge of their actions from his
good grace,' and forthwith they arrested the said lord Grey, with sir
Thomas Vaughan and sir Richard Howse in the king's presence; and
then instead of going forward, return'd back again with the king to
Northampton ; where they displaced all such persons, who had any
offices about the king, as they could not confide in, and entered into
serious consultation about their farther proceedings. The king was
much troubled at these dealings, and wept because he had not power
to defend himself or his friends, but the lords had now obtain'd
their designs, and valu'd not who took, what they did, well or ill : yet
they gave the king all the respect of good subjects; and promis'd
the queen's kindred that all should be well; but when they left
Northampton, they sent them to divers prisons in the north for a
time, and at length, tho' they pretended they should have a fair trial
to answer to several misdemeanours which they had to lay to their
charge, they were all brought to Pomfract castle in order to their
execution.

These actions of the lords being done under a shew of friendship,
and carrying in them something of violence and treachery, begat a
great amazement in all places where they were known, and few men
construed them, as the lord's wish'd, but look'd upon them as the
prologues to the king's destruction. The queen, who was particularly
certify'd of the same night, that the dukes of Gloucester and Bucking-
ham, and others of their party, whom she look'd upon as her

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 2OI

implacable enemies, had taken her son the king, and imprison'd her
brother Rivers, and son Richard Grey, with other of her friends, in
places remote and unknown, fell into a bitter passion of grief, and
bewailed the destruction of her child, and other friends, cursing the
hour in which she credulously harken'd to the persuasions of her false
friends, and by ordering her son's guards to be dismiss'd, had expos'd
him and her kindred to the malice and base designs of her enemies.
But since to indulge herself in her just grief, and neglect a provision
for her own ; and those children's safety which she had with her,
would make her case worse than it was at present; therefore she
resolv'd to lay aside her sorrow for the present, and get herself, the
duke of York, her second son, and her five daughters, with what
goods were necessary for her use into the sanctuary at Westminster;
and thereupon at midnight order'd her servants, and what help could
be had, to remove them with all speed thither ; where being receiv'd
into the Abbot's lodgings, she and her children and all her company
were immediately registred for sanctuary persons, and so look'd upon
themselves, as in an inviolable fortress against their enemies power
or malice. The lord Hastings, who was chamberlain, was at the
same time at Court, and tho' a conspirator with the lords, yet
made a quite different interpretation of the lords' actions, because
he being truly loyal, and heartily desiring the welfare of the
king, believed, that they had no further intent, than to take him
out of the government of the queen's kindred, whose insolencies were
intolerable, and from whom he himself in the late reign was often in
danger of his life. He was therefore much pleas'd to see the queen
and her friends in such a fright, and not doubting but the nation would
be much better govern'd than before, and the king much happier in
the hands of the ancient nobility, rejoyced to see the downfall of the
queen, and her relations, whose pride they had felt long enough in
the late king's reign ; but that he might give the nobility about the
court a true information of the lords action, he dispatch'd a messenger
the same night to Dn Rotherham,1 Archbishop of York, and then
Lord Chancellor, who liv'd in York Place by Westminster, to assure
him, ' That the lords intentions were honourable, and for the nations
welfare ; and tho' the imprisonment of the queen's kindred, and the
queen's fears, who was flying in great haste and confusion into
sanctuary, had no good aspect ; yet he should find that all things
would in the end prove well.' The archbishop, who was awakened
out of his first sleep by his servants, and something amazed at the
suddenness of the news, reply'd, ' Say'st thou, that all shall be well ?
I can't see what good can be expected from such demeanour. Pray
tell him, that be it as well as it will, it will never be so well as we have

1 His name was Thomas Scot, he was call'd Rothei-ham from the place of his birth in
Yorkshire.

202 THE GREAT SEAL SURRENDERED.— TUMULTS IN LONDON.

seen it :' and so he sent the messenger back again to his master. But
the archbishop was in too great a disturbance to return to his rest ;
and therefore immediately rose, and calling up all his servants, went
with them arm'd to the queen at her palace, and carried the great seal
along with him. He found all things there in a tumult, the servants
removing trunks and houshold stuff to carry them into the sanctuary :
the queen he saw sitting upon the floor on matts, lamenting her own
and her children's miseries and misfortunes. The archbishop, who
was no ways engaged in the conspiracy against her, much com-
passionated her case and grief ; and endeavouring to comfort her, told
her the message which he had received from the lord Hastings not an
hour before, by which he was assured, that matters were nothing so
bad as she imagin'd, that the king was in safe hands, and doubted
not but all would be well. The queen, who had an invincible odium
to Hastings, as soon as she heard his name, reply'd, * That nothing was
to be believ'd that came from him, being one of them that sought the
destruction of herself and her blood.' The archbishop seeing her not
thus to be comforted, assur'd her for himself, that he would be con-
stant to her ; and if the lords should deal ill with the prince, and crown
any other person king besides her son, he would on the morrow crown
his brother the duke of York, whom she had then in sanctuary with
her : ' And that, madam, says he, you may be certain of my integrity,
lo ! here I leave with you the great seal of England, the badge of
regal power, without which nothing of moment in state affairs can be
done. His father your husband gave it me, and I here return it to you
to keep it for his children, and secure their right ; and if I could give
you any greater testimony of my loyalty, I would do it ;' and so he
departed to his own house in the dawning of the morning, not con-
sidering what he had done in resigning the seal. The next day the
city of London was in an uproar, and divers lords and gentlemen took
arms, and assembled great companies of citizens and others for their
own defence, till they should see what the lords intended ; for the
general report was, that what was done to the lord Rivers, and the
others with him, was but a blind to the people : the real design of the
nobility was to keep the king from his coronation, and deprive him of
his right ; and this they were the more confirm'd in, because great
numbers of the duke of Gloucester's servants and friends were about
the city and on the Thames, who examin'd all that passed, and kept
any persons from taking sanctuary. In these tumults Archbishop
Rotherham, fearing lest there should be a just occasion to shew his
authority, and troubl'd that he had delivered up the great seal to the
queen, to whom it did not belong, without the king's order, sent
privately for the seal again and obtain'd it. In the meantime, the
lord chamberlain Hastings, whose loyalty was not question'd. and who
was suppos'd not to be ignorant of the lords' intentions, went into the

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN QF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 2OJ

city to appease the tumults, and calling the lords and gentlemen
together who headed the commonalty, told them, 'That tho' the
suddenness of the lords' actions was surprising, because the reasons
were not generally known ; yet he could assure them, that the duke
of Gloucester was true and faithful to his prince, of which he had given
many undeniable proofs in his brother's reign, and would continue the
same to his son : that the lords Rivers and Grey, and the knights
apprehended with them, were imprisoned for certain conspiracies
plotted against the lives of the dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham,
as would appear evidently at their trials, which was design'd shortly
to be had before all the lords of his majesty's council : that their taking
arms in such a riotous and seditious manner would prove of very
dangerous consequence to themselves, if they did not speedily lay
them down, as they had without just reason or cause taken them up ;
and therefore he advised them to depart to their dwellings, and not
pretend to judge or censure the actions of their superiors, who meant
nothing but the common good, till they knew the truth of their de-
signs, lest they themselves should be the only damages to the publick,
and hinder the king's coronation, which the lords were coming up to
London to effect with all convenient speed.' With these words the
chamberlain so pacify'd the discontents of the citizens, that all things
were for the present at quiet.

By this time the lords, who seem'd as zealous for the king's corona-
tion as his uncle had been, and behaved themselves with such wonder-
ful reverence and respect to the king, even from the time that he came
into their hands, that he suspected no ill designs in them, were upon
their march to London, which caus'd the people to be the more easie,
since they thought that now they should soon discern their intentions.
By the way as they pass'd, the duke of Gloucester assum'd nothing
upon the account of his birth or greatness, but demean'd himself as a
dutiful subject ; and that he might give a demonstration to the people
of the treacherous and cruel designs of the lord Rivers, and the queen's
friends, against himself and the duke of Buckingham, the duke's
servants shew'd the barrels of harness which they had privily con-
vey'd in their carriages to murder them ; and tho' indeed some
laugh'd at the weakness of the suggestion, because if they really in-
tended to have so used them, their harness had better been on their
backs than in barrels ; yet they pretended they were seized before the
plot was come fully to execution, and so aggravated matters, that the
common people believ'd the truth of it, and cry'd out, ' That it would be
a great charity to the nation to hang them.' When the king and
dukes drew near the city of London, Edmund Shaw, goldsmith, then
mayor, and William White and John Matthews, sheriffs, with all their
brethren the aldermen in scarlet, and 500 commoners on horseback in
purple-colour'd gowns met them at Harnsey Park, and with great

204 THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER GAINS POSSESSION OF THE SOVEREIGN,

honour and reverence conducted him thro' the city to the Bishop of
London's palace, near St. Paul's church, on the 4th of May.

In this solemn cavalcade the behaviour of the duke of Gloucester to
the king was very remarkable, for he rode bare-headed before him,
and often with a loud voice said to the people, l Behold your prince and
sovereign ;' giving them on all occasions such an example of reverence
and duty as might teach them how to honour and respect their prince ;
by which actions he so won upon all the spectators, that they look'd
on the late misrepresentations of him as the effects of his enemies
malice, and he was on all hands accounted the best, as he was the
first subject in the kingdom. At the bishop's palace he did the king
homage, and invited all the nobility to do the same ; by which he put
his loyalty out of dispute with the nobles, as he had done before with
the commons. Within a few days after, a great council of the nobility
met to settle the government, and choose a protector according to the
usual custom in the minority of their kings, and the duke of Gloucester
was without the least contradiction appointed to manage that honour-
able station, not only as the king's uncle, and the next prince of the
blood, and a person fit for that trust, as of eminent judgment and
courage ; but as one that was most loyal and loving to the king, and
likely to prove the most faithful in that station. By this council was
the Archbishop of York much blamed for delivering the great seal to
the queen, and being deprived of his councellorship, the seal was given
in the beginning of June to Dr. John Russel Bishop of Lincoln, a wise
and good man, and of very great experience in state affairs. Several
other inferior officers of the court were displaced, and others more fit
put in their room. The lord chamberlain Hastings was continued in
his office, with some others whom the protector and council had no
great objections against ; and so the council being dissolved, the pro-
tector betook himself to his double care: I. Of the king to content
and please him, as well as educate him and crown him. 2. Of the
state and people, to rule so well as might be for the king's honour and
general good and welfare of the nation.

King Edward, who was now under the sole care and government of
his uncle Richard duke of Gloucester, made protector by the nobility,
and general approbation of the people, being displeased at the violent
actions of the lords towards his mother's relations, whom not only
continual converse, but nature had endear'd to him, and seeing his
mother and brother in sanctuary, as if she had fear'd the same hard
usage, if not worse, was not contented with the present disposition of
affairs ; and tho' he being young could not help what was done, yet
he could not willingly submit to it. The protector, who was a very
sagacious person, and shew'd all readiness to satisfy the king's will,
and discharge his station well, soon discern'd the causes of the king's
uneasiness, and considering how much the reasons of the king's grief

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 205

reflected upon his reputation, as well as hinder'd his designs in bring-
ing the king to his coronation (for why should the queen with her
children continue in sanctuary, unless it were that she was jealous of
some wrong and injury from him, who having the supream power now
in his hands could only hurt her ? And what a lame ceremony would
the coronation be, if the queen and the king's only brother bore not a
part in it, but instead of that were deterred from it), he resolv'd to re-
move these rubs in the way of his government and designs ; and to
that end calling a council, he deliver'd himself to this purpose :l ' Let
me perish for ever if it be not my greatest, my continual care to pro-
mote the happiness and welfare of the king my nephew, and all my
brother's family ; being sensible, that not only the nation's, but my
own ruin is the unavoidable consequence of their misfortunes : and
therefore since it hath pleased you, who are the nobles of the land,
and to whom it belongs chiefly to provide for the good government of
it in the minority of the king, to confer that weighty employment of
ruling all upon myself, as I shall always look upon myself only as the
king's and your deputy, so I shall, in all difficult matters of state, look
upon you as my helpers and assistants, and not dare to move one step
without your council and advice, that so I may have your approbation
in all I do, that it is for the good of the king and welfare of all. In
the management of the station you have placed me in, I do find, that
the queen's continuance in the sanctuary with her children, is such an
invincible impediment in the execution of my place, that I cannot but
propound the manifest inconveniences of it : and so much the rather,
because I expected, that so good a settlement as your lordships had
made in the last council would have remov'd her womanish fears, and
she would have return'd to court to the contentment of his majesty
and us all : but since she persists in her mischievous purposes, it is
evident, that if fear drove her into the sanctuary, 'tis nothing but
malice that keeps her there ; for she, who is no impolitick woman,
sees several unavoidable mischiefs redounding to the publick, and to
his majesty by this her action, which had she not some ill designs she
would carefully avoid. And first, what greater affront can be ofYer'd
to you of his majesty's council, than for the queen and children to
remain in sanctuary ? Will not the people upon so unexpected a
resolution make these inferences from it, that doubtless they are in
very great danger, and that you who are in power are her im-
placable enemies, since neither her son's authority, nor her own
and children's greatness, are sufficient to secure them, but they are
forc'd to seek protection from the church, which is the asylum
of the greatest criminals ? And what an intolerable injury is
this to you? But if you shall think fit to pass this wrong over,

1 This speech did not begin with a curse, according to the copy in Holinshead, nor is it
entirely the same as in Holmshead, pag. 717.

206 THE QUEEN MOTHER STRIVES IN VAIN TO SAVE THE PRINCES.

yet his majesty's discontents are not to be overlook'd, who
wanting the company of his brother, with whom chiefly he uses
to recreate himself, leads a melancholy and discontented life,
which doubtless if not timely prevented may endanger his health ; for
the good state of the body does not long last usually, when the mind
is disturb'd. Sorrow of mind drieth up the bones, especially in youth,
and want of moderate recreation and suitable company begets a dul-
ness and pensiveness, which brings diseases and distempers on the
body, which proves fatal. Wherefore since even kings themselves
must have some company, and they are too great for their subjects
generally, it seems necessary that his brother, who comes nearest an
equality with him, should be sent for to him, that he may refresh him-
self with him. And thus we may hope that the king will not only be
satisfy'd and pleas'd, but we shall be freed from the ill opinion which
certainly all foreign princes have of us ; for as long as he continues
in sanctuary, they will either censure us as cruel or tyrannical, or
deride us as impotent or weak. But besides, the coronation of the
king being the main thing now in agitation, how can we proceed in it
with any heart or earnestness, while the queen and duke of York are
in sanctuary ? What sort of men shall we be thought, who at the
same time we crown one brother, so terrific the other, that he is forc'd
to abide at the altar of the same church for his safety. Who can with
satisfaction officiate at this great ceremony, while the duke of York,
whose place is next to the king, is absent from it. It is therefore my
opinion, these reasons and considerations being well weighed, that
some honourable and trusty person, who cannot be doubted to
tender the king's wealth, and reputation of the council, and is in credit
with the queen, be sent to her to demand the release of the duke of
York : and, for this office, I think no person better qualify'd than the
most reverend father my lord Cardinal,1 the archbishop of Canterbury,
who may be the most prevailing mediator in this matter, if he pleases
to take the trouble upon him, which of his great goodness, I do be-
lieve he will not refuse for the king's sake and ours, and the wealth of
the young duke himself, the king's most honourable brother, and for
the comfort of my sovereign lord himself, my most dearest nephew,
considering that it will be a certain means to stop the mouths of our
enemies abroad, and prevent the ill-constructions of censorious per-
sons at home, and avoid the ill consequences which arise from it, both
to his majesty, and the whole realm. And tho' the cardinal may go
no further in treating with the queen, than to persuade her by the
best arguments of reason and necessity to yield to our desires, which
his wisdom knows best how to use and apply ; yet if she prove so
obstinate and wilful, and will yield to no advice and counsel which he

1 Cardinal Thomas Bourchier descended of the noble family of the Eourcluers earls of
.Essex.

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 207

can give ; then 'tis my opinion that we fetch the duke of York out of
that prison by force, and bring him into the king's company and pre-
sence ; in which he will take such care of him, and give him such
honourable treatment, that all the world shall perceive, to our honour
and her reproach, that it was nothing but her frowardness and ground-
less suspicion, that first carried, and then kept him there. This is
my judgment in this affair ; but if any of you, my lords, are of con-
trary sentiments, and find me mistaken, I never was, nor by God's
grace ever shall be so wedded to my own opinion, but I shall be ready
to change it upon better reasons and grounds.'

When the protector had thus deliver'd his mind to the council, they
all approv'd of his motion, as a thing good and reasonable in itself,
and honourable both to the king, and the duke his brother, agreeing
with him, that the archbishop of Canterbury was the fittest person, in
all respects, to be a mediator between the queen and them ; not
doubting, but by his candour and wisdom this business might easily
be effected, and the queen without more ado persuaded to deliver
him. Nor did the archbishop at all refuse the office, which much be-
came his station, being to compose a growing difference among per-
sons of the greatest quality ; but he with the lords spiritual present
told the council with submission,1 ' That as he consented to the motion
that the duke of York should be brought to the king's presence out of
the sanctuary by persuasions, and would himself do his best to effect
it, since they had pleas'd to impose that task upon him ; yet he could
not by any means consent to that proposition, that if the queen refus'd
to deliver him, he should be taken out of sanctuary by force ; because
it would be a thing not only ungrateful to the whole nation, but highly
displeasing to almighty God to have the privilege of sanctuary broken,
in that church, which, being at first consecrated by S. Peter, who
came down above 500 years ago in person accompany'd with many
angels by night to do it, has since been adorn'd with the privilege of
a sanctuary by many popes and kings ; and therefore as no bishop
ever dare attempt the consecration of that church, so no prince has
ever yet been so fierce and indevout as to violate the privilege of it :
and God forbid, that any man whatsoever shall at this time, or here-
after, upon any worldly advantages or reasons, attempt to infringe the
immunities of that most holy place, that hath been the defence and
safety of so many good men's lives. However, he said, he hop'd they
should not be driven to use such extremities, and doubted not, when
the queen, who was a person of known judgment and understanding,
once heard their reasons, she would for her son's sake, the king,
readily yield to their desires ; and if it otherwise should happen, he

1 In Sir Thomas More's History as printed in Holinshead, p. 717, 'tis as that the Arch-
bishop of York made this speech ; and for a proof of St. Peter's descending from heaven to
•consecrate the church of Westminster, the good prelate affirm'd St. Peter's cope was still to
be seen in the abbe>>

208 BUCKINGHAM DEMANDS SURRENDER OF THE PRINCES.

would so perform his part, that they should be convinc'd, that there
wanted no good will, or endeavour in himself, but the queen's dread,
and womanish fear was the only cause of it.' The duke of Bucking-
ham, who impatiently heard the archbishop's objection against taking
the duke out of sanctuary by force, immediately resumes the discourse,
and in a passion replies with an oath ; ' Womanish fear, say you my
lord ? Nay, womanish frowardness ; for I dare take it upon my soul,
that she knows she has no just occasion to fear any danger to her son
or herself. But as to herself, here is no man that will contend with
woman, and I would to God some of her kindred were so too, and
then should the contest be soon at an end with them. Yet 1 dare be
bold to say, that none of her kindred are the less belov'd for the rela-
tion they have to her, but because of their own demerits, and for joyn-
ing withher in her malicious designs. However let it be granted, that we
love neither her nor her kindred ; yet there can be no just ground to
infer from thence that we hate the king's brother, who tho'her son, yet is
also a-kin to us ; and if she desir'd his honour, as we do, and had not
more regard to her own will, than her son's welfare, she would not be
so obstinate, but would be as unwilling to keep him from the king's
presence, as any of us are. Some of whom at least she must acknow-
ledge to have as much wit as herself, and can't doubt of their fidelity
and love to the duke, who they would be as loath should come to any
harm as she herself can be, and yet they would have him from her to
continue with the king, if she will tarry there ; but if she pleases to
come out herself with him, and her other children, and take up her
habitation in such a place where they may be with honour to herself
and them, every man of us shall be better content than if she sends
him alone. Now if upon these grounds she refuses to deliver him,
denying to follow the wisdom of them, of whose ripe judgment and
fidelity she hath had good experience, it is easie to discern that it is
her frowardness, and not her fear, that is the cause of it. But we will
suppose that her distrusts are invincible, thro' the greatness of her
fears (as what can hinder her from fearing her own shadow, if she
will so much indulge her passions) we have the greater reason to take
heed, how we leave the duke in her hands : for if she causelessly fear
his hurt out of sanctuary, she may also fear that he may be fetch'd
from thence ; (for 'tis easie for her to imagin, that if we be resolv'd
to have him from her, we will not value the sacredness of the place she
is in ; as indeed I think good men without sin might somewhat less
regard them than they do) and so for greater security convey him out
of the realm, which if she should be so lucky as to effect (and without
any great difficulty it may be done) all the world will scorn and
deride us, saying, that we are a wise sort of counsellors about the
king, to suffer his brother to be cast away under our noses. And
therefore I assure you, for my part, I am for fetching him away against

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN QF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 209

her will, rather than by humouring her fears and peevishness, give her
an opportunity of conveying him away. And yet I shall be bold to
assert, that I do not break any privilege of sanctuary, but rather
rectify one of the abuses of it : for tho' indeed sanctuaries, as they
were appointed and used under the Jewish law, were, and still may be
of very good use in several cases, as to be a refuge for such men as
the chance of sea, or their evil debtors have brought to poverty, to
protect them from the cruelty of their creditors ; and because the title
to the crown of these realms had often come in question, in which con-
tests each side counts the other traitors, and the conquering side, tho'
sometimes the worst rebels, treats the adverse party as such, it is
necessary there should be a refuge in this case to the unfortunate : but
as for thieves and murderers, whereof these places are full, and who
seldom leave their trade when they have once begun, it is an horrid
shame that any sanctuary should save them ; and especially wilful
murderers, whom God himself commands to be taken from the altar,
and put to death. Yet if we look into our sanctuaries, as now they
are managed, how few are there whom necessity of their own defence,
or their misfortunes, have driven to take shelter there ? But on the
other side, what numbers are there in them of thieves, murderers, and
malicious and heinous traitors, and especially in the two chief ones in
this city, the one at the elbow, and the other in the very midst of it?
Insomuch that if the good they do were balanc'd with the evil, we
shall find 'twere better for us to be without them, unless such as are in
power would effectually correct their abuses, and amend them. And
indeed, 'tis a gross shame not to be endur'd, to see St. Peter made
a patron of thieves, prodigals, knaves, and whores ! Surely neither
God, nor that apostle can approve of these abuses ; and therefore
they may be reformed with thanks of both. Let sanctuaries then
continue in God's name in their full force, as far as religion and
reason will permit, and I am sure no lawful privilege granted to
them can hinder us from fetching the duke of York from thence,
where he neither is, nor can be a sanctuary-person. A sanctuary
serveth to defend the body of man, who is in danger from not only
some great, but unlawful hurt ? And what danger is that duke in ?
Is not the king his brother, and all we his special friends ? As he
has never done any man an injury, so no man designs him any
wrong, and then what grounds can there be for him to be left in
sanctuary? Besides, men come not to a sanctuary, as to baptism
by godfathers, but they must ask themselves if they will have it ; for
none but such as can allege there just fears and dangers ought to
be admitted thither. And how can the duke of York be justly
entertain'd or kept there, who cannot thro' his infancy require it ;
and if he were sensible of the place he is in, would rather desire to
be released from it : so that I think with the clergy's leave, 'tis no

U

210 THE CARDINAL AND BUCKINGHAM ON SANCTUARY PRIVILEGES.

breach of privilege, if he and many others be taken by force out of
it. And to convince them of it more fully, let me ask them a few
questions. If a man go into sanctuary with another man's goods,
may not the king, leaving his body at liberty, take them out of the
sanctuary, and restore them to the right owner ? Can either pope or
king privilege a man from paying debts that is able to pay them ?;
Several of the clergy present agreed, that by the laws of God and
the church, a sanctuary-man may be deliver'd up to pay his debts,
or restore stolen goods, his liberty being allow'd him to get his
living by his labour. Then the duke said, * There's the same reason
to do it, if a man's wife ran from him to sanctuary, or a child take
sanctuary because he will not go to school, and many like cases.
And therefore I conclude, that since he can be no sanctuary-man who
hath no discretion to desire it, (for I never yet heard of sanctuary-
children) nor malice to deserve it, whose life and liberty can in no
wise be in danger, he that taketh such an one out of sanctuary to
do him good, breaks no privilege of that holy place.'

When the duke had finish'd this long discourse, it was generally
agreed by all the lords, both spiritual and temporal,1 that if the queen
would not deliver up the duke by persuasions, he should be forced from
her by the king's authority : but it being judg'd convenient that allfair
means should be first try'd, the cardinal, with several lords to accom-
pany him, was sent into the sanctuary to the queen ; the protector,
and the rest of the council going into the Star-Chamber at Westminster
to expect the event. When the cardinal was come into the queen's
presence, after all dutiful salutations, he deliver'd to her the cause of
his coming, saying, ' That he was with those other lords, sent by the
protector, and the privy council to her majesty, to let her know, how
much her detaining of the duke of York in that place was scandalous
to the publick, and dislik'd by the king his brother ; it being an action
that must needs produce ill effects : that the king himself was much
grieved at it, and the council offended, because it look'd as if one
brother was in danger from the other, and could not be preserved
by the other's life : that it would be a very great comfort to his
majesty to have his natural brother in company with him ; nor would
it be of less advantage to the young duke himself, because it would
confirm and strengthen their loves to be brought up together, as well
at their books, as sports : that in the king's court the duke could only
live answerable to his state and condition : that it would much please
the protector and council to send him to the king's presence, and in
effect might prove of no small advantage to her friends, that were in
prison. Upon which accounts, as he was sent by his majesty and
council to demand the duke of her, to be brought to his brother \ so

1 Several of the bishops were against fetching him out by ores.

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 211

he could not but earnestly entreat her to comply with a thing so very
reasonable, and every way convenient.' The queen, who was of a
sharp wit and graceful speech, answer'd the cardinal ; and said, ' My
lord, I cannot deny, but it is very convenient that my son, the duke,
should be in the company of his brother the king as well for society,
as love's-sake : but since they are both so young, as that it is the most
Suitable for them to be under the government of their mother ; it is
better for the king to be with me here, than that I should send the
duke to him : tho' was it really otherwise, that duty obliged the duke
to go to him, yet necessity in this case creates a dispensation, because
he hath been of late so sorely afflicted with diseases, and being not
perfectly recover'd is in so great a danger of a relapse (which generally
physicians say is more fatal than the first sickness) that I dare trust
no earthly person as yet with the care of him : for tho' I doubt not,
but that he might have such about him as would do their best to pre-
serve his health, yet since I have ordered him all along, and am his
mother, it must be allow'd by all men, that as I am the most able, so
I shall be the most affectionately careful and tender of him. And for
these reasons, I hope both the king and his council will dispense
with his absence awhile, till he is perfectly recovered, and in
health ; and before that, I can't endure to hear of parting with him.'

The cardinal hearing this reply, answer'd ; ' No man, good madam,
doth deny but that your majesty is the fittest person to take care
of all your children, and I am sure the council will be very glad
to hear that it is your pleasure so to do : yea, they would beg it
of you, provided you would be contented to do it in such a place
as is consistent with their, and your own honour ; whereas, if you
resolve to tarry in this place, then they judge it more convenient,
that the duke should be with the king at liberty, to the comfort
and satisfaction of them both, tho' with some small danger to his
health; than to remain in sanctuary, to the dishonour of the king,
duke himself, and the whole council : for it is not always so neces-
sary that the child should be with the mother, but there may be
reasons sometimes of taking him from her, and that for the best, as
your majesty knows there was, when your eldest son, then prince
of Wales, and now king, was sent to keep his court at Ludlow,
for his own honour and the good order of the country, of which
your majesty was so well convinced, that you seem'd contented
with it.'

The qneen grew a little warm, and smartly retorted, 'Not so very
well contented neither at that separation ; tho' the case is much
different now : for the prince was in good health, the duke is now
sick ; for tho' the height of the distemper is past, yet he is weak, and
not so fully recovered, but that without great care he may fall into a
relapse ; in which condition, while he remains, I wonder that the

212 THE QUEEN MOTHER DREADS THE LOSS OF HER CHILDREN.

protector and council should be so earnest to have him from me, since
if the child should grow sick again and miscarry, they would incur the
censures of some ill-dealings with him. And whereas you say that it
is dishonourable to my child, and to them, that he remain in this
place, I think the contrary ; for certainly 'tis most for their honour
to let him abide, where no man can doubt but he will remain safest,
and that is here so long as I continue here : and I do not intend to
leave this place and endanger my life with my friends, who, I would
to God were rather in safety here with me, than I were in hazard
with them.' * Why, madam,' (saith the lord Howard) ' do you know
any reason, that they are in danger ?' 'No truly,' (said she roundly)
' nor why they should be in prison neither, as they now be : but I
have great cause to fear, lest those, who have not scrupled to put
them in prison without cause, will as little value to destroy them with-
out law or right.' Upon these words, the cardinal wink'd upon the
lord to put an end to that discourse ; and then added himself,
' That he did not doubt, but that those lords, who being of her
kindred remained under arrest, would upon a due examination of
matters, discharge themselves well enough of any accusation
alleged against them : and as to her own royal person, there
neither was, nor could be any kind of danger.' ' How shall I be certain
of that (said the queen)? Is it, that I am innocent ? It doth not ap-
pear that they are guilty. Is it, that I am better beloved of their
enemies ? No ; but rather, they are hated for my sake. Is it, that I
am so nearly related to the king ? They are not much further off :
and therefore since it seems to me, that as I am in the same cause,
so I am in like danger ; I do not intend to depart out of this place.
And as for my son, the duke of York, I propose to keep him with me
till I see how businesses will go ; for the more greedy and earnest
some men are to have him into their hands without any substantial
cause, the more fearful and scrupulous am I to deliver him.' l And
the more suspicious you are, madam,' (answer'd the cardinal) ' the
more jealous are others of you, lest under a causeless pretence of
danger, you should convey him out of the nation ; and so if they per-
mit him to remain with you now, it shall not be in their power to have
him for the future. Wherefore it is the opinion of many of the
council, that there is a necessity of taking the duke of York immedi-
ately into their care and government, and since he can enjoy no
privilege by sanctuary, who has neither will to require it, nor malice
or offence to need it, they judge it no breach of sanctuary, if you finally
refuse to deliver him by fair means, to fetch him out of it : and I
assure you, madam, that the protector, who bears a most tender love
to his nephews ; and the council, who have an equal care and respect
for your children, will certainly set him at liberty, unless you resign
him to us lest you should send him away.' ' Ay,' (says the queen)

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 213

1 hath the protector his uncle such a love for him, that he fears nothing
more than that he should escape his hands ? I unfeignedly declare,
that it never so much as entered into my thoughts to send him out
of this place into any foreign parts, partly because his health will not
bear any journeys, and partly because, tho' I should not scruple to
send him into any part of the world, where I knew him out of all
danger, yet I do not think any place more secure than this sanctuary,
which there never was any tyrant so devilish, who dare violate ; and I
trust that the Almighty God will so awe the minds of his, and my
enemies, as to restrain them from offering violence to this holy place.
But you tell me, that the lord protector and the council are of opinion
that my son can't deserve a sanctuary, and therefore may not be
allow'd the privileges of it : he hath found out a goodly gloss, as if
that place which can protect a thief, or wicked person, is not of
greater force to defend the innocent, because he is in no danger, and
therefore can have no need of it ; which is an opinion as erroneous as
hellish. But the child, you say, can't require the privilege of a sanc-
tuary, and therefore since he has no will to choose it he ought not to
have it : who told the protector so ? Ask him, and you shall here him
require it. But suppose it were really so that he could not ask it, or if
he could, would not, but would rather choose to go out ; I think it
is sufficient that I do require it, and am registred a sanctuary person,
to make any man guilty of breaking sanctuary to take my son out of
it by force and against my will : for is not the sanctuary a protection
in that case as well for my goods as myself? No man can lawfully
take my horse from me, if I stole him not, or owe nothing ; and surely
much less my child. Besides by law, as my learned council sheweth
me, he is my ward, because he hath no lands by descent holden by
knights service, but only by soccage, and then I being the guardian of
my son by law, no man can take him by force from me without injus-
tice in any place, and without sacrilege from hence. And upon this
right I do insist, and require the privilege of sanctuary for him, as my
pupil and infant, to whom alone by law the care of him belongs : and
if this triple cord may be broken, I mean, the right which I have to
keep him with me by the law of man, as his guardian ; by the law of
nature, as his mother ; and by the law of God, as being in sanctuary
with him ; if all this be not enough to secure him from any human
force, I think nothing under heaven can : but I do not despair of
safety where I have always found so much. Here was I brought to
bed of my son who is now king, and tho' his enemy reigned, and might
have used the same or like pretences to have taken us both from
sanctuary, yet he did not ; and I hope no man will have the boldness
to act contrary to all former precedents, but the place that protected
one son, will be as great a security to the other : for to be plain with
you, my lord, I fear to put him into the protector's hands, because he

214 THE QUEEN, THE CARDINAL, THE PROTECTOR, AND COUNCIL.

hath his brother already, and since he pretends to be the next heir to
the crown after them, notwithstanding his sisters, if they any ways
miscarry, his way to the throne lies plain and easy to him. Now
this is so just a cause of fear, that even the laws of the land teach me
it, which as learned men tell me, forbids every man the guardianship
of them, by whose death they become heirs to their inheritance ; and
if the law is so careful of such as have the least inheritance, how much
more ought I to be fearful that my children come not into his power,
who by their death will have the kingdom for his inheritance. By
these reasons I am confirmed in my resolution of keeping my son
in sanctuary with me, and my right so to do, and think them so far
to out-balance the protector's frivolous reasons of keeping his brother
company, and being dishonourable to him, that I cannot alter my mind :
for I have reason to think that whoever he proves a protector to, he
will prove a destroyer to them, if they be once in his hands and power.
I knowthe protector and council have power enough, if they have will, to
take him and me from this place ; but whosoever he be that shall dare
to do it, I pray God send him shortly need of a sanctuary, but no pos-
sibility to come to it.'

The cardinal seeing the queen grow more and more passionate by
discoursing, and to reflect sharply upon the protector, which he was
unwilling to hear, because he believed them inconsiderate effects of
passion, thought it time to break off arguing with her, and therefore
to bring all things to a conclusion, said unto her ; ' Madam, I will not
dispute the matter longer with you : it is equal to me, whether you
deliver him, or not. I am with these lords, but the messenger to know
your resolution, and beg you will but tell us plainly, whether you will,
or will not deliver him to us ? For tho' if you resign him to us, I
durst pawn my own body and soul to you for his safety ; yet if you
deny it, I will immediately depart and finish my trust, resolving never
to engage in the matter again, since I see you so resolute in your own
judgment, as if you thought both me, and all others lack'd either
wit or honesty; wit, in that we, not perceiving the protector's ill
designs, were made the tools of his wicked craft ; honesty,
in that knowing his intentions we have labour'd to bring your son
into the protector's hands to destroy him ; an execrable treason,
which as ourselves abhor, so we dare boldly say was far from the pro-
tector's thoughts, and cannot be imputed to any in this case, but you
must brand the whole council with short-sighted advice and disloyalty
to their prince.'

These words of the cardinal's being peremptory and short, much
amused the queen, being put to it on a sudden to resolve whether she
would send him, or no. The cardinal she saw ready to depart, and
the protector and council were near she knew ; what to do she could
not tell : she fear'd that by delivering him, she cast him into the mouth

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 21$

of ruin ; and by keeping him, she did but provoke the protector and
council to be more rough and severe with them both. She saw there
was no way to save him from the protector's hands, but by conveying
him out of his knowledge or power ; which tho' she wish'd, yet she
had no way to effect it : wherefore she resolv'd to make the best use
of necessity, and since the protector must have him, take the best way
to secure him in his hands. She consider'd, that her fears were but
grounded on vehement presumptions, and therefore hop'd things might
not prove so bad as she imagin'd. She could not doubt of the
cardinal's sincerity and loyalty to her son, and tho' she indeed fear'd
he might be deceiv'd, yet she did not believe either he, or the lords
present, would be any ways accessory to his destruction : and for
these reasons she thought it better to deliver him to them, who were
ready to pawn their honour and lives for his security, and would there-
fore look upon themselves engaged for his safety, than suffer him to
be taken from her ; and thereupon taking her son, the duke of York,
in her hand, she led him to the cardinal and lords, and with great
earnestness said to them, ' My lord cardinal, and you my lords, I am
not so opinionated of myself, or ill-advised concerning you, as to mis-
trust either your wisdom or fidelity, as I shall prove to you by re-
posing such trust in you, as, if either of them be wanting in you, will
redound to my inexpressible grief, the damage of the whole realm, and
your eternal shame and disgrace : for lo ! here is my son, the person
whom you desire ; and tho' I doubt not but that I could keep him
safe in this sanctuary from all violence ; yet here I resign him into
your hands. I am sensible that I run great hazards in so doing, no
whit less than my fears suggest ; for I have some so great enemies to
my blood, that if they knew where any of it lay in their own veins,
they would presently let it out ; and much more in others, and the
nearer to me the more zealously. Experience also convinces us all,
that the desire of a kingdom knows no kindred. The brother in that
case hath been the destruction of the brother, and the son of his
father ; and have we any cause to think the uncle will be more tender
of his nephews ? Each of these children are the other's defence while
they are asunder ; if one be safe they are both secure ; but being
both together they are in great danger : and therefore as a wise
merchant will never adventure all his goods in one ship, so it looks
not so politickly in me to put them both under the same hazards. But
notwithstanding all this (whether rightly foreseen or no, I leave you to
think on, and prevent). I do here deliver him, and his brother in him
to your keeping, of whom I shall ask him again at all times before
God and the world. I am confident of your fidelity, and have no
reason to distrust your wisdom, power, or ability to keep him, if you
will make use of your resolution when it is required ; and if you are
unwilling to do that, then I pray you leave him still here with me :

2l6 CRAFTY CONDUCT OF RICHARD, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.

and that you may not meet with more than you did expect, let me beg-
of you, for the trust which his father ever reposed in you, and for the
confidence I now put in you, that as you think I fear too much, so you
would be cautious that in this weighty case you fear not too little ; be-
cause your credulity here may make an irrecoverable mistake.' Having
thus spoken, she turn'd to the child, and said to him, ' Farewell, mine
own sweet son, the Almighty be thy protector : let me kiss thee once
more before we part, for God knows when we shall kiss again ;' and
then having kissed him, she blessed him, and turn'd from him and
wept, and so went her way, leaving the child with the lords weeping
also for her departure.

The cardinal and lords having obtain'd their desire thus, and gotten
the duke of York from his mother, immediately led him to the Star-
Chamber, where the protector and lords of the council staid in expec-
tation of him. The protector receiv'd him with all the seeming kind-
ness and respect that was due to him, as the king's brother and his
nephew ; and taking him in his arms kissed him, and said, ' Now
welcome my lord with all my very heart ;' and the same day carried
him to the king his brother, who was at the bishop of London's palace
near St. Paul's Church. Here he left them a few days together ; and
because all things were in a great forwardness for the coronation,
which he was zealous to promote, he caused the king and the duke
his brother to be remov'd to the Tower, the usual place from whence
that solemnity began, with much pomp and state. But now the pro-
tector was at a stand how to proceed : he look'd upon himself as the
lawful king of these realms, by the judgment of such as were best able
to determine such doubts ; but yet since his brother's children were
generally presumed the true heirs, and their illegitimacy not under-
stood, or disregarded, he was afraid to claim his right against the
common opinion, and yet as loath to throw it up himself, as he must
do by crowning his brother's son. There was almost a necessity the
coronation should go forward ; it had proceeded so far, that the nation
would grumble extreamly at the expence if it were now laid aside ; and
on the other side, if his nephew were crown'd he must give up his
right, and not only deprive himself but his children : wherefore he re-
solv'd with himself to seem as earnest as ever in carrying it on, and to
that end, appointed a council of such lords as he knew to be most
faithful to the king his nephew, of whom the lord Hastings the
chamberlain, and lord Stanley were the chief, to assemble ' de die in
diem ' at Baynard's Castle to consult and contrive the ways and cere-
monies for the coronation of his nephew ; but in the mean season he
contriv'd secretly to make known his own title to certain persons that
he could confide in, and by delaying the coronation try how far his
own interests might be advanced, that he might obtain his right
peaceably and quietly ; but being sensible how great prejudices he was

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 217

to encounter with on all hands, he knew he must proceed very warily
in it. The duke of Buckingham in all his motions hitherto had been
his chief friend and assistant. He in a manner had made him pro-
tector, and it would be such a disobligation if he should not make use
of him in his councils, that he certainly would turn his enemy, and
being of such mighty interest would pull him down, as he had set him
up. And yet he could hardly hope for any encouragement from him ;
because tho' the duke was a malecontent in the days of the late king,
yet he seemed very loyal to his son, as if he had buried the enmity to
his father in his grave. But the protector knew old enmity is easily
reviv'd, and to prepare the duke of Buckingham for his designs, he
suborn'd certain persons about the duke to represent to him the king's
displeasure for imprisoning his mother's kindred, and into what a
miserable dilemma he had run himself by that action ; for if they
were released they'd bear him an immortal grudge, and if they were
put to death, he was sure to incur the king's anger so much, that he
could hope for nothing but misfortunes on all hands ; for the king did
not refrain from such expressions as shew'd, that whenever he had
power he would revenge it upon him to the utmost. These relations
struck him with a fear of danger, and predispos'd him to lay hold upon
any opportunity of securing himself ; which the duke of Gloucester,
who laid the train, soon offer'd him ; for a little after inviting him to a
conference, he desired him to assist him in taking upon him the crown
of England as his right, shewing him the judgment of the civil lawyers
concerning the illegitimacy of his brother's children, and promising, as
the reward of his faithful services to him, that his son should marry
the duke's daughter ; that he would give him the earldom of Hereford
with all the appurtenances, which tho' his inheritance, yet had been
unjustly kept from him by his brother; and lastly, that he would
allow him a large share of king Edward's treasure, and so much of the
wardrobe as should furnish his house, and settle upon him and his
posterity the office of the high-constable of England, which his
ancestors by descent for many generations had enjoy'd.

The duke of Buckingham was not hard to be won to engage in such
an action as secur'd him from his present fears, and afforded a prospect
of so much gain and advantage, and so became a zealous actor for the
protector in making him king ; for he soon brought many of his
friends into the same design, and with the protector constituted a
council, which sat at Crosbye's Place, the protector's mansion house,
to contrive the most artificial and politick ways to settle the crown
upon his head : but they were to meet very secretly and privately.

This council had not sat long, but both their persons and their
actions were discerned : for cardinal Bourchier archbishop of Canter-
bury, Thomas Rotherham archbishop of York, John Morton bishop
of Ely, the lord Stanley, lord Hastings, and other persons of quality.

2l8 THE PEOPLE MURMUR.— LORD HASTINGS AND CATESBY.

who were busie to order the coronation, perceiv'd that, notwithstanding
their endeavours, matters mov'd slowly, and they saw cause to suspect
contrary motions.

The common people began to murmur at the delays of the corona-
tion, and talk'd as tho' there were some bad designs on foot, tho' no
man could guess at what was really intended ; but it was generally
look'd upon as a bad omen that the protector took upon him a state
and magnificence above his place, and would endure none but his own
servants about the king, who gave an unkind welcome to all persons,
that either desir'd to see the king out of curiosity, or wait on him out
of duty ; as tho' they would tell men that they must seek the king
elsewhere, viz., at their master's palace, which was soon so well under-
stood by such as expected any honours and preferments at court, that
the protector was flatter'd and caress'd as king, while his nephew was
little regarded, and bore only an insignificant name.

These actions increased the jealousie of the lords who sat at Bay-
nard's Castle to direct the coronation ; and the lord Stanley, who was
a wise and sagacious man, began to declare openly to his brethren,
' That he much dislik'd these doings, and could not believe that two
different councils could produce any good effects : we are conscious
of the loyalty and integrity of our actions ; but who knows what the
cabal at Crosbye's Place talk of, and contrive ? 1 fear, what we are
building, they are plucking down ; and unless we could unite, or
know their councils, ours will be in vain.' ' Peace, my lord,' said the
lord Hastings, ' never fear or misdoubt any thing ; I durst assure you
upon my life all's well, or at least nothing ill is intended against us :
for while one man is there, who is never absent, I am sure there can
be nothing propounded which shall sound ill to me, but it will be in
my ears as soon as it is out of their mouths almost.' This the lord
Hastings meant of one Catesby a lawyer, who was his special confi-
dent, and being put into a considerable trust in the counties of Leicester
and Northampton, where this lord's interest and power lay, merely
by his means, was reputed by him so faithful and grateful, that he
would neither do, nor suffer to be done any things injurious to his
patron : which indeed he had great reason to have done, but he much
deceiv'd him, as will after appear, and so was the chief instrument of
working the protector's will and aims ; for the lords generally saw so
many signs of distrust, that had they not rely'd entirely upon the lord
Hastings's word, whom they knew firm and loyal, they had all departed
every man to his own country and provided for their own safety,
which had certainly broken all the protector's measures ; for they
were men of great power and interest with the people, and could easily
have kept matters in the right current had they been at home ; but
Catesby carrying all fair to Hastings, and he persuading them that
nothing could be done amiss till he should know it and advertise them

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 2 19

of it, they trusted to him, and denying their own senses almost to con-
strue all things for the best, laid themselves open to ruin, and made
way to the protector's designs, which both himself and his council
were vigilant to improve.

The former jealousies of the council at Baynard's Castle were soon
known to the protector and the duke of Buckingham, and tho' they
would not seem to be sensible of it, yet they took up resolutions with
themselves either to win them over to their side, or if not, to secure
them from being their enemies, and to this end they shew'd great
favour to the lord Hastings, who much influenc'd the actions of all
the rest, and kept him much in their company, hoping by familiarity
and friendly endearments to dispose him to a compliance with their
designs, which they not long after caus'd Catesby his familiar
acquaintance to propound to him, but at some distance, lest his
refusal should betray all ; for if they could gain him, they were sure
of the greater part of the rest. Catesby, who now had forgotten
all former obligations, and was courting greater favours, readily
undertook the employment, and coming to the lord Hastings, who
had not yet the least mistrust of him, after much other discourse
about the present circumstances of affairs, asks his opinion about the
title and claim that the protector had to the crown ; insinuating, that
if it might lawfully be done, it would be better that an experienc'd
person and a brave commander should rule than a child. The lord
Hastings, who was firmly loyal to king Edward's children, presuming
upon Catesby's fidelity, freely open'd his mind to him without any
circumlocutions, and having shew'd him what jealousies the council
had of the protector's actions, with indignation expressed his utter dis-
like of it in words to this effect : ' That he had rather see the death
and destruction of the protector and duke of Buckingham, than the
young king depriv'd of the crown ; and that if he discern'd any de-
signs that way in any persons whatsoever, he would engage his utmost
power and ability against them.' These words, which 'tis believed
the lord Hastings would never have spoke, had he suspected1 either
the mission, or treachery of Catesby, were carried to the protector
immediately, and represented to him not with the mollifying terms of
a friend, but aggravations of an enemy, because he hop'd by his death
and the protector's favour, which for this ill office alone he had reason
not to doubt of, to obtain most of the rule and trust, which that lord
had in his country, and so his ruin would be his own making.

The protector received the account of Hastings aversion to his
designs with much trouble and regret, not for the disappointment
only, but because he had a great love for him, who had always been
his friend, and had done him many kindnesses in his brother's days,

1 Sir Thomas More makes it a doubt whether he spoke the words or not ; or indeed, whether
Catesby try'd him or not.

220 DESTRUCTION OF HASTINGS BY THE TREACHERY OF CATESBY.

and therefore engaged Catesby to win him, if possible : but Catesby
willing to see his downfall, represented him so irreconcilable to his
proceedings, that he chang'd the protector's love into hatred to him,
and made him lay hold upon any slight pretences to take away his
life, without which he saw he must meet with a great impediment in
the road of his ambition, and so the way was agreed upon in this
manner. The protector call'd a great council at the Tower on Friday
the J3th of June, on pretence of concluding all things for the corona-
tion, which drew on apace, the pageants being making day and night
at Westminster, and victuals killed ready for it. The lords of this
council assembled early in the morning, and sat close to their busi-
ness to settle everything for that solemnity.

The protector came about nine o'clock to them, and having saluted
all the lords very courteously, excus'd himself for coming to them so
late, saying merrily, that he had played the sluggard this morning.
Then he sat down and discoursed a while with them about the busi-
ness in hand, and was very pleasant and jocose in all his speeches.
Among other things more serious he by the bye said to the bishop of
Ely, ' My lord, you have very good strawberries in your garden at
Holborn, I desire you to let us have a dish to dinner.' ' Gladly, my
lord, will I do that, (quoth the bishop) I wish I had some better thing
as ready for your service as they ;' and thereupon sent his servant in
all haste for a dish of strawberries. A little after this, the protector
obliging them to go on in their councils, requested them to dispense
with his absence a-while, and so departed.

In the space of a little more than an hour he return'd again, but
with such an angry countenance, knitting his brows, frowning and
biting his lips, that the whole council were amaz'd at the sudden
change. Being set down, he said nothing for a good while, but at
length spoke with great concern, and ask'd them this question, ' What
punishment do they deserve who had plotted his death, who was so
near in blood to the king, and by office the protector of the king's
person and realm?' This question he had raised out of Catesby's
account of the lord Hastings's words and discourse, which he so repre-
sented to him, as if he had wish'd and contriv'd his death. The
lords of the council were much startled at it, and thinking with them-
selves of whom he meant it, return'd no answer. The lord Hastings
who was always familiar with him, and thought this general silence
not respectful, reply'd, ' That they deserv'd to be punish'd as heinous
traitors, whosoever they were.' ' Then,' said the protector, ' and that
hath that sorceress my brother's wife, (meaning the queen, but dis-
daining to call her so) with others her accomplices endeavour'd to do.'
These words begat fresh fears and disturbances among them ; because
they most of them favour'd the queen : but Hastings was well enough
content that the crime was not laid upon any that he lov'd better, tho

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 221

he lik'd not that the protector had not communicated it to him, as he
had done his designs to put the queen's kindred to death : (which
was by his advice and approbation to be done that day at Pomfret
Castle.) The protector still went on in his complaints, and said. ' See,
in what a miserable manner that sorceress, and Shore's wife, with
others their associates have by their sorcery and witchcraft miserably
destroy'd my body :' and therewith unbuttoning his left sleeve,
shew'd them his arm fleshless, dry, and withered, saying, t Thus would
they by degrees have destroy'd my whole body, if they had not been
discover'd and prevented, in a short time.' This proof, which the
protector thought to give of his accusation, convinc'd the council that
he had only a mind to quarrel with them, for they all knew that his
arm was never otherwise, and that as the queen was too nice to en-
gage in any such foolish enterprize, so if she had done it, she would
not have made Shore's wife, whom of all women she most hated,
because she was her husband's best-beloved concubine, one of her
council.

The lord Hastings, who from king Edward's death had kept Shore's
wife (for whom he had a great kindness in the king's life, but in
reverence to him forbore her) was inwardly troubled to hear her, whom
he lov'd, and knew to be innocent of any such thing, so highly and
unjustly accused, and because he had made the first answer to the
duke's question, he took himself obliged to return as modest an answer
as he could to his accusation ; and therefore said, ' Certainly my lord,
if they have indeed done any such thing, they deserve to be both
severely punish'd.' But this answer discover'd the lord Hastings's
opinion so much, that he thought the accusation false and forged, that
the protector in anger catch'd hold of his words and said, * Do you
answer me with ifs and ands as if I charg'd them falsely ? I tell you,
they have done it, and thou hast joyn'd with them in this villany ;' and
therewith clapped his fist down hard upon the board, at which sign
several men in arms rush'd into the room, crying, ' treason, treason.'
The protector seeing them come in, said to the lord Hastings, ' I
arrest thee, traitor.' ' What me, my lord,' said Hastings ? ' Yea, thou
traitor,' said the protector. Whereupon he was taken into their cus-
tody. In this bustle, which was all before contriv'd, a certain person
struck at the lord Stanley with a pole-ax, and had certainly cleft him
down, had not he been aware of the blow and sunk under the table :
yet he was wounded so on the head that the blood ran about his ears.

Then was the archbishop of York, bishop of Ely, and lord Stanley,
with divers other lords who were thought averse to his designs, im-
prison'd in several places in the Tower : and the Lord Hastings
order'd forthwith to confess and prepare himself for his death, for the
protector had sworn by St. Paul that he would not dine till his head
was off.

222 OMINOUS DREAMS OF STANLEY AND ARREST OF HASTINGS.

It was in vain to complain of severity, or demand justice, the pro-
tector's oath must not be broken : so he was forc'd to take the next
priest that came, and make a short confession, for the common
form was too long for the protector's stomach to wait on, and
being immediately hurried to the green by the chappel within the
Tower, his head was laid on a timber-logg which was provided
for repairing the chappel, and there stricken off. His body and
head was carried to Windsor, and there buried by his master king
Edward IV. late deceased, it being very convenient that he should
have a place next him at his death, who had lost his life for his
immovable loyalty to his children.

The death of this great lord, as it was sudden and unsuspected,
so it may seem to have been particularly regarded by heaven, from
whence he had many omens of it given him either to avoid it or
prepare for it, if he had had but wisdom to take a due notice of
them ; which are worth a particular relation, that we may see the
care providence has of men in imminent dangers.

The night before his death the Lord Stanley had a fearful dream,
in which he thought that a wild boar with his tushes had so
wounded his own and the lord chamberlain's head, that the blood
ran about both their shoulders. This dream had more than an
usual impression upon him, and because he interpreted the dream
of the protector, who gave the boar for his arms, and the wounds
and blood from their heads of some imminent danger of their lives,
he resolv'd no longer to tarry within reach of his power, but order-
ing horses to be got ready, sent his chamberlain to the Lord Hastings
at midnight to acquaint him with his dream, and encourage him to
take horse as fast as he could, and with him secure himself, for with
swift horses they could get near their friends by morning.

The lord Hastings, tho' awaked out of his sleep, yet being natu-
rally a man neither melancholy nor superstitious, receiv'd the message
with a smile ; and said to him, ' Doth my lord, your master, give so
much credit to such trifles as dreams, which are usually the effect of
our fears or cares ? Pray tell him, that it is plain witchcraft to be-
lieve in such dreams, which if they may be allowed foretellers of
things to come, yet are so uncertain, that we may do ourselves more
harm than good in following them : for who could assure him, that
if there is any real danger to be feared from the boar, we shall not fall
into it rather by flying than tarrying ? For if we should be taken and
brought back (as might very well happen) we should give the boar
just occasion to goar us ; for our flight would be such an argument
of some guilt, that we could hardly avoid it, and to allege a dream
as the cause, would make us ridiculous to all men : wherefore if there
were danger, as indeed there is none unless in his causeless fears,
it is rather in flying than tarrying ; and if we must fall into it one

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 223

way or other, I had rather that men should see it to be from
others falsehood, than my guilt or cowardice : and therefore go to
thy master, and commend me to him, and bid him be merry and
fear nothing : for I can assure him, that there is as little danger
from the man he means as from my own right hand.' ' God grant
it may be so' (says the messenger) and so departed. The gentle-
man brought the message to his lord, and made him forget his reso-
lution ; tho' with what mischief to himself the event proved.

Other ominous presages he had of his death that morning, which
his security would not suffer him to take notice of. Before he was
up from his bed (where he had lain all night with Shore's wife) there
came to him Sir Thomas Howard, son of the lord Howard, to call
him as he pretended, and to accompany him to the council ; but
he was really sent by the protector to persuade him to come if he
should not intend it, or*> if he design'd it to hasten him ; which
tho' he manag'd artificially enough, yet being of the protector's
cabinet council he was suspicious, and in the way as they passed
along, he gave the Lord Hastings such an odd interruption, in his
discourse with a priest which he met by the way, by telling him,
tho' merrily, * That he wonder'd he would talk so long with a priest,
he had no occasion for one, as yet,' that he might easily have sus-
pected he knew that he should have need of one soon : but he
was a loose and careless man, and regarded it not.

In the way also as he passed from his house to the Tower, his
horse that he was accustom'd to ride, stumbled with him twice or
thrice so dangerously that he had almost fallen ; which thing, tho'
it happens almost daily to persons who fall into no mischance, yet
of old it was accounted a certain presage of some misfortune. Also
when he came to the Tower- Wharf, within a stone's cast of the
place where his head was cut off a few hours after, he met with a
pursevant of his own name call'd Hastings, who having met him in
the same place, when he lay under king Edward's displeasure thro'
the accusation of the lord Rivers the queen's brother, and was in great
danger of his life, put him in mind of his former danger, and there-
upon he fell into a discourse with him about it and said, * Ah Hastings !
dost thou remember, when I once met thee in this place before with
an heavy heart ?' ' Yea, my lord,' (said he) ' very well, and thanks be
to God, your enemies got no good and you no harm by it.' ' You
would say so indeed' (said the lord Hastings), if you knew as much as
I do now, or as you will shortly. I was never so afraid of my life, as
I was then ; but now matters are well mended with me : mine
enemies are now in as great danger as I was then, (this he said,
because he knew that the protector by his and others advice had
given order for the execution of the lord Rivers, lord Grey, and sir
Thomas Vaughan at Pomfret) and I was never merrier nor more

224 THE PROTECTOR CLEARS HIS WAY TO THE CROWN.— SHORE'SWIFE.

secure in all my life.' With these words he parted and went into the
Tower, whence he never came out again. Oh the uncertain confi-
dence and short-sighted knowledge of man ! When this lord was
most afraid, he was most secure ; and when he was secure, danger
was over his head. By him we may see the truth of David's advice,
' Oh put not your trust in Princes ! ' and learn to leave all to God's
providence who delivers us in dangers, and never leaves us but when
we grow self-confident ; of which this great man was a sad example,
and ought to be a warning to us in the like case.

The protector having thus far proceeded to open himself a plain way
to the crown, by removing all that appealed in opposition to it,
Hastings being dead, and the lords of his party in prison, was yet at
a plunge, how to justify to the nation the severity of these proceedings
against him. For the lord Hastings, tho' in himself no good man, as
his publick keeping of Shore's wife for his concubine declared, yet was
had in great esteem by the king's friends, as a person of approved
loyalty and good affection to king Edward's line, and by the people
as a lover of the common good, and he was sensible that the news of
his death, which would fly into all parts from the city apace, would
cause great discontents in all parts of the nation : whereupon he
thought it his wisest course to send for the lord Mayor and chief
citizens to him into the Tower, and give them a full account of the
justice of the lord Hastings's sufferings ; that so the murmurs of
the city being appeased, the nation might have no cause to repine.

This contrivance he put in execution immediately after dinner the
same day, and having put on old rusty armour, which lay neglected
in the Tower, and commanded the duke of Buckingham to do the
same, as if their sudden danger had caused them to take any thing
that lay next for their defence, he and the duke stood ready to receive
them.

When they were come, the protector told them, 'That the lord
Hastings, and several other persons, had conspired and contrived
together suddenly to kill him and the duke of Buckingham that day
in council, for what cause, or for what design he could not guess, and
had not yet time to search it out, because he had no certain knowledge
of the intended treason before ten a-clock of the same day, so that he
had enough to do to stand upon his own guard, and provide for his
own defence ; which tho' they had both done in an undecent manner,
by putting on such filthy armour, yet necessity obliging them to it,
they were forc'd to take what was next hand : that God had wonder-
fully protected them from the danger he hoped, now the lord Hastings
was dead, against whom, tho' there might seem to be something of
cruelty us'd in so sudden an execution without any legal tryal and
hearing, yet there appearing to the king and the lords of his council
many reasons to believe, that if he had been kept in prison, his

"MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 225

accomplices would have made a formidable insurrection in the
country to rescue him, and his guilt being very evident, they
judg'd it best to inflict the deserved punishment of his crimes upon
him immediately, that the peace of the nation might not be in
danger. This is the real truth of the business, and we have there-
fore call'd you hither to inform you of it that you may, as you see
cause, satisfie the people of the justice of the lord Hastings's suffer-
ings, which tho' we were no ways oblig'd to do, yet out of our care
to please them, we have condescended to it, and we require you thus
to report it.' They all answer'd fair, and declar'd their readiness to
obey, as if they really believed him, tho' in themselves they look'd upon
his harangue as a plausible pretence for a foul fact, and so taking
their leaves of him departed. But upon more mature deliberation
this was not thought sufficient to appease the people's minds ; and
therefore soon after the mayor and citizens were gone, an herald of
arms was sent into the city to publish a proclamation in all parts of it,
to this effect :

' That the lord Hastings with divers othei- wicked conspirators, had
traiterously contrived the same day to have slain the protector and
duke of Buckingham sitting in council, with a purpose and design to
take upon him the government of the king and kingdom, and rule all
things at his pleasure, hoping that when they were dead, they should
meet no opposition in their designs. And in how miserable a condi-
tion this nation had been, if God had left them in his hands, appear'd
from the former actions of the said lord, who being so ill a man, could
not make a good governour. For he it was, that by his ill advice en-
ticed the king's father to many things much redounding to his dis-
honour and to the universal damage and detriment of the realm,
leading him into debauchery by his examplary wickedness, and pro-
curing lewd and ungracious persons to gratifie his lusts, and particularly
Shore's wife, who was one of his secret council in this treason, by
which lewd living, the said king not only shortned his days, but also
was forced to oppress and tax his people, that he might have sufficient
to gratify his expences. And since the death of the said king he hath
lived in a continual incontinency with the said Shore's wife, and lay
nightly with her, and particularly the very night before his death ; so
that it was no marvel if his ungracious life brought him to as unhappy
a death, which he was put to by the special command of the king's
highness, and of his honourable and faithful council, both for his own
dements, being so openly taken in his intended treason, and also lest
any delay of his execution might have encourag'd other mischievous
persons, who were engaged in the conspiracy with him, to make an
insurrection for his deliverance, which being wisely foreseen, and as
-effectually prevented, was the only means under God's providence to
preserve the whole realm in peace and quietness.'

15

226 SHORE'S WIFE MADE TO DO PENANCE AT ST. PAUL'S.

This proclamation, which was very well indicted (as was thought
by Catesby, who was a chief actor in this tragedy), and as fairly
written on parchment, tho' the expedition of the publishing of it was
look'd upon as politick and wise to prevent the discontents of the
people, yet it did very little good : for when men came to compare
things, and consider'd, that the proclamation was very elegantly com-
posed, very fairly written, and being very long was yet publish'd two*
hours after the death of the lord Hastings, they began to suspect that
that lord had foul dealings, and that his ruin being determin'd, it was
composed and written before his death ; for the time after was not
sufficient, either to compose or write it in. And hence it was, that
some spared not to reflect upon it. The school-master of Paul's
sharply said,

Here's a very goodly cast, Foully cast away for haste.

And a merchant that stood by him, answer'd him, it was written by
prophecy. Thus did the protector endeavour to palliate his wicked^
ness, in destroying the lord Hastings, but all was in vain ; this action,
was too foul to receive any tolerable plea, which would pass with men
of any thought at all.

The protector having done as much as cou'd be done, to excuse his
cruelty to the lord Hastings, took himself oblig'd to proceed against
Shore's wife, whom he had accus'd of the same treason ; lest if he
shou'd let her escape, he shou'd betray his plot ; for if she were not
guilty, no more was the lord Hastings ; and if he deserved death, so
did she. For this reason, he sent sir Thomas Howard to her house,
with an order of council to apprehend her person, and seize her goods,
as forfeited to the king by her treason ; which were both accordingly
done ; and her goods, to the value of two or three thousand marks
being taken from her, she was carry'd to prison into the Tower.
Within a few days after, she was brought to her examination before
the king's council, and the protector laid to her charge, ' That she had
endeavour'd his ruin and destruction several ways ; and particularly,
by witchcraft had decay'd his body, and with the lord Hastings had
contrived to assassinate him.' But she made so good a defence for
herself, as that there appear'd not the least likelihood of her being
guilty. Whereupon they, by the protector's order, fell upon her for
her open and scandalous whoredom, which everybody knowing she
cou'd not deny. And because they would do something to her to
satisfy him, they deliver'd her over to the bishop of London, to do
public penance for her sin in St. Paul's church, which she accordingly
perform'd the next Sunday morning, after this manner : Mrs. Shore
being deprived of all her ornaments, and cloath'd with a white sheet,
was brought by way of procession, with the cross carried before her,
and a wax taper in her hand, to the church of St. Paul's from the

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 227

bishop's palace adjoyning, through great crowds of people gather'd
together to behold her ; and there standing before the preacher,
acknowledg'd in a set form, her open wickedness, and declared her
repentance for it : in all this action, she behav'd herself with so much
modesty and decency, that such as respected her beauty more than
her fault, never were in greater admiration of her, than now : for she
being a beautiful and handsome woman, wanting nothing in her face
but a little blush, this shameful act supply'd that so well, that she
appear'd more lovely for it ; and as to such, as were glad to see sin
corrected, yet they pity'd her, because they knew, that the protector
did it more out of hatred to her person, than sin ; more out of malice,
than a love to virtue. This woman was born in London, virtuously
educated, and well married to a substantial and honest citizen ; but
being drawn to the match, rather by interest than affection, by her
parents' judgment, than her own inclination, she never had that fond-
ness for him, that joyns a wife inviolably to her husband's bed. This
looseness to her husband, with that natural ambition, and affectation
of gay cloathing and greatness, which is usually in women much
above their fortunes, though almost never so great, dispos'd her to
accept of the king's kindness, when offer'd : who, besides that he was
a very handsome and lovely person, could easily gratify her desires,
and by fulfilling his lusts, she knew she had mastery of his gifts and
treasure ; and for these reasons, she became his concubine. Her
husband (tho' made unhappy by her lewdness) yet carried his resent-
ments evenly ; and after the king had abus'd her, never wou'd have
anything to do with her, whether out of reverence to the king's person,
or out of a principle of conscience, it is not easy to determine, tho'
both might concur. She lived many years in king Edward's court,
and though that king had many concubines, and some of them of
much greater quality than herself, yet he loved her best for her merry
and ingenious behaviour. In this great, tho' bad station, she de-
mean'd herself with admirable prudence, and was not exalted by the
king's favour, but always us'd it with as much benefit to others as to
herself ; for she never abus'd the king's kindness to any man's hurt,
but always us'd it to their comfort and advantage : where the king
took displeasure against any man, she would mitigate his anger and
appease his mind ; and such as were out of favour, she would recon-
cile. For many heinous offenders she obtain'd pardon, and got a
relaxation, and sometimes a total remission of large fines ; and tho'
she was the only effectual suitor almost at court for such as wanted
places and preferments, yet she made 1'ttle advantage to herself by
it ; expecting none1 or very small reward, and that rather gay than
rich ; either because she was content with doing of a kindness, or
delighted to be sought to ; for wanton women and wealthy, be not
always covetous. In fine, her lewdness was her only fault ; and tho'

22tf EXECUTION OF THE QUEEN'S KINDRED AT POMFRACT.

that was great enough, yet to have a king for their bedfellow is such a
mighty temptation, that if no woman would condemn her before they
have the like trials, it's to be fear'd, she'd have few to cast a stone at
her. She was affable and obliging, generous and charitable ; and
tho', indeed, she was after reduc'd to a miserable poverty in her old
age, a just punishment for her sin, yet it was a reproach to many
thousands, that she was so, whom she kept from beggary ; and if they
had been grateful to requite her for those kindnesses in her want,
which she scorn'd to sell in her prosperity, she might have liv'd to
her death, in a condition great enough for her birth and degree.

While the protector was thus busied at London, in making his way
to the crown, and excusing himself for the death of the lord Hastings,
his bloody order given for the execution of the queen's kindred, the
lord Rivers and Richard lord Grey, with Richard Hause and sir
Thomas Vaughan at Pomfract, was punctually executed by sir Richard
Ratcliffe, a great favourite of the protector's, who was a man of a
desperate courage, and forward to promote all his designs. It is
thought, they suffer'd death at the same time the lord Hastings was be-
headed in the Tower ; who being a principal adviser in their deaths, may
be a warning to us all, how we concur in the undeserved sufferings
of innocent persons : for God often, and that justly, brings the evil
we do to others upon our own heads. The lord Hastings, by advising
the Protector to destroy the queen's kindred causelesly, shew'd him the
way to do the like to himself. The manner of their execution was as
barbarous as unjust. Great and heavy accusations were laid against
them, but none prov'd. They had not so much as the formality of a
tryal, but were brought to the scaffold on the day appointed ; and
being branded, in general, with the name of traitors, were beheaded.
The lord Rivers would fain have declar'd his innocence to the people,
but Ratcliffe wou'd not suffer him, lest his words shou'd lay open
the protector's cruelty too much, and make both him and his party
odious to the people ; and so he died in silence. Sir Thomas Vaughan
wou'd not endure his mouth to be stopp'd, but as he was going to
the block he said aloud, ' A mischief take them that expounded the
prophecy, which foretold that G should destroy king Edward's
children, for George duke of Clarence, who for that suspicion is now
dead; for there still remain'd Richard G. /. e. duke of Gloucester,
who now I see is he that shall, and will, accomplish the prophecy,
and destroy king Edward's children, and all his allies and friends, as
appeareth by us this day ; against whom I appeal to the high tribunal
of God, for this wrongful murder, and our real innocency.' Sir
Richard Ratcliffe heard this with regret, and putting it off, said to
him in scorn. ' You have made a goodly appeal, lay down your head.'
' Yea,' saith sir Thomas, ' but I die in the right, take heed that you
die not in the wrong :' and having this said, he was beheaded. He,

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 229

with the other three, were buried naked in the monastery of St. John
the evangelist at Pomfract.

Then the conspirators held councel among themselves, how they
might bring about their wicked purposes. Their chief difficulty, was
to engage the city ; and having gain'd the Lord Mayor, Sir Edmund
Shaw his brother, Dr. John Shaw a priest, and frier Pinker provincial
of the Augustine friers, to their interest, they determin'd, that doctor
Shaw should first break the matter in a sermon he was to preach at
Paul's cross, and the main argument he was to use for the deposing
of king Edward and the advancement of his uncle Richard, was
resolv'd among them to be the bastardy of the two princes, sons to
Edward the Fourth; which disabled them to inherit the imperial
crown of this realm. Tho' this charge would bring the scandal of
adultery on the queen, yet Richard and the conspirators did not con-
sider much, that the whole royal family wou'd be defam'd by it, in
the highest degree : on the contrary (rather than fail of the sovereignty
to which he aspir'd), the duke of Gloucester, and his emissaries, in-
tended to give out, that king Edward the Fourth was himself a
bastard, tho' his mother was the parent of the protector, and in calling
her an adultress, he prophaned the honour of the very person that
brought him into the world. This accusation he would have at first
only hinted, and spoken mysteriously, that if the people, in abhorrence
of such an unnatural slander, shou'd have been set against the
publisher of it, there might be room to put some other construction
on the words. Shaw was order'd to declare to his auditory, that
king Edward had promis'd marriage to the lady Elizabeth Lucy, by
whom he had a child ; and that the duchess of York had told him, he
was her husband before God, to prevent his marrying the lady
Elizabeth Grey, whose children, by king Edward, were consequently
bastards. He was not to mention anything of that king's illegitimacy,
unless he found his reflection on the queen's children would not take.
The doctor was a famous preacher, and a vast number of persons, of
all qualities us'd to flock to hear him : so they thought they had gone
a great way in accomplishing their designs, when they had got him
to their side. Shaw was not only ready to speak what the con-
spirators would have him, but turn'd his whole discourse against the
legitimacy of the young king and his brother. He began his sermon
with this expression, ' Spurea vitilamina non agent radices altas]
* bastard slips, shall never take deep root.' He shew'd the blessings
that God bestow'd on the fruits of the marriage-bed, and the unhappi-
ness of those children who were born out of wedlock. Several ex-
amples of both kinds he us'd to prove the truth of his assertion. He
took occasion from what he had said, to shew the reason they had to
fear, that the reign of the present king wou'd be unfortunate ; and
enlarg'd very much on the great things£that they might hope for, from

230 THE SERMON AT PAUL S CROSS AND ORATION AT GUILD-HALL.

the government of a prince of the duke of York's illustrious qualities,
the father of king Edward the Fourth, or rather, of the lord pro-
tector, who was the only lawful begotten son of the late duke of York,
who was kill'd at the battle of Wakefield. He then declared, that
king Edward was never legally married to the queen, being husband,
before God, to the lady Elizabeth Lucy : besides, neither he, nor the
duke of Clarence were thought legitimate by those of the duke of
York's family, who were most acquainted with the duchess of York's
intrigues with several persons of her husband's court, whom they
resembled in the face : ' But my lord protector, that very noble prince,
the pattern of all heroick deeds, represented the very face and mind
of the great duke his father: he (says the false preacher) is the
perfect image of his father; his features are the same, and the very
express likeness of that noble duke.' At these words, 'twas design'd
the protector should have enter'd, as if it had been by chance ; and
the conspirators hoped, that the multitude taking the doctor's words,
as coming from the immediate inspiration of the holy ghost, wou'd
have been incluc'd to have cry'd out, ' God save king Richard.' Which
artifice was prevented, either by the doctor's making too much haste
to come to that part of his sermon, or the lord protector's negligence
to come in at the instant when he was saying it ; for it was over
before he came, and the priest was enter'd on some other matter
when the duke appear'd, which, however he left, and repeated again,
abruptly, ' The lord protector, that very noble prince, the pattern of
all heroick deeds, represents the very face and mind of the great
duke his father ; his features are the same, and the plain express
likeness of that noble duke.' The protector, accompanied by the
duke of Buckingham, passed thro' the multitude, as the priest said
this : but the people were so far from saluting him king, that they
were struck with indignation at the preacher's base flatter}'- and
treason ; who, when he had clos'd his sermon, went home, hid himself
for shame, and never after durst shew his face in the world. Being
inform'd how odious he was become for what he had done, he fell, out
of grief and remorse, into a consumption, of which he died in a
short time. He preached this notable discourse, on a Sunday which
was to be preparatory to the duke of Buckingham's oration, on the
Tuesday following, to the lord mayor, aldermen, and council of the
city of London, assembled for that purpose in the Guild-Hall; where
that duke mounting the hustings, and silence being commanded in
the lord protector's name, spoke to this effect, several lords, who were
privy to the secret, attending him :

1 Gentlemen, out of the zeal and sincere affection we have for your
persons and interests, we are come to acquaint you with a matter of
high importance, equally pleasing to God, and profitable to the
Commonwealth, and to none more, than to you the citizens of this

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 23 1

famous and honourable city. For the very thing, which we believe,
you have a long while wanted and wish'd for, what you wou'd have
purchas'd at any rate, and gone far to fetch, we are come hither to
bring, without any labour, trouble, cost, or peril to you : and what
can this be but your own safety, the peace of your wives and daughters,
the security of your goods and estates, which were all in danger
till now? Who, of you, cou'd call what he had his own, there were
so many snares laid to deceive you? So many fines and forfeitures,
taxes and impositions, of which there was no end, and often no neces-
sity; or if there was, it was occasion'd by riots and unreasonable
waste, rather than a just and lawful charge, for the defence and
honour of the state. Your best citizens were plunder'd, and their
wealth squander'd by profuse favourites : fifteenths, and the usual
subsidies wou'd not do, but under the plausible name of benevolence,
your goods were taken from you by the commissioners much against
your will, as if by that name, was understood, that every man shou'd
pay, not what he pleas'd, but what the king wou'd have him; who
never was moderate in his demands, always exorbitant, turning for-
feitures into fines, fines into ransoms ; small offences into misprison
of treason, and misprison into treason itself. We need not give you
examples of it, Burdet's case will never be forgot ; who for a word
spoken in haste, was cruelly beheaded. Did not judge Markham
resign his office, rather than joyn with his brethren, in passing that
illegal sentence on that honest man? Were you not all witnesses of
the barbarous treatment one of your own body, the worshipful alder-
man Cook, met with? And your own selves know, too well, how
many instances of this kind I might name among you. King Ed-
ward gaining the crown by conquest, all that were any ways related
to those that were his enemies, lay under the charge of treason : thus
half of the kingdom became at once traytors ; for half of the kingdom
were either friends to king Henry, or relations or friends to some that
were so. Tho' open war with invaders, is terrible and destructive to
a nation, yet civil dissentions are much more fatal, and to be dreaded;
with which his reign was more disturb'd, than the reigns of all his
predecessors ; but he is dead and gone, and God forgive his soul.
It cost the people more blood and treasure to get the crown for this,
than it had done to conquer France twice : half of the nobility of
the realm lost their lives or estates in his quarrel; and when the
dispute was over, the peace that follow'd was not much safer than the
war: every rich and landed man was in danger; for whom cou'd he
trust that distrusted his own brother? whom spare, that kill'd his own
brother? or who cou'd perfectly love him, whom his own brother
cou'd not love? We shall, in honour to the memory of one that was
our sovereign, forbear to mention, who were the persons on which he
was so lavish of his favours ; only 'tis well known, that those that

232 THE LUST OF KING EDWARD. — THE CLAIMS OF THE PROTECTOR.

deserved them most, had least of them. Was not Shore's wife his
chief minister? Was there not more court made to her than to all
the lords in England; except those that were the strumpet's favourites?
Who, poor woman, was herself chaste and of good reputation, till he
deluded her to his lust, and tempted her from her husband, an honest
substantial young man, whom you all know. Indeed I am ashamed
to say it, the king's appetite in that point was insatiable and intoler-
able : no woman cou'd escape him, young or old, rich or poor, wife or
virgin, all fell victims to his lust ; by which means the most honour-
able houses were defil'd, and the most honest families were corrupted.
You of this renown'd city suffer'd most : you who deserv'd most from
him for your readiness to serve the house of York with your lives and
fortunes, which tho' he ill requited, there is of that house, who, by
God's grace shall reward you better. I shall not enlarge on this
subject, you have heard it from one, whom you will hearken to more,
as you ought to do ; for I am not so vain as to think, what I can
say, will have so great authority with you, as the words of a preacher;
a man so wise and so pious, that he wou'd not utter a thing, in the
pulpit especially, which he did not firmly believe 'twas his duty to
declare. You remember, I doubt not, how he set forth the last
Sunday, the right of the most excellent prince Richard, duke of
Gloucester, unto the crown of this realm : for, as he prov'd to you, the
children of king Edward the Fourth were never lawfully begotten,,
the king leaving his lawful wife, the lady Lucy, to contract an illegal
marriage with the queen : my noble lord the protector's reverence to
the duchess his mother, will not permit me to say anything further
concerning what the worthy doctor alledg'd of her familiarity with
others besides her own husband, for fear of offending the duke of
Gloucester her son : tho' for these causes, the crown of England is
devolv'd to the most excellent prince, the lord protector, as the only
lawfully begotten son of the right noble duke of York. This, and
the consideration of his many high qualities, has prevail'd with the
lords and commons of England, of the northern counties especially,
who have declared they will not have a bastard reign over them, to
petition that high and mighty prince, to take on him the sovereign
power for the good of the realm, to which he has so rightful and
lawful a title : we have reason to fear he will not grant our request,
being a prince whose wisdom foresees the labour both of mind and body
that attends the supreme dignity : which office is not a place for a child ?
as that wise man observ'd, who said, ' Vce Regno C2tjus Rex Puer est]
' Wo is that realm that has a child to their king.' Wherefore we have
reason to bless God that the prince whose right it is to reign over us is
of so ripe age, so great wisdom and experience, who tho' he is un-
willing to take the government upon himself, yet the petition of the
lords and gentlemen will meet with the more favourable acceptance!

