Class.
Book.
-^-jD-
U: GEN. BURGOYNE.
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Ibistodcal Series.
Bo. 16.
ii
iCy
THE BRITISH INVASION FROM THE NORTH
THE CAMPAIGNS
GENERALS CARLETON AND BURGOYNE
FROM CANADA, ^Tl^-'im ,
WITH THE JOURNAL OF LIEUT. WILLIAM DIGBY, -|-|. \y\
53D, OR SHROPSHIRE REGIMENT OF FOOT.
ILLUSTRATED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES,
JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER, A. M.
ALBANY, N. Y.:
JOEL MUNSELL's sons, 82 STATE STREET.
1887.
CO
^■Va.\w,
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
ill
V
I
79
8i
185
Dedication,
Introduction, - -
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, -
Preface to Digby's Journal, ----"'"
The Campaign of 1776, -----■■'
The Campaign of i777. --"'""*
Return of killed, wounded and prisoners during the Cam-
paign of 1777. --■""""'
Return of the Army of the United States under the com-
mand of General Gates, October 17, i777, - " " "354
Return of the British Troops under the command of General
Burgoyne, ----"""'
Return of the German Troops under the command of General
324
355
355
356
Riedesel, ----"'""
General Burgoyne's Speech to the Indians in Congress, June
21, 1777. - - ,
Reply of the Old Chief of the Iroquois, 3oo
Illustrations.
Portrait of General John Burgoyne, - - - Frontispiece.
Portrait of General Horatio Gates, ^
Grave of Adams and Culbertson, - - - - " " ^3
Burial of General Eraser, .------" -9-
DEDICATED
tn the
MaiTinry
nf
My RBVErad FathBTj
Dr. ELIHU BAXTER;
to wham
tha Man of tha Ravalutian wara tha mnst Haralc;
the mnst davatad to duty,
and tha mast
pure In heart of all man, anciant or madam,
INTRODUCTION.
In offering to the public a new addendum to that stirring
theme, the British invasion from Canada in the War of the
Revolution, a few explanatory words seem proper. While
engaged during the fall and winter of 1885-6, in examining
manuscripts in English archives relative to America, a Jour-
nal in the British Museum, written by William Digby, an
officer in the army of invasion, and containing interesting
particulars relative to the two campaigns of 1776 and 1777,
attracted my attention, and I obtained permission from the
Museum authorities to have it copied. Having familiarized
myself with the Journal, I became so interested in it, that I
laid aside other work in which I was engaged and began
collecting materials for annotating it. This work led to a
study of the subject, of which the Journal treats but partially,
and to complete my task properly, a succinct account of the
two campaigns and of questions growing out of them con-
nected with the hero of the final and more important one —
General Burgoyne — seemed necessary as introductory to
Digby's work ; hence my account of the campaigns of Carle-
ton and Burgoyne. In my work I have received favors
from many sources, notably from the officials of the British
Museum, especially from Mr. Henry Kensington ; from the
vi Introduction.
British War and Admiralty Offices, which have generously
furnished me with particulars relative to officers engaged
in the two campaigns, and from Douglas Brymner, Esq.,
of Ottawa, Canadian archivist. Mr, William L. Stone,
so well known to all historical students as an authority
in matters relating to the Revolutionary period, has been
untiring in giving me valuable aid and encouragement ;
Mr. F. D. Stone, librarian of the Pennsylvania Historical
Society, and particularly Mr. John W. Jordan, his able
assistant, have rendered me valuable aid, and the same
may be said of Mr. A. R. Spofford of the National
Library at Washington ; Mr. F. Saunders of the Astor
Library, New York, and William H. Egle, M. D., of
the State Library of Pennsylvania at Harrisburg. Last
and not least, I must refer to the admirable, I may say
unequaled work of Colonel Horatio Rogers, embodied in
Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, from which I have
derived much information. Of the author of the Journal,
William Digby, but little can be said. I have been baffled
thus far in obtaining particulars concerning his family and
early history. He entered the British military service as
an ensign in the Fifty-third Regiment of Foot, on Febru-
ary lo, 1770, at which date the regiment was doing garri-
son duty in Ireland under the command of Colonel John
Toovey, an officer of distinction in the British army. In
this capacity he served until April i, 1773, when he was
promoted to the rank of lieutenant, which was his rank
when hostilities commenced between Great Britain and her
North American colonies. On the 4th of April, 1776, Digby
embarked from Ireland with his regiment under Major-
General Burgoyne for the relief of Quebec, and shared in
the perils attendant upon the expulsion of the Americans
from Canada during that year; and through the winter
which followed was stationed at Chambly. In the spring
Introduction. vii
of 1777, the four flank companies of the Fifty-third Regi-
ment were selected to accompany Burgoyne's expedition
to reduce the colonists into submission to the British crown,
the eight battalion companies being left behind to protect
Canada against another invasion. These companies were sub-
sequently employed by Burgoyne to garrison Ticonderoga ;
but Digby followed the fortunes of his general through that
trying campaign, which ended in the surrender of the Brit-
ish army of invasion to the Americans at Saratoga. Digby
was among the paroled officers, but unfortunately has left
us no account of his experiences after the surrender. From
the time when he signed the parole at Cambridge, he dis-
appears from view until the loth of August, 1785, — some
time after the acknowledgment by Great Britain of Ameri-
can independence — at which date his regiment was still
doing garrison duty in Canada, when we find him retiring
on half pay, "by exchange receiving the difference," and,
on March i, 1786, he appears, by record of the War Office,
under the title of lieutenant, " by exchange, repaying the
difference." On the twenty-second of the same month he
is recorded as having retired. This is the last glimpse we
have of our journalist. Of the Journal itself, I can say but
little. It is not an original kept during the campaign, but
a compilation made by the author, undoubtedly, as he says,
for the partial eye of a friend. My copy was made by a
scribe recommended to me at the Museum, and was com-
pared with the original by Mr. Kensington, who pronounced
it correct. It has been printed verbatim et literatim, except
that I have introduced capitals in some instances where
they seemed necessary, and have corrected the spelling of
two or three words, which I believe have been errors of the
scribe growing out of obscure writing, as Livingstone for
Levestoe, and Ticonderoga for Ticonderago. I "have also
added to the punctuation and have placed a few words in
viii Introduction.
brackets to clear up apparent ambiguities of meaning. I
regret having been unable to correct proof by the original
manuscript, as this is the only proper way to secure verbal
accuracy, but I trust that no material errors will be found
in the work.
6i Deering St., Portland, Maine, November i, 1887.
THE CAMPAIGNS OF CARLETON AND
BURGOYNE FROM CANADA.
1776 AND 1777.
HE author of the following journal, William
Digby, lieutenant of the 53rd Regiment
of -British Grenadiers, had passed into
oblivion and the stream of memory would never
have brought us any tidings of him, had not this
waif, surviving the vicissitudes and perils to which
it must have been exposed for more than a century,
brought to hand enough to enable us to mentally
outline the man and partially estimate his character.
That his was a manly spirit guided by an unswerving
instinct of justice ; devoted to duty and singularly
free from that undue proneness to criticism of those
above him so common to men in conditions similar
to those in which he- found himself during the disas-
trous campaign of General Burgoyne, all will be ready
to admit after perusing his journal, and though we
2 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
may know nothing of his family tree, of the time or
place of his coming or going, or indeed of any sub-
sequent events of his life, we shall regard him with
confidence and respect. The regiment of which
Digby was lieutenant was organized in 1755,' at a
time when the French with their savage Indian allies
were attacking the American frontier settlements,
rendering a war between the mother country and
France unavoidable.
At the time of its formation it was called the
55th, but Governor Shirley^ of Massachusetts, and
Sir William Pepperell^ had each formed a regiment
called respectively the 50th and 51st, which after the
war were disbanded, and the gap was closed by
lowering the numbers of the regiments above them,
by which the 55th became the 53rd. At the time
when the English colonies in America were demand-
ing from the home government what they conceived
to be their rights, the 53rd was garrisoned in Ire-
land, from whence it was ordered to Canada to take
^ Vide Historical Record of the 53rd Regiment (Cannon),
London, 1834. The uniform of the regiment was: "Cocked
hats ; red coats faced with red, lined with yellow and orna-
mented with yellow lace ; red waistcoats and breeches and
white gaiters."
^ William Shirley was governor of Massachusetts from
1 741 to 1756, and was prominent in the war with the
French.
' Sir William Pepperell was a colonel of militia, and dis-
tinguished himself at the siege of Louisburg in 1745, for
which he received the order of Knighthood. He died in
1759. Vide Life of, by Parsons, London, 1856.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 3
part in that momentous drama, the first scene of
which had opened in the quiet rural village of
Lexington. The troops sailed from Ireland with a
knowledge of the successes which the American
arms had achieved in Canada, expecting indeed to
learn on their arrival that Quebec had fallen into
the possession of Montgomery, but with antici-
pation of a speedy subjugation of their despised
antagonists, whose commander the aristocratic sup-
porters of royalty designated as Mister,-* declining to
recognize his title of general, and regarding those
who had taken up arms in defense of their rights a
lawless rabble, ignorant of civilized warfare.^ The
* Lord George Germaine, the British minister, persisted in
his correspondence with Howe and others in designating
General Washington as "Mr.," and this example of his
superior the British commander felt bound to follow. He
therefore addressed his first letter to Mr. Washington,
which the latter declined to receive, and Howe returned
it by Colonel Patterson, one of his officers, addressed to
George Washington, etc., etc., etc. Washington took no
notice of the insult, but stated that he declined to receive
"any letter directed to him as a private person when it
related to his public station." Colonel Patterson pointed
out that "etc., etc., etc." implied all the titles which he
might choose to claim, and ended by verbally conveying
to him the contents of Howe's letter. This folly was not
long persisted in by General Howe, who although he had
declared that he would acknowledge " no rank but that
conferred by the king," found himself obliged to recognize
Washington by his appropriate title if he would hold com-
munication with him. Vide Sparks' Life, Appendix No. i,
Vol. IV.
^ Not only were they characterized as lawless and igno-
rant, but as full of all iniquity. General Gage wrote on
4 The Campaigns of Carleton aud Burgoyne.
expedition, consisting of fifty-four transport ships
and convoyed by two men of war, sailed from Cork
in April, 1776, the troops being under the charge of
Lieutenant-Colonel Fraser, who ended his career in
the campaign of the next year with so many others
of his brave companions. Leaving these troops to
pursue their voyage across the Atlantic, we will
glance retrospectively at the progress of events
during the preceding year. The battles of Lexing-
ton and Bunker Hill had disclosed to the king and
his ministers the unpleasant fact, that they had been
at fault in supposing that Englishmen in America
would give way at once upon the appearance of
regular troops, a fallacy which they had hitherto
indulged, and they began to awaken to the unpleas-
ant prospect of a prolonged conflict, concerning the
outcome of which, there was amongf thoug^htful men
a diversity of opinion.
What made it the more embarrassing to the
British government was the opposition of its peo-
ple at home to the war. The principle for which
July 24, 1775 : "A Pamphlet published by the Continental
Congress, called a Declaration of the United Colonies, has
been sent in from the Rebel Camp, copies of which will no
doubt be sent to England from Philadelphia. They pay
little regard to facts, for the Contents of it is as replete with
Deceit and Falsehood as most of their Publications;" and,
again, " Mr. Washington, who commands the Rebel Army,
has written to me on the subject of the treatment of the
Rebel Prisoners in our custody. I understand they make
war like Savages, capitivating women and children." Vide
Correspondence in Public Records' Office, London.