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 233

if you the worshipful citizens of the metropolis of the kingdom will joyn
with us in our request ; which for your own welfare we doubt not but
you will. However, I heartily entreat you to do it for the common
good of the people of England, whom you will oblige by choosing them
so good a king, and his majesty by shewing early your ready disposi-
tion to his election. In which my most dear friends, I require you in
the name of myself and these lords, to shew us plainly your minds
and intentions.' The duke stop'd here, expecting the assembly would
have cry'd out, 'God save king Richard,' but all were hush'd and
silent, as if the auditory was confounded with the extravagance of the
proposal ; at which the duke was extremely surpriz'd, and taking aside
the mayor, with some others of the conspirators, said to them softly,
' How comes it the people are so still ?' * Sir/ says the mayor, 'it may
be they don't understand you well.' The duke to help the matter re-
peated his speech with a little variation, and with such grace and.
eloquence, that never so ill a subject was handled with so much
oratory. However the assembly continu'd silent. Then the mayor
told the duke, 'The citizens had not been accustom'd to hear any one
but the recorder, and perhaps they wou'd take the thing better from
him who is the mouth of the city.' Upon which the recorder Fitz-
Williams, much against his will spoke to the same purpose at the
mayor's command ; and yet he manag'd his speech so well as to be
understood to speak the duke's sense, and not his own. The people
being still as before, the duke mutter'd to the lord mayor, saying,.
' They are wonderfully obstinate in their silence.' And turning to the
assembly, he said, ' Dear friends, we came to acquaint you with a
thing which we needed not have done, had it not been for the affec-
tions we bear you. The lords and commons could have determin'd
the matter without you, but would gladly have you joyn with us, which
is for your honour and profit, tho' you do not see it nor consider it :
we require you therefore to give your answer one way or another,,
whether you are willing, as the lords are, to have the most excellent
prince the lord protector to be your king or not.' The assembly then
began to murmur, and at last some of the protector's and the duke's ser-
vants, some of the city apprentices, and the rabble that had crouded
into the hall, cry'd out, ' king Richard, king Richard !' and threw up
their hats in token of joy. The duke perceiv'd easily enough who they
were that made the noise ; yet, as if the acclamation had been general,
he took hold of it ; saying, ' Tis a goodly and a joyful cry to hear
every man with one voice agree to it, and nobody say no ; since
therefore, dear friends, we see you are all as one man inclin'd to have
this noble prince to be your king, we shall report the matter so effec-
tually to him, that we doubt not 'twill be much for your advantage.
We require you to attend us to-morrow with our joynt petition to his
grace ; as has been already agreed on between us.' Then the duke

234 RICHARD OF GLOUCESTER BESEECHED TO ASSUME THE CROWN.

and the lords came down from the hustings and the assembly broke '
up, the most part of them with weeping eyes and aching hearts ; tho'
they were forc'd to hide their tears and their sorrows as much as
possible for fear of giving offence, which had been dangerous.

The next day the lord mayor, the aldermen, and the chief of
the common- council resorted to Baynard's-castle, where the protec-
tor then lay ; and the duke of Buckingham, attended by several
lords and gentlemen, came thither also. The duke sent word
to the protector that a great company attended to move a
business of the highest importance to him, and desir'd audience
of his grace. The duke of Gloucester made some difficulty of
coming forth, as if he was jealous whether their errand was good
or was not.

The duke of Buckingham took this occasion to shew the lord
mayor and citizens how little the protector was conscious of their
design ; and then he sent another messenger with so humble and
so earnest a request to be heard, that his grace came forth ; yet
with so much affected diffidence, that he seem'd unwilling to draw
near them till he knew their business. Then the duke of Bucking-
ham very submissively beg'd pardon for himself and his company,
and liberty to propose to him what they had to offer, without
which they durst not proceed ; tho' 'twas for his grace's honour
and the good of the realm. The protector gave them leave to pro-
pose what they would, saying, ' He believ'd none of 'em meant him
any harm.' The duke then set forth elegantly and pathetically
' the grievances of the people, and pray'd him to redress them by
assuming the sovereign authority, which of right belong'd to him,
and which the whole kingdom with unusual unanimity desired he
would take to himself for the benefit of the commonwealth, as much
as for his grace's honour.' The protector seemed mightily surpriz'd ;
and answer'd, ' That tho' he knew the things he alleg'd to be true,
yet he lov'd king Edward and his children above any crown whatso-
ever, and therefore cou'd not grant their request. However he
pardon'd their petition, and thank'd them for their love, but desir'd
them to be obedient to the prince under whom himself and they liv'd
at that time, and whom he would advise to the best of his capacity,
as he had already done to the satisfaction of all parties.' The duke
of Buckingham murmur'd at this reply, and after having ask'd and
obtain'd pardon a second time for what he was about to say, he declar'd
aloud to the protector, ' That they were all agreed not to have any of
king Edward's line to reign over them : that they were gone too far
to go back ; for which reason if his grace wou'd be pleas'd to take the
crown upon him, they humbly beseech him to do it : or if he would
give them a resolute answer to the contrary, which they should be
loath to hear ; they must and wou'd look out for some worthy person

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 235

that would accept of their proposal.' At these words, the protector
began to comply a little, and at last he spoke thus to them ; * Since we
perceive that the whole realm is bent upon it not to have king Edward's
children to govern them, of which we are sorry, and knowing that
the crown can belong to no man so justly as to ourself, the right
heir, lawfully begotten of the body of our most dear father Richard
late duke of York; to which title is now joyn'd your election the
nobles and commons of this realm, which we, of all titles possible,
take for the most effectual : we are content and agree favourably to
receive your petition and request, and according to the same take
upon us the royal estate, pre-eminence and kingdoms of the two
noble realms England and France ; the one from this day forward by
us and our heirs, to rule, govern and defend ; the other by God's
grace, and your good help, to get again, subdue, and establish for ever
in due obedience unto this realm of England ; and we ask of God to
live no longer than we intend to procure its advancement.' At the
close of his speech there was a great shout of ' God save king
Richard.' The lords went up to the king, and the people departed
every man talking for or against the revolution, as he was
,inclin'd by humour or interest. 'Twas easie to perceive that how-
ever the thing appear'd strange to king Richard, 'twas acted by
concert with him, and what was done, was only to preserve decency
and order.

THE LIFE AND REIGN OF RICHARD III.

THE next day he went to Westminster, sat himself down in the
court of king's-bench, made a very gracious speech to the assembly
there present, and promis'd them halcyon days from the beginning of
his reign.

To shew his forgiving temper, he order'd one Hog whom he
hated, and who fled to sanctuary for fear of him, to be brought
before him, took him by the hand and spoke favourably to him,
which the multitude thought was a token of his clemency, and the
wise men of his vanity. In his return home, he saluted every one
he met.

From this mock election in June he commenc'd his reign, and was
crown'd in July with the same provision that was made for the coro-
nation of his nephew. But to be sure of his enemies he sent for 5000
men out of the north, who came up to town ill cloath'd and worse

236 CORONATION OF RICHARD III. — MURDER OF HIS NEPHEWS.

harness'd, their horses poor and their arms rusty ; who being muster'd
in Finsbury-Fields were the contempt of the spectators. The appear-
ance of these rude fellows in arms, gave cause to the people to suspect,
that as he was conscious of his guilt, he was apprehensive of its
punishment.

On the 4th of July he came to the Tower by water, with his wife
Ann daughter to Richard earl of Warwick ; and the next day he
created Thomas lord Howard duke of Norfolk, sir Thomas Howard
his son earl of Surrey, William lord Berkly earl of Nottingham,
Francis lord Lovell, viscount Lovell, and lord Chamberlain of the
household, and the lord Stanley was set at liberty and made lord
Steward of the household : the king being afraid of the lord Strange
who was raising men in Lincolnshire, as was reported. The arch-
bishop of York was releas'd from his imprisonment, and bishop
Morton deliver'd to the charge of the duke of Buckingham, who
engag'd to keep him in safe custody at his manour of Brecknock.
King Richard also created seventeen knights of the Bath, and his
son Edward prince of Wales. The same day he and his queen rode
through the city of London to Westminster, and the next day they
were both crown'd in the Abby-Church with extraordinary pomp.
What is most observable in the procession is, that the countess of
Richmond, mother to king Henry the seventh, bore up the queen's
train. After the ceremony was over, the king dismiss'd all the lords
who attended his coronation except the lord Stanley, whom he retain'd
till he heard that the lord Strange, his son, was quiet in the country.
He gave the lords a strict charge to see their several counties were
well govern'd and none of his subjects wrong'd. He liberally re-
warded his northern men, who valu'd themselves so much on the
king's favour, that presuming to commit many acts of injustice and
oppression upon it, he was forc'd to take a journey into the north to
reclaim them. What is ill got is never well kept ; which king
Richard soon shew'd by the murder of his two innocent nephews, the
young king and his tender brother ; whose death has however been
much doubted of since, whether 'twas in his time or not ; Perkin
Warbeck, thro' the malice of some and the folly of others, having a
long time abus'd the world, and impos'd himself upon princes as well
as people, for the younger of king Edward the fourth's sons. King
Richard contriv'd the destruction of the two young princes in
a progress he made to Gloucester, to honour the town, which
gave him the title of duke, with a visit : he imagin'd that while
his nephews liv'd, his right to the crown wou'd be call'd in
question : wherefore he resolv'd to rid himself of them, and to
that end sent John Green, a creature of his, to sir Robert Bracken-
bury, constable of the tower with a letter, desiring him one how
or other to make away with the two children whom he had in

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 237

keeping. Brackenbury refus'd to do it, and Green return'd to king
Richard, who then lay at Warwick, with the constable's answer ; at
which the king was so displeas'd, that he said to a page of his the
same night, ' Alas ! who is there that a man can trust ? Those that I
have brought up myself, those that I thought wou'd be most ready to
serve me, even those fail me, and will not do what I command them.'
The page reply'd, ' Sir, there lyes a man on the pallat in the outer
chamber, who I am sure will think nothing too hard that you shall
require him to do.' Meaning sir James Tyrrell, a brave handsome
man, who deserv'd a better master, and wou'd have merited the
esteem of all men had his virtue been as great as his valour. He was
ambitious, and with regret saw sir Richard Ratcliff soar above him in
his master's favour. The king knowing how aspiring he was, imagin'd
the page had hit upon the person who was for his purpose, believing
Tyrrell wou'd do anything in hopes of further preferment ; so he went
out into the chamber where he found sir James and sir Thomas
Tyrrell his brother on a pallat bed, to whom he said merrily, 'What
are you a bed so soon, gentlemen ?' and calling sir James to him, told
him his mind and what he wanted of him ; whom he found ready to
do whatever he commanded him. The next day therefore he sent
him with a letter to sir Robert Brackenbury, requiring him to deliver
sir James the keys of the Tower, to the end that he might accomplish
the king's pleasure in certain things he had given him commandment
about. Sir Robert having restored the keys to this assassin, he
resolv'd to murder the two princes in the ensuing night. When the
elder, who was call'd king Edward the fifth, was told that his uncle
was crown'd king ; he sigh'd and said, 'Ah ! wou'd my uncle let me
have my life, he might take my kingdom.' The person that told him
so, comforted him as well as he could, and for a little while the king
and his brother were well us'd; but afterwards they were shut up close,
and one servant only allow'd to attend them. Then the young king
apprehended what would be his fate, gave himself over to sorrow and
despair ; and the prince his brother was the companion of his grief as
well as of his misfortune. Sir James Tyrrell contriv'd to have them
murder'd in their beds, and appointed one Miles Forrest, a noted
ruffian, and John Dighton his groom a lusty fellow, to see execution
done. Those that waited near the prince's lodgings were removed,
and way made for Forrest and Dighton, to enter their chamber, un-
perceiv'd of anyone, at midnight. The poor youths were asleep in
their beds, whom the two assassins wrap'd up in the blankets and
coverlaid of the bed, clapt the feather bed and pillows upon them,
stopt their mouths and smother'd them to death. When the ruffians
perceiv'd by their struggling that they were dying, and afterwards by
their lying still that they were dead, they laid their bodies out naked
upon the bed, and fetch'd sir James Tyrrell to see them, who ordered

238 RETRIBUTION OVERTAKES THE PRINCES' MURDERERS.

the murderers to bury them at the stair foot deep in the ground under
a heap of stones. Then Tyrrell rode to the king, and gave him a full
account of the murder, with which he was so well pleased, that 'tis
said, he knighted him at that time ; tho' he seem'd not to approve of
their being buried in so vile a corner, they being the sons of a king :
upon which, sir Robert Brackenbury's chaplain took their bodies up.
and buried them privately in a place, that, by occasion of his death,
never came to light. Sir James Tyrrell, when he was afterwards in
the reign of king Henry the seventh, committed to the Tower for
treason, confess'd the murder in the manner we have related it : so
did Dighton, and both the master and the man, and Forrest the
warder came to miserable ends, thro' the just judgment of God, the
avenger of innocent blood. Dighton and Forrest, tho' they were not
executed by the hangman, died in a most horrible manner, rotting
away by degrees. Sir James Tyrrell was heheaded, and king Richard
himself, slain by his enemies, and his body ignominiously used by the
rabble. He could never after be at rest ; his guilt haunted him like a
spectre ; he was afraid of his own shadow when he went abroad, his
eyes roll'd in his head ; his limbs trembled, and his hand was always
on his dagger ; his sleep was ever disturb'd by frightful dreams ; -he
would suddenly start up, leap out of his bed, and run about the
chamber. Nor did he long enjoy the fruits of his bloody policy ; for
tho' the princes were remov'd, new enemies arose from time to time,
that kept him in continual fear thro' the course of his short reign.
The first that conspired against him, was the very person who had
been most instrumental in his advancement, the duke of Buckingham,
whose intimacy with him, commenced from the death of king Edward
the fourth.

We must look a little backward into the beginning of their con-
federacy, the better to clear the history of this duke's misfortunes.
On the death of king Edward he sent a trusty servant of his to the
duke of Gloucester, to offer him his service, and that he wou'd attend
him with a thousand men, whenever he pleas'd to command him.
The duke of Gloucester return'd him thanks, and informed the duke
of Buckingham with his secret designs. At Northampton, Bucking-
ham met the duke of Gloucester, at the head of three hundred horse,
and joyn'd with him in all his undertakings ; he accompanied him to
London, and stay'd with him till after the coronation : he went with
him to Gloucester, and there he took his leave of him to return home ;
where he was no sooner arrived, than he began to repent of what he
had done ; and to think he had not been sufficiently rewarded for it by
the usurper. The reason of his first discontent, is said to be this :
some time before the usurper was crown'd, 'twas agreed between him
and the duke of Buckingham, that the latter should have all the lands
belonging to the duke of Hereford, to which he pretended to have a

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 239

title, by his descent from the house of Lancaster ; his mother being
the daughter of Edmund Beaufort, duke of Somerset, brother to
John duke of Somerset, father to Margaret countess of Richmond,
mother to king Henry VII. But this title having some relation to
that of the crown, the usurper would not hear of restoring him to the
duke of Hereford's estate, and rejected his petition with indignation
and threats, when he was in possession of the sovereignity ; which
the duke of Buckingham so highly resented, that from that time
forward he contrived how he might pull him down from the throne
upon which he had set him. We are told he feign'd himself sick, and
excused his attendance at the coronation, and that king Richard should
send him word, if he would not come and ride he would make him
be carried.

This circumstance of the duke of Buckingham's discontent is not
given credit to, by those who consider the natures of the usurper and
of the duke, being both of them the greatest dissemblers in the
world : The one would not so rashly have provok'd a powerful
enemy, nor the other have given a jealous tyrant occasion to suspect
his fidelity : the truth is, the duke of Buckingham was a high spirited
man, and envied the glory of another so much, that when he saw
the crown set upon king Richard's head, he cou'd not endure the
sight, but turn'd his head away. Others write, that they continu'd
good friends till after his return home, and that the usurper dismiss'd
him at Gloucester with rich gifts and extraordinary marks of his
favour and affection ; when he came to Brecknock, he convers'd
much with Dr. Moreton, bishop of Ely, whom he had there in keep-
ing. This prelate was a very wise politic person, a man of learning
and of a winning behaviour. He had been always faithful to king
Henry ; and when he fell in with the party of king Edward, on king
Henry's death, he serv'd him as faithfully, and was one of the lords
whom the usurper seiz'd at the council in the tower. The bishop
perceiving the duke of Buckingham was pleas'd with his company
and discourse, thought he might improve the favour he had obtain'd
of him to the advantage of the common-wealth, by getting him to
joyn in a conspiracy against king Richard, towards whom, he found,
he was not very well inclin'd ; yet he managed the matter so warily,
that he rather seem'd to follow than to lead him, and brought him by
degrees to open his whole mind to him, and. to engage in prosecuting
a design which he had form'd, to bring about a match between Henry
earl of Richmond, and the lady Elizabeth, eldest daughter to king
Edward, by which marriage, the two houses of York and Lancaster
wou'd be united, and an end put to the long and bloody disputes
between the two factions. He durst not come to the point presently,
but advanced to it step by step, as he saw the duke of Buckingham
prepared to hearken to it.

240 CONVERSATION OF BUCKINGHAM WITH BISHOP MORETON.

When that lord came to Brecknock first, he prais'd the king, and
boasted what great things the nation might expect from such a prince :
the bishop reply'd ; ' My lord, 'twould be folly in me to lye, and if I
should swear the contrary, your lordship wou'd not, I suppose,
believe me ; had things gone as I would have had them, king Henry's
son had been king, and not king Edward. But when by God's
providence, he was deprived of the crown, and king Edward advanced
to the throne, I was not so mad, as to bring a dead man in competition
with a living one : so I became king Edward's faithful chaplain, and
should have been glad that his son had succeeded him : however,
since God has otherwise order'd it, I shall not kick against the pricks,
nor labour to set up whom the Almighty has pull'd down : as for the

late protector, the king that now is . Here he stopt short, as if

he had said too much already, to heighten the duke's curiosity to
know what he had to say more. The duke earnestly desired him to
proceed, promising him, upon his honour, ' That never any hurt should
come of it ; and perhaps, it might produce more good than he was
aware of ; saying, he intended to consult him, and to be govern'd by
his advice ; for which cause only, he had procured of the king to
have him in his custody, where he might reckon himself at home ;
otherwise, he had been delivered to those that would not have been so
kind to him.' The bishop humbly thank'd him, and said, * Indeed,
my lord, I don't care to talk much of princes, as a thing which is
dangerous, tho' the words may be innocent ; for if they be not taken
in good part, they may be fatal to him that speaks them, the prince,
putting what construction he pleases upon them : I often think of
the fable in Esop, when the lyon proclaim'd, 'That no horn'd beast
should stay in the wood, on pain of death ; one that had a bunch of
flesh in his forehead, fled away in haste : the fox meeting him, ask'd
him, whither so fast ? The beast answer'd, troth I don't know nor
don't care, provided I was out of the wood, as the proclamation
commands all horned beasts to be gone. You fool, says the fox, thou
mayest stay, the lyon does not mean thee ; it is not a horn that
grows in thy head ; no, quoth the beast, I know that well enough, but
what if he should call it a horn, where am I then?" The duke laugh'd
at the tale, and answered, ' I warrant you, my lord, neither the lyon
nor the boar, shall resent anything that is said here, it shall never go
any further I assure you.' The bishop reply'd, ' If it did, were the
thing that I was about to say, understood as I meant it, I should
deserve thanks ; but taken as I suppose it wou'd be, it might perhaps
turn to your prejudice and mine.' This raised the duke's curiosity
still higher ; upon which the bishop proceeded thus : ' As for the late
protector, since he is now king, I don't intend to dispute his title ;
however, for the good of the realm he governs (of which I am a poor
member) I was about to wish, that to the good qualities he possesses,

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 241

it had pleased God to have added some of those excellent virtues,
requisite for the governing a kingdom, which are so conspicuous in
the person of your grace.'

{Here ends Sir Thomas More. What follows, is taken from Hall and
Hollinshead's Chronicles^

The duke wondering why the bishop made such frequent pauses,
was the more eager to have him speak his mind freely, and reply'd ;
' I cannot but take notice of your stopping so often in the midst of
your discourse, which hinders my making any judgment of your
opinion of the king, or your goodwill towards me. As for any good
qualities in me, I pretend to none, and expect no praise on account
of my merit. I plainly perceive you have some hidden meaning
which you reserve from me, either out of fear or shame. You may
be bold and free with me who am your friend ; I assure you on my
honour, that I will be as secret in this case, as the deaf and dumb
person is to the singer, or the tree to the hunter.'

The bishop grew bolder on the duke's promise of secrecy, in which
he was encouraged, by the discoveries he made of Buckingham's
hatred to the king, he resolv'd therefore to come to the point, and to
propose to the duke, that either out of ambition, or his love to his
country, he should attempt to destroy the tyrant.

To this end, he resumed his former conversation in this manner :
* My singular good lord ; since I have been your grace's prisoner, I
have not known what it is to be deprived of liberty ; and to avoid
idleness, the mother and nurse of vice, I have spent my time in read-
ing. I have read in some of my books, that no man was born for
himself only : he owes a duty to his parents that begat him ; to his
relations and friends for proximity of blood and good offices : but
above all to the country, whose air he first breath'd : and this duty is
never to be forgotten : for which reason, I consider the present state
of this realm, wherein I was born, and in these considerations, I can-
not help making reflections on what a governor we now have, and what
a ruler we might have. In the present circumstances of affairs, the
kingdom must soon decay : confusion and destruction will certainly
be the sudden end of disorder and misrule. All my hope is in your
grace : when I reflect on your valour, your justice, impartiality, your
zeal for the public welfare, your learning, your sense and eloquence, I
rejoyce at the happiness of England, that possesses so good and so
great a prince, worthy the highest dignities : but when I on the other
side consider the good qualities of the late protector (now call'd king)
how they are violated and subverted by tyranny, eclipsed by blind
and insatiate ambition, and changed from mild and human, to cruel
and bloody ; I cannot forbear declaring openly to you, that he is

16

242 MORETON APPEALS TO THE PATRIOTISM OF BUCKINGHAM.

neither fit to be a king of so noble a realm, nor so noble a realm fit to
be govern'd by such a tyrant, whose kingdom, were it larger than it is,
could not long continue : God will overthrow those that are thirsty of
blood ; he will bring horrible slaughter upon them : how many brave
and virtuous persons were murder'd to make way for him to the throne ?
did he not accuse his own mother, an honourable and religious prin-
cess, of adultery ? Which, if it had been true, a dutiful child would
have past it over in silence. Did he not declare his two brothers and
his two nephews bastards ? And what is still more barbarous, did he
not cause those two poor innocent princes, whose blood cries aloud for
vengeance, to be cruelly murdered ? My heart melts when I think of
their untimely fate ; and my soul, with horror, remembers this bloody
butcher, this inhumane monster. What man can be sure of his own
life, under the dominion of a prince, who spared not his own blood ?
Especially if at any time he is suspicious of his fidelity to him, and
that he is carrying on ill designs against him, as every thing will be
term'd, that tends to the good of the publick: all will be reckon'd
guilty by him, that are great and rich. 'Tis enough for persons to
have large possessions to provoke his wrath. Now, my lord, to con-
clude this discourse with what I have to say to your grace ; I conjure
you by your love to God, your illustrious line, and your native country
to take the imperial crown of this realm upon you, to restore this
kingdom to its ancient splendour, and deliver it from the violence of
the oppressor. I dare affirm, if the Turk stood in competition with
this bloody tyrant, this killer of infants, the people of England would
prefer him to Richard, who now sits on the throne. How much more
then would they rejoice to live under the government of so excellent a
prince as your grace ? Despise not, neither lose so fair an occasion of
saving your self and your dear country : but if you will not your self
accept of the sovereignty of this kingdom ; if the toils and hazards of
a crown, prevail over you more than the charms of power, I intreat
you, by the faith you owe to God, and your oath to St. George, patron
of the honourable garter, (of which order you are a companion) by
your affection to the place that gave you birth, and to the English
nation ; that you will in your high and princely wisdom, think of some
means of advancing such a good governour, as you shall appoint to
rule and govern them. All the hopes of the people of England are in
you, and to you only can they fly for succour. If you could set up the
house of Lancaster once more, or marry the eldest daughter of king
Edward to some great and potent prince, the new king would not long
enjoy his usurped empire : all civil war would cease, domestick discord
would sleep, and universal peace and profit would be the blessings of
this noble realm.'

When the bishop had done speaking, the duke continued silent for
some time : the bishop chang'd colour, and was very much concern'd

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 243

at it, expecting his proposal would have been receiv'd with joy and
.greediness.

The duke perceiving the fright he was in, said, ' Fear nothing, my
lord, I will keep my word with you ; to morrow we'll talk more of the
matter, let us now go to supper.'

The duke the next day sent for the bishop, who had not all that
while been very easy, for fear how his last conversation would be taken.
Buckingham repeated almost all the bishop of Ely had said to him,
and when he had done, he pull'd off his hat and made this sort of a
prayer, * O Lord God ! creator of all things ; how much is thy king-
dom of England and the English nation indebted to thy goodness ?
Tho' we are now oppress'd by an evil governour, yet I hope e're long,
by thy help, to provide such a ruler, as shall be to thy pleasure and
the security of the common-wealth.' He then put on his hat, and
apply'd himself thus to the bishop ; ' My lord of Ely, I have always
found you faithful and affectionate to me, and especially in your last
free confidence in me : I acknowledge you to be a sure friend, a trusty
counsellor, a vigilant statesman, and a true lover of your country ; for
which I return you hearty thanks now, and shall recompence you more
effectually, if life and power serve. Since, when we were last together,
you open'd your mind freely, touching the duke of Gloucester, who
has usurp'd the crown ; and hinted a little, the advancement of the
two noble families of York and Lancaster ; I shall also, with as much
freedom, communicate to you what I have done, and what I intend to
•do. I declare therefore, that when king Edward died, to whom I thought
I was very little oblig'd, (tho' he and I had married two sisters) because
he neither promoted nor prefer'd me as I thought I deserv'd, by my
birth, and the relation I had to him. I did not much value his chil-
dren's interest, having their father's hard usage still in my mind. I
call'd an old proverb to remembrance, which says, { Wo be to that
kingdom where children rule and women govern.' I thought it of very
ill consequence to the people of England, to suffer the young king to
govern, or the queen his mother to be regent ; considering that her
brothers and her children by her first husband, though of no high
descent, would be at the head of all affairs by their favour with the
queen, and have more share in the government than the king's relations,
or any person of the highest quality in the kingdom. For this reason
I thought it to be for the publick welfare and my private advantage
to side with the duke of Gloucester, whom I took to be as sincere and
merciful as I now find him to be false and cruel. By my means, as you,
my lord, know well, he was made protector of the king and kingdom.
After which, partly by fair words and partly by threats, he persuaded
me and other lords, as well spiritual as temporal, to consent that he
might assume the crown till the young king was four and twenty years
of age. I stuck at it first, and he produced instruments witness'd by

244 BUCKINGHAM UNFOLDS HIS PLANS TO BISHOP MORETON.

doctors, proctors, and notaries, whose depositions I then thought to-
be true, testifying that king Edward's children were bastards. When
these testimonials were read before us, he stood up bare-headed and
said, ' Well, my lords, even as I and you (sage and discreet councel-
lors) wou'd that my nephew shoul'd have no wrong, so I pray you to-
do me nothing but right, these depositions being true, I am the un-
doubted heir to lord Richard Plantagenet duke of York, who by act
of parliament was adjudged the true heir to the crown of this realm.'

1 Upon which, my self and others took him really for our rightful
prince and soveraign lord ; the duke of Clarence's son by reason of
his father's attainder cou'd not inherit. The duke was also suspected
to be a bastard. Thus by my assistance and friendship he was made
king : at which time he promis'd me at Baynard's- Castle, laying his
hand on mine, that the two young princes shou'd live and shou'd be
provided for to mine and every one's satisfaction : how he perform'd
his promises, we all know to our sorrow. When he was in possession
of the throne, he forgot his friends and the assurances he had given
them : he deny'd to grant my petition for part of the earl of Hereford's
lands, which his brother wrongfully detained from me : he refused me
in such a manner as made the affront much more intolerable. I have
born his ingratitude hitherto with patience ; I have conceal'd my
resentments I had with him afterwards, carry'd it outwardly fair, tho*
I inwardly repented that I had been accessory to his advancement.
But when I was certainly inform'd of the death of the two innocent
princes ; to which (God be my judge) I never consented ; my blood
curdled at his treason and barbarity, I abhor'd the sight of him, and
his company much more ; and pretending an excuse to leave the court
retir'd to Brecknock. In my way home, I meditated how I might
dethrone this unnatural uncle. I thought if I wou'd take the soveraignty
on my self, now was the time. The temporal lords I saw hated the
tyrant : he was odious alike to the gentlemen and people of England ;
and had I assum'd the supream power, I thought there was no body
so likely to carry it as myself. Flattering my ambition with those vain,
imaginations, I staid two days at Tewksbury. As I travelPd further
homewards, I consider'd that to pretend to seat my self on the throne
as a conqueror would not do ; which wou'd be to subject the whole
constitution of the government, and entitle the conqueror to all the
noblemens' possessions, which wou'd ruin my design : at last I remem-
ber'd that Edmund duke of Somerset my grandfather, was with king
Henry VI. in two or three degrees from John duke of Lancaster law-
fully begotten ; my mother being duke Edmund's eldest daughter, I
look'd on my self as the next heir to Henry VI. of the House of Lan-
caster : but as I travel'd homewards, between Worcester and Bridge-
north I met the lady Margaret countess of Richmond, at present wife
to the lord Stanley, who is the rightful and sole heir of John duke of

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 245

Somerset, my grandfather's elder brother, whose title I had forgot
till I saw her in my way, and then I remember'd that both her claim
and her son the earl of Richmond's were bars to mine, and forbad my
pretending to the imperial crown of England.

' I had some discourse with her about her son, and then we parted,
she for Worcester and I for Shrewsbury. As I proceeded in my
journey, I consider'd with my self, whether since I cou'd not pretend
to the crown by descent, I might not have recourse to the election of
the lords and gentry of the realm, the usurper being generally hated
by them ; but then I began to reflect on the dangers and difficulties
of the enterprize ; that the late king's daughters and friends, and the
earl of Richmond's relations, whose interest is very considerable,
wou'd certainly oppose me to the utmost : and if the houses of Lan-
caster and York shou'd joyn against me, I shou'd soon lose the vain
power I might obtain : wherefore I resolv'd to flatter my self no
•more with chimasra's of my imaginary right to the royal diadem,
but only to revenge mine and the people's wrongs on the common
enemy.

' The countess of Richmond propos'd in the conversation we had
on the road, that her son might marry one of king Edward's daughters ;
and she conjur'd me by the memory of duke Humphrey my grand-
father, that I wou'd procure the king's favour for her son, and get him
to consent to the match. I took no notice of her proposal then ;
which when I weigh'd in my mind, I found of so great advantage to
the commonwealth, that I thought it was an inspiration of the holy
spirit for the benefit of the kingdom ; and I came to a resolution in
my self to spend my life and fortune in endeavouring to accomplish
so glorious a design, to marry the princess Elizabeth to the earl of
Richmond, the heir of the house of Lancaster, in whose quarrel my
father and grandfather lost their lives in battle. If the mothers of the
princes and the earl can come to an agreement concerning the mar-
riage, I doubt not but the proud boar, whose tusks have goar'd so many
innocent persons, shall soon be brought to confusion. The rightful
and indubitate heir shall enjoy the crown, and peace be restor'd to this
distracted kingdom.'

The bishop rejoyced extremely at this free declaration of the duke :
and that he might not slacken his zeal in so righteous a cause, he en-
deavour'd to fire him the more, and hasten him to the execution of his
designs; l My lord,' says the bishop, * since by the providence of God and
your grace's incomparable wisdom this happy alliance is set on foot, 'tis
convenient or rather necessary that we shou'd consult whom to trust in so
important and perilous an undertaking. To whom shall we first apply to-
wards effecting it ?' 'To whom,' reply'd the duke, 'but to the countess of
Richmond ; who knows where her son is, and how to send to him.' The
bishop answer'd, 'If you begin there, I have an old friend in her service,

246 PLAN TO UNITE THE CLAIMS OF LANCASTER AND YORK.

one Reginald Bray, a man of probity and judgment, for whom I will send
to attend your grace and receive your commands, if you think proper so
to do.' The duke consenting to it, the bishop wrote to Mr. Bray to come
to him to Brecknock ; which he did immediately, believing there
was something to be done for his lady's and her son's service. The
duke told him what he intended to attempt in favour of the earl of
Richmond, no less than to seat him in the royal throne of England, if
he swore to marry the lady Elizabeth ; and by that allowance put
an end to the long and bloody dispute between the white rose and
the red.

In order to this, he said, the countess must manage the business
with the queen dowager and the princess her daughter, and when they
were engaged, send to her son in Britain, and get him to swear he
wou'd perform the articles, agreed on between his mother and the
princess Elizabeth in both their names. Bray gladly undertook to
carry this message to his mistress, and now they were embark'd in so
great an affair, the bishop who long'd to be at liberty, desir'd the duke
to let him go to Ely, where the number of his friends wou'd secure
him against all the force king Richard cou'd send to destroy him.
The duke loath to lose so able and experienced a counsellor, excus'd
his detaining him a little longer; saying, ' He should go in a few days,
and so well accompanied that he need fear no enemy.'

The bishop impatient of confinement, stole away from Brecknock to
Ely in disguise, rais'd money there, and pass'd over into Flanders.
The good prelate thought he had done enough in setting the duke at
work on so hazardous a business, in which it seems he did not care to
venture further. Whether he thought he could be more serviceable
to the earl of Richmond abroad, or was afraid of his person at home ;
or whatever reason he had to leave the duke of Buckingham, he does
not appear to be excusable in history : for knowing the duke was too
apt to open his mind freely, he might have imagin'd that his indiscre-
tion wou'd ruin him, and 'twas to sacrifice a person of his high quality,
to put him upon an enterprize he was not fit to manage, and then for-
sake him in the execution of it ; at which the duke was very much
concern'd.

In the mean time Reginald Bray return'd to his mistress, inform'd
her of what had been concerted between the duke and the bishop, for
the advancement of her son ; and the countess with great joy intended
to play her part as soon as possible. The first thing she was to do,
was to engage the queen dowager and the princess ; to which purpose
she dispatch'd one Lewis, a Welshman who was her physician, with
instructions to attend the queen at Westminster, and break the matter
to her. Lewis's message was not in the least suspected, because he
came as a doctor, to advise her about her health. When he was ad-
mitted into her presence, and every body withdrawn, he gave her to

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 247

understand what errand he was sent upon. He set forth the wrongs
she, her children, and the whole nation had suffered by the tyranny of
Richard, what miseries had befalen thekingdombythe civil war between
the houses of York and Lancaster, and what advantages wou'd accrue
to her, her children, and the commonwealth, by the uniting the two
houses in marrying her daughter Elizabeth, the only true heir of the
house of York, to his mistress's son the only true heir of the house of
Lancaster. The queen heard him with attention, agreed to the pro-
posals, and bad him tell his lady, * That all king Edward's friends and
dependants should joyn with her for the earl of Richmond, on condi-
tion he took his corporal oath to marry the lady Elizabeth her eldest
daughter, or in case she were not living, the lady Cecilia, her second
daughter.' Dr. Lewis cary'd this pleasing answer to his mistress;
from whom he went frequently to the queen as a physician, and from
her to the countess, till matters were fully concluded between them.
While these things were transacting by the two princesses, Reginald
Bray was employ'd to engage as many persons of quality as he could
in the earl's interest ; accordingly, he procured Sir Charles Daubeney,
Sir John Cheyney, Richard Guilford and Thomas Rame esquires, and
others, to promise their utmost assistance, taking an oath of secrecy
and fidelity of all of them. The queen dowager on her part made the
earl many friends, and the business in a short time was so ripe, that
'twas thought proper to send an account of it to the earl, and give him
notice to prepare for his return to England. Christopher Ursewick
her chaplain, was first sent, and soon after follow'd by Hugh Conway,
esq. ; with money to provide men and other necessaries for his voyage,
and a full account of the disposition the nobility and commonalty were
in to receive him favourably. She advis'd him to land in Wales, that
principality being most inclin'd to him, as weM for his descent
being Welsh, as for the great estate she had there. For fear Mr.
Conway should miscarry in his voyage, Mr. Rame was despatch'd
away with the same instructions : the former sail'd from Plimoth, the
latter from Kent ; and tho' they took different routes they arriv'd at
the duke of Britain's court both within an hour of each other. They
communicated the subject of their commission to him. For which he
render'd thanks to the Almighty, being such joyful news as he wou'd
not have given light credit to ; but it came so circumstantiated, and
by such trusty messengers, that he did not doubt of the truth of it.
He imparted the secret to the duke of Bretagne, informing him what
a fair prospect he had of obtaining the crown cf England, desiring him
to assist him, and promising to return all his acts of generosity
and friendship as soon as it was in his power. The duke gave him
hopes of assistance, and accordingly he lent him money and troops for
his intended expedition ; though Thomas Hutton, king Richard's am-
bassador, offer'd large sums, and earnestly solicited the duke and his

248 BUCKINGHAM RISES IN REBELLION AGAINST RICHARD III.

ministers to put the earl's person in safe custody. The earl having
rcceiv'd so good incouragement in Bretagne, sent Mr. Conway and
Mr. Rame back again to gave his friends an account of his intentions
and preparations, and to desire them to provide everything necessary
for his reception.

The messengers returning, satisfy'd the queen dowager by Dr.
Lewis of the earl's readiness to comply with the terms she propos'd,
and inform'd the conspirators of the duke of Bretagne's promising to
lend him men and money : upon which they all repair'd to their several
posts to make provision for joyning him with sufficient strength to
accomplish their designs when he arriv'd. With these, all such as
had any grudge against, or quarrel with king Richard, fell in, by which
means the party encreas'd daily, and so many persons could not act
zealously in such an affair without giving umbrage of their intentions
to the usurper.

King Richard endeavour'd by his spies to find out the bottom of
their conspiracies, but he had to deal with men of equal cunning and
secrecy, and he cou'd not fix the matter on any one, tho' he did not
doubt but there was a plot carrying on to dethrone him and advance
the earl of Richmond. The duke of Buckingham's avoiding the court,
made him jealous that he was in it ; and to get him into his power he
made use of his dissimulation, a quality that had been very serviceable
to him in his usurpation, and wrote him very kind obliging letters to
come to London ; but the duke pretending indisposition excus'd him-
self. The king enrag'd to find his artifices unsuccessful, sent him a
letter in a rougher stile commanding him on his allegiance to attend
him. The duke answer'd as roughly, l That he wou'd not expose him-
self to his mortal enemy whom he neither lov'd nor wou'd serve :' he
knew this answer was a declaration of war, and to lose no time took
arms. The same did Thomas Marquess of Dorset, who had escap'd
out of sanctuary, in Yorkshire. Sir Edward Courtney and Peter
Bishop of Exeter his brother in Devonshire and Cornwall ; and others
in other places. The king hearing of these insurrections was not
at all dishearten'd, but must'ring all his forces march'd against the
duke of Buckingham, the head and heart of the conspirators ;
whom if he suppress'd he suppos'd the others wou'd fall of course, or
if not, he might easily reduce them. The duke rather by the influence
he had over the Welshmen who were his tenants, than out of any in-
clination they had to follow him, got a great multitude of them together,
with whom he march'd through the forrest of Dean towards Glouces-
ter, intending to pass the Severn there, and thence to proceed into the
west to joyn the Courtneys ; which if he cou'd have effected, king
Richard's reign had not been so long as it was by a year. But it
happen'd that the river Severn was so swoln by a continual rain
for ten days together, that it over-flow'd all the neighbouring country,

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 249

did abundance of damage, and 'twas so remarkable, that for a hundred
years after, that inundation was call'd, the Great Water, or Bucking-
ham's water, by the inhabitants of those parts. These floods as it
hinder'd the duke's passing the Severn to joyn his friends in Devon-
shire ; so it prevented his friends on the other side of the river passing
over to him : in which extremity the Welshmen deserted by degrees,
till at last the duke had none left about him but his domestick servants.
Nor prayers nor threats cou'd keep them together, so he was forc'd to
fly with the rest, and in despair fled to the house of one Humphrey
Banister near Shrewsbury, designing to hide himself there till he cou'd
raise more forces, or escape thence to the earl of Richmond in Bre-
tagne. He trusted this Banister as a man who had so many obliga-
tions to him, that he did not think it cou'd be almost possible for
human nature to be so ungrateful, as to betray a master who had
been so kind to a servant as the duke had been to Banister; having
bred him up, provided for him honourably, and put entire confidence
in him on many occasions. Yet upon king Richard's proclamation
to apprehend the duke, with the promise of a thousand pounds
reward to the rnan that should discover him, this faithless wretch
betray'd his master to John Milton esq., sheriff of Shropshire, who
surrounded his house with a party of the county militia, seiz'd the
duke, and carried him to the king, who then kept his court at Salis-
bury. Banister and his whole family were destroy'd by the surprizing
judgments of the Almighty. The usurper refus'd to pay him the
thousand pounds promis'd in the proclamation ; saying, ' He that wou'd
betray so good a master, wou'd be false to any other.' The duke
earnestly desir'd to be admitted to the king's presence, but whether
he was or not, we cannot determine. Some writers affirm he was!,
and that he attempted to stab him with a dagger. 'Tis certain he con-
fess'd the whole conspiracy, and without any further tryal was be-
headed in the market-place at Salisbury, on the 2nd of November.
Such was the fate of Henry Stafford, whom most authors call Edward
duke of Buckingham : he married Katherine the daughter of Richard
Woodville, sister to queen Elizabeth wife to Edward IV. by whom he
had Edward duke of Buckingham, Henry earl of Wiltshire, and two
daughters ; the one married George lord Hastings, and the other
Richard Ratcliffe lord Fitz- Waters. The duke of Bucks was here-
ditary constable of England, and his estate and revenues were so
great, that king Richard had reason to be jealous of him ; for no
subject in England was so powerful either in the number of his tenants
and dependants, or in his vast riches.

By the dispersing of the Welshmen the western army was so dis-
couraged, that every man shifted for himself. Some fled to sanctuary,
others took shipping and sail'd to Bretagne to the earl of Richmond.
Among these were Peter Courtney bishop of Exeter, sir Edward

250 THE EARL OF RICHMOND SAILS FOR ENGLAND.

Courtney his brother, afterwards created earl of Devonshire by Henry
the seventh, Thomas marquess Dorset, John lord Welles, sir John
Bourchier, sir Edward Woodville the queen dowager's brother, sir
Robert Willoughby, sir Giles Daubeney, sir John Cheyney and his
two brothers, sir Thomas Arundel, sir William Berkley, sir William
Branden, Thomas Branden esq., and Capt. Edward Poynings, a
famous soldier, whom Henry VII. highly preferr'd. King Richard
did all that a wise prince cou'd think of to prevent their getting off.
Knowing what an addition to the earl's power, the presence of so
many persons of quality wou'd make, he set guards on most of the
ports of England ; but those in the west being in the hands of the
malecontents, they escap'd the cruel vengeance which was prepar'd
for them. The usurper fitted out a fleet to cruise off the coasts of
Bretagne, and prevent the earl of Richmond's landing any forces in
England ; but the earl not hearing of the duke's misfortune, set sail
the 1 2th of October with a fleet of forty ships having 5000 Bretons
aboard. They had not been long at sea before they met with a storm
that scatter'd their fleet. The ship in which was the earl in person
was driven on the coast of England to the mouth of the Haven of
Pool in Dorsetshire; where finding the shoar was crouded with troops
to oppose his descent, he forbad any of his men to land till the whole
navy came up. However, he sent out his boat with some officers to
demand of the men, who stood on the shoar, whether they were
friends or enemies ? These traytors instructed by king Richard an-
swer'd, they were friends posted there by the duke of Bucks, to
receive the earl of Richmond. The earl suspecting the deceit, and
perceiving he was alone, the rest of his fleet not appearing, weigh'd
anchor and return'd to France. He landed in Normandy, where he
refresh'd himself and his men two or three days, and then sent a
gentleman to Charles the eighth, the French king, desiring passports
thro' his territories into Bretagne ; which was readily granted by
Charles. However the earl did not stay for the return of his courier,
but trusting to the French king's generosity continu'd his journey thro7
Normandy to Vannes, where the duke of Bretagne resided. When
he arriv'd there he heard of the duke of Buckingham's death, and
found the marquess Dorset, and the other English gentlemen who
had made their escape. They all swore allegiance to him, and he
took his corporal oath, on the same day the 25th of December, that
he would marry the princess Elizabeth when he had suppress'd the
usurper Richard, and was in possession of the crown.

The zeal which these gentlemen shewed in his cause, and the con-
sideration of the great interest they had in England, lessen'd the earl's
sorrow for the misfortune of his friends in their first attempts against
the tyrant, and encouraged him to refit his fleet and prepare for a
new voyage to England, where many of his friends were seiz'd and

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 2$ I

executed ; as sir George Brown and sir Roger Clifford who were be-
headed at London ; and sir Thomas St. Leger, who had married the
king's own sister the Duchess of Exeter, Thomas Rame, esq., and
several of his own servants ; the two former were executed at Exon ;
the latter, whom he condemn'd on bare suspicion, at London, and
other places. The usurper made a progress to Devonshire and Corn-
wall to settle the peace of those countries, where the earl's party was
very numerous. The mayor, aldermen, and citizens of Exeter pre-
sented him with a purse of gold to obtain his favour : he receiv'd it
graciously, lay in the city one night, and the next day went about it to
take a view of it : when he came to the castle, and was inform'd 'twas
called Rugemont, he seem'd very melancholy, and said, ' I find I
shall not live long.' He thought that name was foretold by an old
prophecy which he had heard relating to him, that his end would be
nigh when he came to Richmond : which prediction was fulfill'd at
the battle of Bosworth. In his western journey, he found the gentle-
men of those parts were almost all concern'd in the conspiracy to
depose him and raise the earl of Richmond to the throne. All that
had made their escape were out-law'd, and those that fell into his
hands were put to death ; for he knew not what mercy and humanity
meant.

In the beginning of the following year (1484) he summon'd a par-
liament, in which the earl of Richmond and his followers were attain-
ted, and the people burthen'd with severe taxes and impositions. The
money so collected was wasted on his creatures, or squander'd away
prodigally on such as knew anything of his guilt in the death of his
nephews, to stop their mouths. He obliged the lord Stanley to con-
fine his wife the countess of Richmond, so that she should have no
means of holding correspondence with any one to his prejudice. He
ordered William Collingburne of Lydiard in Wiltshire to be hang'd,
drawn and quarter'd, for aiding and assisting the earl of Richmond
and his followers, and writing a satyrical dystich upon him and his
favourites, the lord viscount Lovel, Sir Richard Ratcliffe, and sir
William Catesby.

The cat, the rat, and Lovell the dog?
Rule all England under a hog.

Alluding by the hog to the usurper's arms, one of his supporters being
a wild boar. Yet these executions did not ease him of his fears : he
heard by his emissaries abroad, that Dr. Moreton, bishop of Ely, and
Ursewich, the countess of Richmond's chaplain, who liv'd in Flanders,
had carried on a close correspondence with many of the chief per-
sons in his kingdom ; and that the duke of Bretagne still continu'd to
protect and support the earl Henry. He saw the storm that had been
lately gathering over him was not dispers'd by the duke of Bucking-

252 THE EARL OF RICHMOND ESCAPES INTO FRANCE.

ham's death, and the flight of the Courtneys ; the clouds grew darker
still, and the tempest that threatened him was such as requir'd all his
arts and all his power to provide against. He secur'd his dominions
on the side of Scotland, by entring into an alliance with the Scots
king, to whose eldest son the duke of Rothsay he married the lady
Anne de la Pool, daughter to John duke of Suffolk, by Anne the
usurper's best belov'd sister. Her son John he proclaim'd heir ap-
parent to the crown, without having regard to king Edward the
Fourth's daughters : yet all his negotiations and successes abroad and
at home were ineffectual, and he perceiv'd that nothing would entirely
secure him against the earl and his friends' contrivances, unless he
cou'd get his person into his power. To this purpose he sent over
other ambassadors to the duke of Bretagne, with instructions to apply
themselves to Peter Landeise the duke's chief minister and favourite,
and by immense sums of money to endeavour to tempt him to betray
the earl. They were to offer him for the duke his master the clear
profits of all the earl's estate in England, and for himself whatever he
cou'd ask of them. The treacherous Breton hearken'd to the pro-
posals made by Richard's ambassadors, and promis'd to deliver the
earl of Richmond to them. But the bishop of Ely who had intelli-
gence in king Richard and the duke of Bretagne's courts, understood
what designs were forming against earl Henry, of which he sent him
notice by Ursewich ; and the earl giving credit to his information,
escap'd in disguise with his principal officers into the French king's
dominions. Landeise intended a day or two after to have seiz'd him,
and when he miss'd him sent couriers into all parts of the duchy in
search of him. He was scarce got into the French territories when
one of the parties that was sent out after him came within an hour's
riding of him, but he had prevented Landeise his treachery, who acted
without his master's privity. The duke of Bretagne being at that time
dangerously ill, and leaving all things to his management. The
English refugees that remain'd in Bretagne expected all to be delivered
up to the fury of king Richard, when they heard of the earl's escape,
and the reasons of it : and had not the duke of Bretagne recover'd
and took on him the administration of affairs, the traytor Landeise
wou'd have seiz'd them, and yielded them up to the usurper's ambas-
sadors. The duke inquiring into the causes of the earl's flight into
France, was very much displeas'd with Landeise and sent for sir
Edward Woodvill and Capt. Poynings, to whom he excus'd the
treachery of his minister, disowning the knowledge of it, and gave
them a considerable sum of money to conduct them and all the
Englishmen who were at Vannes, thro' Bretagne into France to their
master the earl of Richmond : for which generous act the earl sent
him thanks by a messenger on purpose. Himself went to Loinges on
the Loire, where Charles VIII., the French king, kept his court, and

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 253

from thence accompanied him to Montargis. Charles entertain'd him
and his followers very magnificently, but was not very forward to lend
him any assistance.

While the earl was in the French court, John earl of Oxford re-
pair'd to him with James Blunt captain of the castle of Haumes, in
which the Lord Oxford had been confin'd several years, and had
engag'd the governour in the interest of the earl of Richmond ; with
them came Sir John Fortescue, porter of the tower of Calais. James
Blunt had reinforc'd his garrison, supply'd it with all sorts of pro-
visions for a vigorous defence, and left a trusty officer to command
there in his absence. The arrival of the earl of Oxford, and the revolt
of the garrison of Haumes, animated afresh earl Henry and his friends,
whose spirits began to sink, seeing the little hopes they had of help in
France. Their company increas'd after this daily : most of the Eng-
lish gentlemen who were students in the university of Paris did
homage to the earl, among whom was Mr. Richard Fox, afterwards
bishop of Winchester ; and as their numbers grew greater abroad,
their interest at home was consequently enlarged.

The usurper, who by his spies had a full account of all their pro-
ceedings, knew that the hopes of the party were founded on the earl's
promise to marry the princess Elizabeth, which he resolv'd by some
means or other to prevent ; and to that end he did his utmost to in-
gratiate himself with her mother queen Elizabeth. He sent several
flattering messages to her in sanctuary, promised to advance the mar-
quess Dorset and all her relations, and won upon her so much by his
fair speeches, that forgetting the many affronts he had cast on the
memory of her husband, on her own honour and the legitimacy of her
children, and even the murder of her dear sons, she comply'd with
him, and promis'd to bring over her son, and all the late king's friends
from the party of the earl of Richmond. She went so far, as to deliver
'up her five daughters into his hands ; whom as soon as king Richard
had got in his custody, he resolv'd to order the matter so, that he
might be in a condition to take the eldest of them to be his wife ; which
was a sure way of defeating the earl of Richmond's purposes. Queen
Elizabeth was so charm'd by his false promises, that she wrote to her
son the marquis Dorset to leave earl Henry and hasten to England,
where she had procur'd him a pardon, and provided all sorts of
honours for him. What success her letters had, we shall see in the
course of this history.

We have already observed, that king Richard had cast his eyes
upon his brother Edward the Fourth's daughter, the princess Eliza-
beth : he had been guilty of treason and murder, and almost all the
crimes that are to be found in the infernal rolls : incest seem'd only
wanting to make him a com pleat monster of mankind, the horror of
his people, and the shane of the whole world. As he was master of

254 RICHARD GROWS WEARY OF HIS WIFE.

the art of dissimulation, and had lately put on the mask of piety, so he
was a little at a loss how to remove his wife out of the way, to
make room for his niece in his bed. He began his lewd design,
by shewing an aversion to his wife's company and embraces. He
complain'd to several lords of the council, of her barrenness ; es-
pecially to Thomas Rotherham, archbishop of York, whom he had
lately released out of prison. He told him of some private defects
in the queen, which had render'd her person disagreeable to him,
and hop'd the bishop would tell her of it, who being a woman of a
meek temper, he thought would take it so much to heart, that she
would not live long after it. Dr. Rotherham said to some of his most
intimate friends, the queen's days are but few ; for he perceiv'd by
the usurper's discourse, that he was weary of her and wanted another
wife, and he knew him so well, that he could not suppose he would
scruple to add one murder more to the many bloody cruelties he had
been guilty of to satisfy his lust and ambition. To prepare the way
for her death, he order'd a report to be spread among the people that
she was dead : which he did with an intention, that the rumour
coming to her ears, it might alarm her with fear -of her sudden
fate, and those fears throw her into a disease which might carry
her off. The queen no sooner heard of what was reported against
her, but she believ'd it came originally from her husband ; and
thence concluding, that her hour was drawing nigh, she ran to him in
a most sorrowful and deplorable condition, and demanded of him
* What she had done to deserve death ?' The tyrant answer'd her
with fair words and false smiles, bidding her ' Be of good chear, for
to his knowledge she had no other cause.' But whether her grief, as
he design'd it should, struck so to her heart, that it broke with the
mortal wound, or he hastened her end, as was generally suspected, by
poison, she died in a few days afterwards. She was daughter to the
famous earl of Warwick ; and when Richard married her, widow to'
prince Edward, heir to Henry VI. The usurper affected to show an
extraordinary sorrow at her death, and was at the expense of a pom-
pous funeral for her. Notwithstanding all his pretended mourning,
before she was scarce cold in the grave, he made his addresses to the
princess Elizabeth, who had his love in abhorrence, and the whole
kingdom appeared averse to so unnatural a marriage. His affairs
were in such an ill posture, that he durst not provoke the queen and
the people further, by putting a violence on the princess's inclinations ;
so he deferr'd his courtship till he was better settl'd in the throne.
The nobility daily past over into France : the gentry and commonalty
everywhere, shew'd an affection to the earl of Richmond, as far as
they durst do it, without bringing themselves under the lash of the
tyrant's laws. He was most jealous of Thomas Lord Stanley, his
his brother sir William Stanley, and Gilbert Talbot. He obliged the

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 255

Lord Stanley to leave his son George Stanley, lord Strange, at court,
as an hostage of his old fidelity. He commanded the governour of
Calais to attack the castle of Haumes : (1485) The earl of Oxford and
Captain Blunt immediately hasten'd to the relief of it, but before
they could arrive near it, the garrison was reduced to the last ex-
tremity, and the besiegers, on the report of the earl of Oxford's
approach, offering them to march out with bag and baggage, they
surrender'd the fort, and joyn'd the earl, who led them to Paris, where
they were entertain'd by the earl of Richmond. The reduction of
Haumes, and the small hopes of assistance which earl Henry had
in the French court, made the usurper so secure, that he recall'd the
squadron of men of war, which he had order'd to cruise in the channel
and prevent the earl's making a descent in England, and contented
himself with commanding the lords and gentlemen, who liv'd near the
coasts to be on their guard to defend them.

In the mean time the earl of Richmond continued his negotiations
in the court of France for succours ; but Charles VIII. being in his
minority, he was forced to apply to the Regents, or ministers of
state, who being divided among themselves, had no inclination to
unite in his favour. The chiefest of them was Lewis, duke of Orleans,
who afterwards was king : but by their civil dissensions, the affairs
of his supplies were spun on to so great a length, that the usurper
flattered himself 'twould never take effect. For this reason he grew
more pleasant than before, his joy increased as his care lessen'd, and
lull'd him at last into a fatal security.

The queen dowager, to oblige the king, who lately appear'd very
ready to serve her and her daughters, continued to write to her son
the marquess of Dorset, to leave earl Henry. The marquis fearing
the earl wou'd not succeed in his enterprize, gave way to his mother's
persuasions, and king Richard's flattering promises, left the earl, and
stole away from Paris by night, intending to escape to Flanders : but
as soon as the earl had notice of his flight, he apply'd to the French
court, for leave to apprehend him in any part of his dominions ; for
both himself and his followers were afraid of his discovering all their
designs, to their utter destruction if he got to England. Having obtain'd
licence to seize him, the earl sent messengers every way in search of
him, and among the rest, Humphrey Cheyney, esq., who overtook him
near Champaigne, and by arguments and fair promises prevail'd with
him to return. By the marquess's disposition to leave him, the earl
began to doubt that if he delay'd his expedition to England longer,
many more of his friends might grow cool in their zeal for him ; so he
earnestly solicited the French court for aid, desiring so small a supply
of men and money, that Charles cou'd not in honour refuse him ; yet
for what he lent him, he would have hostages, that satisfaction should
be made. The earl made no scruple of that, so leaving the lord marquess

256 THE EARL OF RICHMOND LANDS IN WALES.

Dorset (whomhe still mistrusted) and sir John Bourchier ashis pledges at
Paris, he departed for Roan, where the few men that the French king
had lent him, and all the English that folio w'd his fortunes rendezvous'd.
When he arriv'd there, he was inform'd of the usurper's intentions
to marry the princess Elizabeth himself, and her sister, the princess
Cecilia, to a man of mean condition. This was mortifying news to
him, for he imagin'd if his alliance with the house of York was by that
means broken, their friends would all fall off from him : however he
resolv'd to push for the crown, as heir to the house of Lancaster, but
then it was necessary for him to encrease his strength and interest ;
wherefore he dispatch'd away a messenger to sir Walter Herbert, a
man of great power in Wales, to get him to espouse his quarrel, by
an offer of marrying his sister, a beautiful young lady. The earl of
Northumberland had married another of sir Walter's sisters, and the
earl of Richmond's agent had instructions to address himself also to
him, and persuade him to forward the marriage. The messenger
found the ways so narrowly watch'd, that he cou'd not proceed on his
journey : and 'twas well for the earl that he did no more in it ; for had
any such treaty been proposed and known, his friends, who were so
on the princess Elizabeth's account, had all forsaken him. The
messenger being thus disappointed, the earl receiv'd one out of Eng-
land, Morgan Kidwellie, esq., a lawyer, who brought him advice, that
sir Rice ap Thomas, a gentleman who was as powerful in Wales as sir
Walter Herbert, and capt. John Savage, a famous soldier, had made
great preparations to assist him ; that Reginald Bray had collected
large sums of money to pay his troops, and earnestly entreated him to
hasten his voyage and direct his course to Wales. The earl rejoycing
at this good news, order'd all his forces to embark and sail from Har-
fleet in Normandy in August, with about two thousand men, in a few
ships, just enough to transport them. After seven days' sail, he
arriv'd in the haven of Milford, and landed at a place call'd Dalle,
from whence he march'd the next day to Haverford West, whence he
was receiv'd with joy by the townsmen. Having refresh'd his men,
and sent notice, by trusty messengers, to his mother, the lord Stanley,
and Sigilbert Talbot, that he intended to direct his march towards
London, desiring them to meet him on the way with their powers, he
advanced to Shrewsbury, where sir Gilbert Talbot joyn'd him with the
earl of Shrewsbury's tenants, as sir Rice ap Thomas and Richard
Griffith, esq. had done before, with a body of Welsh-men ; by which
his army became so strong, that he easily reduced all the towns to
which he came in his march. Sir Rice ap Thomas wou'd not come
unto him, till he had promised to make him governour of Wales,
in case he got the crown ; which the earl agreed to and perform'd as
soon as 'twas in his power, sir Rice having been very faithful and ser-
viceable to him.

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 2$7

In the meanwhile, the lord Stanley and his brother sir William
Stanley rais'd men, but did not declare whom they would side with ;
sir William advanced with his army into Staffordshire, and waited
on the earl of Richmond at Stafford, attended only by twenty or thirty
persons. The lord Stanley lay at Litchfield with 5000 men ; yet
neither he nor his brother joyn'd the earl. Sir William having had a
short conference with him, return'd to his forces ; and when the
earl approach'd near Litchfield, the lord Stanley return'd to Ather-
stone, to prevent king Richard's having any suspicion of him ; being
afraid that the tyrant would murder his son the lord Strange, whom
he had in his custody, if he sided openly with the earl of Richmond.

The usurper at first despised the earl's attempt, hearing he had
brought so few men with him, he did not doubt but sir Walter Herbert
would easily suppress him with the militia in Wales, which he
order'd him to raise, but when he heard that sir Walter had suffered
him to pass, and so many gentlemen had joyn'd him with their friends
and dependants, that his army would be as numerous as his own, if
the Lancashire men, under the Stanley's, declar'd for him, he resolved
to oppose him in person. He commanded Henry earl of Northumber-
land, sir Thomas Bourchier, and sir Walter Hungerford, and other
gentlemen whose loyalty he suspected, to attend him in arms, and
sent for the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Surrey, sir Robert Bracken-
bury, lieutenant of the Tower, and others, to bring their whole
strength with them, to enable him to give the earl battle before he
receiv'd further assistance. When all his troops were arriv'd at
Nottingham, where he kept his court, he put himself at their head
and led them to Leicester. Sir Thomas Bourchier, sir Walter
Hungerford, and several others, found means to desert to the earl ;
which tho' it was a great discouragement to Richard, yet it did ease
earl Henry of his discontent, for that the lord Stanley had not joyn'd
him. His army proceeded from Litchfield to Tamworth, himself
bringing up the rear with about twenty horse.

As he was musing on the difficulties of his enterprize, he lagg'd
behind his company, and it growing dark, they march'd on and
enterd Tamworth before they missed him. His care was increased,by
a report, that king Richard was at hand ; whose coming up before the
lord Stanley had joyn'd him, threatned his whole army with destruc-
tion ; yet his men were not discouraged, they trusted in their own
valour and the goodness of their cause, and proceeded with great
resolution.

The earl having insensibly lost his companions, and the high-way
to Tamworth, turn'd aside to a little village three miles from Tamworth,
where he stay'd all night, not daring to discover himself, or ask a
guide to the town. His followers were much surprized at his absence,
and afraid what was become of him. He was also apprehensive of

17

2$8 KING RICHARD ENCAMPS AT BOSWORTH.

the ill effects of their missing him, and not a little fearful of falling
into the hands of some of the usurper's parties. Early in the morning
he left the village, and happily arriv'd at the town, to the unspeakable
joy of his army : he excus'd his absence by pretending he had been
to consult with some private friends of his who durst not yet
appear for him. He was unwilling his companions shou'd think
him guilty of such a blunder as to lose his way, when he had so
many guides about him, and made that a piece of policy, which
was indeed downright ignorance : so easie 'tis for princes to impose
upon their people who are ready to judge favourably of all their
actions.

He just shew'd himself to his soldiers, and then left them again to
go to Atherstone, where he first saw and saluted the lord Stanley, his
father in law ; he held a conference with him and sir William Stanley
in a little field, where they consulted how they should give the tyrant
battle to the best advantage. In the evening sir John Savage, sir
Bryan Sanford, and sir Sirnon Digby, came unto him with all their
friends and followers from king Richard, who was advanc'd to
Leicester, and his army encamp'd not far off, on a hill call'd Arme
Beame, in Bosworth parish. The next day after king Richard arriv'd
at Leicester, he went to the camp and drew up his men in order of
battle on the plain. He plac'd his archers in front under the command
of the duke of Norfolk, and the earl of Surrey his son ; himself led the
main body, with two wings of cavalry on each flank. The earl leaving
the lord Stanley return'd to his army, and march'd them out of Tarn-
worth towards the enemy, resolving to fight king Richard. The lord
Stanley also march'd from Atherstone, and halted in a place between
the two armies. The earl sent to him to come and help to set his
men in order of battle ; but the lord Stanley even now was so cautious,
that he excus'd his appearing among the earl's followers : he bad him
draw up his soldiers, he wou'd do the same by his, and joyn him at
supper time. Tho' this answer vext the earl of Richmond inwardly,
he seem'd as well satisfy'd as if he had come, and cheerfully put his
men in order : his front was thin, and consisted of archers, commanded
by John earl of Oxford ; sir Gilbert Talbot led the right wing, and sir
John Savage the left, attended by a troop of young fellows well arm'd,
clad in white coats and hoods, who made a gallant figure, terrible to
the enemy. The earl of Richmond accompanied by the earl of Pem-
broke led the main body ; his whole strength did not amount to six
thousand men, Stanley's forces which were seven or eight thousand
strong excepted : and king Richard had twice that number. In the
order we have mention'd, the two armies advanced towards each
other ; the lord Stanley moving aside off as the earl of Richmond
mov'd ; and when the usurper was come farther into the plain where he
expected the earl's approach, he made a speech to his army to this purpose.

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN QF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 259
' MY FRIENDS AND FELLOW SOLDIERS,

* By your valour and conduct I got and have enjoy'd the crown in
spite of all the wicked designs of your and my enemies. I have
govern'd this nation as a good prince ought to do for the benefit of my
subjects, and done nothing without the advice and consent of my
councellors, whose fidelity and wisdom I have often prov'd ; and your
loyalty to me makes me believe that you have an opinion of me as I
have of myself, that I am your rightful and lawful king. Tho' at my
accession to the throne I was guilty of a wicked detested crime, yet
my repentance of it has been so severe and so sincere that I hope you
will forget it, as I shall never cease to deplore and lament it. Con-
sidering the danger we are in at this time, what a gracious prince I
have been to you, and what good subjects you have been to me, we
are bound by the strictest bonds of obligation and duty mutually to
defend one another in so great peril. To keep what we have got is
as glorious as to get it : and as by your assistance I was advanced
to the throne, so I hope by the same help to continue in it. I doubt
not you have heard of the traiterous devices of an obscure Welsh-
man (whose father I never knew, and whom I never saw) against our
crown and dignity. You hear who they are that he depends upon, a
company of traytors, thieves, outlaws and fugitives ; mean beggarly
Bretons, and cowardly Frenchmen : whose aim is the destruction of
you, your wives and children, as 'tis their leaders to dispossess me of
the imperial crown of this realm. Let us therefore joyn heartily in our
common defence, fight like lions, and fear not to die like men : indeed
there is nothing for you to be afraid of. The hare never fled faster
from before the hound, nor the lark from the kite, nor the sheep from
the wolf, than these boasting adversaries of ours shall quit the field
at the sight of such brave soldiers. Nor do I promise you victory
without reason : for let us think a little who it is that we have to deal
with. And first for the earl of Richmond, captain of the rebels, a
Welsh boy, of little courage and less experience in war ; bred up in
the duke of Britain's court like a bird in a cage, who never saw an
army, and consequently is not capable to lead one. The soldier's
success is owing in a great measure to the captain's conduct and
valour. What can his men hope from him ? What from themselves?
a crew of vagabonds and rebels, who will tremble when they
see us advancing with banners display'd to chastise them.
They will either fly before us, or conscious of divine vengeance
for the breach of many oaths of allegiance they have sworn
to us, throw down their arms, and at our feet implore our
royal mercy. As for the Frenchmen and Bretons, our noble
ancestors have often triumphed over them. What are they?
Boasters, drunkards, ravishers, cowards, the most effeminate and
lewd wretches that ever offer'd themselves in front of battle.

260 THE EARL OF RICHMOND'S SPEECH TO HIS ARMY.

Since such are the enemies we are to fight with, come on, my
friends and fellow soldiers, and dauntless try if they dare dispute
this matter with us by dint of sword. Come on my captains and
champions, in whose wisdom and courage I trust for me and my
people. What is a handful to a whole nation? Let me conjure you
all by your love to your country, your duty to your king, and your
affection to your families, to behave yourselves like good subjects and
soldiers this day, when I resolve to be victorious or crown my death
with immortal fame. Remember, that as I promise those who do
well riches and honours ; so I shall severely punish such as deserve
it by their cowardice or treachery. And now in the name of St.
George, let us meet our enemies.'

Whether this speech was made by him or for him, we cannot
decide ; the author from whom we took it says it was his own, and
that it had not so good an effect on the minds of his soldiers as he
intended it should have. He had many gentlemen, and others in his
army, who follow'd him more out of fear than affection ; and wish'd
well to his adversary. The earl of Richmond receiving by his scouts,
that the usurper's army was drawn up in battalia a little distance off
on the plain, rode from rank to rank and wing to wing to encourage
his men. He was arm'd at all points (his helmet excepted) and got
up on an eminence to be the better seen by his soldiers : for tho' he
was handsome and well-proportion'd, yet he was short. Having kept
silence some time to consider of what he was about to say to them, he
began his speech thus :

' If ever God appear'd in a just cause, and gave a blessing to their
arms who warr'd for the good of their country : if ever he aided such
as ventur'd their lives for the relief of the innocent, and to suppress
malefactors and publick criminals; we may now, my friends and
fellow soldiers, be sure of victory over our proud and insolent enemies.
Just and righteous is our cause, and we cannot be so wicked as to
imagine God will leave us, to assist those that fear neither him nor
his laws, nor have any regard to honesty or justice. We have the
laws divine and civil on our side ; we fight against a parricide stain'd
with his own blood, a destroyer of the nobility, and an oppressor of
the poor commons of this realm; and against a horrid band of
murderers, assassins, rebels and usurpers : for he that stiles himself
king wears the crown which of right only belongs to me. His
favourites and followers seize your estates, cut down your woods, ruin
and lay waste your mannours and mansions, and turn your wives and
children to wander in the wide world without succour and relief:
the cause of all these mischiefs, the cruel tyrant Richard, rest assur'd
that God will this day give into our hands to be punish'd according
to his demerits. His followers wounded by the stings of their guilty
consciences, will not dare to look justice in the face: and believe

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 261

not that yon numerous army are your adversaries ; many of them, if
not the most part of that multitude, are forc'd into the tyrant's service,
have his crimes in abhorrence, and wait only for an opportunity to
joyn us. You have often heard from the pulpit, that 'tis the greatest of
virtues to bringdown the oppressor, and to help those who are in distress.
Is not the usurper, Richard duke of Gloucester, a violator of God's
laws and man's ? Who can have the least good thought of one that
so injur'd his own brother's memory, and murder'd his nephews ?
Who can hope for mercy from him who delights in blood ? Who
trust in him who mistrusts all men. Tarquin the proud, so infamous
in history, whom the Romans banish'd their city for ever, was less
guilty than this usurper. Nero, who slew his own mother, and open'd
the womb that bare him to see the place of his conception, was not
more a monster of mankind than Richard. In him you have at once
a Tarquin and a Nero, behold there, a tyrant worse than even him
that murder'd his mother, and set his imperial city in a flame. One,
who has not only slain his own nephew, his king and sovereign lord,
bastardiz'd his noble brothers, affronted his mother's honour, but try'd
all the arts his and his creatures cunning cou'd invent to defile his
own niece, under the specious pretence of a marriage, a princess I
have sworn to marry, as you all know and believe. If this cause is
not just, let God the giver of all victory judge and determine. We
have (thanks be to Jesus our saviour) escap'd the treasons form'd in
Bretagne, and the snares laid by our subtle adversaries to destroy us ;
we have pass'd the seas, travers'd a spacious country in safety to
search for the boar, whom we have at last found. Let us not there-
fore fear to begin the bloody chase. Let us put our confidence in the
Almighty, and verily believe that this is the hour we have long'd and
pray'd for, which will put an end to the many miseries we have
hitherto endur'd. Think what a glorious prize is before us. The
wealth and spoil of the tyrant and his followers is yours if we conquer,
and conquer we must or die ; for we are now come so far that there
is no retreat left us. Let us one and all resolve to end our labours
now by death or victory. Let courage supply want of number, and as
for me, I purpose to live with glory hereafter, or perish with glory
here. Come on then, let us meet these traytors, murderers, usurpers ;
let us be bold and we shall triumph : we are utterly destroy'd if we
fly ; if we are victorious there's an end of all our perils and dangers.
In the name of God, and St. George, come on and prosper.'