The Campaigns of Carleton a7zd Burgoyne. 5
the colonists had taken arms was a popular one,
and a powerful party in England warmly espoused
it. When the determination of the government to
subjugate the colonists by force of arms became
known, the ministry was bombarded with petitions
from every part of the kingdom. These petitions
set forth all the arguments against the course deter-
mined upon which ingenuity could devise. Many
even of the first officers in the army threw up their
commissions, declaring that they would not serve in
such a war against their own countrymen. But the
sluggish spirit of George the Third was thoroughly
aroused against his unruly subjects, and he was
stubbornly deaf to arguments in their favor how-
ever reasonable they might be. He was fully bent
upon chastising them into submission, and was hotly
seconded by his ministers. But the conditions exist-
ing in the two countries were quite dissimilar. In
the colonies the people freely offered their lives and
fortunes to the common cause, and multitudes gath-
ered under the new flag, animated with hope and
with a fixed determination never to yield their
rights, while in England on the contrary, the un-
popularity of the war rendered enlistments on a large
scale impossible. Though unusual bounties were
offered, enlistments proceeded so slowly that the
king found it necessary to look across the channel
for aid. He applied to Catherine of Russia to lend
him some of her battalions, but was met with a tart
6 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
refusal;^ to Holland, which turned an indifferent
ear to his appeal, and finally to Germany with
better success.
The f)etty sovereigns of this country to their
eternal disgrace, loaned for hire seventeen thousand
of their people to the British king, as they doubtless
would have loaned them to the colonists had they
sought them with a larger price. When it became
known in England that the king had hired German
troops in order to subjugate their countrymen in
America, a considerable portion of the English peo-
ple raised their voices against the act. They saw in
it perhaps, the possibility of an abridgment of
their own liberties by similar means. But the king
was delighted with the new acquisitions to his
forces ; indeed, he regarded them with greater com-
placency than he regarded his own more thoughtful
subjects. Their stolid minds were not agitated with
^George the Third, when he applied to Catherine of Rus-
sia for twenty thousand of her subjects to employ against the
colonies, gallantly left her to fix her own compensation ; but
she refused his application with so much spirit, that the king
in a letter to Lord North said, that some of her expressions
might " be civil to a Russian ear, but certainly not to more
civilized ones." Horace Walpole took delight in ridiculing
the king for his correspondence with " Sister Kitty." Schiller
thus holds up the German sovereign to public view. After
speaking of the objections which some of the soldiers made
to being sold for the American war, he continues : " Our
gracious sovereign paraded the troops and had the chatter-
ing fools shot then and there. We heard the crack of the
muskets, we saw their brains sprinkled against the wall, and
then the rest shouted, * Hurrah for America!' "
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 7
theories of human rights, and their sympathies
would not be with a people whose manners were
to them an offense, and whose language a mystery ;
hence there could be no fear that they would desert
to the Americans as some of the English levies
might. The employment of these hirelings against
the colonists was abhorrent to many of the English
people;^ but the employment of the savage Indian
tribes against them was still more so, and this
feeling was shared even by the British commanders
themselves. But England possessed a monarch
incapable of listening to reason where his prejudices
were opposed, and a ministry whose incapacity has
perhaps never been equaled. The harshest meas-
ures were blindly resolved upon, and it was deter-
mined to crush out the rebellion before it could
gather more strength, or engage the sympathy of
France, who was watching the struggle with keen
satisfaction, not a satisfaction in which sympathy
for the oppressed colonists found a place, as it
was but the preposterous struggle of the canaille
against the noblesse ; but a satisfaction which would
be intensified if, peradventure, both combatants
should be so weakened as to make it possible
^Chatham, Burke and others denounced the employment
of the savages in the most ardent manner. We are told that
the vehemence of the latter caused tears of laughter to roll
" down the fat cheeks of Lord North at hearing an absent
man denounced for measures for which he himself was mainly
and directly responsible." Vide Fonblanque's Life of Bur-
goyne, London, 1856, p. 243, n.
8 The Cainpaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne,
for ^her to again found her imperium in the new
world.
How was it with the Americans? Hopeful of suc-
cess they had assumed the offensive and had made
their triumphant way into Canada : Montgomery
pushing through the lake region of northern New
York, and Arnold through the wilderness of Maine,
finally joined their forces together in the heart of the
enemy's country. Stronghold after stronghold fell
before the invaders, until at last, the British General
Carleton fleeing to escape capture in the habiliments
of a peasant, took refuge in the fortress of Quebec,
under whose walls the victorious Americans encamped,
confident of conquering the last remnant of King
George's troops left on the soil of Canada. This was
the condition of affairs in December, 1775, while the
king was drumming up reluctant recruits in England,
and negotiating for others with his brother despots
on the continent, as before stated. But a Canadian
winter was upon Montgomery ; disease and exposure
were wasting his army, and something had to be done.
The darkest and shortest days of winter came, and
an attack, one of the most daring in the annals of
arms, was made upon Quebec. Montgomery, whose
intrepid spirit had never forecast failure, and whose
presence alone gave animation to the enterprise, fell
with many of his no less brave compatriots, and beaten
back, shattered but not disheartened, the Americans
sullenly sat down before the walls of the city, repaired
as well as they could their sore damage, and laid
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 9
out new schemes for the discomfiture of their
enemies. Arnold was in command, a man perhaps
no less daring nor less fruitful in expedients than
Montgomery, and as spring advanced, he prepared
for a final attack upon Carleton. His batteries
commanded the river, his red-hot shot were thrown
into the city, but disease was at work in his army to
which few recruits found their way. In the beginning
of May, Thomas,^ who had been assigned to the
chief command, arrived, and while he was consid-
ering the question of raising the siege, the advance
ships of the fleet which had sailed from Ireland in
April came in sight, and leaving behind every thing
which could incumber his retreat, he at once hastened
to abandon his position, followed by Carleton
with reinforcements from the fleet. Although the
Americans stubbornly contested their ground, as
may be seen by a perusal of this journal penned by
^General John Thomas was from Plymouth, Massachu-
setts, where his descendants still reside. He, like Mont-
gomery, had seen service in the French and Indian wars.
At the beginning of the war, he was one of the first to raise
a regiment, with which he joined the Continental army at
Roxbury in 1775. He was appointed one of the first briga-
dier-generals, and commanded a division at the siege of
Boston. He was appointed a major-general in March, 1776,
and in the following May joined the army before Quebec,
but was attacked by the small-pox, which prevailed among
the troops, shortly after his arrival in camp, and died at
Chambly on the 2d of June. He was a man of ability and
greatly esteemed by his soldiers. Washington placed con-
fidence in him, and believed that he would accomplish much
for the American cause.
lo The Campaigns of Carlcton and Burgoyne.
an unfriendly but just spirit, they were forced back
by the superior strength of the British with their
German and Indian allies. These divided into two
parts, one under Carleton, who followed the St.
Lawrence to Montreal to attack Arnold, who held
that place, and the other under Burgoyne, who
pressed on toward Fort St. Johns, forcing back Sul-
livan^ to that point.
Here however, Arnold, who had retreated before
Carleton, was enabled to form a junction with Sul-
livan ; but the two generals seeing how useless it
^John Sullivan was of Irish parentage and a native of
Berwick, Maine. He was born February 17, 1740, and was
reared on a farm, but upon reaching maturity studied law
and began the practice of his profession at Durham, New
Hampshire. He was a delegate to the first Continental
Congress. When the Continental army was organized in
1775, he was appointed a brigadier-general, and the follow-
ing year was made a major-general. He was assigned to
the command left vacant by the death of General Thomas, and
shortly after took the place of General Greene on Long
Island. In the battle which took place there in August of the
same year (1776) he was taken prisoner, but was soon
exchanged, when he was assigned to the command of General
Charles Lee's division in New Jersey, Lee having been taken
prisoner. He participated in the battles of Brandywine and
Germantown, and soon after was assigned to the command
of the Rhode Island troops. He was engaged, in the sum-
mer of 1778, in the unsuccessful siege of Newport, and the
next year ended his military career in an expedition against
the Indians. Owing to some difficulty with the board of
war, he resigned his commission in 1779. He was after
this, a member of Congress and president of New Hamp-
shire, and in 1789, received the appointment of district
judge, an office which he retained until his death, January
23. 1795-
The Campaigns of Carleton and Bttrgoyne. 1 1
was to attempt to withstand the onset of forces
so much superior to their own, determined to fall
back upon Crown Point and there make a final
stand. This determination they acted upon, leaving
the enemy to pursue them as best they might — a
problem difficult of solution. In order to make an
attack upon the Americans likely to be attended
with success, vessels were requisite, and these must
be provided. With commendable energy, Carleton
at once set about improvising a navy, and by the
5th of October had constructed and equipped a
fleet of one ship, two schooners, one radeau," one
gondola," and twenty-two gunboats with eighty-seven
guns. Some of these vessels had been transported
in pieces from Chambly to Fort St. Johns and there
put together. Being now ready, Carleton proceeded
with his fleet up the Sorel to Isle aux Noix at the
entrance to the lake. He was now in a condition
to attack the Americans with a good prospect of
success, as he knew the force which they possessed
was inferior to his. The fleet to be opposed to him
had three more guns but of much lighter caliber
^''The word radeau is equivalent to the English raft.
The radeau was the prototype of the modern floating bat-
tery, having low but strong bulwarks to protect the men
handling the guns, which were usually of heavy caliber. It
was a cumbersome craft to manage, but, at the same time,
effective.
" A gondola was quite unlike its Venetian namesake, being
a large flat-bottomed affair with square ends, and having a
large capacity for carrying.
12 The Campaigns of Carleton a?id B^irgoyne.
and was inferior in other respects. On the morn-
ing of the nth of October, accompanied by a large
number of savages in their birchen canoes, some
of which were of immense size, capable of carrying
thirty men, Carleton moved upon the American fleet
which, in command of Benedict Arnold, was drawn
up in the form of a crescent between Valcour island
and the mainland. A battle ensued, which was con-
tested with spirit on both sides, but the tide of
affairs with the Americans was at ebb, and when
night fell they found themselves in no condition to
continue the fight on the following day ; hence in
the darkness of the night, they passed unperceived
through the British fleet and made all the speed
possible to reach Crown Point, hoping that with the
guns of that fortress joined with those of the fleet,
they might counterbalance the superior force of the
enemy. When in the morning, Carleton found that
Arnold had eluded him, he followed in pursuit, and
succeeded after a fierce battle in destroying and dis-
persing the American fleet. Nothing now remained
for him to do but to push on to Crown Point. This
he did as quickly as possible, but the Americans had
evacuated their works there and fallen back upon
Ticonderoga, which they put into a good condition
for defense before he was able to make an attack
upon them in their new position. The season was
advancing, and perhaps yielding a too-ready ear
to the dictates of prudence, instead of following up
his advantage and risking an attack upon Ticon-
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 13
deroga, which if successful might have changed the
issue of the war," he resolved to proceed no farther,
but to withdraw his army to winter quarters. Thus
closed the campaign of '76, disastrous and disheart-
ening to the American patriots.