These words so encourag'd his men, that they demanded to be led
immediately against the enemy. There was a morass between the
two armies, the earl left it on his right hand, by which he not only
hinder'd king Richard's attacking him on that side, but had the sun
in his back, and it shone full in the faces of his enemies. The usurper
seeing his army was approaching, order'd his trumpets to sound and

262 BATTLE OF BOSWORTH.

the archers to let fly their arrows : the earl's bowmen return'd their
shot, and when that dreadful storm was over, the foot joyn'd and came
to close fight. 'Twas then that the lord Stanley came in to the earl's
assistance. The earl of Oxford fearing his men might be surrounded
by the multitude of the enemy, commanded none should stir above
ten foot from the standard : the soldiers presently closed their ranks
and ceas'd the combat, expecting further orders. King Richard's
troops being jealous of some stratagem, stood still to observe them ;
and indeed they did not fight with a very good will at all. The earl
of Oxford led his men again to the charge. The duke of Norfolk, the
usurper's fast friend, chang'd the order of his battle, widen'd his first
line, but clos'd and enlarg'd his second ; and then renew'd the com-
bat. King Richard hearing the earl of Richmond was not far off,
attended with a few of his guards only, sought him amidst his enemies,
and having spy'd him, set spurs to his horse and ran towards
him ; the earl perceiv'd him, and prepar'd to receive him as a man
shou'd his mortal foe. The king meeting with sir William Branden
the earl's standard bearer in his way, overthrew and slew him. This
knight was father of Charles Branden duke of Suffolk, famous in the
reign of Henry VIII. Richard then fought sir John Cheyney, dis-
mounted him, and forc'd his way up to the earl ; who kept him off
at swords point till assistance came in, and he was reliev'd by his
followers. At the instant sir William Stanley, who had been as wary
as the lord Stanley his brother, joyn'd the earl with three thousand
chosen men, upon which king Richard's soldiers turn'd their backs
and fled ; himself fighting manfully in the midst of his enemies was
slain. The earl of Oxford made a terrible slaughter in the van of the
usurper's army. The duke of Norfolk, the lord Ferrars of Chartley,
sir Richard Ratcliffe, and sir Robert Brackenbury dy'd on the spot,
together with about a thousand of their men. The greatest part of
those in the main body of Richard's army watching their opportunity,
while the van was hotly engag'd with the earl's, left the field and de-
parted every man to his home ; having been by force taken from their
habitations to fight for a prince whose government was odious to them.
The duke of Norfolk was warn'd, by a dystich in the meeter of those
times which was fix'd on the gate of the house where he lodg'd, not to
venture farther in the tyrant's quarrel ; for he was betray'd, and all
those that engag'd with him would be ruin'd. The Rhimes were these :

Jack of Norfolk, be not too bold ;

For Dicken, thy master, is bought and sold.

But as John Howard duke of Norfolk owed his advancement to the
usurper, who made him a duke, he thought his own title to the
honours he held wou'd be precarious, if Richard cou'd not defend his
crown ; so he follow'd his fortune, and fell a victim to his ambition.

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 263

Sir William Catesby a judge, who had been a main instrument of the
usurper's tyranny, and several other offenders were taken, and two
days afterwards beheaded at Leicester. The lord viscount Lovell,
Humphrey Stafford, esq., and Thomas Stafford his brother, made
their escapes. Many gentlemen and private soldiers threw down their
arms, submitted to the earl, and were graciously receiv'd. Among
those was Henry earl of Northumberland, who did not engage in the
late battle, he and his men standing neuter ; for which he was im-
mediately taken into the earl of Richmond's favour and sworn of his
privy-council. Thomas earl of Surrey was sent to the Tower, as
having been more zealous than the rest in the tyrant's cause : however
he was releas'd soon after, and preferr'd to places of the greatest trust
and honour. Earl Henry had scarce a hundred men killed on his
part, and no person of quality besides sir William Branden. The en-
gagement lasted in all about two hours, and happen'd on the 22nd day
of August. The usurper there finish'd his evil course after he had
reign'd two years, two months and one day, reckoning from the time
of his coronation, which was the day after his election. Had he
liv'd with as much glory as he dy'd, his character wou'd have shone
bright in the English annals. But tho' he wanted not personal
bravery, yet that quality as shining as it is, was sully'd and obscur'd
by his cruelty, and thirst of blood. He might have sav'd his life
had not despair hurried him on to death. In the beginning of the
battle, he perceiv'd, by his men's fighting with an ill-will and others
leaving him, that the day was lost. Some of his creatures advised
him to fly, and brought him a swift horse to carry him off; but
knowing how generally he was hated by the whole kingdom, and that
his crimes were such as deny'd him all hopes of pardon, he thought the
longer he liv'd his misery wou'd be the longer, and that at last he
.shou'd dye with infamy; wherefore he rush'd desperately into the
thickest of the enemy, and met a more glorious fate than he deserved.
After the battle was over and the victory entirely gain'd, the earl of
Richmond fell down on his knees in the open field, thank'd the
Almighty for the blessing he had given to his arms, pray'd for the
catholick church, and his subjects which now he had the charge of.
He then rode up to an eminence, and from thence gave his soldiers
thanks for behaving themselves so well in the late fight, promising
them all rewards answerable to their deserts. The army shouting
clapped their hands and saluted him king, crying out with one voice,
king Henry, king Henry ! And the lord Stanley taking king Richard's
crown, which was found among the spoils of the field, put it on the
earl's head, who from that time assum'd the title and power of king.
We must not omit to inform the reader of the lord Strange's escape.
King Richard hearing his father had raised five thousand men and
was advancing towards the earl of Richmond, sent to him to join

264 CHARACTER OF KING RICHARD.

him, and swore by God's death, if he refus'd it, he wou'd order his
son's head to be cut off before he died. The lord Stanley answer'd,
he had more sons, and cou'd not promise to come to him at that
time. The tyrant as he swore to do, order'd the lord Strange to be
beheaded at the instant when the two armies were to engage : but
some of his council abhorring that the innocent young gentleman
should suffer for his father's offence, told the usurper, ' Now was a
time to fight, and not to execute ;' advising him to keep him prisoner
till the battle was over ; the tyrant hearken'd to their advice, broke
his oath, and commanded the keepers of his tents to take him into
custody, till he return'd from the combat. By this means the lord
Strange escaped the king's revenge, equally bloody and unjust. The
keepers of his tents deliver'd him to his father the lord Stanley after
the fight ; and for saving him, were taken into the new king's favour,
and preferred. In the evening king Henry march'd to Leicester.
Where king Richard's body stripped stark naked was brought in a
shameful manner to be buried. Blanch Sanglier, a pursuivant at
arms threw it upon a horse, like a calf; his head and arms hanging
on one side and his legs on the other, his whole carcass besmear'd
with dirt and blood. The pursuivant rode with it to the Grey-Fryers
Church at Leicester, where it was expos'd a filthy spectacle to the
view of the people, who us'd it ignominiously, and afterwards 'twas
buried in that abbey-church; where king Henry in respect to his
family, order'd a tomb to be erected over his grave. We shall not
trouble the reader with a long account of his person and manners:
he has doubtless by this time seen enough of him, and the picture
shewn at a nearer view wou'd rather frighten than divert him. He
was short and little, crooked or hump-back'd, one shoulder higher
than the other : his face was little : he had a cruel look ; and what
confess'd the malice and deceit of his heart, he often mus'd, and
musing bit his nether lip : he wore a dagger always about him, and
frequently would draw it up and down the scabbard : he was cunning,
and false, proud and valiant; and in a word, by the history sir
Thomas More has left us of him, the greatest tyrant that ever sat on
the British throne ; where no tyrant did ever sit long.

The reigns of king Edward V. and his successor Richard III. were
so short, that there were few remarkable occurrences in their times :
and the most illustrious persons, both in war and the arts and sciences,
will more properly come under that of Henry the Vllth.

In the first part of Richard Ill's reign, there happen'd such a flood
in Gloucestershire, that all the country was overflow'd by the Severn,
several persons were drown'd in their beds, children in cradles swam

MORE'S LIFE AND REIGN OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD III. 265

about the fields, and beasts were drown'd even on the hills : the waters
did not abate in ten days ; which hinder'd the duke of Buckingham's
passing that river into Wales to joyn the Welshmen who were risen
against king Richard, and occasion'd his misfortune and death. —
Hollinshed 743.

Banister, who betray'd the duke of Buckingham his master, was
severely afflicted with God's secret judgments : his eldest son went
mad, and died raving in a hog-sty. His eldest daughter who was very
beautiful, was suddenly stricken with a foul leprosy. His second son
was taken lame in his limbs. His younger son was suffocated in a
puddle of filthy water ; and himself in an extreme old age found guilty
of murder, but sav'd by his clergy. — Hoi. 644.

John duke of Norfolk ;

Sir Robert Brackenbury, lieutenant of the Tower ;

The Lord Ferrars, and Sir Richard Ratcliff, lost their lives fighting
valiantly for king Richard at Bosworth battle ;

Sir William Brandon, and sir John Cheyney, signaliz'd themselves
in the same fight, on the side of the earl of Richmond.

Of men of learning, there were some in the reign of Richard III.
of note : as,

John Penketh an Augustine frier, of Warrington in Lancashire, one
of Scotus's followers ; he preach'd an infamous sermon in favour of
king Richard : the same did Dr. Shaw, an eminent preacher, sir
Edmund Shaw's brother, an alderman of London.

John Kent, or Caileie, born in South- Wales, rhetorician.

George Ripley, a Carmelite frier of Boston, a great mathematician
and poet.

Dr. John Spine, a Carmelite frier of Bristol, &c.

THE
LIFE AND REIGN

OF

KING HENRY VII.

BY THE RIGHT HON. FRANCIS LORD VERULAM,

VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS.

AFTER that Richard the third of that name, king in fact only, but tyrant
both in title and regiment, and so commonly termed and reputed in
all times since, was by the divine revenge, favouring the design of an
exil'd man, overthrown and slain at Bosworth field : there succeeded
in the kingdom the earl of Richmond, thenceforth styl'd Henry the
seventh. The king immediately after the victory, as one that had
been bred under a devout mother, and was in his nature a great ob-
server of religious forms, caused Te Deum Laudamus to be solemnly
sung in the presence of the whole army upon the place, and was
himself with general applause and great cries of joy, in a kind of
military election or recognition, saluted king. Meanwhile the body of
Richard after many indignities and reproaches (the dirgies and ob-
sequies of the common people towards tyrants) was obscurely buried.
For tho' the king of his nobleness gave charge unto the fryars of
Leicester to see an honourable interrment to be given to it, yet the
religious people themselves (being not free from the humours of the
vulgar) neglected it ; wherein nevertheless they did not then incur any
man's blame or censure. No man thinking any ignominy or con-
tumely unworthy of him, that had been the executioner of king
Henry VI. (that innocent prince) with his own hands ; the contriver
of the death of the duke of Clarence, his brother ; the murderer of his
two nephews (one of them his lawful king in the present, and the
other in the future, failing of him), and vehemently suspected to have
been the impoisoner of his wife, thereby to make vacant his bed, for
a marriage within the degrees forbidden. And altho' he were a prince
in military vertue approv'd, jealous of the honour of the English nation,
and likewise a good law maker, for the ease and solace of the common
people: yet his cruelties and parricides in the opinion of all men,
weigh'd down his vertues and merits ; and in the opinion of wise men.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 267

even those vertues themselves were conceived to be rather fcign'd,
and affected things to serve his ambition, than true qualities ingenerate
in his judgment or nature. And therefore it was noted by men of
great understanding (who seeing his after-acts, look'd back upon his
former proceedings) that even in the time of king Edward his brother,
he was not without secret trains and mines to turn envy and hatred
upon his brother's government ; as having an expectation and a kind
of divination, that the king, by reason of his many disorders, could not
be of long life, but was like to leave his sons of tender years ; and then
he knew well how easie a step it was from the place of a protector,
and first prince of the blood, to the crown. And that out of this deep
root of ambition it sprang, that as well at the treaty of peace that
passed between Edward IV. and Lewis XL of France, concluded by
interview of both kings at Piqueny, as upon all other occasions,
Richard then Duke of Gloucester, stood ever upon the side of honour,
raising his own reputation to the disadvantage of the king his brother,
and drawing the eyes of all (especially of the nobles and soldiers),
upon himself ; as if the king by his voluptuous life and mean marriage,
were become effeminate and less sensible of honour and reason of
state, than was fit for a king. And as for the politick and wholesome
laws which were enacted in his time, they were interpreted to be but
the brocage of an usurper, thereby to woo and win the hearts of the
people, as being conscious to himself, that the true obligations of
sovereignty in him failed, and were wanting. But king Henry in the
very entrance of his reign, and the instant of time, when the kingdom
was cast into his arms, met with a point of great difficulty and knotty
to solve, able to trouble and confound the wisest king in the newness
of his estate ; and so much the more, because it could not endure a
deliberation, but must be at once deliberated and determined.

There were fallen to his lot, and concurrent to his person, three
several titles to the imperial crown ; the first, the title of the lady
Elizabeth, with whom, by precedent pact with the party that brought
him in, he was to marry. The second, the ancient and long disputed
title (both by plea and arms) of the house of Lancaster, to which he
was inheritor in his own person. The third, the title of the sword, or
conquest, for that he came in by victory of battle, and that the king
in possession was slain in the field. The first of these was fairest, and
most like to give contentment to the people, who by two and twenty
years reign of king Edward IV. had been fully made capable of the
clearness of the title of the white rose, or house of York ; and by the
mild and plausible reign of the same king toward his later time, were
become affectionate to that line. But then it lay plain before his eyes,
that if he relied upon that title, he could be but a king at courtesy ;
and have rather a matrimonial than a regular power ; the right re-
maining in his queen ; upon whose decease, either with issue, or

268 TITLES OF HENRY TO WEAR THE CROWN OF ENGLAND.

without issue, he was to give place and be removed. And tho' he
should obtain by parliament to be continued, yet he knew there was
a very great difference between a king that holdeth his crown by a
civil act of estates, and one that holdeth it originally by the law of
nature and descent of blood. Neither wanted there even at that time,
secret rumours and whisperings (which afterwards gather'd strength,
and turn'd to great troubles) that the two young sons of king
Edward IV., or one of them (which were said to be destroy'd in the
Tower) were not indeed murder'd, but convey'd secretly away, and
were yet living : which if it had been true, had prevented the title of
the lady Elizabeth. On the other side, if he stood upon his own title
of the house of Lancaster, inherent in his person, he knew it was a
title condemn'd by parliament, and generally prejudg'd in the common
opinion of the realm, and that it tended directly to the disinherison of
the line of York, held then the indubiate heirs of the crown. So that
if he should have no issue by the lady Elizabeth, which should be
descendents of the double line, then the ancient flames of discord and
intestine wars upon the competition of both houses, would again return
and revive.

As for conquest, notwithstanding sir William Stanley, after some
acclamations of the souldiers in the field, had put a crown of orna-
ment (which Richard wore in the battle, and was found among the
spoils) upon king Henry's head, as if there were his chief title ; yet he
remembr'd well upon what conditions and agreements he was brought
in ; and that to claim as conqueror, was to put as well his own party,
as the rest, into terror and fear ; as that which gave him power of
disannulling of laws, and disposing of men's fortunes and estates, and
the like points of absolute power, being in themselves so harsh and
odious, as that William himself, commonly call'd the conqueror, how-
soever he used and exercised the power of a conqueror to reward his
Normans, yet he forbare to use that claim in the beginning, but mixt
it with a titulary pretence, grounded upon the will and designation of
Edward the confessor. But the king, out of the greatness of his own
mind, presently cast the die, and the inconveniencies appearing unto
him on all parts ; and knowing there could not be any inter-reign, or
suspension of title ; and preferring his affection to his own line and
blood ; and liking that title best that made him independent ; and
being in his nature and constitution of mind not very apprehensive or
forecasting of future events afar of, but an entertainer of fortune by
the day, resolv'd to rest upon the title of Lancaster as the main, and
to use the other two, that of marriage and that of battle, but as sup-
porters ; the one to appease secret discontents, and the other to beat
down open murmur and dispute ; not forgetting that the same title
of Lancaster had formerly maintain'd a possession of three descents
in the crown, and might have proved a perpetuity, had it not ended

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 269

in the weakness and inability of the last prince. Whereupon the king
presently, that very day, being the 22nd of August, assumed the stile
of king in his own name, without mention of the lady Elizabeth at all,
or any relation thereunto ; in which course he ever after persisted,
which did spin him a thread of many seditions and troubles. The
king full of these thoughts, before his departure from Leicester, dis-
patch'd sir Robert Willoughby to the castle of sheriff Hutton in York-
shire, where were kept in safe custody, by king Richard's command-
ment, both the lady Elizabeth, daughter of king Edward, and Edward
Plantagenet, son and heir to George duke of Clarence. This Edward
was, by the king's warrant deliver'd from the constable of the castle to
the hand of sir Robert Willoughby, and by him, with all safety and
diligence, convey'd to the tower of London ; where he was shut up
close prisoner : which act of the king's (being an act merely of policy
and power) proceeded not so much from any apprehension he had of
doctor Shaw's tale at Paul's Cross, for the bastarding of Edward the
fourth's issues, in which case this young gentleman was to succeed
(for that fable was ever exploded) but upon a settled disposition to
depress all eminent persons of the line of York ; wherein, still the
king out of strength or will, or weakness of judgment, did use to shew
a little more of the party than of the king.

For the lady Elizabeth she received also a direction to repair with
all convenient speed to London, and there to remain with the queen
dowager her mother ; which accordingly she soon after did, accom-
panied with many noblemen and ladies of honour. In the mean
season the king set forwards by easy journeys to the city of London,
receiving the acclamations and applauses of the people as he went,
which indeed were true and unfeigned, as might well appear ii} the
very demonstrations and fullness of the cry : for they thought
generally, that he was a prince as ordain'd and sent down from heaven,
to unite and put an end to the long dissention of the two houses ;
which altho' they had in the times of Henry IV., Henry V., and part of
Henry VI. on the one side, and the times of Edward IV. on the other,
lucid intervals and happy pauses ; yet they did ever hang over the
kingdom, ready to break forth into new perturbations and calamities.
And as his victory gave him the knee, so his purpose of marriage with
the lady Elizabeth gave him the heart ; so that both knee and heart
did truly bow before him.

He on the other side with great wisdom (not ignorant of the affec-
tions and fears of the people) to disperse the conceit and terror of a
conquest, had given order that there should be nothing in his journey
like unto a warlike march or manner, but rather like unto the progress
of a king in full peace and assurance.

He enterd into the city upon a Saturday, as he had also obtain'd
the victory upon a Saturday, which day of the week, first upon an

270 THE LADY ELIZABETH OF YORK.— THE SWEATING SICKNESS.

observation, and after upon memory and fancy, he accounted and
chose as a day prosperous unto him.

The mayor and companies of the city receiv'd him at Shore-
ditch ; whence, with great and honourable attendance and troops
of noblemen, and persons of quality he enterd the city ; himself
not being on horseback, or in any open chair, or throne, but in
a close chariot, as one that having been sometimes an enemy to
the whole state, and a proscrib'd person, chose rather to keep state,
and strike a reverence into the people than to fawn upon them.

He went first into St. Paul's church, where not meaning that the
people should forget too soon that he came in by battle, he made
offertory of his standards, and had Orizons and Te Deum again sung,
and went to his lodging prepared in the bishop of London's palace,
where he stay'd for a time.

During his abode there, he assembled his council and other
principal persons, in presence of whom he did renew again his promise
to marry with the lady Elizabeth. This he did the rather, because,
having at his coming out of Brittaine given artificially, for serving of
his own turn, some hopes, in case he obtain'd the kingdom, to marry
Anne inheritress to the duchy of Brittaine, whom Charles the eighth
of France soon after married ; it bred some doubt and suspicion
amongst divers that he was not sincere, or at least not fix'd in going
on with the match of England so much desir'd : which conceit also,
tho' it were but talk and discourse, did much afHict the poor lady
Elizabeth herself. But, howsoever he both truly intended it, and
desired also it should be so believ'd, (the better to extinguish envy and
contradiction to his other purposes) yet was he so resolv'd in himself
not to proceed to the consummation thereof till his coronation and a
parliament were past ; the one, least a joynt coronation of himself and
his queen might give any countenance of participation of title ; the
other, lest in the entailing of the crown to himself, which he hoped to
obtain by parliament, the votes of the parliament might any ways
reflect upon her.

About this time, in autumn, towards the end of September, there
began and reign'd in the city and other parts of the kingdom, a
disease then new ; which of the accidents and manner thereof, they
call'd the sweating sickness. This disease had a swift course both in
the sick body, and in the time and period of the lasting thereof : for
they that were taken with it, upon four and twenty hours escaping,
were thought almost assured : and as to the time of the malice and
reign of the disease e're it ceased ; it began about the 2ist of Septem-
ber, and clear'd up before the end of October; insomuch as it was no
hindrance to the king's coronation, which was the last of October ; nor
(which was more) to the holding of the parliament, which began but
seven days after. It was a pestilent fever, but as it seemed not seated

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vit. 271

in the veins of humours, for that there follow'd no carbuncle, no
purple or livid spots, or the like, the mass of the body being not
tainted, only a malign vapour flew to the heart, and seized the vital
spirits ; which stirr'd nature to strive to send it forth by an extreme
sweat. And it appear'd by experience that this disease was rather a
surprize of nature than obstinate to remedies, if it were in time look'd
unto : for if the patient were kept in an equal temper, both for cloaths,
fire, and drink moderately warm, with temperate cordials, whereby
nature's work were neither irritated by heat, nor turn'd back by cold,
he commonly recover'd. But infinite persons died suddenly of it, be-
fore the manner of the cure and attendance was known. It was
conceiv'd not to be an epidemick disease, but to proceed from a
malignity in the constitution of the air, gathered by the pre-dispositions
of seasons ; and the speedy cessation declared as much.

On Simon and Jude's even the king dined with Thomas Bourchier,
archbishop of Canterbury and cardinal ; and from Lambeth went by-
land over the bridge to the tower, where the morrow after he made
twelve knight bannerets. But for creations he dispensed them with
a sparing hand : for notwithstanding a field so lately fought, and a
coronation so near at hand, he only created three. Jasper earl of
Pembroke (the king's uncle) was created duke of Bedford ; Thomas
the lord Stanley (the king's father-in-law) earl of Derby ; and Edward
Courtney earl of Devon ; tho' the king had then nevertheless a pur-
pose in himself to make more in time of parliament, bearing a wise
and decent respect to distribute his creations, some to honour his
coronation, and some his parliament.

The coronation follow'd two days after, upon the 3oth day of
October, in the year of our Lord 1485 ; at which time Innocent the
eighth was pope of Rome ; Frederick the third, emperor of Almaine ;
and Maximilian his son, newly chosen king of the Romans ; Charles
the eighth king of France ; Ferdinando and Isabella kings of Spain ;
and James the third, king of Scotland ; with all which kings and
states, the king was at that time at good peace and amity. At which
day also (as if the crown upon his head had put perils into his
thoughts) he did institute, for the better security of his person, a band
of fifty archers under a captain to attend him, by the name of yeomen
of his guard ; and yet that it might be thought to be rather a matter
of dignity, after the imitation of that he had known abroad, than any
matter of diffidence appropriate to his own case, he made it to be
understood for an ordinance not temporary, but to hold in succession
for ever after.

The seventh of November the king held his parliament at West-
minster, which he had summon'd immediately after his coming to
London. His ends in calling a parliament (and that so speedily)
were chiefly three ; first, to procure the crown to be intail'd upon him-

272 ACTS AND OBJECTS OF THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF HENRY VII.

self : next, to have the attainders of all his party (which were in no
small number) reversed, and all acts of hostility by them done in his
quarrel, remitted and discharged ; and on the other side, to attaint by
parliament the heads and principles of his enemies. The third, to
calm and quiet the fears of the rest of that party by a general pardon :
not being ignorant in how great danger a king stands from his
subjects, when most of his subjects are conscious in themselves
that they stand in his danger. Unto these three special motives
of a parliament, was added, that he, as a prudent and moderate prince
made this judgment ; that it was fit for him to hasten to let his people
see that he meant to govern by law, howsoever he came in by the
sword ; and fit also to reclaim them to know him for their king,
whom they had so lately talk'd of as an enemy or banish'd man. For
that which concern'd the entailing of the crown, (more than that he
was true to his own will, that he wou'd not endure any mention of
the lady Elizabeth, no not in the nature of special entail) he carried
it otherwise with great wisdom and measure : for he did not press to
have the act penn'd by way of declaration or recognition of right; as
on the other side he avoided to have it by new law or ordinance ; but
chose rather a kind of middle-way, by way of establishment, and
that under covert and indifferent words ; that the inheritance of the
crown should rest, remain, and abide in the king, &c., which words
might equally be apply'd ; that the crown should continue to him ;
but whether as having former right to it (which was doubtful), or
having it then in fact and possession (which no man denied) was
left fair to interpretation either way. And again, for the limitation
of the entail, he did not press it to go further than to himself and to
the heirs of his body, not speaking of his right heirs ; but leaving
that to the law to decide : so as the entail might seem rather a per-
sonal favour to him and his children, than a total dis-inherison to
the house of York. And in this form was the law drawn and pass'd ;
which statute he procured to be confirm'd by the Pope's bull the year
following, with -mention, nevertheless (by way of recital), of his other
titles, both of descent and conquest : so as now the wreath of three
was made a wreath of five ; for to the three first titles of the two
houses, or lines, and conquest, were added two more, the authorities
parliamentary and papal.

The king likewise in the reversal of the attainders of his partakers,
and discharging them of all offences incident to his service and suc-
cour, had his will, and acts did pass accordingly : in the passage where-
of, exception was taken to divers persons in the house of commons for
that they were attainted, and thereby not legal, nor habilitate to serve
in parliament, being disabled in the highest degree: and that it
should be a great incongruity to have them to make laws, who them-
selves were not inlaw'd. The truth was, that divers of those which

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 273

had in the time of king Richard been strongest and most declared
for the king's party, were return'd knights and burgesses for the par-
liament, whether by care or recommendation from the state, or the
voluntary inclination of the people; many of them which had been
by Richard III. attainted by outlawries, or otherwise. The king was
somewhat troubled with this : for tho' it had a grave and specious
shew, yet it reflected upon his party. But wisely not shewing himself
at all moved therewith, he would not understand it but as a case in
law, and wish'd the judges to be advised thereupon ; who, for that
purpose, were forthwith assembled in the Exchequer-chamber (which,
is the council-chamber of the judges) and upon deliberation, they
gave a grave and safe opinion and advice, mix'd with law and con-
venience ; which was, that the knights and burgesses attainted by the
course of law, should forbear to come into the House till a law were
made for the reversal of their attainders.

It was at that time incidently moved among the judges in their
consultation, what should be done for the king himself, who likewise
was attainted? But it was with unanimous consent resolv'd * That the
crown takes away all defects and stops in blood ; and that from the
time the king did assure the crown the fountain was clear'd, and all
attainders and corruption of blood discharged.' But nevertheless, for
honour's sake, it was ordain'd by parliament, that all records wherein
there was any memory or mention of the king's attainder, should be
defaced, cancel'd, and taken off the file.

But on the part of the king's enemies, there were by parliament
attainted the late duke of Gloucester, calling himself Richard the
third ; the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Surrey, viscount Lovel, the
lord Ferrers, the lord Zouch, Richard Ratcliffe, William Catesby, and
many others of degree and quality.1 In which bills of attainders
nevertheless there were contain'd many just and temperate clauses
savings, and proviso's, well shewing and fore-tokening the wisdom,
stay, and moderation of the king's spirit of government. And for the
pardon of the rest, that had stood against the king ; the king, upon a
second advice, thought it not fit it should pass by parliament, the
better (being matter of grace) to impropriate the thanks to h'imself,
using only the opportunity of a parliament time the better to disperse
it into the veins of the kingdom : therefore during the parliament,
he publish'd his royal proclamation, offering pardon and grace of
restitution to all such as had taken arms, or been participant of
any attempts against him ; so as they submitted themselves to
his mercy by a day, and took the oath of allegiance and fidelity to

1 Amongst whom was John Buck, a relation of George Buck the author of the life of king
Richard III. which perhaps was the reason why that historian, in opposition to other writers
on the same subject, endeavours to have it believed, that king Richard was both a great and
a good man. This John Buck was a creature of the duke of Norfolk, a fast friend to king
Richard III. Buck lost his head at Bosworth.

18

274 CREATION OF PEERS.— BISHQPS MORETON AND FOX.

him : whereupon many came out of sanctuary, and many more came
out of fear, no less guilty than those that had taken sanctuary.

As for money or treasure, the king thought it not seasonable, or fit
to demand any of his subjects at this parliament ; both because he
had received satisfaction from them in matters of so great importance,
and because he could not remunerate them with any general pardon,
being prevented therein by the coronation pardon, pass'd immediately
before ; but chiefly, for that it was in every man's eye, what great for-
feitures and confiscations he had at that present to help himself ;
whereby those casualties of the crown, might in reason spare the
purses of the subject, especially in a time when he was in peace with
all his neighbours. Some few laws pass'd at that parliament, almost
for form sake ; amongst which, there was one to reduce aliens, being
made denizens, to pay stranger's customs ; and another, to draw to him-
self the seisures and compositions of Italian goods, for not imploy-
ment, being points of profit to his coffers, whereof from the very
beginning he was not forgetful, and had been more happy at the latter
end, if his early providence (which kept him from all necessity of
exacting upon his people) could likewise have attemp'red his nature
therein. He added, during parliament, to his former creations, the
innoblement or advancement in nobility of a few others : the Chandos
of Brittain was made earl of Bath ; and sir Giles Daubeny was made
lord Dawbeny ; and sir Robert Willoughby lord Brooke.

The king did also with great nobleness and bounty (which virtues
at that time had their turns in his nature) restore Edward Stafford,
eldest son to Henry duke of Buckingham, attainted in the time of king
Richard) not only to his dignities, but to his fortunes and pos-
sessions, which were great ; to which he was moved also by
a kind of gratitude, for that the duke was the man that mov'd the
first stone against the tyranny of king Richard, and indeed made the
king a bridge to the crown upon his own ruins. Thus the parliament
brake up.

The parliament being dissolv'd, the king sent forthwith money to
redeem the marquess Dorset, and sir John Bouchier, whom he had
left as his pledges at Paris, for money which he had borrow'd when he
made his expedition for England. And thereupon he took a fit
occasion to send the lord treasurer and Mr. Bray (whom he used as
counsellor) to the lord mayor of London, requiring of the city a prest
of six thousand marks : but after many parleys, he could obtain but
two thousand pounds. Which nevertheless the king took in good
part ; as men use to do that practice to borrow money when they
have no need. About this time, the king called unto his privy
council John Moreton and Richard Fox, the one bishop of Ely, the
other bishop of Exeter, vigilant men and secret, and such as kept
watch with him almost upon all men else. They had been both vers'd

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vir. 275

in his affairs, before he came to the crown, and were partakers of his
adverse fortune. This Moreton soon after upon the death of Bouchier
he made archbishop of Canterbury. And for Fox, he made him
lord keeper of his privy-seal, and afterwards advanc'd him by
degrees, from Exeter to Bathe and Wells, thence to Durham, and
last to Winchester. For altho' the king lov'd to employ and ad-
vance bishops, because having rich bishopricks, they carried their
reward upon themselves : yet he did use to raise them by steps,
that he might not lose the profit of the first-fruits, which by that
course of gradation was multiplied.

At last upon the i8th of January, 1486, was solemnized the so
long expected and so much desir'd marriage, between the king and
the lady Elizabeth: which day of marriage was celebrated with
greater triumph and demonstrations (especially on the people's part)
of joy and gladness, than the days either of his entry or coronation ;
which the king rather noted than liked. And it is true, that all his
lifetime, whilst the lady Elizabeth liv'd with him, (for she died before
him) he shew'd himself no very indulgent husband towards her,
tho' she was beautiful, gentle, and fruitful. But his aversion to the
house of York was so predominant in him, as it found place, not only
in his wars and counsels, but in his chamber and bed.

Towards the middle of the spring, the king full of confidence and
assurance, as a prince that had been victorious in battle, and had
prevail'd with his parliament in all that he desir'd, and had the ring1
of acclamations fresh in his ears, thought the rest of his reign should
be but play, and the enjoying of a kingdom. Yet as a wise and
watchful king, he would not neglect any thing for his safety ; thinking
nevertheless to perform all things now, rather as an exercise, than
as a labour. So he being truly inform'd that the northern parts were
not only affectionate to the house of York, but particularly had been
devoted to king Richard the third ; thought it would be a summer
well spent to visit those parts, and by his presence and application of
himself to reclaim and rectifie those humours. But the king in his
accompt of peace and calms, did much overcast his fortunes ; which
proved for many years together full of broken seas, tides and tempests.
For he was no sooner come to Lincoln, where he kept his Easter, but
he receiv'd news, that the lord Lovel, Humphrey Stafford, and Thomas
Stafford (who had formerly taken sanctuary at Colchester) were
departed out of sanctuary ; but to what place, no man could tell.
Which advertisement the king despised, and continued his journey to
York. At York there came fresh and more certain advertisement,
that the lord Lovel was at hand with a great power of men, and that
the Staffords were in arms in Worcestershire, and had made their ap-
proaches to the city of Worcester to assail it. The king, as a prince
of great and profound judgment, was not much mov'd with it ; for that

276 SUPPRESSION OF REBELLION.— -BIRTH OF PRINCE ARTHUR.

he thought it was but a rag or remnant of Bosworth-field, and had
nothing in it of the main party of the house of York. But he was
more doubtful of the raising of forces to resist the rebels, than of the
resistance itself; for that he was in a core of people whose affections
he suspected. But the action enduring no delay, he did speedily levy
and send against the lord Lovel to the number of three thousand men,
all arm'd, but well assur'd (being taken some few out of his own train,
and the rest out of the tenants and followers of such as were safe to be
trusted) under the conduct of the duke of Bedford. And as his
mannerwastosendhispardonsratherbeforethesword than after,he gave
commission to the duke to proclaim pardon to all that would come in:
which the duke, upon his approach to the lord Lovel's camp, did per-
form. And it fell out as the king expected ; the heralds were the
great ordnance. For the lord Lovel upon proclamation of pardon,
mistrusting his men, fled into Lancashire, and lurking for a time with sir
Thomas Broughton, after sail'dover into Flanders to the lady Margaret:
and his men, forsaken of their captain, did presently submit themselves
to the duke. The Staffords likewise, and their forces, hearing what
had happen'd to the lord Lovel (in whose success their chief trust was)
despair'd and dispers'd. The two brothers taking sanctuary at Coin-
ham, a village near Abingdon ; which place upon view of their
priviledge in the king's-bench, being judged no sufficient sanctuary
for traitors, Humphrey was executed at Tyburn ; and Thomas, as
being led by his elder brother, was pardon'd. So this rebellion prov'd
but a blast, and the king having by his journey purg'd a little the dregs
and leaven of the northern people, that were before in no good affec-
tion towards him, return'd to London.

In September following;1 the queen was deliver'd of her son,
whom the king (in honour of the British race, of which himself was)
nam'd Arthur, according to the name of that ancient worthy king of
the Britains ; in whose acts there is truth enough to make him
famous besides that which is fabulous. The child was strong and
able, tho' he was born in the eighth month, which the physicians do
prejudge.

There follow'd this year, being the second of the king's reign, a
strange accident of state, whereof the relations which we have are so
naked, as they leave it scarce credible ; not for the nature of it (for it
hath fallen out oft) but for the manner and circumstance of it, espe-
cially in the beginnings. Therefore we shall make our judgment upon
the things themselves, as they give light one to another, and (as we
can) dig truth out of the mine. The king was green in his estate ;
and, contrary to his own opinion and desert both, was not without

1 Holmshead writes, the queen was deliver'd at Winchester, in September, 1488, which is
more probable than that she should be deliver'd now ; for she was married but on the
18 of January in this year.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 277

much hatred throughout the realm. The root of all, was the dis-
countenancing of the house of York, which the general body of the
realm still affected. This did alienate the hearts of the subjects from
him daily more and more, especially when they saw, that after his
marriage, and after a son born, the king did nevertheless not so much
as proceed to the coronation of the queen, not vouchsafing her the
honour of a matrimonial crown ; for the coronation of her was not till
almost two years after, when danger had taught him what to do. But
much more when it was spread abroad (whether by errour, or the
cunning of malecontents) that the king had a purpose to put to death
Edward Plantagenet closely in the Tower ; whose case was so nearly
parallel'd with that of Edward the fourth's children, in respect of the
blood, like age, and the very place of the Tower, as it did refresh and
reflect upon the king a most odious resemblance, as if he would be
another king Richard. And all this time it was still whisper'd every-
where, that at least one of the children of Edward IV. was living.
Which bruit was cunningly fomented by such as desir'd innovation.
Neither was the king's nature and customs greatly fit to disperse these
mists ; but contrariwise he had a fashion rather to create doubts than
assurance. Thus was fuel prepar'd for the spark ; the spark that
afterwards kindled with such a fire and combustion was at the first
contemptible.

There was a subtil priest call'd Richard Simon, that liv'd in Oxford,
and had to his pupil a baker's son nam'd Lambert Simnell, of the age
of some fifteen years ; a comely youth, and well favour'd, not without
some extraordinary dignity and grace of aspect. It came into this
priest's fancy (hearing what men talk'd, and in hope to raise himself
to some great bishoprick) to cause this lad to counterfeit and personate
the second son of Edward IV. suppos'd to be murder'd ; and afterward
(for he chang'd his intention in the menage) the lord Edward Plan-
tagenet, then prisoner in the Tower, and accordingly to frame him and
instruct him in the part he was to play. This is that which (as was
touch'd before) seemeth scarce credible ; not that a false person
should be assum'd to gain a kingdom, for it hath been seen in ancient
and late times ; nor that it should come into the mind of such an
abject fellow, to enterprize so great a matter ; for high conceits do
sometimes come streaming into the imaginations of base persons,
especially when they are drunk with news and talk of the people.
But here is that which hath no appearance ; that this priest being
utterly unacquainted with the true person, according to whose pattern
he should shape his counterfeit, should think it possible for him to
instruct his player, either in gesture and fashions, or in recounting
past matters of his life and education ; or in fit answers to questions,
or the like, any ways to come near the resemblance of him whom he
ivas to represent. For this lad was not to personate one that had

278 LAMBERT SIMNEL THE PRETENDER.— THE QUEEN DOWAGER.

been long before taken out of his cradle, or convey'd away in his in-
fancy, known to few ; but a youth that till the age almost of ten years
had been brought up in a court, where infinite eyes had been upon
him. For king Edward touch'd with remorse of his brother the duke
of Clarence's death would not indeed restore his son (of whom we
speak) to be duke of Clarence ; but yet created him earl of Warwick,
reviving his honour on the mother's side, and used him honourably
during his time, tho' Richard III. afterwards confin'd him. So that
it cannot be, but that some great person that knew particularly and
familiarly Edward Plantagenet, had a hand in the business, from
whom the priest might take his aim. That which is most pro-
bable, out of the precedent and subsequent acts, is, that it was
the queen dowager, from whom this action had the principal source
and motion : for certain it is, she was a busy negociating woman,,
and in her withdrawing chamber had the fortunate conspiracy
for the king against king Richard the third been hatch'd ; which the
king knew, and remembred perhaps but too well ; and was at this
time extremely discontent with the king, thinking her daughter (as
the king handled the matter) not advanced but depressed : and none
could hold the book so well to prompt and instruct this stage-play, as
she could. Nevertheless it was not her meaning, nor no more was it
the meaning of any of the better and sager sort that favour'd this
enterprize, and knew the secret, that this disguised idol should possess
the crown ; but at his peril to make way to the overthrow of the king :
and that done, they had their several hopes and ways. That which
doth chiefly fortifie this conjecture is, that as soon as the matter
brake forth in any strength, it was one of the king's first acts to
cloister the queen dowager in the nunnery of Bermondsey, and to
take away all her lands and estate ; and this by close council without
any legal proceeding, upon far-fetch'd pretences ; that she had de-
liver'd her two daughters out of sanctuary to king Richard con-
trary to promise. Which proceeding being even at that time taxed
for rigorous and undue, both in matter and manner, makes it very
probable there was some great matter against her, which the king
upon reason of policy, and to avoid envy would not publish. It is
likewise no small argument that there was some secret in it, and
some suppressing of examinations ; for that the priest Simon himself,,
after he was taken, was never brought to execution ; no not so much
as to publick trial (as many clergymen were upon less treasons) but
was only shut up close in a dungeon. Add to this, that after the earl
of Lincoln (a principal person of the house of York) was slain in
Stoke field, the king open'd himself to some of his council, that he
was sorry for the earl's death, because by him (he said) he might have
known the bottom of his danger.

But to return to the narration itself ; Simon did first instruct his

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 279

scholar for the part of Richard duke of York, second son to king
Edward IV. and this was at such time as it was voiced that the king
purposed to put to death Edward Plantagenet prisoner in the Tower,
whereat there was great murmur. But hearing soon after a general
bruit that Plantagenet had escap'd out of the Tower, and thereby
finding him so much beloved amongst the people, and such rejoycing
at his escape, the cunning priest chang'd his copy, and chose now
Plantagenet to be the subject his pupil should personate, because he
was more in the present speech and votes of the people ; and it pieced
better, and follow'd more close and handsomely upon the bruit of
Plantagenet's escape. But yet doubting that there would be too near
looking and too much perspective into his disguise, if he should she\r
it here in England : he thought good (after the manner of scenes in
stage plays and masks) to shew it afar off ; and therefore sail'd with
his scholar into Ireland, where the affection to the house of York was
most in height. The king had been a little improvident in the
matters of Ireland, and had not remov'd officers and councellors, and
put in their places, or at least intermingled persons, of whom he stood
assured, as he should have done, since he knew the strong bent of
that country towards the house of York ; and that it was a ticklish
and unsettled state, more easy to receive distempers and mutations
than England was. But trusting to the reputation of his victories and
successes in England, he thought he should have time enough to ex-
tend his cares afterwards to that second kingdom.

Wherefore through this neglect, upon the coming of Simon with his
pretended Plantagenet into Ireland, all things were prepar'd for revolt
and sedition, almost as if they had been set and plotted beforehand.
Simon's first address was to the lord1 Thomas Fitzgerard, earl of
Kildare, and deputy of Ireland : before whose eyes he did cast such a
mist (by his own insinuation, and by the carriage of his youth, that
express'd a natural princely behaviour) as joyn'd perhaps with some
inward vapours of ambition and affection in the earl's own mind, left
him fully possess'd that it was the true Plantagenet. The earl pre-
sently communicated the matter with some of the nobles2 and others
there, at the first secretly. But finding them of like affection to him-
self, he suffer'd it of purpose to vent and pass abroad ; because they
thought it not safe to resolve, till they had a taste of the people's in-
clination. But if the great ones were in forwardness, the people were
in fury, entertaining this airy body or phantasm with incredible affec-

3 The lord Thomas Fitzgerald was Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and brother to Gerald, earl
of Kildare, deputy to Jasper, duke of Bedford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. — Sir James
Ware, Annals of Hen. VII. cap. i.

2 His brother the Lord Chancellor and the lord Portlester Lord Treasurer, who were
devoted to the house of York, the king had written to the lord deputy to come over to Eng-
land some time before, suspecting his fidelity ; but he excus'd himself till some matters of
great consequence then depending were fmish'd, and the lords spiritual and temporal sign'd
a letter to the king to desire he might stay. The lord Heath advis'd him of it. — Sir J.
Ware, cap. n.

280 SIMNEL PROCLAIMED KING EDWARD VI. AT DUBLIN.

tion ; partly, out of their great devotion to the house of York ; partly
out of a proud humour in the nation, to give a king to the realm of
England. Neither did the party in this heat of affection much trouble
themselves with the attainder of George duke of Clarence ; having
newly learn'd by the king's example, that attainders do not interrupt
the conveying of title to the crown. And as for the daughters of king
Edward IV. they thought king Richard had said enough for them ;
and took them to be but as of the king's party, because they were in
his power and at his disposing. So that with marvellous consent and
applause, this counterfeit Plantagenet was brought with great solemnity
to the castle of Dublin, and there saluted, serv'd and honour'd as king ;
the boy becoming it well, and doing nothing that did bewray the base-
ness of his condition. And within a few days after he was proclaim'd
king in Dublin, by the name of king Edward the sixth ; there being
not a sword drawn in king Henry's quarrel.

The king was much mov'd with this unexpected accident, when it
came to his ears ; both because it struck upon that string which ever
he most fear'd, as also because it was stirred in such a place, where
he could not with safety transfer his own person to suppress it. For
partly thro' natural valour, and partly thro' an universal suspicion (not
knowing whom to trust) he was ever ready to wait upon all his
achievements in person. The king therefore first called his council to-
gether at the Charterhouse at Shaene ; which council was held with
great secrecy ; but the open decrees thereof which presently came
abroad were three.

The first was, that the queen dowager, for that she, contrary to her
pact and agreement with those that had concluded with her concern-
ing the marriage of her daughter Elizabeth with king Henry, had
nevertheless deliver'd her daughters out of sanctuary into king
Richard's hands ; should be cloister'd in the nunnery of Bermondsey,
and forfeit all her lands and goods.

The next was, that Edward Plantagenet then close prisoner in the
Tower, should be in the most publick and notorious manner, that
could be devised, shew'd unto the people : in part to discharge the
king of the envy of that opinion and bruit, how he had been put to
death privily in the Tower ; but chiefly to make the people see the
levity and imposture of the proceedings of Ireland, and that thei
Plantagenet1 was indeed but a puppit, or a counterfeit.

The third was, that there should be again proclaim'd a general par-
don to all that would reveal their offences, and submit themselves by
a day. And that this pardon should be conceiv'd in so ample and
liberal a manner, as no high treason (no not against the king's own
person) should be excepted. Which tho' it might seem strange, ye

1 In Ireland the impostor was retorted on the king, as if he had impos'd a counterfeit carl
of Warwick on the people. — Sir J. Ware.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 281

was it not so to a wise king, that knew his greatest dangers were not
from the least treasons, but from the greatest. These resolutions of
the king and his council were immediately put in execution. And
first, the queen dowager was put into the monastery of Bermondsey,
and all her estate seiz'd into the king's hands, whereat there was much
wondering ; that a weak woman, for the yielding to the menaces and
promises of a tyrant, after such a distance of time (wherein the king
had shew'd no displeasure nor alteration) but much more after so
happy a marriage, between the king and her daughter, blessed with
issue-male, should upon so sudden mutability or disclosure of the
king's mind be so severely handled.

This lady was amongst the examples of great variety of fortune.
She had first from a distressed suitor and desolate widow, been taken
to the marriage bed of a batchelor-king, the goodliest personage of
his time ; and even in his reign she had endur'd a strange eclipse by
the king's flight, and temporary depriving from the crown. She was
also very happy, in that she had by him a fair issue, and con-
tinu'd his nuptial love (helping herself by some obsequious bear-
ing and dissembling of his pleasures) to the very end. She was
much affectionate to her own kindred, even unto faction ; which
did stir great envy in the lords of the king's side, who counted her
blood a disparagement to be mingled with the king's. With which
lords of the king's blood, joyn'd also the king's favourite the lord
Hastings ; who, notwithstanding the king's great affection to him,
was thought at times, through her malice and spleen, not to be out of
danger of falling. After her husband's death, she was matter of
tragedy, having liv'd to see her brother beheaded, and her two sons
deposed from the crown, bastarded in their blood, and cruelly
murdered. All this while nevertheless she enjoy'd her liberty, state,
and fortunes. But afterwards again, upon the rise of the wheel, when
she had a king to her son-in-law, and was made grandmother to a
grandchild of the best sex?; yet was she (upon dark and unknown
reasons, and no less strange pretences) precipitated and banish'd the
world into a nunnery ; where it was almost thought dangerous to visit
her, or see her ; and where not long after she ended her life : but was
by the king's commandment buried with the king her husband at
Windsor. She was foundress of Queen's College in Cambridge. ''For
this act the king sustain'd great obloquy, which nevertheless (besides
the reason of state) was somewhat sweetened to him by a great
confiscation.

About this time also Edward Plantagenet was upon a Sunday
brought throughout all the principal streets of London, to be seen of
the people. And having pass'd the view of the streets, was conducted
to Paul's church in solemn procession, where great store of people
were assembled. And it was provided also in good fashion, that

282 AMBITIOUS SCHEMES OF DE LA POLE AND LINCOLN.

divers of the nobility, and others of quality (especially of those that
the king most suspected, and knew the person of Plantagenet best)
had communication with the young gentleman by the way, and enter-
tain'd him with speech and discourse ; which did in effect mar the
pageant in Ireland with the subjects here, at least with so many as
out of error, and not out of malice, might be misled. Nevertheless, it
wrought little or no effect. But contrariwise, in Ireland (where it was
too late to go back) they turn'd the imposture upon the king, and gave
out, that the king, to defeat the true inheritor, and to mock the world
and blind the eyes of simple men, had trick'd up a boy in the likeness
of Edward Plantagenet, and shewed him to the people, not sparing to
prophane the ceremony of a procession, the more to countenance the
fable brought forward.

The general pardon likewise near the same time came forth ; and
the king therewithal omitted no diligence, in giving straight order for
the keeping of the ports ; that fugitives, malecontents, or suspected
persons might not pass over into Ireland and Flanders.

Meanwhile the rebels in Ireland had sent privy messengers both
into England and into Flanders, who in both places had wrought
effects of no small importance. For in England they won to their
party John earl of Lincoln, son of John de la Pole, duke of Suffolk,
and of Elizabeth, king Edward IV.'s eldest sister. This earl was a
man of great wit and courage, and had his thoughts highly r'ais'd by
hopes and expectations for a time. For Richard III. had a resolution,
out of hatred to both his brethren, king Edward and the duke of
Clarence, and their lines (having had his hand in both their bloods),
to disable their issues upon false and incompetent pretexts ; the one
of attainder, the other of illegitimation ; and to design this gentleman
(in case himself should dye without children) for inheritor of the
crown. Neither was this unknown to the king, who had secretly an
eye upon him. But the king having tasted of the envy of the people,
for his imprisonment of Edward Plantagenet, was doubtful to heap up
any more distastes of that kind, by the imprisonment of de la Pole
also ; the rather thinking it policy to conserve him as a co-rival unto
the other. The earl of Lincoln was induced to participate with the
action of Ireland, not lightly upon the strength of the proceedings
there, which was but a bubble, but upon letters from the lady Margaret
of Burgundy, in whose succours and declaration for the enterprize,
there seemed to be a more solid foundation, both for reputation and
forces. Neither did the earl refrain the business, for that he knew the
pretended Plantagenet to be but an idol : but contrariwise he was
more glad it should be the false Plantagenet than the true ; because
the false being sure to fall away of himself, and the true to be made
sure of by the king ; it might open and pave a fair and prepar'd way
to his own title. With this resolution he sail'd secretly into Flanders,

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 283

where was a little before arriv'd the lord Lovel,1 leaving a corres-
pondence here in England with sir Thomas Broughton, a man of great
power and dependencies in Lancashire. For before this time, when
the pretended Plantagenet was first receiv'd in Ireland, secret
messengers had been also sent to the lady Margaret, advertising her
what was pass'd in Ireland, imploring succours in an enterprize (as
they said) so pious and just, and that God had so miraculously pros-
per'd the beginning thereof; and making offer, that all things should
be guided by her will and direction, as the sovereign patroness and
protectress of the enterprize. Margaret was second sister to king
Edward IV., and had been second wife to Charles, sirnam'd the Hardy,
duke of Burgundy ; by whom having no children of her own, she did
with singular care and tenderness intend the education of Philip and
Margaret, grandchildren to her former husband ; which won her great
love and authority among the Dutch. This princess (having the spirit
of a man, and malice of a woman) abounding in treasure, by the great-
ness of her dower, and her provident government, and being childless,
and without any nearer care, made it her design and enterprize to see
the majesty royal of England once again replaced in her house, and
had set up king Henry as a mark, at whose overthrow all her actions
should aim and shoot ; insomuch as all the counsels of his succeeding
troubles came chiefly out of that quiver. And she bare such a mortal
hatred to the house of Lancaster, and personally to the king, as she
was no ways mollify'd by the conjunction of the houses in her niece's
marriage, but rather hated her niece, as the means of the king's
ascent to the crown, and assurance therein. Wherefore with great
violence of affection she embraced this overture. And upon counsel
taken with the earl of Lincoln and the lord Lovel, and some other of
the party, it was resolv'd with all speed, the two lords assisted with a
regiment of two thousand Almains, being choice and veteran bands,
under the command of Martin Swart (a valiant and experimented
captain) should pass over into Ireland to the new king. Hoping, that
when the action should have the face of a received and settled re-
gality (with such a second person, as the earl of Lincoln and the con-
junction and reputation of foreign succours) the fame of it would em-
bolden and prepare all the party of the confederates and malecontents
within the realm of England, to give them assistance, when they
should come over there. And for the person of the counterfeit, it
was agreed, that if all things succeeded well, he should be put down,
and the true Plantagenet received : wherein nevertheless the earl of
Lincoln had his particular hopes. After they were come into Ireland,
and that the party took courage, by seeing themselves together in a
body, they grew very confident of success, conceiving and discoursing
amongst themselves, that they went in upon far better cards to over-

1 Francis Viscount Lovell, lord chamberlain to Richard III.

284 SIMNEL CROWNED AT DUBLIN.— INVASION OF ENGLAND.

throw king Henry, than king Henry had to overthrow king Richard.
And that if there were not a sword drawn against them in Ireland, it
was a sign the swords in England would be soon sheath'd, or beaten
down. And first, for a bravery upon this accession of power, they
crown'd their new king in the cathedral church of Dublin j1 who
formerly had been but proclaim'd only ; and then sate in council what
should further be done. At which council, tho' it were propounded
by some, that it were the best way to establish themselves first in
Ireland, and to make that the seat of the war, and to draw king Henry
thither in person, by whose absence they thought there would be
great alterations and commotions in England ; yet because the king-
dom there was poor, and they should not be able to keep their army
together, nor pay their German soldiers, and for that also the sway of
the Irishmen, and generally of the men of war, which (as in such cases
of popular tumults is usual) did in effect govern their leaders, was
eager, and in affection to make their fortunes upon England : it was
concluded with all possible speed to transport their forces into England.
The king in the meantime, who at the first when he heard what was
done in Ireland, tho' it troubled him, yet thought he should be well
enough able to scatter the Irish as a flight of birds, and rattle away
this swarm of bees, with their king ; when he heard afterwards that
the earl of Lincoln was embarked in the action, and that the lady
Margaret was declared for it, he apprehended the danger in a true
degree as it was, and saw plainly that his kingdom must again be put
to the stake, and that he must fight for it. And first he did conceive
before he understood of the earl of Lincoln's sailing into Ireland out
of Flanders, that he should be assail'd both upon the east-parts of the
kingdom of England by some impression from Flanders, and upon
the north-west out of Ireland. And therefore having order'd musters
to be made in both parts, and having provisionally design'd two
generals, Jasper earl of Bedford, and John earl of Oxford (meaning him-
self also to go in person where the affairs should most require it), and
nevertheless not expecting any actual invasion at that time (the winter
being far on) he took his journey himself towards Suffolk and Norfolk,
for the confirming of those parts. And being come to St. Edmonds-
bury, he understood that Thomas Marquess of Dorset (who had been
one of the pledges in France) was hastning towards him, to purge
himself of some accusations which had been made against him. But
the king, tho' he kept an ear for him, yet was the time so doubtful,
that he sent the earl of Oxford to meet him, and forthwith to carry
him to the Tower ; with a fair message nevertheless, that he should

1 He was crown'd with a crown taken from a statue of the Virgin Mary in our lady's
church near Damesgate. Dr. Payn bishop of Meath preach'd his coronation sermon ; and
the deputy, lord chancellor, lord treasurer, earl of Lincoln, lord Lovel, and many more
persons of quality assisted at the ceremony : the archbishop of Armagh refus'd to attend at it.
~Sir James Ware, cap iii.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 285

bear that disgrace with patience, for that the king meant not his hurt,
but only to preserve him from doing hurt, either to the king's service,
or to himself ; and that the king should always be able (when he had
cleared himself) to make him reparation.

From St. Edmonds-bury he went to Norwich, where he kept his
Christmas. And from thence he went (in a manner of pilgrimage) to
Walsingham, where he visited our ladies church, famous for miracles,
and made his prayers and vows for help and deliverance. And from
thence he return'd by Cambridge to London. Not long after, the
rebels, with their king (under the leading of the earl of Lincoln, the
earl of Kildare, the lord Lovel, and colonel Swart), landed at Fouldrey
in Lancashire, whither there repair'd to them sir Thomas Broughton
with some small company of English. The king by that time (know-
ing now the storm would not divide, but fall in one place) had levied
forces in good number : and in person (taking with him his two de-
signed generals, the duke of Bedford and the earl of Oxford) was come
on his way towards them as far as Coventry, whence he sent forth a
troop of light horsemen for discovery, and to intercept some stragglers
of the enemies, by whom he might the better understand the par-
ticulars of their progress and purposes, which was accordingly done ;
tho' the king otherwise was not without intelligence from his espials
in the camp.

The rebels took their way towards York, without spoiling the
country, or any act of hostility, the better to put themselves into
favour of the people, and to personate their king : who (no doubt of a
princely feeling) was sparing and compassionate towards his subjects.
But their snow-ball did not gather as it went : for the people came not
into them ; neither did any rise or declare themselves in other parts
of the kingdom for them, which was caused partly by the good taste
that the king had given his people of his government, joyned with the
reputation of his felicity ; and partly for that it was an odious thing to
the people of England to have a king brought into them upon the
shoulders of Irish and Dutch, of which their army was in substance
compounded. Neither was it a tiling done with any great judgment
on the party of the rebels, for them to take way towards York : con-
sidering that howsoever those parts had formerly been a nursery of
their friends ; yet it was there where the lord Lovel had so lately dis-
banded, and where the king's presence had a little before qualify'd
discontents. The earl of Lincoln deceived of his hopes of the
countries concourse unto him (in which case he would have
temporized) and seeing the business past retract resolv'd to make on
where the king was, and to give him battle ; and thereupon march'd
towards Newark, thinking to have surprized the town. But the king
was somewhat before this time come to Nottingham, where he calPd
a council of war, at which was consulted, whether it were best to pro-

286 THE BATTLE OF STOKES FIELD.— DESTRUCTION OF THE REBELS.

tract time, or speedily to set upon the rebels. In which council the
king himself (whose continual vigilancy did suck in sometimes cause-
less suspicions which few else knew) inclined to the accelerating a
battle. But this was presently put out of doubt by the great aids that
came in to him in the instant of this consultation ; partly upon mis-
sives, and partly voluntaries from many parts of the kingdom.

The principal persons that came then to the king's aid, were the
earl of Shrewsbury and the lord Strange, of the nobility ; and of
knights and gentlemen to the number of at least threescore and ten
persons, with their companies making in the whole at the least six
thousand fighting men, beside the forces that were with the king before.
Whereupon the king, finding his army so bravely re-enforced, and a
great alacrity in all his men to fight, was confirm'd in his former reso-
lution, and march'd speedily, so as he put himself between the enemies
camp and Newark ; being loth their army should get the commodity
of that town. The earl nothing dismay'd, came forwards that day
unto a little village call'd Stoke, and there encamp'd that night upon
the brow or hanging of a hill. The king the next day J presented him
battle upon the plain, the fields there being open and champion. The
earl courageously came down and joynd battle with him. Concerning
which battle, the relations that are left unto us are so naked and
negligent (though it be an action of so recent memory) as they rather
declare the success of the day, than the manner of the fight. They
say, that the king divided his army into three battles ; whereof
the van-guard only, well strengthen'd with wings, came to fight. That
the fight was fierce and obstinate, and lasted three hours, before the
victory inclined either way ; save that judgment might be made, by
that the king's van-guard of it self maintain'd fight against the whole
power of the enemies, (the other two battles remaining out of action)
what the success was like to be in the end. That Martin Swart with
his Germans perform'd bravely ; and so did those few English that
were on that side ; neither did the Irish fail in courage or fierceness,
but being almost naked men, only arm'd with darts and skeins, it was
rather an execution, than a fight upon them ; insomuch as the furious
slaughter of them was a great discouragement and appalement to the
rest ; that there died upon the place all the chieftains ; that is, the
earl of Lincoln, the earl of Kildare,2 Francis lord Lovel, Martin
Swart, and Sir Thomas Broughton ; all making good the fight without
any ground given. Only of the Lord Lovel there went a report, that
he fled and swam over Trent on horseback, but could not recover the
further side, by reason of the steepness of the bank, and so was

1 Polydore Virgil places this battle in the year 1485. But that is not one of the least mis-
takes in his history.

2 'Twas the lord Thomas Fitzgerald, whom, says sir James Ware, ' some do erroneously
call the earl of Ki'dare. There fell also Maurice Fitz-Thomas a Geraldine, and Piunket the
baron of Kelleny's son.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 287

drown'd in the river. But another report leaves him not there, but
that he liv'd long after in a cave or vault. The number that was slain
in the field, was of the enemies part four thousand at the least ; and
of the king's part one half of his van-guard, besides many hurt, but
none of name. There were taken prisoners amongst others, the coun-
terfeit Piantagenet (now Lambert Simnell again) and the crafty priest
his tutor. For Lambert, the king would not take his life, both out of
magnanimity, taking him but as an image of wax that others had tem-
per'd and moulded ; and likewise out of wisdom, thinking that if he
suffer'd death he would be forgotten too soon ; but being kept alive, he
would be a continual spectacle, and a kind of remedy against the like in-
chantments of people in time to come. For which cause he was taken into
service in his court to abase office in his kitchin ; so that (in a kind of
mattacina of human fortune) he turn'd a broach that had worn a crown.
Whereas fortune commonly doth not bring in a comedy or farce after
a tragedy. And afterwards he was preferred to be one of the king's
falconers. As to the priest, he was committed close prisoner, and
heard of no more ; the king loving to seal up his own dangers.1

After the battle the king went to Lincoln where he caused supplica-
tions and thanksgivings to be made for his deliverance and victory ;
and that his devotions might go round in circle, he sent his banner to
be offer'd to our lady of Walsingham where before he made his vows.
And thus deliver'd of this so strange an engine and new invention of
fortune, he return'd to his former confidence of mind ; thinking now,
that all his misfortunes had come at once : but it fell out unto him
according to the speech of the common people in the beginning of
his reign, that said, ' It was a token he should reign in labour, be-
cause his reign began with a sickness of sweat.' But howsoever the
king thought himself now in a haven, yet such was his wisdom, as his
confidence did seldom darken his foresight, especially in things near
hand. And therefore awaken'd by so fresh and unexpected dangers,
he entered into due consideration, as well how to weed out the par-
takers of the former rebellion, as to kill the seeds of the like in time
to come ; and withal to take away all shelters and harbours for dis-
contented persons, where they might hatch and foster rebellions, which
afterwards might gather strength and motion. And first, he did yet
again make a progress from Lincoln to the northern parts, though in-
deed it were rather an itinerary circuit of justice, than a progress :
for all along as he went, with much severity and strict inquisition,

1 The king wrote to the mayor and citizens of Waterford in Ireland, to commend their
fidelity, which he next year rewarded with new privileges and immunities. The earl of Kil-
dare and the lords who had sided with Lambert, sent over letters to the king and begg'd
pardon ; which he not only granted them, but continued the earl of Kildare lord deputv^
— Sir J. Ware. Cap. in.

In the year following, sir Richard Edgcomb was sent over to Ireland with 500 men to take
new oaths of allegiance of the nobility, and king Henry order'd them to come to England ;
where he feasted them all, and gave the Lord Heath 3oo/. in gold.

288 CORONATION OF THE QUEEN.— HENRY VII. AND THE POPE.

partly by martial law, and partly by commission, were punished, the
adherents and aiders of the late rebels : not all by death, for the
field had drawn much blood) but by fines and ransoms which spared
life and raised treasure. Amongst other crimes of this nature, there
was diligent inquiry made of such as had raised and dispersed a bruit
and rumour, a little before the field fought, that the rebels had the day,
and that the king's army was overthrown and the king fled : whereby
it was supposed, that many succours, which otherwise would have
come unto the king, were cunningly put off and kept back. Which
charge and accusation, though it had some ground, yet was industri-
ously embraced and put on by divers, who having been in themselves
not the best affected to the king's part, nor forward to come to his aid,
were glad to apprehend this colour to cover their neglect and coldness,
under the pretence of such discouragements. Which cunning never-
theless the king would not understand, tho' he lodg'd it, and noted it in
some particulars, as his manner was.

But for the extirpating of the roots and causes of the like commo-
tions in time to come, the king began to find where his shoe did wring
him, and that it was his depressing of the house of York, that did ran-
cle and fester the affections of his people. And therefore being now
too wise to disdain perils any longer, and willing to give some content-
ment in that kind (at least in ceremony) he resolv'd at last to proceed
to the coronation of his queen. And therefore at his coming to London,
where he entered in state, and in a kind of triumph, and celebrated his
victory with two days of devotion, (for the first day he repair'd to
Paul's and had the hymn of Te Deum sung, and the morrow after he
went in procession, and heard the sermon at the Cross) the queen
was with great solemnity crown'd at Westminster, the five and twen-
tieth of November, in the third year of his reign, which was about two
years after the marriage ; like an old christning, that had stayed long
for godfathers. Which strange and unusual distance of time, made it
subject to every man's note, that it was an act against his stomach,
and put upon him by necessity and reason of state. Soon after, to
shew that it was now fair weather again, and that the imprison-
ment of Thomas marquess Dorset, was rather upon suspicion of the
time than of the man, he the said marquess was set at liberty without
examination, or other circumstance. At that time also the king sent
an ambassadour unto Pope Innocent, signifying unto him this his
marria.ge, and that now (like another ^Eneas) he had passed through
the floods of his former troubles and travels, and was arriv'd unto
a safe haven : and thanking his holiness that he had honour'd the
celebration of his marriage with the presence of his ambassador ;
4nd offering both his person and the forces of his kingdom upon all
occasions to do him service.

The ambassador making his oration to the Pope, in the presence of

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY VII. 289

the cardinals, did so magnifie the king and queen, as was enough to
glut the hearers. But then he did again so extol and deify the Pope,
as made all that he had said in praise of his master and mistress seem
temperate and passable. But he was very honourably entertain'd, and
extremely much made on by the Pope : who knowing himself to be
lazy and unprofitable to the Christian world, was wonderfully glad to
hear that there were such echoes of him sounding in remote parts.
He obtain'd also of the Pope a very just and honourable bull, qualify-
ing the privileges of sanctuary (wherewith the king had been extremely
gauled) in three points.

The first, that if any sanctuary-man did by night, or otherwise, get
out of sanctuary privily and commit mischief and trespass, and then
come in again, he should lose the benefit of sanctuary for ever after.
The second, that howsoever the person of the sanctuary-man was pro-
tected from his creditors, yet his goods out of sanctuary should not.
The third, that if any took sanctuary for case of treason the king
might appoint him keepers to look to him in sanctuary.

The king also for the better securing of his estate, against mutinous
and malecontented subjects (whereof he saw the realm was full) who
might have their refuge into Scotland, which was not under key, as the
ports were ; for that cause, rather than for any doubt of hostility from
those parts, before his coming to London (when he was at Newcastle)
had sent a solemn embassage unto James III. king of Scotland,
to treat and conclude a peace with him. The ambassadors were
Richard Fox bishop of Exeter, and sir Richard Edgcomb, comptroller
of the king's house, who were honourably received and entertain'd
there. But the king of Scotland labouring of the same disease that
king Henry did (tho' more mortal, as afterwards appear'd) that is,
discontented subjects, apt to rise and raise tumult, altho' in his own
affection he did much desire to make a peace with the king ; yet find-
ing his nobles averse, and not daring to displease them, concluded
only a truce for seven years ; giving nevertheless promise in private,
that it should be renew'd from time to time, during the two kings
lives.

Hitherto the king had been exercis'd in setting his affairs at home.
But about this time brake forth an occasion that drew him to look
abroad, and to hearken to foreign business. Charles VIII. the French
king, by the vertue and good fortune of his two immediate predeces-
sors, Charles VII. his grandfather, and Lewis XI. his father, receiv'd
the kingdom of France in more flourishing and spreading estate than
it had been of many years before ; being redintegrate in those princi-
pal members which anciently had been portions of the crown of
France, and were after dissevered, so as they remain'd only in homage,
and not in sovereignty (being govern'd by absolute princes of their
own) Anjou, Normandy. Pnvence, and Burgundy. There remain'd

19

290 THE DUCHY OF BRITTAINY COVETED BY CHARLES VIII. OF FRANCE.

only Brittainy to be re-united, and so the monarchy of France to be re-
duced to the ancient terms and bounds.

King Charles was not a little inflamed with an ambition to re-pur-
chase and re-annex that duchy. Which his ambition was a wise and
well weigh'd ambition ; not like unto the ambitions of his succeeding
enterprizes of Italy. For at that time being newly come to the crown,
he was somewhat guided by his father's councils (councils, not coun-
sellors) for his father was his council, and had few able men about
him. And that king (he knew well) had ever distasted the designs of
Italy, and in particular had an eye upon Brittainy. There were many
circumstances that did feed the ambition of Charles, with pregnant
and apparent hopes of success. The duke of Brittainy old, and entred
into a lethargy, and serv'd with mercenary counsellors, father of two only
daughters, the one sickly and not like to continue. King Charles him-
self in the flower of his age, and the subjects of France at that time
well train'd for war, both for leaders and soldiers ; men of service being
not yet worn out since the wars of Lewis against Burgundy. He
found himself also in peace with all his neighbour princes. As for
those that might oppose to his enterprize, Maximilian king of Romans,
his rival in the same desires (as well for the duchy, as the daughter),
feeble in means ; and king Henry of England as well somewhat ob-
noxious to him for his favours and benefits, as busy'd in his particular
troubles at home. There was also a fair and specious occasion offer'd
him to hide his ambition and to justify his warringupon Britainy,for that
the duke had receiv'd and succour'd Lewis duke of Orleans, and other
of the French nobility, which had taken arms against their king.
Wherefore king Charles being resolv'd upon that war, knew well he
could not receive any opposition so potent, as if king Henry should
either upon policy of state, in preventing the growing greatness of
France : or upon gratitude unto the duke of Britainy, for his former
favours in the time of his distress, espouse that quarrel, and declare
himself in aid of the duke. Therefore he no sooner heard that king
Henry was settled by his victory, but forthwith he sent ambassadors
unto him to pray his assistance, or at the least that he would stand
neutral. Which ambassadors found the king at Leicester, and deliverM
their embassage to this effect. They first imparted unto the king the
success that their master had had a little before against Maximilian,
in recovery of certain towns from him ; which was done in a kind of
privacy, and inwardness towards the king ; as if the French king did
not esteem him for an outward or formal confederate, but as one that
had part in his affections and fortunes, and with whom he took plea-
sure to communicate his business. After this compliment, and some
gratulation for the king's victory, they fell to their errand ; declaring
to the king, that their master was enforc'd to enter into a just and
necessary war with the duke of Britainy, for that he had receiv'd and

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY vii. 291

succour'd those that were traytors, and declared enemies unto his per-
son and state. That they were no mean, distressed and calamitous
persons that fled to him for refuge, but of so great quality, as it was
apparent that they came not thither to protect their own fortune, but
to infest and invade his ; the head of them being the duke of Orleans,
the first prince of the blood, and the second person of France. That
therefore, rightly to understand it, it was rather on their master's part
a defensive war than an offensive ; as that, that could not be omitted
or forborn, if he tendred the conservation of his own estate ; and
that it was not the first blow that made the war invasive ; (for that no
wise prince would stay for) but the first provocation, or at least the
first preparation. Nay, that this war was rather a suppression of rebels?
than a war with a just enemy, where the case is ; that his subjects,
traytors, are receiv'd by the duke of Britainy his homager. That king
Henry knew well what went upon it in example, if neighbour-princes
should patronize and comfort rebels, against the law of nations and
of leagues. Nevertheless that their master was not ignorant, that
the king had been beholden to the duke of Britainy in his adversity ; as
on the other side, they knew he would not forget also the readiness of
their king, in aiding him when the duke of Britainy, or his mercenary
councellors fail'd him and would have betray'd him ; and that there
was a great difference between the courtesies receiv'd from their mas-
ter and the duke of Britainy ; for that the duke's might have ends of
utility and bargain ; whereas their masters could not have proceeded
but out of entire affection. For that, if it had been measured by a
politick line, it had been better for his affairs, that a tyrant should have
reign'd in England, troubled and hated, than such a prince, whose
vertues could not fail to make him great and potent, whensoever he
was come to be master of his affairs. But howsoever it stood for the
point of obligation which the king might owe to the duke of Britainy,
yet their master was well assur'd, it would not divert king Henry ot
England from doing that that was just, nor ever embark him in so ill-
grounded a quarrel. Therefore., since this war which their master
was now to make, was but to deliver himself from imminent dangers,
their king hop'd the king would shew the like affection to the conser-
vation of their master's estate, as their master had (when time was)
shew'd to the king's acquisition of his kingdom. At the least, that
according to the inclination which the king had ever professed of peace,
he would look on, and stand neutral ; for that their master could not
with reason press him to undertake part in the war, being so newly
settled and recover'd from intestine seditions.

But touching the mystery of re-annexing of the duchy of Britainy to
the crown of France, either by war, or by marriage with the daughter
of Britainy; the ambassadors bear aloof from it, as from a rock, know-
ing that it made most against them. And therefore by all means

2Q2 RESOLUTION OF HENRY TO AID THE DUKE OF BRETAGNE.

declined any mention thereof, but contrariwise interlaced in their con-
ference with the king, the assured purpose of their master, to match
-with the daughter of Maximilian : and entertain'd the king also with
some wandring discourses of their king's purpose to recover by arms
his right to the kingdom of Naples, by an expedition in person ; all to
remove the king from all jealousy of any design in these hither parts
upon Britainy, otherwise than for quenching of the fire, which he fear'd
might be kindled in his own estate.

The king after advice taken with his council, made answer to the
ambassadors. And first returned their compliment, shewing he was
right glad of the French king's reception of those towns from Maxi-
milian. Then he familiarly related some particular passages of his
own adventures and victory passed. As to the business of Britainy, the
king answer'd in few words ; that the French king and the duke of
Britainy were the two persons to whom he was most obliged of all men ;
and that he should think himself very unhappy if things should go so
between them, as he should not be able to acquit himself in gratitude
towards them both ; and that there was no means for him as a Chris-
tian king and a common friend to them, to satisfy all obligations both
to God and man, but to offer himself for a mediator of an accord and
peace between them ; by which course he doubted not but their king's
estate and honour both, would be preserv'd with more safety and less
envy than by war, and that he would spare no costs or pains, not if it
were to go on pilgrimage for so good an effect : and concluded, that
in this great affair, which he took so much to heart, he would express
himself more fully by an embassage, which he would speedily dispatch
unto the French king for that purpose. And in this sort the French
ambassadors were dismissed ; the king avoiding to understand any
thing touching the re-annexing of Britainy, as the ambassadors had
avoided to mention it ; save that he gave a little touch of it in the
word, envy. And so it was, that the king was neither so shallow, nor
so ill advertis'd, as not to perceive the intention of the French king,
for the investing himself of Britainy. But first he was utterly unwil-
ling (howsoever he gave out) to enter into war with France. A fame
of a war he liked well, but not an achievement ; for the one he thought
would make him richer, and the other poorer : and he was possessed
with many secret fears touching his own people, which he was there-
fore loth to arm, and put weapons into their hands. Yet notwithstand-
ing (as a prudent and couragious prince) he was not so averse from
a war, but that he was resolv'd to choose it, rather than to have Britainy
carried by France, being so great and opulent a duchy, and situate so
opportunely to annoy England, either for coast, or trade. But the
king's hopes were, that partly by negligence, commonly imputed to the
French (especially in the court of a young king) and partly by the
native power of Britainy it self, which was not small ; but chiefly in

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY vn. 293

respect of the great party that the duke of Orleans had in the king-
dom of France, and thereby means to stir up civil troubles, to divert
the French king from the enterprize of Britainy. And lastly, in regard
of the power of Maximilian, who was co-rival to the French king in
that pursuit, the enterprize would either bow to a peace, or break in it
self. In all which, the king measur'd and valued things amiss, as
afterwards appear'd. He sent therefore forthwith to the French king,
Christopher Urswicke his chaplain, a person by him much trusted and
imploy'd : choosing him the rather, because he was a churchman, as
best sorting with an embassy of pacification ; and giving him also a
commission, that if the French king consented to treat, he would
thence repair to the duke of Britainy, and ripen the treaty on both
parts. Urswicke made declaration to the French king, much to the
purpose of the king's answer to the French ambassadors here ; instil-
ling also tenderly some overture of receiving to grace the duke of
Orleans, and some taste of conditions of accord. But the French
king on the other side proceeded not sincerely, but with a great deal
of art and dissimulation, in this treaty ; having for his end to gain
time, and so put off the English succours, under hope of peace, till he
had got good footing in Britainy, by force of arms. Wherefore he an-
swer'd the ambassador, that he would put himself into the king's hands,,
and make him arbiter of the peace ; and willingly consented, that the
ambassador should straightvvays pass into Britainy, to signify this his
consent, and to know the duke's mind likewise ; well foreseeing, that
the duke of Orleans, by whom the duke of Britainy was wholly led,
taking himself to be upon terms irreconcileable with him, would admit
of no treaty of peace. Whereby he should in one, both generally
abroad veyl over his ambition, and win the reputation of just and
moderate proceedings ; and should withal endear himself in the affec-
tions of the king of England, as one that had committed all to his
will : nay, and (which was yet more fine) make faith in him, that
altho' he went on with the war, yet it should be but with his sword in
his hand to bend the stiffness of the other party to accept of peace ;
and so the king should make no umbrage of his arming and prosecu-
tion ; but the treaty to be kept on foot, till the very last instant, till he
were master of the field.