General Carleton, having withdrawn his army from
Crown Point, and stationed portions of it at Isle aux
Noix, St. Johns, Montreal, and other points in the prov-
ince, went himself to Quebec where his family was
domiciled, while General Burgoyne sailed for England
to make preparations for the campaign of '']'], which
would, it was confidently believed by the British gene-
rals, terminate the war. The winter passed pleasantly
enough with the British troops, who found plenty to
amuse them, but with the Americans quite differ-
ently. The latter looked forward with anxiety to
the coming campaign, and labored to put themselves
in a condition to meet it successfully. They suffered
privations and hardships innumerable, but having
put hand to plow thought not to look back.
Doubtless they often longed for the comforts which
^^ " Lord George Germaine sought in this delay an excuse
for venting his rancor against General Carleton, but the
king, in spite of the powerful influence which the minister
exercised over his mind, defended his officer, for on the
17th November he writes to Lord North, ' Sir Guy Carleton
gives sufficient reasons for not earlier attempting to pass
the lakes.' " He has been, however, severely criticised by
writers for abandoning Crown Point, which would have
afforded him an advanced starting point for the next cam-
paign. Vide Fonblanque's Life of Burgoyne, n. p. 217
et seq., and General Phillips' Letter, ibid.
14 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
they had once enjoyed — the leeks and garlics which
they had forsaken to attain freedom — but they had
in Washington a Moses in whom they confided, and
they repined not over much. So the winter passed.
Burgoyne in England with the ministers of the irate
king, laid out an elaborate plan for the coming cam-
paign. The New England provinces were to be
violently dissevered from the western and southern
by two armies, which were to serve as opposite
wedges ; the northern wedge to be directed by Bur-
goyne, the southern by Howe, and the two lines of
fracture to meet at Albany in the State of New
York. It was an excellent plan, and to any but an
omniscient eye would have appeared to be almost
certain of success. General Burgoyne arrived at
Quebec on the 6th of May, and on the loth. Gene-
ral Carleton, who was to remain in Canada as com
mander-in-chief of the Canadian department, for
which reinforcements were on the way, passed over
to him in accordance with orders from England, the
command of about seven thousand troops. Germaine
had v/ritten him under date of Whitehall, the 26th
of the preceding March : " With a view of quell-
" ing the rebellion as soon as possible, it is become
"highly necessary that the most speedy juncture of
"the two armies should be effected ; and, therefore,
" as the security and good government of Canada
" absolutely require your command for the defense
" and duties of that province, you are to employ the
" remainder of your army upon two expeditions ; the
The Campaig7is of Carlcton and Burgoyne. 15
" one under the command of Lieutenant-General Bur-
" goyne, who is to force his way to Albany, and the
" other under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel St.
" Leger, who is to make a diversion on the Mohawk
" river."'3 Upon receiving his command, Burgoyne
at once proceeded to Montreal and began putting
things in readiness to carry out this plan, so far as it
related to the movement from the north which had
been intrusted to him, writing to Germaine on the
19th of May : " The only delay in putting the troops
in motion is occasioned by the impracticability of
the roads, owing to late extraordinary heavy rains,
and this difficulty will be speedily removed by exert-
ing the services of the parishes as soon as the weather
clears. In the mean time, I am employing every
means that water carriage will admit for drawing the
troops and stores toward this point. I trust I shall
have vessels sufficient to move the army and stores
together, and, in that case, will take post at once
within sight of Ticonderoga, and only make use of
Crown Point for my hospital and magazine. It is
consigned to the New England colonies to furnish
supplies of men and provision to oppose the progress
of my army, and they have undertaken the task,
upon condition of being exempt from supplying Mr.
Washington's main army."'"*
^^ Vide A State of the Expedition from Canada. London,
1780 Appendix IV, p. vii.
" Ibid., p. xi.
1 6 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
This letter serves as a prelude to that momentous
drama, which Burgoyne has himself conveniently-
divided for us into three acts ; a drama which all
Europe watched with intense curiosity, and which
for a century has been discussed with unflagging
interest. The first act of this great drama opens
on the 1 2th of June at St. Johns, on the eve of the
embarkation of Burgoyne's army. Nothing which
could promote its efficiency in the projected cam-
paign had been neglected. Its equipment, which was
lavish, included the most approved artillery of the
age, and inspired with the confidence of success it
awaited the order of its commander to embark.
Carleton, with that amiable generosity which charac-
terized him, had come to St. Johns to bid his old
comrades in arms a god-speed : an abundant feast
had been prepared, and for the last time Burgoyne,
Riedesel, Acland, Fraser, Phillips, Carleton, Bal-
carres and others of like bravery, who had passed
thus far unharmed through many battles, gathered
around the social board in joyous good-fellowship.
After the repast to which wine and wit gave a
keener zest, Carleton bade them an affectionate but
enthusiastic good-bye, and with his staff took the
return road to his head-quarters at Quebec, while
the first brigade of the army soon began its embark-
ation, their martial ardor being inspired by the
stirring strains of the regimental bands, and the
awe-inspiring thunder of artillery as they marched
to their boats. Both the English troops and their
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 17
German allies were trained soldiers in every sense,
men who could march up to the cannon's mouth
without flinching, and they made a gala occasion of
their embarkation on this, the most perilous expe-
dition which they had ever undertaken. Burgoyne
had divided his army into brigades, and its progress
up the lake was at the rate of about twenty miles a
day, every thing being ordered with such exactness,
that each brigade occupied at night the camp left
by its predecessor at daybreak. Anburey,'^ whose
descriptions are so graphic, wrote of the splendid
spectacle which Burgoyne's army offered to the
beholder as it floated on the placid bosom of the
lake: "I cannot forbear portraying to your imagi-
nation one of the most pleasing spectacles I ever
beheld. When we were in the widest part of the
lake, whose beauty and extent I have already de-
scribed, it was remarkably fine and clear, not a
breeze was stirring, when the whole army appeared
at one view in such perfect regularity as to form the
most complete and splendid regatta you can possibly
conceive. In the front the Indians went with their
^^ Thomas Anburey was a volunteer in Burgoyne's army,
and was the author of a book entitled Travels through the
Interior Parts of America, in a Series of Letters, ^ By an
Officer. It was published in London in 1789, and a second
edition appeared in 1791. It was translated into German
and, in 1793, into French^, with annotations by M. Noel, ancien
professeur de belles-lettres au College de Louis-le-Grand.
Anburey remained a prisoner with the captive army until
September, 1781, when he returned to England.
1 8 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
birch bark canoes, containing twenty or thirty each ;
then the advanced corps in regular line with the
gunboats ; then followed the Royal George and
Inflexible, towing large booms — which are to be
thrown across two points of land — with the two
brigs and sloops following ; after them Generals
Burgoyne, Phillips and Riedesel in their pinnaces ;
next to them the second battalion followed by the
German battalion, and the rear was brought up
with the suttlers and followers of the army. Upon
the appearance of so formidable a fleet you may
imagine they were not a little dismayed at Ticon-
deroga, for they were apprised of our advance as
we every day could see their watch-boats."'^
At this moment let us pause to take a view of the
theatre of action. While Burgoyne is advancing
easily toward Crown Point, which Carleton had
abandoned the previous autumn, and which the
Americans have since neglected, St. Leger, who has
been detached from Burgoyne's command with a
thousand men which he soon increases to seven-
teen hundred, is quietly sweeping round by the St.
Lawrence, Lakes Ontario and Oneida, toward Fort
Schuyler, and after destroying all obstacles which
oppose him, is to join his chief at Albany, the ob-
jective point of Burgoyne's expedition and that to be
sent by Howe from the south to act in concert with it.
On the American side, the army under the command of
^* Vide Travels Through the Interior Parts of American
London. 1789. Vol. i, pp. 303-6.
The Cainpaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 19
General Schuyler is posted at the several forts about
Lake George and along the Hudson and Mohawk
rivers: St. Clair is at Ticonderoga ; General Ganse-
voort'^ at Fort Schuyler, and the commander-in-
chief hitnself at Fort Edward, while various bodies
of troops more or less important, are at other points
not far distant, or drawing toward the expected
field of conflict with the Britons from the North. If
we look farther away, we shall find Howe and Clin-
ton at New York, the former instead of directing a
force up the Hudson to co-operate with Burgoyne at
Albany, strangely preparing an expedition against
Philadelphia, all of his preparations being jealously
watched by Washington, who is planning to baffle
him at every point. Without special incident of
importance, Burgoyne arrived at Crown Point on
the 29th of June, and on the ist of July his
army appeared in front of Ticonderoga. On the
2d, Fraser took possession of a rise of ground
which was named Mount Hope, cutting off St. Clair's
communication with Lake George, while Phillips and
Riedesel advanced, the former taking position on the
right and the latter in front of Fort Independence,
^^ Peter Gansevoort was a native of Albany, and born on
July 17, 1749. He was a major under Montgomery in the
campaign against Canada in 1775, and at the time here
mentioned held a colonel's commission. His successful
defense of Fort Schuyler when besieged by St. Leger, gained
him the thanks of Congress. In 1781 he was commissioned
by the State of New York a brigadier-general. He died
July 2, 1 8 12, after an honorable and useful life.
20 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
which formed a part of that system of defenses to
which Ticonderoga belonged. With inexcusable
folly, St. Clair had neglected to fortify a hill which
overlooked and commanded his position, and when
the sun arose on the morning of the 5th of July, his
sentinels beheld the British in possession, planting
their batteries on its summit and watching curiously
his every movement with their glasses.'^ Alarmed
at this prospect a council was summoned, and it was
resolved to abandon this important post in which so
much confidence had been placed. Accordingly,
St. Clair on the night of the 6th, fled in haste, not
even stopping to destroy his stores which had been
collected at infinite pains, but leaving guns, provisions
and cattle to strengthen the hands of the enemy.
The story of this disastrous retreat has been
related too often to be repeated here ; suffice it to say,
that the loss of Ticonderoga was a bitter one to the
Americans, and by many was looked upon as a vital
one, while in England the news of its capture was
received with transports of joy. Germaine with great
^^It would appear from Digby's Journal that the occupa-
tion of this hill by Burgoyne was disclosed during the
night to St. Clair, by fires carelessly built, presumably by
his Indian allies. It is remarkable that St. Clair's retreat
on the next night was disclosed in a like manner, by a fire
set carelessly at the head-quarters of General Roche De
Fermoy, his French ally. Commenting on this latter inci-
dent. General De Peyster remarks, " that generally whenever
the Americans were unsuccessful, a foreigner was mixed up in
it." If Digby's presumption is correct, the English had like
cause of complaint.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 21
complacency announced the event in Parliament,
" as if it had been decisive of the campaign and
of the fate of the colonies," and Kine George when
he heard of it was so elated, that he burst into the
apartment of the queen exclaiming vociferously,
" I have beat them ! — beat all the Americans ! " '^
Burgoyne was triumphant, and on the loth, cele-
brated his victory by a Thanksgiving, and ended
the day with a feu de joie of artillery at Crown
Point, Ticonderoga, Skenesborough and Castle-
ton, and with this dramatic demonstration he
closed the first act of his drama.
On the next day he wrote to Germaine. " Your
Lordship will pardon me if I a little lament that my
orders do not give me the latitude I ventured to pro-
pose in my original project for the campaign, to make
a real effort instead of a feint upon New England.
As things have turned out, were I at liberty to march
in force immediately by my left, instead of my right,
I should have little doubt of subduing before winter
the provinces where the rebellion originated." ^°
Feeling however obliged by his orders to force his
way to Albany, he applied to Carleton to spare him a
sufficient number of troops to garrison Ticonderoga,
so that he might not be obliged to weaken his forces
by leaving a portion behind for garrison duty; but
^® Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third,
(Walpole) London, 1859, "^^l- 2, p. 131.
^° Vide A State of the Expedition from Canada.
2 2 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
Carleton did not entertain his application favorably,
and in spite of his urgent appeal for help, left him to
solve the problem of the campaign unaided, as best
he might.
Preparations therefore for an advance were actively
undertaken, but while they were going forward
Schuyler was not idle. Calm and undismayed by his
severe losses, he directed every effort toward ob-
structing the passage of his enemy southward. The
keen axes of his skillful woodsmen soon laid the
forests, which bordered the road leading from Skenes-
borough where Burgoyne lay, across the pathway of
the advancing Britons. He destroyed bridges;
blocked water-courses with boulders ; stripped the
country of subsistence, and drove the cattle away
so as to leave nothing to sustain the invaders on
their advance. Thus blocking the way between him
and his enemy, he retreated southward and finally
encamped his army near the junction of the Mohawk
and Hudson. Here with his advanced outposts at
Stillwater, he awaited coming events, strengthening
by every means in his power his slowly-increasing
army. Burgoyne now began to face troubles which
he had not calculated upon. The difficulty of get-
ting supplies increased, and the labor required of his
soldiers in removing obstructions from their path ;
building roads and bridges and getting their artillery
forward, told upon them severely, so that his pro-
gress was slow. His Indian allies, discontented at
being checked in their murderous career, began to
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 23
desert in considerable numbers, and these deser-
tions, added to his losses in battle and by sickness,
weakened his army seriously. While these troubles
were at their height, a messenger arrived at his camp
with news that St. Leger had reached Fort Schuyler,
and he at once felt the necessity of a movement
forward. He had been informed that the patriots
had gathered at Bennington, horses, provisions and
other stores of which he was in sore need, and that
many loyalists in the vicinity were only awaiting a
favorable opportunity to join his army. He there-
fore sent forward an expedition composed of Ger-
mans under General Baum, to attack Bennington and
seize the stores there. By accomplishing this pur-
pose he would not only obtain provisions, which he
so much needed, and horses, which would enable him
to mount his cavalry, but would be in a position to
open the way for co-operation with St. Leger. The
plan was an unwise one and he paid the penalty of
his rashness. Baum's command was destroyed by
Stark,^' and a body of troops under Breymann, sent
^^ John Stark was born of Scotch parents at Londonderry,
New Hampshire, August 28, 1728. When twenty-four years
of age he was surprised while on a hunting expedition, by a
body of St. Francis Indians and carried into captivity, but
was ransomed by a friend. He served as a ranger in the
French and Indian war, and was made a captain in 1756.
He was a conspicuous figure at the battle of Bunker Hill.
He was in command at Trenton and Princeton, and after
the battle of Bennington, he enlisted a considerable force
24 The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne.
to the support of the German commander, was
driven back with the loss of guns, baggage, and every
thing which could incumber flight. This blow fell
heavily upon Burgoyne, who had begun the campaign
as though he had an easy task before him, and had
made himself somewhat ridiculous by bombastic
proclamations, while success inspired the patriots with
new hope, and their army grew apace while Bur-
goyne's constantly decreased. To add to his em-
barrassments, his Indians who had set out so en-
thusiastically under St. Luc, disheartened by the
affair at Bennington, deserted him ; still, his orders
were to force a junction with Howe at Albany, and
there seemed but one duty before him, and that
duty was to push forward. On the 20th of August,
four days after the defeat at Bennington, he wrote
to Germaine.^^ " The great bulk of the country is
undoubtedly with Congress in principle and zeal ;
and their measures are executed with a secrecy and
dispatch that are not to be equaled. Wherever the
king's forces point, militia to the amount of three or
four thousand assemble in twenty-four hours ; they
bring with them their subsistence, etc., and the alarm
over, they return to their farms. The Hampshire
Grants in particular, a country unpeopled and almost
and joined Gates, having been raised to the rank of major-
general. He served with honor through the war, and, at its
close, retired to private Hfe. He died on May 8, 1822, and
lies buried at Manchester, in his native State.
22 Vide A State of the Expedition. Appendix IX, p. 25.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 25
unknown in the last war, now abounds in the most
active and rebellious race of the continent, and hangs
like a gathering storm on my left. In all parts the
industry and management in driving cattle and remov-
ing corn are indefatigable and certain ; and it becomes
impracticable to move without portable magazines.
Another most embarrassing circumstance is the
want of communication with Sir William Howe.
Of the messengers I have sent, I know of two being
hanged, and am ignorant whether any of the rest
arrived. The same fate has probably attended
those dispatched by Sir William Howe, for only one
letter is come to hand, informing me that his inten-
tion is for Pennsylvania ; that Washington has
detached Sullivan with two thousand five hundred
men to Albany ; that Putnam is in the Highlands
with four thousand men. That after my arrival at
Albany, the movements of the enemy must guide
mine, but that he wished the enemy might be driven
out of the province before any operation took place
against the Connecticut ; that Sir Henry Clinton
remained in the command in the neighborhood of
New York, and would act as occurrences might
direct. No operation, my lord, has yet been
undertaken in my favor ; the Highlands have not
even been threatened. Had I a latitude in my
orders, I should think it my duty to wait in this
position, or perhaps, as far back as Fort Edward,
where my communication with Lake George would
be perfectly secure, till some event happened to as-
4
26 The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne.
sist my movement forward ; but my orders being
positive to 'force a junction with Sir William Howe,'
I apprehend I am not at liberty to remain inactive
longer than shall be necessary to collect twenty-five
days' provision, and to receive the reinforcement of
the additional companies, the German drafts and
recruits now (and unfortunately only now) on Lake
Champlain. The waiting the arrival of this rein-
forcement is of indispensable necessity, because from
the hour I pass the Hudson's river and proceed
toward Albany, all safety of communication ceases.
I must expect a large body of the enemy from my
left will take post behind me. When I wrote more
confidently, I little foresaw that I was to be left to
pursue my way through such a tract of country, and
hosts of foes, without any co-operation from New
York ; nor did I then think the garrison of Ticon-
deroga would fall to my share alone, a dangerous
experiment would it be to leave that post in weak-
ness, and too heavy a drain it is upon the life blood
of my force to give it due strength. I yet do not
despond.— Should I succeed in forcing my way to
Albany, and find that country in a state to subsist
my army, I shall think no more of a retreat, but at
the best fortify there and await Sir W. Howe's
operations.
" Whatever may be my fate, my lord, I submit my
actions to the breast of the king, and to the candid
judgment of my profession, when all the motives be-
come public, and I rest in the confidence that what-
The Campaigns of Carleton and Bttrgoyne. 27
ever decision may be passed upon my conduct, my
good intent will not be questioned.
" I cannot close so serious a letter without express-
ing my fullest satisfaction in the behavior and coun-
tenance of the troops, and my complete confidence
that in all trials they will do whatever can be expected
from men devoted to their king and country."
From this it will be seen that he fully realized the
perils of his situation from a military point of view ;
that when he passed the Hudson his communication
would inevitably be cut off, and that he could not
depend upon the country for subsistence. He had
at least expected that Carleton would relieve him to
the extent of forwarding troops to hold Ticonder-
oga, that he might not be obliged to weaken his
force by garrisoning that post ; but even in this he
was disappointed, and obliged to leave some of his
most effective troops behind to hold the forts he
had captured. But he had no choice to make. His
orders were peremptory to push forward. Misfor-
tunes never come singly it has been said, and Bur-
goyne soon had reason to realize the truth of the
saying, for he had not recovered from the shock of
his defeat at Bennington, when he learned of the
defeat and flight of St. Leger. Thus was he left
alone with his rapidly wasting army to meet the
exultant forces of the patriots, and he looked
anxiously for help toward the south. Where was
Clinton, who was to have been sent by Howe from
New York to co-operate with him ? He had heard
28 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
nothing from that direction, and now sent a messen-
ger in disguise to urge Clinton to hasten forward to
his relief, ^3 at the same time gathering all the pro-
visions possible for his army, and pushing on toward
Albany. On the nth of September his troops
received orders to be in readiness to cross the Hud-
son, which they had reached, but heavy rains pre-
vented them from so doing until the 13th, when
they crossed on a bridge of boats. The hazard of
thus severing communication with their base of
operations was regarded with apprehension by his
officers, and we know that Burgoyne himself fully
comprehended the responsibility which he took in
making the step, but it was a necessary one in the
plan laid out for him, and in accordance with the
key-note of the campaign — ''This army must not
retreat'' Having crossed the river, he encamped on
the heights and plains of Saratoga, where, like the
excellent dramatist that he was, he completed the
second act of his drama. Burgoyne did not linger in
camp. Albany, where he was to meet Clinton, and
where he had hoped also to have met St. Leger, had
not his plans in connection with that officer gone
^ Clinton wrote, some days later: " There is a report of a
messenger of yours to me having been taken, and the letter
discovered in a double wooden canteen." Probably this
was the messenger dispatched at this time, and one of the
several which suffered death at the hands of their captors.
Previous to this he had dispatched at least ten messengers
at different times and by different routes to open a commu-
nication with Clinton,
The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne. 29
awry, was his objective point, and on the 15th, his
army in splendid array set out in three columns to
the music of fife and drum, with standards flutter-
ing in the breeze, gay uniforms and glittering
arms, forming a pageant which was never forgotten
by those who witnessed it, and which the imaginative
may still depict with approximate accuracy. That
night he encamped his army at Dovegat where it
remained for two days, while the way was being
cleared for the advance of his artillery. Realizing
the dangers which surrounded him, his orders were
strict. His troops lay upon their arms fully accoutred,
and he issued orders that any soldier who passed
beyond his advanced sentries should be instantly
hung. As though they already felt the shadow of
coming disaster, a strange silence suddenly fell upon
his camp. It was remarked by the Americans that
neither drum beat nor trumpet sounded within the
British lines, perhaps because of the constant activity
required in opening roads and getting forward bag-
gage and supplies, with the fatigue consequent upon
such exertions, or that their position might not be
too well defined. General Gates had superseded
Schuyler — an officer of superior merit — the loss of
Ticonderoga having afforded the enemies of the
latter an opportunity for a hearing by Congress,
and his army blocked Burgoyne's path to Albany.