Which grounds being by the French king wisely laid, all things fell
out as he expected. For when the English ambassador came to the
court of Britainy, the duke was then scarcely perfect in his memory,
and all things were directed by the duke of Orleans; who gave
audience to the chaplain Urswicke, and, upon his ambassage deliver'd,
made answer in somewhat high terms : that the duke of Britain having
been an host, and a kind of parent or fosterfather to the king, in his
tenderness of age and weakness of fortune, did look for at this time
from king Henry (the renowned king of England) rather brave troops

294 BRETAGNE IN DANGER.— LORD WOODVILE SEEKS TO AID.

for his succours, than a vain treaty of peace. And if the king could
forget the good offices of the duke done unto him aforetime ; yet he
knew well, he would in his wisdom consider of the future, how much
it imported his own safety and reputation, both in foreign parts and
with his own people, not to suffer Britainy (the old confederates of
England) to be swallowed up by France, and so many good ports and
strong towns upon the coast be in the command of so potent a neigh-
bour-king, and so ancient an enemy. And therefore humbly desired
the king to think of this business as his own ; and therewith brake off,
and denyed any further conference for treaty.

Urswicke return'd first to the French king, and related to him what
had passed. Who finding things to sort to his desire, took hold of
them, and said, that the ambassador might perceive now that which
he for his part partly imagined before. That considering in what
hands the duke of Britainy was, there would be no peace, but by a
mixed treaty of force and persuasion. And therefore he would go on
with the one, and desired the king not to desist from the other. But
for his own part, he did faithfully promise to be still in the king's power
to rule him in the matter of peace. This was accordingly represented
unto the king by Urswicke at his return, and in such a fashion as if
the treaty were in no sort desperate, but rather stay'd for a better hour,
till the hammer had wrought, and beat the party of Britainy more
pliant. Whereupon there passed continually packets and dispatches
between the two kings, from the one out of desire, and from the other
out of dissimulation, about the negociation of peace. The French
king mean while invaded Britainy with great forces, and distress'd the
city of Nantes with a straight siege, and (as one, who tho' he had no
great judgment, yet had that, that he could dissemble home) the more
he did urge the prosecution of the war, the more he did at the same
time urge the solicitation of the peace. Insomuch as during the siege
of Nantes, after many letters and particular messages, the better to
maintain his dissimulation, and to refresh the treaty; he sent Bernard
Daubigney (a person of good quality) to the king, earnestly to desire
him to make an end of the business howsoever.

The king was no less ready to revive and quicken the treaty : and
thereupon sent three commissioners, the abbot of Abington, sir Richard
Tunstall, and chaplain Urswicke formerly imploy'd, to do their endea-
vours, to manage the treaty roundly and strongly.

About this time the lord Woodvile (uncle to the queen), a valiant gentle-
man and desirous of honour, sued to the king, that he might raise some
power of voluntaries under hand, and without licence or pasport
(wherein the king might any ways appear) go to the aid of the
duke of Britainy. The king denyed his request (or at least seemed so
to do) and lay'd strait commandment upon him, that he should not
stir ; for that the king thought his honour would suffer therein during

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY VII. 295

a treaty, to better a party. Nevertheless this lord (either being un-
ruly, or out of conceit that the king would not inwardly dislike that
which he would not openly avow) sail'd secretly over into the Isle of
Wight, whereof he was governour, and levied a fair troop of four
hundred men, and with them passed over into Britainy, and joyned
himself with the duke's forces. The news whereof when it came to
the French court, put divers young bloods into such a fury, as the
English ambassadors were not without peril to be outraged. But the
French king both to preserve the privilege of ambassadors, and being
conscious to himself that in the business of peace, he himself was
the greater dissembler of the two, forbad all injuries of fact or word
against their persons, or followers. And presently came an agent
from the king, to purge himself touching the lord Woodvile's going
over, using for a principal argument, to demonstrate that it was with-
out his privity, for that the troops were so small, as neither had the
face of a succour by authority ; nor could much advance the Bretagne
affairs. To which message, although the French king gave no full
credit, yet he made fair weather with the king, and seem'd satisfied :
soon after the English ambassadors returned, having two of them
been likewise with the duke of Britainy, and found things in no other
terms, than they were before. Upon their return, they inform'd the
king of the state of the affairs, and how far the French king was from
any true meaning of peace ; and therefore he was now to advise of
some other course. Neither was the king himself led all this while
with credulity merely, as was generally supposed. But his error was
not so much facility of belief, as an ill measuring of the forces of the
other party.

For (as was partly touch'd before) the king had cast the business
thus with himself. He took it for granted in his own judgment, that
the war of Britainy, in respect of the strength of the towns and of the
party, could not speedily come to a period. For he conceiv'd that
the counsels of a war, that was undertaken by the French king, then
childless, against an heir-apparent of France, would be very faint and
slow. And besides, that it was not possible, but that the state of
France should be embroil'd with some troubles and alterations in
favour of the duke of Orleans. He conceived likewise, that Maxi-
milian, king of the Romans, was a prince, warlike and potent ; who
(he made account) would give succours to the Britains roundly. So
then judging it would be a work of time, he laid his plot, how he
might best make use of that time, for his own affairs. Wherein first he
thought to make his vantage upon his parliament ; knowing that they
being affectionate unto the quarrel of Britainy, would give treasure
largely. Which treasure, as a noise of war might draw forth ; so a
peace succeeding might coffer up. And because he knew his people
were hot upon the business, he chose rather to seem to be deceiv'd,

296 THE AFFAIR OF BRETAGNE LAID BEFORE THE PARLIAMENT.

and lull'd asleep by the French, than to be backward in himself;
considering his subjects were not so fully capable of the reasons of
state, which made him hold back, Wherefore to all these purposes
he saw no other expedient, than to set and keep on foot a continual
treaty of peace ; laying it down, and taking it up again, as the occur-
rence requir'd. Besides, he had in consideration the point of honour
in bearing the blessed person of a pacificator. He thought likewise
to make use of the envy, that the French king met with, by occasion
of this war of Britainy, in strengthening himself with new alliances ;
as namely that of Ferdinando of Spain, with whom he had ever a
consent even in nature and customs ; and likewise with Maximilian,
who was particularly interested. So that in substance he promised
himself money, honour, friends, and peace in the end. But those
things were too fine to be fortunate, and succeed in all parts ; for that
great affairs are commonly too rough and stubborn to be wrought upon
by the finer edges, or points of wit. The king was likewise deceived
in his two main grounds. For although he had reason to conceive,
that the counsel of France would be wary to put the king into a war
against the heir-apparent of France ; yet he did not consider, that
Charles was not guided by any of the principal of the blood or
nobility, but by mean men, who would make it their masterpiece of
credit and favour, to give venturous counsels, which no great or wise
man durst, or would. And for Maximilian, he was thought then a
greater matter than he was ; his unstable and necessitous courses be-
ing not then known.

After consultation with the ambassadors, who brought him no other
news, than he expected before (though he would not seem to know it
till then) he presently summoned his parliament, and in open parlia-
ment propounded the cause of Britainy to both houses, by his chan-
cellor Moreton Archbishop of Canterbury, who spake to this effect.

' My lords and masters ; the king's grace our soverain lord, hath
commanded me to declare unto you the causes that have mov'd him
at this time to summon this his parliament ; which I shall do in few
words, craving pardon of his grace, and you all, if I perform it not as
I would.

' His grace doth first of all let you know, that he retaineth in thank-
ful memorie the love and loyalty shewed to him by you, at your last
meeting, in establishment of his royaltie ; freeing and discharging of
his partakers, and confiscation of his traytors and rebels ; more than
which could not come from subjects to their soveraign, in one action.
This he taketh so well at your hands, as he hath made it a resolution
to himself, to communicate with so loving and well approved subjects,
in all affairs that are of publick nature, at home or abroad.

' Two therefore are the causes of your present assembling ; the
one, a foreign business ; the other, matter of government at home.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 297

'The French king (as no doubt ye have heard) maketh at this
present hot war upon the duke of Britain. His army is now before
Nantes, and holdeth it straightly beseig'd, being the principal city (if
not in ceremonie and pre-eminence, yet in strength and wealth) of
that duchie. Ye may guess at his hopes, by his attempting of the
hardest part of the war first. The cause of this war he knoweth best.
He alledgeth the entertaining and succouring of the duke of Oiieance,
and some other French lords, whom the king taketh for his enemies.
Others divine of other matters. Both parts have by their ambassadors
divers times prayed the king's aids : the French king's aids, or neu-
trality ; the Britons aids simply ; for so their case requireth. The
king, as a Christian prince, and blessed son of the holy church hath
offered himself as a mediator to treat a peace between them. The
king yeildeth to treat, but will not stay the prosecution of the war.
The Britons, that desire peace most, hearken to it at least ; not upon
confidence or stiffness, but upon distrust of true meaning, seeing the
war goes on. So as the king, after as much pains and care to effect
a peace, as ever he took in any business, not being able to remove
the prosecution on the one side, nor the distrust on the other, caused
by that prosecution, hath let fall the treatie ; not repenting of it, but
despairing of it now, as not likely to succeed. Therefore by this
narrative you now understand the state of the question, whereupon
the king prayeth your advice ; which is no other, but whether he
shall enter into an auxiliary and defensive war for the Britons against
France.

' And the better to open your understandings in this affair, the king
hath commanded me to say somewhat to you from him, of the
persons that do intervene in this business ; and somewhat of the con-
sequence thereof, as it hath relation to this kingdom ; and somewhat
of the example of it in general : making nevertheless no conclusion
or judgment of any point, until his grace hath received your faithful
and politick advices.

'First, for the king our soveraign himself, who is the principal
person you are to eye in this business ; his grace doth profess, that
he truly and constantly desireth to reign in peace. But his grace
saith, he will neither buy peace with dishonour, nor take it up at
interest of danger to ensue ; but shall think it a good change, if it
please God to change the inward troubles and seditions, wherewith
he hath been hitherto exercised into an honourable foreign war. And
for the other two persons in this action, the French king, and the
duke ot Britain, his grace doth declare unto you, that they be the
men, unto whom he is of all other friends and allies most bounden ;
the one having held over him his hand of protection from the tyrant ;
the other having reached forth unto him his hand of help, for the
recovery of his kingdom. So that his affection toward them in his

298 SPEECH OF CHANCELLOR MORETON TO PARLIAMENT.

natural person, is upon equal terms. And whereas you may have
heard, that his grace was enforced to flie out of Brittain into France,
for doubts of being betrayed ; his grace would not in any sort have
that reflect upon the duke of Brittain, in defacement of his former
benefits : for that he is thoroughly informed, that it was but the
practice of some corrupt persons about him, during the time of his
sickness, altogether without his consent or privity.

' But howsoever these things do interest his grace in his particular,
yet he knoweth well, that the higher bond that tyeth him to procure
by all means the safety and welfare of his loving subjects, doth dis-
interest him of these obligations of gratitude, otherwise than thus :
that if his grace be forced to make a war, he do it without passion, or
ambition.

* For the consequence of this action towards this kingdom, it is
much as the French king's intention is. For if it be no more, but to
range his subjects to reason, who bear themselves stout upon the
strength of the duke of Brittain, it is nothing to us. But if it be in
the French king's purpose, or if it should not be in his purpose, yet if
it shall follow all one as if it were sought, that the French king shall
make a province of Brittain, and joyn it to the crown of France ;
then it is worthy the consideration, how this may import England, as
well in the increasement of the greatness of France, by the addition
of such a country, that stretcheth his boughes unto our seas, as in
depriving this nation, and leaving it naked of so firm and assured
confederates, as the Brittains have always been. For then it will
come to pass, that whereas not long since, this realm was mighty
upon the continent, first in territory, and after in alliance, in respect
of Burgundy and Brittain, which were confederates indeed, but
dependant confederates ; now the one being already cast, partly into
the greatness of France, and partly into that of Austria, the other is
like wholly to be cast into the greatness of France, and this island
shall remain confined in effect within the salt waters, and girt about
with the coast-countries of two mighty monarchs.

' For the example, it resteth likewise upon the same question, upon
the French king's intent. For if Brittain be carried and swallow'd up
by France, as the world abroad (apt to impute and construe the
actions of princes to ambition) conceive it will ; then it is an example
very dangerous and universal, that the lesser neighbour estate should
be devoured of the greater. For this may be the case of Scotland to-
wards England ; of Portugal, towards Spain ; of the smaller estates of
Italy, towards the greater ; and so of Germany ; or as if some of you
of the commons, might not live and dwell lately, besides some of
these great lords. And the bringing in of this example, will be
chiefly laid to the king's charge, as to him that was most interested
and most able to forbid it. But then on the other side, there is so fair a

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 299

pretext on the French king's part (and yet pretext is never wanting to
power) in regard the danger imminent to his own estate is such, as
may make this enterprize seem rather a work of necessity, than of
ambition, as doth in reason correct the danger of the example. For
that the example of that which is done in a man's own defence, can-
not be dangerous ; because it is in another's power to avoid it. But
in all this business, the king remits himself to your grave and mature
advice, whereupon he purposeth to rely.'

This was the effect of the lord chancellor's speech touching the
cause of Brittain : for the king had commanded him to carry it so, as
to affect the parliament towards the business j but without engaging
the king in any express declaration.

The chancellor went on :

' For that which may concern the government at home, the king
hath commanded me to say unto you ; that he thinketh there
was never any king (for the small time that he hath reign'd)
had greater and juster cause of the two contrary passions of joy,
and sorrow, than his grace hath joy, in respect of the rare and
visible favours of Almighty God in girting the imperial sword upon his
side, and assisting the fame of his sword against all his enemies ; and
likewise in blessing him with so many good and loving servants and
subjects, which have never fail'd to give him faithful counsel, ready obe-
dience, and couragious defence. Sorrow, for that it hath not pleased
God to suffer him to sheath his sword (as he greatly desired otherwise
than for administration of justice) but that he hath been forced to
draw it so oft, to cut off traiterous and disloyal subjects, whom (it seems)
God hath left (a few amongst many good) as the Canaanites among
the people of Israel, to be thorns in their sides to tempt and try them;
tho the end hath been always (God's name be blessed therefore)
that the destruction hath fain upon their own heads.

' Wherefore his grace saith, that he seeth that it is not the blood
spilt in the field, that will save the blood in the city ; nor the marshal's
sword, that will set this kingdom in perfect peace : but that the true
way is, to stop the seeds of sedition and rebellion in their beginnings ;
and for that purpose to devise, confirm, and quicken good and whol-
som laws, against riots and unlawful assemblies of people, and all
combinations and confederacies of them, by liveries, tokens, and other
badges of factious dependance ; that the peace of the land may by
these ordinances, as by bars of iron, be soundly bound in and strength-
ened, and all force both in court, country, and private houses, be sup.
press'd. The care hereof, which so much concerneth your selves, and
which the nature of the times doth instantly call for, his grace com-
mends to your wisdoms.

* And because it is the king's desire, that this peace, wherein he
hopeth to govern and maintain you, do not bear only unto you leaves

300 PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND ADVISES WAR WITH FRANCE.

for you to sit under the shade of them in safety : but also should bear
you fruit of riches, wealth and plenty : therefore his grace prays you,
to take into consideration matter of trade, as also the manufactures of
the kingdom, and to repress the bastard and barren imployment of
moneys, to usury and unlawful exchanges, that they may be (as their
natural use is) turned upon commerce, and lawful and royal trading.
And likewise, that our people be set on work in arts and handicrafts ;
that the realm may subsist more of it self ; that idleness be avoided,
and the drawing out of our treasure for foreign manufactures stopped.
But you are not to rest here only, but to provide further, that whatso-
ever merchandize shall be brought in from beyond the seas, may be
imploy'd upon the commodities of this land ; whereby the kingdom's
stock of treasure may be sure to be kept from being diminished, by any
over-trading of the foreigner.

' And lastly, because the king is well assured, that you would not
have him poor, that wishes you rich ; he doubteth not, but that you
will have care, as well to maintain his revenues, of customs, and all
other natures, as also to supply him with your loving aids, if the case
shall so require. The rather, for that you know the king is a good
husband, and but a steward in effect for the publick ; and that what
comes from you is but as moisture drawn from the earth, which gathers
into a cloud, and falls back upon the earth again. And you know
well, how the kingdoms about you grow more and more in greatness,
and the times are stirring ; and therefore not fit to find the king with
an empty purse. More I have not to say to you ; and wish, that what
hath been said, had been better express'd : but that your wisdoms and
good affections will supply. God bless your doings.'

It was no hard matter to dispose and affect the parliament in this
business ; as well in respect of the emulation between the nations, and
the envy at the late growth of the French monarchy ; as in regard of
the danger, to suffer the French to make their approaches upon Eng-
land, by obtaining so goodly a maritime province, full of sea-towns, and
havens, that might do mischief to the English either by invasion or by
interruption of traffick. The parliament was also moved with the
point of oppression ; for altho' the French seem'd to speak reason, yet
arguments are ever with multitudes too weak for suspitions. Where-
fore they did advise the king, roundly to embrace the Britons' quarrel,
and to send them speedy aids, and with much alacrity and forwardness
granted to the king a great rate of subsidy, in contemplation of these
aids. But the king, both to keep a decency towards the French king,
to whom he profess'd himself to be obliged, and indeed desirous rather
to shew war, than to make it, sent new solemn ambassadors to intimate
unto him the decree of his estates and to iterate his motion, that the
French would desist from hostility ; or if war must follow, to desire
him to take it in good part, if at the motion of his people, who were

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY VII. 301

sensible of the cause of the Britons as their ancient friends and con-
federates, he did send them succours ; with protestation nevertheless,
that to save all treaties and laws of friendship, he had limited his force
to proceed in aid of the Britons, but in no wise to war upon the French,
otherwise than as they maintain'd the possession of Britain. But
before this formal embassage arriv'd, the party of the duke had receiv'd
a great blow, and grew to manifest declination. For near the town of
St. Alban in Britain, a battle had been given where the Britons were
overthrown, and the duke of Orleans, and the prince of Orange taken
prisoners, there being slain on the Britons, part six thousand men, and
amongst them the lord Woodvile, and almost all his soldiers valiantly
fighting. And of the French part one thousand two hundred, with
their leader James Galeot, a great commander.

When the news of the battle came over into England, it was time
for the king (who now had no subterfuge to continue further treaty,
and saw before his eyes, that Britain went so speedily for lost, con-
trary to his hopes, knowing also that with his people and foreigners
both, he sustained no small envy and disreputation for his former
delays) to dispatch with all possible speed his succours into Britain ;
which he did under the conduct of Robert Lord Brook, to the number
of eight thousand choice men, and well arm'd ; who having a fair wind,
in few hours landed in Britain, and joyned themselves forthwith to those
Briton forces, that remain'd after the defeat, and march'd straight on to
find the enemy, and incamped fast by them. The French wisely hus-
banding the possession of a victory, and well acquainted with the
courage of the English, especially when they are fresh, kept them-
selves within their trenches, being strongly lodged, and resolved not
to give battle. But mean while, to harrass and weary the English,
they did upon all advantages set upon them with their light horse ;
wherein nevertheless they received commonly loss, especially by means
of the English archers.

But upon these achievements Francis, duke of Britain, deceased ;
an accident that the king might easily have foreseen, and ought to
have reckon'd upon, and provided for ; but that the point of reputa-
tion, when news first came of the battle lost (that somewhat must be
done) did over-bear the reason of war.

After the duke's decease, the principal persons of Britain, partly
bought, partly through faction, put all things into confusion ; so as the
English not finding head or body with whom to joyn their forces, and
being in jealousy of friends, as well as in danger of enemies, and the
winter begun, return'd home five months after their landing. So the
battle of St. Alban, the death of the duke, and the retire of the Eng-
lish succours were (after some time) the causes of the loss of that
duchy ; which action some accounted as a blemish of the king's
judgment ; but most as the misfortune of his times.

302 COURT OF THE STAR CHAMBER.— THE KING'S SERVANTS.

But howsoever the temporary fruit of the parliament in their aid
and advice given for Britain, took not, nor prospered not ; yet the
lasting fruit of parliament, which is good and wholesome laws, did
prosper, and doth yet continue to this day. For according to the lord
chancellor's admonition, there were that parliament divers excellent
laws ordained concerning the points which the king recommended.

First, the authority of the Star-Chamber, which before subsisted by
the ancient common laws of the realm, was confirmed in certain cases
by act of parliament. This court is one of the sagest and noblest
institutions of this kingdom. For in the distribution of courts of
ordinary justice (besides the high court of parliament) in which distri-
bution the king's-bench holdeth the pleas of the crown, the com-
mon-place pleas civil, the exchequer pleas concerning the king's
revenue, and the chancery the praetorian power for mitigating the
rigour of law, in case of extremity, by the conscience of a good man ;
there was nevertheless always reserv'd a high and pre-eminent power
to the king's council, in causes that might in example, or consequence,
concern the state of the commonwealth, which if they were criminal,
the council used to sit in the chamber, call'd the Star-Chamber ; if
civil in the White-chamber, or White-hall. And as the chancery had
the praetorian power for equity : so the Star-Chamber had the censorian
power for offences, under the degree of capital. This court of Star-
Chamber is compounded of good elements ; for it consisteth of four
kinds of persons : councellors, peers, prelates, and chief judges. It
discerneth also principally of four kinds of causes ; forces, frauds,
crimes various of stellionate, and the inchoations or middle acts to-
wards crimes capital, or heighnous, not actually committed or perpe-
trated. But that which was principally aimed at by this act was force,
and the two chief supporters of force, combination of multitudes, and
maintenance or head ship of great persons.

From the general peace of the country, the king's care went on to
the peace of the king's house, and the security of his great officers
and counsellors. But this law was somewhat of a strange composi-
tion and temper. That if any of the king's servants under the degree
of a lord, do conspire the death of any of the king's council, or lord
of the realm, it is made capital. This law was thought to be procured by
the lord chancellor, who being a stern and haughty man, and finding he
had some mortal enemies in court, provided for his own safety ; drown-
ing the envy of it in a general law, by communicating the priviledge
with all other councellors and peers, and yet not daring to extend it
further, than to the king's servants in check-roll, lest it should have
been too harsh to the gentlemen, and other commons of the kingdom ;
who might have thought their ancient liberty, and the clemency of the
laws of England invaded, if the will in any case of felony should be
made the deed. And yet the reason which the act yieldeth (that is to

LQRD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY VIL 303

say, that he that conspireth the death of councellors may be thought
indirectly, and by a mean, to conspire the death of the king himself)
is indifferent to all subjects, as well as to servants in court. But it
seemeth this sufficed to serve the lord chancellor's turn at this time.
But yet he lived to need a general law, for that he grew afterwards as
odious to the country, as he was then to the court.

From the peace of the king's house, the king's care extended to the
peace of private houses and families. For there was an excellent
moral law moulded thus ; the taking and carrying away of women
forcibly, and against their will (except female-wards and bondwomen)
was made capital. The parliament wisely and justly conceiving, that
the obtaining of women by force into possession (howsoever after-
wards assent might follow by allurements) was but a rape drawn forth
in length, because the first force drew on all the rest.

There was made also another law for peace in general, and repress-
ing of murders and man-slaughters, and was in amendment of the
common laws of the realm, being this : that whereas by the common
law, the king's suit in case of homicide, did expect, the year and the
day, allowed to the parties suit by way of appeal ; and that it was
found by experience, that the party was many times compounded with,
and many times wearied with the suit, so that in the end such suit was
let fall, and by that time the matter was in a manner forgotten, and
thereby prosecution at the king's suit by indictment (which is ever
best, flagrante crimine) neglected ; it was ordain'd, that the suit by
indictment might be taken as well at any time within the year and the
day, as after, not prejudicing nevertheless the parties suit.

The king began also then, as well in wisdom as in justice, to pare a
little the privilege of clergy, ordaining, that clerks convict should be
burn'd in the hand ; both because they might taste of some corporal
punishment, and that they might carry a brand of infamy. But for
this good act's sake, the king himself was after branded by Perkin's
proclamation, for an execrable breaker of the rites of holy church.

Another law was made for the better peace of the country ; by
which law the king's officers and farmers were to forfeit their places
and holds, in case of unlawful retainer, or partaking in routs and un-
lawful assemblies.

These were the laws that were made for repressing of force, which
those times did chiefly require ; and were so prudently framed, as they
are found fit for all succeeding times, and so continue to this day.

There were also made good and politick laws that parliament
against usury, which is the bastard use of money: and against unlaw-
ful chievances and exchanges, which is bastard usury : and also for
the security of the king's customs ; and for the imployment of the
procedures of foreign commodities, brought in by merchant-strangers,
upon the native commodities of the realm : together with some other

304 RISING IN THE NORTH.— DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND KILLED

commodities of the realm : together with some other laws of less
importance.

But howsoever the laws made in that parliament did bear good and
wholesome fruit ; yet the subsidy granted at the same, bare a fruit
that proved harsh and bitter. All was inned at last into the king's
barn ; but it was after a storm. For when the commissioners entred
into the taxation of the subsidy in Yorkshire, and the bishoprick ot
Duresme ; the people upon a suddain grew into great mutiny, and said
openly that they had endured of late years a thousand miseries, and
neither could nor would pay the subsidy. This (no doubt) proceeded
not simply of any present necessity, but much by reason of the old
humour of those countries, where the memory of king Richard was so
strong, that it lies like lees in the bottom of men's hearts ; and if the
vessel was but stirred, it would come up. And (no doubt) it was
partly also by the instigation of some factious malecontents, that bare
principal stroke amongst them. Hereupon the commissioners being
somewhat astonished, deferr'd the matter unto the earl of Northum-
berland, who was the principal man of authority in those parts. The
earl forthwith wrote unto the court, signifying to the king plainly
enough in what flame he found the people of those countries, and
praying the king's direction. The king wrote peremptorily. That he
would not have one penny abated of that which had been granted to
him by Parliament, both because it might encourage other countries
to pray the like release or mitigation, and chiefly because he would
never endure that the base multitude should frustrate the authority of
the parliament, wherein their votes and contents were concluded.
Upon this dispatch from court, the earl assembled the principal
justices and freeholders of the country, and speaking to them in that
imperious language wherein the king had written to him, which
needed not (save that an harsh business was unfortunately fallen into
the hands of a harsh man) did not only irritate the people, but made
them conceive, by the stoutness and haughtiness of delivery of the
king's errand, that himself was the author or principal persuader of
that counsel. Whereupon the meaner sort routed together, and sud-
denly assayling the earl in his house, slew him and divers of his
servants. And rested not there, but creating for their leader Sir John
Egremond, a factious person, and one that had of a long time born
an ill talent towards the king ; and being animated also by a base
fellow, called John a Chamber, a very Bouteseu, who bare much sway
amongst the vulgar and popular, entered into open rebellion, and gave
out in flat terms they would go against king Henry, and fight with
him for the maintenance of their liberties.

When the king was advertised of this new insurrection (being almost
a fever, that took him every year) after his manner little troubled
therewith, he sent Thomas earl of Surrey (whom he had a little be-

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY vir. 305

fore not only released out of the Tower, and pardoned, but also-
received to special favour) with a competent power against the rebels ;
who fought with the principal band of them, and defeated them, and
took alive John a Chamber, their firebrand. As for sir John Egremond,
he fled into Flanders, to the lady Margaret of Burgundy ; whose
palace was the Sanctuary and receptacle of all traitors against the
king. John a Chamber was executed at York in great state ; for he
was hanged upon a gibbet raised a stage higher in the midst of a
square gallows, as a traitor paramount, and a number of his men
that were his chief complices, were hanged upon the lower story round
about him ; and the rest were generally pardoned, Neither did the
king himself omit his custom, to be first or second in all his warlike
exploits ; making good his word, which was usual with him when he
heard of rebels ; that he desired but to see them. For immediately
after he had sent down the earl of Surrey, he marched towards them
himself in person. And although in his journey he heard news of the
victory, yet he went on as far as York, to pacify and settle those
countries, And that done, returned to London, leaving the earl of
Surrey for his lieutenant in the northern parts, and sir Richard Tun-
stall for his principal commissioner, to levy the subsidy, whereof he
did not remit a denier.

About the same time that the king lost so good a servant as the
earl of Northumberland, he lost likewise a faithful friend and allie of
James the third king of Scotland, by a miserable disaster. For this
unfortunate prince, after a long smother of discontent, and hatred of
many of his nobility and people, breaking forth at times into seditions
and alterations at court, was at last distressed by them, having taken
arms, and surprised the person of prince James his son, partly by
force, partly by threats, that they would otherwise deliver up the
kingdom to the king of England, to shadow their rebellion, and to
be the titular and painted head of those arms. Whereupon the king
(finding himself too weak) sought unto king Henry as also unto the
pope, and the king of France, to compose those troubles between him
and his subjects. The kings accordingly interposed their mediation
in a round and princely manner : not only by way of request and
persuasion, but also by way of protestation of menace ; declaring,
that they thought it to be the common cause of all kings, if subjects
should be suffer'd to give laws unto their sovereign ; and that they
would accordingly resent it, and revenge it. But the rebels that had
shaken off the greater yoke of obedience, had likewise cast away the
lesser tye of respect. And fury prevailing above fear, made answer,
that there was no talking of peace, except the king would resign his
crown. Whereupon (treaty of accord taking no place) it came to a
battle, at Bannocksbourn by Strivelin. In which battle the king
transported with wrath and just indignation, inconsiderately fighting

20

306 THE ITALIAN LEGATE.— THE GOOD LAWS OF HENRY VII.

and precipitating the charge, before his whole numbers came up to
him, was (notwithstanding the contrary express and straight com-
mandment of the prince his son) slain in the pursuit, being fled to a
mill, situate in the field, where the battle was fought.

As for the pope's embassy, which was sent by Adrian de Castello
an Italian legate (and perhaps as those times were might have preval'd
more) it came too late for the ambassy, but not for the ambassador.
For passing through England, and being honourably entertained, and
received of king Henry ; (who ever applied himself with much respect
to the see of Rome) he fell into great grace with the king, and great
familiarity and friendship with Moreton the chancellor. Insomuch as
the king taking a liking to him, and finding him to his mind preferr'd
him to the bishoprick of Hereford, and afterwards to that of Bath
and Wells, and imployed him in many of his affairs of state, that
had relation to Rome. He was a man of great learning, wisdom and
dexterity in business of state ; and having not long after ascended to
the degree of cardinal, paid the king large tribute of his gratitude, in
diligent and judicious advertisement of the occurrences of Italy.
Nevertheless in the end of his time, he was partaker of the conspiracy,
which cardinal Alphonso Petrucci, and some other cardinals had
plotted against the life of pope Leo, And this offence in itself so
hainous, was yet in him aggravated by the motive thereof; which was
not malice or discontent, but an aspiring mind to the papacy. And
in this height of impiety there wanted not an intermixture of levity
and folly ; for that (as was generally believed) he was animated to ex-
pect the papacy, by a fatal mockery, the prediction of a sooth-sayer,
which was ; that one should succeed pope Leo, whose name should be
Adrian, an aged man of mean birth, and of great learning and wis-
dom. By which character and figure, he took himself to be describ'd,
though it were fulfilled of Adrian the Flemming, son of a Dutch
brewer, cardinal of Tortosa, and preceptor unto Charles the fifth ;
the same that not changing his Christian name was afterwards called
Adrian the sixth.

But these things happened in the year following, which was the
fifth of this king. But in the end of the fourth year the king had
called again his parliament, not as it seemeth for any particular
occasion of state. But the former parliament being ended somewhat
suddenly, in regard of the preparations for Britain, the king thought
he had not renumerated his people sufficiently with good laws, which
ever more was his retribution for treasure. And finding by the insur-
rection in the north, there was discontentment abroad in respect of
the subsidy, he thought it good to give his subjects yet further con-
tentment, and comfort in that kind. Certainly his times for good
common-wealth laws did excel. So as he may justly be celebrated
for the best law giver to this nation, after king Edward the first. For

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY VII. 307

his laws (who so marks them well) are deep, and not vulgar ; not
made upon the spur of a particular occasion for the present, but out
of providence of the future, to make the estate of his people still
more and more happy ; after the manner of the Legislators in ancient
and heroical times.

First therefore he made a law, suitable to his own acts and times.
For as himself had in his person and marriage made a final concord
in the great suit and title for the crown ; so by this law he settled the
like peace and quiet in the private possessions of the subjects. Or-
daining, that fines thenceforth should be final, to conclude all
strangers rights ; and that upon fines levied, and solemnly proclaim'd
the subject should have his time of watch for five years after his title
accrued ; which if he fore-passed, his right should be bound for ever
after ; with some exception nevertheless, of minors, married women,
and such incompetent persons.

This statute did in effect but restore an ancient statute of the realm,
which was itself also made but in affirmance of the common law.
The alteration had been by a statute commonly called the statute of
non-claim, made in the time of Edward the third. And surely this
law was a kind of prognostic of the good peace, which since his time
hath (for the most part) continued in this kingdom, until this day.
For statutes of non-claim are fit for times of war, when men's heads
are troubled, that they cannot intend their estates ; but statutes, that
quiet possessions, are fittest for times of peace, to extinguish suits and
contentions, which is one of the banes of peace.

Another statute was made of singular policy, for the population
apparently, and (if it be thoroughly considered) for the soldiery, and
military forces of the realm.

Inclosures at that time began to be more frequent, whereby arable
land (which could not be manured without people and families) was
turned into pasture, which was easily rid by a few herdsmen; and
tenancies for years, lives, and at will (whereupon much of the yeo-
manry lived) were turned into demesnes. This bred a decay of
people, and (by consequence) a decay of towns, churches, tithes, and
the like. The king likewise knew full well, and in no wise forgot,
that there ensued withal upon this a decay and diminution of subsidy
and taxes ; for the more gentlemen, ever the larger books of subsidies.
In remedying of this inconvenience, the king's wisdom was admirable,
and the parliament's at that time. Inclosures they would not forbid,
for that had been to forbid the improvement of the patrimony of the
kingdom; nor tillage they would not compel, for that was to strive
with nature and utility. But they took a course to take away depopu-
lating inclosures, and depopulating pasturage, and yet not by that
name, or by any imperious express prohibition, but by consequence.
The ordinance was, * That all houses of husbandry, that were used

308 SETTLEMENT OF THE YEOMEN CLASS.— A GOOD INFANTRY.

with twenty acres of ground, and upwards, should be maintained and
kept up for ever ; together with a competent proportion of land to be
used and occupied with them ;' and in no wise to be severed from
them, as by another statute, made afterwards in his successor's time,
was more fully declared. This upon forfeiture to be taken ; not by
way of popular action, but by seizure of the land itself, by the king
and lords of the fee, as to half the profits, till the houses and lands
were restored. By this means the houses being kept up, did of
necessity inforce a dweller; and the proportion of land for occupation
being kept up, did of necessity inforce that dweller not to be a beggar
or cottager, but a man of some substance, that might keep hinds and
servants, and set the plough on going. This did wonderfully concern
the might and mannerhood of the kingdom, to have farms, as it were
of a standard sufficient to maintain an able body out of penury, and
did in effect amortize a great part of the lands of the kingdom unto
the hold and occupation of the yeomanry or middle people, of a con-
dition between gentlemen, and cottagers and peasants. Now, how
much this did advance the military power of the kingdom, is apparent
by the true principles of war, and the examples of other kingdoms.
For it hath been held by the general opinion of men of best judgment
in the wars (howsoever some few have varied, and that it may receive
some distinction of case) that the principal strength of an army consis-
teth in the infantry or foot. And to make good infantry, it requireth
men bred, not in a servile or indigent fashion, but in some free and
plentiful manner. Therefore if a state run most to noblemen and
gentlemen, and that the husband-men and plough-men be but as their
work-folks and labourers, or else mere cottagers, (which are but
hous'd beggars) you may have a good cavalry, but never good stable
bands of foot ; like to coppice-woods, that if you leave in them
staddles too thick, they will run to bushes and briars, and have little
clean underwood. And this is to be seen in France, and Italy, and
some other parts abroad, where in effect all is noblesse, or peasantry. I
speak of people out of town, and no middle people ; and therefore no
good forces of foot : insomuch, as they are inforced to imploy mer-
cenary bands of Switzers and the like, for their battalions of foot :
whereby also it comes to pass, that those nations have much people,
and few soldiers. Whereas the king saw, that contrariwise it would
follow, that England, though much less in territory, yet should have
infinitely more soldiers of their native forces, than those other
nations have. Thus did the king secretly sow Hydra's teeth, where-
upon (according to the poets fiction) should rise up armed men for the
service of this kingdom.

The king also (having care to make his realm potent, as well by
sea as by land) for the better maintenance of the navy, ordained ;
that wines and woods from the parts of Gascoyn and Languedock

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY vn. 309

should not be brought but in English bottoms, bowing the ancient
policy of this estate, from consideration of plenty, to consideration of
power. For that almost all the ancient statutes incite by all means
merchant-strangers, to bring in all sorts of commodities ; having for
end cheapness, and not looking to the point of state concerning the
naval power.

The king also made a statute in that parliament monitory and
minatory, towards justices of peace, that they should duly execute
their office, inviting complaints against them, first to their fellow-
justices, then to the justices of assise, then to the king or chancellor ;
and that a proclamation, which he had published of that tenor,
should be read in open sessions four times a year, to keep them
awake. Meaning also to have his laws executed, and thereby to reap
either obedience or forfeitures ; (wherein towards his latter times he
did decline too much to the left hand) he did ordain remedy against
the practice that was grown in use, to stop and damp informations
upon penal laws, by procuring informations by collusion to be put in
by the confederates of the delinquents, to be faintly prosecuted, and
let fall at pleasure, and pleading them in bar of the informations,
which were prosecuted with effect.

He made also laws for the correction of the mint, and counter-
feiting of foreign coyn currant. And that no payment in gold
should be made to any merchant-stranger, the better to keep treasure
within the realm, [for that gold was the metal that lay in the least
room.

He made also statutes for the Maintenance of drapery, and the
keeping of wools within the realm ; and not only so, but for stinting,
and limiting the prices of cloth, one for the finer, and another for the
coarser sort. Which I note, both because it was a rare thing to set
prices by statute, especially upon our home-commodities ; and because
of the wise model of this act, not prescribing prices, but stinting them
not to exceed a rate, that the clothier might drape according as he
might afford.

Divers other good statutes were made that parliament, but these
were the principal. And here I do desire those, into whose hands
this work shall fall, that they do take it in good part my long insisting
upon the laws that were made in this king's reign. Whereof I have
these reasons; both because it was the pre-eminent vertueand merit of
this king, to whose memory I do honour; and because it hath some
correspondence to my person ; but chiefly because (in my judgment)
it is some defect even in the best writers of history, that they do not
often enough summarily deliver and set down the most memorable
laws that passed in the times whereof they write, being indeed the
principal acts of peace. For though they may be had in the original
books of law themselves, yet that informeth not the judgments of

310 GOOD CREDIT OF HENRY.— AFFAIRS OFBRETAGNEAND FLANDERS.

kings and councellors, and persons of estate, so well as to see them
describ'd, and enterd into the table and pourtrait of the times.

Aboiit the same time, the king had a loan from the city of four
thousand pounds ; which was double to that they lent before,1 and
was duly and orderly paid back at the day, as the former likewise had
been. The king ever choosing rather to borrow too soon, than to pay
too late, and so keeping up his credit.

Neither had the king yet cast off his cares and hopes touching
Britain, but thought to master the occasion by policy, though his arms
had been unfortunate, and to bereave the French king of the fruit of
his victory. The sum of his design was, to encourage Maximilian to
go on with his suit, for the marriage of Ann, the heiress of Britain, and
to add him to the consummation thereof. But the affairs of Maximi-
lian were at that time in great trouble and combustion, by a rebellion
of his subjects in Flanders, especially those of Bruges and Gaunt ;
whereof the town of Bruges (at such time as Maximilian was there in
person) had suddenly arm'd in tumult, and slain some of his principal
officers, and taken himself prisoner, and held him in durance, till they
had enforced him, and some of his councellors, to take a solemn oath,
to pardon all their offences, and never to question and revenge the
same in time to come. Nevertheless Frederick the emperor would
not suffer this reproach and indignity offer'd to his son to pass, but
made sharp war upon Flanders, to reclaim and chastise the rebels.
But the lord Ravenstein, a principal person about Maximilian, and one
that had taken the oath of abolition with his master, pretending the
religion thereof, but indeed upon private ambition, and (as it was
thought) instigation and corrupted from France, forsook the emperor
and Maximilian his lord, and made himself an head of the popular
party, and seiz'd upon the towns of Ipre and Sluce, with both the
castles. And forthwith sent to the lord Cordes, governour of Picardy
under the French king, to desire aid, and to move him, that he on the
behalf of the French king would be protector of the united towns, and
by force of arms reduce the rest. The lord Cordes was ready to em-
brace the occasion, which was partly of his own setting, and sent
forthwith greater forces, than it had been possible for him to raise
on the sudden, if he had not look'd for such a summons before, ia
aid of the lord Ravenstein, and the Flemmings with instructions to in-
vest the towns between France and Bruges. The French forces
besieged a little town called Dixmue, where part of the Flemmish
forces joyned with them. While they lay at this siege, the king of
England, upon pretence of the safety of the English pale about Calice,
but in truth being loth that Maximilian should become contemptible,,
and thereby be shaken off by the states of Britain about this marriage^

1 The king borrowed of every alderman scoZ. and of the Chamber of London 9082?. 17*. 4^
— Hollingshed.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF HENRY VII. 311

sent over the lord Morley with a thousand men unto the lord Dau-
bigny, then deputy of Callice, with secret instructions to aid Maximi-
lian, and to raise the siege of Dixmue. The lord Daubigny (giving
it out that all was for the strengthening of the English marches) drew
out of the garisons of Calice, Hammes, and Guines, to the number of
two thousand men more. So that with the fresh succours that came
under the conduct of the lord Morley, they made up to the number of
two thousand, or better. Which forces joining with some companies
of Almains, put themselves into Dixmue, not perceived by the
enemies ; and passing through the town with some re-enforcement
(from the forces that were in the town) assail'd the enemies camp ;
negligently guarded, as being out of fear ; where there was a bloody
fight, in which the English and their partakers obtain'd the victory,
and slew to the number of eight thousand men, with the loss on the
English part of a hundred or thereabouts ; amongst whom were the
lord Morley. They took also their great ordnance, with much rich
spoils which they carried to Newport, whence the lord Daubigny re-
turn'd to Calice, leaving the hurt men, and some other voluntiers in
Newport. But the lord Cordes being at Ipre with a great power of
men, thinking to recover the loss and disgrace of the fight at Dixmue,
came presently on, and sate down before Newport and besieg'd it ;
and after some days siege, he resolv'd to try the fortune of an assault :
which he did, one day, and succeeded therein so far, that he had
taken the principal tower and fort in that city, and planted upon it the
French banner. Whence nevertheless they were presently beaten
forth by the English, by the help of some fresh succours of archers
arriving by good fortune (at the instant) in the Haven at Newport.
Whereupon the lord Cordes discouraged, and measuring the new
succours (which were small) by the success (which was great) levied
his siege. By this means, matters grew more exasperate between
the two kings of England and France, for that in the war of Flanders,
the auxiliary forces of French and English were much blooded one
against another. Which blood rankled the more by the vain words
of the lord Cordes, that declared himself an open enemy of the
English, beyond that appertain'd to the present service : making it a
common by-word of his, that he could be content to lie in hell seven
years, so he might win Calice from the English.

The king having thus upheld the reputation of Maximilian, ad-
vised him now to press on his marriage with Britain to a conclusion.
Which Maximilian accordingly did, and so far forth prevail'd both
with the young lady, and with the principal persons about her, as the
marriage was consummate by proxy, with a ceremony at that time in
these parts new. For she was not only publickly contracted, but
stated as a bride, and solemnly bedded ; and after she was laid, there
came in Maximilian's ambassador with letters of procuration, and in

312 CHARLES AND MAXIMILIAN WOO ANNE OF BRETAGNE.

the presence of sundry noble personages, men and women, put his leg
(stript naked to the knee) between the espousal sheets ; to the end,
that that ceremony might be thought to amount to a consummation and
actual knowledge. This done, Maximilian (whose property was to
leave things then, when they were almost come to perfection, and to
end them by imagination ; like ill archers, that draw not their
arrows up to the head ; and who might as easily have bedded the
lady himself, as to have made a play and disguise of it) thinking
now all assured, neglected for a time his further proceeding, and
intended his wars. Meanwhile, the French king (consulting with
his divines, and finding that this pretended consummation was
rather an invention of court, than any ways valid by the laws of
the church) went more really to work, and by secret instruments
and cunning agents, as well matrons about the young lady as
councellors, first sought to remove the point of religion and honour
out of the mind of the lady herself, wherein there was a double
labour. For Maximilian was not only contracted unto the lady,
but Maximilian's daughter was likewise contracted to king Charles.
So as the marriage halted upon both feet, and was not clear on
either side : but for the contract with king Charles, the exception
lay plain and fair ; for that Maximilian's daughter was under years
•of consent, and so not bound by law, but a power of disagreement
left to either part. But for the contract made by Maximilian with
the lady herself, they were harder driven : having nothing to al-
ledge, but that it was done without the consent of her sovereign
lord king Charles, whose ward and client she was, and he to her
in place of a father ; and therefore it was void, and of no force,
for want of such consent. Which defect (they said) tho' it would
not evacuate a marriage, after cohabitation, and actual consumma-
tion, yet it was enough to make void a contract. For as for the pre-
tended consummation, they made sport with it, and said, that it was an
argument, that Maximilian was a widower, and a cold wooer, that
could content himself to be a bridegroom by deputy, and would not
make a little journey, to put all out of question. So that the young
lady, wrought upon by these reasons, finely instilled by such as the
French king (who spared for no rewards or promises) had made on
his side ; and allured likewise by the present glory and greatness of
king Charles, (being also a young king, and a batchelor) and loth to
make her country the seat of a long and miserable war ; secretly
yielded to accept of king Charles. But during this secret treaty with
the lady, the better to save it from blasts of opposition and interrup-
tion, king Charles resorting to his wonted arts, and thinking to carry
the marriage as he had carried the wars, by entertaining the king of
England in vain belief, sent a solemn ambassage by Francis lord of
Luxemburg, Charles Marignian, and Robert Gaguien, general of the

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vu. 313

order of the Bonnes Hommes of the Trinity, to treat a peace and
league with the king ; accoupling it with an article in the nature of a
request, that the French king might with the king's good-will (according
to his right of seigniority and tutelage) dispose of the marriage of the
young duchess of Britain, as he should think good ; offering by a
judicial proceeding to make void the marriage of Maximilian by proxy.
Also all this while, the better to amuse the world, he did continue in
his court and custody the daughter of Maximilian, who formerly had
been sent unto him, to be bred and educated in France ; not dis-
missing or renvoying her, but contrariwise professing and giving out
strongly, that he meant to proceed with that match. And that for
the duchess of Britain, he desired only to preserve his right of
seigniory, and to give her in marriage to some such allie, as might
depend upon him.

When the three commissioners came to the court of England, they
deliver'd their ambassage unto the king, who remitted them to his
council ; where some days after they had audience, and made their
proposition by the prior of the trinity (who tho' he were third in place,
yet was held the best speaker of them) to this effect.

* My lords, the king our master, the greatest and mightiest king
that reigned in France since Charles the Great (whose name he
beareth), hath nevertheless thought it no disparagement to his great-
ness, at this time to propound a peace, yea, and to pray a peace with
the king of England. For which purpose he hath sent us his com-
missioners, instructed and enabled with full and ample power, to treat
and conclude ; giving us further in charge, to open in some other
business the secrets of his own intentions. These be indeed the
precious love tokens between great kings, to communicate one with
another the true state of their affairs, and to pass by nice points of
honour, which ought not to give law unto affection. This I do assure
your lordships, it is not possible for you to imagine* the true and
cordial love that the king our master beareth to your sovereign, ex-
cept you were near him, as we are. He useth his name with so great
respect ; he remembreth their first acquaintance at Paris with so
great contentment ; nay, he never speaks of him, but that presently
he falls into discourse of the miseries of great kings, in that they
cannot converse with their equals, but with their servants. This
affection to your king's person and vertues, God hath put into the
heart of our master, no doubt for the good of Christendom, and for
purposes yet unknown to us all. For other root it cannot have, since
it was the same to the earl of Richmond, that it is now to the king of
England. This is therefore the first motive that makes our king to
desire peace, and league with your sovereign : good affection, and
somewhat that he finds in his own heart. This affection is also arm'd
with reason of estate. For our king doth in all candour and frank-

314 SPEECH OF THE FRENCH ENVOY TO THE ENGLISH LORDS.

ness of dealing open himself unto you ; that having an honourable,
yea, and a holy purpose to make a voyage and war in remote parts,
he considereth that it will be of no small effect, in point of reputation
to his enterprize, if it be known abroad, that he is in good peace with
all his neighbour princes, and specially ^with the king of England,
whom for good causes he esteemeth most.

* But now (my lords) give me leave to use a few words to remove all
scruples and misunderstandings between your sovereign and ours,
concerning some late actions ; which, if they be not cleared, may
perhaps hinder this peace. To the end, that for matter past, neither
king may conceive unkindness of other, nor think the other conceiveth
unkindness of him. The late actions are two ; that of Britain, and
that of Flanders. In both which, it is true, that the subjects swords
of both kings have encountred and stricken, and the ways and inclina-
tions also of the two kings, in respect of their confederates and allies,
have severed.

1 For that of Britain ; the king your sovereign knoweth best what
hath passed. It was a war of necessity on our master's part. And
tho' the motives of it were sharp and piquant as could be, yet did he
make that war rather with an olive-branch, than a laurel-branch in his
hand, more desiring peace than victory. Besides from time to time
he sent (as it were) blank-papers to your king, to write the conditions
of peace. For tho' both his honour and safety went upon it, yet he
thought neither of them too precious, to put into the king of England's
hands. Neither doth our kingj on the other side make any unfriendly
interpretation of your king's sending of succours to the duke of
Britain ; for the king knoweth well, that many things must be done of
kings for satisfaction of their people, and it is not hard to discern
what is a king's own. But this matter of Britain is now (by the act of
God) ended and passed ; and (as the king hopeth) like the way of a
ship in the sea, without leaving any impression in either of the kings
minds ; as he is sure for his part it hath not done in his.

' For the action of Flanders ; as the former of Britain was a war of
necessity, so this was war of justice, which with a good king is of
equal necessity, with a danger of estate, for else he should leave to be
a king. The subjects of Burgundy are subjects in chief to the crown
of France, and their duke the homager and vassal of France. They
had wont to be good subjects, howsoever Maximilian hath of late dis-
temper'd them. They fled to the king for justice and deliverance
from oppression. Justice he could not deny ; purchase he did not
seek. This was good for Maximilian, if he could have seen it in
people mutined to arrest fury, and prevent despair. My lords, it may
be this I have said is needless, save that the king our master is tender
in any thing, that may but glance upon the friendship of England.
The amity between the two kings (no doubt) stands entire and in-

LORD VERULAIVFS LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 315

violate. And that their subjects swords have clashed, it is nothing
unto the publick peace of the crowns : it being a thing very usual in
auxiliary forces of the best and straitest confederates, to meet and draw
blood in the field. Nay, many times there be aids of the same nation
on both sides, and yet not (for all that) a kingdom divided in itself.

' It resteth (my lords) that I impart unto you a matter, that I know
your lordships all will much rejoyce to hear ; as that which importeth
the Christian commonweal more than any action that hath hapned
of a long time. The king our master hath a purpose and determina-
tion, to make war upon the kingdom of Naples ; being now in the
possession of a bastardship of Arragon, but appertaining unto his
majesty, by clear and undoubted right ; which if he should not by
just arms seek to recover, he could neither acquit his honour, nor
answer it to his people. But his noble and Christian thoughts rest not
here. For his resolution and hope is, to make the re-conquest of
Naples, but as a bridge to transport his forces into Grecia ; and not
to spare blood or treasure (if it were to the impawning of his crown,
and dispeopling of France) till either he hath overthrown the empire
of the Ottomans, or taken it in his way to paradise. The king
knoweth well, that this is a design, that could not arise in the mind of
any king, that did not steadfastly look up unto God, whose quarrel
this is, and from whom cometh both the will and the deed. But yet
it is agreeable to the person that he beareth (tho' unworthy) of the
thrice Christian king, and the eldest son of the church. Whereunto
he is also invited by the example (in more ancient time) of king
Henry IV. of England (the first renown'd king of the house of
Lancaster ; ancestor, tho' not progenitor, to your king), who had a
purpose towards the end of his time (as you know better) to make an
expedition into the Holy Land ; and by the example also (present
before his eyes) of that honourable and religious war which the king
of Spain now maketh, and hath almost brought to perfection, for the
recovery of the realm of Granada from the Moors. And altho' this
enterprize may seem vast and unmeasur'd, for the king to attempt
that by his own forces, wherein heretofore a conjunction of most of
the Christian princes hath found work enough : yet his majesty wisely
considereth, that sometimes smaller forces being united under one
command, are more effectual in proof (tho' not so promising in opinion
and fame) than much greater forces, variously compounded by
associations and leagues ; which commonly in a short time after their
beginnings, turn to dissociations and divisions. But (my lords) that
which is as a voice from heaven that called the king to this enter-
prize, is a rent at this time in the house of the Ottomans. I do not
say, but there hath been brother against brother in that house before,
but never any that had refuge to the arms of the Christians, as now
hath Gemes (brother unto Bajazeth, that reigneth) the far braver man

316 HENRY RESOLVES ON A BREACH WITH FRANCE.

of the two ; the other being between a monk and a philosoper, and
better read in the Alcoran and Averroes, than able to wield the
sceptre of so warlike an empire. This therefore is the king our
master's memorable and heroical resolution for an holy war. And
because he carrieth in this the person of a Christian soldier, as well as
of a great temporal monarch ; he beginneth with humility, and is com-
tent for this cause to beg peace at the hands of other Christian kings.
There remaineth only rather a civil request, than any essential part of
our negotiation, which the king maketh to the king your sovereign.
The king (as the world knoweth) is lord in chief of the duchy of
Britain. The marriage of the heir belongeth to him as guardian.
This is a private patrimonial right, and no business of estate ; yet
nevertheless (to run a fair course with your king ; whom he desires to
make another himself, and to be one and the same thing with him)
his request is, that with the king's favour and consent, he may dis-
pose of her marriage, as he thinketh good, and make void the intruded
and pretended marriage of Maximilian, according to justice. This
(my lords) is all that I have to say, desiring your pardon for my
weakness in the delivery.'

Thus did the French ambassadors with great show of their king's
affection, and many sugar'd words seek to adulce all matters between the
two kings, having two things for their ends ; the one, to keep the king
quiet till the marriage of Brittain was past, and this was but a summer
fruit, which they thought was almost ripe and would soon be gathered.
The other was more lasting ; and that was to put him into such a
temper as he might be no disturbance or impediment to the voyage
for Italy. The lords of the council were silent ; and said only, that
they knew the ambassadors would look for no answer, till they had
reported to the king ; and so they rose from council. The king could
not tell what to think of the marriage of Brittain. He saw plainly the
ambition of the French king was to impatronize himself of the duchy ;
but he wondred he would bring into his house a litigious marriage,
especially considering who was his successor. But weighing one
thing with another, he gave Brittain for lost ; but resolv'd to make his
profit of this business of Brittain, as a quarrel for war ; and that of
Naples, as a wrench and mean for peace ; being well advertised how
strongly the king was bent upon that action. Having therefore con-
ferred divers times with his council, and keeping himself somewhat
close ; he gave a direction to the chancellor, for a formal answer to
the ambassadors, and that he did in the presence of his council. And
after calling the chancellor to him apart, bade him speak in such
language as was fit for a treaty that was to end in a breach ; and
gave him also a special caveat, that he should not use any words, to
discourage the voyage of Italy. Soon after the ambassadors were sent
for to the council, and the lord chancellor spake to them thus.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 317

' My lards ambassadors, I shall make answer by the king's com-
mandment, unto the eloquent declaration of you my lord prior, in a
brief and plain manner. The king forgetteth not his former love and
acquaintance with the king your master. But of this there needeth
no repetition. For if it be between them as it was, it is well ; if there
be any alteration, it is not words that will make it up.

' For the business of Britain, the king findeth it a little strange that
the French king maketh mention of it, as matter of well deserving at
his hand. For that deserving was no more, but to make him his
instrument, to surprise one of 'his best confederates. And for the
marriage, the king would not meddle in it if your master would marry
by the book, and not by the sword.

' For that of Flanders, if the subjects of Burgundy had appeal'd to
your king, as their chief lord, at first, by way of supplication ; it
might have had a shew of justice. But it was a new form of process,
for subjects to slay their prince first, and to slay his officers, and then
to be complainants. The king saith, that sure he is, when the French
king and himself sent to the subjects of Scotland (they had taken
arms against their king) they both spake in another stile, and did in
princely manner signifie their detestation of popular attentates upon
the person or authority of princes. But my lords ambassadors, the
king leaveth these two actions thus : that on the one side, he hath not
received any manner of satisfaction from you concerning them ; and
on the other, that he doth not apprehend them so deeply, as in respect
of them, to refuse to treat of peace, if other things may go hand in
hand. As for the war of Naples, and the design against the Turks ;
the king hath commanded me expresly to say, that he doth wish with
all his heart, to his good brother the French king, that his fortunes
may succeed according to his hopes, and honourable intentions. And
whensoever he shall hear, that he is prepared for Grecia, as your
master is pleased now to say, that he beggeth a peace of the king, so
the king will then beg of him a part in that war.

' But now my lords ambassadors, I am to propound unto you some-
what on the king's part. The king your master hath taught our king
what to say and demand. You say (my lord prior) that your king is
resolv'd to recover his right to Naples, wrongfully detained from him.
And that if he should not thus do, he could not acquit his honour, nor
answer it to his people. Think (my lords) that the king our master
saith the same thing over again to you touching Normandy, Guien,
Angeou, yea and the kingdom of France it self. I cannot express it
better than in your own words : if therefore the French king shall
consent, that the king our master's title to France (at least tribute for
the same) be handled in the treaty, the king is content to go on with
the rest ; otherwise he refuseth to treat.'

The ambassadors being somewhat abashed with this demand;

3l8 THE EMBASSY FROM ENGLAND AND FROM THE POPE.

answered in some heat ; ' That they doubted not but the king their
sovereign's sword would be able to maintain his scepter ! And they
assured themselves, he neither could nor would yield to any diminu-
tion of the crown of France either in territory or regality. But how-
soever, they were too great matters for them to speak of, having no
commission.' It was replied ; ' that the king looked for no othei
answer from them ; but would forthwith send his own ambassadors td
the French king. There was a question also asked at the table,
* Whether the French king would agree to have the disposing of the
marriage of Britain with an exception and exclusion, that he should
not marry her himself ?' To which the ambassadors answered ; l that
it was so far out of the king's thoughts, as they had received no in-
structions touching the same.' Thus were the ambassadors dismissed,
all save the prior ; and were followed immediately by Thomas earl of
Ormond, and Thomas Goldenston prior of Christ-church in Canter-
bury ; who were presently sent over into France. In the mean space
Lionell, bishop of Concordia, was sent as Nuntio from pope Alex-
ander the sixth to both kings, to move a peace between them. For
pope Alexander finding himself pent and lockt up, by a league and as-
sociation of the principal states of Italy, that he could not make his
way for the advancement of his own house (which he immoderately
thirsted after) was desirous to trouble the waters in Italy, that he
might fish the better ; casting the net, not out of Saint Peter's, but
out of Borgia's bark. And doubting lest the fears from England
might stay the French King's voyage into Italy, dispatch'd this bishop
to compose all matters between the two kings, if he could. Who first
repaired to the French king, and finding him well inclin'd (as he con-
ceiv'd) took on his journey towards England, and found the English
ambassadors at Calice, on their way towards the French king. After
some conference with them, he was in honourable manner transported
over into England, where he had audience of the king. But notwith-
standing he had a good ominous name to have made a peace, nothing
followed. For in the mean time, the purpose of the French king to
marry the duchess could be no longer dissembled. Wherefore the
English ambassadors (finding how things went) took their leaves and
returned. And the prior also was warned from hence, to depart out
of England. Who when he turned his back (more like a pedant than
an ambassador) dispersed a bitter libel, in Latin verse, against the
king (though he had nothing of a pedant) yet was content to cause an
answer to be made in like verse ; and that as speaking in his own per-
son, but in a style of scorn and sport. About this time also was born
the king's second son Henry who afterwards reigned. And soon after
followed the solemnization of the marriage between Charles and Ann
duchess of Britain, with whom he received the duchy of Britain as
her dowry : the daughter of Maximilian being a little before sent

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 319

home. Which when it came to the ears of Maximilian, who could
never believe it till it was done, being ever the principal in deceiving
himself, though in this the French king did very handsomely second
it, and tumbling it over and over in his thoughts that he should at one
blow (with such a double scorn) be defeated, both of the marriage of
his daughter, and his own (upon both which he had fixed high imagi-
nations) ; he lost all patience, and casting off the respects fit to be
continued between great kings (even when their blood is hottest, and
most risen) fell to bitter invectives against the person and actions of
the French king. And (by how much he was less able to do, talking
so much the more) spake all the injuries he could devise of Charles,
saying, that he was the most perfidious man upon the earth, and that
he had made a marriage compounded between an advoutry and a
rape ; which was done (he said) by the just judgment of God, to the
end that (the nullity thereof being so apparent to all the world) the
race of so unworthy a person might not reign in France. And forth-
with he sent ambassadors as well to the king of England, as to the
king of Spain, to incite them to war, and to treat a league offensive
against France, promising to concur with great forces of his own.
Hereupon the king of England (going nevertheless his own way)
called a parliament, it being the seventh year of his reign ; and the
first day of opening thereof (sitting under his cloth of estate) spake
himself unto his lords and commons in this manner.

* My lords, and you the commons ; when I purposed to make a war
in Britain by my lieutenant, I made declaration thereof to you by my
chancellor. But now that I mean to make a war upon France in per-
son, I will declare it to you my self. That war was to defend another
man's right, but this is to recover our own ; and that ended by acci-
dent, but we hope this shall end in victory.

1 The French king troubles the Christian world. That which he
hath, is not his own, and yet he seeketh more. He hath invested
himself of Britain. He maintaineth the rebels in Flanders ; and he
threateneth Italy. For ourselves, he hath proceeded from dissimula-
tion to neglect ; and from neglect to contumely. He hath assayled
our confederates : he denyeth our tribute : in a word, he seeks war.
So did not his father, but sought peace at our hands ; and so perhaps
will he, when good council or time shall make him see as much as
his father did.

* Meanwhile ; let us make his ambition our advantage ; and let us
not stand upon a few crowns of tribute, or acknowledgment, but (by
the favour of Almighty God) try our right to the crown of France it
self : remembring there hath been a French king prisoner in Eng-
land, and a king of England crowned in France. Our confederates
are not diminished. Burgundy is in a mightier hand than ever, and
never more provoked. Britain cannot help us, but it may hurt them.

320 ADDRESS OF HENRY TO HIS PARLIAMENT.— HIS DESIGNS.

New acquests are more burthen than strength. The malecontents
of his own kingdom have not been base, popular, nor titulary im-
postors, but of an higher nature. The king of Spain (doubt ye not)
will join with us, not knowing where the French king's ambition will
stay. Our holy father the Pope likes no Tramontanes in Italy. But
howsoever it be, this matter of confederates, is rather to be thought
on than reckoned on. For God forbid, but England should be able to
get reason of France, without a second.

' At the battles of Cressy, Poictiers, Agent- Court, we were of our
selves. France hath much people and few soldiers. They have no
stable bands of foot. Some good horse they have ; but those are
forces which are least fit for a defensive war, where the actions are in
the assailant's choice. It was our disorders only, that lost France ;
and (by the power of God) it is the good peace which we now enjoy,
that will recover it. God hath hitherto blessed my sword. I have in
this time that I have reigned, weeded out my bad subjects, and tried
my good. My people and I know one another; which breeds con-
fidence. And if there should be any bad blood left in the kingdom,
an honourable foreign war will vent it, or purify it. In this great
business, let me have your advice, and aid. If any of you were to
make his son knight, you might have aid of your tenants by law.
This concerns the knighthood and spurs of the kingdom, whereof I
am father ; and bound not only to seek to maintain it, but to advance
it. But for matter of treasure, let it not be taken from the poorest sort ;
but from those, to whom the benefit of the war may redound. France
is no wilderness : and I, that profess good husbandry, hope to make
the war (after the beginnings) to pay itself. Go together in God's
name, and lose no time ; for I have called this parliament wholly for
this cause.'

Thus spake the king ; but for all this, though he showed great for-
wardness for a war, not only to his parliament and court, but to his
privy council likewise (except the two bishops and a few more) yet
nevertheless in his secret intentions, he had no purpose to go through
with any war upon France. But the truth was, that he did but traffick
with that war, to make his return in money. He knew well that
France was now entire, and at unity with itself, and never so mighty
many years before. He saw by the tast that he had of his forces
sent into Britain, that the French knew well enough how to make
war with the English ; by not putting things to the hazard of a battle
but wearying them by long sieges of towns, and strong fortified en-
campings. James the III. of Scotland, (his true friend and confede-
rate) gone ; and James the IV. (that had succeeded) wholly at the
devotion of France, and ill affected towards him. As for the con-
junctions of Ferdinando of Spain, and Maximilian ; he could make no
foundation upon them. For the one had power and not will ; and

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 32!

the other hath will, and not power. Besides that, Ferdinando had
but newly taken breath, from the war with the Moors ; and merchanded
at this time with France, for the restoring of the counties of Russignon
and Perpignan, oppignorated to the French. Neither was he out of
fear of the discontents, and ill blood within the realm ; which having
used always to repress and appease in person, he was loth they should
find him at a distance beyond sea, and engaged in war. Finding
therefore the inconveniences and difficulties in the prosecution of a
war, he cast with himself how to compass two things. The one, how
by the declaration and inchoation of a war, to make his profit. The
other, how to come off from the war, with saving of his honour. For
profit, it was to be made two ways ; upon his subjects for the war, and
upon his enemies for the peace ; like a good merchant, that maketh
his gain, both upon the commodities exported and imported back
again. For the point of honour, wherein he might suffer, for giving
over the war ; he considered well, that as he could not trust upon the
aids of Ferdinando and Maximilian for supports of war : so the im-
puissance of the one, and the double proceeding of the other, lay
fair for him for occasions to accept peace. These things he did
wisely foresee, and did as artificially conduct, whereby all things
fell into his lap, as he desired.

For as for the parliament, it presently took fire, being affectionate
(of old) to the war of France ; and desirous afresh to repair the
dishonour they thought the king sustained by the loss of Britain.
Therefore they advised the king (with great alacrity) to undertake
the war of France : and although the parliament consisted of the
first and second nobility (together with principal citizens and towns-
men) yet worthily and justly respecting more the people (whose
deputies they were) than their own private persons, and finding by
the lord chancellor's speech the king's inclination that way ; they con-
sented that commissioners should go forth, for the gathering and
levying a benevolence, from the more able sort. This tax (called
benevolence) was devised by Edward the fourth for which he
sustained much envy. It was abolished by Richard the third
by Act of Parliament, to ingratiate himself with the people : and it
was now revived by the king, but with consent of parliament, for so
it was not in the time of king Edward the fourth. But by this
way he raised exceeding great sums. Insomuch as the city of Lon-
don (in those days) contributed nine thousand pounds and better ;
and that chiefly levied upon the wealthier sort. There is a tradition
of a dilemma that bishop Moreton the chancellor used, to raise up
the benevolence to higher rates ; and some called it his fork, and
some his crutch. For he had couch'd an article in the instructions to
the commissioners, who were to levy the benevolence ; 'That if they
met with any that were sparing, they should tell them, that they

21

322 PIRACIES OF RAVENSTEIN.— TROUBLES IN FLANDERS.

must needs have, because they laid up ; and if they were spenders,
they must needs have, because it was seen in their port, and manner
of living.' So neither kind came amiss.

This parliament was merely a parliament of war ; for it was in
substance, but a declaration of war against France and Scotland,
with some statutes conducing thereunto ; as the severe punishing of
mort-pays, and keeping back of soldiers wages and captains. The
like severity for the departure of soldiers without licence ; strength-
ening of the common-law in favour of protections, for those that were
in the king's service ; and the setting the gate open and wide, for
men to sell or mortgage their lands without fines for alienation, to
furnish themselves with money for the war ; and lastly, the voiding
of all Scottish men out of England. There was also a statute for the
dispersing of the standard of the exchequer, throughout England ;
thereby to size weights and measures ; and two or three more of less
importance.

After the parliament was broken up (which lasted not long) the king
went on with his preparations for the war of France ; yet neglected
not in the meantime the affairs of Maximilian, for the quieting of
Flanders, and restoring him to his authority amongst his subjects.
For at that time, the lord of Ravenstein being not only a subject re-
bell'd, but a servant revolted (and so much the more malicious and
violent, by the aid of Bruges and Gaunt) had taken the town and both
the castles of Sluice ; as we said before.

And having (by the commodity of the haven) gotten together
certain ships and barks, fell to a kind of pyratical trade ; robbing and
spoyling, and taking prisoners the ships and vessels of all nations, that
passed alongst that coast, towards the mart of Antwerp, or into any
part of Brabant, Zeland, or Freezeland ; being ever well victualled
from Picardie, besides the commodity of victuals from Sluice, and
the country adjacent, and the avails of his own prizes. The French
assisted him still under-hand ; and he likewise (as all men do, that
have been of both sides) thought himself not safe, except he depended
upon a third person.

There was a small town some two miles from Bruges, towards the
sea, called Dam ; which was a fort and approach to Bruges, and had
a relation also to Sluice. This town the king of the Romans had at-
tempted often, (not for any worth of the town in itself, but because
it might choak Bruges, and cut it off from the sea) and ever faiPd.
But therewith the duke of Saxony came down into Flanders, taking
upon him the person of an umpire, to compose things between Maxi-
milian and his subjects ; but being (indeed) fast and assured to
Maximilian. Upon this pretext of neutrality and treaty, he repaired
to Bruges ; desiring of the states of Bruges, to enter peaceably into
their town, with a retinue of some number of men of arms, fit for his

LORD VERULUM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 323

estate ; being somewhat the more (as he said) the better to guard him
in a country, that was up in arms ; and bearing them in hand, that he
was to communicate with them of divers matters of great importance,
for their good. Which having obtained of them, he sent his carriages
and harbingers before him, to provide his lodging. So that his men
of war enterd the city in good array, but in peaceable manner, and he
followed. They that went before, enquired still for inns and lodgings,
as if they would have rested there all night, and so went on, till they
came to the gate, that leadeth directly towards Dam ; and they of
Bruges only gazed upon them and gave them passage. The captains
and inhabitants of Dam also suspected no harm, from any that passed
through Bruges ; and discovering forces afar off, supposed they had
been some succours, that were come from their friends, knowing some
dangers, towards them. And so perceiving nothing but well, till it was
too late, suffered them to enter their town. By which kind of sleight
rather than stratagem, the town of Dam was taken and the town of
Bruges shrewdly blockt up, whereby they took great discouragement.

The duke of Saxony having won the town of Dam, sent immedi-
ately to the king to let him know that it was Sluice chiefly, and the
lord Ravenstein, that kept the rebellion of Flanders in life ; and that
if it pleased the king to besiege it by sea, he also would besiege it by
land, and so cut out the core of those wars.

The king willing to uphold the authority of Maximilian (the better
to hold France in awe) and being likewise sued unto by his merchants,
for that the seas were much infested by the barks of the lord Raven-
stein ; sent straightways sir Edward Poynings a valiant man, and of
good service, with twelve ships, well furnished with souldiers and ar-
tillery, to clear the seas, and to besiege Sluice on that part. The
Englishmen did not only coop up the lord Ravenstein, that he stirred
not, and likewise held in strait siege the maritime part of the town ;
but also assaiPd one of the castles, and renewed the assault so for
twenty days space (issuing still out of their ships at the ebb) as they
made great slaughter of them of the castle ; who continually fought
with them to repulse them, though of the English part also were slain
a brother of the earl of Oxford's and some fifty more.

But the siege still continuing more and more strait, and both the
castles (which were the principal strength of the town) being dis-
tressed, the one by the duke of Saxony, and the other by the English ;
and a bridge of boats, which the lord Ravenstein had made between
both castles, whereby succours and relief might pass from the one to
the other, being on a night set on fire by the English, he despairing
to hold the town, yielded (at the last) the castles to the English, and
the towns to the duke of Saxony, by composition. Which done,
the duke of Saxony and sir Edward Poynings treated with them of
Bruges, to submit themselves to Maximilian their lord ; which after

324 CAPTURE OF GRANADA CELEBRATED IN ST. PAULS.

some time they did, paying (in some good part) the charge of the war,
whereby the Almains and foreign succours were dismissed. The
example of Bruges other of the revolted towns followed ; so that
Maximilian grew to be out of danger, but (as his manner was to
handle matters) never out of necessity. And sir Edward Poynings
(after he had continued at Sluice some good while, till all things were
settled) returned unto the king, being then before Bulloigne.

Somewhat about this time came letters from Ferdinando, and
Isabella, king and queen of Spain ; signifying the final conquest of
Granada from the Moors ; which action in itself so worthy, king Fer-
dinando (whose manner was never to lose any vertue for the shewing)
had expressed and displayed in his letters at large, with all the par-
ticularities, and religious punctoes and ceremonies, that were observed
in the reception of that city and kingdom : shewing amongst other
things, that the king would not by any means in person enter the
city, until he had first aloof seen the cross set up upon the greater
tower of Granada, whereby it became Christian ground : that likewise
before he would enter, he did homage to God above, pronouncing by
an herald from the height of that tower, that he did acknowledge to
have recovered that kingdom, by the help of God Almighty and the
glorious virgin, and the vertuous apostle Saint James, and the holy
father Innocent the eight, together with the aids and services of his
prelates, nobles, and commons : that yet he stirred not from his
camp, till he had seen a little army of martyrs, to the number of seven
hundred and more Christians (that had lived in bonds and servitude
as slaves to the Moors) pass before his eyes, singing a psalm for their
redemption, and that he had given tribute unto God by alms and re-
lief extended to them all, for his admission into the city. These things
were in the letters, with many more ceremonies of a kind of holy
ostentation.

The king ever willing to put himself into the consort or quire of
all religious actions, and naturally affecting much the king of Spain,
(as far as one king can affect another) partly for his virtues, and
partly for a counterpoise to France ; upon the receipt of these letters,
sent all his nobles and prelates, that were about the court, together
with the mayor and aldermen of London, in great solemnity to the
church of Pauls ; there to hear a declaration from the lord chancellor,
now cardinal. When they were assembled, the cardinal (standing up
On the uppermost step, or half-pace before the quire ; and all the
nobles, prelates, and governours of the city at the foot of the stairs)
made a speech to them ; letting them know, that they were assembled
in that consecrate place to sing unto God a new song: 'For that' (said
he) ' these many years the Christians have not gained new ground or
territory upon the infidels, nor enlarged and set further the bounds of
the Christian world: but this is now done by the prowess and

LORD VERULUM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 325

devotion of Ferdinando and Isabella, kings of Spain ; who have (to
their immortal honour) recover'd the great and rich kingdoms of
Granada, and the populous and mighty city of the same name, from
the Moors, having been in possession thereof by the space of seven
hundred years, and more. For which, this assembly and all Christians
are to render laud and thanks unto God, and to celebrate this noble
act of the king of Spain ; who in this is not only victorious, but apos-
tolical, in the gaining new provinces to the Christian faith. And the
rather, for that this victory and conquest is obtain'd, without much
effusion of blood. Whereby it is to be hoped, that there shall be
gained, not only new territory but infinite souls to the church of
Christ ; whom the Almighty (as it seems) would have live to be
converted.' Herewithall Cardinal Moreton did relate some of the
most memorable particulars of the war and victory. And after
his speech ended, the whole assembly went solemnly in procession,
and Te Deum was sung.

Immediately after the solemnity, the king kept his May-day at his
palace of Sheine, now Richmond : where to warm the blood of his
nobility and gallants, against the war, he kept great triumphs of just-
ing and tourney, during all that month. In which space it so fell out,
that sir James Parker and sir Hugh Vaughan, (one of the king's
gentlemen ushers) having had a controversy touching certain arms,
that the king at arms had given Vaughan, were appointed to run
some courses one against another ; and by accident of a faulty hel-
met, that Parker had on, he was stricken into the mouth at the first
course, so that his tongue was born unto the hinder-part of his head,
in such sort that he died presently upon the place. Which because
of the controversy precedent and the death that follow'd, was accounted
amongst the vulgar, as a combate of tryal of right. The king towards
the end of this summer, having put his forces, wherewith he meant to
invade France, in readiness, (but so as they were not yet met or
mustered together) sent Urswick (now made his Almoner) and sir
John Risley to Maximilian ; to let him know, that he was in arms,
ready to pass the seas into France, and did but expect to hear from
him, when and where he did appoint to joyn with him, according to
his promise made unto him by Countebalt, his ambassador.

The English ambassadors having repaired to Maximilian, did find
his power and promise at a very great distance ; he being utterly un-
provided of men, money, and arms for any such enterprize. For
Maximilian having neither wing to fly on (for that his patrimony of
Austria was not in his hands, his father being then living : and on the
other side, his matrimonial territories of Flanders being partly in
dower to his mother-in-law, and partly not serviceable, in respect of
the late rebellions) was thereby destitute of means to enter into war.
The ambassadors saw this well, but wisely thought fit to advertise the

326 AN ENGLISH ARMY LEVIED, AND HENRY VII. AT CALICE

king thereof, rather than to return themselves till the king's further
pleasure were known : the rather, for that Maximilian himself spake
as great as ever he did before, and entertain'd them with dilatory
answers ; so as the formal part of their ambassage might well warrant
and require their further stay. The king hereupon (who doubted as
much before, and saw thro' his business from the beginning) wrote
back to the ambassadors, commending their discretion in not return-
ing, and willing them to keep the state wherein they found Maximilian,
as a secret, till they heard further from him ; and meanwhile went on
with his voyage royal for France, suppressing for a time this adver-
tisement touching Maximilian's poverty and disability.

By this time was drawn together a great and puissant army into the
city of London, in which were Thomas marquess of Dorset, Thomas
earl of Arundel, Thomas earl of Derby, George earl of Shrewsbury,
Edmond earl of Suffolk, Edward earl of Devonshire, George earl of
Kent, the earl of Essex, Thomas earl of Ormond, with a great number
of barons, knights, and principal gentlemen ; and amongst them
Richard Thomas, much noted for the brave troops that he brought
out of Wales ; the army rising in the whole to the number of five
and twenty thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse. Over which,
the king (constant in his accustom'd trust and imployment) made
Jasper duke of Bedford, and John earl of Oxford, generals under his
own person. The 9th of September, in the eighth year of his reign,
he departed from Greenwich towards the sea ; all men wondering that
he took that season (being so near winter) to begin the war ; and some
thereupon gathering it was a sign that the war would not be long.
Nevertheless, the king gave out the contrary, thus : ' That he intended
not to make a summer business of it, but a resolute war (without term
prefixed) ur, v.il he recover'd France ; it skilled not much when he be-
gan it ; especially having Calice at his back ; where he might winter,
if the reason of the war so required.' The sixth of October, he
imbark'd at Sandwich ; and the same day took land at Calice ;
which was the rendezvous where all his forces were assigned to
meet. But in this his journey towards the sea side (wherein,
for the cause that we shall now speak of, he hover'd so much
the longer) he had receiv'd letters from the lord Cordes ; who
the hotter he was against the English in time of war, had the
more credit in a negociation of peace, and besides was held a man
open, and of good faith. In which letters there was made an over-
ture of peace from the French king, with such conditions, as were
somewhat to the king's taste : but this was carried at the first with
wonderful secrecy. The king was no sooner come to Calice, but the
calm winds of peace began to blow. For, first, the English ambassa-
dors return'd out of Flanders from Maximilian ; and certified the king,
that he was not to hope for any aid from Maximilian, for that he was

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 327

altogether unprovided : his will was good ; but he lacked money.
And this was made known and spread through the army. And altho'
the English were therewithal nothing dismay'd ; and that it be the
manner of soldiers, upon bad news to speak the more bravely ; yet
nevertheless it was a kind of preparative to a peace. Instantly in the
neck of this (as the king had laid it) came news that Ferdinando and
Isabella, kings of Spain, had concluded a peace with king Charles ;
and that Charles had restor'd unto them the counties of Roussignon
and Perpignian, which formerly were mortgaged by John king of
Arragon (Ferdinando's father) unto France, for three hundred thou-
sand crowns : which debt was also upon this peace, by Charles clearly
released. This came also handsomely to put on the peace : both be-
cause so potent a confederate was fallen off, and because it was a fair
example of peace bought ; so as the king should not be the sole
merchant in this peace. Upon these airs of peace, the king was
content, that the bishop of Exeter and the lord Daubigney, (governour
of Calice) should give a meeting unto the lord Cordes, for the treaty
.of a peace. But himself nevertheless, and his army, the fifteenth
<of October removed from Calice, and in four days march sat down
"before Bulloigne.

During this siege of Bulloigne (which continued near a month)
there passed no memorable accident of war ; only sir John Savage, a
valiant captain was slain, riding about the walls of the town to take a
view. The town was both well fortify'd and well mann'd ; yet it was
distressed, and ready for an assault. Which if it had been given (as
was thought) would have cost much blood ; but yet the town would
have been carried in the end. Meanwhile, a peace was concluded
by the commissioners, to continue for both the kings lives. Where
there was no article of importance ; being in effect rather a bargain
than a treaty. For, all things remained as they were ; save that there
•should be paid to the king seven hundred and forty five thousand
ducats (,£186,250 sterling) in present, for his charges in that journey ;
and five and twenty thousand crowns yearly, for his charges sustained
in the aids of the Britons. For which annual, tho' he had Maximilian
bound before for those charges ; yet he counted the alteration of the
hand, as much as the principal debt. And besides, it was left some-
what indefinitely, when it should determine or expire : which made
the English esteem it as a tribute carried under fair terms. And the
truth is, it was paid both to the king, and to his son king Henry VIII.
longer than it could continue upon any computation of charges.
There were also assign'd by the French king, unto all the king's
principal counsellors great pensions, besides rich gifts for the present.
Which whether the king did permit to save his own purse from rewards,
or to communicate the envy of a business that was displeasing to his
people, was diversly interpreted. For certainly, the king had no great

328 PEACE DISTASTEFUL TO THE ENGLISH.— THE KING TROUBLED,

fancy to own this peace. And therefore, a little before it was concluded,
he had under-hand procur'd some of his best captains, and men of warr
to advise him to a peace under their hands, in an earnest manner, in the
nature of a supplication. But the truth is, this peace was welcometo both
kings. To Charles, for that it assured unto him the possession of
Brittain, and freed the enterprize of Naples. To Henry, for that it
fill'd his coffers ; and that he foresaw at that time a storm of inward
troubles coming upon him ; which presently after brake forth. But it
gave no less discontent to the nobility, and principal persons of the
army ; who had many of them sold or engaged their estates upon the
hopes of the war. They stuck not to say, 'That the king cared not to
plume his nobility and people, to feather himself/ And some made
themselves merry with that the king had said in parliament : 'That after
war was once begun, he doubted not but to make it pay itself;' saying
he had kept promise.

Having risen from Bulloigne, he went to Calice, where he stay'd
some time. From whence also he wrote letters, (which was a
courtesy that he sometimes used) to the mayor of London, and
aldermen his brethren ; half bragging, what great sums he had
obtain'd for the peace ; knowing well, that full coffers of the king is
ever good news to London. And better news it would have been, if
their benevolence had been but a loan. And upon the seven-
teenth of December following, he return'd to Westminster, where
he kept his Christmas.

Soon after the king's return, he sent the order of the garter, to
Alphonso duke of Calabria, eldest son to Ferdinando king of Naples ;
an honour sought by that prince, to hold him up in the eyes of the
Italians ; who, expecting the arms of Charles, made great account of
the amity of England for a bridle to France. It was received by
Alphonso with all the ceremony and pomp that could be devised ; as
things use to be carried, that are intended for opinion. It was sent by
Urswick ; upon whom the king bestow'd this ambassage, to help him,
after many dry employments.

At this time (1492) the king began again to be haunted with sprites,,
by the magick and curious arts of the lady Margaret : who raised up
the ghost of Richard duke of York, second son to king Edward IV.
to walk and vex the king. This was a finer counterfeit stone than
Lambert Symnel, better done, and worn upon greater hands ; being^
graced after with the wearing of a king of France, and a king of Scot-
land, not of the duchess of Burgundy only. And for Symnell, there
was not much in him, more than that he was a handsome boy, and
did not shame his robes. But this youth (of whom we are now to,
speak) was such a mercurial, as the like hath seldom been known, and
could make his own part if at any time he chanc'd to be out. Where*-
fore, this being one of the strangest examples of a personation that

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 329

ever was in elder or later times ; it deserveth to be discovered, and
related at the full : altho' the king's manner of shewing things, by
pieces and by dark lights, hath so muffled it, that it hath left it almost
as a mystery to this day.

The lady Margaret (whom the king's friends call'd Juno, because
she was to him as Juno was to ^Eneas, stirring both heaven and hell
to do him mischief) for a foundation of her particular practices
against him, did continually, by all means possible, nourish, main-
tain, and divulge the flying opinion, that Richard duke of York
(second son to Edward IV.) was not murder'd in the Tower (as was
given out) but saved alive : for that those who were employ'd in that
barbarous fact, having destroy'd the elder brother, were stricken with
remorse and compassion towards the younger, and set him privily at
liberty to seek his fortune. This lure she cast abroad, thinking that
this fame and belief (together with the fresh example of Lambert
Simnell) would draw at one time or other some birds to strike upon it.
She used likewise a further diligence, not committing all to chance.
For, she had some secret espials (like to the Turks commissioners for
children of tribute) to look abroad for handsome and graceful youths
to make Plantagenets, and dukes of York. At the last she did light
on one, in whom all things met, as one could wish, to serve her turn,
for a counterfeit of Richard duke of York.

This was Perkin Warbeck, whose adventures we shall now describe.
For, first, the years agreed well. Secondly, he was a youth of fine
favour and shape ; but more than that, he had such a crafty and
bewitching fashion, both to move pity and to induce belief, as was
like a kind of fascination and enchantment to those that saw him, or
heard him. Thirdly, he had been from his childhood such a
wanderer, or (as the king called him) such a land-loper, as it was ex-
treme hard to hunt out his nest and parents. Neither again could any
man, by company or conversing with him, be able to say or detect
well what he was ; he did so flit from place to place. Lastly, there
was a circumstance (which is mentioned by one that wrote in the same
time) that is very likely to have made somewhat to the matter,
which is, that king Edward IV. was his god-father. Which, as it is
somewhat suspicious, for a wanton prince to become gossip in so mean
a house ; and might make a man think that he might indeed have
in him some base blood of the house of York ; so at the least (tho' that
were not) it might give the occasion to the boy, in being call'd king
Edward's godson, or perhaps in sport, king Edward's son, to entertain
such thoughts into his head. For, tutor he had none (for ought that
appears) as Lambert Simnell had, until he came unto the lady Mar-
garet, who instructed him.

Thus therefore it came to pass : there was a townsman of Tourney

330 THE EARLY HISTORY AND TUTELAGE OF PERKIN WARBECK.

that had born office in that town, whose name was1 John Osbeck a
convert Jew, married to Catherine de Faro ; whose business drew him
to live for a time with his wife at London, in king Edward IV's
days. During which time he had a son by her ; and being known in
court, the king either out of a religious nobleness, because he was a
convert, or upon some private acquaintance, did him the honour as to
be godfather to his child, and named him Peter. But afterwards
proving a dainty and effeminate youth, he was commonly call'd by
the diminutive of his name, Peter-kin, or Perkin. For, as for the
name of Warbecke it was given him when they did but guess at it,
before examinations had been taken. But yet he had been so much
talk'd on by that name, as it stuck by him after his true name of Os-
becke was known. While he was a young child, his parents return'd
with him to Tourney. Then was he placed in a house of a kinsman
of his, call;d John Stenbeck at Antwerp ; and so roved up and down
between Antwerp and Tourney, and other towns of Flanders, for a
good time ; living much in English company, and having the English
tongue perfect. In which time being grown a comely youth, he was
brought by some of the espials of the lady Margaret unto her presence.
Who viewing him well, and seeing that he had a face and personage,
that would bear a noble fortune : and finding him otherwise of a fine
spirit and winning behaviour, thought she had now found a curious
piece of marble, to carve out an image of a duke of York. She kept
him by her a great while ; but with extreme secrecy. The while, she
instructed him, by many cabinet conferences, First, in princely be-
haviour and gesture ; teaching him how he should keep state, and
yet with a modest sense of his misfortunes. Then she inform'd him
of all the circumstances and particulars that concern'd the person of
Richard duke of York, which he was to act : describing unto him the
personages, lineaments, and features of the king and queen his pre-
tended parents ; and of his brother, and sisters, and divers others that
were nearest him in his childhood ; together with all passages, some
secret, some common, that were fit for a child's memory, until the
death of king Edward. Then she added the particulars of the time,
from the king's death, until he and his brother were committed to the
Tower, as well during the time he was abroad, as while he was in
sanctuary .As for the times while he was in the tower, and the manner
of his brother's death, and his own escape ; she knew they were things
that a very few could controuL And therefore she taught him only
to tell a smooth and likely tale of those matters ; warning him not to
vary from it. It was agreed likewise between them, what account he
should give of his peregrination abroad ; intermixing many things

1 His true name was Peter Osbeck; he was not unlike Richard duke of York, both in body
and countenance ; he was born at Tournay in Flanders. Whose father, John Osbeck, was
controuler of that city, and his mother Catherine de Faro, who could speak English. — Sir J
Ware, Ann. Hen. VII. Cap. 6.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 331

which were true, and such as they knew others could testifie, for the
credit of the rest ; but still making them hang together, with the
part he was to play. She taught him likewise how to avoid sundry
captious and tempting questions, which were like to be asked of him*
But, in this she found him of himself so nimble and shifting, as she
trusted much to his own wit and readiness ; and therefore labour'd the
less in it. Lastly, she raised his thoughts with some present rewards,
and further promises ; setting before him chiefly the glory and fortune
of a crown, if things went well ; and a sure refuge to her court, if the
worst should fall. After such time as she thought he was perfect in
his lesson, she began to cast with herself from what coast this blazing
star should first appear, and at what time it must be upon the horizon
of Ireland ; for there had the like meteor strong influence before : the
time of the apparition to be, when the king should be engaged into a
war with France. But well she knew, that whatsoever should come
from her, would be held suspected. And therefore, if he should
go out of Flanders immediately into Ireland, she might be thought
to have some hand in it. And besides, the time was not yet ripe ;
for that the two kings were then upon terms of peace. Therefore
she wheel'd about ; and to put all suspicion afar off, and loth
to keep him any longer by her (for that she knew secrets are not
long liv'd) she sent him unknown into Portugal, with the lady Bramp-
ton,1 an English lady, that embark'd for Portugal at that time ;
with some privado of her own, to have an eye upon him ; and there
he was to remain, and to expect her further directions. In the mean-
time, she omitted not to prepare things for his better welcome, and
accepting, not only in the kingdom of Ireland, but in the court of
France. He continued in Portugal about a year ; and by that time,
the king of England called his parliament (as hath been said) and de-
clared open war against France. Now did the sign reign, and the
constellation was come, under which Perkin would appear. And
therefore he was straight sent unto by the duchess to go for Ireland,
according to the first designment. In Ireland he did arrive at the
town of Cork. When he was come thither, his own tale was (when
he made his confession afterwards) that the Irishmen, finding him in
good clothes, came flocking about him, and bare him down, that he
was the duke of Clarence, that had been there before : and after, that
he was Richard the Illrd's base son : and lastly, that he was Richard
duke of York, second son to Edward IV. : but that he (for his part)
renounced all these things, and offered to swear upon the holy
evangelists, that he was no such man : till at last they forced it upon
him and bad him fear nothing, and so forth. But the truth is, that
immediately upon his coming into Ireland, he took upon him the said
person of the duke of York, and drew unto him accomplices, and par-

1 Sir Richard Brampton's wife.

332 PERKIN IN IRELAND, IN FRANCE, AND IN BURGUNDY.

takers, by all the means he could devise ; insomuch, as he wrote
his letters unto the earls of Desmond and Kildare, to come in to his
aid, and be of his party ; the originals of which letters are extant.

Somewhat before this time, the duchess had gained unto her, a near
servant of king Henry's own, one Stephen Frion, his secretary for the
French tongue ; an active man, but turbulent and discontented. This
Frion had fled over to Charles the French king, and put himself into
his service, at such time as he had began to be in open enmity with
the king. Now king Charles, when he understood of the person and
attempts of Perkin (ready of himself to embrace all advantages against
the king of England ; instigated by Frion, and formerly prepared by
the lady Margaret) forthwith dispatch'd one Lucas, and this Frion, in
the nature of ambassadors to Perkin ; to advertise him of the king's
good inclination to him, and that he was resolved to aid him to re-
cover his right against king Henry, an usurper of England, and an
enemy of France ; and wish'd him to come over unto him at Paris.
Perkin thought himself in heaven now that he was invited by so great
a king, in so honourable a manner : and imparting unto his friends in
Ireland for their encouragement, how fortune called him, and what
great hopes he had, sail'd presently into France. When he was come
to the court of France, the king received him with great honour ;
saluted, and stiled him by the name of the duke of York ; lodged him,
and accommodated him in great state : and the better to give him the
representation and the countenance of a prince, assign'd him a guard
for his person, whereof the lord Congresall was captain. The
courtiers likewise (tho' it be ill mocking with the French) applied
themselves to the king's bent, seeing there was reason of state of it.
At the same time there repair'd unto Perkin divers Englishmen of
quality ; sir George Nevile, sir John Taylor, and about one hundred
more ; and amongst the rest, this Stephen Frion, of whom we spake ;
who follow'd his fortune both then and for a long time after, and was
indeed his principal counsellor, and instrument in all his proceedings.
But all this, on the French king's part, was but a trick ; the better to
bow king Henry to a peace. And therefore upon the first grain of
incense that was sacrificed upon the altar of peace at Bulloigne,
Perkin was smoked away. Yet would not the French king deliver
him up to king Henry (as he was laboured to do) for his honour's
sake, but warned him away and dismissed him. And Perkin on his
part was ready to be gone, doubting he might be caught up under-
hand. He therefore took his way into Flanders, unto the Duchess of
Burgundy ; pretending, that having been variously toss'd by fortune,
he directed his course thither, as to a safe harbour : no ways taking
knowledge that he had ever been there before, but as if that had been
his first address. The duchess, on the other part, made it as new
and strange to see him ; pretending (at the first) that she was taught

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 333

and made wise by the example of Lambert Simnell, how she did
admit of any counterfeit stuff ; tho' even in that (she said) she was
not fully satisfied. She pretended at the first (and that was ever in
the presence of others) to pose and sift him, thereby to try whether he
were indeed the very duke of York, or no. But seeming to receive
full satisfaction by his answers, she then feign'd herself to be tran-
sported with a kind of astonishment, mixt of joy and wonder, at his
miraculous deliverance ; receiving him, as if he were risen from death
to life ; and inferring, that God, who had in such wonderful manner
preserv'd him from death, did likewise reserve him for some great and
prosperous fortune. As for his dismission out of France, they in-
terpreted it not, as if he were detected or neglected for a counterfeit
deceiver ; but contrariwise, that it did shew manifestly unto the world,
that he was some great matter ; for that it was his abandoning, that
{in effect) made the peace : being no more but the sacrificing of a
poor distressed prince unto the utility and ambition of two mighty
monarchs. Neither was Perkin for his part wanting to himself, either
in gracious or princely behaviour, or in ready and apposite answers,
or in contenting and caressing those that did apply themselves unto
him, or in pretty scorn and disdain to those that seem'd to doubt of
him; but in all things did notably acquit himself: insomuch as it
was generally believed (as well amongst great persons, as amongst
the vulgar) that he was indeed duke Richard. Nay, himself, with
long and continual counterfeiting, and with oft telling a lye, was turn'd
by habit almost into the thing he seem'd to be ; and from a Iyer to a
believer. The duchess therefore (as in a case out of doubt) did him
all princely honour, calling him always by the name of her nephew,
and giving him the delicate title of the white rose of England ; and
appointed him a guard of thirty persons, halberdiers, clad in a party-
coloured livery of murrey and blew, to attend his person. Her court
likewise, and generally the Dutch and strangers in their usage towards
him, expressed no less respect.

The news hereof came blazing and thundering over into England,
that the duke of York was sure alive. As for the name of Perkin
Warbeck, it was not at that time come to light, but all the news ran
upon the duke of York ; that he had been entertained in Ireland,
bought and sold in France, and was now plainly avowed, and in
great honour in Flanders. These fames took hold of divers ; in
some upon discontent, in some upon ambition, in some upon
levity and desire of change, and in some few upon conscience and
belief, but in most upon simplicity : and in divers out of dependence
upon some of the better sort, who did in secret favour and nourish
these bruits. And it was not long, ere these rumours of novelty had
begotten others of scandal and murmur against the king and his
government ; taxing him for a great taxer of his people, and dis-

334 THE CONSPIRATORS IN ENGLAND.— HENRY COUNTERMINES THEM.

countenancer of his nobility. The loss of Brittain, and the peace with
France were not forgotten. But chiefly they fell upon the wrong that
he did his queen, in that he did not reign in her right. Wherefore
they said, that God had now brought to light a masculine-branch of
the house of York, that would not be at his curtesy, howsoever he did
depress his poor lady. And yet (as it fareth in things which are
current with the multitude, and which they affect) these fames grew
so general, as the authors were lost in the generality of speakers.
They being like running weeds, that have no certain root ; or like
footings up and down, impossible to be traced. But after a while,
these ill humours drew to an head, and settled secretly in some
eminent persons ; which were sir William Stanley, lord chamberlain
of the king's houshold, the lord Fitzwalter, sir Simon Mountfort, sir
Thomas Thwaites. These entred into a secret conspiracy to favour
duke Richard's title. Nevertheless none engaged their fortunes in
this business openly, but two ; sir Robert Clifford and master William
Barley, who sail'd over into Flanders, sent indeed from the party of
the conspirators here, to understand the truth of those things that
passed there, and not without some help of monies from hence ; pro-
visionally to be deliver'd, if they found and were satisfied that there
was truth in these pretences. The person of sir Robert Clifford (being
a gentlemen of fame and family) was extremely welcome to the lady
Margaret. Who after she had conference with him, brought him to
the sight of Perkin, with whom he had often speech and discourse.
So that in the end won either by the duchess to affect, or by Perkin to
believe, he wrote back into England, that he knew the person of
Richard duke of York, as well as he knew his own ; and that this
young man was undoubtedly he. By this means all things grew pre-
pared to revolt and sedition here, and the conspiracy came to a corres-
pondence between Flanders and England.

The king on his part was not asleep ; but to arm or levy forces yet,
he thought would but shew fear, and do this idol too much worship.
Nevertheless the ports he did shut up, or at least kept a watch on
them, that none should pass to or fro; that was suspected. But for
the rest, he chose to work by countermine. His purposes were two :
the one, to lay open the abuse ; the other, to break the knot of the
conspirators. To detect the abuse, there were but two ways : the
first, to make it manifest to the world that the duke of York was in-
deed murdered : the other to prove, that were he dead or alive, yet
Perkin was a counterfeit. For the first, thus it stood. There were
but four persons that could speak upon knowledge to the murder of
the duke of York: sir James Tirrel (the employed man from king
Richard), John Dighton, and Miles Forrest, his servants (the two
butchers or tormentors), and the priest of the Tower, that buried them.
Of which four, Miles Forrest, and the priest were dead, and there re-

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 335

main'd alive only sir James Tirrel and John Dighton. These two the
king caused to be committed to the Tower, and examined touching
the manner of the death of the two innocent princes. They agreed
both in a tale (as the king gave out), to this effect : that king Richard
having directed his warrant for the putting of them to death by
Brackenbury the lieutenant of the Tower, was by him refused.
Whereupon the king directed his warrant to sir James Tirrel, to re-
ceive the keys of the Tower from the lieutenant (for the space of a
night) for the king's special service. That sir James Tirrel accord-
ingly repaired to the Tower by night, attended by his two servants
aforenam'd, whom he had chosen for that purpose. That himself
stood at the stair-foot, and sent these two villains to execute the
murder. That they smother'd them in their bed ; and that done, call'd
up their master to see their naked bodies, which they had laid forth.
That they were buried under the stairs, and some stones cast upon
them. That when the report was made to king Richard, that his will
was done, he gave sir James Tirrel great thanks, but took exception
to the place of their burial, being too base for them that were king's
children. Whereupon another night, by the king's warrant renew'd,
their bodies were remov'd by the priest of the Tower, and buried by
him in some place, which (by means of the priest's death soon after)
could not be known. Thus much was then delivered abroad, to the
effect of those examinations. But the king nevertheless made no use
of them in any of his declarations ; whereby (as it seems) those ex-
aminations left the business somewhat perplex'd. And as for sir
James Tirrel, he was soon after beheaded in the Tower-yard, for other
matters of treason. But John Dighton (who it seemeth spake best
for the king) was forthwith set at liberty, and was the principal means
of divulging this tradition. Therefore this kind of proof being left so
naked, the king used the more diligence in the latter, for the tracing
of Perkin. To this purpose, he sent abroad into several parts, and
especially into Flanders, divers secret and nimble scouts and spies ;
some feigning themselves to fly over unto Perkin, and to adhere unto
him ; and some under other pretences, to learn, search, and discover
all the circumstances and the particulars of Perkin's parents, birth,
person, travels up and down ; and in brief, to have a journal (as it
were) of his life and doings. He furnish'd these his employ'd men
liberally with money, to draw on and reward intelligences : giving them
also in charge, to advertise continually what they found, and never-
theless still to go on. And ever as one advertisement and discovery
call'd up another, he employ'd other new men, where the business did
require it. Others he employ'd in a more special nature and trust, to
be his pioneers in the main counter-mine. These were directed to
insinuate themselves into the familiarity and confidence of the principal
persons of the party in Flanders, and so to learn what associates they

336 THE CHIEF CONSPIRATOR WON OVER AND HOW.

had, and correspondents, either here in England, or abroad ; and how
far every one engaged, and what new ones they meant afterwards to
try, or board. And as this for the persons ; so for the actions them-
selves, to discover to the bottom (as they could) the utmost of Perkin
and the conspirators, their intentions, hopes, and practices. These
latter best-be-trust spies had some of them further instructions, to
practice and draw off the best friends and servants of Perkin, by
making remonstance to them, how weakly his enterprise and hopes
were built, and with how prudent and potent a king they had to deal ;
and to reconcile them to the king, with promise of pardon, and good
conditions of reward. And (above the rest) to assail, sap, and work
into the constancy of sir Robert Clifford, and to win him (if they
could), being the man that knew most of their secrets, and who being
won away, would most appall and discourage the rest, and in a
manner break the knot.

There is a strange tradition ; that the king being lost in a wood of
suspicions, and not knowing whom to trust, had both intelligence with
the confessors and chaplains of divers great > men, and for the better
credit of his espials abroad with the contrary side, did use to have
them cursed at Pauls (by name) amongst the bead-roll of the king's
enemies, according to the custom of those times. Those espials
plied their charge so roundly, as the king had an anatomy of Perkin
alive ; and was likewise well informed of the particular correspondent
conspirators in England, and many other mysteries were reveal'd ;
and sir Robert Clifford in especial won to be assured to the king,
and industrious and officious for his service. The king therefore
(receiving a rich return of his diligence, and great satisfaction touch-
ing a number of particulars) first divulged and spread abroad the
imposture and juggling of Perkin's person and travels, with the cir-
cumstances thereof throughout the realm. Not by proclamation
(because things were yet in examination, and so might receive the
more or the less) but by court-fames, which commonly print better
than printed proclamations. Then thought he it also time to send
an ambassage unto archduke Philip into Flanders, for the abandoning
and dismissing of Perkin. Herein he employ'd sir Edward Poynings
and sir Will. Warham, doctor of the canon-law. The archduke was then
young, and governed by his council : before whom the ambassadors
had audience, and Dr. Warham spake in this manner.

' My lords, the king our master is very sorry, that England and
your country here of Flanders having been counted as man and
wife for so long time, now this country of all others should be the
stage, where a base counterfeit should play the part of a king of
England ; not only to his grace's disquiet and dishonour, but to the
scorn and reproach of all sovereign princes. To counterfeit the dead
image of a king in his coyn, is an high offence by all laws : but to

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 337

counterfeit the living image of a king in his person, exceedeth all falsi-
fications, except it should be that of Mahomet, or an antichrist, that
counterfeit divine honour. The king hath too great an opinion of
this sage council, to think that any of you is caught with this fable
(though way may be given by you to the passion of some) the thing
in it self is so improbable. To set testimonies aside of the death of
duke Richard, which the king hath upon record, plain and infallible
(because they may be thought to be in the king's own power) let the
thing testify for it self. Sense and reason no power can command.
Is it possible (trow you) that king Richard should damn his soul, and
foul his name with so abominable a murder, and you not mend his
case ? Or do you think, that men of blood (that were his instru-
ments) did turn to pity in the midst of their execution ? Whereas
in cruel and savage beasts, and men also, the first draught of blood
doth yet make them more fierce, and enraged. Do you not know,
that the bloody executioners of tyrants do go to such errands, with an
halter about their neck : so that if they perform not, they are sure to
dye for it? And do you think, that these men would hazard their own
lives, for sparing anothers ? Admit they should have saved him :
what should they have done with him ? Turn him into London streets,
that the watch-men or any passenger that should light upon him,
might carry him before a justice, and so all come to light ? Or should
they have kept him by them secretly ? That surely would have re-
quired a great deal of care, charge, and continual fears. But (my
lords) I labour too much in a clear business. The king is so wise,
and hath so good friends abroad, as now he knoweth duke Perkin
from his cradle. And because he is a great prince, if you have any
good poet here, he can help him with notes to write his life, and to
parallel him with Lambert Simnel, now the king's faulconer. And
therefore (to speak plainly to your lordships) it is the strangest thing
in the world, that the lady Margaret (excuse us if we name her, whose
malice to the king is both causeless and endless) should now when
she is old, at the time when other women give over childbearing,
bring forth two such monsters ; being not the birth of nine or ten
months, but of many years. And whereas other natural mothers
bring forth children weak, and nof able to help themselves ; she
bringeth forth tall striplings, able soon after their coming into the
world, to bid battle to mighty kings. My lords, we stay unwillingly
upon this part. We would to God, that lady would once taste the
joys, which God Almighty doth serve up unto her, in beholding her
niece to reign in such honour, and with so much royal issue, which
she might be pleased to accompt as her own. The king's request
unto the arch-duke, and your lordships might be ; that according to
the example of king Charles, who hath already discarded him, you
would banish this unworthy fellow out of your dominions. But be-

22

338 EMBARGO ON FLEMISH TRADE. — ARREST OF CONSPIRATORS.

cause the king may justly expect more from an ancient confederate,
than from a new reconciled enemy ; he maketh his request unto you,
to deliver him up into his hands. Pirates and impostures of this sort,
being fit to be accounted the common enemies of mankind, and no
ways to be protected by the laws of nations.

After some time of deliberation, the ambassadors received this short
answer.

1 That the archduke, for the love of king Henry, would in no sort
aid or assist the pretended duke, but in all things conserve the amity
he had with the king. But for the duchess dowager, she was abso-
lute in the lands of her dowry, and that he could not let her to dis-
pose of her own.'

The king, upon the return of the ambassadors, was nothing satis-
fied with this answer. For well he knew, that a patrimonial dowry
carried no part of sovereignty, or command of forces. Besides, the
ambassadors told him plainly, that they saw the duchess had a great
party in the arch-duke's council ; and that howsoever it was carried
in a course of connivance, yet the arch-duke under hand gave aid and
furtherance to Perkin. Wherefore (partly out of courage, and partly
out of policy) the king forthwith banished all Flemings (as well their
persons as their wares) out of, his kingdom ; commanding his subjects
likewise (and by name his merchant-adventurers) which had a re-
siance in Antwerp, to return ; translating the mart (which commonly
followed the English cloth) under Calice, and embarred also all
further trade for the future. This the king did, being sensible in
point of honour, not to suffer a pretender to the crown of England to
affront him so near at hand, and he to keep terms of friendship with
the country where he did set up. But he had also a further reach :
for that he knew well, that the subjects of Flanders drew so great
commodity from the trade of England as by this embargo they would
soon wax weary of Perkin, and that the tumults of Flanders had been
so late and fresh, as it was no time for the prince to displease the
people. Nevertheless for form's sake, by way of requital, the arch-
duke did likewise banish the English out of Flanders ; which in effect
was done to his hand.

The king being well advertised, that Perkin did more trust upon
friends and partakers within the realm, than upon foreign arms
thought it behoved him to apply the remedy where the disease lay ;
and to proceed with severity against some of the principal conspira-
tors here within the realm ; thereby to purge the ill humours in Eng-
land, and to cool the hopes in Flanders. Wherefore he caused to be
apprehended (almost at an instant) John Ratcliff, lord Fitzwalter, sir
Simon Mountford, sir Thomas Thwaites, William Dawbigney, Robert
Ratcliff, Thomas Chressenor, and Thomas Astwood. All these were
arraigned, convicted, and condemned for high treason, in adhering,

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 339

and promising aid to Perkin. Of these, the lord Fitz-walter was con-
veyed to Calice, and there kept in hold and in hope of life, until soon
after (either impatient, or betrayed) he dealt with his keeper to have
escaped, and thereupon was beheaded ; but sir Simon Mountford,
Robert Ratcliff, and William Dawbigney were beheaded immediately
after their condemnation. The rest were pardoned, together with
many other clerks and laikes, amongst which were two Dominican
friers, and William Worseley, dean of Pauls : which latter sort passed
examination, but came not to publick trial.

The lord chamberlain at that time was not touched : whether it
were, that the king would not stir too many humours at once but
(after the manner of good physicians) purge the head last ; or that
Clifford (from whom most of these discoveries came) reserved that
piece for his own coming over ; signifying only to the king in the
mean time, that he doubted there were some greater ones in the busi-
ness, whereof he would give the king further accompt, when he came
to his presence.

Upon Al-hallows-day-even, being now the tenth year of the king's
reign, the king's second son Henry was created duke of York ; and
as well the duke, as divers others, noblemen, knights batchellours,
and gentlemen of quality were made knights of the bath, according
to the ceremony. Upon the morrow after twelfth-day, the king re-
moved from Westminster (where he had kept his Christmas) to the
Tower of London. This he did as soon as he had advertisement, that
sir Robert Clifford (in whose bosom or budget most of Perkin's
secrets were layed up) was come into England. And the place of
the Tower was chosen to that end, that if Clifford should accuse any
of the great ones, they might without suspicion, or noise, or sending
abroad of warrants, be presently attached ; the court and prison being
within the cincture of one wall. After a day or two, the king drew
unto him a selected council, and admitted Clifford to his presence ;
who first fell down at his feet, and in all humble manner craved the
king's pardon, which the king then granted, though he were indeed
secretly assured of his life before. Then commanded to tell his
knowledge, he did amongst many others (of himself, not interrogated)
appeach sir William Stanley, the lord chamberlain of the king's
household.

The king seemed to be much amazed at the naming of this lord, as
if he had heard the news of some strange and fearful prodigy. To
hear a man that had done him service of so high a nature, as to save
his life, and set the crown upon his head ; a man that enjoyed by his
favour and advancement so great a fortune, both in honour and
riches ; a man, that was tied unto him in so near a band alliance, his
brother having married the king's mother ; and lastly, a man, to
whom he had committed the trust of his person, in making him his

340 IMPRISONMENT AND EXECUTION OF SIR WILLIAM STANLEY.

chamberlain. That this man, no ways disgraced, no ways discon-
tent, no ways put in fear, should be false unto him. Clifford was re-
quired to say over again, and again, the particulars of his accusation,
being warned, that in a matter so unlikely, and that concerned so
great a servant of the king's, he should not in any wise go too far.
But the king rinding that he did sadly and constantly (without hesi-
tation or varying, and with those civil protestations that were fit)
stand to that that he had said, offering to justifie it upon his soul and
life ; he caused him to be removed. And after he had not a little
bemoaned himself unto his council there present, gave order that sir
William Stanley should be restrained in his own chamber, where he
lay before, in the square tower. And the next day he was examined
by the lords. Upon his examination he denied little of that where-
with he was charged, nor endeavoured much to excuse or extenuate
his fault. So that (not very wisely) thinking to make his offence less
by confession, he made it enough for condemnation. It was con-
ceived, that he trusted much to his former merits, and the interest
that his brother had in the king. But those helps were over-weighed
by divers things that made against him, and were predominant in
the king's nature and mind. First, an over-merit; for convenient
merit, unto which reward may easily reach, doth best with kings :
next the sense of his power ; for the king thought, that he that could
set him up, was the more dangerous to pull him down. Thirdly, the
glimmering of a confiscation ; for he was the richest subject for
value in the kingdom : there being found in his castle of Holt forty
thousand marks in ready money, and plate, besides jewels, household-
stuff, stocks upon his grounds, and other personal estate, exceeding
great. And for his revenue in land and fee, it was three thousand
pounds a year of old rent, a great matter in those times. Lastly, the
nature of the time : for if the king had been out of fear of his own
estate, it was not unlike he would have spared his life. But the cloud
of so great a rebellion hanging over his head, made him work sure.
Wherefore after some six weeks distance of time, which the king
did honourably interpose, both to give space to his brother's inter-
cession, and to show to the world, that he had a conflict with himself
what he should do ; he was arraigned of high-treason, and con-
demned, and presently after beheaded.

Yet it is to this day but in dark memory, both what the case
of this noble person was, for which he suffered, and what likewise
was the ground and cause of his defection, and the alienation of
his heart from the king. His case was said to be this ; that in
discourse between sir Robert Clifford and him, he had said; 'That
if he were sure, that that young man were king Edward's son, he
would never bear arms against him.' This case seems somewhat an
hard case, both in respect of the conditional, and in respect of the

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 341

other words. But for the conditional, it seems the judges of that
time (who were learned men, and the three chief of them of the
privy council) thought it was a dangerous thing to admit ifs and ands,
to qualifie words of treason ; whereby every man might express his
malice, and blanch his danger. And it was like to the case (in the
following times) of Elizabeth Barton the holy maid of Kent ; who
had said, 'That if king Henry the eighth did not take Katherine his
wife again, he should be deprived of his crown, and die the death
of a dog.' And infinite cases may be put of like nature. Which
(it seemeth) the grave judges taking into consideration, would not
admit of treasons upon condition. And as for the positive words,
that he would not bear arms against king Edward's son ; though
the words seem calm, yet it was a plain and direct over-ruling of
the king's title, either by the line of Lancaster, or by act of parlia-
ment. Which (no doubt) pierced the king more, than if Stanley had
charged his launce upon him in the field. For if Stanley would hold
that opinion, that a son of king Edward had still the better right, he
being so principal a person of authority, and favour about the king ;
it was to teach all England to say as much. And therefore (as those
times were) that speech touched the quick. But some writers do put
this out of doubt : for they say, that Stanley did expressly promise to
aid Perkin, and sent him some help of treasure.

Now for the motive of his falling off from the king ; it is true, that
at Bosworth field the king was beset, and in a manner inclosed round
about by the troops of king Richard, and in manifest danger of his
life ; when this Stanley was sent by his brother, with three thousand
men to his rescue, which he performed so, that king Richard was slain
upon the place. So as the condition of mortal men is not capable of
a greater benefit, than the king received by the hands of Stanley ;
being like the benefit of Christ, at once to save and crown. For
which service the king gave him great gifts, made him his councellour
and chamberlain ; and (somewhat contrary to his nature) had winked
at the great spoils of Bosworth field, which came almost wholly to this
man's hands, to his infinite enriching. Yet nevertheless blown up with
the conceit of his merit, he did not think he had received good
measure from the king, at least not prest down and running over, as he
expected. And his ambition was so exorbitant, and unbounded, as he
became suitor to the king for the earldom of Chester. Which ever
being a kind of appendage to the principality of Wales, and using to
go to the king's son ; his suit did not only end in a denial, but in a
distaste. The king perceiving thereby, that his desires were intem-
perate, and his cogitations vast, and irregular, and that his former
benefits were but cheap, and lightly regarded by him. Wherefore the
king began not to brook him well. And as a little leaven of new dis-
last doth commonly sour the whole lump of former merit, the king's

342 PERKIN^ PARTY ALARMED. — LIBELS, GUSTS OF LIBERTY.

wit began to suggest unto his passion that Sir William Stanley,
at Bosworth field, though he came time enough to save his
life, yet he stayed long enough to endanger it. But yet having-
no matter against him, he continued him in his places until this
his fall.

After him was made lord chamberlain, Giles lord Dawbeny, a man
of great sufficiency and valour ; and the more, because he was gentle
and moderate.

There was a common opinion, that sir Robert Clifford (who now
was become the state-informer) was from the beginning an emissary,
and spie of the king's ; and that he fled over into Flanders with his
consent and privity. But this is not probable ; both because he never
recovered that degree of grace, which he had with the king before his
going over ; and chiefly, for that the discovery which he had made
touching the lord chamberlain (which was his great service) grew not
from anything he learn'd abroad, for that he knew it well before he
went there.

These executions (and especially that of the lord chamberlain,
which was the chief strength of the party, and by means of sir Robert
Clifford, who was the most inward man of trust amongst them) did
extremely quail the design of Perkin, and his accomplices, as well
through discouragement, as distrust. So that they were now (like
sand without lime) ill bound together ; especially as many as were
English : who were at a gaze, looking one upon another, not knowing
who was faithful to their side ; but thinking that the king (what with
his baits, and what with his nets) would draw them all unto him, that
were anything worth. And indeed it came to pass, that divers came
away by the thred, sometimes one, and sometimes another. Barley
(that was joint commissioner with Clifford) did hold out one of the
longest, till Perkin was far worn ; yet made his peace at the length.
But the fall of this great man, being in so high authority and favour
(as was thought) with the king ; and the manner of carriage of the
business, as if there had been secret inquisition upon him, for a great
time before ; and the cause for which he suffered, which was little
more, than for saying in effect, that the title of York was better than
the title of Lancaster ; which was the case almost of every man (at the
least in opinion ; ) was matter of great terror amongst all the king's
servants and subjects : insomuch, as no man almost thought himself
secure ; and men durst scarce commune or talk one with another.
But there was a general diffidence every where. Which nevertheless
made the king rather more absolute, than more safe. For, bleeding
inwards and shut vapours strangle soonest, and oppress most.

Hereupon presently came out swarms and vollies of libels (which
are the gusts of liberty of speech restrained, and the females of
sedition) containing bitter invectives and slanders against the king,

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 343

and some of the council. For the contriving and the dispersing
whereof (after great diligence and enquiry) five mean persons were
caught, and executed.

Meanwhile, the king did not neglect Ireland, being the soil where
the mushromes and upstart-weeds (that spring up in a night) did
chiefly prosper. He sent therefore from hence (for the better settling
of his affairs there) commissioners, of both robes : the prior of
Lanchony,1 to be his chancellour in that kingdom ; and sir Edward
Poynings with a power of men2 and a marshal commission, together
with a civil power of his lieutenant, with a clause, that the earl of
Kildare, then deputy, should obey him. But, the Wild- Irish (who
were the principal offenders) fled into the woods and bogs, after their
manner : and those that knew themselves guilty, in the pale, fled to
them. So that sir Edward Poynings was enforced to make a wild
chase upon the Wild-Irish : where (in respect of the mountains and
fastnesses) he did little good. Which (either out of a suspicious
melancholy upon his bad success, or the better to save his service from
disgrace) he would needs impute unto the comfort, that the rebels
should receive under-hand from the earl of Kildare that was in the
action of Lambert Simnel, slain at Stokefield.3 Wherefore he caused
the earl to be apprehended, and sent into England ; where, upon ex-
amination, he declared himself so well, as he was re-placed in his
government. But, Poynings (the better to make compensation of the
meagerness of his service in the wars by acts of peace) called a parlia-
ment ; where was made that memorable act, which at this day is
called Poynings' law, whereby all the statutes of England were made
to be of force in Ireland.4 For, before they were not : neither are any
now in force in Ireland, which were made in England since that time ;
which was the tenth year of the king.

About this time, began to be discovered in the king that disposition,
which, afterward nourished and whet on by bad councellours and
ministers, proved the blot of his times ? which was the course he took,
to crush treasure out of his subjects purses, by forfeitures upon penal
laws. At this, men did startle the more at this time, because it ap-
peared plainly to be in the king's nature, and not out of his necessity,
he being now in float for treasure ; for that he had newly received the
peace-money from France, the benevolence-money from his subjects,
and great casualties upon the confiscations of the lord chamberlain,
and divers others. The first noted case of this kind was that of sir

1 Sir Henry Dean Hoi. Sir James Ware calls him Henry Dean bishop of Bangor in Wales.
Sir Edward Poynings was made lord deputy. Dean lord chancellour, and sir Hugh
Conway lord treasurer. They arriv'd in Ireland the i3th of September in the year before.

2 Not 1000 men, sir James Ware, An. Hen. VII. Cap. X.

3 'Twas not the earl of Kildare, but his brother the lord Thomas Howard that was slain at
the battle of Stokefield. Ibid. Cap. III.

4 The English statutes were admitted in Ireland in old times. Those laws that were now
made did not in a long time pass beyond the English pale. Ibid. Cap. X. Poynings arrested
the earl of Kildare, and sent him prisoner to England.

344 PERKIN APPEARS IN KENT.— HIS FOLLOWERS BAD ALL.

William Capel, alderman of London : who, upon sundry penal laws,
was condemned in the sum of seven and twenty hundred pounds, and
compounded with the king for sixteen hundred: and yet after, Empson
would have cut a chop out of him, if the king had not died in the
instant.

The summer following, the king, to comfort his mother (whom he
did always tenderly love and revere) and to make demonstration to
the world, that the proceedings against sir William Stanley (which
was imposed upon him by necessity of state) had not in any de-
gree diminished the affection he bore to Thomas his brother ; went
in progress to Latham, to make merry with his mother, and the
earl, and lay there divers days.

During this progress, Perkin Warbeck finding, that time and
temporizing, which (whilst his practices were covert and wrought
well in England) made for him ; did now, when they were discovered
and defeated, rather make against him (for that when matters once
go down the hill they stay not without a new force) resolved to
try his adventure in some exploit upon England ; hoping still upon
the affections of the common people towards the house of York.
Which body of common people he thought was not to be practised
upon, as persons of quality are ; but, that the only practice upon their
affections, was, to set up a standard in the field. The place where
he should make his attempt, he chose to be the coast of Kent.

The king by this time was grown to such an height of reputation
for cunning and policy, that every accident and event, that went well,
was laid and imputed to his foresight, as if he had set it before : as,
in this particular of Perkin's design upon Kent. For, the world would
not believe afterwards, but the king, having secret intelligence of
Perkin's intention for Kent, (the better to draw it on) went of purpose
into the north, afar off, laying an open side unto Perkin, to make him
come to the close, and so to trip up his heels, having made sure in Kent
before hand.

But so it was, that Perkin had gather'd together a power of all
nations, neither in number, nor in the hardiness and courage of the
persons, contemptible ; but in their nature and fortunes, to be feared
as well of friends as enemies ; being bankrupts, and many of them
felons, and such as liv'd by rapine. These he put to sea, and arriv'd
upon the coast of Sandwich and Deal in Kent, about July.

There he cast anchor ; and to prove the affections of the people, sent
some of his men to land, making great boast of the power that was
to follow. The Kentish men (perceiving that Perkin was not followed
by any English of name or account, and that his forces consisted but of
strangers born, and most of them base people, and free booters, fitter
to spoil a coast than to recover a kingdom) resorting unto the principal
gentlemen of the country, professed their loyalty to the king, and

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 345

desired to be directed and commanded for the best of the king's
service. The gentlemen, entring into consultation, directed some
forces in good number, to shew themselves upon the coast ; and some
of them to make signs, to entice Perkin's soldiers to land, as if they
would join with them: and some others to appear from some other
places, and to make semblance as if they fled from them ; the better
to encourage them to land. But Perkin, (who, by playing the prince,
or else taught by secretary Frion had learned thus much, that people
under command do use to consult, and after to march in order ; and
rebels contrariwise run upon an head together in confusion) consider-
ing the delay of time, and observing their orderly, and not tumultuary
arming, doubted the worst. And therefore the wily youth would not
set one foot out of his ship till he might see things were sure. Where-
fore the king's forces, perceiving that they could draw on no more
than those that were formerly landed, set upon them, and cut
them in pieces, ere they could fly back to their ships. In which
skirmish (besides those that fled and were slain) there were taken about
an hundred and fifty persons. Which, for that the king thought that
to punish a few for example was gentleman's play, but for rascal
people, they were to be cut off every man, especially in the
beginning of an enterprize ; and likewise for that he saw that Perkin's
forces would now consist chiefly of such rabble, and scum of desperate
people ; he therefore hang'd them all for the greater terrour. They
were brought to London, all rail'd in ropes, like a team of horses in a
cart ; and were executed some of them at London, and Wapping, and
the rest at divers places upon the sea-coast of Kent, Sussex, and
Norfolk, for sea-marks, or light-houses, to teach Perkin's people
to avoid the coast. The king being advertised of the landing
of the rebels, thought to leave his progress ; but being certi-
fy'd the next day that they were partly defeated, and partly fled, he
continued his progress, and sent sir Richard Guilford into Kent in
message. Who, calling the country together, did much commend
(from the king) their fidelity, manhood, and well-handling of that
service ; and gave them all thanks, and (in private) promis'd reward to
some particulars.

Upon the sixteenth of November (this being the eleventh year of
the king) was holden the serjeants-feast at Ely-Place ; there being
nine Serjeants of that call. The king, to honour the feast, was present
with his queen at the dinner ; being a prince, that was ever ready to
grace and countenance the professors of the law ; having a little of
that, that as he governed his subjects by his laws, so he governed his
laws by his lawyers.

This year also the king entred into league with the Italian poten-
tates, for the defence of Italy against France. For king Charles had
conquer'd the realm of Naples, and lost it again, in a kind of felicity

346 THE FRENCH LOSE NAPLES.— THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT.

of a dream. He pass'd the whole length of Italy without resistance :
so that it was true which pope Alexander was wont to say ; ' That the
Frenchmen came into Italy, with chalk in their hands, to mark up
their lodgings, rather than with swords to fight.' He likewise entred
and won, in effect, the whole kingdom of Naples itself, witnout striking
stroke. But presently thereupon he did commit and multiply so many
errors, as was too great a task for the best fortune to overcome. He gave
no contentment to the barons of Naples, of the faction of the Angeo-
vines ; but scattered his rewards according to the mercenary appetites
of some about him. He put all Italy upon their guard, by the seizing
and holding of Ostia, and the protecting of the liberty of Pisa ; which
made all men suspect that his purposes look'd further, than his title of
Naples. He fell too soon at difference with Ludovico Sfortia ; who
was the man that carried the keys which brought him in, and shut him
out. He neglected to extinguish some relicks of the war. And
lastly, in regard of his easy passage through Italy without resistance,
he entered into an overmuch despising of the arms of the Italians :
whereby he left the realm of Naples at his departure so much the less
provided. So that not long after his return, the whole kingdom re-
volted to Ferdinando the younger, and the French were quite driven
out. Nevertheless, Charles did make both great threats and great
preparations to re-enter Italy once again. Wherefore at the instance
of divers of the states of Italy (and especially of pope Alexander) there
was a league concluded between the said pope, Maximilian king of
Romans, Henry king of England, Ferdinando and Isabella king and
queen of Spain (for so they are constantly placed in the original treaty
throughout) Augustissimo Barbadico, duke of Venice, and Ludovico
Sfortia, duke of Milan, for the common defence of their estates.
Wherein though Ferdinando of Naples was not named as principal ;
yet no doubt, the kingdom of Naples was tacitly included, as a fee of
the church.

There died also this year Cecile duchess of York, mother to king
Edward IV. at her castle of Berkhamsted, being of extreme years ;
and who had liv'd to see three princes of her body crown'd, and four
murder'd. She was buried at Foderingham by her husband.

This year also the king call'd his parliament : where many laws
were made, of a more private and vulgar nature, than ought to detain
the reader of an history. And it may be justly suspected by the pro-
ceedings following, that as the king did excel in good commonwealth
laws ; so nevertheless he had, in secret, a design to make use of
them, as well for the collecting of treasure, as for the correcting of
manners ; and meaning thereby to harrow his people, did accumulate
them the rather.

The principal law that was made this parliament, was a law of a
strange nature : rather just, than legal ; and more magnanimous than

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 347

provident. This law did ordain, that no person, that did assist in
arms, or otherwise, the king for the time being, should after be im-
peached therefore, or attainted, either by the course of the law, or by
act of parliament : but, if any such act of attainder did happen to be
made, it should be void and of none effect ; for that it was agreeable
to reason of estate, that the subject should not enquire of the justness
of the king's title, or quarrel ; and it was agreeable to good conscience,
that (whatsoever the fortune of the war were) the subject should not
suffer for his obedience. The spirit of this law was wonderful pious
and noble : being like in matter of war, unto the spirit of David in
matter of plague, who said, * If I have sinned, strike me ; but what
have these sheep done ?' Neither wanted this law parts of prudent
and deep foresight. For, it did the better take away occasion for the
people ta busie themselves, to pry into the king's title ; for that howso-
ever it fell, their safety was already provided for. Besides it could not
but greatly draw unto him the love and hearts of the people, because
he seemed more careful for them than for himself. But yet neverthe-
less, it did take off from his party, that great tie and spur of necessity,
to fight and go victors out of the field ; considering their lives and
fortunes were put in safety, and protected, whether they stood to it or
ran away. But the force and obligation of this law was in itself
illusory, as to the latter part of it ; by a precedent act of parliament,
to bind or frustrate a future. For a supreme and absolute power
cannot conclude itself, neither can that which is in nature revocable
be made fixt, no more than if a man should appoint or declare by his
will, that if he made any latter will, it should be void. And for the
case of the act of parliament, there is a notable precedent of it in king
Henry the VIII.'s time ; who doubting he might dye in the minority
of his son, procur'd an act to pass, * That no statute made during the
minority of the king should bind him or his successors, except it were
confirmed by the king under his great seal, at his full age.' But the
first act that passed in king Edward the VI.'s time, was an act of
repeal of that former act ; at which time nevertheless the king was
minor. But things that do not bind, may satisfie for the time.

There was also made a shearing or under-propping act for the
benevolence ; to make the sums which any person had agreed to pay,
and nevertheless were not brought in, to be leviable by course of law.
Which act did not only bring in the arrears, but did indeed countenance
the whole business, and was pretended to be made at the desire of
those that had been forward to pay.

This parliament also was made that good law, which gave the
attaint upon a false verdict between party and party, which before was a
kind of evangile, irremediable. It extends not to causes capital, as
well because they are for the most part at the king's suit ; as because
in them (if they be follow'd in course of indictment) there passeth a

348 LAWS ENACTED.— PERKIN VISITS IRELAND AND SCOTLAND.

double jury, the indictors, and the triers ; and so not twelve men, bul
four and twenty. But it seemeth that was not the only reason ; for
this reason holdeth not in the appeal. But the great reason was, lest
it should tend to the discouragement of jurors in cases of life and
death ; if they should be subject to suit and penalty, where the favour
of life maketh against them. It extendeth not also to any suit,
where the demand is under the value of forty pounds ; for that in such
cases of petty value, it would not quit the charge to go about again.

There was another lawmade against a branch of ingratitude in women,
who having been advanced by their husbands, or their husbands' ances-
tors, should alien, and thereby seek to defeat the heirs, or those
in remainder, of the lands, whereunto they had been so advanced. The
remedy was, by giving power to the next, to enter for a forfeiture.

There was also enacted that charitable law, for the admission of
poor suitors in forma pauperis, without fee to counsellor, attorney, or
clerk, whereby poor men became rather able to vex than unable to
sue. There were divers other good laws made that parliament, as we
said before. But we still observe our manner, in selecting out those,
that are not of a vulgar nature.

The king this while, tho' he sate in parliament, as in full peace, and
seem'd to account of the designs of Perkin (who was now return'd
into Flanders) but as a May-game ; yet having the composition of a
wise king (stout without, and apprehensive within) had given order
for the watching of beacons upon the coasts, and erecting more where
they stood too thin, and had a careful eye where this wandring cloud
would break. But Perkin advised to keep his fire (which hitherto
burn'd as it were upon green wood) alive, with continual blowing ;
sail'd again into Ireland, whence he had formerly departed, rather upon
the hopes of France, than upon any unreadiness or discouragement he
found in that people. But in the space of time between, the king's
diligence and Poyning's commission had so settled things there, as
there was nothing left for Perkin, but the blustring affection of wild
and naked people. Wherefore he was advis'd by his council, to seek
aid of the king of Scotland ; a prince young and valorous, and in good
terms with his nobles and people, and ill-affected to king Henry. At
this time also both Maximilian and Charles of France began to bear
no good will to the king. The one being displeased with the king's
prohibition of commerce with Flanders : the other holding the king
for suspect, in regard of his late entry into league with the Italians.
Wherefore besides the open aids of the duchess of Burgundy, which
did with sails and oars put on and advance Perkin's designs, there
wanted not some secret tides from Maximilian and Charles, which did
further his fortunes. Insomuch as they, both by their secret letters
arid messages, recommended him to the king of Scotland.

Perkin therefore coming into Scotland upon those hopes, with a

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 349

well appointed company, was by the king of Scots (being formerly
well prepared) honourably welcom'd and soon after his arrival ad-
mitted to his presence in a solemn manner. For the king received
him in state in his chamber of presence, accompany'd with divers of
his nobles. And Perkin well attended, as well with those that the
king had sent before him, as with his own train, entred the room where
the king was, and coming near to the king, and bowing a little to
embrace him, he retired some paces back, and with a loud voice (that all
that were present might hear him) made his declaration in this manner :
' High and mighty king, your grace, and these your nobles here
present, may be pleased benignly to bow your ears, to hear the tragedy
of a young man, that by right ought to hold in his hand the ball of a
kingdom ; but by fortune is made himself a ball, tossed from misery
to misery, and from place to place. You see here before you the
spectacle of a Plantagenet, who hath been carried from the nursery to
the sanctuary ; from the sanctuary to the direful prison ; from the
prison to the hand of the cruel tormentor ; and from that hand to the
wide wilderness (as I may call it), for so the world hath been to me.
So that he that is born to a great kingdom, hath not ground to set his
foot upon, more than this where he now standeth, by your princely
favour. Edward the fourth, late king of England (as your grace
cannot but have heard), left two sons ; Edward and Richard duke of
York, both very young. Edward the eldest, succeeded their father in
the crown, by the name of king Edward V. But Richard duke of
Gloucester, their unnatural uncle, first thirsting after the kingdom,
through ambition, and afterwards thirsting for their blood, out of
desire to secure himself, employed an instrument of his (confident to
him, as he thought) to murder them both. But this man that was
employ'd to execute that execrable tragedy, having cruelly slain king
Edward, the eldest of the two, was moved partly by remorse, and
partly by some other means, to save Richard his brother ; making a
report nevertheless to the tyrant, that he had perform'd his command-
ment for both brethren. This report was accordingly believ'd, and
publish'd generally. So that the world hath been possessed of an
opinion that they both were barbarously made away, tho' ever truth
hath some sparks that fly abroad until it appear in due time, as this
hath had. But Almighty God, that stoppeth the mouth of the lion,
and saved little Joas from the tyranny of Athaliah, when she massacred
the king's children ; and did save Isaac, when the hand was stretch'd
forth to sacrifice him, preserv'd the second brother. For I myself,
that stand here in your presence, am that very Richard duke of York,
brother of that unfortunate prince, king Edward V., now the most
rightful surviving heir-male to that victorious and most noble
Edward, of that name the fourth, late king of England. For the
manner of my escape, it is fit. it should pass in silence, or (at least) in

350 APPEAL OF PERKIN TO THE KING OF SCOTLAND.

a more secret relation : for that it may concern some alive, and the
memory of some that are dead. Let it suffice to think, that I had
then a mother living, a queen, and one that expected daily such a
commandment from the tyrant, for the murdering of her children.
Thus in my tender age escaping by God's mercy out of London, I
was secretly convey'd over sea. Where, after a time, the party
that had me in charge, (upon what new fears, change of mind, or
practice God knoweth) suddenly forsook me. Whereby I was
forced to wander abroad, and to seek mean conditions for the sus-
taining of my life. Wherefore distracted between several passions,
the one of fear to be known, lest the tyrant should have a new at-
tempt upon me ; the other of grief and disdain to be unknown, and
to live in that base and servile manner that I did ; I resolved with
myself to expect the tyrant's death, and then to put my self into
my sister's hands, who was next heir to the crown. But in this
season, it happened one Henry Tudder, son to Edmond Tudder,
earl of Richmond, to come from France and enter into the realm,
and by subtle and foul means to obtain the crown of the same,
which to me rightfully appertain'd. So that it was but a change
from tyrant to tyrant. This Henry, my extream and mortal enemy,
so soon as he had knowledge of my being alive, imagined and
wrought all the subtle ways and means he could, to procure my final
destruction. For my mortal enemy hath not only falsely surmised me
to be a feign'd person, giving me nick-names, so abusing the world ;
but also to defer and put me from entry into England, hath offer'd
large sums of money, to corrupt the princes and their ministers, with
whom I have been retained ; and made importune labours to certain
servants about my person, to murder or poison me, and others to for-
sake and leave my righteous quarrel and to depart from my service ;
as sir Robert Clifford, and others. So that every man of reason may
well perceive that Henry, calling himself king of England, needed not
to have bestow'd such great sums of treasure, nor so to have busy'd
himself with importune and incessant labour and industry, to com-
pass my death and ruin, if I had been such a feign'd person. But
the truth of my cause being so manifest, moved the most Christian
king Charles and the lady duchess dowager of Burgundy, my most
dear aunt, not only to acknowledge the truth thereof, but lovingly to
assist me. But it seemeth that God above (for the good of this whole
island, and the knitting of these two kingdoms of England and Scot-
land in a strait concord and amity, by so great an obligation) had
reserv'd the placing of me in the imperial throne of England, for the
arms and succours of your grace. Neither is it the first time that a
king of Scotland hath supported them that were bereft and spoiled of
the kingdom of England ; as of late (in fresh memory) it was done
in the person of Henry VI. Wherefore for that your grace hath

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 351

given clear signs, that you are in no noble quality inferiour to your
royal ancestors ; I, so distressed a prince, was hereby moved to
come and put my self in your royal hands, desiring your assistance
to recover my kingdom of England ; promising faithfully to bear my
self towards your grace no otherwise, than if I were your own natural
brother, and will upon the recovery of mine inheritance, gratefully do
you all the pleasure that is in my utmost power.'

After Perkin had told his tale, king James answered bravely and
wisely, ' That whatsoever he were he should not repent him of put-
ting himself into his hands.' And from that time forth, tho' there
wanted not some about him, that would have persuaded him, that all
was but an illusion ; yet notwithstanding, either taken by Perkin's
amiable and alluring behaviour, or inclining to the recommendation
of the great princes abroad, or willing to take an occasion of a war
against king Henry, he entertain' d him in all things, as became the
person of Richard duke of York ; embraced his quarrel : and (the
more to put it out of doubt, that he took him to be a great prince,
and not a representation only) he gave consent, that this duke
should take to wife the lady Katharine Gordon, daughter to the earl
of Huntley, being a near kinswoman to the king himself, and a
young virgin of excellent beauty and vertue.

Not long after,1 the king of Scots in person, with Perkin in his
company, entred with a great army (though it consisted chiefly
of borderers, being raised somewhat suddenly) into Northumberland.
And Perkin, for a perfume before him as he went, caused to be pub-
lish'd a proclamation of this tenor following, in the name of Richard
duke of York, true inheritor of the crown of England.

* It hath pleased God, who putteth down the mighty from their seat,
and exalteth the humble, and suffereth not the hopes of the just to
perish in the end, to give us means at the length, to show ourselves
armed unto our lieges and people of England. But far be it from us,
to intend their hurt and damage, or to make war upon them, other-
wise than to deliver our self and them from tyranny and oppression.
For our mortal enemy Henry Tudder, a false usurper of the crown of
England, (which to us by natural and lineal right appertaineth)
knowing in his own heart our undoubted right, (we being the very
Richard duke of York, younger son, and now surviving heir-male of
the noble and victorious Edward IV. late king of England) hath not
only deprived us of our kingdom, but likewise by all foul and wicked
means sought to betray us, and bereave us of our life. Yet if his
tyranny only extended it self to our person (altho' our royal blood
teacheth us to be sensible of injuries) it should be less to our grief. But
this Tudder, who boasteth himself to have overthrown a tyrant, hath

1 Maximilian the emperor, Charles the Eighth, king of France, and Margaret, duchess of
Burgundy, wrote to the Scots king in favour of this counterfeit. — Sir J, W. cap. 9.

352 PROCLAMATION OF PERKIN WHEN TAKEN INTO ENGLAND.

ever since his first entrance into his usurped reign, put little in
practice but tyranny and the feats thereof.

' For king Richard, our unnatural uncle, altho' desire of rule did bind
him, yet in his other actions (like a true Plantagenet) was noble, and
lov'd the honour of the realm, and the contentment and comfort
of his nobles and people. But this our mortal enemy (agreeable to
the meanness of his birth) hath trodden under foot the honour of this
nation ; selling our best confederates for money, and making mer-
chandize of the blood, estates, and fortunes of our peers and subjects,
by feigned wars and dishonourable peace, only to enrich his coffers.
Nor unlike hath been his hateful misgovernment, and evil deport-
ments at home. First, he hath (to fortify his false quarrel) caused
divers nobles of this our realm (whom he held suspect, and stood in
dread of) to be cruelly murder'd ; as our cousin sir William Stanley
lord chamberlain, sir Simon Mountfort, sir Robert Ratcliffe, William
Dawbeney, Humphry Stafford, and many others, besides such as have
dearly bought their lives with intolerable ransoms. Some of which
nobles are now in the sanctuary. Also he hath long kept, and yet
keepeth in prison, our right entirely well-beloved cousin Edward, son
and heir to our uncle duke of Clarence, and others ; with-holding
from them their rightful inheritance, to the intent they should never
be of might and power to aid us and assist us at our need, after the
duty of their liegances. He also married by compulsion certain of
our sisters, and also the sister of our said cousin the earl of
Warwick, and divers other ladies of the royal blood, to certain of
his kinsmen and friends of simple and low degree ; and putting apart
all well-disposed nobles, he hath none in favour and trust about his
person, but bishop Fox, Smith, Bray, Lovel, Oliver King, David
Owen, Riseley, Turbervile, Tiler, Cholmley, Empson, James Hobart,
John Cut, Garth, Henry Wyat, and such other caitiffs and villains of
birth, which by subtle inventions and pilling of the people, have
been the principal finders, occasioners, and counsellors of the mis-
rule and mischief now reigning in England.

'We remembring these premisses, with the great and execrable
offences daily committed, and done by our foresaid great enemy, and
his adherents, in breaking the liberties and franchises of our mother
the holy church, upon pretences of wicked and heathenish policy, to
the high displeasure of Almighty God ; besides the manifold treasons,
abominable murders, manslaughters, robberies, extortions, the daily-
pilling of the people, by dismes, taxes, tallages, benevolences, and
other unlawful impositions, and grievous exactions, with many other
heinous effects, to the likely destruction and desolation of the
whole realm : shall by God's grace, and the help and assistance of
the great lords of our blood, with the counsel of other said persons,
see that the commodities of our realm be employ'd to the most ad-

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 353

-rantage of the same ; the entercourse of merchandize betwixt realm
and realm, to be ministred and handled, as shall more be to the
common-weal and prosperity of our subjects ; and all such dismes,
taxes, tallages, benevolences, unlawful impositions, and grievous
exactions, as be above rehearsed, to be fore-done and laid apart,
and never from henceforth to be called upon, but in such cases as
our noble progenitors, kings of England, have of old time been
accustom'd to have the aid, succour, and help of their subjects and
their true liege-men.

' And further, we do out of our grace and clemency, hereby as
well publish and promise to all our subjects remission and free
pardon of all by-past offences whatsoever, against our person, or
estate, in adhering to our said enemy, by whom (we know well)
they have been mis-led, if they shall within time convenient sub-
mit themselves unto us. And for such as shall come with the
foremost, to assist our righteous quarrel, we shall make them so
far partakers of our princely favour and bounty, as shall be highly
for the comfort of them and theirs, both during their life, and after
their death. As also we shall by all means, which God shall put
into our hands, demean ourselves to give royal contentment to all
degrees and estates of our people, maintaining the liberties of holy
church in their entire, preserving the honours, privileges, and pre-
eminences of our nobles from contempt or disparagement, accord-
ing to the dignity of their blood. We shall also unyoak our people
from all heavy burthens and endurances, and confirm our cities,
boroughs, and towns, in their charters and freedoms, with inlarge-
ment, where it shall be deserv'd ; and in all points give our subjects
cause to think, that the blessed and debonaire government of our
noble father king Edward (in his last times) is in us revived.

'And for as much as the putting to death, or taking alive of our
said mortal enemy, may be a means to stay much effusion of blood,
which otherwise may ensue, if by compulsion or fair promises, he shall
draw after him any number of our subjects to resist us ; which we
desire to avoid (though we be certainly informed that our said
enemy is purposed and prepared to fly the land, having already made
over great masses of the treasure of our crown, the better to support
him in foreign parts) we do hereby declare, that whosoever shall take
or distress our said enemy (though the party be of never so mean a
condition) he shall be rewarded with a thousand pound in money,
forthwith to be laid down to him, and an hundred marks by the year
of inheritance : besides that he may otherwise merit, both towards
God and all good people, for the destruction of such a tyrant.

' Lastly, we do all men to wit, and herein we take also God to
witness, that whereas God hath moved the heart of our dearest
cousin, the king of Scotland, to aid us in person, in this our

23

354 INVASION OF ENGLAND. — MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.

righteous quarrel ; it is altogether without any pact or promise, or
so much as demand of any thing, that may prejudice our crown
or subjects : but contrariwise with promise on our said cousin's part,,
that whensoever he shall find us in sufficient strength to get the upper
hand of our enemy (which we hope will be very suddenly) he will
forthwith peaceably return into his own kingdom ; contenting him-
self with only the glory of so honourable an enterprise, and our true
and faithful love and amity. Which we shall ever (by the grace of
Almighty God) so order, as shall be to the great comfort of both
our kingdoms.

But Perkin's proclamation did little edifie with the people of Eng-
land ; neither was he the better welcome for the company he came in.
Wherefore the king of Scotland seeing none came into Perkin, nor
none stirred any where in his favour, turned his enterprise into a raid ;
and wasted and destroyed the county of Northumberland with fire
and sword. But hearing that there were forces coming against him,
and not willing that they should find his men heavy and laden with
booty, he returned into Scotland with great spoils, deferring further
prosecution, till another time. It is said that Perkin acting the
part of a prince handsomly, when he saw the Scottish fell to wast the
country, came to the king in a passionate manner, making great
lamentation, and desir'd, that that might not be the manner of making
the war ; for that no crown was so dear to his mind, as that he
desired to purchase it with the blood and ruin of his country. Where-
unto the king answered half in sport : that he doubted much, he was
careful for that that was none of his, and that he should be too good
a steward for his enemy, to save the country to his use.

By this time, being the eleventh year of the king, the interruption
of trade between the English and the Flemmish, began to pinch the
merchants of both nations very sore. Which moved them, by all
means they could devise, to affect and dispose their sovereigns re-
spectively, to open the entercourse again. Wherein, time favoured
them. For the arch-duke and his council began to see, that Perkin
would prove but a runnagate, and citizen of the world ; and that it
was the part of children to fall out about babies. And the king on
his part, after the attempts upon Kent and Northumberland, began to
have the business of Perkin in less estimation ; so as he did not put
it to account, in any consultation of state. But that that moved him
most, was, that being a king that loved wealth and treasure, he could
not endure to have trade sick, nor any obstruction to continue in the
gate-vein, which dispersed that blood. And yet he kept state so far,
as first to be sought unto. Wherein the merchant-adventurers likewise
(being a strong company at that time, and well underset with rich
men, and good order), did hold out bravely ; taking off the com-
modities of the kingdom, though they lay dead upon their hands for

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 355

want of vent. At the last, commissioners met at London, to treat On
the king's part ; bishop Fox lord privy-seal, viscount Wells, Kendal
prior of saint John, Warham master of the rolls, who began to gain
much upon the king's opinion ; Urswick, who was almost ever one ;
and Riseley. On the arch-duke's part, the lord Bevers his admiral,
the lord Verunsel president of Flanders, and others. These concluded
a perfect treaty, both of amity and intercourse, between the king and
the arch-duke ; containing articles both of state, commerce, and free-
fishing. This is that treaty, which the Flemmings call at this day,
Intercursus Magnus j both because it is more compleat, than the pre-
cedent treaties, of the third and fourth years of the king ; and chiefly
to give it a difference from the treaty that followed in the one and
twentieth year of the king ; which they call Intercursus Malus. In
this treaty, there was an express article against the reception of the
rebels of either prince by other ; purporting, that if any such rebel
should be required by the prince whose rebel he was, of the prince
confederate, that forthwith the prince confederate should by proclama-
tion command him to avoid the country. Which if he did not within
fifteen days, the rebel was to stand proscrib'd, and put out of pro-
tection. But nevertheless in this article, Perkin was not named,
neither perhaps contained, because he was no rebel. But by this
means his wings were dipt of his followers, that were English. And
it was expresly comprised in the treaty, that it should extend to the
territories of the duchess dowager. After the intercourse thus re-
stored, the English merchants came again to their mansion at
Antwerp, where they were received with procession and great joy.

The winter following, being the twelfth year of his reign, the king
called again his parliament : where he did much exaggerate both the
malice, and cruel predatory war lately made by the king of Scotland ;
that that king, being in amity with him, and no ways provok'd, should
so burn in hatred towards him, as to drink of the lees and dregs of
Perkin's intoxication, who was every where else detected and dis-
carded : and that when he perceived it was out of his reach, to do
the king any hurt, he had turned his arms upon unarmed and unpro-
vided people to spoil only and depopulate, contrary to the laws both
of war and peace : concluding, that he could neither with honour, nor
with the safety of his people, to whom he did owe protection, let pass
these wrongs unrevenged. The parliament understood him well, and
gave him a subsidy, limited to the sum of one hundred and twenty
thousand pounds, besides two fifteens. For his wars were always to
him as a mine of treasure, of a strange kind of ore ; iron at the top,
and gold and silver at the bottom. At this parliament (for that there
had been so much time spent in making laws the year before, and for
that it was called purposely in respect of the Scottish war) there were
no laws made to be remembered. Only there passed a law at the

356 THE MINERS OF CORNWALL REFUSE TO PAY WAR TAXES.

suit of the merchant-adventurers of England, against the merchant-
adventurers of London, for monopolizing and exacting upon the trade:
which it seemeth they did, a little to save themselves, after the hard
time they had sustained by want of trade. But those innovations
were taken away by parliament.

But it was fatal to the king, to fight for his money. And though
he avoided to fight with enemies abroad, yet he was still enforced to
fight for it with rebels at home. For no sooner began the subsidy to
be levied in Cornwall, but the people there began to grudge and
murmur. The Cornish being a race of men, stout of stomach, mighty
of body and limb, and that lived hardly in a barren country, and many
of them could (for a need) live under ground, that were tinners ; they
muttered extreamly, that it was a thing not to be suffered, that for a
little stir of the Scots, soon blown over, they should be thus grinded
to powder with payments : and said, it was for them to pay, that had
too much, and lived idly. But they would eat the bread they got
with the sweat of their brows, and no man should take it from them.
And as in the tides of people once up, there want not commonly
stirring winds to make them more rough : so this people did light
upon two ringleaders, or captains of the rout. The one was Michael
Joseph, a blacksmith or farrier of Bodmin ; a notable talking fellow,
and no less desirous to be talked of. The other was Thomas Flam-
moch, a lawyer ; who by telling his neighbours commonly upon any
occasion, that the law was on their side, had gotten great sway
amongst them. This man talked learnedly, and as if he could tell
how to make a rebellion, and never break the peace. He told the
people, that subsidies were not to be granted, nor levied in this case ;
that is, for wars of Scotland (for that the law had provided another
course, by service of escuage, for those journeys) much less when all
was quiet, and war was made but a pretence to poll and pill the
people : and therefore that it was good they should not stand now like
sheep before the shearers, but put on harness, and take weapons in
their hands : yet to do no creature hurt ; but go and deliver the
king a strong petition, for the laying down of those grievous pay-
ments, and for the punishment of those that had given him that
counsel, to make others beware how they did the like in time to come:
and said, for his part he did not see how they could do the duty of
true Englishmen, and good liege men, except they did deliver the king
from such wicked ones that would destroy both him and the country.
Their aim was at archbishop Moreton, and sir Reginald Bray, who
were the king's skreens in this envy.