The Americans had thrown up fortifications from the
river bank back to the heights a mile away. On the
19th, Burgoyne having divided his army again into
30 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
three columns, himself led the center composed of
English regiments toward the heights, while Riedesel
and Phillips took the road by the river, and Fraser
swept round to the west by the Quaker Springs road
to join Burgoyne upon a clearing known as Freeman's
Farm, near the American left wing, Burgoyne having
ascertained by a reconnoissance that the American
right occupied a position too strong for him to suc-
cessfully attack. The march of the British was nec-
essarily slow on account of the difficulties which
they encountered, as it was often necessary to halt
in order to remove trees and construct bridges over
water-courses. Shortly after noon, Morgan began
the action by attacking the advancing center, which
being reinforced by Fraser compelled him to give
way in confusion ; but subsequently receiving rein-
forcements he renewed the conflict. The battle
becoming general, Arnold, who had harassed the
enemy continually on its advance, now engaged in
conjunction with Morgan the combined divisions
of Burgoyne and Fraser. Although they fought
with desperate energy, the odds were against them,
when Gates sent his tardy reinforcements to their
support, and they were seemingly upon the point of
victory when the artillery of Phillips forced them
back toward their lines. The two armies were now
face to face upon opposite slopes, and for a short
space there was a lull in the storm of battle ; but the
struggle was soon resumed, and the tide of conflict
ebbed and flowed, each side at times seeming near
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 31
victory, when at a critical juncture for the British,
Riedesel came upon the field at double quick and
with his well served artillery brought the battle to
a close — the exhausted Americans falling back to
their camp, carrying with them their wounded and
prisoners. At this critical juncture, Fraser and
Breymann quickly prepared to follow up the advan-
tage thus gained, and were about to pursue and
attack the Americans in their camp, when they were
recalled by the prudent Burgoyne, much to their
chagrin and that of the troops in their command,
who were eager to follow. What the result of such
a movement would have been, it is now impossible
to calculate,""* but the failure of Burgoyne to follow
up the advantage gained by Riedesel was made
one of the many subjects of severe criticism against
his management of the campaign. Burgoyne held
the field and claimed a victory ; but, says an eminent
authority '?^ " As the intention of the Americans was
not to advance, but to maintain their position, and
that of the English not to maintain theirs, but to
gain ground, it is easy to see which had the advan-
tage of the day." The British army as it lay upon
the field, was kept in constant alarm through the
^ General Schuyler, in his diary, says : " Had it not been
for this order of the British general, the Americans would
have been, if not defeated, at least held in such check as to
have made it a drawn battle."
^^ Colonel William L. Stone, in Burgoyne's campaign,
Albany, 1877, p. 49.
32 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
night by parties of skirmishers from the patriot camp,
and could get no rest. The irrepressible Arnold,
who seemed never so happy as when breasting
the infernal billows of carnage, urged Gates with
all his eloquence to make a night attack, but was
not listened to, and this difference of opinion
resulting in angry words. Gates suspended his
impulsive subordinate from command, an act which
probably ignited that train of passion which finally
destroyed the patriotism which had possessed his
soul, and made room for the foul spirit of treason to
brood in. On the following morning, his sick and
wouiided having been removed to the river bank in
the rear of the army, Burgoyne formed his lines
for a forward movement and awaited the lifting of
the river foof, which hung- like a veil between him and
the American camp, when there occurred one of
those singular events which apparently insignificant
in themselves, are fraught with momentous conse-
quences. General Fraser, who was his most trusted
adviser and ever foremost in daring enterprise, sug-
gested to Burgoyne that as the grenadiers who were
to lead in the attack were fatigued by the duty of the
previous day, it would be well to let them rest until
the following morning, when they would be in a con-
dition to advance with greater spirit. To this Bur-
goyne listened and recalled his orders, permitting
his soldiers to retu'rn to camp, where they rested as
well as they might under the circumstances. By
this delay a messenger from Clinton was enabled to
The Campaigns of Carle ton aud Burgoyne. 33
reach him, bearing a letter in cypher with the cheer-
ing news that the fleet from the south was about to
ascend the Hudson for his relief, and that the forts
below Albany, which was now but about thirty miles
from his camp, would be attacked on the 22d.
This information completely changed his plans and
perhaps the fate of his army, as he resolved to fortify
his camp and to remain where he was until he
received further news from Clinton, to whom he
immediately sent back his messenger, ^^ informing him
"^ Fonblanque tells us that " This communication was
deposited in a hollow silver bullet, which the bearer was
directed to deliver into the general's own hands. The man
succeeded in making his way to Fort Montgomery, on the
Hudson, where, in compliance with his inquiries for Gen-
eral Clinton, he was led into the presence, not of Sir Henry
Clinton, but of a namesake, General Clinton of the Ameri-
can army, the late governor of New York. On discovering
his mistake the unfortunate man swallowed the bullet, but
an emetic being administered, the dispatch was discovered,
and its bearer hanged as a spy." Vide Life of Burgoyne,
p. 286 et seq. It is hardly probable that two incidents of pre-
cisely the same nature could have occurred, yet there may
be seen in the rooms of the New York Historical Society a
copy of the identical dispatch, in the handwriting of Gov-
ernor Clinton, which was taken from the silver bullet borne
by the messenger who was hung, and this message was not
from Burgoyne to Clinton, but from Clinton to Burgoyne,
and bears date nearly three weeks later than the date of the
message dispatched by Burgoyne. It is as follows :
" Fort Montgomery, October 8, 1777.
"Nous y voici, and nothing now between us and Gates.
I sincerely hope this little success of ours may facilitate
your operations. In answer to your letter of the 28th Sep-
5
34 1^^^^ Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
of his perilous situation, and urging his co-operation.
This delay was of almost vital importance to the
tember, by C. C, I shall only say, I cannot presume to
order, or even advise, for reasons obvious. I heartily wish
you success.
" Faithfully yours,
"Gen. Burgoyne." "H.Clinton."
The bearer of this message was Sergeant Daniel Taylor,
who, about noon on the loth of October, rode into the
camp of the American General Clinton and inquired for
General Clinton, stating that he was a friend and wished to
see him. Upon being conducted to his presence he saw his
mistake, and hastily swallowed the bullet, which was of an oval
form. The movement was noticed, and Dr. Moses Higby
sent for, who administered an emetic, which caused him to
throw up the bullet. He recovered it and succeeded in
swallowing it a second time, and refused to again take an
emetic ; but Clinton threatened to hang him and find it with
the surgeon's knife, when he yielded and again threw it up.
On the 1 2th he was hung upon an apple tree near the
church in the village of Kingston, during the conflagration
of the village, which had been fired by Sir Henry Clinton's
troops who had then reached there. This is substantially
the account given by Lossing and others, and can only be
reconciled with Fonblanque's account, which is wholly based
upon that of Lamb {vide Journal of Occurrences, etc., p.
162), by supposing the messenger sent by Burgoyne to
Clinton on the night of the 21st of September, to have been
Daniel Taylor. Learning subsequently the story of his
fatal mistake and death, without knowing the date of its
occurrence, Fonblanque supposed his capture to have taken
place while he was on his way to Clinton instead of on his
return to Burgoyne. We can only account for Taylor's
error in mistaking the American for the British camp, by
supposing that when Taylor left Sir Henry Clinton at Fort
Montgomery, which that general had just captured from
his namesake, he understood that Sir Henry was to immedi-
ately advance, and that meeting with insurmountable diffi-
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 35
Americans, as it enabled them to strengthen their
position and to get forward much-needed reinforce-
ments and war material ; indeed, Wilkinson, who
can never be accused of pessimism, took a rather
despondent view of the situation of the American
position at this moment of suspense when the
patriots, anxiously peering through the fog, were
awaiting the expected attack. He says :^'' " We were
badly fitted to defend works, or meet the close ren-
contre ; the late hour at which the action closed the
day before ; the fatigue of officers and men, and
the defects of our organization had prevented our
left wing from drawing ammunition, and we could
not boast of more than a bayonet for every three
muskets; the fog obscured every object at the short
distance of twenty yards. We passed an hour of
awful expectation and suspense, during which, hope,
fear and anxiety played on the imagination." But
Burgoyne waited in vain. On the 2 2d and 23d,
to make sure that Clinton should receive a knowl-
edge of his situation, he dispatched officers in dis-
guise to him, with an urgent request to hasten to his
culties which delayed him, and supposing Sir Henry to have
gotten ahead of him, he thought it proper to report in person
to the author of the message the particulars of his delay ;
otherwise it would have been a useless performance for
Taylor to have sought Sir Henry Clinton's presence. Unless
we adopt such an explanation there would seem to be no
reason for the act.
"^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, Phila., 18 16, vol. i,
p. 250.
36 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne,
aid, and on the 27th and 28th sent two other mes-
sengers on the same errand. ^'^ The 5th of October
arrived ; the season was advancing ; his army was on
short allowance and some movement must be made.
He now convened a council of his officers to consider
the situation. Riedesel wisely advised him to fall
^The dispatch sent on the 23d reached Clinton on the 5th
of October. The officer dispatched on the 27th was Captain
Thomas Scott of the Fifty-third regiment, who has left a
journal recounting the perils through which he passed.
After eleven days of travel, he was told by a man whom he
met that Sir Henry CHnton was in possession of Fort Mont-
gomery, and he turned his weary steps thitherward, reach-
ing the fort on the 9th, and safely delivering his dispatch
to Clinton. On the loth, he departed northward with
the expedition of Clinton to Kingston, reaching it on the
1 2th, at which time it was fired by the British while the
execution of poor Taylor was taking place. From here he
started to reach Burgoyne, but after encountering great
perils and learning of Burgoyne's surrender, he made his
way back and finally reached Clinton in safety. The officer
dispatched on the 28th was Captain Alexander Campbell of
the Sixty-second regiment, who made his way safely through
the American lines and delivered his dispatch to Clinton
at Fort Montgomery on the 5th of October, the day upon
which the dispatch of the 23d reached its destination.
Campbell set out immediately on his return, and eluding
the vigilance of the Americans reached Burgoyne's camp
on the night of the i6th, after the terms of the surrender
had been agreed upon, but before the articles had been
signed. It was the cheering news which he bore of Clinton's
advance up the Hudson, which for a moment rekindled
Burgoyne's waning hope and caused him to reconsider the
terms of surrender which he had agreed upon. Captain
Campbell was one of the officers who surrendered, and
after much service, and passing the intervening grades of
rank, became a general in the British army January i, 181 2.
- The Campaigns of Carleton and Btirgoyne. 37
back to Fort Edward and there await the expected
aid from the south, but Burgoyne hesitated. His
position was daily becoming more critical. An officer
whom Gates had allowed to return to his camp,
brought news of an attack by the Americans in his
rear upon Ticonderoga, an attack, which though un-
successful, had resulted in the capture of a portion of
the Fifty-third regiment with one of his brigs and
a bateau ; indeed, he realized that he was being
cut off from his base of operations. The wolves,
attracted by the bodies of the slain exposed by
partial burial, made night hideous by continual bowl-
ings, which added to the alarms pervading his camp
day and night on account of threatened or attempted
attacks, destroyed all repose, the loss of which
told upon the strength and spirits of his men. He
now resolved to make a reconnoissance in force, and
if he found the Americans too strong, to fall back
as advised. On the 7th of October, selecting fif-
teen hundred men, with Riedesel, Phillips and Fra-
ser, himself assuming command, he formed this force
in line of battle in a field within three-quarters of a
mile of the American left wing, intending to test the
possibility of forcing a passage, and if he found this
to be impracticable, he deemed it probable that
his enemy by a vigorous attack could be dislodged,
which would greatly favor his retreat. But the
Americans were awaiting this movement of their
foes with anxious impatience, and Gates was soon
made aware of the movement in front, by the drum-
38 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne..
beat to arms, which was caught up and repeated until
it reached him at his head-quarters in the rear. Wil-
kinson, his dashing adjutant, then but a mere youth,
was at once dispatched to learn the cause of the
alarm, and soon returned, reporting the nature of the
movement and advising an attack. To this advice
Gates replied : " Well, then, order on Morgan to
begin the game."^^ Making a detour through the
wood, Morgan attained a ridge above Fraser — who
with five hundred men was posted so as to be able
to attack the American left — from whence he fell
upon him with terrible fury ,^ while simultaneously an
attack was made by General Poor on the British left,
and Learned held the center composed of Germans
in check. So impetuous was the onslaught of Mor-
gan, that Eraser's command, composed of the flower
of the army, gave way, though Fraser himself was
ubiquitous, inspiring his men at every point by word
and example. Morgan then, with his usual celerity
of movement, fell upon the flank of the British right,
causing it to waver, when Dearborn^" with his New
"^ Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 268.
^ Henry Dearborn was born at Hampton, New Hampshire,
March, 175 1. He was one of the first to receive a captain's
commission in the continental army, and participated in the
battle of Bunker Hill in June, 1775. When the expedition
for the invasion of Canada was organized, he was one of the
foremost to take part in it, and in the assault on Quebec was
made prisoner, but in May, 1776, was liberated by the
magnanimous Carleton. He was immediately after his
liberation promoted to a majority, and subsequently to a
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 39
England troops, fell upon the front with such effect
as to shatter it to fragments. The Americans now
attacked the center with all their force, and for
awhile the Germans sustained the brunt of the bat-
tle unmoved. Arnold, although deprived of his
command by Gates, was a controlling spirit in the
conflict and fought on his own account, appearing
everywhere at the proper moment to turn the tide
in favor of the Americans. Seizing at this moment
the command of two brigades, he led them to the
assault, and although the Germans stood firm for
a while, in the end he succeeded in completely rout-
ing them. Fraser, who had been the most conspicu-
ous figure in the conflict, had fallen mortally wounded
lieutenant-colonelcy in Scammel's regiment, succeeding
that officer in command at his death. He took a prominent
part in the battles of Saratoga and Monmouth, and wit-
nessed the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. After the
war he removed to the district of Maine, and in 1789, was
appointed by President Washington marshal of the dis-
trict. He served two terms in Congress and was secretary
of war under President Jefferson in 1801, which office he
retained for eight years, when he received the appointment
of collector of customs at the port of Boston. Wh^en the
War of 1812 with Great Britain broke out, he was created
senior major-general, and at once entered active service,
capturing York in Upper Canada, and Fort George at the
mouth of the Niagara. Subsequently he was in command
of the military district of New York. At the close of the
war, he resigned his commission and was appointed minis-
ter to Portugal, which office he retained for two years when
he resigned. On the 6th of June, 1829, he died at Rox-
bury, Masssachusetts.
40 The Campaigns of Carleton a7id Burgoyne.
by one of Morgan's sharpshooters, ^^ and Burgoyne
had taken his place, exposing himself recklessly to
the fire of the American riflemen. He seemed to
see the shadow of coming disaster, and paid little
heed to the urgent appeals of his officers not to
expose himself unnecessarily. Thus the fight con-
tinued, until seeing his troops everywhere giving way,
Burgoyne ordered a retreat, and the British fell back
within their lines abandoning their artillery. Although
Arnold as before stated was without a command,
he placed himself at the head of a body of Ameri-
cans, and under a consuming fire assaulted the works
of the enemy from right to left. With the fury of
a madman he attacked the great redoubt, and driv-
^^ During the battle Eraser was everywhere, inspiring the
troops by word and example. He rode a gray horse and
was a conspicuous object. Arnold had noticed him from
time to time, and knowing how important a factor he was
in the conflict, he approached Morgan and said : " That offi-
cer 7ip07i a gray horse is of himself a host, and must be dis-
posed of. Direct the attention of sojne of the sharpshooters
among jy our riflemen to him^ Morgan immediately selected
several of his best riflemen, among whom was Timothy
Murphy, a famous shot, and called their attention to the
heroic rider of the gray charger, saying : " That gallant
officer is General Frascr. I admire and respect him, but it is
necessary that he should die ; take your stations in that wood
and do your duty.'' In a moment a bullet severed the crup-
per of the general's horse, and then another cut through his
horse's mane. " Sir,'' said his aid, " // is evident that you
are marked out for particular aim ; would it not be prudent
for you to retire from this place ? " " My duty forbids me to
fly from danger," replied Eraser, and immediately fell,
drooping upon his horse's neck, mortally wounded. The
deadly bullet of Tim Murphy had done its cruel work.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Btcrgoyne. 41
ing the infantry of Balcarres from an abattis within,
he dashed to the left, regardless of the fiery storm
which swept his path, and taking the lead of
Learned's brigade attacked the Germans on their
right flank, killing General Breymann and taking the
key of the British position. As the Germans
retreated they fired a parting volley, killing his horse
and wounding him severely in the leg. With the
approach of darkness the conflict came to an end,
and with it Burgoyne's last hope of success. The
next morning Eraser, who was the idol of his brother
officers as well as of all grades of the army even to
the camp followers, died, and Burgoyne who was
deeply affected by his loss, remained within his lines
during the day. At sunset, in accordance with his
friend's request, Burgoyne buried him with the most
impressive solemnity on a hill within the great
redoubt. A retreat was immediately ordered, and
at nine o'clock the British stole away in the dark-
ness, drenched to the skin by one of .those cold,
driving storms so common to the autumnal season
in this latitude. His wounded and sick he left
behind, confiding them to the tender mercy of his
enemy. Through the darkness and the storm, the
beaten but brave army pursued its weary march
northward, Burgoyne intending to push it across the
Hudson, so as to resume communication at Batten-
kill with Lake George and Canada. Two hours
before daybreak, the almost exhausted troops reached
Dovegat, where Burgoyne called a halt against the
6
42 The Campaigns of Carleton and Btirgoyne.
advice of his officers, who urged him to press on.
By this halt he lost valuable time, as the heights of
Saratoga which commanded the Fish creek ford was
only occupied by a small force of Americans, and he
might have reached the place and crossed the Hud-
son without serious opposition. As it was however,
Wilkinson says that when "the front of Burgoyne's
army reached Saratoga the rear of our militia was
ascending the opposite bank of Hudson's river,
where they took post and prevented its passage." ^^^
After a two hours' halt, Burgoyne moved his army
from Dovegat across Fish creek where it encamped
on the opposite bank, while he remained on the south
side, taking possession of General Schuyler's mansion,
in which he passed the night. ^^ The next morning
^ Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 282.
^^ Every writer upon this subject hitherto, has charged
Burgoyne with spending this night in revelry, and even his
biographer, Fonblanque, who would present him to us in
favorable light, fails to examine critically the evidence upon
which this charge rests, and leaves us with the unpleasant
impression of Burgoyne's criminal frivolity still upon our
minds. The original evidence of this charge appears to be
a statement made by Madame Riedesel, a lady who held
Burgoyne in condemnation, but whom we must allow to
have been above doing an intentional injustice even to one
whom she condemned. The halt had been called and Bur-
goyne had taken possession of Schuyler's deserted house,
when General Phillips informed Madame Riedesel some-
what sarcastically, that Burgoyne intended to spend the
night there and give them a supper, and she continues,
" In this latter achievement, especially, General Burgoyne
was very fond of indulging. He spent half of the nights in
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 43
Burgoyne became aware that the Americans were in
possession of the heights on the opposite side of the
river, and finding it impossible to cross in the face of
singing and drinking and amusing himself with the wife of
a commissary, who was his mistress, and who, as well as he,
loved champagne." By this passage, if carefully read, it
does not appear that Madame Riedesel alludes to this par-
ticular night when they were all in such a distressing situa-
tion, but in a general way to numerous nights, and as she
was not prepossessed in favor of Burgoyne, she probably
made her statement as explicit as an adherence to truth
would permit her to make it. In " The German Auxiliaries
in America," we find the account as follows : '* While the
army were suffering from cold and hunger, and every one
was looking forward to the immediate future with appre-
hension, Schuyler's house was illuminated, and rang with
singing, laughter, and the jingling of glasses. There Bur-
goyne was sitting, with some merry companions, at a dainty
supper, while the champagne was flowing. Near him sat
the beautiful wife of an English commissary, his mistress.
Great as the calamity was, the frivolous general still kept up
his orgies. Some were of the opinion that he had made
that inexcusable stand merely for the sake of passing a
merry night." Writers upon this subject have adopted this
account, inferring that it is original, when it is only Madame
Riedesel's dressed up by a reckless writer. Given Bur-
goyne's fondness for a merry supper and the commissary's
wife, with Phillips' sarcastic remark relative to the halt,
which he disapproved of, and we have all the elements of
this improbable if not impossible story. That a man situ-
ated as Burgoyne then was, would halt his exhausted and
half-famished army, and that too in a position which im-
periled its very existence, as well as his own, for the express
purpose of having a dainty supper and an hour's dalliance
with his mistress, is too much to believe without the most
explicit statemicnts of a truthful eye-witness, and for the
sake of humanity we are glad that no such evidence exists.
This however is by no means a singular instance of a fiction
growing out of the careless reading of a truthful statement.
44 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
such a force, took post on the ground he had occupied
on the 13th of September, on the heights of Saratoga.
He now resolved to continue his retreat up the west
bank of the Hudson, and sent forward a force to
clear his way to Fort Edward ; but to his dismay,
his men came hastily back with the news that it was
garrisoned by the Americans. Gates, who had
waited for the storm to cease, advanced on the
loth, and late in the afternoon encamped south of
Fish creek.
Being misled by the departure of Burgoyne's expe-
dition to clear a way to Fort Edward into the
belief that his army was retreating, he ordered an
attack to be made early in the morning on what he
supposed to be a guard left to protect the baggage,
and returned to his head-quarters a mile and a half
in the rear. Burgoyne becoming aware of this, pre-
pared a trap which would have resulted disastrously
to the Americans had it not been opportunely dis-
covered, greatly to his chagrin, for he afterwards de-
nominated it " One of the most adverse strokes of for-
tune during the campaign. "^^ And where was Clinton?
^Wilkinson gives a graphic account of this movement.
He says Gates had the night before given the following
order : " ' The army zvill advance at reveille to-morrow morn-
ing, Morgan s corps to keep the heights on the left, and the
main body to march on the great road near the river.' I
could not approve of this movement, and the general
required my objections. I was of opinion * that he would
commit himself to the enemy in their strong position.' He
replied ' that they were already on the retreat, and would
be miles ahead of us before morning.' I answered, ' that he
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 45
He had started on his expedition up the Hudson
most grandly; had attacked and taken Forts Mont-
gomery and Clinton, 35 and having removed obstruc
had no assurance of this, and that I had just left their
guards on post ; ' and went on to observe, ' that, with sub-
mission, I conceived we ought to reconnoiter before the
army marched ; because, should we, contrary to his calcula-
tion, explore our way through a dense fog, and fall in with
the enemy posted behind their intrenchments, the conse-
quences might be destructive.' These observations ap-
peared to have weight with the general, -and he ordered me
to rise early to attend to the movement, and report to him ;
but he would not give up the opinion that the enemy had
retreated, and observed, ' it was natural that they should
sacrifice guards to conceal their movements.' " Wilkinson was
up, and riding to the front, found Morgan already on the move,
and that he had been fired upon by a picket. He hastened
to Gates, and was instructed to order Patterson and Learned
to support Morgan. Just then he says, the order came
from Gates : " ' That the troops must immediately cross the
creek, or return to their camp.' I felt the critical import-
ance of the movement we were making in the dark, for the
fog still continued ; I feared the consequences, trembled for
my general, and was vexed at his absence. In this tumult
of the passions, I returned an hasty answer: 'Tell the gen-
eral that his own fame and the interests of the cause are at
hazard ; that his presence is necessary with the troops.' "
They had reached the creek, when he continues : " Our horses
had halted to drink, and, in leaning down on the neck of
my own, I cast my eyes up to the opposite bank, and
through the fog discerned a party of men in motion." This
led to the discovery that the British army was awaiting them
with its artillery ready to pour destruction into their ranks.