After that these two, Flammock and the blacksmith, had by joint
and several pratings found tokens of consent in the multitude, they
offer'd themselves to lead them, until they should hear of better men
to be their leaders ; which they said would be e'er long : telling them

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 357

further, that they would be but their servants, and first in every
danger ; but doubted not but -to make both the west end and the east
end of England to meet in so good a quarrel ; and that all (rightly
understood) was but for the king's service. The .people, upon these
seditious instigations, did arm (most of them with bows and arrows,
and bills, and such other weapons of rude and country people), and
forthwith under the command of their leaders (which in such cases is
ever at pleasure), march'd out of Cornwall, thro' Devonshire, and
Taunton in Somersetshire, without any slaughter, violence, or spoil
of the country. At Taunton they killed, in fury, an officious and eager
commissioner for the subsidy, whom they called the provost of Perin.
Thence they marched to Wells ; where the lord Audley (with whom
their leaders had, before, some secret intelligence), a nobleman of an
ancient family, but unquiet and popular, and aspiring to ruin, came
in to them, and was by them (with great gladness and cries of joy)
accepted as their general ; they being now proud, that they were led
by a nobleman. The lord Audley led them on from Wells to Salis-
bury, and from Salisbury to Winchester. Thence the foolish people,
who (in effect) led their leaders, had a mind to be led into Kent ;
fancying, that the people there would joyn with them, contrary to all
reason or judgment ; considering the Kentish men had shewed great
loyalty and affection to the king so lately before. But the rude people
had heard Flammock say, that Kent was never conquer'd, and that
they were the freest people of England. And upon these vain noises,
they look'd for great matters at their hands, in a cause which they
conceited to be for the liberty of the subject. But when they were
come into Kent, the country was so well settled, both by the king's late
kind usage towards them, and by the credit and power of the earl of
Kent, the lord Abergavenny, and the lord Cobham, as neither gentle-
man nor yeoman came in to their aid ; which did much damp and
dismay many of the simpler sort : insomuch as divers of them did
secretly fly from the army, and went home. But the sturdier sort, and
those that were most engaged, stood by it, and rather waxed proud,
than fail'd in hopes and courage. For as it did somewhat appal/
them, that the people came not in to them ; so it did no less encourage
them, that the king's forces had not set upon them, having march'd
from the west unto the east of England. Wherefore they kept on
their way, and encamp'd upon Blackheath, between Greenwich and
Eltham ; threatning either to bid battle to the king (for now the seas
went higher than to Moreton and Braie), or to take London within
his view ; imagining within themselves, there to find no less fear than
wealth.

But to return to the king. When first he heard of this commotion
of the Cornishmen, occasioned by the subsidy, he was much troubled
therewith : not for itself, but in regard of the concurrence of other

3$8 REBELS ENCAMPED ON BLACKHEATH.— POLICY OF HENRY.

dangers, that did hang over him at that time. For he doubted lest a
war from Scotland, a rebellion from Cornwall, and the practices and
conspiracies of Perkin and his partakers, would come upon him at
once ; knowing well, that it was a dangerous triplicity to a monarchy,
to have the arms of a foreigner, the discontents of subjects, and the
title of a pretender, to meet. Nevertheless, the occasion took him in
some part well provided. For as soon as the parliament had broken up,
the king had presently raised a puissant army, to war upon Scotland.
And king James of Scotland likewise, on his part, had made great
preparations either for defence, or for new assailing of England. But
as for the king's forces, they were not only in preparation, but in readi-
ness presently to set forth, under the conduct of Dawbeney, the lord
chamberlain. But as soon as the king understood of the rebellion of
Cornwall, he stayed those forces, retaining them for his own service
and safety. But therewithal he dispatch'd the earl of Surrey into the
north, for the defence and strength of those parts, in case the Scots
should stir. But for the course he held towards the rebels, it was
utterly differing from his former custom and practice ; which was
ever full of forwardness and celerity, to make head against them, or
to set upon them as soon as ever they were in action. This he was
wont to do. But now, besides that he was attemper'd by years, and
less in love with dangers, by the continued fruition of a crown, it was
a time when the various appearance to his thoughts of perils of several
natures, and from divers parts, did make him judge it his best and
surest way to keep his strength together, in the seat and centre of his
kingdom ; according to the ancient Indian emblem, in such a swelling
season, to hold the hand upon the middle of the bladder, that no side
might rise. Besides, there was no necessity put upon him, to alter
this counsel. For neither did the rebels spoil the country ; in which
case it had been dishonour to abandon his people : neither on the
other side, did their forces gather or increase, which might hasten him
to precipitate and assail them, before they grew too strong. And
lastly, both reason of estate and war seem'd to agree with this course :
for that insurrections of base people are commonly more furious in
their beginnings. And by this means also he had them the more at
vantage, being tired and harrassed with a long inarch ; and more at
mercy, being cut off far from their country, and therefore not able by
any sudden flight to get to retreat, and to renew the troubles.

When therefore the rebels were encamped on Blackheath, upon the
hill, whence they might behold the city of London, and the fair valley
about it ; the king knowing well, that it stood him upon, by how
much the more he had hitherto protracted the time in not encountring
them, by so much the sooner to dispatch with them, that it might
appear to have been no coldness in foreslowing, but wisdom in chusing
his time, resolved with all speed to assail them, and yet with that

LORD VF^ULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 359

providence and surety, as should leave little to venture or fortune.
And having very great and puissant forces about him, the better to
master all events and accidents, he divided them into three parts.
The first was led by the earl of Oxford in chief, assisted by the earls
of Essex and Suffolk. These noblemen were appointed, with some
cornets of horse, and bands of foot, and good store of artillery wheel-
ing about, to put themselves beyond the hill, where the rebels were
encamped ; and to beset all the skirts and descents thereof, except
those that lay towards London ; whereby to have these wild beasts
(as it were) in a toil. The second part of his forces (which were those
that were to be most in action, and upon which l^relied most for the
fortune of the day) he did assign to be led by the lord chamberlain,
who was appointed to set upon the rebels in front; from that side
which is toward London. The third part of his forces (being likewise
great and brave forces) he retained about himself, to be ready upon
all events, to restore the fight, or consummate the victory : and mean-
while to secure the city. And for that purpose he encamped in
person in St. George's fields, putting himself between the city and
the rebels. But the city of London (especially at the first) upon the
near encamping of the rebels, was in great tumult : as it useth to be
•with wealthy and populous cities (especially those, which, for great-
ness and fortune, are queens of their regions) who seldom see out of
their windows, or from their towers, an army of enemies. But that
which troubled them most, was the conceit, that they dealt with a rout
of people with whom there was no composition or condition, or
orderly treating, if need were ; but likely to be bent altogether upon
rapin and spoil. And although they had heard, that the rebels had
behaved themselves quietly and modestly, by the way as they went,
yet they doubted much that would not last, but rather made them
more hungry, and more in appetite, to fall upon spoil in the end.
Wherefore there was great running to and fro of people, some to the
gates, some to the walls, some to the water side ; giving themselves
alarms and panic fears continually. Nevertheless, both Tate the lord
mayor, and Shaw and Haddon the sheriffs, did their parts stoutly and
well, in arming and ordering the people. And the king likewise did
adjoin some captains of experience in the wars, to advise and assist
the citizens. But soon after, when they understood that the king had
so ordered the matter, that the rebels must win three battles, before
they could approach the city, and that he had put his own person be-
tween the rebels and them, and that the great care was rather how to
impound the rebels, that none of them might escape, than that any
doubt was made to vanquish them ; they grew to be quiet and out of
fear. The rather, for the confidence they reposed (which was not
small) in the three leaders Oxford, Essex, and Dawbeny, all men
famed and loved amongst the people. As for Jasper duke of Bedford,

360 TOTAL DEFEAT OF THE REBELS. — THE CORNISH BOWMEN.

whom the king used to employ with the first in his wars, he was then
sick, and died soon after.

It was the two and twentieth of June, and a Saturday (which was
the day of the week the king fancied) when the battle was fought j
though the king had, by all the art he could devise, given out a false
day. as if he prepared to give the rebels battle on the Monday follow-
ing, the better to find them unprovided, and in disarray. The lords
that were appointed to circle the hill, had some days before planted
themselves (as at the receipt) in places convenient. In the afternoon,
towards the decline of the day, (which was done the better to keep
the rebels in opinion that they should not fight that day) the lord
Dawbeny marched on towards them, and first beat some troops of
them from Deptford -bridge, where they fought manfully ; but being
in no great number were soon driven back, and fled up to their main
army upon the hill. The army at that time hearing of the approach
of the king's forces, were putting themselves in array, not without
much confusion. But neither had they placed upon the first high
ground towards the bridge any forces to second the troops below, that
kept the bridge ; neither had they brought forwards their main battle
(which stood in array far into the heath) near to the assent of the hill.
So that the earl with his forces mounted the hill, and recovered the
plain without resistance. The lord Dawbeny charged them with great
fury ; insomuch, as it had like (by accident) to have brandled the
fortune of the day. For, by inconsistent forwardness in fighting in the
head of his troops, he was taken by the rebels, but immediately
rescued and delivered. The rebels maintained the fight for a small
time, and for their persons shewed no want of courage ; but being ill
armed, and ill led, and without horse and artillery, they were with no
great difficulty cut in pieces, and put to flight. And for their three
leaders, the lord Audley, the Blacksmith and Flammock, (as commonly
the captains of commotions are but half-couraged men) suffered them-
selves to be taken alive. The number slain on the rebels part were
some two thousand men ; their army amounting (as it is said) unto
the number of sixteen thousand. The rest were (in effect) all taken ;
for that the hill, as was said, was encompassed with the king's forces
round about. Qn the king's part there died about three hundred ;
most of them shot with arrows which were reported to be about the
length of a taylor's yard : so strong and mighty a bow the Cornish
men were said to draw.

The victory thus obtained, the king created divers bannerets, as
well upon Blackheath, where his lieutenant had won the field,
(whither he rode in person to perform the said creation) as in St»
George's fields, where his own person had been encamped. And for
matter of liberality, he did (by open edict) give the goods of all the
prisoners unto those that had taken them ; either to take them in

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 361

kind, or compound for them as they could. After matter of honour
and liberality, followed matter of severity and execution. The lord
Audley was led from Newgate to Tower-Hill, in a paper coat painted
with his own arms ; the arms reversed, and the coat torn, and he at
Tower-Hill beheaded. Flammock and the blacksmith were hanged,
drawn, and quartered at Tyburn ; the blacksmith taking pleasure
upon the hurdle (as it seemeth by words that he uttered) to think
that he should be famous in after-times. The king was once in
mind to have sent down Flammock and the blacksmith to have
been executed in Cornwall, for the more terror ; but being adver-
tised, that the country was yet unquiet and boiling, he thought
better not to irritate the people further. All the rest were pardoned
by proclamation, and to take out their pardons under seal, as many
as would. So that, more than the blood drawn in the field, the king
did satisfy himself with the lives of only three offenders, for the expia-
tion of this great rebellion.

It was a strange thing, to observe the variety and inequality of
the king's executions and pardons. And a man would think it, at
the first, a kind of lottery or chance. But, looking into it more
nearly, one shall find there was reason for it : much more perhaps,
than (after so long a distance of time,) we can now discern. In the
Kentish commotion (which was but a handful of men) there were ex-
ecuted to the number of one hundred and fifty ; and, in this so mighty
a rebellion, but three ; whether it were, that the king put to accompt
the men that were slain in the field : or that he was not willing to be
severe in a popular cause. ; or that the harmless behaviour of this
people (that came from the west of England, to the east, without mis-
chief almost, or spoil of the country) did somewhat mollify him, and
move him to compassion ; or lastly, that he made a great difference
between people, that did rebel upon wantonness, and them that did
rebel upon want.

After the Cornish men were defeated, there came from Calice to
the king, an honourable ambassage from the French king, which had
arrived at Calice a month before, and there was stayed in respect of
the troubles ; but honourably entertained and defrayed.

The king, at their first coming, sent unto them, and prayed them to
have patience, till a little smoak, that was raised in his country, were
over ; which would soon be : slighting (as his manner was) that
openly, which nevertheless he intended seriously.

This ambassage concerned no great affair ; but only the prolonga-
tion of days for payment of monies, and some other particulars of the
frontiers. And it was (indeed) but a wooing ambassage ; with good
respects to entertain the king in good affection: but nothing was
done or handled, to the derogation of the king's late treaty with the
Italian princes.

362 THE SCOTTISH INROAD.— THE SPANISH PRINCESS.

But, during that time that the Cornish men were in their march
towards London, the king of Scotland (well advertised of all that
passed, and knowing himself sure of war from England, whensoever
those stirs were appeased) neglected not his opportunity ; but thinking
the king had his hands full, enterd the frontiers of England again
with an army, and besieged the castle of Norham in person, with part
of his forces, sending the rest to forragethe country. But Fox, bishop
of Duresme (a wise man, and one that could see through the present,
to the future) doubting as much before, had caused his castle of Nor-
ham to be strongly fortified and furnished, with all kind of munition :
and had mann'd it likewise with a very great number of tall soldiers, more
than for the proportion of the castle ; reckoning rather upon a sharp
assault, than a long siege. And for the country likewise, he had
caused the people to withdraw their cattle and goods into fast places,
that were not of easie approach ; and sent in post to the earl of Surrey
(who was not far off in Yorkshire) to come in diligence to the succour.
So as the Scottish king both failed of doing good upon the castle, and
his men had but a catching harvest of their spoils. And when he
understood that the earl of Surrey was coming on with great forces,
he returned back into Scotland. The earl finding the castle freed, and
the enemies retired, pursued with all celerity into Scotland ; hoping
to have overtaken the Scottish king, and to have given him battle ;
but not attaining him in time, sat down before the castle of Aton (one
of the strongest places then esteemed, between Berwick and Eden-
burgh) which in a small time he took. And soon after, the Scottish
king retiring further into his country, and the weather being extraor-
dinary foul and stormy, the earl of Surrey returned into England. So
that the expeditions on both parts were (in effect) but a castle taken,
and a castle distressed ; not answerable to the puissance of the
forces, nor to the heat of the quarrel, nor to the greatness of the
expectation.

Amongst these troubles both civil and external, came into England
from Spain Peter Hialas, some call him Elias (surely he was the fore-
runner of the good hap, that we enjoy at this day. For, his ambassage
set the truce between England and Scotland ; the truce drew on the
peace ; the peace the marriage ; and the marriage the union of the
kingdoms) a man of great wisdom, and (as those times were) not un-
learned ; sent from Ferdinando and Isabella kings of Spain unto the
king, to treat a marriage between Katherine their second daughter,
and prince Arthur. This treaty was by him set in a very good
way, and almost brought to perfection. But it so fell out by the
way, that upon some conference which he had with the king
touching this business, the king (who had a great dexterity in getting
suddenly into the bosom of ambassadors of foreign princes, if he
liked them ; insomuch as he would many times communicate with

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 363

them of his own affairs, yea and employ them in his service) fell into
speech and discourse incidently, concerning the ending of the debates
and differences with Scotland. For the king naturally did not love
the barren wars with Scotland, though he made his pro'fit of the noise
of them. And he wanted not in the council of Scotland, those that
would advise their king to meet him at the half way. and to give over
the war with England ; pretending to be good patriots, but indeed
favouring the affairs of the king. Only his heart was too great to begin
with Scotland for the motion of peace. On the other side, he had met
with an ally of Ferdinando of Arragon, as fit for his turn as could be.
For after that king Ferdinando had, upon assured confidence of the
marriage to succeed, taken upon him the person of a fraternal allie to
the king, he would not let (in a Spanish gravity) to counsel the king
in his own affairs. And the king on his part not being wanting to
himself, but making use of every man's humours, made his advantage
of this in such things as he thought either not decent, or not pleasant
to proceed from himself ; putting them off as done by the council of
Ferdinando. Wherefore he was content that Hialas (as in a matter
moved and advised from Hialas himself) should go into Scotland, to
treat of a concord between the two kings. Hialas took it upon him :
and coming to the Scottish king, after he had with much art brought
king James to hearken to the more safe and quiet counsels, wrote
unto the king, that he hoped that peace would with no great difficulty
cement and close, if he would send some wise and temperate counsellor
of his own, that might treat of the conditions. Whereupon the king
directed bishop Fox (who at that time was at his castle of Norham)
to confer with Hialas, and they both to treat with some commissioners
deputed from the Scottish king. The commissioners on both sides
met. But after much dispute upon the articles and conditions
of peace, propounded upon either part, they could not conclude
a peace. The chief impediment thereof was the demand of the
king to have Perkin delivered into his hands, as a reproach to
all kings, and a person not protected by the law of nations.
The king of Scotland on the other side peremptorily denied so
to do ; saying, that he (for his part) was no competent judge
of Perkin's title : but that he had received him as a suppliant, pro-
tected him as a person fled for refuge, espoused him with his kins-
woman, and aided him with his arms, upon the belief that he was a
prince ; and therefore that he could not now with his honour so
unrip and (in a sort) put a lye upon all that he had said and done
before, as to deliver him up to his enemies. The bishop likewise
(who had certain proud instructions from the king, at the least in the
front, tho' there were a pliant cause at the foot, that remitted all to
the bishop's discretion, and requir'd him by no means to break off
in ill terms) after that he had failed to obtain the delivery of Perkin,

364 THE KING OF SCOTLAND AND PERKIN THE PRETENDER.

did move a second point of his instructions : which was, that the
Scottish king would give the king an enterview in person at New-
castle. But this being reported to the Scottish king, his answer was,
' That he meant to treat a peace, and not to go a begging for it.' The
bishop also (according to another article of his instructions) demanded
restitution of the spoils taken by the Scottish, or damages for the
same. But the Scottish commissioners answered, ' That it was but as
water spilt upon the ground, which could not be gotten up again ; and
that the king's people were better able to bear the loss, than their
master able to repair it.' But in the end (as persons capable of reason)
on both sides they made rather a kind of recess, than a breach of
treaty, and concluded upon a truce for some months following.
But the king of Scotland, tho' he would not formally retract his
judgment of Perkin, wherein he had engaged himself so far ; yet in
his private opinion, upon often speech with the Englishmen, and
divers other advertisements, began to suspect him for a counterfeit.
Wherefore in a noble fashion he call'd him unto him, and recounted
the benefits and favours that he had done him, in making him his ally,
and in provoking a mighty and opulent king by an offensive war in
his quarrel, for the space of two years together. Nay more, that he
had refused an honourable peace, whereof he had a fair offer, if he
would have deliver'd him ; and that to keep his promise with him, he
had deeply offended both his nobles and people, whom he might not
hold in any long discontent. And therefore requir'd him to think of
his own fortunes, and to choose out some fitter place for his exile :
telling him withal, that he could not say, but the English had forsaken
him before the Scottish ; for that upon two several trials, none had
declar'd themselves on his side. But nevertheless he would make
good what he said to him at his first receiving; which was, 'That he
should not repent him, for putting himself into his hands ;' for that he
would not cast him him off, but help him with shipping and means to
transport him where he should desire. Perkin, not descending at all
from his stage-like greatness, answered the king in few words, ' That
he saw his time was not yet come ; but whatsoever his fortunes were,
he should both think and speak honour of the king.' Taking his
leave, he would not think on Flanders, doubting it was but hollow
ground for him, since the treaty of the arch-duke concluded the year
before ; but took his lady, and such followers as would not leave him,
and sail'd over into Ireland.

This twelfth year of the king, a little before this time, pope Alex-
ander (who loved best those princes that were furthest off, and with
whom he had least to do) taking very thankfully the king's late en-
trance into league for the defence of Italy, did remunerate him with
an hallo w'd sword, and cap of maintenance sent by his nuncio. Pope
Innocent had done the like, but it was not received in that glory.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 365

For the king appointed the mayor and his brethren to meet the pope's
orator at London-Bridge, and all the streets between the bridge-foot
and the palace of Paul's (where the king then lay) were garnish'd with
the citizens, standing in their liveries. And the morrow after (being
All-Hallow's day) the king, attended with many of his prelates,
nobles, and principal courtiers, went in procession to Paul's, and the
cap and sword were born before him. And after the procession, the
king himself remaining seated in the quire, the lord archbishop upon
the Greece of the quire, made a long oration, setting forth the
greatness and eminency of that honour, which the pope (in these
ornaments and ensigns of benediction) had done the king ; and
how rarely, and upon what high deserts they used to be bestowed.
And then recited the king's principal acts and merits, which had
made him appear worthy in the eyes of his holiness the pope of
this great honour.

All this while the rebellion of Cornwall (whereof we have spoken)
seem'd to have no relation to Perkin ; save that perhaps Perkin's
proclamation had stricken upon the right vein, in promising to lay
down exactions and payments, and so had made them now and then
have a kind thought on Perkin. But now these bubbles by much
stirring began to meet, as they use to do upon the top of water. The
king's lenity (by that time the Cornish rebels, who were taken and
pardon'd, and (as it was said) many of them sold by them that had
taken them, for twelve-pence and two shillings apiece, were come
down into their country) had rather imbolden'd them, than reclaim'd
them. Insomuch, as they stuck not to say to their neighbours and
countrymen, ' That the king did well to pardon them, for that he knew
he should leave few subjects in England, if he hang'd all that
were of their mind :' and began whetting and inciting one another
to renew the commotion. Some of the subtillest of them, hearing
of Perkin's being in Ireland,1 found means to send to him to
let him know, that if he would come over to them, they would
serve him.

When Perkin heard this news, he began to take heart again, and
advis'd upon it with his council which were principally three ; Home
a mercer, that fled for debt ; Skelton a taylor, and Astley a scriviner ;
for secretary Frion was gone. These told him that he was mightily
overseen, both when he went into Kent, and when he went into
Scotland ; the one being a place so near London, and under the king's
nose ; and the other, a nation so distasted with the people of England,
that if they had lov'd him never so well, yet they would never have

1 He arriv'd at Cork the 26th of July; \yhere some out of affection, others for desire of
change flock'd to him ; among whom, 'tis said, was Maurice earl of Desmond. The mayor
and citizens of Waterford notify'd his arrival to the king, and as they had bravely defended
themselves against Simnel's adherents, so they did the same nosv against Perkin ; for which
they were taken into the king's especial favour — Sir J. W., Cap. XIII.

366 PERKIN LANDS IN CORNWALL AND LAYS SIEGE TO EXETER.

taken his part in that company. But if he had been so happy as to
have been in Cornwall at the first when the people began to take arms
there, he had been crown'd at Westminster before this time. For,
these kings (as he had now experience) would sell poor princes for
shoes : but he must rely wholly upon people ; and therefore advised
him to sail over with all possible speed into Cornwall. Which ac-
cordingly he did ; having in his company four small barks, with some
sixscore or sevenscore fighting men.1 He arrived in September at
Whitsand-bay, and forthwith came to Bodmin, the blacksmith's
town : where there assembled unto him to the number of three
thousand men of the rude people. There he set forth a new procla-
mation, streaking the people with fair promises, and humouring them
with invectives against the king and his government. And, as it
fareth with smoke, that never loseth itself till it be at the highest ; he
did now before his end raise his stile, intituling himself no more
Richard duke of York, but Richard the I Vth, king of England. His
council advised him by all means, to make himself master of some
good walled town ; as well to make his men find the sweetness of
rich spoils, and to allure to him all loose and lost people, by like
hopes of booty ; as to be a sure retreat to his forces, in case they
should have any ill day, or unlucky chance in the field. Where-
fore they took heart to them, and went on, and besieged the
city of Exeter, which was the principal town for strength and wealth
in those parts.

When they were come before Exeter, they forbare to use any force
at the first ; but made continual shouts and outcries, to terrific the in-
habitants. They did likewise in divers places call and talk to them
from under the walls, to joyn with them, and be of their party ; telling
them, that the king would make them another London, if they would
be the first town that should acknowledge him. But they had not
the wit to send to them, in any orderly fashion, agents or chosen men
to tempt them, and to treat with them. The citizens on their part
shew'd themselves stout and loyal subjects. Neither was there so
much as any tumult or division amongst them : but all prepar'd
themselves for a valiant defence, and making good the town. For
well they saw that the rebels were of no such number or power, that
they needed to fear them as yet : and well they hoped, that before
their numbers increased, the king's succours would come in. And,
howsoever, they thought it the extremest of evils, to put themselves
at the mercy of those hungry and disorderly people. Wherefore
setting all things in good order within the town, they nevertheless let
down with cords, from several parts of the walls privily, several
messengers (that, if one came to mischance, another might pass on)
which should advertise the king of the state of the town, and implore

1 His wife came also with him.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vir. 367

his aid. Perkin also doubted that succours would come ere long ;
and therefore resolved to use his utmost force to assault the town ;
and for that purpose, having mounted scaling-ladders in divers places
upon the walls, made at the same instant an attempt to force one of
the gates : but having no artillery nor engines, and finding that he
could do no good by ramming with logs of timber, nor by the use of
iron bars and iron crows, and such other means at hand, he had no
way left him but to set one of the gates on fire : which he did. But
the citizens, well perceiving the danger, before the gate could be fully
consumed, block'd up the gate, and some space about it on the inside
with faggots and other fuel : which they likewise set on fire, and so
repuls'd fire with fire : and in the meantime, raised up rampiers of
earth, and cast up deep trenches, to serve instead of wall and gate.
And for the escalades, they had so bad success, as the rebels were
driven from the walls, with the loss of two hundred men.

The king when he heard of Perkin's siege of Exeter, made sport with
it, and said to them that were about him, ' That the king of Rake-hells
was landed in the west, and that he hoped now to have the honour to
see him, which he could never yet do.' And it appear'd plainly to
those that were about the king, that he was indeed much joy'd with
the news of Perkin's being in English ground, where he could have
no retreat by land ; thinking now that he should be cured of those
privy stitches which he had long had about his heart, and had some-
times broken his sleeps in the midst of all his felicity. And to set
all men's hearts on fire, he did by all possible means let it ap-
pear, that those, who should now do him service to make an end of
these troubles, should be no less accepted of him, than he that came
upon the eleventh hour and had the whole wages of the day. There-
fore now (like the end of a play) a great number came upon the stage
at once. He sent the lord chamberlain and the lord Brook, and sir
Rice ap Thomas, with expedite forces to speed to Exeter, to the
rescue of the town, and to spread the fame of his own following in
person with a royal army. The earl of Devonshire and his son, with
the Caroes, and the Fulfordes, and other principal persons of Devon-
shire (uncall'd from the court, but hearing that the king's heart was
so much bent upon this service) made hast with troops, that they had
raised, to be the first that should succour the city of Exeter, and
prevent the king's succours. The duke of Buckingham likewise,
with many brave gentlemen, put themselves in arms, not staying
either the king's or the lord chamberlain's coming on, but making
a body of forces of themselves, the more to)indear their merit ; signi-
fying to the king their readiness, and desiring to know his pleasure,
So that according to the proverb, ' In the coming down every saint
did help.'

Perkin hearing this thunder of arms and preparations against him

368 EXETER RELIEVED.— FLIGHT OF PERKIN.— LADY K. GORDON.

from so many parts, raised his seige, and marched to Taunton ;
beginning already to squint one eye upon the crown, and another
upon the sanctuary : tho' the Cornishmen were become, like metal
often fir'd and quench'd, churlish, and that would sooner break than
bow ; swearing and vowing not to leave him, till the uttermost drop
of their blood were spilt. He was at his rising from Exeter between
six and seven thousand strong, many having come unto him after he
was set before Exeter, upon fame of so great an enterprise, and to
partake of the spoil ; tho' upon the raising of his siege, some did
slip away. When he was come near Taunton, he dissembled all
fear, and seemed all the day to use diligence in preparing all things
ready to fight. But about midnight, he fled with threescore horse
to Bewley in the new-forest, where he and divers of his company
registered themselves sanctuary-men, leaving his Cornish men to
the four winds : but yet thereby easing them of their vow, and
using his wonted compassion, 'Not to be by when his subjects' blood
should be spilt.' The king, as soon as he heard of Perkin's flight,
sent presently five hundred horse to pursue and apprehend him, be-
fore he should get either to the sea, or to that same little island, call'd
a sanctuary. But they came too late for the latter of these. Therefore
all they could do, was to beset the sanctuary, and to maintain a strong
watch about it, till the king's pleasure were further known. As for
the rest of the rebels, they (being destituted of their head) without
stroke stricken, submitted themselves unto the king's mercy. And
the king, who commonly drew blood (as physicians do) rather to save
life than to spill it, and was never cruel when he was secure ; now he
saw the danger was past, pardon'd them all in the end, except some
few desperate persons which he reserv'd to be executed, the better to
set off his mercy towards the rest. There were also sent with all
speed some horse to St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall, where the lady
Katharine Gordon was left by her husband, whom in all fortunes she
entirely loved ; adding the vertues of a wife to the vertues of her sex.
The king sent in the greater diligence, not knowing whether she might
be with child ; whereby the business would not have ended in Perkin's
person. When she was brought to the king, it was commonly said,
that the king receiv'd her not only with compassion, but with affec-
tion ; pity giving more expression to her excellent beauty. Where-
fore comforting her (to serve as well his eye as his fame) he sent her
to his queen to remain with her ; giving her very honourable allow-
ance for the support of her estate : which she enjoy'd both during the
king's life and many years after. The name of the white-rose (which
had been given to her husband's false title) was continued in com-
mon speech to her true beauty.

The king went forwards on his journey, and made a joyful entrance
into Exeter, where he gave the citizens great commendations and

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 369

thanks ; and taking the sword he wore from his side, he gave it to
the mayor, and commanded it should be ever after carried before him.
There also he caused to be executed some of the ringleaders of the
Cornish-men, in sacrifice to the citizens, whom they had put in fear,
and trouble. At Exeter the king consulted with his council, whether
he should offer life to Perkin if he would quit the sanctuary, and
voluntarily submit himself. The council were divided in opinion.
Some advised the king to take him out of the sanctuary perforce,
and to put him to death, as in a case of necessity, which in'it self dis-
penseth with consecrated places and things. Wherein they doubted
not also, but the king should find the pope tractable to ratify his deed,
either by declaration, or (at least) by indulgence. Others were of
opinion (since all was now safe, and no further hurt could be done)
that it was not worth the exposing of the king to new scandal and
envy. A third sort fell upon the opinion that it was not possible for
the king ever, either to satisfie the world well touching the imposture,
or to learn out the bottom of the conspiracy, except by promise of
life and pardon, and other fair means, he should get Perkin into his
hands. But they did all in their preambles much bemoan the king's
case, with a kind of indignation at his fortune. That a prince of his
high wisdom and vertue should have been so long and so oft exercis'd
and vex'd with idols. But the king said, that it was the vexation of
God Almighty himself, to be vex'd with idols, and therefore that that
was not to trouble any of his friends. And that for himself, he
always despised them ; but was griev'd that they had put his people to
such trouble and misery. But (in conclusion) he lean'd to the third
opinion, and so sent some to deal with Perkin. Who seeing himself
prisoner, and destitute of all hopes, having try'd princes and people,
great and small, and found all either false, faint, or unfortunate, did
gladly accept of the condition. The king did also (while he was at
Exeter) appoint the lord Darcy and others, commissioners, for the
fining all such as were of any value, and had any hand or partaking
in the aid or the comfort of Perkin or the Cornish-men, either in the
field or in the flight.

These commissioners proceeded with such strictness and severity,
as did much obscure the king's mercy in sparing of blood, with the
bleeding of so much treasure. Perkin was brought unto the king's
court, but not to the king's presence ; tho' the king (to satisfie his
curiosity) saw him sometimes out of a window, or in passage. He
was in shew at liberty, but guarded with all care and watch that was
possible, and willed to follow the king to London. But from his first
appearance upon the stage, in his new person of a sycophant or juggler,
instead of his former person as a prince, all men may think how he
was exposed to the derision, not only of the courtiers, but also of the
common people, who flock'd about him as he went along ; that one

24

370 EXPOSURE OF PERKIN— RICHMOND PALACE.— GABATO.

might know afar off where the owl was by the flight of birds. Some
mocking, some wondring, some cursing, some prying and picking
matter out of his countenance and gesture to talk of. So that the false
honour and respects which he had so long enjoy'd, was plentifully
repay'd in scorn and contempt. As soon as he was come to London,
the king gave also the city the solace of this May game. For he was
conveigh'd leisurely on horseback (but not in any ignominious fashion)
through Cheapside and Cornhill to the Tower ; and from thence
back again unto Westminster, with the charm of a thousand taunts
and reproaches. But to amend the show, there followed a little dis-
tance of Perkin, an inward councellor of his, one that had been ser-
jeant-farrier to the king. This fellow, when Perkin took sanctuary,
chose rather to take an holy habit than a holy place, and clad himself
like a hermit, and in that weed wander'd about the country till he was
discover'd and taken. But this man was bound hand and foot upon
the horse, and came not back with Perkin, but was left at the Tower,
and within few days after executed. Soon after, now that Perkin,
could tell better what himself was, he was diligently examined ; and
after his confession taken, an extract was made of such parts of them,
as were thought fit to be divulged, which was printed and dispers'd
abroad. Wherein the king did himself no right. For as there was a
laboured tale of particulars, of Perkin's father, and mother, and grand-
sire, and grandmother, and uncles, and cousins, by names and sir-
names, and from what places he travell'd up and down ; so there was
little or nothing to purpose of anything concerning his designs, or,
any practices that had been held with him ; nor the duchess of Bur-
gundy her self (that all the world did take knowledge of, as the per-
son that had put life and being into the whole business) so much as
nam'd or pointed at. So that men missing of that they look'd for,
look'd about for they knew not what, and were in more doubt than
before. But the king chose rather not to satisfie, than to kindle coals.
At that time also it did not appear by any new examinations or com-
mitments, that any other person of quality was discover'd or appeach'd,
tho' the king's closeness made that a doubt-dormant.

About this time, a great fire in the night-time suddenly began at
the king's palace of Shyne, near unto the king's own lodgings, whereby
a great part of the building was consumed, with much costly house-
hold stuff; which gave the king occasion of building from the ground
that fine pile of Richmond, which is now standing.

Somewhat before this time also there fell out a memorable accident :
there was one Sebastian Gabato, a Venetian, dwelling in Bristow, a
man seen and expert in cosmography and navigation. This man
seeing the success, and emulating perhaps the enterprize of Christo-
pherus Columbus in that fortunate discovery towards the southwest,
which had been by him made some six years before ; conceited with

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VIT. 371

himself, that lands might likewise be discover'd towards the north-
west. And surely it may be he had more firm and pregnant conjec-
tures of it, than Columbus had of this at the first. For the two
great islands of the old and new world, being (in the shape and
making of them) broad towards the north, and pointed towards the
south ; it is likely, that the discovery first began where the lands did
nearest meet. And there had been before that time a discovery of
some lands, which they took to be islands, and were indeed the con-
tinent of America towards the northwest. And it may be, that some
relation of this nature coming afterwards to the knowledge of
Columbus, and by him suppress'd, (desirous rather to make his enter-
prize the child of his science and fortune, than the follower of a former
discovery) did give him better assurance, that all was not sea, from
the west of Europe and Africk unto Asia, than either Seneca's pro-
phecy, or Plato's antiquities, or the nature of the tides, and land-winds,
and the like, which were the conjectures that were given out, whereupon
he should have rely'd. Tho' I am not ignorant that it was likewise
laid unto the casual and wind beaten discovery (a little before)
of a Spanish pilot, who died in the house of Columbus. But this
Gabato bearing the king in hand, that he would find out an island
endued with rich commodities, procur'd him to man and victual a
ship at Bristol, for the discovery of that island ; with whom ventur'd
also three small ships of London merchants, fraught with some gross
and slight wares fit for commerce with barbarous people. He sail'd
(as he affirm'd at his return, and made a card thereof) very far west-
wards, with a quarter of the north, on the north-side of Terra de
Labrador, until he came to the latitude of sixty-seven degrees and a
half, finding the seas still open. It is certain also, that the king's for-
tune had a tender of that great empire of the West Indies. Neither
was it a refusal on the king's part, but a delay by accident, that put
by so great an acquest. For Christophorus Columbus refused by the
king of Portugal (who would not embrace at once both east and west)
imploy'd his brother Bartholomeus Columbus unto king Henry, to
negotiate for his discovery. And it so fortun'd, that he was taken by
pirates at sea ; by which accidental impediment he was long ere he
came to the king. So long, that before he had obtain'd a capitulation
with the king for his brother ; the enterprize by him was achieved,
and so the West Indies by providence were then reserv'd for the crown
of Castilia. Yet this sharpen'd the king so, that not only in this voy-
age, but again in the i6th year of his reign, and likewise in the i8th
thereof, he granted forth new commissions, for the discovery and in-
vesting of unknown lands.

In this fourteenth year also (by God's wonderful providence, that
boweth things unto his will, and hangeth great weights upon smal
wyers) there fell out a trifling and untoward accident, that drew on

372 FRAY AT NORHAM CASTLE.— THE PRINCESS MARGARET.

great and happy effects. During the truce with Scotland, there were
certain Scottish young gentlemen that came into Norham town, and
there made merry with some of the English of the town. And hav-
ing little to do, went sometimes forth, and would stand looking upon
the castle. Some of the garrison of the castle, observing their doing
twice or thrice, and having not their minds purg'd of the late ill
blood of hostility, either suspected them, or quarrelled them for spies.
Whereupon they fell at ill words, and from words to blows ; so that
many were wounded of either side, and the Scottish-men (being
strangers in the town) had the worst. In so much as some of them
were slain, and the rest made haste home. The matter being com-
plained on, and often debated before the wardens of the marches of
both sides, and no good order taken, the king of Scotland took it to
himself, and being much kindled, sent a herald to the king to make
protestation, that if reparation were not done, according to the con-
ditions of the truce, his king did denounce war. The king (who had
often try'd fortune, and was inclin'd to peace) made answer, * That
what had been done, was utterly against his will, and without his
privity. But if the garrison soldiers had been in fault, he would see
them punish'd, and the truce in all points to be preserv'd.' But this
answer seem'd to the Scottish king but a delay to make the complaint
breath out with time ; and therefore it did rather exasperate him, than
satisfie him. Bishop Fox, understanding from the king, that the
Scottish king was still discontent and impatient, being troubled that
the occasion of breaking of the truce should grow from his men, sent
many humble and deprecatory letters to the Scottish king to appease
him. Whereupon king James, mollify'd by the bishop's submiss and
eloquent letters, wrote back unto him, ' That tho' he were in part
moved by his letters, yet he should not be fully satisfied, except he
spake with him, as well about the compounding of the present differ-
ences as about other matters, that might concern the good of both
kingdoms.' The bishop advising first with the king, took his journey
for Scotland. The meeting was at Melrosse, an abbey of the Cester-
cians, where the king then abode. The king first roundly utter'd
unto the bishop his offence conceiv'd for the insolent breach of truce,
by his men of Norham castle. Whereunto Bishop Fox made such an
humble and smooth answer, as it was like oil into the wound, whereby
it began to heal. And this was done in the presence of the king and
his council. After the king spake with the bishop apart, and opened
himself unto him, saying, ' That these temporary truces and peaces
were soon made and soon broken : but that he desir'd a straiter
amity with the king of England,' discovering his mind ; that if the
king would give him in marriage the lady Margaret, his eldest
daughter, that indeed might be a knot indissoluble. That he knew
well what place and authority the bishop deservedly had with his

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 373

master. Therefore if he would take the business to heart, and deal in
it effectually, he doubted not but it would succeed well. The bishop
answered soberly, 'That he thought himself rather happy, than
worthy, to be an instrument in such a matter ; but would do his best
endeavour.' Wherefore the bishop returning to the king, and giving
account what had passed, and finding the king more than well-
disposed in it, gave the king advice ; first to proceed to a conclusion
of peace, and then to go on with the treaty of marriage, by degrees.
Hereupon a peace was concluded, which was published a little before
Christmas, in the fourteenth year of the king's reign, to continue for
both the king's lives, and the outliver of them, and a year after. In
this peace there was an article contained, that no English man should
enter into Scotland, and no Scottish man into England, without letters
commendatory from the kings of either nation. This at the first sight
might seem a means to continue a strangeness between the nations ;
but it was done, to lock in the borderers.

This year there was also born to the king a third son, who was
christened by the name of Edmund, and shortly after dyed. And much
about the same time came news of the death of Charles the French
king ; for whom were celebrated solemn and princely obsequies.

It was not long, but Perkin (who was made of quick-silver, which is
hard to hold or imprison) began to stir. For deceiving his keepers,
he took him to his heels, and made speed to the sea coasts. But
presently all corners were laid for him, and such diligent pursuit and
search made, as he was fain to turn back, and get him to the house of
Bethleem, called the priory of Shyne (which had the privilege of
sanctuary), and put himself into the hands of the prior of that
monastery. The prior was thought an holy man, and much re-
verenced in those days. He came to the king, and besought the king
for Perkin's life only ; leaving him otherwise to the king's discretion.
Many about the king were again more hot than ever, to have the king
to take him forth, and hang him. But the king (that had an high
stomach, and could not hate any that he despised) bid, ' Take him
forth, and set the knave in the stocks.' And so promising the prior
his life, he caused him to be brought forth. And within two or three
-days after, upon a scaffold, set up in the palace court at Westminster,
he was fettered and set in the stocks, for the whole day. And the
next day after, the like was done by him at the cross in Cheapside,
and in both places he read his confession, of which we made mention
before ; and was from Cheapside. conveyed and laid up in the Tower.
Notwithstanding all this, the king was (as was partly touch'd before)
grown to be such a partner with fortune, as nobody could tell what
actions the one, and what the other owned. For it was believed
.generally, that Perkin was betrayed, and that this escape was not
without the king's privity, who had him all the time of his flight in a

374 SCHEMES OF PERKIN AND THEIR FATAL END FOR HIM.

line ; and that the king did this to pick a quarrel with him to put him
to death, and to be rid of him at once. But this is not probable. For
that the same instruments who observed him in his flight, might have
kept him from getting into sanctuary.

But it was ordained, that this winding ivy of a Plantagenet, should
kill the true tree itself. For Perkin, after he had been a while in the
Tower, began to insinuate himself into the favour and kindness of his
keepers, servants to the lieutenant of the tower, sir John Digby, being
four in number ; Strangways, Blewet, Astwood, and Long- Roger.
These varlets, with mountains of promises, he sought to corrupt, to
obtain his escape. But knowing well, that his own fortunes were made
so contemptible, as he could feed no man's hopes (and by hopes he
must work, for rewards he had none), he had contrived with himself a
vast and tragical plot ; which was, to draw into his company Edward
Plantagenet earl of Warwick, then prisoner in the Tower ; whom the
weary life of a long imprisonment, and the often and renewing fears
of being put to death, had softened to take any impression of counsel
for his liberty. This young prince he thought these servants would
look upon, though not upon himself. And therefore after that by some
message by one or two of them, he had tasted of the earl's consent ;
it was agreed, that these four should murder their master the lieu-
tenant, secretly in the night, and make their best of such money and
portable goods of his, as they should find ready at hand, and get the
keys of the Tower, and presently let forth Perkin and the earl. But
this conspiracy was revealed in time, before it could be executed.
And in this again the opinion of the king's great wisdom did surcharge
him with a sinister fame, that Perkin was but his bait, to entrap the
earl of Warwick. And in the very instant while this conspiracy was
in working (as if that also had been the king's industry), it was fatal,,
that there should break forth a counterfeit earl of Warwick, a cord-
wainer's son, whose name was Ralph Wilford ; a young man, taught
and set on by an Augustine frier, called Patriarck. They both from
the parts of Suffolk, came forwards into Kent, where they did not
only privily and underhand give out, that this Wilford was the
true earl of Warwick, but also the frier finding some light credence in
the people, took the boldness in the pulpit to declare as much, and to
incite the people to come into his aid. Whereupon they were both
presently apprehended, and the young fellow executed, and the frier
condemned to perpetual imprisonment. This also happening so
opportunely, to represent the danger to the king's estate, from the earl
of Warwick, and thereby to colour the king's severity that followed :
together with the madness of the frier, so vainly and desperately to
divulge a treason, before it had gotten any manner of strength ; and
the saving of the frier's life, which nevertheless was (indeed) but the
privilege of his order ; and the pity in the common people (which if

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 375

it run in a strong stream, doth ever cast up scandal and envy) made
it generally rather talked, than believed, that all was but the king's
device. But howsoever it were, hereupon Perkin (that had offended
against grace now the third time) was at the last proceeded with, and
by commissioners of Oyer and Determiner, arraigned at Westminster,
upon divers treasons committed and perpetrated after his coming on
land within this kingdom (for so the judges advised, for that he was a
foreigner), and condemned, and a few days after executed at Tyburn.
Where he did again openly read his confession, and take it upon his
death to be true. This was the end of this little cockatrice of a king,
that was able to destroy those that did not espy him first. It was one
of the longest plays of that kind, that hath been in memory ; and
might perhaps have had another end, if he had not met with a king
both wise, stout, and fortunate.

As for Perkin's three counsellors, they had registred themselves
sanctuary-men when their master did. And whether upon pardon
obtained, or continuance within the privilege, they came not to be
proceeded with.

There was executed with Perkin, the mayor of Cork and his son,1
who had been principal abettors of his treasons. And soon after
were likewise condemned eight other persons, about the Tower con-
spiracy, whereof four were the lieutenant's men. But of those eight
but two were executed. And immediately after was arraigned before
the earl of Oxford (then for the time high steward of England) the
poor prince the earl of Warwick ; not for the attempt to escape simply
(for that was not acted ; and besides, the imprisonment not being for
treason, the escape by law could not be treason), but for conspiring
with Perkin to raise sedition, and to destroy the king. And the earl
confessing the inditement had judgment, and was shortly after
beheaded on Tower-hill.

This was also the end not only of this notable and commiserable
person Edward the earl of Warwick, eldest son to the duke of
Clarence, but likewise of the line male of the Plantagenets, who had
nourished in great royalty and renown, from the time of the famous
king of England king Henry the second. Howbeit it was a race often
dipped in their own blood. It hath remained since only transplanted
into other names, as well of the imperial line, as of other noble houses.
But it was neither guilt of crime, nor reason of state, that could
quench the envy that was upon the king for this execution. So that
he thought good to export it out of the land, and to lay it upon his
new allie Ferdinando king of Spain. For these two kings understand-
ing one another at half a word, so it was that there were letters shewed
out of Spain, whereby in the passages concerning the treaty of the

1 As for Philip, John Water's son, he was afterwards pardoned by the king's clemency.
The citizens of Cork were also pardoned.— Sir J. Ware., Cap. xv.

376 THE LADY KATHERINE.— VISIT OF HENRY TO CALAIS.

marriage, Ferdinando had written to the king in plain terms, that he
saw no assurance of his succession, as long as the earl of Warwick
lived ; and that he was loth to send his daughter to troubles and
dangers. But hereby, as the king did in some part remove the envy
from himself ; so he did not observe, that he did withall bring a kind
of malediction and installing upon the marriage, as an ill prognostick.
Which in event so far proved true, as both prince Arthur enjoyed a
very small time after the marriage, and the lady Katherine herself (a
sad and a religious woman) long after, when king Henry the eight, his
resolution of a divorce from her was first made known to her, used
some words ; ' That she had not offended : but it was a judgment of
God, for that her former marriage was made in blood ;' meaning that
of the earl of Warwick.

This fifteenth year of the king there was a great plague, both in
London and in divers parts of the kingdom. Wherefore the king,
after often change of places (whether to avoid the danger of the sick-
ness, or to give occasion of an enterview with the arch-duke, or both)
sail'd over with his queen to Calice. Upon his coming thither, the
arch-duke sent an honourable ambassage unto him, as well to welcome
him into those parts, as to let him know, that (if it pleased him) he
would come and do him reverence. But it was said withal ; ' That
the king might be pleased to appoint some place, that were out of
any walled town or fortress, for that he had denied the same upon like
occasion to the French king. And though he said he made a great
difference between the two kings, yet he would be loth to give a
precedent, that might make it after to be expected at his hands, by
another whom he trusted less. The king accepted of the courtesie,
and admitted of his excuse, and appointed the place to be at St.
Peter's church without Calice. But withall he did visit the arch-duke
with ambassadors sent from himself, which were the lord Saint John,
and the secretary ; unto whom the arch-duke did the honour, as
(going to mass at Saint Omers) to set the lord Saint John on his right
hand,andthe secretaryon hisleft,and so to ridebetvveen them to church.
The day appointed for the enterview, the king went on horseback
some distance from St. Peter's church to receive the arch-duke. And
upon their approaching, the arch-duke made hast to light, and
offered to hold the king's stirrop at his alighting ; which the king
would not permit, but descending from horseback, they embraced with
great affection, and withdrawing into the church to a place prepared,
they had long conference, not only upon the confirmation of former
treaties, and the freeing of commerce, but upon cross marriages, to
be had between the duke of York the king's second son, and the arch-
duke's daughter ; and again between Charles the arch-duke's son and
heir, and Mary the king's second daughter. But these blossoms of
unripe marriages, were but friendly wishes, and the airs of loving

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vu. 377

entertainment ; though one of them came afterwards to conclusion in
treaty, though not in effect. But during the time that the two princes
conversed and communed together in the suburbs of Calice, the de-
monstrations on both sides were passing hearty and affectionate,
especially on the part of the arch-duke. Who (besides that he was
a prince of an excellent good nature) being conscious to himself, how
dryly the king had been used by his counsel in the matter of Pcrkin,
did strive by all means to recover it in the king's affection. And
having also his ears continually beaten with the counsels of his father
and father-in-law, who (in respect of their jealous hatred against the
French king) did always advise the arch-duke to anchor himself upon
the amity of king Henry of England : was glad upon this occasion,
to put in use and practice their precepts, calling the king patron, and
father, and protector (these very words the king repeats ; when he
certified of the loving behaviour of the arch-duke to the city), and
what else he could devise, to express his love and observance to the
king. There came also to the king the governour of Picardy, and the
bailiff of Amiens, sent from Lewis the French king to do him honour,
and to give him knowledge of his victory and winning of the duchy
of Milan. It seemeth the king was well pleased with the honours he
received from those parts, while he was at Calice. For he did himself
certify all the news and occurrences of them in every particular, from
Calice, to the mayor and aldermen of London, which (no doubt) made
no small talk in the city. For the king, though he could not entertain
the good will of the citizens, as Edward the fourth did ; yet by affability
and other princely graces, did ever make very much of them, and apply
himself to them.

This year also died John Moreton, archbishop of Canterbury,
chancellor of England, and cardinal. He was a wise man, and an
eloquent, but in his nature harsh, and haughty ; much accepted by the
king, but envied by the nobility, and hated of the people. Neither
was his name left out of Perkin's proclamation for any good will, but
they would not bring him amongst the king's casting-counters, because
he had the image and superscription upon him of the pope, in his
honour of cardinal. He won the king with secrecy and diligence, but
chiefly because he was his old servant in his less fortunes ; and also
for that (in his affections) he was not without an inveterate malice
against the house of York, under whom he had been in trouble. He
was willing also to take envy from the king, more than the king was
willing to put upon him. For the king cared not for subterfuges, but
would stand envy, and appear in any thing that was to his mind ;
which made envy still grow upon him more universal, but less daring.
But in the matter of exactions, time did after shew, that the bishop in
feeding the king's humour, did rather temper it. He had been by
Richard the third committed (as in custody) to the duke of Bucking-

378 DEATH OF MORETON— THE PAPAL LEVY— HOLY WAR PROJECTED.

ham, whom he did secretly incite to revolt from king Richard. But
after the duke was engaged, and thought the bishop should have been
his chief pilot in the tempest, the bishop was gotten into the cock-boat
and fled over beyond seas. But whatsoever else was in the man, he
deserveth a most happy memory, in that he was the principal mean of
joyning the two roses. He died of great years, but of strong health
and powers.

The next year, which was the sixteenth year of the king, and the
year of our lord one thousand five hundred, was the year of jubilee at
Rome. But pope Alexander, to save the hazzard and charges of
men's journeys to Rome, thought good to make over those graces by
exchange, to such as would pay a convenient rate, seeing they could
not come to fetch them. For which purpose was sent into England
Jasper Pons, a Spaniard, the pope's commissioner, better chosen than
were the commissioners of pope Leo, afterwards employ'd for Ger-
many ; for he carried the business with great wisdom, and semblance
of holiness. In so much as he levied great sums of money within this
land to the pope's use, with little or no scandal. It was thought the
king shared in the money. But it appeareth by a letter which cardi-
nal Adrian, the king's pensioner, wrote to the king from Rome some
few years after, that this was not so. For this cardinal, being to per-
swade pope Julius on the king's behalf, to expedite the bull of dispen-
sation for the marriage between prince Henry and the lady Katherine,
finding the pope difficile in granting thereof, doth use it as a
principal argument concerning the king's merit towards that see, that
he had touched none of those deniers, which had been levied by Pons
in England. But that it might the better appear (for the satisfaction
of the common people) that this was consecrate money, the same
nuntio brought unto the king a brief from the pope, wherein the king
was exhorted and summoned to come in person against the Turk.
For that the pope (out of the care of an universal father) seeing almost
under his eyes the successes and progresses of that great enemy of
the faith, had had in the conclave, and with the assistance of the
ambassadors of foreign princes, divers consultations about an holy
war, and a general expedition of Christian princes against the Turk.
Wherein it was agreed, and thought fit, that the Hungarians,
Polonians, and Bohemians should make a war upon Thracia ; the
French and Spaniards upon Grecia ; and that the pope (willing to
sacrifice himself in so good a cause) in person and in company of
the king of England, the Venetians, and such other states as were
great in maritime power, would sail with a puissant navy through the
Mediterrane unto Constantinople. And that to this end, his holiness
had sent nuncio's to all Christian princes ; as well for a cessation of all
quarrels and differences amongst themselves, as for speedy preparations
and contributions of forces and treasure for this sacred enterprize.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN QF KING HENRY VII. 379

To this the king, (who understood well the court of Rome) made
an answer rather solemn, than serious ; signifying,

* That no prince on earth should be more forward and obedient,
both by his person, and by all possible forces, and fortunes, to enter
into this sacred war, than himself. But that the distance of place was
such, as that no forces he should raise for the seas, could be levied
or prepared, but with double the charge, and double the time (at the
least) that they might be from the other princes, that had their terri-
tories nearer adjoining. Besides, that neither the manner of his ships
(having no gallies) nor the experience of his pilots and mariners could
be so apt for those seas as theirs. And therefore that his holiness
might do well, to move one of those other kings, who lay fitter for
the purpose, to accompany him by sea. Whereby both all things
would be sooner put in readiness, and with less charge, and the emula-
tion and division of command, which might grow between those kings
of France and Spain, if they should both join in the war by land upon
Grecia, might be wisely avoided. And that for his part, he would not
be wanting in aids and contribution. Yet notwithstanding if both
these kings should refuse, rather than his holiness should go alone, he
would wait upon him, as soon as he could be ready. Always pro-
vided, that he might first see all differences of the Christian princes
amongst themselves, fully laid down and appeased (as for his own part
he was in none.) And that he might have some good towns upon the
coasts in Italy put into his hands, for the retreat and the safeguard of
his men.'

With this answer Jasper Pons returned, nothing at all discontented.
And yet this declaration of the king (as superficial as it was) gave
him that reputation abroad, as he was not long after elected by the
knights of Rhodes, protector of their order ; all things multiplying to
honour in a prince, that had gotten such high estimation for his
wisdom and sufficiency.

There were these two last years some proceedings against here-
ticks, which was rare in the king's reign, and rather by penances,
than by fire. The king had (though he were no good schoolman)
the honour to convert one of them by dispute at Canterbury.

This year also, though the king were no more haunted with spirits,
for that by the sprinkling partly of blood, and partly of water, he had
chased them away ; yet nevertheless he had certain apparitions, that
troubled him, still shewing themselves from one region, which was the
house of York. It came so to pass, that the earl of Suffolk, son to
Elizabeth eldest sister to king Edward the fourth, by John duke of
Suffolk, her second husband, and brother to John earl of Lincoln,
that was slain at Stock-field, being of an hasty and cholerick disposi-
tion, had killed a man in his fury ; whereupon the king gave him his
pardon. But either willing to leave a cloud upon him, or the better to

380 MARRIAGE OF CATHERINE OF ARRAGON WITH PRINCE ARTHUR.

make him feel his grace, produced him openly to plead his pardon.
This wrought in the earl, as in a haughty stomach it useth to do ; for
the ignominy printed deeper than the grace, wherefore he being dis-
content, fled secretly into Flanders unto his aunt the duchess of
Burgundy. The king startled at it. But being taught by troubles,
to use fair and timely remedies, wrought so with him by messages,
(the lady Margaret of Burgundy also growing by often failing in
her alchymie, weary of her experiments, and partly being a little
Sweetned, for that the king had not touched her name in the confession
of Perkin) that he came over again upon good terms, and was re-
conciled to the king.

In1 the beginning of the next year, being the seventeenth of the king,
the lady Catherine, fourth daughter of Ferdinando and Isabella, king
and queen of Spain, arrived in England, at Plymouth, the second of
October, and was married to prince Arthur in Pauls, the fourteenth of
November following. The prince being then about fifteen years of
age,2 and the lady about eighteen. The manner of her receiving, the
manner of her entry into London, and the celebrity of the marriage
were performed with great and true magnificence, in regard of cost,
shew, and order, The chief man that took the care was bishop Fox ;
who was not only a grave counsellor for war or peace, but also a good
surveyor of works, and a good master of ceremonies, and any thing
else that was fit for active part, belonging to the service of court, or
state of a great king. This marriage was almost seven years in
treaty ; which was in part caused by the tender years of the marriage
couple, especially of the prince. But the true reason was, that these
two princes, being princes of great policy and profound judgment,
stood a great time looking one upon another's fortunes, how they
would go ; knowing well that in the meantime, the very treaty
itself gave abroad in the world a reputation of a strait conjunction,
and amity between them ; which served on both sides to many
purposes, that their several affairs required, and yet they con-
tinued still free. But in the end, when the fortunes of both
princes did grow every day more and more prosperous and assured,
and that looking all about them, they saw no better conditions, they
then shut it up.

The marriage money the princess brought (which was turned over to
the king by act of renunciation) was two hundred thousand ducats.
Whereof one hundred thousand were payable ten days after the
solemnization, and the other hundred thousand at two payments
annual ; but part of it to be in jewels and plate, and a due course set

1 She arrived as Stow says on the fourth of October, which is not the beginning of the year,
she was married the 1 4th of November. — Sir J. Ware.

2 He was born according to the lord Bacon, p. 8, in September 1486, and so he must be
15 years and -2 months old. According to Hollinshead he was born in September 1488, and
then he was but 13 years and 2 months. — See Hoi- p. 769.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vii. 381

down to have them justly and indifferently prized. The joynturc or
advancement of the lady, was the third part of the principality
of Wales, and of the dukedom of Cornwall, and the earldom of
Chester, to be after set forth in severalty. And in case she
came to be queen of England, her advancement was less indefinite,
but thus ; that it should be as great, as ever any former queen of
England had been.

In all the devices and conceits of the triumphs of this marriage,
there was a great deal of astronomy. The lady being resembled to
Hesperus, and the prince to Arcturus, and the old king Alphonsus
(that was the greatest astronomer of kings, and was ancestor to the
lady) was brought in to be the fortune-teller of the match. And who-
soever had those toys in compiling, they were not altogether pedanti-
cal. But you may IDC sure that king Arthur, the Britton, and the
descent of the lady Catherine from the house of Lancaster, was in
no wise forgotten. But (as it should seem) it is not good to fetch
fortunes from the stars. For this young prince (that drew upon him at
that time not only the hopes and affections of his country, but the eyes
and expectation of foreigners) after a few months, in the beginning of
April, 1 502, deceased at Ludlow castle, where he was sent to keep his
residence and court, as prince of Wales. Of this prince in respect he
dyed so young, and by reason of his father's manner of education, that
did cast no great lustre upon his children, there is little particular
memory. Only thus much remaineth, that he was very studious
and learned, beyond his years, and that beyond the custom of
great princes.

There was a doubt ripped up in the times following, when the
divorce of king Henry the eighth from the lady Catherine did so much
busie the world, whether Arthur was bedded with his lady or no,
whereby that matter in fact (of carnal knowledge) might be made part
of the case. And it is true, that the lady herself denied it, or at least
her council stood upon it, and would not blanch that advantage,
although the plenitude of the pope's power of dispensing was the
main question. And this doubt was kept long open, in respect
of the two queens that succeeded, Mary and Elizabeth, whose
legitimations were incompatible one with another, though their
succession was settled by act of parliament. And the times
that favoured queen Mary's legitimation would have it believed,
that there was no carnal knowledge between Arthur and Katherine.
Not that they would seem to derogate from the pope's absolute
power to dispense even in that case ; but only in point of honour, and
to make the case more favourable and smooth. And the times that
favoured queen Elizabeth's legitimation (which were the longer, and
the latter) maintained the contrary. So much there remaineth in
memory, that it was half a year's time between the creation of Henry

382 DEATH OF PRINCE ARTHUR.— MARRIAGE OF THE LADY MARGARET

prince of Wales, and prince Arthur's death ; which was construed to
be, for to expect a full time, whereby it might appear, whether the
lady Catherine were with child by prince Arthur, or no. Again, the
lady her self procured a bull, for the better corroboration of the mar.
riage, with a clause of (vel forsan cognitam) which was not in the
first bull. There was given in evidence also, when the cause of the
divorce was handled, a pleasant passage, which was ; that in a morn-
ing prince Arthur, upon his up-rising from bed with her, called for
drink, which he was not accustomed to do, and finding the gentleman
of his chamber that brought him the drink to smile at it, and to note
it, he said merrily to him ; ' That he had been in the midst of Spain,
which was an hot region, and his journey had made him dry, and that
if the other had been in so hot a clime, he would have been drier
than he.' Besides, the prince was upon the point of sixteen years of
age when he died, and forward and able in body.

The February following, Henry duke of York was created prince
of Wales, and earl of Chester and Flint. For the dukedom of Corn-
wall devolved to him by statute. The king also being fast handed,
and loth to part with a second dowry, but chiefly being affectionate,
both by his nature and out of politick considerations, to continue the
alliance with Spain, prevailed with the prince (though not without
some reluctation, such as could be in those years, for he was not
twelve years of age) to be contracted with the princess Katherine.
The secret providence of God ordaining that marriage to be the
occasion of great events and changes.

The same year (1503) were the espousals of James king of Scot-
land, with the lady Margaret, the king's eldest daughter ; which was
done by proxy, and published at Paul's Cross, the five and twentieth
of January, and Te Deum solemnly sung. But certain it is, that the
joy of the city thereupon shewed, by ringing of bells, and bonfires, and
such other incense of the people, was more than could be expected,
in a case of so great and fresh enmity between the nations ; especially
in London, which was far enough off from feeling any of the former
calamities of the war. And therefore might be truly attributed to a
secret instinct and inspiring (which many times runneth not only in
the hearts of princes, but in the pulse and veins of people) touching
the happiness thereby to ensue in time to come. This marriage was
in August following consummate at Edenburgh. The king bringing
his daughter as far as Colli-Weston on the way, and then consign-
ing her to the attendance of the earl of Northumberland ; who with a
great troop of lords and ladies of honour, brought her into Scotland,
to the king her husband.

This marriage had been in treaty by the space of almost three
years, from the time that the king of Scotland did first open his mind
to bishop Fox. The sum given in marriage by the king was ten

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 383

thousand pounds. And the jointure and advancement assured by the
king of Scotland, was two thousand pounds a year after king James
his death, and one thousand pounds a year in present, for the lady's
allowance or maintenance. This to be set forth in lands, of the best
and most certain revenue. During the treaty, it is reported, that the
king remitted the matter to his council ; and that some at the table
in the freedom of councellors (the king being present) did put the
case ; that if God should take the king's two sons without issue,
that then the kingdom of England would fall to the king of Scotland,
which might be prejudice to the monarchy of England. Where-
upon the king himself replied ; * That if that should be, Scotland
would be but an accession to England, and not England to Scot-
land, for that the greater would draw the less. And that it was a
safer union for England, than that of France.' This passed as an
oracle, and silenced those that moved the question

The same year was fatal, as well for deaths, as marriages, and
that with equal temper. For the joys and feasts of the two mar-
riages, were compensed with the mournings and funerals of prince
Arthur (of whom we have spoken) and of queen Elizabeth, who died
in child bed in the Tower, and the child lived not long after. There
dyed also that year sir Reginald Bray who was noted to have had
with the king the greatest freedom of any councellor ; but it was but
a freedom, the better to set off flattery. Yet he bare more than his
just part of envy, for the exactions.

At this time the king's estate was very prosperous, secured by the
amity of Scotland, strengthened by that of Spain, cherished by that of
Burgundy, all domestick troubles quenched, and all noise of war (like
a thunder afar off) going upon Italy. Wherefore nature, which many
times is happily contained, and refrained by some bands of fortune,
began to take place in the king ; carrying (as with a strong tide) his
affections and thoughts unto the gathering and heaping up of trea-
sure. And as kings do more easily find instruments for their will
and humour, than for their service and honour ; he had gotten for his
purpose, or beyond his purpose, two instruments, Empson and Dud-
ley, (whom the people esteemed as his horse-leeches and shearers)
bold men, and careless of fame, and took toll of their master's grist.
Dudley was of a good family, eloquent, and one that could put hate-
ful business into good language. But Empson, that was the son of a
sieve-maker, triumphed always upon the deed done, putting off all
other respects whatsoever. These two persons being lawyers in
science, and privy councellors in authority (as the corruption of the
best things is the worst) turned law and justice into wormwood and
rapine. For first, their manner was to cause divers subjects to be
indicted of sundry crimes, and so far forth to proceed in form of law ;
but when the bills were found, then presently to commit them. And

384 ARBITRARY PROCEEDINGS OF DUDLEY AND EMPSON.

nevertheless not to produce them in any resonable time to their
answer, but to suffer them to languish long in prison, and by sundry
artificial devices and terrors, to extort from them great fines and ran-
soms, which they termed compositions and mitigations.

Neither did they (towards the end) observe so much as the half
face of justice, in proceeding by indictment ; but sent forth their
precepft to attach men, and convent them before themselves and
some others, at their private houses, in a court of commission, and
there used to shuffle up a summary proceeding by examination with-
out trial of jury ; assuming to themselves there, to deal both in pleas
of the crown, and controversies civil.

Then did they also use to enthrall and charge the subjects lands
with tenures in capite, by finding false offices, and thereby to work
upon them for wardships, liveries, primier seisines, and alienations,
(being the fruits of those tenures) refusing upon divers pretexts and
delays, to admit men to traverse those false offices, according to the
law. Nay, the king's wards, after they had accomplished their full
age, could not be suffered to have livery of their lands, without paying
excessive fines, far exceeding all reasonable rates. They did also vex
men with informations of intrusion upon scarce colourable titles.

When men were out-la wed in personal actions, they would not per-
mit them to purchase their charters of pardon, except they paid great
and intolerable sums ; standing upon the strict point of law, which
upon outlawries giveth forfeiture of goods. Nay, contrary to all law
and colour, they maintained, the king ought to have the half of men's
lands and rents, during the space of full two years, for a pain in case
of out-lawry. They would also ruffle with jurors, and inforce them to
find as they would direct, and (if they did not) convent them, im-
prison them, and fine them.

These and many other courses, fitter to be buried than repeated,
they had of preying upon the people ; both like tame hawks for their
master, and like wild hawks for themselves ; in so much as they grew
to great riches and substance. But their principal working was upon
penal laws, wherein they spared none, great nor small ; nor con-
sidered whether the law were possible, or impossible, in use or obso-
lete : but raked over all old and new statutes, though many of them
were made with intention rather of terror, than of rigour ; having
ever a rabble of promoters, questmongers, and leading jurors at their
command, so as they could have any thing found either for fact or
for valuation.

There remaineth to this day a report, that the king was on a time
entertained by the earl of Oxford (that was his principal servant, both
for war and peace) nobly and sumptuously, at his castle at Hening-
ham. And at the king's going away, the earl's servants stood (in a
seemly manner) in their liver" coats, with cognisances, ranged on

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 385

both sides, and made the king a lane. The king called the earl unto
him and said ' My lord, I have heard much of your hospitality, but I
see it is greater than the speech. These handsome gentlemen and
yeomen, which I see on both sides of me, are sure your menial ser-
vants.' The earl smiled and said ; ' It may please your grace, that
were not for mine ease. They are most of them my retainers, that
are come to do me service at such a time as this, and chiefly to see
your grace.' The king started a little, and said ; ' By my faith (my
lord) I thank you for my good chear, but I may not endure to have
my laws broken in my sight. My attorney must speak with you.'
And it is part of the report, that the earl compounded for no less than
fifteen thousand marks. And to shew further the king's extreme
diligence ; I do remember to have seen long since a book of accompt
of Empson's, that had the king's hand almost to every leaf, by way of
signing, and was in some places postilled in the margent with the
king's hand likewise, where was this remembrance.

' Item, received of such a one, five marks, for the pardon to be pro-
cured ; and if the pardon do not pass, the money to be repaid ; except
the party be some other ways satisfied.'
And over against this memorandum (of the king's own hand)

' Otherwise satisfied.'

Which I do the rather mention, because it shews in the king a near-
ness, but yet with a kind of justness. So these little sands and grains
of gold and silver (as it seemeth) helped not a little to make up the
great heap and bank.

But mean while (to keep the king awake) the earl of Suffolk having
been too gay at prince Arthur's marriage, and sunk himself deep in
debt, had yet once more a mind to be a knight errant, and to seek adven-
tures in foreign parts. And taking his brother with him, fled again
into Flanders. That (no doubt) which gave him confidence, was the
great murmur of the people against the government. And being a
man of a light and rash spirit, he thought every vapour would be a
tempest. Neither wanted he some party within the kingdom. For
the murmurs of people awakes the discontents of nobles, and again,
that calleth up commonly some head of sedition. The king resorting
to his wonted and tried arts, called sir Robert Curson, captain of the
castle at Hammcs (being at that time beyond sea, and therefore less
likely to be wrought upon by the king) to fly from his charge, and to
fain himself a servant of the earl's. This knight having insinuated
himself into the secrets of the earl, and finding by him upon whom
chiefly he had either hope or hold, advertised the king thereof in great
secrecy. But nevertheless maintained his own credit and inward
trust with the earl. Upon whose advertisements, the king attached
William Courtney, earl of Devonshire, his brother-in-law, married to
the lady Katherine, daughter to king Edward the fourth ; William

25

386 EXECUTION OF CONSPIRATORS.— THE PARLIAMENT.

De-la-Pole, brother to the earl of Suffolk ; sir James Tirrcl, and sir
John Windham, and some other meaner portions, and committed
them to custody. George lord Abergavennie, and sir Thomas Green,
were at the same time apprehended ; but as upon less suspicion, so
in a freer restraint, and were soon after delivered. The earl of Devon-
shire, being interested in the blood of York, that was rather feared
than nocent ; yet as one, that might be the object of other plots
and designs, remained prisoner in the Tower, during the king's
life. William De-la-pole was also long restrained though not
so straitly. But for Sir James Tirrel (against whom the blood of
the innocent princes, Edward the fifth, and his brother, did still cry
from under the altar), and Sir John Windham, and the other meaner
ones, they were attainted and executed ; the two knights beheaded.
Nevertheless, to confirm the credit of Curson (who belike had not
yet done all his feats of activity) there was published at Paul's Cross
about the time of the said executions, the pope's bull of excom-
munication and curse, against the Earl of Suffolk, and sir Robert
Curson, and some others by name, and likewise in general against all
the abettors of the said earl. Wherein it must be confessed, that
heaven was made too much to bow to earth, and religion to policy.
But soon after, Curson (when he saw time) returned into England, and
withall into wonted favour with the king, but worse fame with the
people. Upon whose return the earl was much dismayed and seeing
himself destitute of hopes (the lady Margaret of Burgundy also by tract
of time, and bad success, being now become cool in those attempts)
after some wandering in France, and Germany, and certain little
projects, no better than squibbs of an exiled man, being tired out, re-
tired again into the protection of the archduke Philip in Flanders, who
by the death of Isabella, was at that time king of Castile, in the
right of Joan his wife.

This year (being the nineteenth of his reign) the king called his
parliament Wherein a man may easily guess, how absolute the king
took himself to be with his parliament, when Dudley that was so hate-
ful, was made Speaker of the House of Commons. In this parliament,
there were not made any statutes memorable, touching publick govern-
ment. But those that were, had still the stamp of the king's wisdom
and his policy.

There was a statute made for the disannulling of all patents of
lease, or grant, to such as came not upon lawful summons, to serve the
king in his wars, against the enemies or rebels, or that should depart
without the king's licence ; with an exception of certain persons of the
long robe. Providing nevertheless, that they should have the king's
wages, from their house, till their return home again. There had been
the like made for officers, and by this statute it was extended to lands.
But a man may easily see by many statutes made in this king's time,

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 387

that the king thought it safest, to assist martial law by the law of
parliament.

Another statute was made, prohibiting the bringing in of manufac-
tures of silk wrought by itself, or mixt with any other thread. But it
was not of stuffs of whole piece (for that the realm had of them no
manufacture in use at that time) but of knit silk, or texture of silk ; as
ribbands, laces, caules, points, and girdles, &c., which the people of
England could then well skill to make. This law pointed at a true
principle : that where foreign materials are but superfluities foreign
manufactures should be prohibited. For that will either banish the
superfluity or gain the manufacture.

There was a law also of resumption of patents of gaols, and the re-
annexing of them to the sherifwicks ; privileged officers being no less
an interuption of justice, than privileged places.

There was likewise a law to restrain the by-laws or ordinances of
corporations, which many times were against the prerogative of the
king, the common-law of the realm, and the liberty of the subject,
being fraternities in evil. It was therefore provided, that they should
not be put in execution, without the allowance of the chancellor, trea-
surer, and the two chief-justices, or three of them, or of the two justices
of circuit where the corporation was.

Another law was (in effect) to bring in the silver of the realm to the
mint, in making all clipped, minished, orimpaired coins of silver, not to
be current in payments; without giving any remedy of weight, but with
an exception only of a reasonable wearing, which was nothing in respect
of the incertainty ; and so (upon the matter) to set the mint on work,
and to give way to new coins of silver, which should be then minted.

There likewise was a long statute against vagabonds, wherein two
things may be noted ; the one the dislike the parliament had' of gaol-
ing of them, as that which was chargeable, pesterous, and of no open
example. The other, that in the statutes of this king's time, (for this
of the nineteenth year is not the only statute of that kind) there are
ever coupled, the punishment of vagabonds, and the forbidding of dice,
and cards, and unlawful games unto servants and mean people, and
the putting down and suppressing of ale-houses, as strings of one
root together, and as if the one were unprofitable, without the other.

As for riot and retainers, there passed scarce any parliament in
this time without a law against them, the king ever having an eye to
might, and multitude.

There was granted also that parliament a subsidy, both for the tem-
poralty and the clergy. And yet, nevertheless, ere the year expired,
there went out commissions for a general benevolence, though there
were no wars ; no fears. The same year the city gave five thousand
marks, for confirmation of their liberties ; a thing fitter for the begin-
nings of king's reigns, than the latter ends. Neither was it a smal

388 AVARICE OF HENRY.— DEATH OF ISABELLA OF CASTILE

matter, that the mint gained upon the late statute, by the recoinage
of groats and half-groats, now twelve-pences and six-pences. As for
Empson and Dudley's mills, they did grind more than ever. So that
it was a strange thing, to see what golden showers poured down upon
the king's treasury at once. The last payments of the marriage
money from Spain ; the subsidy ; the benevolence ; the recoinage j
the redemption of the citie's liberties ; the casualties. And this is the
more to be marvelled at, because the king had then no occasions at
all of wars or troubles. He had now but one son, and one daughter
unbestowed. He was wise ; he was of an high mind ; he needed not
to make riches his glory. He did excel in so many things else ;
save that certainly avarice doth ever find in itself matter of ambition,
Belike he thought to leave his son' such a kingdom, and such a mass
of treasure, as he might choose his greatness where he would.

This year was also kept the Serjeants' feast, which was the second
call in this king's days.