The discovery was however made in time to prevent the
advancing troops from being caught in the dangerous trap
which the British general had set for them. Vide Memoirs
of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 285-289.
^ Forts Clinton and Montgomery were placed on contigu-
ous heights, the former one hundred and eighty feet above
46 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
tions, had apparently opened a path to Albany ; but
after burning Kingston and sacking a few of the
stately mansions near the river, he quietly returned to
New York leaving Burgoyne to his fate. The position
of that general was now desperate, his army being
constantly under fire on its flanks, in front and rear.
He was even cut off from a supply of water although
so near the river, as the sharpshooters prevented
his soldiers from getting any by day or night. A
council was now called and five propositions laid
before it. General Riedesel advised the adoption of
the fourth, which was to leave the artillery and bag-
gage, and following the west side of the Hudson, to
cross the river four miles above Fort Edward,then gar-
risoned by the Americans, and to continue the retreat
to Ticonderoga leaving Lake George to the right.
Burgoyne adopted the proposal of Riedesel, which
was a wise one had the way then been open, and he
had every thing made ready for the march, when
he learned by scouts that the Americans were
intrenched opposite the ford which he would have to
cross, and that parties were posted along the shore
the river, and were constructed in 1775-6. Fort Montgom-
ery was large enough to accommodate eight hundred, and
Clinton four hundred men, and both were built of stones and
earth. Below them the river was obstructed by a strong
boom and massive iron chain, the latter eighteen hundred
feet in length, buoyed by spars and timber rafts. These
obstructions were the result of a recommendation in a re-
port of a commission to Congress, of which General Knox
of Maine was one.
l&jor Genfiralmttie Anny of tlieTImted StatBS.afia-fiiB On^mal Famtiiig l)r Siuart,
The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne. 47
to watch his every movement. Worn out, without
food or shelter, what could be done ? A night of
suffering and suspense fell upon the devoted army,
and under the cover of the darkness, the Americans
crossed the river and completely blocked the way
before him.
Seeing that all hope was gone, on the 13th, he
again called a council of his generals, who unani-
mously decided to at once open a treaty with
General Gates for a surrender. Even while they
deliberated, their tent was perforated with rifle
balls, and an eighteen-pound shot swept across the
table at which they were seated. On the 14th,
Burgoyne sent Lieutenant-Colonel Kingston to
the camp of Gates with a proposal for a "cessation
of arms " pending negotiations for a surrender. This
was acceded to, and on the 15th articles of "con-
vention," as Burgoyne desired to call them, were finally
agreed to. These articles were to receive his sig-
nature on the morning of the i6th, when news reached
him of the taking of the forts on the Hudson by
Clinton, and of the probability of his presence there
at this time with his forces. He at once called a
council of his officers to see if he could get their sup-
port in breaking the agreement with Gates. They
decided that he could not do so with honor. How-
ever, he resorted to a pretext, and sent word to Gates
that he could not sign the articles unless convinced
that the American army outnumbered his own by at
least three or four to one, as he had heard that he
48 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
had sent a part of his army to Albany during the
negotiations, which was contrary to good faith.
This Gates denied and asserted on his honor that his
army had not been divided in order to reHeve Albany,
and was even stronger than when negotiations were
entered into. He moreover drew up his army in order
of battle on the dawn of the 17th, and gave Bur-
goyne to understand that he must sign the articles
of convention or prepare for battle. His generals
urging him, Burgoyne at nine o'clock on the 17th of
October, finally placed his reluctant signature to the
important paper, which placed his army as prisoners
in the power of a lately despised foe. At eleven
o'clock, the splendid army which had left Canada a
few months before, now shattered and disheartened,
laid down its arms and prepared for its sad march to
Boston where it was to embark for England. Bur-
goyne in full court dress upon which he had bestowed
great care, was presented to Gates, who was dressed
in a plain blue overcoat, and after the introduction,
the captive generals proceeded to the head-quarters
of Gates, where they were received by the American
generals with proper courtesy. Riedesel immediately
sent for his brave and lovely wife, his constant com-
panion in so many trying scenes, who came at once
with their children and was taken charge of by General
Schuyler, who arranged every thing possible for the
comfort of herself and helpless charge. The English
and German generals dined in the tent of Gates ;
compliments were passed and healths drunken in
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 49
strange contrast to the scenes of a short time before.
As the dinner ended, the captive army began its
march to Boston, while Burgoyne in the presence of
the two armies drew his sword and presented it to
Gates, who receiving it with a courteous salute,
returned it immediately to his vanquished foe, who
thus closed the third act in his picturesque but tragic
drama. 3^
But another act must be added, and one fraught
with momentous interest to Burgoyne. By the
articles of convention which he had Just signed, he
and his troops were to embark at Boston on trans-
ports to be sent there by his government. This was
a convenient port for the captive army to reach, and
it probably did not occur to either Burgoyne or Gates
that it could be other than a convenient one for
embarkation. Had Burgoyne objected to it. Gates
would probably have yielded to his views, as he had
become alarmed at the information which had reached
him of Clinton's progress up the Hudson, and desired
to bring the negotiations to a speedy conclusion.
We shall see that in selecting Boston as his port
of embarkation, Burgoyne was most unfortunate.
After a tedious march, his troops divided into two
columns under guard of a force of Americans reached
Boston on November the sixth, where they were quar-
tered in barracks ; the Germans on Winter, and the
^ Vide Journal of Occurrences during the Late American
War, etc. (Lamb), Dublin, 1809, p. 167; A State of the
Expedition, etc., Appendix XV.
7
50 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
British on Prospect Hill, while quarters were provided
for the officers in Cambridge and adjoining towns.
Wilkinson was dispatched by Gates to convey the
good news of the surrender and the articles of con-
vention to Congress, but was delayed on the way by
illness, and the news arrived some time before he was
able to present them in person.^^ He found that copies
of the articles had already preceded him, and that a
variety of opinions prevailed respecting them, Gates
being openly blamed for the too liberal concessions
which had been granted to a foe, who it was claimed,
was wholly in his power ; indeed, Wilkinson found it
necessary to defend the action of his chief, by show-
ing that he had been obliged to concede many points
under the pressure of Clinton's advance, which at the
time was threatening. Washington had received
news of the surrender, but not from Gates, who only
mentioned it to him incidentally in a letter more than
two weeks after the fact,^^ and he at once saw that if
^Wide A State of the Expedition, Appendix XV, XVII.
^^ Lord Mahon remarking upon this inexcusable slight of
Washington says, that he " evinced his usual magnanimity.
He felt, he could but feel, the slights put upon him at
this period, both by his superiors and by his subordinate,
by the Congress and by General Gates. But he allowed no
word of unworthy complaint to fall from him." His letter
to Gates was characteristic. He congratulated him in
frank and generous terms, but in closing alluded to the un-
worthy act of his subordinate in the following manly words :
"At the same time, I cannot but regret that a matter of
such magnitude, and so interesting to our general operations,
should have reached me by report only, or through the chan-
nel of letters not bearing that authenticity which the im-
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 51
the captive troops were enabled to embark so as to
reach England during the winter, nothing in the
convention would prevent the British government
from assigning them to garrison duty, thereby reliev-
ing a corresponding number of troops, who might join
in the spring campaign against the colonies. He
promptly called attention to this fact, and in reply to
Heath's urgent request to facilitate their removal
as soon as possible,^' on account of the great
portance of it required, and which it would have received
by a line under your signature stating the simple fact."
And subsequently to a friend he wrote : " It is to be hoped
that all will yet end well. If the cause is advanced, it is
indifferent to me where or in what quarter it happens."
Shortly after, LaFayette wrote him alluding to the effort
which Gates was making to supplant him. " When I was in
Europe, I thought that here almost every man was a lover of
liberty. You can conceive my astonishment when I saw
that Toryism was as apparently professed as Whigism itself.
There are open dissensions in Congress ; parties who hate
one another as much as the common enemy ; men who,
without knowing any thing about war, undertake to judge
you and to make ridiculous comparisons. They are infatu-
ated with Gates, without thinking of the difference of cir-
cumstances, and believe that attacking is the only thing
necessary to conquer." Fortunately for the cause, the ani-
mus of Washington's enemies became apparent and their
schemes came to nought. Vide History of England by Lord
Mahon, London, 1858, vol. 6, p. 193 ; Sparks' Life of Wash-
ington, vol. 5, p. 124 et seq.; Letter to Patrick Henry, ibid.^
p. 147 ; Marquis de LaFayette, to Washington, Dec. 30, 1777.
^^ Washington's exact words are as follows : " As you have
wrote to Congress respecting the difficulty of supplying the
prisoners of General Burgoyne's army with quarters, fuel
and provisions, I imagine they will give proper directions in
the matter. I do not think it to our interest to expedite
52 The Campaig7is of Carleton and Burgoyne.
burden which they would be to the distressed inhab-
itants of Boston, he reminded him that it would be
impolitic to hasten their departure, going so far
indeed as to advise that they should not be furnished
with, nor allowed to purchase provisions in the
country for their voyage home. He also suggested
that Burgoyne would probably apply to have the
place of embarkation changed to a port farther south,
as the transports would hardly be able to make the
port of Boston so late in the season, but this, he
said, could not be asked as a matter of right, since
the passage of the prisoners to England ; for you may de-
pend upon it that they will, immediately upon their arrival
there, throw them into different garrisons, and bring out an
equal number. Now, if they sail in December, they may
arrive time enough to take the places of others who may be
out in May, which is as early as a campaign can be well en-
tered upon. I look upon it that their principal difficulty
will arise from the want of provisions for the voyage ; and,
therefore, although I would supply them with every article
agreeable to stipulation, I would not furnish an ounce for sea
store, nor suffer it to be purchased in the country." In con-
sidering this last clause in Washington's letter, one should
bear in mind the great scarcity of provisions then prevail-
ing in the country ; indeed, the question of the subsistence
of his own troops was one which caused him constant anx-
iety. In this same letter he says: "The present state of
the commissary's department gives me great uneasiness," and
somewhat later, " the state of the commissary's department
has given me more concern of late than any thing else.
Unless matters in that line are speedily taken up and put in
a better train, the most alarming consequences are to be ap-
prehended." Moreover, it was but proper that provisions
for the sea voyage should be furnished from the magazines
of General Howe. Vide Washington's Letters to Heath,
Part I, pp. 77-79.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 53
Boston was the only port agreed upon, and should not
be granted as a favor, since it would prove of dis-
advantage to the American cause/° This view of the
case was also communicated to Congress, and served
as the key-note to all its subsequent action in the
premises.