About this time Isabella, queen of Castile, deceased ; a right noble
lady, and an honour to her sex, and times, and the corner-stone of
the greatness of Spain that hath followed. This accident the king
took not for news at large, but thought it had a great relation to his
own affairs ; especially in two points. The one for example ; the other
for consequence. First, he conceived that the case of Ferdinando of
Arragon, after the death of queen Isabella, was his own case, after
the death of his own queen : and the case of Joan the heir unto Castile,,
was the case of his own son prince Henry. For if both of the kings had
their kingdoms, in the right of their wives, they descended to the heirs,,
and did not accrevv to the husbands. And although his own case had
both steel and parchment, more than the other (that is to say, a con-
quest in the field, and an act of parliament) yet notwithstanding, that
natural title of descent in blood, did (in the imagination even of a wise
man) breed a doubt, that the other two were not safe nor sufficient.
Wherefore he was wonderful diligent, to inquire and observe what be-
came of the king of Arragon, in holding and continuing the kingdom
of Castile. And whether he did hold it in his own right, or as admini-
strator to his daughter ; and whether he were like to hold it in fact,
or to be put out by his son in law. Secondly, he did revolve in his
mind, that the state of Christendom might by this late accident have
a turn. For whereas before time himself, with the conjunction of Arra-
gon and Castile (which then was one) and the amity of Maximilian and
Philip his son the arch-duke, was far too strong a party for France ;
he began to fear, that now the French king (who had great interest in
the affections of Philip the young king of Castile) and Philip himself,
now king of Castile (who was in ill terms with his father in law about
the present government of Castile). And thirdly, Maximilian. Philip's
father (who was ever variable, and upon whom the surest aim that

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 389

could be taken, was that he would not be long, as he had been last
before) would, all three being potent princes, enter into some strait
league and confederation amongst themselves. Whereby, though he
should not be endangered, yet he should be left to the poor amity of
Arragon. And whereas he had been heretofore a kind of arbiter
of Europe, he should now go less, and be over-topped by so great
a conjunction. He had also (as it seems) an inclination to marry, and
bethought himself of some fit conditions abroad. And amongst others,
he had heard of the beauty and virtuous behaviour of the young queen
of Naples, the widow of Ferdinando the younger, being then of ma-
tronal years of seven and twenty. By whose marriage he thought
that the kingdom of Naples (having been a gaol for a time between
the king of Arragon, and the French king, and being but newly
settled) might in some part be deposited in his hands who was so able
to keep the stakes. Therefore he sent in ambassage or message
three confident persons ; Francis Marsin, James Bray-brook, and
John Stile, upon two several inquisitions rather than negotiations.
The one touching the person and condition of the young queen of
Naples. The other touching all particulars of estate, that concerned
the fortunes and intentions of Ferdinando. And because they may
observe best who themselves are observed least, he sent them under
colourable pretexts ; giving them letters of kindness and complement
from Katherine the princess, to her aunt, and niece, the old and young
queen of Naples, and delivering to them also a book of new articles
of peace ; which notwithstanding it had been delivered unto doctor
de Puebla, the legier ambassador of Spain here in England, to "be
sent ; yet for that the king had been long without hearing from Spain,
he thought good those messengers, when they had been with the two
queens, should likewise pass on to the court of Ferdinando, and take
a copy of the book with them. The instructions touching the queen
of Naples were so curious and exquisite, being as articles whereby to
direct a survey, or framing a particular of her person, for complexion,
favour, feature, stature, health, age, customs, behaviour, conditions,
and estate, as if the king had been young, a man would have judged
him to be amorous ; but being ancient, it ought to be interpreted, that
sure he was very chaste, for that he meant to find all things in one
woman, and so to settle his affections, without ranging. But in this
match he was soon cooled, when he heard from his ambassadors, that
this young queen had had a goodly jointure in the realm of Naples,
well answered during the time of her uncle Frederick, yea, and during
the time of Lewis the French king, in whose division her revenue fell ;
but since the time that the kingdom was in Ferdinando's hands, all
was assigned to the army, and garrisons there, and she received only
a pension or exhibition out of his coffers.

The other part of the inquiry had a grave and diligent return, in-

390 HENRY SENDS AMBASSADORS TO SPY OUT AFFAIRS ABROAD.

forming the king at full of the present state of king Ferdinando. By
this report it appeared to the king, that Ferdinando did continue the
government of Castile as administrator unto his daughter Joan, by
the title of qu een I sabella's will, and partly by the custom of the kingdom,
as he pretended. And that all mandates and grants were expedited in
the name of Joan his daughter, and himself as administrator, without
mention of Philip, her husband. And that king Ferdinando, howso-
ever he did dismiss himself of the name of king of Castile, yet meant
to hold the kingdom, without accompt, and in absolute command.

It appeareth also, that he flattered himself with hopes, that king
Philip would permit unto him the government of Castile during his
life ; which he had laid his plot to work him unto, both by some
counsellors of his about him, which Ferdinando had at his devotion,
and chiefly by promise, that in case Philip gave not way unto it, he
would marry some young lady, whereby to put him by the succession
of Arragon and Granada, in case he should have a son. And lastly, by
representing unto him that the government of the Burgundians, till
Philip were by continuance in Spain made as natural of Spain, would
not be endured by the Spaniards. But in all those things (though wisely
laid down and consider'd) Ferdinando fail'd ; but that Pluto was
better to him, than Pallas.

In the same report also, the ambassadors being mean men, and
therefore the more free, did strike upon a string which was somewhat
dangerous. For they declared plainly, that the people of Spain, both
nobles and commons, were better affected unto the part of Phillip
(so he brought his wife with him) than to Ferdinando ; and ex-
pressed the reason to be, because he had imposed upon them many
taxes, and tallages, which was the king's own case, between him
and his son.

There was also in this report a declaration of an overture of mar-
riage, which Amason the secretary of Ferdinando had made unto
the ambassadors in great secret, between Charles prince of Cassile
and Mary the king's second daughter ; assuring the king, that the
treaty of marriage then on foot, for the said prince and the daughter of
France, would break ; and that she the said daughter of France should
be married to Angolesme, that was the heir apparent of France.

There was a touch also of a speech of marriage between Ferdi-
nando and Madam de Fois, a lady of the blood of France, which
afterwards indeed succeeded. But this was reported as learned in
France, and silenced in Spain.

The king by the return of this ambassage, which gave great light
unto his affairs, was well instructed, and prepared how to carry himself
between Ferdinando king of Arragon, and Philip his son-in-law, king
of Castile ; resolving with himself, to do all that in him lay to keep
them at one within themselves ; but howsoever that succeeded, by a

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 391

moderate carriage and bearing the person of a common friend, to lose
neither of their friendships ; but yet to run a course more entire with
the king of Arragon, but more laboured and officious with the king of
Castile. But he was much taken with the overture of marriage with
his daughter Mary ; both because it was the greatest marriage of
Christendom, and for that it took hold of both allies.

But to corroborate his alliance with Philip the winds gave him an
interview. For Philip choosing the winter season, the better to sur-
prise the king of Arragon, set forth with a great navy out of Flanders
for Spain in the month of January, the one and twentieth year of the
king's reign. But himself was surprised with a cruel tempest, that
scatter'd his ships upon the several coasts of England. And the ship
wherein the king and queen were (with two other small barks only)
torn, and in great peril to escape the fury of the weather, thrust into
Weymouth. King Philip himself, having not been used (as it seems)
to sea, all wearied and extreme sick, would needs land to refresh his
spirits, tho' it was against the opinion of his council, doubting it might
breed delay, his occasions requiring celerity.

The rumour of the arrival of a puissant navy upon the coast, made
the country arm. And sir Thomas Trenchard with forces suddenly
raised, not knowing what the matter might be, came to Weymouth,
Where understanding the accident, he did in all humbleness and hu-
manity invite the king and queen to his house ; and forthwith dis-
patched posts to the court. Soon after came sir John Caroe likewise,
with a great troop of men well arm'd ; using the like humbleness and
respect towards the king, when he knew the case. King Philip doubt-
ing that they, being but subjects, durst not let him pass away again,
without the king's notice and leave, yielded to their entreaties, to stay
till they heard from the court. The king as soon as he heard the
news, commanded presently the earl of Arundel, to go to visit the king
of Castile, and let him understand, that as he was very sorry for his
mishap, so he was glad that he had escaped the dangers of the seas,
and likewise of the occasion himself had to do him honour ; and
desiring him, to think himself as in his own land ; and that the king
made all haste possible to come and imbrace him. The earl came to
him in great magnificence, with a brave troop of three hundred horse ;
and (for more state) came by torch-light. After he had done the king's
message, king Philip seeing how the world went, the sooner to get
away, went upon speed to the king at Windsor, and his queen follow'd
by easy journeys. The two kings at their meeting us'd all the caresses,
and loving demonstrations that were possible. And the king of Cas-
tile said pleasantly to the king, ' That he was now punished, for that he
would not come within his walled town of Calice, when they met last/
But the king answer'd, 'That walls and seas were nothing, where hearts
were open ; and that he was here no otherwise, but to be served.' After

OQ2 PHILIP OF CASTILE IN ENGLAND.— ROYAL COURTESIES.

a. day or two's refreshing, the kings entered into speech of renewing the
treaty : the king saying, ' That tho' king Philip's person were the
same, yet his fortunes and state were raised. In which case a reno-
vation of treaty was used amongst princes.' But while these things
were in handling, the king choosing a fit time, and drawing the king
of Castile into a room, where they two only were private, and laying
his hand civilly upon his arm, and changing his countenance a little
from a countenance of intertainment, said to him; 'Sir, you have been
saved upon my coast, I hope you will not suffer me to wrack upon
yours.' The king of Castile ask'd him, ' What he meant by that speech ?
(l mean it (saith the king) by that same harebrain wild fellow, my sub-
ject, the earl of Suffolk, who is protected in your country, and begins
to play the fool, when all others are weary of it.' The king of Castile
answer'd, ' I had thought (sir) your felicity had been above those
thoughts. But if it trouble you, I will banish him.' The king reply'd,
'Those hornets were best in their nest, and worst when they did fly
abroad, that his desire was, to have him delivered to him.' The king
of Castile herewith a little confused, and in a study, said, 'That can I
ttot do with my honour, and less with yours ; for you will be thought
to have used me as a prisoner.' The king presently said, ' Then the
matter is at an end. For I will take that dishonour upon me, and so
your honour is saved.' The king of Castile, who had the king in great
estimation, and besides remembered where he was, and knew not
what use he might have of the king's amity, for that himself was new
in his estate of Spain, and unsettled, both with his father in law, and
with his people, composing his countenance, said, 'Sir, you give law to
me ; but so will I to you. You shall have him, (but upon your honour)
you shall not take his life.' The king embracing him, said, ' Agreed.
Saith the king of Castile, 'Neither shall it dislike you if I send to him
in such a fashion as he may partly come with his own good will.' The
king said, 'It was well thought of; and if it pleased him, he would joyn
with him, in sending to the earl a message to that purpose.' They
both sent severally, and mean while they continued feastings and pas-
times. The king being (on his part) willing to have the earl sure before
the king of Castile went ; and the king of Castile being as willing to
seem to be inforced. The king also with many wise and excellent
perswasions, did advise the king of Castile to be ruled by the council
of his father in law Ferdinando ; a prince so prudent, so experienced,
so fortunate. The king of Castile (who was in no very good terms
with his said father in law) answer'd, ' That if his father in law would
suffer him to govern his kingdom, he should govern him.'

There were immediately messengers sent from both kings to recall
the earl of Suffolk : who upon gentle words used to him was soon
charmed, and willing enough to return ; assur'd of his life, and hoping
of his liberty. He was brought through Flanders to Calice, and

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 393

thence landed at Dover, and with sufficient guard delivered and re-
ceived at the Tower of London. Mean while king Henry (to draw
the time) continued his feastings and entertainments, and after he had
receiv'd the king of Castile into the fraternity of the Garter, and for
a reciprocal his son the prince admitted to the order of the Golden-
Fleece, he accompany'd king Philip and his queen to the city of Lon-
don ; where they were entertain'd with the greatest magnificence and
triumph, that could be upon no greater warning. And as soon as the earl
of Suffolk had been convey'd to the Tower (which was the serious part)
the jollities had an end, and the kings took leave. Nevertheless during
their being here, they in substance concluded that treaty, which the
Flemings term Intercursus mahis, and bears date at Windsor ; for
that there be some things in it more to the advantage of the English,
than of them ; especially, for that the free-fishing of the Dutch upon
the coasts and seas of England, granted in the treaty of Undccimo,
was not by this treaty confirmed. All articles that confirm former
treaties being precisely and warily limited and confirm'd to matter of
commerce only, and not otherwise.

It was observed, that the great tempest which drove Philip into
England, blew down the golden eagle from the spire of Paul's, and
in the fall it fell upon a sign of the black eagle, which was in Paul's
Church-yard, in the place where the school-house now standeth, and
battcr'd it, and brake it down. Which was a strange stooping of a
hawk upon a fowl. This the people interpreted to be an ominous
prognostick upon the imperial house, which was (by interpretation
also) fulfill'd upon Philip the emperor's son, not only in the present
disaster of the tempest, but in that that follow'd. For Philip arriving
into Spain, and attaining the possession of the kingdom of Castile
without resistance (insomuch as Ferdinando, who had spoke so great
before, was with difficulty admitted to the speech of his son in law),
sickned soon after, and deceased. Yet after such time as there was
an observation by the wisest of that court, that if he had liv'd his
father would have gain'd upon him in that sort, as he would have
govern'd his council and designs, if not his affections. By this all
Spain return'd into the power of Ferdinando in state as it was before ;
the rather, in regard of the infirmity of Joan his daughter, who loving
her husband (by whom she had many children) dearly well, and no
less belov'cl of him (howsoever her father to make Philip ill beloved of
the people of Spain, gave out that Philip us'd her not well) was un-
able in strength of mind to bear the grief of his decease, and fell dis-
tracted of her wits. Of which malady her father was thought no
ways to endeavour the cure, the better to hold his regal power in
Castile. So that as the felicity of Charles VIII. was said to be a dream ;
so the adversity of Ferdinando was said likewise to be a dream, it
passed over so soon.

394 ADVENT OF WOLSEY.— CHARLES OF SPAIN AND PRINCESS MARY.

About this time the king was desirous to bring into the house of
Lancaster celestial honour, and became suitor to Pope Julius, to
canonize king Henry VI. for a saint ; the rather in respect of that his
famous prediction of the king's own assumption to the crown. Julius
referred the matter (as the manner is) to certain cardinals,1 to take
the verification of his holy acts and miracles. But it died under the
reference. The general opinion was that Pope Julius was too dear,
and that the king would not come to his rates. But it is more
probable, that that pope (who was extremely jealous of the dignity of
the see of Rome, and of the acts thereof), knowing that king Henry
VI. was reputed in the world abroad but for a simple man, was afraid
it would but diminish the estimation of that kind of honour, if there
were not a distance kept betwixt innocents and saints.

The same year likewise there proceeded a treaty of marriage be-
tween the king and the lady Margaret duchess dowager of Savoy, only
daughter to Maximilian, and sister to the king of Castile ; a lady wise,
and of great good fame. This matter had been in speech between
the two kings at their meeting, but was soon after resumed ; and
therein was employ'd for his first piece the king's then chaplain, and
after the great prelate Thomas Wolsey. It was in the end concluded,
with great and ample conditions for the king, but with promise de
futuro only. It may be the king was the rather induced unto it, for
that he heard more and more of the marriage to go on between his
great friend and ally Ferdinando of Arragon, and madam de Fois,
whereby that king began to piece with the French king, from whom
he had been always before severed. So fatal a thing it is, for the
greatest and straitest amities of kings, at one time or other to have a
little of the wheel. Nay, there is a further tradition (in Spain tho*
not with us), that the king of Arragon, after he knew that the marriage
between Charles, the young prince of Castile, and Mary the king's
second daughter went roundly on (which tho' it was first moved by
the king of Arragon, yet it was afterwards wholly advanced and
brought to perfection by Maximilian, and the friends on that side),
entered into a jealousy, that the king did aspire to the government of
Castilia, as administrator during the minority of his son-in-law ; as
if there should have been a competition of three for that government ;
Ferdinando, grandfather on the mother's side ; Maximilian, grand-
father on the father's side ; and king Henry, father-in-law to the
young prince. Certainly, it is not unlike, but the king's government
(carrying the young prince with him) would have been perhaps more
welcome to the Spaniards, than the other two. For the nobility of
Castilia, that so lately put out the king of Arragon, in favour of king

The pope by his bull committed the examination of this matter to the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the bishops of London, Winchester, and Durham ; the bull is in the Collomais
library.-Sir J. Ware, Kn. Henry VII., Cap. xx.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 395

Philip, and had discover'd themselves so far, could not be but in a
secret distrust and distaste of that king. And as for Maximilian, upon
twenty respects he could not have been the man. But this purpose of
the king's seemeth to me (considering the king's safe courses, never
found to be enterprising or adventurous) not greatly probable, except
he should have had a desire to breathe warmer, because he had ill
lungs. This marriage with Margaret was protracted from time to
time, in respect of the infirmity of the king, who now in the two and
twentieth of his reign began to be troubled with the gout. But the
defluxion taking also into his breast, wasted his lungs, in that thrice
in a year (in a kind of return, and especially in the spring) he had
great fits and labours of the tissick. Nevertheless, he continued to
intend business with as great diligence, as before in his health. Yet
so, as upon this warning, he did likewise now more seriously think of
the world to come, and of making himself a saint, as well as king
Henry the sixth, by treasure better employ'd, than to be given to Pope
Julius. For this year he gave greater alms than accustomed, and
discharged all prisoners about the city, that lay for fees or debts
under forty shillings. He did also make haste with religious
foundations ; and in the year following (which was the three and
twentieth) finished that of the Savoy. And hearing also of the
bitter cries of his people against the oppressions of Dudley and
Empson, and their accomplices ; partly by devout persons about
him, and partly by publick sermons (the preachers doing their duty
therein) he was touch'd with great remorse for the same. Neverthe-
less, Empson and Dudley, tho' they could not but hear of these
scruples in the king's conscience ; yet as if the king's soul and his
money were in several offices, that the one was not to intermeddle
with the other, went on with as great rage as ever. For the same
three and twentieth year was there a sharp prosecution against sir
William Capel now the second time ; and this was for matters of
misgovernment in his mayoralty. The great matter being, that in
some payments he had taken knowledge of false moneys, and did not
his diligence to examine and bear it out who were the offenders. For
this and some other things laid to his charge, he was condemn'd to
pay two thousand pounds ; and being a man of stomach, and harden'd
by his former troubles, refused to pay a mite ; and belike used some
untoward speeches of the proceedings, for which he was sent to the
Tower, and there remain'd till the king's death. Knesworth likewise,
that had been lately mayor of London, and both his sheriffs, were for
abuses in their offices, question'd, and imprison'd, and deliver'd upon
one thousand four hundred pounds paid. Hawis an alderman of
London, was put in trouble, and died with thought and anguish before
his business came to an end. Sir Lawrence Ailmer, who had likewise
been mayor of London, and his two sheriffs, were put to the fine of one

396 THE ROYAL TREASURE.— DEATH OF HENRY VII.

thousand pounds. And sir Lawrence, for refusing to make payment,
was committed to prison, where he stay'd till Empson himself was
committed in his place.

It is no marvel (if the faults were so light and the rates so heavy)
fliat the king's treasure of store that he left at his death, most of it in
secret places under his own key and keeping, at Richmond, amounted
(as by tradition it is reported to have done) unto the sum of near
eighteen hundred thousand pounds sterling ; a huge masse of money,
even for these times.

The last act of state that concluded this king's temporal felicity,
was the conclusion of a glorious match between his daughter Mary,
and Charles prince of Castile, afterwards the great emperor, both
being of tender years. Which treaty was perfected by bishop Fox,
and other his commissioners at Calice, the year before the king's
death. In which alliance, it seemeth he himself took so high con-
tentment, as in a letter which he wrote thereupon to the city of
London (commanding all possible demonstrations of joy to be made
for the same) he expresseth himself, as if he thought he had built a
wall of brass about his kingdom. When he had for his sons in law,
a king of Scotland, and a prince of Castile and Burgundy. So as now
there was nothing to be added to this great king's felicity, being at
the top of all worldly bliss (in regard of the high marriages of his
children, his great renown throughout Europe, and his scarce credible
riches, and the perpetual constancy of his prosperous successes), but
an opportune death, to withdraw him from any future blow of
fortune. Which certainly (in regard of the great hatred of his people,
and the title of his son being then come to eighteen years of age, and
being a bold prince, and liberal, and that gained upon the people by
his very aspect and presence) had not been impossible to have even
come upon him.

To crown also the last year of his reign as well as his first, he did
an act of piety, rare and worthy to be taken into imitation. For he
granted forth a general pardon, as expecting a second coronation in a
better kingdom. He did also declare in his will, that his mind was,
that restitution should be made of those sums, which had been
unjustly taken by his officers.

And thus this Solomon of England (for Solomon also was too
heavy upon his people in exactions) having lived two and fifty years,
and thereof reigned three and twenty years, and eight months, being
in perfect memory, and in a most blessed mind, in a great calm of a
consuming sickness passed to a better world, the two and twentieth of
April, I5C-8,1 at his palace of Richmond, which himself had built.

1 Reckoning from the day of his victory at Bosvvorth, when Sir William Stanley crown'd
him in the field, which was the 22nd day of August, 1485, to the 22nd of April 1508, is but
22 years and 8 months ; whereas he reigned 23 years and 8 months, and dy'd the 22nd of
April, 1509.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 397

' This king (to speak of him in terms equal to his deserving) was
one of the best sort of wonders : a wonder for wisemen. He had
parts (both in his virtues, and his fortune) not so fit for a common
place, as for observation. Certainly he was religious, both in his
affection and observance. But as he could see clear (for those times)
through superstition, so he would be blinded (now and then) by human
policy. He advanced churchmen ; he was tender in the privilege of
sanctuaries, tho' they wrought him much mischief. He built and en-
dowed many religious foundations, besides his memorable hospital of
the Savoy. And yet was he a great alms-giver in secret ; which shewed
that his works in public were dedicated rather to God's glory, than
his own. He professed always to love and seek peace ; and it was his
usual preface, in his treaties ; ' That when Christ came into the world,
peace was sung ; and when he went out of the world, peace was be-
queath'd.' And this virtue could not proceed out of fear or softness ;
for he was valiant and active, and therefore (no doubt) it was truly
Christian and moral. Yet he knew the way to peace, was not to seem
to be desirous to avoid wars. Therefore would he make offers, and
fames of wars, till he had mended the conditions of peace. It was also
much, that one that was so great a lover of peace, should be so happy
in war. For his arms (either in foreign or civil wars) were never un-
fortunate ; neither did he know what a disaster meant. The war of his
coming in, and the rebellions of the earl of Lincoln, and the lord
Audley were ended by victory. The wars of France and Scotland by
peaces sought at his hand. That of Brittain, by accident of the duke's
death. The insurrection of the lord Lovel, and that of Perkin at
Exeter, and in Kent, by flight of the rebels before they came to blows.
So that his fortune of arms was still inviolate. The rather sure, for
that in the quenching of the commotions of his subjects, he ever went
in person. Sometimes reserving himself to back and second his lieu-
tenants, but ever in action ; and yet that was not merely forwardness,
but partly distrust of others.

' He did much maintain and countenance his laws. Which (never-
theless) was no impediment to him to work his will. For it was so
handled, that neither prerogative, nor profit went to diminution. And
yet as he would sometimes strain up his laws to his prerogative, so
would he also let down his prerogative to his parliament. For mint
and wars, and martial discipline (things of absolute power), he would
nevertheless bring to parliament. Justice was well administered in
his time, save where the king was party : save also that the council-
table interrnedled too much with meum and teum. For it was a very
court of justice during his time, especially in the beginning. But in
that part both of justice and policy, which is the durable part, and cut
(as it were) in brass or marble (which is the making of good laws), he
did excel. And with his justice, he was also a merciful prince. . As

39§ ACTS, CHARACTER, AND CONDUCT OF THE LATE KING.

in whose time there were but three of the nobility that suffer'd ; the
earl of Warwick, the lord chamberlain, and the lord Audley. Though
the first two were instead of numbers, in the dislike and obloquy of
the people. But there were never so great rebellions expiated with so
little blood, drawn by the hand of justice, as the two rebellions of
Blackheath and Exeter. As for the severity used upon those which
were taken in Kent, it was but upon a scum of people. His pardons
went ever both before and after his sword. But then he had withal a
strange kind of interchanging of large and inexpected pardons, with
severe executions. Which (his wisdom considerd) could not be im-
puted to any inconstancy, or inequality ; but either to some reason
which we do not now know, or to a principle he had set unto himself,
' That he would vary, and try both ways in turn.' But the less blood
he drew, the more he took of treasure. And (as some constru'd it) he
was the more sparing in the one, that he might be the more pressing
in the other ; for both would have been intolerable. Of nature
assuredly he coveted to accumulate treasure, and was a little poor in
admiring riches. The people (into whom there is infused, for the
preservation of monarchies, a natural desire to discharge their princes,
tho' it be with the unjust charge of their counsellors and ministers) did
impute this unto cardinal Moreton, and sir Reginald Bray. Who (as
it afterwards appear'd) as counsellors of ancient authority with him,
did so second his humours, as nevertheless they did temper them.
Whereas Empson and Dudley that follow'd, being persons that had
no reputation with him (otherwise than by the servile following of his
bent), did not give way only (as the first did), but shape him way to
those extremities, for which himself was touch'd with remorse at his
death, and which his successor renounc'd and sought to purge. This
excess of his had at that time many glosses and interpretations. Some
thought the continual rebellions wherewith he had been vexed, had
made him grow to hate his people. Some thought it was done to pull
down their stomachs, and to keep them low. Some, for that he would
leave his son a golden fleece. Some suspected he had some high de-
sign upon foreign parts. But those perhaps shall come nearest the
truth, that fetch not their reasons so far off; but rather impute it to
nature, age, peace, and a mind fixed upon no other ambition or pursuit.
Whereunto I should add, that having every day occasion to take
notice of the necessities and shifts for money of other great princes
abroad, it did the better (by comparison) set off to him the felicity of
full coffers. As to his expending of treasure, he never spar'd charge
which his affairs requir'd ; and in his buildings was magnificent, but
his rewards were very limited. So that his liberality was rather upon
his own state and memory, than upon the deserts of others.

' He was of an high mind, and lov'd his own will, and his own way ;
as one that revered himself, and would reign indeed. Had he been a

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY vn. 399

private man he would have been termed proud. But in a wise prince,
it was but keeping of distance, which indeed he did towards all ; not
admitting any near or full approach, neither to his power or to his
secrets. For he was govern'd by none. His queen (notwithstanding
she had presented him with divers children, and with a crown also,
tho' he would not acknowledge it) could do nothing with him. His
mother he reverenced much, heard little. For any person agreeable
to him for society (such as was Hastings to king Edward IV., or Charles
Brandon after to king Henry VIII.) he had none : except we should
account for such persons, Fox, and Bray, and Empson ; because they
were so much with him ; but it was but as the instrument is much
with the workman. He had nothing in him of vain glory, but yet kept
state and majesty to the height ; being sensible, that majesty maketh
the people bow, but vain glory boweth to them.

' To his confederates abroad he was constant and just, but not open.
But rather such was his inquiry, and such his closeness, as they stood
in the light towards him, and he stood in the dark to them. Yet
without strangeness, but with a semblance of mutual communication
of affairs. As for little envies, or emulations upon foreign princes
(which are frequent with many kings) he had never any ; but went
substantially to his own business. Certain it is that though his reputa-
tion was great at home yet it was greater abroad. For foreigners
that could not see the passage of affairs, but made their judgments
upon the issues of them, noted that he was ever in strife, and ever
a loft. It grew also from the airs which the princes and states abroad
receiv'd from their ambassadors and agents here ; which were attend-
ing the court in great number. Whom he did not only content with
courtesy, reward, and privateness ; but (upon such conferences as
passed with them) put them in admiration, to find his universal insight
into the affairs of the world. Which tho' he did suck chiefly from
themselves ; yet that which he had gather'd from them all, seemed
admirable to every one. So that they did write ever to their
superiors in high terms, concerning his wisdom and art of rule, nay,
when they were return'd, they did commonly maintain intelligence with
him. Such a dexterity he had to impropriate to himself all foreign
instruments.

' He was careful and liberal to obtain good intelligence from all
parts abroad. Wherein he did not only use his interest in the liegers
here, and his pensioners which he had both in the court of Rome,
and other the courts of Christendom ; but the industry and vigilancy
of his own ambassadors in foreign parts. For which purpose, his
instructions were ever extream, curious, and articulate ; and in them
more articles touching inquisition, than touching negotiation. Re-
quiring likewise from his ambassadors an answer, in particular distinct
articles, respectively to his questions.

40O HABITS OF HENRY. — ABLY SERVED AT HOME AND ABROAD.

' As for his secret spialls, which he did employ both at home and
abroad, by them to discover what practices and conspiracies were
against him, surely his case required it : he had such moles perpe-
tually working and casting to undermine him. Neither can it be
reprehended. For if spialls be lawful against lawful enemies, much
more against conspirators and traytors. But indeed to give them
credence by oaths or curses, that cannot be well maintained ; for those
are too holy vestments for a disguise. Yet surely there was this
further good in his employing of these flies and familiars ; that many
conspiracies were revealed, so the fame and suspicion of them kept (no
doubt) many conspiracies from being attempted.

'Towards his queen he was nothing uxorious, nor scarce indul-
gent ; but companiable and respective, and without jealousy
towards his children1 he was full of paternal affection, careful
of their education, aspiring to their high advancement, regular
to see that they should not want of any due honour and respect,
but not greatly willing to cast any popular lustre upon them.

' To his council he did refer much, and oft in person ; know-
ing it to be the way to assist his power, and inform his judgment.
In which respect also he was fairly patient of liberty, both of advice,
and of vote, till himself were declar'd. He kept a strait hand on his
nobility, and chose rather to advance clergymen and lawyers, which
were more obsequious to him, but had less interest in the people ;
which made for his absoluteness, but not for his safety. In so much
as (I am persuaded) it was one of the causes of his troublesome reign:
for that his nobles, tho' they were loyal and obedient, yet did not
co-operate with him, but let every man go his own way. He was not
afraid of an able man, as Lewis XI. was. But contrariwise, he was
serv'd by the ablest men that were to be found ; without which his
affairs could not have prosper'd as they did. For war, Bedford, Ox-
ford, Surrey, Dawbeny, Brooke, Poynings. For other affairs, Moreton,
Fox, Bray, the prior of Lanthony, Warham, Urswick, Hussey, Fro-
wick, and others. Neither did he care how cunning they were, that
he did employ ; for he thought himself to have the master-reach : and
as he chose well, so he held them up well. For it is a strange thing,
that tho' he were a dark prince, and infinitely suspicious, and his
times full of secret conspiracies and troubles ; yet in twenty-four years
reign, he never put down, or discomposed counsellor, or near servant,
save only Stanley, the lord chamberlain. As for the disposition
of his subjects in general towards him, it stood thus with him ;
that of the three affections, which naturally tie the hearts of the

1 He had by his queen, Elizabeth Daughter to Edward the fourth ; four sons and four
daughters Arthur who died five months after his marriage to the princess Katherine of Spain.
Henry who married his brother's widow, and succeeded his father, by the name of Henry
the eighth, Edmund and another son, who died young; Margaret queen of the Scots, and
Mary, who married the French king Lewis the twelfth, and afterwards Charles Brandon,
duke of Suffolk. The other two daughters died in their childhood.

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 40!

subjects to their sovereigns ; love, fear, and reverence ; he had the
last in height, the second in good measure, and so little of the first, as
he was beholding to the other two.

' He was a prince sad, serious, and full of thoughts and secret ob-
servations, and full of notes and memorials of his own hand, especially
touching persons. As whom to employ, whom to reward, whom to
-enquire of, whom to beware of, what were the dependencies, what
were the factions and the like; keeping (as it were) a journal of his
thoughts. There is to this day a merry tale ; that his monkey (set
on as it was thought by one of his chamber) tore his principal note-
book all to pieces, when by chance it lay forth. Whereat the court
(which liked not those pensive accompts) was almost tickled with
such sport.

1 He was indeed full of apprehensions and suspicions. But as he
•did easily take them, so he did easily check them, and master them :
whereby they were not dangerous, but troubled himself more than
others. It is true, his thoughts were so many, as they could not well
always stand together ; but that which did good one way, did hurt
.another. Neither did he at some times weigh them aright in their
proportions. Certainly that rumour which did him so much mischief
(that the duke of York should be saved, and alive) was (at the first) of
his own nourishing ; because he would have more reason not to reign
in the right of his wife. He was affable, and both well and fair
spoken ; and would use strange sweetness and blandishment of
words, where he desired to effect or persuade any thing that he
took to heart. He was rather studious than learned ; reading
most books that were of any worth, in the French tongue. Yet he
understood the Latin, as appeareth in that cardinal Hadrian, and
others, who could very well have written French, did use to write to
him in Latin.

' For his pleasures, there is no news of them. And yet by his in-
struction to Marsin and Stile touching the queen of Naples, it seemeth
he could interrogate well touching beauty. He did by pleasures, as
great princes do by banquets, come and look a little upon them, and
turn away. For never prince was more wholly given to his affairs, nor
in them more of himself. In so much, as in triumphs of justs,
and tourneys, and balls, and masks (which they then called disguises)
he was rather a princely and gentle spectator, than seemed much to be
delighted with them.

' No doubt, in him as in all men (and most of all in kings) his for-
tune wrought upon his nature, and his nature upon his fortune. He
attained to the crown, not only from a private fortune, which might
endow him with moderation; but also from the fortune of an exiled
man, which had quickened in him all seeds of observation and indus-
try. And his times being rather prosperous, than calm, had raised

26

402 APPEARANCE, CHARACTER, AND VIRTUES OF HENRY VII.

his confidence by success, but almost marred his nature by troubles.
His wisdom, by often evading from perils, was turned rather into a,
dexterity to deliver himself from dangers, when they press'd him, than
into a providence to prevent and remove them afar off. And even
in nature, the sight of his mind was like some sights of eyes ; rather
strong at hand, than to carry afar off. For his wit increased upon
the occasion ; and so much the more if the occasion were sharpened
by danger. Again, whether it were the shortness of his foresight, or
the strength of his will, or the dazling of his suspicions, or what it
was ; certain it is, that the perpetual troubles of his fortunes (there
being no more matter out of which they grew) could not have been
without some great defects, and main errors in his nature, customs,
and proceedings, which he had enough to do to save and help, with a
thousand little industries and watches. But those do best appear in
the story itself. Yet take him with all his defects, if a man should
compare him with the kings his concurrents, in France and Spain, he
shall find him more politick than Lewis the twelfth of France, and
more entire and sincere than Ferdinando of Spain. But if you shall
change Lewis the twelfth, for Lewis the eleventh, who lived a
little before ; then the consort is more perfect. For that Lewis
the eleventh, Ferdinando, and Henry, may be esteemed for the tres.
magi of kings of those ages. To conclude, if this king did no-
greater matters, it was long of himself ; for what he minded, he soon
compassed.

' He was a comely personage, a little above just stature, well and
straight limmed, but slender. His countenance was reverend, and
a little like that of a churchman : and as it was not strange or dark, so
neither was it winning or pleasing, but as the face of one well disposed.
But it was to the disadvantage of the painter ; for it was best
when he spake.

1 His worth may bear a tale or two, that may put upon him some-
what that may seem divine. When the lady Margaret his mother
had divers great suitors for marriage, she dream'done night, that one
in the likeness of a bishop, in pontifical habit, did tender her Edmund
earl of Richmond (the king's father) for her husband. Neither had
she ever any child but the king, though she had three husbands. One
day when king Henry the sixth (whose innocency gave him holiness)
was washing his hands at a great feast, and cast his eye upon king Henry,
then a young youth, he said; 'This is the lad, that shall possess quietly
that, that we now strive for.' But that that was truly divine in him,
was, that he had the fortune of a true Christian, as well as of a great
king, in living exercised, and dying repentant. So as he had an
happy warfare in both conflicts, both of sin and the cross.

' He was born at Pembroke castle, and lyeth buried at Westmin-
ster, in one of the stateliest and daintiest monuments of Europe, both

LORD VERULAM'S LIFE AND REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 403

for the chappel, and for the sepulcher. So that he dwelleth more
richly dead, in the monument of his tomb, than he did alive in Rich-
mond, or any of his palaces. I could wish he did the like, in this

monument of his fame.'

THE REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES IN THE REIGN OF
HENRY VII.

IN his second year, John Percival, the lord mayor's carver, was
chosen one of the sheriffs of London in this manner : sir Henry Collet
the lord mayor, took a cup of wine, and drank to John Percival, who
waited then at his table standing bare, the lord mayor drinking to him
and stiling him sheriff of London for the ensuing year, so far made
use of his privilege of election that way, as to cause Percival to put on
his hat, and sit down at the table ; accordingly the carver sat down,
took on him the office of sheriff, and was afterwards lord mayor him-
self, and knighted.

In his seventh year, Robert Fabian was elected an alderman and
sheriff of London He wrote a history of England and France,
from the creation of the world to the third year of the reign of
king Henry the VIII.

In his ninth year, on the 28th of April, Joan Broughton a widow
was burnt in Smithfield for heresie and professing Wickliff's opinions.
In this year wheat was sold in London for four shillings a quarter,
and Bourdeaux wine or claret, for thirty shillings a hogshead.

In the tenth year of his reign, the body of one Alice Hackney,
which had been bury'd 175 years, ever since the beginning of the reign
of Edward the II, was accidently dug up in the church of St. Mary
Hill, London : the skin of the corpse was whole, and the joynts of the
arms were pliable.

In his fifteenth year, a pestilence rag'd in England, which swept
away no less than 30,000 men, women and children in one year in the
city of London.

In the seventeenth year of his reign, sir John Shaw, then Lord Mayor,
first caus'd his brethren the aldermen to ride to the waterside when he
went to the exchequer-bar by water to be sworn. He was also the
first that had the mayor's feast in Guild-Hall, which was before done
at Grocer's or Merchant Taylor's Hall. Also this year Sebastian
Cabot brought three Indians into England. They were cloath'd

404 MEN OF NOTE IN THE REIGN OF HENRY VII.

in beasts skins, and eat raw flesh. Two of these Indians were
seen two years after dress'd like Englishmen, and not to be distin-
guish'd from them.

In the year following, on the i8th day of January, the first stone of
the chappel known by the name of Henry the seventh's chappel was
laid within the monastery of Westminster by John I slip the abbot,
sir Reginal Bray knight of the garter, Dr. Barnes master of the rolls,
sir Edward Stanhope, and others, assisting at the ceremonies. The
charges of this building amounted to no more than fourteen thousand
pounds, if we may believe our author.

In the 22nd year of his reign, the sweeting sickness which happen'd
in his first year return'd ; but the cure being known, it was not so
mortal as the first was.

Besides the famous captains mentioned by the noble author of this
reign, in his discoiirsing of king Henry VII. he had other officers of
great valour and conduct, as

George earl of Shrewsbury, George lord Strange, Edward lord
Woodville. sir Rice ap Thomas, the lord Morley, and sir John
Cheyney. Those that we name hereafter were men of courage and
experience ; but being enemies to the house of Lancaster, and taking
hold of all opportunities to disturb king Henry's government, they
perished all of them as traytors.

John de la Pool earl of Lincoln, James Touchet lord Audley, the lord
Lovel, sir Humphry Stafford, sir John Broughton, sir John Egremond,
and sir Simon Monfort.

The writers in king Henry VII. lime, ivere

George Ripley a Carmelite fryer of Boston. He wrote several
mathematical treatises, and was after his death reckoned a conjurer by
the populace.

Dr. John Ergham a black fryer born in York, professor of divinity
at Oxford : he was fond of prophecies.

John Percival a Carthusian monk.

Thomas Maillorie a Welshman. He wrote of king Arthur and the
knights of the round table.

Thomas Scroop of the noble family of the Scroops : he affected to
preach in sackcloath and bare-foot. He was sometimes a Benedictine,
sometimes a Dominican, and sometimes a Carmelite fryer. He was at
last made a bishop in Ireland, and liv'd to be near a hundred years
old. The latter part of his life he spent like an anchorite.

John Tonneis an Augustine fryer, wrote a grammar, which was
printed by Richard Pinson one of the first printers in England.

Geffery, sirnamed the grammarian.

MEN OF NOTE IN THE REIGN OF KING HENRY VII. 405

John Alcock, bishop of Ely, founder of Jesus College, in Cambridge,
it was formerly a nunnery, but the abbess and the nuns were turned
out for their dissolute lives.

Stephen Hawes, esquire, one of the gentlemen of the king's privy
chamber. William of Baintree in Norfolk, a Carmelite fryer of
Burnham, and a great divine.

William Gallion of Lyn, provincial of the Augustine fryers.

William Celling of Feversham, a monk of Canterbury.

Cardinal Thomas Bourchier of the noble family of the Bourchiers,
earls of Essex : he was first bishop of Ely, then archbishop of Canter-
bury. He was advanced to the purple by pope Paul II.

Philip Bromierd, a Dominican fryer, a divine.

Dr. John Miles, LL.D., of Brazen College in Oxford ; which college
was founded in this reign by William Smith bishop of London.

Richard Shireburn bishop of Chichester, was fam'd for his learning
and his eloquence.

Robert Vidvus vicar of Thaxstead in Essex, canon of Wells : an
excellent poet says Hollingshed. Dr. Kenighal.

Cardinal Moreton, of whom mention is frequently made in this
history. Henry Midwel, his chaplain.

Edmund Dudley, esquire, a lawyer, once speaker of the House of
Commons. He was a main instrument of king Henry's exactions.
He wrote a book entitled Arbor Ret Publica.

John Buckinham, an excellent schoolman.

Dr. William Blacknie, a Carmelite fryer, a doctor of divinity, and a
reputed necromancer.

Robert Fabian, alderman of London, whom we have elsewhere men
tioned, an historian.

Bernardus Andreas, who called himself poet laureat, and historio-
grapher royal. He wrote the life of king Henry VII.

INDEX.

Adda succeeds his father Ida in the King-
dom of Bernicia, 86. Adminius, banish'd
his country, flies to the Emp. Caligula, and
stirs him up against it, 38.

Aganippus, a Gaulish king, marries Cordelia,
the daughter of king Leir, 19. Agricola,
son of Severianus, spreads the Pelagian
doctrine in Britain, 70.

Aidan, a Scottish bp., sent for by Oswald to
settle religion, 102.

Alaric takes Rome from the Emp. Honorius,
64. Alban of Verulam with others, suffers
martyrdom under Dioclesian, 62. Albanact,
one of the three sons of Brutus, has Alba-
nia, now Scotland, for his share in the
kingdom, 17, defeated and slain by Hum-
ber king of the Huns, 17. Albina. said to
be the eldest of Dioclesian's fifty daughters,
n, from her the name of Albion deriv'd,
ii. Albion, the ancient name of this
island, n, from whence deriv'd, n. Alcred,
slaying Ethelwald, usurps the kingdom of
the Northumbrians, 116. Aldfrid recall'd
from Ireland, succeeds his brother Ecfrid
in the Northumbrian kingdom, no. He
leaves Osred a child, to succeed him, in.
Aldulf, the nephew of Ethelwald, succeeds
king of the East-Angles, 122. Alectus
treacherously slays his friend Caurausius,
to get the dominion, 61, overthrown by
Asclepiodotus, and slain, 61. Alemannus,
reported one of the four sons of Histion,
descended from Japhet, and of whom the
Alemanni or Germans, 12. Alsage, Abp.
of Canterbury, inhumanly us'd by the
Danes, 161, kill'd out-right by Thrum a
Dane, in pity of his misery, 161.

Alfred, the • fourth son of Ethelwolfe, suc-
ceeds his brother Ethelred, encounters the
Danes at Wilton, 131. Gives battle to
the whole Danish power at Edindon, and
totally routing them, brings them to terms,
133. Said to have bestowed the East-
Angles on Gytro a Danish king, who had
been lately baptiz'd, 133. A long war
afterwards maintain'd between him and the
Danes, 134, 136, dies in thirtieth year of his
reign, and is bury'd at Winchester, 136,
his noble character, 136. Alfwold, driving
out Eardulfe, usurps the kingdom of Nor-
thumberland, 121. Algar earl of Howland,
Morcard lord of Brunne, and Osgot gov.
of Lincoln, slaughter a great multitude
of the Danes in battle with three of their
kings, 129. Overpower'd with numbers,
and drawn into a snare, Algar dies vali-
antly fighting, 130. Algar the son of Lepf-
ric banish'd by king Edward, joins with
Griffin prince of South Wales, 183. Unable
to withstand Harold earl of Kent, he sub-

mits to the king, 183. Banish'd, again he
recovers his earldom by force, 184. Alipius
made deputy of the British province, in
the room of Martinus, 63. Alia begins the
kingdom of Deira in the south part of
Northumberland, 86. Alric king of Kent
after Ethelbert II., 116. With him dying
ends the race of Hengist, 118.

Ambrosius Aurelianus, dreaded by Vorti-
mer, 80, defeats the Saxons in a memorable
battle, 80, uncertain whether the son of
Constantine the usurper, or the same with
Merlin, and son of a Roman Consul, 80
succeeds Vortigern, as chief monarch of
the isle, 80.

Anacletus, the friend of king Pandrasus, is
taken in fight by Brutus, 14, forc'd
by Brutus to betray his own countrymen,
14. Andragius, one in the catalogue of
ancient British kings, 25. Androgeus, one
of Lud's sons, has London assigned him,
and Kent, 26. Forsakes his claim to the
kingdom, and follows Caesar's fortune, 38.
Anlaff the Dane, with his army of Irish,
and Constantine king of Scotland, utterly
discomfited by king Athelstan, 145. Anna
succeeds Sigebert in the kingdom of
East-Angles, 103. Slain in war by Penda
the Mercian, 103. Anne, heiress of Bre-
tagne, marry'd by proxy to Maximilian
king of the Romans, 311. Antigonus, bro-
ther of king Pandrasus, taken in fight by
Brutus, 14. Antonius, sent against the
Caledonians, 59, after the death of his
father Severus, he takes hostages, and
departs to Rome, 59. Antwerp, joyful
reception of the English merchants there
after treaty of peace and commerce, 355.

Archigallo depps'd for his tyranny, 24, being
restor'd by his brother, he becomes a new
man, and reigns worthily, 24. Archimailus
one in the number of ancient British king,'
25. Armorica in France, peopled by Britains
that fled from the Saxons, 78. Arthur, vic-
tory at Badon-hill by some ascribed to him,
by others attributed to Ambrose, 83, who
he was, and whether the author of such fa-
mous acts as are related of him, 83. Lord
Verulam's saying of him, 276. Arthur,
eldest son of Hen. VII. born, 276, marry'd to
Kath. of Spain, 380. Dies, 381. Character
of, 381. Dispute whether he had carnal
knowledge of the princess, 381, 382. Arvi-
ragus, engaging against Claudius, keeps up
the battle to a victoryby personating his slain
brother Guiderius, 40.

Assaracus, a Trojan prince, joyns with Brutus
against Pandrasus, 13. Another of that
name, together with his brothers, conquer
and settle in Germany, 18.

INDEX.

407

Athelstan, the son of king Edward the elder,
by a concubine, solemnly crowned at Kings-
ton upon Thames, 145, conspiracy of
Alfred and his accomplices against him
discovered, 143, gives his sister Edgith to
•Sitric the Dane, but drives Anlaf and
Guthfred out of their kingdom, 143, the
story of his dealing with his brother Edwin
•question'd as improbable, 143. Overthrows
a vast army of Scots and Irish under Anlaff
and Coustantine king of Scotland, 144.
Dies at Glocester, and is buried at Malms-
bury, character, 146.

Audley, lord, heads the Cornish rebels, 357.
Routed, taken, and ignominiously be-
headed, 361. Aulus Plantius sent against
this island by the Emperor Claudius, 39,
overthrows Caractacus and Togodumnus,
39, very much put to it by the Britains,
39. Sends to Claudius to come over and
joyn with him, 40, leaves the country quiet,
and returns triumphant to Rome, 40.
Aurelius Conanus, a British king, one of
the five said to have reign'd towards the
beginning of the Saxon heptarchy, 88.
Austin, with others, sent over from Rome
to preach the gospel to the Saxons, 92,
receiv'd by king Ethelbert, who hears him
in a great assembly, 92. Ordain'd Abp.
of the English, 93, his seat at Canterbury,
93. Summons together the British
bps., requiring them to conform with him
in points wherein they differ'd, 94, upon
their refusal he stirs up Ethelfred against
them, to the slaughter of 1200 monks, 94, 95.

Baldred the last king of Kent, submits to
Ecbert, 12 i. Banocksbourn, battle at, 305.
Bardus, one of the first race of kings
fabled to have reign'd in this island, n, de-
scended from Samothes, n. Battel of
Bosworth, 260, 263. Of Stokefield, 286.
Of St. Albans in Bretagne, 301. Of Dix-
muyde, 311.

Beda, his death, 112. Bedford, Jasper Tudor
Earl of Pembroke, created duke of, 271.
General against the earl of Lincoln and
Simnel'sarmy, 284. At Hen. VI I. 's French
expedition, 326. Death, 359. Benevo-
lence, tax so called, granted to Hen. VII.
by act of parliament, 321. Another. 388.
Beorn precedes Ethelred in the kingdom of
the East- Angles, 122. Berinus^a bp., sent
ty Pope Honorius, converts the West-
Saxons and their kings to Christianity. 102.
Bernulfe, usurping the kingdom of Mercia
from Kealwulf, is overthrown by Ecbert
at Ellandune, 121. Flying to the East-
Angles, is by them slain, 122.

Birthric, king of the West Saxons, after
Kinwulf, 117. Secretly seeks the life of
Ecbert, 120, poyson'd by a cup which his wife
had prepared for another, 120. Bishops,
Scots and English disagree about the time
of keeping Easter, 106, Saxon bps. zealous
for the Romish discipline, 106.

Bladud, son of Rudhudibras, builds Caer-
badus or Bath, 18. Bleadon in Somerset-
shire, why so call'd, 125. Bleduno, one of
the ancient British kings, 25. Blegadebus,
his excellency in musick, 25.

Boadicea, wife of Prasutagus, together with

her daughters, abus'd by the Roman
soldiers, 45. Commands in chief the British
army against the Romans, 47. Vanquish'd
by Suetonius, thought to have poyson'd
herself, 48. Bonosus, a Britain by descent,
endeavouring to make himself Emp., is
vanquish'd by Probus, hangs himself, 59.
Bourchier, Thos., speech to the lords
against violating sanctuaries, in relation to
their taking thence Rich, duke of York,
brother to Edw. V., 206. Goes to the queen
to persuade her to deliver him up, 209,
conference with her, 210, 216.

Brackenbury. sir Rob., lieut. of the Tower,
refuses to be concern'd in the murder of
Edw. V. and his brother the duke of York,
237. Kill'd at the battle of Bosworth, in
Richard's army, 261. Brampton, lady,
carries Perkin Warbeck to Portugal, 330.
Brandon, sir Will., kill'd at the battle of
Bosworth, by king Richard himself, 261.
Bray, Reginald, chief agent in managing
the conspiracy to dethrone Rich. III. and
advance Hen. VII., 246. Complain'd of,
when in favour with Henry VII., 356.
Brennus and Belinus, sons of Dunwallo
Mulmutius, contend about the kingdom, 22,
after various conflicts, they are recon-
cil'd by their mother Conuvenna, turn 22,
their united forces against foreign parts ;
but Belinus returns, and reigns long in
peace, 22. Bretagne, Francis, duke of,
duchy like to be torn from him by
Chas. VIII. of France in his old age, 291.
292. Death, 301. Causes of the loss of
his duchy to the French, 301.

Britain, the history of its affairs altogether
obscure and uncertain till the coming
of Julius Csesar, 9. By whom first peo-
pled, ii, nam'd first Samotheafrom Samo-
thes ; next, Albion, and from whence,
ii. Britains stoutly oppose Caesar at his
landing in this island, 29. Offer him terms
of peace, 30. Manner of fighting, 31. Are
defeated by Caesar, 33. Brought anew to
terms of peace, 35. Sharp dispute be-
tween the Britains and Romans near the
Stour in Kent, 35. Nature and customs,
37. Cruel massacre of the Romans, 46.
Are acquitted of the Roman jurisdiction
by the Emp. Honorius, not able to defend
them against thoir enemies, 66. Again
supplicate Honorius for aid, who spares
them a Roman legion, 68, and again, at
their new request, another supply, 68.
Their submissive letters to jEtius the
Roman consul, 72. Luxury and wicked-
ness, corruption of the clergy, 73. Em-
bassy to the Saxons for their aid against
the Scots and Picts, the Saxons answer
74. Miserably harrass'd by the Saxons,
whom they call'd in, 77- Routed by
Kerdic, 81. By Kenric and Keaulin, 85.
By Cuthulf, 89. Totally vanquish Keaulin,
89. Are put to flight by Kenwalk, 106.
Brito, nam'd among the four sons of His-
tion, sprung of Japhet, from him the
Britains said to be deriv'd, 12.

Brook, R. Lord, sent with an army to the
aid of the duke of Bretagne, by Hen.
VII., 301, returns without doing anything,
301 . Broughton, sir Thos. , joyns Lambert

INDEX

Simnell's followers, 285. Kill'd at Stoke
Fight, 286. Brutus, said to be descended
from ./Eneas a Trojan prince, 12. Retiring
into Greece, after having unfortunately
Idll'd his father, he delivers his country-
men from the bondage of Pandrasus, 13.
Marries Innogen the eldest daughter of
Pandrasus, 14. Lands upon a desert
island call'd Leogicia, 15, consults the oracle
of Diana, 15. Meets with Corineus, 16,
overcomes Goffarius Pictus, arrives in this
island, 16. Builds Troja Nova, 17, death,
17. Brutus, sirnam'd Greenshield, suc-
ceeds Ebranc, and gives battle to Brun-
childis, 18.

Buchanan, censur'd by Milton, 121, 142.
Buck loses his head at Eosworth, 273.
Buckingham, duke of. sends to the duke
of Glocester to offer him his service on
king Edw. IV. 's death, 196. Conspires to
seize the person of Edw. V., 198. Assists the
duke of Glocester to arrest lord Rivers the
king's uncle, and his half brother lord
Rich. Gray, 199. Answer to Card. Bour-
chier, Abp. of Canterbury, about sanctu-
aries, 208. Speech on that subject made
by him, 208. Engages the protector to
take the crown, 217. Speech to the
citizens of London, to prevail with them to
choose the duke of Glocester king, 231,
233. To the duke of Glocester to accept
the crown, 234. Quarrels with him when
king, 238. Conference with Dr. Moreton, bp.
of Ely, about dethroning Rich., and setting
up Hen. earl of Richmond, 240, 248. Sends
to the countess and earl of Richmond, 247.
Takes arms, and is defeated by means of
a great flood, 248. Buckingham, Edward
Stafford his eldest son, reslor'd in blood,
and is styl'd duke of, 274. Burhead, hold-
ing of Ethelwolf the Mercian king-
dom after Bertulfe, reduces the North
Welsh to obedience, i26,marriesEthelsuida,
daughter of king Ethelwolfe, 126. Driven
out of his kingdom by the Danes, flies to
Rome, where dying, he is bury'd in a
church by the English school, 131. His
kingdom let by Danes to Kelwulf, 132.

Caius Sidius Geta behaves himself valiantly
against the Britains, 39. Caius Volusenus
sent into Britain by Caesar to make dis-
covery of the country and people, 28.
Caligula, a Roman Emp., 38. Camalpdu-
uum, or Maldon, chief seat of Kymbelines,
38. Roman Colony, 40. Camber, one
of the sons of Brutus, has Cambria or
Wales allotted him, 17. Cambridge Univ.,
said to be founded by Sigebert king of the
East-Angles, 103. Burnt by the Danes,
160. Canute, son of Swane, chosen king
after his father's death by the Danish
army and fleet, 162. Driven back to his
ships by Ethelred, 163, returns with a great
navy from Denmark accompanied wiih
Lachman king of Sweden, and Clave king
of Norway, 163. After several conflicts
with Edmund, at length divides the king-
dom with him by agreement, 167. After
Edmund's death,' reigns sole king, 168, en-
deavours the extirpation of the Saxon line,
u68 settles his kingdom, and makes peace

"~ with the princes round about him, 168",.
causes Edric, whose treason he had
made use of, to be slain, and his body to-
be thrown over the city wall, 168,
subdues Norway, 170, u kes a voyage to
Rome, and offering ther rich gifts, vows
amendment of life; die; at Shaftesbury,
bury'd at Winchester, 170, chaiacter, 170.

Capell, sir William, alderman of London,
severely us'd by Hen. VII., 344.
Second troubles of, 395. Capis, one of
the ancient kings, 25. Capoirus an ancient
British king, 25. Caractacus, youngest
son of Cunobeline, succeeds in the king-
dom, 39, overthrown by Aulus Plautius, 39.
Heads the Silures against the Romans,
42. Betray'd by Cartismandua, to
whom he fled for refuge, 42. Sent to
Rome, 43, speech to the Emp., 43, by the
bravery of his carriage he obtains par-
don for himself and all his company, 43.
Carausius, grown rich with piracy, pos-
sesses himself cf this island, Co, fortifies
the wall of Severus, fo. In the midst of
the great preparations of Constantius
Chlorus against him, i slain by his
friend Alectus, 61- Carii us sent by his
father the Emperor to govern the isle of/
Britain, and slain by D ocl sian, 60.

Cartismandua queen of the Brigaiitines,
delivers up Caractacus bound to the
Romans, deserts her husband Venutius,
and gives both herself and kingdom,
to Villocatus, one of her esquires, 42, 44.
Carvilius, king of Britain, assaults the
Roman camp, 36. Cassibelaun, son of
Heli, gains the kingdom by common con-
sent, 26, generosity to his brother's sons,
26. Heads the Britains against Julius
Caesar and the Romans, 34, deserted by
the Trinobantes, and why, 35. Yields
to Caesar, 35, reported to have had war
with Androgeus, dies and is bury'd at
York, 36. Castello, Adrian de, made
bp. of Hereford by Hen. VII., 306,
made cardinal, and conspires against the
Pope, 306. Cataracta an ancient city in.
Yorkshire, burnt by Alured, 116. Catesby,
sir Wm., a lawyer and creature of
Rich. III. sounds lord Hastings, to know
if he was for Richard's usurpation, 218.
His treachery, 219. Catullus, an ancient
British king, 25.

Cerdic, a Saxon prince, lands at Cerdic-
shoar, and overthrows the Britains, 81,
defeats king Natanleod in a battle, 82,
founds the kingdom of the West-Saxons, 82.

Chambers, John, rebels against Hen. VII.,
305, hang'd at York, 305. Chancery, court
of, its power and description. 302. Chan-
dois, Mons., a Breton, mace earl of Bath
by Hen. VII. 274. Chap. 1, Hen. VII. 's
founded, 404. Charles VIII. the French
king, aims to annex the duchy of Bre-
tagne to the crown of France, 290, sends
an embassy to Hen. VII. to prevail with,
him not to assist the duke of Bretagne,.
290. Dissembles with Henry, 292. Gains
the battle of St. Albans against the dukes
of Orleans and Bretagne, 301. Dissembles
with Maximilian, whose daughter he had
promis'd to marry, 310. Sends an em-

INDEX.

409

bassy to Hen. VII. to desire him
to admit of his marrying Ann of
Bretagne, to whom he pleas'd, 313, his em-
bassadors speech to Hen. VII. 's coun-
cil, 313. Marries lady Ann afcer she
was married to Maximilian, 318. Buys
peace, and pays tribute to Hen. VII., 327.
Noble reception of Perkin Warbeck, 332,
sends him away, 332. Expedition into Italy,
346, league against him, 346. Recommends
Perkin to the Scots king, 349, Death, 373.

Charles prince of Castile (Charles V.),
contracted to the princess Mary, daughter
to Hen. VII., 396. Cherem, an ancient
British king, 25. Christian Faith re-
ceiv'd in Britain by king Lucius, 55.
Prerch^d by Fagonus and Deruvianus, 56,
by Sim^n Zelotes, or Joseph of Ari-
matl ea, 56. Upon what occasion preach'd
to the Saxons, 92. Chrysanthus, son of
Marcianus. a bp., made deputy of Britain
by Theodosius, 64.

Cingetorex, a king in Britain, assaults the
Roman camp, 36, taken prisoner by Caesar,
36. Cissa succeeds Ella, founder of the
South-Saxon kingdom, 82.

Claudius the emp. persuaded by Bericus,
though a Britain, to invade this island,
39, sends Aulus Plautius hither with an
army, 39. Comes over himself, and joyns
with Plautius, 40, defeats the Britains and
takes Camalodunum, 40, returns to Rome,
leaving Plautius behind, 40, has excessive
honours decreed him by the Senate, 40.
Clergy, a law to burn 'em in the hand, 303.
Clifford, Sir Rob., one of the conspirators
against Hen. VII. in favour of Perkin War-
beck, 334, goes to him, discourses him, and
writes to his accomplices, that he is certainly
Rich. Duke of York, 334. Is brought over
to Henry's interest, 336. Comes to England,
and gives Hen. VII. an account of the de-
signs fprm'd against him, 338. Impeaches
Sir William Stanley, 339. Cligellius, an
ancient British king, 25. Clodius Albinus
succeeds Pertinax in the Government of
Britain, 57. Clotenus, one of the ancient
British kings, 25.

Coilius, an ancient British king, 25. Coilus,
son of Marius, leaves the kingdom to Lu-
cius, 56. Collingburn, Will., Esq., of
Lydiard in Wiltshire, hang'd for writing a
dystich upon Rich. III., 251. Columbus,
Christ., sends his brother Barthol. to treat
with Hen. VII. about his voyage to the
West-Indies, 371. Barthol. being taken by
the pyrates hinders his negotiation, 371.
Comail, and two other British kings slain
by Keaulin and Cuthuin, 89. Comius of
Arras, sent by Caesar to make a party
among the Britains, 28. Imprison'd as a
Spy, 30. Conspiracy against Rich, III.,
246, 250. Hen. VII. by Sir Will. Stanley,
334. Constans, of a monk made Caesar,
reduces all Spain to Constantine's obedi-
ence, 66, displacing Gerontius, is oppos'd
by him, and at lastslain, 66. Constantine,
son of Constantius Chlorus, saluted Emp.
after his father's death, 62, his mother
said to be Helena daughter of Coilus a
British prince, 62. His eldest son of the
same name enjoys, among other provinces

of the empire, this island also, 62; A sol
dier of the same name, saluted emp., 65-
By the valour or'Oedebicus and Gerontius
gains France as far as Aries, 66. By the
conduct of Constans and Gerontius he re-
duces all Spain, 66. Gerontius displac'd
by him, calls in the Vandals, 66. Beseig'd
by Constantius Comes, he turns priest, is
carry "d to Italy, and put to death, 66.
Constantine, son of prince Cador, in-
veigh'd against by Gildas, 88, said to-
have murther'd two young princes of the
blood royal, 88. Constantine king of Scot-
land, joyning with the Danes and Irish
under Anlaf, is overthrown by Athelstan,
144. Constantius Chlorus, sent against
Carausius, 60, defeats Alectus, who is slain,

61, acknowledged the Britons as their de-
liver, 61. Divides the empire with Galerius,

62, dies at York, 62 Constantius, son of
Constantine, overcomes Magnentius, who>
contested with him for the empire, 62.
Cordelia's answer to her father, begets
this displeasure, 19, married to Aganip-
pus, king in Gaul, 19. Receives her father,
rejected by his other daughters, with
most dutiful affection, 20, restores him to
his crown, and reigns after him, 20, van-
quish'd, depos'd and imprison'd by her two
sisters sons, 20. Cordes Seigneur, his ha-
tred to the English, 311, his vain expres-
sion to that effect. 311. Writes to Henry
II. to desire a peace for his Master, 326.
Corineus, a Trojan commander, joyns
forces with Brutus, 16, slay Imbertus, 16,
arrives with Brutus in this island ; Corn-
wall, from him denominated falls to his lot,.

16, overcomes the gyant Gogmagog,

17. Cornishmen rebel against Hen. VII.,
356. March as far as Blackheath, and are
routed, 357, 360. Rise again for Perkin,
and march with him to the seige of Exeter,
366. Deserted by him, 368. Courts of
justice, what pleas belong to every one, 302.

Creation of Noblemen, 271, 274. Crida,
first king of Mercia, 90.

Cuichelm the West-Saxon sends Eumerus to>
assassin king Edwin, 98. Baptiz'd at Dor-
chester, dies the same year, 102. Cu-
nedagius, son of Regan, deposes his aunt
Cordelia, 20, shares the kingdom with
his cousin Marganus, invaded by him,
meets and overcomes him, 20. Cuneglas,
a British king, one of the five that reign'd
a little before the Saxons were settled, 89.
Cutha helps Keaulin against Ethelbert, 86.
Assists him at Fethan Laeg, 89. Cuthred,
king of the West-Saxons, joyns with Ethel-
bald the Mercian, and gains a great victory
over the Welsh, 114, has a fierce battel
with Ethelbald the Mercian, which he not
long survives, 114. A king of Kent of the
same name, 121. Cuthulfe, brother of
Keaulin, vanquishes the Britains at Bedan-
ford, and takes several towns. 80.

Danes first appear in the West, 117. Slay
the king's collectors of his customs, 118.
Land at Lindisfarn in Yorkshire, pillage
that monastery, slay and capture several,
both fryars and others, 118. Attempting
to spoil another monastery, are cut off

4io

INDEX.

by the English, 119. Make very great
waste in Northumberland, 122. Destroy
Shepey in Kent, and engage with Ecbert
near the river Carr, 124, are over-
thrown and put to flight by Ecbert, 124.
Various success in the reign of Ethelwolf,
725. Great battles between them and the
English in the reign of Ethelred, with
various fortune, 129, 131. Being defeated,
are brought to terms by king Alfred, 132.
Vast fleets of Danes arrive with fresh sup-
pKes 132,138- Overthrown by king Athel-
stan, 144. Massacre committed upon them
by the English in all parts of the land in the
reign of king Ethelred, 157. Danius an
ancient British king, 23. Dawbeny lord,
beats the French at Dixmuide, 311. The
Cornish rebels at Blackheath, 359.

Devonshire, Edw. Courtney made Earl of,
by Hen. VII., 271.

Dinothus Abbot of Bangor, speech to Bp.
Austin, 95. Dioclesian king of Syria, and
his fifty daughters, having, all but one,
murther'd their husbands, are said to have
been driven upon this island, n. Dis, the
first peopler of this island, as some fabu-
lously affirm, n, the same with Samothes,
ii. Dixmuyd, battel of, 311.

Donaldus, said to have headed the Caledon-
ians against Sept mius Severus, 59. Don-
aldus, king of Scotland, brought to hard
conditions by Osbert and Ella kings of
Northumberland, 127. Dorset, Thos.
Gray Marquess of, one of the conspirators
that took arms with the Duke of Bucks
against Rich., 248. Flies to the Earl of
Richmond in Bretagne, 249. Would leave
him, but is stopp'd, and left hostage in
France, 255. Imprison'd by Hen. VII.,
284. Releas'd, 288.

Druids falsely alledg'd out of Caesar to have
forbidden the Britains to write their me-
morable deeds, 9. Druis, fabulously writ-
ten the ancientest king of this island, n.

Dudley, one of the greatest instruments of
Hen. VI I. 's Exactions, chosen speaker of
the House of Commons, 386. Dunstane,
sent by the nobles to reprove King Edwi
for his luxury, 149, banish'd by the king,
and his monastery rifled, 149, recall'd by
Edgar, 149. Miraculous escape, when the
rest of the company were kill'd by the fall
of an house, 153. Dunwallo Mulmutius,
son of Cloten king of Cornwall, reduces the
whole island into a monarchy, 21, estab-
lishes the Molmutin laws, 21. Durstus
king of the Picts, slain by the joynt forces
of the Britains and Romans, 69.

Ealbald, after the death of his father Ethel-
bert, falls back to Paganism, 96, runs dis-
tracted, afterwards returns to his right
mind and faith, by what means it happen'd,
97, gives his sister Edelburge in mar-
riage to Edwin, 98. Dies, and leaves
his son Ercombert to succeed him, 101.
Eadbert shares with his brothers in the
kingdom of Kent after Victred, 112. Death,
114. Eadbright, king of Northumberland
and Kelwulf, wars against the Picts, 114.
Joyns with Unulf king of the Picts against
he Britains in Cumberland, 115 forsakes

his crown for a monk's hood, 115. Ead-
bright, otherwise call'd Ethelbert, usurping
the kingdom of Kent, and contending with
Kenulph the Mercian is taken prisoner,

119. Eadburgha by chance poysons her
husband Birthric with a cup which she had
prepar'd for another, 120, choice propos'd
to her by Charlemagne, to whom she fled,

120, assigns her a rich monastery to dwell
in as abbess ; detected of unchastity, ex-
pelled and dies in Pavia, 120.

Eandred, son of Eardulf king of Northum-
berland, reigns after Alfwold, 121. Sub-
mits to Ecbert, 122. Eanfrid, son of
Ethelfrid, succeeds in the kingdom of
Bernicia, 101. Eardulf, suppos'd to have
been slain by Ethelfred, made king of the
Northumbrians in York after Osbald, 119,
in a war rais'd against him by his people
he gets the victory, 119, driven out of
his kingdom by Alfwold, 119, 121. East-
Angle kingdom, by whom erected, 82.
Embrace the Christian faith, apostatize,
and are reclaim'd to it again, 101. East
Saxon kingdom, by whom begun, 82. The
people converted by Mellitus, 94. Expel
their bishop, and renounce their faith, are
reconverted by Oswi, 104. Relapse, and
are again recover'd, 106.

Ebranc succeeds Mempricius in the kingdom
of Britain, 18, builds Caer Ebrace, now
York, and other places, 18. Ecbert suc-
ceeds Ercombert in the kingdom of Kent,
107, dying, leaves a suspicion of having
slain his uncle's sons, Elbert and Egel-
bright, 107. Ecbert, of the West-Saxon
lineage, flies from Birthric's suspicion to
Offa, and thence into France, 120, after
Birthric's decease, is recall'd, and with
general applause made king, 120. Sub-
dues the Britains of Cornwall, and beyond
Severn, overthrows Bernulfe the usurper of
Mercia at Ellandune or Wilton, 121, the
East-Angles having slain Bernulf, yield to
his sovereignty, 122, drives Baldred king
of Kent out of his kingdom, and causes
both Kent and other provinces to submit
to his scepter, 122, Withlaf of Mercia
becomes tributary to him, 122. Gives
the Danes battle by the river Carr, 124,
in another battle he puts to flight a great
army of them, together with the Cornish-
men joyning with them, 124, dies, bury'd
at Winchester, 124. Ecferth, son of Offa
the Mercian, within four months ends his
reign, 119. Ecfrid, Oswi's eldest son suc-
ceeds him in the kingdom of Northumber-
land, 107, wins Lindsey from Wulfer the
Mercian, 107. Wars against Ethelred the
brother of Wulfer, 108. Sends Bertus with
an army to subdue Ireland, 109. Marching
against the Picts, is cut off with most of
his army, no. Death reveng'd by Bentfrid
a Northumbrian captain, in.

Edan, king of the Scots in Britain, put to
flight by Ethelfrid, 94. Edelard, king of
the West-Saxons, molested with the re-
bellions of his kinsman Oswald, 114, over-
comes those troubles, dies in peace, 114.
Edgar, brother and successor of Edwi in
the English monarchy, recalls Dunstan
from Banishment, 149. Peaceable and

INDEX.

411

prosperous reign, his favours towards the
monks, 151, strict observance of justice,
and care to secure the nation with a
strong fleet, 151, is homag'd and row'd down
the river Dee by eight kings, 151, ex-
postulation with Kened king of Scot-
land, 151, cheated of Elfrida by the
treacherous duke Othelwold ; he revenges
himself upon him, and marries her,
152. Attempting the chastity of a young
lady at Andover, he is pleasantly deceiv'd
by the mother, 152, dying in the height
of his glory, is bury'd at Glastonbury-
abby, 152, his vast navy, 152.
Edgar, Perrin Etheling, his right to the crown
of England from his grandfather Edmund
Ironside, 183. Excluded by Harold, son
earl Godwin, 184. Edilhere, brother and suc-
cessor of Anna in the kingdom of the East-
Angles, 106. Edilwalk the South-Saxon,
persuaded to Christianity by Wulfer, 108.
Edmund crown'd king of the East-Angles
at Bury, 127. His army put to flight by
the Danes, is taken, bound to a stake, and
shot with arrows, 127. Edmund, brother
and successor of Athelstan in the English
monarchy, frees Mercia, and takes several
towns from the Danes, 147, drives Anlas
and Suthfrid out of Northumberland and
Dummail out of Cumberland, 147.
Strange manner of his death, 148. Edmund,
surnam'd Ironside, thesonof Ethelred, set up
by divers of the nobles against Canute, 165,
in several battles against the Danes comes
off for the most part victorious, 165. Con-
sents to divide the kingdom with Canute, 167,
his death thought to have been violent and
not without Canute's consent, 167, 168.
Edred, third brother and successor of
Athelstan, with much ado reduces the
Northumbrians, and puts an end to that
kingdom, 148, dies in the flower of his age ;
bury'd at Winchester, 148. Edric, son of
Edilwalk king of the West-Saxons, slain
by Kedwalla the West-Saxon, 108. Edrice,
sirnam'd Strcon, advanc'd by king Ethel-
red, marries his daughter Elgiva, 159,
secretly murders two noblemen, whom he
had invited to his lodging, 163, practices
against the life of prince Edmund, and
revolts to the Danes, 164. Cunning
devices to hinder Edmund in the persecu-
tion of his victories against Canute, 166.
Thought by some to have been the con-
triver of king Edmund's murder, 167.
Government of the Mercians conferr'd upon
him, 168, put to death by Canutus, his
head stuck upon a pole, and set upon the
highest tower in London, 169.
Edward the elder, son and successor of king
Alfred, wars with Ethelwald his kinsman,
who stirs up the Danes against him, 139.
Proves successful and potent, divers princes
and great commanders of the Danes sub-
mitting to him, 140, 142. The king and
whole nation of Scotland, with several other
princes and people, do him homage as their
sovereign, 142, dies at Farendon, bury'd
at Winchester, 142. Edward sirnam'd the
Younger, Edgar's son by his first wife
Egelsleda, is advanc'd to the Throne, 153,
contest in his eign between the monks and

secular priests, each abetted by their
several parties, 153, great mischief done by
the falling of a house, where a general
council for deciding the controversie
was held, 153, inhumanely murther'd by the
treachery of his stepmother Elfrida, 153.
Edward, son of Edmund Ironside, heir
apparent of the crown, dies at London, 167.
Edward the Confessor, son of king Ethel-
red by Emma, after Hardecnute's death, is
crown'd at Winchester, 176, seizes on the
treasures of his mother queen Emma, 176,
marries Edith Earl Godwin's daughter, 176,
makes preparation against Magnus king
of Norway, but next year concludes
a peace with Harold Harfager, 177, ad-
vances the Normans in England, which
proves of ill consequence, 178. oppos'd
by earl Godwin in the cause of Eustace
of Boloigne, banishes the earl, and
divorces his daughter, whom he had
marry'd, 178, entertains D. William of
Normandy, 180. Sends Odo and Radulfe
with a fleet against Godwin and his sons
exercising piracy, 180, reconcil'd totheearl,
restores his sons and daughter to all their
former dignities, 181. Said to have
design'd Wm. of Normandy his successor to
the crown, 186, dies and is bury'd at West-
minster, 186, character, 186, the first king
that touch'd for the evil, 186.

Edward V. his succession, 193, state of affairs
at his father's death, 193, account of his
birth, 193. Forcibly taken from lord Rivers
his uncle by the dukes of Glocester and
Buckingham, 199, his saying in excuse of his
half brother the lord Richard Gray, 199,
200. Brought to town. 203, solemn entry,
203. He and his brother charged with
bastardy, 229. Murther'd in the tower by
sir James Tyrrel, 237. Edward, son of
Rich. III., created Prince of Wales,
at his father's coronation, 236. Edwi, son
and successor of Edmund, is crown'd at
Kingston, 149, banishes bp. Dunstan, for re-
proving his wantonness with Algiva, and
proves an enemy to all monks, 149, the
Mercians and Northumbrians revolt from
him, and set up his brother Edgar, 149, he
dies with grief, and is bury'd at Win-
chester, 149. Edwen, thrown out of the
kingdom of Deira by Ethelfric, 91. Flying
to Redwall the East-Angle for refuge,
is defended against Ethelfric, 97, exceeds
in power and extent of dominion all before
him, 97, marries Edelburga the sister of
Eudbald, 98, wounded by an assassin from
Cuichelm, 98. Strange relation of his
conversion to Christianity, 99, persuades
Eorpald the son of Redwell to embrace the
Christian faith, 101, slain in a battle against
Kedwall, 101.

Egremont, sir J., rebels against Hen. VII.,
304, defeated and flies to Flanders, 305.

Elamus, Eldadus, Eldol, Eledacus, re-
ckon'd among the number of ancient
British kings, 25. Elsted, sister of king
Edward the elder, takes Derby from the
Danes, 140, her army of Mercians victorious
against the Welsh, 140. After several
martial deeds, dies at Tamworth, 141.
Elfred, son of king Ethelred, betray 'd by

412

INDEX.

Earl Godwin, and cruelly made away by
Harold, 172. Elfwald, son of Oswulf,
succeeding Ethelred in Northumberland,
is rebell'd against by two of his noblemen,
Osbald and Ethelheard, 116, slain by the
conspiracy of Siggan, one of his nobles, 116.
Elfwin, slain in a battle between his bro-
ther Ecfrid and Ethelred, 109. Elidure's
noble demeanour towards his depos'd bro-
ther, 24, after Archigallo's death, resumes
the government, but is driven out again,
and imprison'd by his two other brethren, 24,
restor'd again to the sovereignty, 25.
Eliud, reckon'd in the number of ancient
British kings, 25.

Elizabeth, widow of sir John Gray, marry'd to
Edw. IV. , her pride 193, contrivances to se-
cure the succession to her son, 193, the an-
cient nobility's resentment of her actions,
194, deceived bv the duke of Glocester's
pernicious advice, 198. Flies to sanctu-
ary with her children, 201. Conference
•with Cardinal Burchier Abp. of Canterbury,
who came to her to persuade her to deliver
up her son Richard duke of York to the
duke of Glocester, 210, 214. Speech at
the delivery of her son, 215. Her marriage
with king Edward said to be unlawful, and
her children illegitimate, 229. Enters into
a treaty with the countess of Richmond
to marry the princess Elizabeth to Henry
earl of Richmond, 247. Persuaded by
Richard to leave sanctuary, and deliver up
her daughters to him, 252. Writes to her
son the marquis of Dorset to quit the earl
of Richmond's party. 255. Her goods and
estate seiz'd, and herself confin'd, and
•why, 278, 281. Her various fortunes, 281,
founds Queen's College in Cambridge,
281. Elizabeth princess, is sent for by
Hen. VII. immediately after his victory
at Bosworth, 269. Has some fears that he
will not marry her, 270. Marry'd, 275, the
king not fond of her, an 1 why, 275, de-
livered of her eldest son in the eighth
month, 276. Crown'd, after staying
two years for it, 288. Death, 383. Ella
the Saxon lands with his three brothers,
and beats the Britains in two battles, 82, he
and his son Cissa take Andreschester in
Kent by force, 82, begins his kingdom of
the South-Saxons, 82. Elwold, nephew of
Ethelwald, reigns king of the East-Angles
after Aldulf, 122.

Emeric succeeds Otha in the kingdom of
Kent, 86. Emma, daughter of Richard
duke of Normandy, marry'd first to king
Ethelred, 157. Afterwards to Canute, 169.
Banish'd by her son in law Harold, she
retires to Flanders, and is entertain'd by
earl Baldwin, 172. Her treasures seiz'd
on by her son king Edward ; dies and
is bury'd at Winchester, 180, a tradition con-
cerning her question'd, 180- Empson, one
of Hen. VII.'s horse-leeches, his descent
and character, 383.

Ennianus, reckon'd among the ancient British
kings, 25, depos'd for tyranny, 25.

Eorpald, son of Redwald king of the East-
Angles, persuaded to Christianity by
, F.dwin, 101, slainby Ricbert a pagan, 101.

Ercherwin, said by Huntington to be the

founder of the kingdom of the East-Saxons
82. Ercombert succeeds Eadbald in the
kingdom of Kent, 103, thefirst English king
that commanded idols to be destroy'd, 103.
Erice a Dane, made earl of Northumber-
land by Canute in place of Uthric slain,
165. Said by some to have made war
against Malcolm king of the Scots, 169-
His greatness suspected by Canute ; he is
banish'd the realm, 169. Ermenred, thought
to have had more right to the kingdom than
Ercombert, 103.

Esca, the son of Hengist, succeeds him in the
kingdom of Kent, 86. Escwinand Kentwin,
the nephew and son of Kinegil, said to
have succeeded Kenwalk in the govern-
ment of the West-Saxons, 107, Escwinjoyns
battle with Wulfer at Bedanhafer, and not
long after dies, 107. Estrildis belov'd by
Locrine, 17, is with her daughter Sabra
thrown into a river, 17.

Ethelbald, king of Mercia after Kelred,
commands all the provinces on this side
Humber, 112, takes the town of Somerron,
112, fraudulently assaults part of Northum-
berland in Eadbert's absence, 114. En-
counter at Beorford with Cuthred the West-
Saxon, 114, in another bloody fight at Secan-
dune he is slain, 114. — and Ethelbert
share the English Saxon kingdom between,
them after their father Ethelwolfe, Ethel
bald marries Judith his father's widow, 128,
bury'd at Shireburn, 128. Ethelbert suc-
ceeds Emeric in the kingdom of Kent, 86,
defeated at Wibbandun by Keaulin and
his son Cutha, 86. Enlarges his dominions
from Kent to Humber, 90. Civilly receives
St. Austin and his fellow preachers of the
gospel, 92, is himself baptiz'd, 92- Mov'd
by St. Austin, he builds St. Peter's church
at Canterbury and endows it, 93.
builds and endows St. Paul's church in
London, and the cathedral at Rochester,
94, death and character, 96. — , Ead-
bert and Alric succeed their father Victred
in the kingdom of Kent, 116. — the son
of Ethelwolfe, after the death of
Ethelbald, enjoys the whole kingdom to
himself, 128, during his reign the Danes
waste Kent, 128, bury'd with his
brother at Sherburn, 128. Ethelbrite
king of the East-Angles, slain by OfFa,
122. Etheldrite refusing for twelve
years her husband Ecfrid's bed, veils her-
self a nun, and is made abbess of Ely, 109.

Ethelfred now succeeds Ethelrice in the
kingdom of Northumberland, 90. He
wastes the Britains, 94, overthrows Edan
king of Scots, 94. In a battle at West-
chester against the British forces he slays
above twelve hundred monks, 95. Slain,
by Redwald the East-Saxon, 119. Ethel-
mund and Weolstan, the opposite leaders
of each party in a fight between the Wor-
cestershire-men and Wiltshire-men slain,
120. Ethelred succeeding his brother
Wulfer in the kingdom of Mercia, recovers
Lindsey and other parts, 109, invades the
kingdom of Kent, 109, a sore battle between
him and Ecfrid the Northumbrian, no.
After the violent death of his queen
exchanges his crown for a monk's cowl,

INDEX.

413

no. — the son of Mollo, the usurper
Alcled being forsaken by the Northum-
brians and depos'd, is crown'd in his stead,
116, having caus'd three of his noblemen to
be treacherously slain, is driven into banish-
ment, 116. After ten years banishment
restor'd again, 118, cruelly and treacher-
ously puts to death Oelf and Oelwin,
the sons of Elfwald, formerly king, 118, and
Osred, who tho' shaven a monk, attempted
again upon the kingdom, 118, marries Elfled
daughter of Offa, 118, miserably slain
by his people, 118. — , son of Eandred,
driven out in his fourth year, 125, re-exalted
to his throne, but slain the fourth year
after, 125. — king of the East-Angles,
122. — , third son of Ethelwolfe, the
third monarch of the English Saxons, in-
fested with fresh invasions of the Danes,
129. Fights several great battles with the
Danes with various success, 129. Dies in
the fifth year of his reign, bury'd at Win-
burn, 131. — , son of Edgar by Elfrida,
crown'd at Kingston, 154, Dunstan at his
baptism presages ill of his future slothful
reign, 154. New invasions of the Danes, and
great spoils committed by them in his
reign, 154, 157, 160. Reduc'd to streights
by the Danes, retires into Normandy,
162. RecalPd by his people, and joyfully
received, 163, drives Canute the Dane back
to his ships, 163. Dies at London, 165.

Ethelrice, Ida's son, expels Edwin the son
of Alia out of the kingdom of Deira, 90.
Ethelwald, son of Oswald king of Deira,
taking part with the Mercians, withdraws
his forces, 105. — , brother of Edelhere,
succeeds him in the kingdom of the East-
Angles, 105. Ethelward, surnam'd Mollo,
set up king of the Northumbrians in the
room of Oswulfe, 115, slays in battle Oswin,
a lord that rebell'd against him, 116, set upon
by Alcled, whoassumes his place, 116. Eth-
•clwolfe, the second monarch of the English
Saxons, of a mild nature, not warlike or
ambitious, 124. With his son Ethelbald
gives the Danes a total defeat at Aklea or
Oak-lea, 126, dedicates the tenth of his
whole kingdom towards the maintenance of
masses and psalms, for the prospering of him
and his captains against the Danes, 126, takes
a journey to Rome with his son Alfred, and
marries Judith, the daughter of Charles
the Bald of France, ii6, driven by a con-
spiracy to consign half his kingdom to
his son Ethelbald, 127, dies, bury'd at Win-
chester, 127. Ethelwolfe, Earl of Berk-
shire, obtains a great victory over the Danes
at Englefield, 130, in another battle is slain
himself, 130.

Eustace Count of Boloigne, father of the
famous Godfrey, revenging the death of one
of his servants, is set upon by the citizens of
Canterbury, 178, complains to KingEdward,
who takes his part against the Canterburians
and commands earl Godwin to chastize
them, but in vain, 178-

Exeter besieg'd by Perkin and the Cornish
rebels, 367, makes a brave defence, 367.
Hen. VII. gives his own sword to the
mayor to be carry'd before him, as a re-
ward for the bravery of the citizens, 369.

Faganus and Deruvianus, said to have
preach'd the Gospel here, and to have con-
verted almost the whole island, 56. Faus-
tus born of Vortimer and his daughter, lives
a devout life in Glamorganshire, 78.

Ferdinand, king of Spain, conquers Granada
from the Moors, 324. Fergus king of Scots,
said to be slain by the joynt forces of the
Britains and Romans, 69. Ferrex, son of
Gorbogudo, slays in fight his brother Por-
rex, tho' assisted with forces out of France,
21, and in revenge is slain himself by his
mother Videna, 21.

Fitz-Gerauld, lord Thos., bro. to the carl of
Kildare, receives Lambert Simnel as king,
proclaims and crowns him in Dublin, 279,
285. Kill'd at Stoke fight, 286. Fitz-
Walter lord, one of the conspirators in fa-
vour of Perkin Warbeck against Hen. VII.,
334. Beheaded, 339.

Flammock, Thos. a lawyer, heads the Corn-
ish rebels against Hen. VII., 356. His
plausible pretences to stir the rabble to a
rebellion, 357. Hang'd at Tyburn, 361.
Flattery, odious and contemptible to a
generous spirit, 171. Flemings banish'd by
Hen. VII. on Perkin's account, 338.

Fox Rich., made bp. of Exeter, and Lord
Privy Seal by Hen. VI I., 275. Bp. of Dur-
ham, 362, is provident against the Scots, 362,
employ'd in the negotiation that was the
rise of the union between England and
Scotland, 362. Goes to the Scots king, 372.
Begins the treaty of his marriage with the
princess Margaret, 373. A great master
of ceremonies and court state, 380.

Francus, nam'd among the four sons of His-
tion, from him the Franks said to be de-
riv'd, 12. French manners and language
first affected by the English nobility, 178.
Fryon Steph., Hen. VII.'s, secretary for
the French tongue, revolts to Chas. VIII.,
and joyns with Perkin, 332.

Fulgenius, reckon'd among the ancient Brit-
ish kings, 25. The commander in chief of
the Caledonians against Septimius Severus,
so call'd by Geoffry of Monmouth, 59.

Gabot Sebastian, a Venetjan dwelling in
Bristol, his voyage for discoveries in the
West Indies in the reign of Hen. VII., 370.
Brings three Indians to England, 403.
Gaguien, Rob., French Ambassador to
Hen. VII., writes a satyr against him, 318,
the king orders an answer to be written to
it, 319. Galgacus heads the Britains
against Agricola, 52. Gaunt, citizens of,
seize the person of Maximilian king of the
Romans their sovereign, 310.

Germanus, in a public disputation at Veru-
lam, puts to silence the chief of the Pela-
gians, 70, entreated by the Britains to head
them against the Picts and Saxons, 70.
Gains the victory by a religious stratagem,
death, 71, death, 74. Gerontius, a Britain,
by his valour advances the success of Con-
stantine the usurper in France and Spain, 66,
displac'd by him, he calls in the Vandals
against him, 66, deserted by his soldiers,
defends himself valiantly with the slaughter
of three hundred of his enemies, 66. Kills
his wife Nenriichia, refusing to outlive him,

INDEX.

66. Geruntius, the son of Elidure, not his
imimmediate successor, 25.

Gildas, is more credible than most of the
Saxon writers, 83.

Gloucester, Richard Plantagenet duke of,
hastens his brother the duke of Clarence's
death, 194. Zealous for the French war, 198,
charg'd but unjustly, with poysoning his
brother king Edward, 198. Engages the
duke of Buckingham and other lords in a
conspiracy to seize the person of Edw. V.,
196, speech to them, 196, pernicious advice
to the queen dowager, 198. Arrests
the lord Rivers, and seizes the king, 199.
Affected loyalty when he brought the king
to town, 204. Chosen protector, 204.
Devices to get the duke of York out of
sanctuary, 207. Orders preparations to be
made for the coronation of Edw. V., 216,
217. Contrives the lord Hastings's death,
and accuses the queen of witchcraft,
220. Speech to those that came to offer
him the crown, 234, accepts of it, 234.

Godwin earl of Kent and the West Saxons
stand for Hardecnute, 172, betrays prince
Elfrid to Harold, 172 Call'd to account
by Hardecnute, he appeases him with a
very rich present, 174, earnestly exhorts
Edward to take upon him the crown of
England, 175. Marries his daughter
to king Edward, 176. Raises forces in
opposition of the French, whom the king
favour'd, 178, banish'd, 179, he and his sons
uniting in a great fleet, grow formidable,
181. Coming up to London with his ships,
and preparing for battle, a reconciliation
is made between him and the king, 181,
sitting at table with the king, he suddenly
sinks down dead in his seat, 182.

Corner, the eldest son of Japhet, behev'd
the first that peopled these western and
northern climes, 10. Gonorill gains upon
the affection of her father king Leir by
her dissimulation, 19. Marry'd to Mag-
launus duke of Albania, 19, ingratitude to
her father after she had got what she could
from him, 20. Gorbodugo, succeeds Kin-
marcus in the kingdom, 21. Gorbonian
succeeds Morindus in the kingdom, 24,
his justice and piety, 25. Gordon, Kath. ,
daughter to Alex, earl of Huntley, marry'd
to Perkin Warbeck, 351. Sent to court by
Hen. VII., 368, a pension all jwed her, 623.

Granada conquer'd by Ferd. and Isabella
from the Moors, 324. Gratianus Funarius,
father of Valentinian, commander in chief
of the Roman arms in Britain, 63. Gray,
Rich, lord, half brother to Edw. V. arrested
in his presence by the dukes of Glocester
and Buckingham, 199. Gregory Ad. of
Rome, and afterwards Pope, procures the
sending over the abbot Austin and others
to each the gospel to the Saxons, 92.
Griffin, prince of South-Wales, joyning
with Algar, and committing great spoil in
Hereford, is pursu'd by Harold earl of
Kent, 182. After a peace concluded he
breaks faith, and returns to hostility, 183,
again reduc'd, 184, Harold sent against him,
brings the Welsh to submission, 184. Lurking
about the country, is taken and slain by
Griffin prince of North Wales, 184.

Guendolen, daughter of Corineus, marry'd
to Locrine, son of Brutus, 17, being divorc'd
by him, gives him battle ; wherein he is
slain, 17, causes Estrildis, whom Locrine
had marry'd, to be thrown into a river with
her daughter Sabra, 17, governs fifteen years
in behalf of her son Madan, 17. Gueniver,
wife of king Arthur, kept from him by
Melvas a British king in the town of Glas-
ton, 84. Guiderius, said to have been the
son of Cunobeline, and slain in a battle
against Claudius, 40. Guietheline suc-
ceeds his father Gurgurtius Barbirus in
the kingdom, 23. Gunbildis, sister of
Swane, with her husband earl Palingus,
cruelly murther'd, 157. Guorangonus, a
king of Kent before it was given to the
Saxons, 77. Guortimur, son of Vortiger,
bends his endeavours to drive out the Sax-
ons, 77, success against them in several bat-
tles, 78. Dying, commands his bones to-
be bury'd in the port of Stonar, 79. Gur-
guntius Barbirus succeeds Belinus in the
kingdom, of ercomes the Danes, and gives
incouragement to Bartholinus a Spaniard
to settle a plantation in Ireland, 23. Ano-
therancient British king nam'd Gurguntius,
succeeds Rivallo, 25.

Gyrtha, son of earl Godwin, accompanies his
father into Flanders, together with his
brothers Tosti and Swane, 179, noble
advice to his brother Harold, as he was
ready to give battle to duke William of
Normandy, 190. Slain in the battle with his
brothers Harold and Leofwin, 191. Gyrthro,
or Gothrum, a Danish king, baptiz'd and
receiv'd out of the font by king Alfred,
133, kingdom of the East Angles said
to be bestow'd on him to hold of Alfred,
133-

Hardecnute, son of Canute by Emma, call'd
over from Bruges, and receiv'd king with
general acclamation, 174, calls Godwin
and others to account about the death of El-
frid, 174, enrag'd at the citizens of Worces-
ter for killing his tax-gatherers, sends an
army against them, and burns the city,
174, kindly receives and entertains his half
brother Edward, 175, eating and drinking
hard at a great feast, falls down speech-
less, and soon after expiring, is bury'd at
Winchester, 175. Harold, sirnam'd Hare-
foot, son of Canute, elected king by duke
Leofric and the Mercians, 172, banishes
his mother-in-law Emma. 172, perfidious-
ness and cruelty towards Elfrid the son of
Ethelred, 172, dies, bury'd at Winches-
ter, 173. Harold, son of Godwin, made
earl of Kent, sent against Griffin prince
of Wales, 183, reduces him at last to utmostt
extremity, 183, being cast upon the coast
of Normandy and brought to duke Wil-
liam, he promises his endeavours to make
him king of England, 185. Takes the
crown himself, 186. Puts off duke William,
demanding it with a slighting answer,
invaded by his brother Tosti, 188, by
Harold Harfager king of Norway, whom
he utterly overthrows and slays, together
with Tosti, 189, by duke William of
Normandy, 189, Overthrown at the

INDEX.

415

battle of Hastings, and slain with his two
brothers Leofwin and Gyrtha, 190.

Hastings lord, loyalty of, to Ed. V., endea-
vours to comfort the queen dowager, 201.
appeases several tumults, 203. Satisfies
those that distrusted the duke of Glocester's
fidelity to the king, 218. Is caress'd, 219,
sounded by Catesby the lawyer his confi-
dent, 219. Death contriv'd, 220, arrested,
220. Kept Jane Shore, 221. Order'd to
prepare for death, 222, omens of it, 222.
Beheaded, the people murmur at it, 224.
Hawis, alderman, persecuted by Empson
and Dudley, dies of grief, 395.

Heli, reckon'd among the ancient British
kings, 25. Helvias, Pertinax succeeds
Ulpius Marcellus in the government of
Britain, 57. Hengist and Horsa, with an
army of Saxons, Jutes, and Angles, land
in the isle of Thanet, 76. Hengist invites
over more of his countrymen, 76, gains
advantages of Vortiger by marrying his
daughter to him, 77. Takes on him the
title of king, 79, his several battles
against the Britains, 80, treacherous
slaughter of three hundred British lords,
tinder pretence of treaty, 80. Henninus
duke of Cornwall, hath Regan daughter
of king Lear given him in marriage, 19.

Henry VII. succeeds Rich. III. by three
titles to the crown, 266, 268. Marches
to London, everywhere well receiv'd,
269. Entrance, 270, why he put off
marrying the princess Elizabeth till af.er
his coronation, and first session of
parliament, 270- Crown'd, 271, institutes
yeomen of the guard, 271, wisdom in
procuring the settlement of the crown on

himself, 272. Why he employed bishops,

275. Marries the princess Eliza

is not very fond of her, 275, his progress

izabeth, but

to the north, 275. Hated, and why, 277.
Concern at the news of Lambert Symnell's
being proclaim'd in Ireland, 280. Beats
the earl of Lincoln and Symnell at Stoke-
field, 286, punishes the rebels, 286, 288.
Sanctuaries a grievance to him redress'd
by the Pope, 289, concludes a truce with
Jas. III. of Scotland, 289. Prudent
answer to the French ambassadors about
Chas. VIII.'s war with the duke of
Eretagne his friend, 292. Negotiations to
prevent that war, 293. Asks his second
parliament's advice about it, 297. Severity
in levying a tax, occasions a rebellion, 304.
His saying on the news of it, 305. An
excellent legislator, 306. Encourages trade,
309- Assists Maximilian king of the
Romans against the Flemings his subjects,
and the French, 311. Demands the crown
of France of the French ambassadors, 317.
The French ambassadors answer, 318.
Speech at the opening his third parlia-
ment, 319. Pretends war only to raise
money, 320. Gets a law for barons to
alienate their lands without fines, 322,
succours Maximilian effec'ually, 323.
Preparations for the French war, 326,
policy, 326, passes over to Calais, as if
he meant a war, 326. Besieges Boloigne,
yet treats of peace, 327, sells the French
a peace, 327, arts to amuse his people

about it, 327. Writes bragging letters to
the Lord Mayor, 328. Perkin Warbeck
set up against him, 329, 333. Subjects
murmur, 334. His proceeding on news of
Perkin's being own'd abroad as duke of
York, 336. His spies and agents to dis-
cover the counterfeit, 336. Sends an am-
bassador to the arch-duke sovereign of
the Netherlands, to demand him, 337.
Banishes the Flemings on his denial, 338.
Puts sir W. Stanly who crown'd him to
death, 340, council rail'd at, 342. For-
feitures on penal laws, a blot in his reign,
343. Enters into a league with the Italian
princes for the preservation of Italy against
Chas. VIL, 346. Favourable to lawyers,
347, makes laws to raise money, as well
as to correct manners, 347. Concludes
the treaty, call'd Intercussiis Magnus,
with the arch-duke, 355, gains by his
wars, 355- Conduct with respect to the
Cornish rebellion, 357. Hangs but the
three leaders of it when it was suppress'd,

361. Brings about a treaty with Scotland,

362. Receives a consecrated sword from
the Pope with great solemnity, 364. Not
cruel in his executions, 369. How he lost
the discovery of the West Indies, 371.
Another counterfeit earl of Warwick set
up against him, 374. Puts the true earl to
death, and is hated for it, 375. Reasons
for it, 376, passes over to Calais, has an
interview with the arch-duke Philip, and
is highly honour'd there, 376. Gives the
Lord Mayor an account of all, 377. An-
swer to the Pope's invitation to accompany
him in a war against the Turk, 378
chosen protector of the knights of Rhodes,
378. Converts a heretic by a dispute, 379.
Prevails with his son prince Henry to be
contracted to his brother's widow, 382.
Answer about the union of England and
Scotland, 383. Diligence to get money,
384. Remarkable memorandum of his,
385- Retainers suppress'd by him and the
power of the barons lessen'd, 387. His
reflections on the death of Isabella queen
ot Castile, 388- Would marry the queen
dowager of Naples and Sicily, 389. In-
structions to his ambassadors about that
and other matters relating to Ferdinand
and his son-in-law Philip, 389. Conference
with Philip when he was driven ashore in
England, about the earl of Suffolk, 392.
Treats of a marriage with the lady Mar-
garet duchess of Savoy, and sister to
Philip, 394. Taken ill of a defluxion in
his breast, 395, would have Hen. VI.
canoniz'd, 395. Last sickness and death, 396.

Lord Verulam's large character of Hen.
VII., and summary of his reign, 397,
400. His wisdom, piety, peaceful virtues,
victories, prerogative, council table,
avarice, magnificence in building, ambi-
tion, ministers, queen and mother, treaties,
politicks, intelligence, fame, the respect
paid him, love to his children, industry,
officers civil and military, humour, learn-
ing, 400. General character, 401. Com-
par'd with other princes, 402, his person
and prognosticks of his reign, 402. Re-
markable occurrences in his reign, 403.

4i6

INDEX.

Herebert, a Saxon earl, slain with most
part of his army by the Danes at a place
call'd Merebwar, 125.

Hialas, ambassador from Ferdinand to
Hen. VIII. to conclude a marriage be-
tween the princess Katherine, and prince
Arthur, 362, goes to Scotland to mediate
a peace between king Henry and Jas.
IV., 363, that embassy the rise of the
union of Scotland with England, 363.
Hinguarand Hubba, two Danish brethren,
get footing by degrees in England, 129,
130. Histion, said to be descended of
Japhet, and to have had four sons, who
peopled the greatest part of Europe, 12.

Honorius the Emp. sends aid twice to the
Britains, 64. Horsa, brother of Hengist,
slain in the Saxons war against the
Britains, 79, his buryalplace gave name to
Horsted, a town in Kent, 79.

Humbeanna and Albert, said by some to
have shar'd the kingdom of East-Angles
after one Elfwald, 122. Humber, king of
the Hunns, invading this island, defeats
and slays Albanact king of Albania, and
son of Brutus, 17, defeated anddrown'd, 17.

Icenians, and by their example the Tri-
nobantes rise up in arms against the
Romans, 46.

Ida the Saxon begins the kingdom of
Berniciain Northumberland, 86- Idwallo,
learns by his brother's ill success to rule
well, 25.

Immanuentius, slain by Cassibelan, 34. Im-
min, Eaba and Eadbert, nobles of Mercia,
throw off Oswi, and set up Wulfer, 106.

Ina succeeds Kedwalla in the kingdom of
the West-Saxons, no, marches into Kent
to demand satisfaction for the burning of
Mollo, no, pacify'd by Victred with a
sum of money, and the delivering up
of the accessaries, no, vanquishes Cerent
king of Wales, slays Kenwulf and Al-
bright, and vanquishes the East-Angles,
ends his days at Rome, 112. Inclo-
sures of land, the inconveniency of 'em
remedy'd, 307.

Ireland favours the (title of the House of
York, 279, receive Lambert Simnell as
king, 279. He is crown'd there, 280. Com-
missioners sent there by Hen. VII. to
settle matters after it, 343, Poyning's act
past there in Parliament, 343.

Jago, succeeds his uncle Gurgustius, 21.
James III. king of Scots concludes
a seven years truce with Hen. VII.,
289. Kill'd by his subjects, 306. James
IV. succeeds his father Jas. III., 306.
Receives Perkin Warbeck favourably,
and marries him to his kinswoman, 351.
Invades England for him, 354, destroys
the country and returns, 354. Stands on
hard terms for a peace with Hen. VII.,
363. Dismisses Perkin honourably, 364.
By what accident his marriage with the
princess Margaret came first to be treated
of, 371. Marry'd to her, 382.

Joseph of Arimathea, said to have first
preach'd the Christian faith in this island,
56. Joseph Michael, the blacksmith of

S'c

Bodmin, one of the leaders of the Cornish
rebels against Hen. VII., 356. Hang'd
at Tybuin, 361, ridiculous pleasure at his
death, 361. Jovinus, sent deputy into
this island by the emp. Valentinian, 64.
Judges, their wise opinion aboi'*- the at-
tainder of Hen. VII.'s followers chosen
members of parliament, 272. Julius
Agricola, the emperor's lieutenant in
Britain, almost extirpates the Ordpvices,

;, finishes the conquest of the isle of
ona, 50, justice and prudence in his
government, 50, brings the Britains to
civility, arts, and an imitation of the
Roman fashions, 50, receives triumphal
honours from Titus, 51, extends his con-
quests to Scotland, subdues the Orcades
and other Scots islands, 51. Hard put to
it in conflicts, but victorious, 53, 54. Com-
manded home by Domitian, 54.
Julius Caesar has intelligence that the
Britains aid the Gauls, revenged on his
enemies, 28. Sends Caius Volusenus to
make discovery of the nature of the
people, and strength of the country. 28. after
him Comius of Arras is sent to make a
party among the Britains, 28, the stout
resistance he meets with from them at his
landing, 29. Receives terms of peace from
them, 30. Loses a great part of his fleet, 33,
defeats the Britains, and brings them anew
to terms of peace, and then sails for Belgia,
34, the year following he lands his army
again, 34, has a very sharp dispute with
the Britains, near the Stowr in Kent, 34.
Receives terms of peace from the Trino-
bantes, 35, brings Cassibelan to terms, 35.
Offers to Venus, the patroness of his
family, a corslet of British pearl, 36.
Julius Frontinus the emperor's lieutenant
in Britain, tames the Silures a warlike
people, 49. Julius Severus governs
Britain under Adrian the emperor, 55.

Katherine, princess of Spain, married to
prince Arthur, eldest son to Hen. VII., 380.

Kearl surrenders the kingdom of Mercia to
his kinsman Penda, 100. Keaulin suc-
ceeds his father Kenric in the kingdom of
the West-Saxons, 86. He and his son
Cuthin slays three British kings at Deor-
ham, 89, gives the Britains a great rout
at Fethanleage, 90. Totally routed by
the Britains at Wodensbeorth, and chas'd
out of his kingdom, dies in poverty, 90.
Kedwalla. a West-Saxon prince, return'd
from banishment, slays in fight Edel-
walk the South-Saxon, and after that-
Edric his successor, 108, going to the isle
of Wight, he devotes the fourth part there-
of to holy uses, 108, the sons of Arwald,
king of that isle, slain by his order, 109,
harrasses the country of the South-Saxons,
109, repell'd by the Kentish men, 109,
yet revenges the death of his brother
Mollo, 109. Going to Rome to be bap-
tiz'd, dies there about five weeks after
his baptism, no. Kelred, son of Ethel-
red, succeeds Kenred in the Mercian king-
dom, in, possess'd with an evil spirit,
he dies in despair, in. Kelvvulfe reigns
king of the West-Saxons after Keola, 93.

INDEX.

417

Makes war upqn the South-Saxons, 94.
Dying, leaves the kingdom to his brother's
sons, 95. Kelwulfe, adopted by Osric
the Northumbrian to be his successor,
112, becomes a monk in Landisfarn, 113.
Kenvvalla or Cadwallon, a British king
joyning with Penda the Mercian, slays
Edwin in battle, 101. Kened. king of the
Scots, does high honour to king Edgar,
150, receives great favours from him,
150, challeng'd by him upon some words
let fall, but soon pacifies him, 151.
Kenelm, a child, succeeding in the king-
dom of Mercia after Kenulf, is murder'd
by order of his sister Quenrid, 121, Ken-
red, son of Wulfer, succeeds Ethelred in
the Mercian kingdom, in, having reign'd
a while, he goes to Rome, and is there
shorn a monk, in, another Kenred suc-
ceeds in the kingdom of Northumber-
land, and revenges the murder of his pre-
decessor Osred, in. Kenric, son of
Kerdic, overthrows the Britains that op-
pose him, 85. Kills and puts to flight
many of the Britains at Scaresbirig, now
Salisbury, 86, afterwards at Biranvirig,
now Banbury, 86. Kentish gentlemen loyal
to Hen. VII., 344, 357. Kentwin, a West-
Saxon king, chases the Welsh Britains to
the sea-shore, 108. Kenulf has the king-
dom of Mercia bequeath'd him by Ec-
ferth, 119, leaves behind him the praise of
a virtuous king, 120. Kenwalk succeeds
his father Kinegils- in the kingdom of
the West-Saxons, 103, his successes
variously delivered, 103, said to have dis-
comfited the Britains at Pen inSomerset
shire, 106, and giving battle to Wulfer,
to have taken him prisoner, 106, dying,
leaves the government to Sexburga his
wife, 107. Kenvvulfe, sirnam'd Clito, slain
by Ina the West-Saxon, 112.

Keola, son of Cuthulfe, succeeds his uncle
Keaulin in the West-Saxon kingdom, 90.
Keolwulfe, brother of Kenulf the Mercian,
after two years reign, driven out by
Bernulfan usurper, 121. Keorle with the
forces of Devonshire overthrows the Danes
at Wigganbeorch, 125. Kerdic, a Saxon
prince, lands at Kerdicshore, and over-
throws the Britains, 82, defeats their king
Natanleod in a battle, 82, founds the king-
dom of the West-Saxons, 83, overthrows
the Britains again at Kerdic'sford, and at
Kerdic's leage, 83.

Kildare, earl of, assists at Lambert Simnell's
coronation, 284. Writes to Hen. VII. to
petition fora pardon, and is pardon'd, 287.
Arrested by Poynings, and sent prisoner
to England, 343. Kimarus reckon'd among
the ancient British kings, 25. Kinegils
and Cuichelm, succeeds Kelwulfe in the
kingdom of the West-Saxons, 96. Make
truce with Penda the Mercian, 101. Are
converted to the Christian faith, 102.
Kinegils dying, leaves his son Kenwalk to
succeed, 103. Kinmarcus succeeds Sisil-
lius in the kingdom, 21. Kinwulfe, or
Kenwulfe (Sigebert being thrown out and
the slain by a swineherd), is saluted king of
West-Saxons, 115, behaves himself bravely
in several battles against the Welsh, 115,

put to the worst at Basington by Offa the
Mercian, 116, routed and slain in battle
by Kineard, whom he had commanded into-
banishment, 116.

Knesworth, alderman, prosecuted by Empson
and Dudley in Hen. VII. 's reign, 395.

Kymbeline, or Cunobeline, the successor of
Tenuantius, said to be brought up in the
court of Augustus, 38, chief seat in Cama-
lodunum, or Maldon, 39.

Lancaster, the title of that house generally
condemn'd, 268. Laws' enacted in the
reign of Hen. VII., 273. Several laws
made, 302. Others, 306, 310. Others,
321, 322, 347, 349. Others, 387.

Learning and arts., when began to flourish
among the Britains, 50. Among the
Saxons, 107. Men famous for them in the
reign of Edw. IV., 206. Of Edw. V. and
Rich. III., 265. Of Hen. VII. 404.
Legend, foolish, of St. Peter's Cope, being
to be seen in Westminster Abby, 207. Leil
succeeds Brute Greenshield, and builds
Caerleil, 18. Leofric duke of Mercia, and
Siward of Northumberland, sent by
Hardecnute against the people of Worces-
ter, 174, by their counsel king Edward
seizes on the treasures of his mother queen
Emma, 176. They raise forces for the
king against earl Godwin, 177. Leof-
win, son of earl Godwin, after his father's
banishment goes over with his brother
Harold into Ireland, 180, he and Harold
assist their father with a fleet against king
Edward, 180, slain with his brother Harold,
and Gyrtha another of his brothers, in
the battle against William duke of Nor-
mandy, 191. Lewis XII. conquers Milan,
377. Lewis, Dr., a Welshman, carries on
the correspondence between the queen
dowager and the countess of Richmond,
for the marriage of the princess Elizabeth
to the earl of Richmond, 246.

Libels and false reports spread about against
Rich. III., 252. Linceus, deliver'd in
fabulous story to be the husband of one of
the feign'd fifty daughters of Dioclesian
king of Syria, 12, the only man sav'd by
his wife, when all the rest of the fifty slew
their husbands, 12. Lincoln, John de
Pool, earl of, proclaim'd heir apparent of
Rich. III., 282. joyns with the impostor
Lambert Simnell against Hen. VII., 282.
At Simnell's coronation, 284, lands in
England, 284. Kill'd at Stoke-fight, 286.

Locrine, the eldest son of Brutus, has the
middle part of this island, call'd Loegria,
for his share in the kingdom, 17, defeats
Humber, king of the Hums, 17. Lollius
Urbicus draws a wall of turf between the
frith of Dunbritton and Edenburgh, 55.
London, with a great multitude of the in-
habitants, consum'd by a sudden fire, 121.
Lothair succeeds his brother Ecbert in the
kingdom of Kent, 107. Lovel, lord, a
great stickler for Rich. III. attainted by
Hen. VI I. 's parliament, 275, rebels against
him, 275, flies out of England, 275. Joyns
with Simnell, 283. Assists at his coronation,
284. Kill'd at Stoke, 286.

Lucius, a king in some part of Britain

4i8

INDEX.

thought the first of any king in Europe who
received the Christian faith, 56, made the
second by descent from Marius, 56, after a
long reign bury'd at Gloucester, 56. Lud
walls about Troynovant, and calls it Caer-
Lud, or Lud's town, 25. Ludiken, the
Mercian, going to revenge Bernulfe, is
surpriz'd by the East-Angles, and put to
the sword, 122. Lupicinus sent deputy into
this island, by Julian the emperor, soon
recall'd, 65. Lupus, of Troyes, assistant
to Germanus of Auxerre, in reformation of
British church, 70.

Madan succeeds his father Locrine in the
kingdom, 17, rules well, 18. Maglaunus,
duke of Albania, marries Gonorill eldest
daughter of king Lear, 19. Maglocuno,
sirnam'd the Island Dragon, one of the five
that reign'd toward the beginning of the
Saxon Heptarchy, 89. Magus, son and
successor of Samothes, whom some fable to
have been the first peopler of this island,
ii. Malcolm, son of Kened king of Scots,
falling into Northumberland with his
whole power, is entirely overthrown by
Uthred, 165. — , son of the Cumbrian king,
made king of Scotland by Siward, in the
room of Macbeth, 182. — , king of Scot-
land, coming to visit king Edward, swears
brotherhood with Tostithe Northumbrian,
183, afterwards in his absence harasses
Northumberland, 184. Mandubratius,
son of Immanuentius, favour'd by the Tri-
nobantes against Cassibelan, 35.

Marganus, the son of Gonorill, deposes
Cordelia, 21, shares the kingdom with his
cousin Cunedagius, invades him, but is
met and overcome by him, 21. Marganus,
son of Archigallo, a good king, 20.
Margaret, lady, hatred to Hen. VII., 283.
Sends 2000 men to assist Lambert Simnel,
283. Palace a sanctuary for tray tors against
Hen. VII., 306. Contrivances to disturb
that king, 329. Sets up Perkin War-
beck, 329. Instructions to him, 330- Owns
him publickly to be duke of York, 331,
Commends him to the Scots king,
349. — , princess, daughter to Hen. VII.
marry 'd to Ja. IV. the Scots king, 382.
Marius, son of Aviragus, said to have
overcome the Picts, and slain their king
Roderick, 56. Martia, wife of king
Guitheline, said to have instituted the law
called Marchen Leage, 23. Martinus
made deputy of the British province, fail-
ing to kill Plautus, kills himself, 63.

Mary, princess, second daughter to Henry
VII., contracted to Chasv, prince of
Castile, afterwards Chas. V., 396. Maxi-
mianus Herculeus, forc'd to conclude a
peace with Carausius, and yield him Bri-
tain, 60. Maximilian, arch duke of
Austria, makes a peace with Lewis XL,
contracts his daughter Margaret to Chas.
the Dauphin, before contracted to king
Edward's daughter Elizabeth, 283. Is
Charles the VHIth of France's rival for
Anne Heiress of Bretagne, 292. His per-
son seiz'd by the citizens of Gaunt, 310.
Lord Ravenstem rebels against him, 310.
Marries lady Anne by proxy, 311, his

negligence, 312. Rage upon the French
king's marrying her, 326. Effectually as-
sisted by Hen. VII. against the Flemmings,
322. Cannot assist king Henry in his
French war, 326, 327. Recommends Per-
kins to the Scots king, 349, 351.

Maximus a Spaniard, usurping part of the
Empire, is overcome at length, and kill'd
by Theodosius, 65. — , a friend of Geron-
tius, is by him set up in Spain against Con-
stantine the usurper, 65.

Mellitus, Justus and others, sent with Aus-
tin, the conversion of the Saxons, 93-
Mellitus converts the East-Saxons, 94. St.
Paul's church in London built for his cathe-
dral by Ethelred, as that of Rochester for
Justus, 94. Mempricius, one of Brutus's
council, persuades him to hasten out of
Greece, 14. — and Malim succeed their
father Madan in the kingdom, 18, — treach-
erously slaying his brother, gets sole pos-
session of the kingdom, reigns tyrannically,
and is at last devour'd by wolves, 18.
Merianus, reckon'd among the ancient
British kings, 25.

Mollo, brother of Cedwalla, pursu'd, beset
and burnt in a house whither he had fled
for shelter, 109. Death reveng'd by his bro-
ther, 109. Montfort, Sir Sim., one of the
conspirators against Hen- VII. in fa-
vour of Perkin Warbeck, 334. Beheaded,
339. More, Sir Thos., his history of Edw.
V. and Rich. III., from 193 to 241. Mor-
car, son of Algar, made earl of Northum-
berland, in the room of Tosti, 185. He
and Edwin duke of the Mercians put Tosti
to flight, 188, give battel to Harold Har-
fager, king of Norway, but are worsted,
188. Mordred, Arthur's nephew, who is
said to have given him in a battle his death's
wound, 88.

Moreton, Dr. John, bishop of Ely, suspects
the duke of Glocester's fidelity to Edw.
V., 218. Committed to the custody of
the duke of Buckingham, by Rich. III.,
239. Long conference with the duke,
whom he persuades to dethrone Rich, and
set up Hen. earl of Richmond, 240, 242,
245. Made Abp. of Canterbury by Hen.
VII., 275. Lord Chancellor, 296. Speech
to Hen. VII, 's parliament, 296, 313. Hated,
and gets a law for his own security, 302.
Answer to the French ambassador's speech
about Bretagne and Naples, 325. Death,
377. Character, 378. Morley, lord, slain
at the battle of Dixmuyde, 311. Morindus,
the son of Elanius by Tonguestela a valiant
man, but infinitely cruel, 23.

Natanleod, chief king of Britain, routed by
Kerdic the Saxon, 15 Navigation of
England advanc'd by Hen. VII., 308.

Nevil, sir George, goes to Perkin Warbeck
in France, 332.

Norfolk, John Howard, duke of, attainted
by Hen. Vllth's first parliament, 273.
Northumberland, Hen., earl of, kill'd in a
mutiny against _ tax-gatherers, in Hen-
VI I. 's reign, 304.

Octa and Ebissa call'd over by Hengist their
uncle, 77, possess themselves of that part

INDEX.

419

of the isle which is now Northumberland,

Oeneus, one in the catalogue of ancient
British kings, 25. Oeric or Oisc, succeeds
his father Hengistin the kingdom of Kent,
and from him the Kentish kings call'd
Oiscings, 82.

Offa, son of Siger, quits his kingdom of the
East-Saxons, to go to Rome, and turn
monk with Kenred, in. Offa, defeating and
slaying Beornred, the usurper, becomes
king of Mercia after Ethelbald, 116, sub-
dues a neighbouring people call'd Hestings,
116, gets the victory of Alric king of Kent
at Ostanford, 116. Inviting Ethelbright
king of the East- Angles to his palace, he
treacherously causes him to be beheaded,
and seizes his kingdom, 118, is at first
at enmity, afterwards in league with |
Charles the great, 118, grants a perpetual
tribute to the pope out of every house in his
kingdom, 118, draws a trench of wondrous
length between Mercia and the British
confines, death, 118.

Orange prince, sides with the duke of
Orleans against Chas. VII., taken prisoner
at the battle of St. Albans in Bretagne,
301. Orleans, Lewis, duke of, retires to
the duke of Bretagne, and prevents his
hearkening to a peace with Chas. VIII.
291, 293. Fights the battle of St. Albans,
and is taken prisoner by the French king's
troops, 301. Succeeds Chas. VITI., 576.
Osbald, a nobleman, exalted to the throne of
the Northumbrians after Ethelred, 119.
Osbert reigns in Northumberland after the
last of the Ethelreds in the time of the
Danish invasion, 125. Osbert and Ella
helping the Picts against Donald king of
Scotland, put the Scots to flight at Ster-
ling-bridge with great slaughter, and take
the king prisoner, 127. Osfrid and Ean-
frid, sons of Edwin, converted and bap-
tiz'd, 100. Osfrid slain, together with his
father in a battle against Kedwalla, 101.
Oslace and Cnebban, two Saxon earls,
slain by Keaulin at Wibbandun, 86-
Osmund, king of the South-Saxons, 116.
Osred, a child, succeeds Aldfrid in the
Northumbrian kingdom, in, slain by his
kindred for his vicious life, 112. Osred,
son of Alcled, advanc'd to the kingdom of
Northumberland after Elfwald, is soon dri-
ven out again, 117, taken and forcibly shaven
a monk at York, 117. Osric, son of Elfric,
baptiz'd by Paulinus, succeeds in the
kingdom of Deira, 101, turns apostate, and is
slain by an irruption of Kedwalla out of a
besieg'd town, 102. Osric succeeds
Kenred king of Northumberland, in.
Osric earl of Southampton, and Ethel-
wolfe of Berkshire, beat the Danes back to
their ships, 128. Ostorius, sent vice-praetor,
41, into Britain in the room of Plautius
the praetor, 41, routs the Britains, and im-
proves his victory to the best advantage, 41,
gives the government of several cities to
Cogidunus a British king, his ally, 42.
Defeats the Silures under the leadership of
Caractacus, 42, so distress'd by them that
he dies of grief, 43. Ostrid, wife of
Ethelred, kill'd by her own nobles, in.

Oswald, brother of Eanfrid, living exil'd in
Scotland, is there baptiz'd, 101, with a. small
army entirely overthrows Kedwalla, 102,
settles religion, and very much enlarges his
dominions, 107, overcome and slain in
battle by Penda at Maserfield, now Oswes-
ter, 103. Oswi succeeds his brother Oswald
in his kingdom, 103. Persuades Sigebert
to receive the Christian faith, 205. Dis-
comfits Penda's vast army, 105. Sub-
dues all Mercia, and the greatest part of
the Pictish nation, 106, shaken off by the
Mercian nobles, and Wulfer set up in his
stead, 106, his death, 106. Oswin, nephew
of Edwin, shares with Oswi in the kingdom
of Northumberland, 103. Coming to arms
with him, is overmatch'd and slain by his
command, 104. Oswulf has the crown of
Northumberland relinquish' d to him by
Eadbert, 115, slain by his own servants, 115.

Otha succeeds Esca in the kingdom of Kent,,
86. Otter and Roald, two Danish leaders,
landing in Devonshire, their whole forces
are scatter'd, and Roald slain, 140.

Oxford University said to be founded by
Alfred, 138. Burnt by the Danes, 162.
— , John earl of, escapes from the castle of
Hammes and joyns the earl of Richmond
in France, 252. Commands the van of his
army at the battle of Bosworth, 258. Com-
mands che army against SimneFs adherents,
284. In the French expedition, 326. And
against the Cornish rebels, 359. Severely
and ungratefully us'd by Hen. VII. 384.

Pacatianus left governor of Britain by Con-
stantine the Great, 62. Pandrasus a Gre-
cian king, keeps the Trojans in servitude,
13. Set upon, and beaten by Brutus, 14.
Parker, sir J., kill'd in a just in Hen. VIL's
reign, 325. Parliament, one held by Rich.
III.25I. — ,thenrstheldbyHen.VIl.,27i,
their acts, 271. About settling the crown
on king Hen. singly, 272. His second, 296.
Several good laws made by them, 301, 302,
303, 307- His third, 319, speech to them, 319,
320. Pass the famous statute to sell lands
without fines, and open a way for the
barons to alienate their estates, 322. Other
acts, 323. His fourth, and their acts, 346,
348. His fifth parliament, their acts, 386.
They suppress retainers, 387. Patriarck
Fryar, sets up a counterfeit earl of Warwick
against Hen. VII., 374.
Paulinus, sent spiritual guardian with Edel-
burga, to convert Northumberland to Chris-
tianity, 98. Manner of his winning king
Edwin to embrace the Christian religion,
99. Converts the province of Lindsey,
and Blecca governor of Lincoln, and builds
a church in that city, 100. Payne, Dr. bp.
of Meath, preaches Lambert Simnel's
coronation sermon, 284.

Peada, son of Penda, and prince of the
Middle Angles, is baptiz'd with all his
followers, 104. South-Merciaconferr'doii
him by Oswi, 105, slain by the treachery of
his wife on Easter-day, 105. Pelagius, a
Britain, brings new opinions into the church,
65. The Pelagian doctrine refuted by
Germanus, 70. The Pelagians judg'd to
banishment by Germanus, 73. Pembroke,

420

INDEX.

Jasper earl of, created duke of Bedford,
271. Penda, son of Wibba king of Mercia,
has the kingdom surrender'd him by Keorle,

100. Joyns with Kadwalla against Edwyn,

101. Slays Oswald in battle, 102. In
another battle Sigebert, 103. In another
Anna king of the East-Angl«s, 104. Slain
in a battle against Oswi, 105. Penissell,
reckon'd in the number of the ancient
British kings, 25. Peredure and Vigenius
expel their brother Elidure, and share
the kingdom between them, 24.

People, how they came to decay in Hen. VI I . 's
reign, 308. Percival, sir John, lord mayor
of London, his rise, 403. Perkin War-
beck, his story as in the lord Verulam,
his rise, 329, person and cunning, 329,
Edw. IV. his godfather, 329. Parents
and education, 330. Why call'd Perkin,
330. Presented to the duchess of
Burgundy, and by her sent to Portugal,
330. Lands at Cork, and pretends
to be Richard duke of York, Edward
I V.'s second son, 331. The French king
sends agents to him, 332. Goes to France,
and is treated like a king, 332. Dismiss'd
thence, he goes to the duchess of Burgundy,
who owns him as duke of York, 332. Se-
veral persons of quality in England for him,
334. Beheaded on his account, 339. At-
tempts to land in Kent, but is afraid, 344.
Several of his followers hang'd, 345. Re-
turns to Flanders, 348. Goes to Scotland,
recommended by several princes, 349. De-
claration to James IV. king of Scots, 349.
Favour'd by him, and has lady Katherine
Gordon bestow'd on him in marriage, 359.
Enters Northumberland, and puts out a
proclamation against Hen. VII., 351, 352,
Success of it, 354. Weeps at the Scots
destroying the country when they came
into England with him, 354. Dismiss'd
from Scotland, 364. Lands at Cork in
Ireland, 364. His counsellors, 365. In-
vited to Cornwall by the rebels there, 365.
Lands there, joyn'd by them, and besieges
Exeter, 367. Raises the siege, and flies to
Sanctuary, 368. Submits on promise of
life, carry'd to king Henry's court, 369.
His confession not satisfactory, 370. Runs
away, is taken, set in the stocks, and reads
his confession, 373. Endeavours to cor-
Tupt the lieutenant of the Tower's servants,
374, Draws earl Warwick into a con-

spiracy, 374. Try'd, condemn'd, and
hang'd at Tyburn, 375. Confession, 375.
P«rjury, an example of the Divine Ven-

.geance in Alfred, who conspir'd against
king Athelstane, 143. Petilius Cerealis,
utterly defeated by the Britains, 46. Com-
mands the Roman army in Britain, 49. ,
Petronius Turpilianus commands in chief
in Britain, after Sueton Paulinus, 49.
Philip archduke of Austria, and sovereign of
the Netherlands, his interview with Hen-
VII., 376. Succeeds his mother-in-law
queen Isabella of Spain, as king of Castile,
388. Thrown on the coast of England by
,a storm, 301. Entertainment and confer-
ence with Hen. VII., 391.
Picts and Scots harass the south coasts of Bri-
. tain, 63. Picts and Saxons beaten by the

Britains through the pious conduct of Ger
manus, 71. Pir, one of the ancientest race
of British kings, 25.

Pons Jasper, his negotiations in England
with Hen. VII. for Pope Alexander VI.,
378. Pope, the, redresses the grievances
of sanctuaries for Hen. VII., 289. Por-
rex, son of Gprgobudo, tho' assisted from
France, is slain by his brother Ferrex, 21.
His death reveng'd by his mother Videna,
21. Another of that name reckon'd in the
list of British kings, 25. Portsmouth deno-
minated from the landing of Porta a Saxon
prince with his sons, Bida and Melga, 82.

Poynings, Sir Edward, sent to besiege
Sluice, held against Maximilian by his sub-
jects, 23. Sent into Ireland, 343. Holds
a parliament, and gets the famous statute
past and known by his name, 343. Arrests
the earl of Kildare, and sends him prisoner
to England, 343.

Prasutagus, king of the Iceni, leaving Caesar
coheir with his daughters, causes the
Britains to revolt, 44. Priscus Licinius,
lieutenant of this isle under Adrian, 55.
Probus subdues the usurper Bonosus, who
falls in the battle, 59.

Rakehells, king of, Perkin so call'd by Hen.
VII., 367. Rame, Thomas, esq., his swift
passage over to the earl of Richmond in
Bretagne, 247. Executed at Exeter on
bare suspicion, 251. Ratcliffe, sir Rich.,
employ'd to execute the lord Rivers and
others, 228. Kill'd at the battle of Bos-
worth, 261. Ravenstein, lord, rebels
against Maximilian king of the Romans,
and sovereign of the Netherlands, 310.
His piratical war, 322. Reduc'd to great
streights by the English succours, 323.

Readwulfe succeeding Ethelred in Northum-
berland, soon after his coronation is cut off
with his whole army by the Danes at
Alvetheli, 125. Rebellion against Hen.
VII. the lord Level's, 275. Lambert Sim-
nel's, 277, 288. Sir John Egremond's and
John a Chambers, 305. The Cornish men's,
356. Rederchus, reckon'd among the
ancient British kings, 25. Redion, one of
the ancient British kings, 25. Redwald,
king of the East-Angles, wars against
Ethelred in defence of Edwyn, and slays
him in battle, 97. Regin, son of Gorbonian,
a good king, 25.

Remarkable occurrences in the reign ot
Edward V. and Richard III., 249, 264.
Of Henry VII., 270, 403. Retainers
supprest by act of parliament, 387.

Richard III., his dissimulation on his acces-
sion to the throne, crowned with his
queen, 253. Contrives the destruction
of the two young princes, 237, orders
them to be murder'd, and is terrify "d
in conscience, 237. Progress to Gloces-
ter 238, quarrels with the duke of Bucks,

238. Crown'd a second time at York,

239, letter to the master of his wardrobe
for things for that coronation, 239. A con-
spiracy form'd against him by Bucks and
the bishop of Ely, 241, 246. Summons the
duke of Bucks to court, 249, prepares for his
defence, 249. His cruelty, 251. Enters

INDEX.

421

into an alliance with Scotland, and pro-
claims John, earl of Lincoln, heir apparent,
252, persuades the queen to leave sanc-
tuary, 252, gets her daughter into his
hands, 252, resolv'd to marry the eldest,
and rid himself of his wife, 252. She
dies soon after, 253. Designs to marry
the princess Elizabeth, 256, how prevented,
256. His proceedings on the earl of
Richmond's landing, 257. Marches against
him, and encamps at Bosworth, 259,
speech to his soldiers, 259. Fights the
earl, and is slain, 262, wears his crown in
the battle, 262. Character, 263. His body
abus'd, 266, lord St. Albans calls him a
tyrant, 266, says his end was just, 266,
that he murder'd his two nephews, 266,
his vices over-balance his virtues, 266.
Was jealous of his honour, and made
good laws, 261. Attainted by Hen. VIIs.'
first parliament, 273.

Richmond, Hen Earl of, brought to Hen. VI.
and his saying of him, 402. Receives mes-
sengers out of England with an account of
the conspiracy in his favour, 247, engages to
marry the princess Elizabeth, 247. Sails to
England, but dares not land, 250, returns to
France, 250. Is attainted, 251. In great
danger in Bretagne 252, reception in France,
252. Stops the marquess Dorset going to
leave him, 255. Embarks for England,
lands in Wales, 256. Loses his way in his
march, 257. Speech before he gave king
Richard battle, 259. Crown'd in the field
with king Richard's crown, by sir Will.
Stanley, 263. Richmond, countess of, holds
up queen Anne's train at king Richard's
coronation, 236. Correspondence with the
queen dowager, to advance her son the
earl of Richmond, 246. Richmond palace
built by Hen. VII. 370. Rivalo succeeds
his father Cunedagius, 21. Rivers, Rich.
Woodville earl, arrested by the duke of
Glocester, 199. Beheaded at Pomfret, 228.

Romans land in Britain under the conduct of
Julius Caesar, 29. Sharp conflict with the
Britains near the Stoure in Kent, 33. Are
cruelly massacred by the Britains, 46.
Leave the island to succour their declining
affairs in other parts, 66. Come and aid
the Britains against the Scots and Picts,
68. Help them to build a new wall, 69,
instruct them in war, and take their last
farewell, 69. Romanus, nam'd among the
four sons of Histion, sprung of Japhet,
and from him the Romans fabled to be
deriv'd, 12. Rothardam, Dr. Abp. of York,
speech to the queen, mother of Edw. V.

201. Leaves the Great Seals with her, being
lord Chancellor, 202, sends for them again,

202. The seal taken from him, 203. Im-
prison'd, 221. Rowena, daughter of Hen-
gist, sent for over by her Father, 77, pre-
sents king Vortigern with a bowl of wine
by her father's command, 77, is upon the
king's demand given him in marriage, 77.

Rudaucus king of Cambria, subdu'd in fight,
and slain by Dunwallo Mulmutius, 21.
Rud-Hudibras succeeds his father Leil,
and founds Caerkeint, or Canterbury, with
other places, 18. Runno, the son of Pere-
dure, not his immediate successor, 25.

Sabra thrown into the river Severn, (thence
call'd Sabrina) with her mother Estrildis by
Guendolen, 17. St. Albans in Bretagne,
battle of, 301. Samothes, the first king
that history or fable mentions to have peo-
pled this island, u. Samulius recorded
among the ancient British kings, 25. Sanc-
tuaries, the use andabuse of them, deliver'd
by the duke of Buckingham before the
lords of the council in the reign of Edw.
V., 209. Grievance of 'em redressed by
the Bope for Hen. VII., 289. Saron, the
second king nam'd among the successors of
Samothes, u. Saxons harass the south-
coasts of Britain, slay Noctaradius and
Balcpbaudes, 64. — invited into Britain by
Vortigern and the Britains against the Scots
and Picts, 74. Their original, 74. Arrive
under the leading of Hengistand Horsa, 76.
Beat the Scots and Picts near Stamford, 76.
Fresh forces sent to them, and their bounds
enlarg'd, 76. Making league with the
Scots and Picts, waste the land without re-
sistance, 77. Beaten by Guortimer in four
battles, and driven into Thanet, 78. Return
most of them into their own country, 78.
The rest notably defeated by Ambrosius
Aurelianus and the Britains, 79.

Scots, Picts and Attacots, harass the south-
coast of Britain, 64. Overcome by Maxi-
mus, 65. Beaten by the Romans sent to suc-
cour the Britains, 69. They make spoil and
havoc with little or no opposition, 6p. Scots
possess'd Ireland, and first nam'd it Scotia,
65. — king does homage to king Edward
the elder, 142. To William the Norman,
170. — the rise of the union between the
two nations, 362.

Sebbi, having reign'd over the East-Saxons
thirty years, takes on him the habit of a
monk, 107. Sebert, the son of Sleda, reigns
over the East-Saxons by permission of
Ethelbert, 76. Segonax, one of the four

Selred, son of Sigebert the good, succeeds
Offa in the East-Saxon kingdom, and
comes to a violent end, 114. Septimius
Severus, the Roman emperor, arrives in
person with an army in this island, 57. His ill
success against the Caledonians, 57. Never-
theless he goes on, and brings them fo terms
of peace, 57. Builds a wall across the
island from sea to sea, 58. They taking
arms again, he sends his son Antonius
against them, 59. Dies at York, 'tis thought
of grief, 59. Serjeants at law, a call of,
345, 388. Severus, sent over deputy into
this island by the emperor Valentinian, 64.
Sexburga, wife of Kenwalk, driv'n out by
the nobles, disdaining her government,
107. Sexted and Siward, re-establish
paganism in the East-Saxon kingdom after
the death of their father Sebert, 96. In a
fight against the Britains, they perish with
their whole army, 97.

Shaw, Dr. John, preaches a seditious ser-
mon to prove king Edw. IV.'s marriage
with his queen was not lawful, and that
her children were illegitimate, 229. Dies
of shame and grief, 230. — , Sir iidmund

petty kings in Britain that assaulted
Qesar's camp, 36. Seius Saturninus com-
mands the Roman fleet in Britain, 55.

422

INDEX.

Lord Mayor of London, one of the con-
spirators to advance the duke of Glocester
to the throne, 230. Discourse with the
duke of Buckingham, 234. — , Sir John,
the first Lord Mayor of London that
went to Westminster by water to be
sworn, 403. Removes the mayor's feast to
Guild-Hall, 403. Shore, Jane, kept by the
lord Hastings after Edward's death, 221.
Is prosecuted by the lord protector, the
duke of Glocester, 226. Character, 227.

Sigeard and Senfred succeed their father
Sebbi in the East-Saxon kingdom, 114. Sige-
bert succeeds his brother Eorpwald in the
kingdom of the East-Angles, 102. Founds
a school or college, and betakes himself to
monastical life, 103. Is forc'd into the field
against Penda, 103. Slain with his kins-
man Esric, 103. Sigebert, sirnam'd the
Small, succeeds his father Seward king of the
East-Saxons, 105. His successor Sigebert
the second persuaded by Oswi to embrace
Christianity, 105. Murder'd by the conspi-
racy of two brethren, 105. His death de-
nounc'd by the bishop for eating with an ex-
communicated person, 105. Sigebert, kins-
man of Cuthred, succeeds him in the West-
Saxon kingdom, 114. Siger, son of Sigebert
theSmall, and Sebbi the son of Seward, suc-
ceed in the government of the East-Saxons
after Swithelm's decease, 107. Silures, a
people of Britain choose Caractacus for their
leader against the Romans, 42. continue
the war after Caractacus is taken, against
Ostolius and others, 42. Tam'd, 51.

Simnell Lambert, an impostor set up by
Richard Simon, an Oxford priest, against
Hen. VII., 277. Pretends to be Edward
Plantagenet earl of Warwick, 277. Carry'd
over to Ireland by Simon, 279. Wellreceiv'd
there, 279, Proclaim'd king, 280. Gets a
party in England, 282. Crown'd at Dub-
lin, 284. Lands in England with an army,
285. Defeated, taken, pardon'd, and made
a turn-broach, 287. Advanc'd to be king
Henry's falconer, 287. Simon Zelptes, by
some said to have preach'd the Christian faith
in this island, 56. Simon, Rich., an Oxford
priest, sets up the impostor Lambert Sim-
nell. 277. Thought to be instigated to it by
some great persons, 277. Taken, imprison'd,
and never heard of more, 287. Simony first
practis d in England, 107. Sisillius suc-
ceeds Jago, 21. Another of that name
succeeds his father Guitheline, 23. An-
other British king of that name, 25.
Siward, king of the East-Saxons, father of
Sigebert, little said of him, 105. Siward,
earl of Northumberland, sent by Harde-
cnute, together with Leofric, against the
people of Worcester, 174. He and Leofric
raise forces for king Edward against earl
Godwin, 179. Makes an expedition into
Scotland, vanquishes Macbeth, and places
in his stead Malcolm son of the Cumbrian
king, 182. Dies at York in an arm'd
posture, 182. His son Waltheof taken
into favour by William the Norman, and
marry'd to his niece, 182.

Sleda first erects the kingdom of the
East-Saxons, 82.

South-Saxon kingdom, by whom erected, 81.

South-Saxons, upon what occasion con-
verted to Christianity, 108.

Stafford, Humphrey and Thomas, rebel
against Hen. VII., Humphrey taken and
executed, 275. Thomas is pardon'd, 276.
Stanley, Thos., lord, one of the chief
counsellors to Richard duke of Glocester, 216
Imprison'd, 222. Advises the lord Hastings
to fly, from a dream, 222. Set at liberty,
and made lord steward, 236. King Richard
retains him at court, 236. Obliges him to
confine his wife, the countess of Richmond,
mother to Hen. VII., 251. Brave answer
to king Richard threatning him to put his
son to death, 261. Made earl of Derby,
271. Stanley, sir Will., crowns Hen. VII.
in the field, 263. Conspires against him
in favour of Perkin Warbeck, 334. Im-
prison'd, beheaded, 340. Reflections on
his death, 340. Riches and ambition, 341.

Star-chamber court describ'd, 302. Sta-
terius, king of Albany, is defeated and
slain in fight by Dunwallo Mulmutius, 21.
Stepholm, an island at the mouth of the
Severn, besieg'd by the Danes, 140,
Stilicho represses the invading Scots and
Picts, 64. Stoke, fight of, 286. Stuff
and Withgar, the nephews of Kedric, bring
him new levies, 82. Inherit what he won
in the isle of Wight, 85.

Suebard reigns with Victred in the kingdom
of Kent, 112. Suetonius Paulinus, lieu-
tenant in Britain, attacks the isle of Mona
or Anglesey, 45. Suffolk, Edmond de la
Pool, earl of, kills a man, forc'd to plead
his pardon, and flyes to the duchess of
Burgundy, 379. Persuaded to return by
Hen. VII., 380. Flyes again, is betray 'd
and his accomplices seiz'd, 385. Deliver'd
up by the archduke, 393. Suidhelm suc-
ceeds Sigebert in the kingdom of the East-
Saxons, 105, baptiz'd by Kedda, 106.
Surry, Thos. Howard, earl of, attainted by
Hen. VI I. 's first parliament, 273. Taken
into favour by Hen. VII. 304- Routs the
rebel sir John Egremond, 305. Enters
Scotland with an army, 362.

Swaine, in revenge of his sister's death,
makes great devastations in the west of
England, 158. Carries all before him as.
far as London, 161. Swaine, the son of
earl Godwin, treacherously murders his
kinsman Beorn, 176, his peace wrought with
the king by Aldred bishop of Worcester,
178, touched in conscience for the slaughter
of Beorn, goes barefoot to Jerusalem,
and returning home dyes in Lycia, 178.
Swartz Martyn, sent by the duchess of
Burgundy with 2,000 men to assist Lam-
bert Simnell the impostor against Hen.
VII., 283. Sweating Sickness, the first
in England, 270, its cure, 271. Returns,
404. Switherd, last king of the East-Saxons,
114. Submits to Ecbert, 122.

Taximagulus, a petty king anciently n
Britain, one of the four kings that as-
saulted Caesar's camp, 36. Taylor, sir
J., goes to P. Warbeck in France, 33.

Tenuantius, one of the sons of Lud, has
Cornwall allotted him, 26. Made king
after the death of Cassibelan, 38. Teudric,

INDEX.

423

a warlike king of Britain, exchanges
his crown for a hermitage, 91, said to
have taken up arms in aid of his son
Mouric, 91.

Theobald, brother of king Ethelfred, slain at
Degsastan, 94. Theodore, a monk of
Tarsus, ordain'dbp. of Canterbury by Pope
Vitalian, 107, by his means the liberal
arts and the Greek and Latin tongues
flourish among the Saxons, 107. Theodo-
sius sent over by the emperor Valentinian,
enters London victoriously, 64, sends for Ci-
vilis and Dulcitius, 64, punishes Valentinus
a Pannonian, conspiring against him, 64,
returns with applause to Valentinian, 65.
Theodosius, son of the former preferr'd to
the empire, 65, overcomes and slays Maxi-
mus, usurping the empire, 65. Thurfert, and
divers other Danish lords submit to king
Edward the Elder, 141.

Titalus, succeeds his father Uffa in the king-
dom of the East- Angles,. 82.

Togodumnus, second son of Cunobeline, suc-
ceeds in the kingdom, 39. Overthrown by
Aulus Plautius, 39. Slain in battle, 39.
Tosti, son of Godwin, made earl of Nor-
thumberland in the room of Siward, 182.
Swears brotherhood with Malcolm king of
Scotland, 184. Goes to Rome with Aldred
bishop of York, 184. The Northumbrians
rise against and expel him, 184. A
story of great courage and cruelty com-
mitted by him at Hereford, 185. Making
war against [his brother Harold, is driv'n
out of the country by Edwin and Morcar,
188. Joyning with Harold Harfager of
Norway against his brother, is slain, to-
gether with Harfager in battle, 189.

Trade, consideration of it very much recom-
mended to the parliament by the lord
chancellor Morton, in Henry VII. 's time,
299, 300. Incourag'd by Hen. VII., 309,
>eaty between Hen. VII. and Chas.

VIII., 327. Between Hen. VII. and the
princes of Italy against Chas. VIII., 346.
Intercursus Magnus, the treaty so call'd.

between Hen. VII. and Philip sovereign
of the Netherlands, 355. Hen. VI I. 's
treaty of peace, and the marriage of his
daughter Margaret with Jas. IV. of Scot-
land, 373. Trebellius Maximus sent into
Britain in the room of Petronius Turpili-
anus, 49. Trinobantes fall off from Cassi-
belan, submit to Caesar, recommend Man-
dubratius to his protection, 35.

Turketill, a Danish leader, submitting to
king Edward, obtains leave of him to go
and try his fortune in France, 140. Tur-
kil, a Danish earl, assaults Canterbury,
but is bought off, 159. Swears allegiance
to king Ethelred, that he might stay and
give intelligence to Swaine, 161. Leaves
the English again, and joyns with Canute,
163. His greatness suspected by Canute,
is banished the realm, 169.

Tyrrel, sir Jas., murders Edw. V. and his
brother Richard duke of York in the
Tower, 237. Confesses it in Hen. VI I. 's
reign, 335. Executed for a conspiracy
against Hen. VII., 386.

Jffa erects the kingdom of the East-Angles,
82. His successors call'd Uffings, 82.

Ulfketel, duke of the East-Angles set upon
the Danes with great valour, 158. His
army defeated through the subtilty of a
Danish servant, 160. Slain with several
other dukes at Assandune, 167. Ulpius
Marcellus, sent lieutenant to Britain by
Commodus, ends the war by his valour, 56.

Urianus reckon'd in the number of ancient
British kings, 25.

Uther Pendragon, thought to be the same
with Natanleod, 82. Uthred submits him-
self with the Northumbrians to Swaine, 162.
To Canute, 164. Hisvictory over Malcolm
king of the Scots, 165. He is slain by
Turebrand, a Danish lord, at Canute's
either command or connivance, 165.

Valentinian the emperor, sends over several
deputies to this island, 64. Vaughan, sir
Thos., arrested by the duke of Glocester.
199. Beheaded at Pomfret, 228- Bold
speech at his death, 228.

Vectius Bolanus, sent int» Britain in the
room of Trebellius Maxim*t«, 49. Venu-
tius, king of the Brigantes, deserted by
his wife Cartismandua, who marries his
esquire Vellocatus, 44. Rights himself
against her by arms, 44- Makes war
successfully against those who took part
with his wife, 44- Remains unconcnier'd,
49. Veraunius succeeds A. Didius in the
British war, 45. Vertue ever highly re-
warded by the ancient Romans, 40. Veru-
lam, lord, his history of Hen- VII., 266.
Vespasian, fighting under Plautius, is
rescu'd from danger by his son Titus,
41. For his eminent services here, receives
triumphal ornaments at Rome, 41.

Victorious, a moor, appeases a commotion
in Britain by slaying a governour of his
own recommending, 59. Victorinus of
Tolosa, made Praefect of this island, 65.
Victred, son of Ecbert, obtaining the
kingdom of Kent, settles all things in.
peace, 109. After thirty four years reign
he dies, 112. Videna slays her son Perrex,
in revenge of her other son Porrex, 21.
Vigenius and Peredure, expelling their
brother Elidure, share the kingdom be-
tween them, 24. Virius Lupus has the
north part of the government assign'd him
by Severus the emperor, 57.

Vortigern's character, 74. Advised by his
council to invite in the Saxons against the
Scots and Picts, 75. Bestows upon Hengist
and the Saxons the isle of Thanet, 76.
Then all Kent, upon a marriage with Ro-
wena Hengist's daughter, 77. Condemn'd
in a synod for incest with his daughter ; he
retires to a castle in Radnorshire, built for
that purpose, 78. His son Guortimer dead,
he resumes the government, 79. Drawn,
into a snare by Hengist, 79. Retiring again.
is burnt in his tower, 80. Vortipor reigns
in Demetia, or South-Wales, 89.

Warham, sir Will., his speech to the Arch-
duke governor of Flanders, demanding to

Warriours famous in the reign of Edw.

have Perkin Warbeck deliver'd up, 337.
gn of Edw. V.
and Rich. III., 265. Of Hen. VII. 403.
Wars civil, between the houses of Lanca-
shire and York, of Bosworth, 262. O

424

INDEX.

Stoke-field, 286. Warwick, Edward Plan-
tagenet earl of, son of George duke of
Clarence, confin'd to sheriff Hutton in
Yorkshire, by Rich. III. imprison'd by
Hen. VII. in the Tower, 269. A counter-
feit one, 278. The earl shewn to the peo-
ple, to discover the imposture, 281. Ano-
ther counterfeit one, 374. Drawn into a
conspiracy by Perkin Warbeck, 374.
Try'd and found guilty of raising a sedi-
tion, 375. Beheaded, 375. The last of
the male-line of the Plantagenets, 375.
Water, John, mayor of Cork, hang'd with
Perkin, 375. Waterford, citizens of, their
loyalty to Hen. VII., 287, 364.

West-Saxon kingdom, by whom erected, 82.
West-Saxons and their king converted to
the Christian faith by Berinus, 102.

Wibba, succeeds Crida in the Mercian king-
dom, 90. Wilford, Ralph, the counterfeit
earl of Warwick, hang'd, 375. Wilfrid,
bp. of the Northumbrians, depriv'd by
Ecfric of his bishopric, wanders as far as
Rome, 108. Returning, plants the gospel
in the isle of Wight, and other places
assign'd him, 108. Has the fourth
part of that island given him by Ked-
alla, 108. Bestows it on Bertwin, a priest,
his sister's son, 108. Wilibrod, a priest,
goes over with twelve others to preach
the gospel in Germany, no. Entertain'd
by Pepin chief regent of the Franks, and
made first bishop of that nation, no.
Will, of Malmsbury, our best historian, 113.

William duke of Normandy, most honour-
ably entertained by king Edward, and
richly dismiss'd, 180. Betroths his daughter
to Harold, and receives his oath to assist
him to get the crown of England, 185.
Sending after king Edward's death, to
demand performance of his promise, is put
off with a slight answer, 188. Lands with
an army at Hastings, 190. Harold, who
with his two brothers is slain in battle, 191.
Crown'd at Westminster by Aldred, Abp.
of York, 191. Wipped, a Saxon earl, slain

at a place call'd Wippeds fleet, which thence
took denomination, 79. Withgarburgh in
the isle of Wight, so call'd from being the
burial-place of Withgar, 85. Withlaff,
successor of Ludiken, vanquish'd by Ecbert,
Mercia becomes tributary to him, 122.

Wolsey, Thos., Hen. VI I. 's chaplain, his
first negotiation abroad, 394. Woodville
lord, carries forces over to the assistance
of the duke of Bretagne, without Hen.
VII.'s leave, 294. Kill'd at the battle of
St. Albans, 301. Woollen manufacture
encourag'd by Hen. VII., 309.

Wulfer, son of Penda, set up by the Mercian
nobles in the room of Oswi, 106. Said to
have been taken prisoner by Kenwalk the
West-Saxon, 106. Takes and wastes the
isle of Wight, but causes the inhabitants
to be baptiz'd, and gives the island to
Ethelwald, king of the South-Saxons, 107.
Sends Jarumannus to recover the East-
Saxons, fallen off the second time from
Christianity, 107. Lindsey taken from him
by Ecfrid of Northumberland, 108. His.
death accompany'd with the stain of simony,
108. Wulfheard, king Ethelwolfe's chief
captain, drives back the Danes at South-
ampton with great slaughter, 125. Dies
the same year as it is thought of age, 125.
Wulktul, earl of Ely, put to flight with his
whole army by the Danes, 130.

Yeomen of the guard, first instituted by
Hen. VII. 271.

Ymner, king of Leogria, with others, slain in
battle by Mulmutius, 21.

York, Richard Plantagenet duke of, brother
to Edw. V., deliver'd up by his mother
to the duke of Glocester, 215. Bastardy
laid to his brother and his charge, 229.
Murder'd in the tower by sir J. Tyrell,
237. His body lately discover'd, 237. — ,
title of that house most approv'd of, 267.

Zouch, lord, attainted in parliament, for siding
with Rich. III., 273.

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