Application was made to change the place of
embarkation to Newport, but permission was not
granted.
Occasions soon arose to complicate affairs. It
had been stipulated that subsistence should be sup-
plied to Burgoyne's men at the same cost as to
the American troops in the vicinity. One dollar
in specie was at this time equivalent to about
three dollars in continental currency, yet Congress
gave orders that General Heath should demand
payment in specie. This would have been well
enough if the price had been estimated at the
specie value, but naturally, values were adjusted
to the currency of the country. The question
was too simple it would seem for discussion,
since it depended wholly upon a fact, namely,
whether prices were calculated at the currency value
or not ; and yet Burgoyne whose expenses were
$20,000 a week, was asked to pay for his supplies a
sum in gold, which changed into the currency of
the country would purchase nearly three times the
quantity which he received. This was certainly un-
^Vide Sparks' Life of Washington, vol. 5, pp. 144, 147.
54 The Campaigns of Carle ion and Burgoyne.
fair, and cannot be adjusted to any system of ethics
with which we are conversant. It is but just how-
ever to Washington to say, that he protested
against this exaction, which he said would " destroy
the idea of a cartel."'*' Another question was raised
which was reasonable and sufficient. Burgoyne was
in arrears for his supplies, since it was no easy mat-
ter at this time to get remittances from England,
and he was given to understand that he would not
be permitted to embark until all indebtedness was
canceled, " by an actual deposit of the money."'*" All
these obstructions to his plans caused him anxiety
and awakened indigfuation which he did not hesitate
to express. Various annoyances arose. Descrip-
tive lists of his officers and men were demanded,
that a proper record might be made for future use,
a demand which he denominated an insult to his
nation, but finally acceded to. An inquiry was also
instituted relative to the colors of the regiments,
the military chest, etc., which were not found in
the return by General Gates of property delivered
him by Burgoyne in accordance with the articles of
convention. This was a proper inquiry, and it
was resolved fairly enough, that the embarkation
was not to be delayed on account of it. The
inquiry was directed to Gates, who replied that the
custom during the last war had been for the mili-
*^Vide Sparks' Life of Washington, vol. 5, p. 307.
^^Vide Washington's Letter to Congress, Dec. 14, 1777, in
Sparks' Life, vol. 5, p. 187.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 55
tary chest to be kept in some secure town by
the paymaster-general, upon whom warrants were
granted, and that " from the best accounts, the enemy's
army had been lately cleared off ; so that it is not prob-
able there was any military chest." With respect
to the colors, he affirmed that General Burgoyne
declared upon his honor, that his regimental colors
were left in Canada. These last inquiries arose from
"suspicions that the convention had not been strictly
complied with on the part of General Burgoyne,
agreeable to its true spirit, and the intention of the
contracting parties." « We shall see that these sus-
picions had a basis in fact. Indeed, General Wilkin-
son intimates that Gates was cognizant of this in
spite of his reply to Congress, as he wished to
shield himself from blame as far as possible, on
account of his loose dealing in the matter. ^^^ Madame
Riedesel states in her journal, that the colors of the
German regiments were secreted in her bed, and
were afterward sent in the mattress of an officer to
Halifax where her husband subsequently found
them.^5 Of the English colors, it is not to be
supposed that they were left in Canada. The
colors of the Sixty-second regiment were on the
field on the 19th of September, "^^ and we have an
^Wide Journals of Congress, Jan. 8, 1778, p. 42.
^^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 303 et seq.
^jF/^^ Letters and Journals of Madame Riedesel, Albany
1869 (Stone), p. 143 et seq.
^^Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 304.
56 The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne.
interesting account of the colors of the Ninth,
which were concealed in the baggage of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Hill, and were by him presented to
the king upon his return home/^ How Burgoyne
could have stated that they were left in Canada is
inexplicable. Had this concealment of the colors
been known at the time, it would have afforded
good ground for Congress to declare the convention
broken ; as it was, it had no proof whatever of the
matter, and it was doubtless believed that they had
been burnt by those having them in custody, that
they might not become trophies to the enemy ;
hence, the matter of these inquiries relative to
the concealment of property, which rightfully should
have been delivered to Gates at the surrender,
afforded no ground whatever for Congress to
detain the convention prisoners. Doubtless an
impression prevailed in this season of exaggerated
sentiment, when suspicion, jealousy and prejudice
necessarily held sway, that if the convention pris-
oners were allowed to return to England, they
would break their paroles and re-enter the service
against the colonies, an impression which was unrea-
sonable and unworthy of indulgence. We know,
that even Congress did not hesitate to openly charge
" former frauds in the conduct of our enemies," which
caused Burgoyne to declare his " consternation in
finding the British honor in treaties impeached."
'"Vide Historical Record of the Ninth Foot (Cannon),
p. 32 et seq.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 57
Every utterance of the British general was carefully
scanned, and a letter which he wrote to General
Gates served to strengthen the impression spoken
of. In this letter, dated November 14th, complaining
of the quarters which had been assigned to his troops
and which were undoubtedly quite unfit for them, he
used these words : " While I state to you, sir, this
very unexpected treatment, I entirely acquit M. Gen.
Heath and every gentleman of the military depart-
ment of any inattention to the publick faith engaged in
the convention. They do what they can, but while the
supreme powers of the State are unable or unwilling to
enforce their authority, and the inhabitants want the
hospitality or indeed the common civilization to assist
us without it, the publick faith is broke and we are
the immediate sufferers."'*^ These words, " the publick
**Fz(a?'^Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne and the Conven-
tion of Saratoga, p. 35, by Charles Deane, LL. D., Worces-
ter, 1878, to which the reader is referred for an able state-
ment of the subject. The connection of Gates with the
efforts being made to evade the obligations of the conven-
tion has not heretofore been especially noticed. While his
position, being a party to the compact, rendered it proper
that he should at least remain neutral, we find that he was
active in suggesting pretexts for an evasion of that compact.
A letter of his to General Washington under date of No-
vember 23d, has been published, in which he says: " If Gen-
eral Burgoyne has any sinister design, what I suggested to
Congress in my letter of the loth instant, a copy of which
I conclude your excellency has received, will be a good
method of delaying, if not final preventing, the execution
of his project." The letter of the loth of November here
alluded to, though often sought for without success, was re-
cently placed in my hands by the kindness of Mr. A. R.
8
58 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
faith is broke" were immediately caught up as a notice
from Burgoyne that he considered the terms of the
convention broken, and although he denied any such
intention, and even offered to re affirm them by the
signatures of his officers if desired so to do, he was not
listened to, but Congress resolved that these words
indicated his intention and afforded " just grounds of
fear," that he would " avail himself of such pretended
breach of the convention, in order to disengage him-
self and the army under him of the obligations they
are under to these United States ; and that the
security which these States have had in his personal
honor is hereby destroyed," and they further resolved
to suspend the embarkation "till a distinct and
explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga
shall be properly notified by the Court of Great
Britain."'*^ This requirement. Congress must have
Spofford, the Hbrarian of Congress, and by it we see what
General Gates considered " a good method " of delaying, " if
not final preventing " the fulfillment of the terms of the con-
vention. He says " It has occurr'd to me, that should Sir
William Howe still Obstinately refuse to settle an equitable
Cartel, for the Exchange of Prisoners, that Congress would
be Justified, in Ordering the fulfiling the Convention of Sar-
atoga to be delayed, until the United States received Justice
in that particular. At any rate, there will be very few of
Genl. Burgoyne's soldiers to Embark, as most of the Ger-
mans, and a great many of the British, have deserted upon
their march towards Boston, and numbers more will yet
Desert." This letter was directed to the president of Con-
gress, and the original is in the State department at Wash-
ington.
^^ Vide Journal of Congress, Jan. 8, 1777, p. 43.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 59
known the British government could not comply
with. For it to have ratified the convention formally
would have been to recognize the colonies as bel-
ligerents, which was tantamount to a recognition of
their independence; yet Sir Henry Clinton went so
far as to offer by authority of the crown, a renewal
of all the obligations of the convention, an offer
which was not accepted. It had evidently been
determined to detain the captured army as prisoners
of war. The severe strain to which Burgoyne had
been subjected had seriously impaired his health, and
he obtained leave to return to England on parole,
agreeing to return whenever Congress demanded it.
He took passage home on the Grampus sloop of war
from Newport, Rhode Island, on April 20th, 1778,
and landed at Portsmouth, England, on May 13th.
Before leaving, he paid in specie a large sum for sup-
plies to his troops on their march from Saratoga which
General Glover 5° had advanced in Continental cur-
^"John Glover was born in Salem November 5, 1732.
While a young man, he with three brothers removed to
Marblehead, where for a while he practiced his trade of
shoemaking ; but being ambitious to advance his fortunes,
he embarked in mercantile business and became one of the
leading merchants of the province. He was early in life
interested in military affairs, and in 1759, was ensign in
Captain Read's company of militia ; in 1762, a lieutenant in
Captain Orne's company, and in 1773, a captain in Colonel
i^ owle s regiment. At the beginning of the war he was made
colonel of a regiment called Glover's Marblehead regiment,
the uniform of which consisted of a blue jacket and trousers
adorned with leather buttons. On the 22d of June, 1775, he
was ordered with his regiment to Cambridge. On the'ist
6o The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
rency, and in order to avoid the unfair exactions
imposed upon him, of paying in specie for suppUes to
the troops left behind, he arranged to repay in kind
for suppHes advanced to them by the American
commander. Provisions were to be shipped from the
British commissary department on transports, which
were to be allowed to enter Boston and depart from
it unmolested. A large sum was left in pledge for the
performance of this contract, and the provisions were
regularly shipped for the maintenance of the troops;
but advantage was taken here, and great expense
was incurred in handling and storing the supplies
after their arrival, payment for which was demanded
of January, 1776, Glover's regiment was reorganized as the
Fourteenth Continental regiment, and on the 9th of August,
joined Sullivan's brigade at New York. After the battle
of Long Island, Glover's regiment of sailors and fisher-
men, succeeded by their skill in transporting the army
in vessels and boats safely across the river. "This
extraordinary retreat," says Washington Irving, " which, in
silence and celerity, equaled the midnight fortifying of
Bunker's Hill, was one of the most signal achievements of
the war, and redounded greatly to the reputation of Wash-
ington. It may be truly said, that by Glover's efforts the
army was saved from destruction. On the 23d of February,
1777, Glover was created a brigadier-general, and in the
succeeding summer sailed with his brigade to reinforce
Schuyler at Saratoga. In the arduous service which fol-
lowed, Glover's brigade was one of the most efficient, and
suffered severe loss. At the battle of October 7th, Glover
had three horses shot under him. His brigade formed part
of Washington's army at Valley Forge, and in June, 1778,
Glover assumed command of Fort Arnold near West Point.
From this time he was in active service until July, 1782,
when owing to faihng health, the result of exposure and
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 6i
in specie, although General Heath^' paid the expense
in currency, of which at this time it took about four
dollars to equal the value of one dollar in gold.
General Heath called the attention of Congress to
this unfair exaction, but it was promptly resolved to
continue it ; so that after all, not much was saved
by the British government in this attempt to victual
the convention prisoners. This condition of affairs,
however, could not continue indefinitely, and find-
ing that there was no prospect that the American
hardship, he retired on half pay. His death took place
January 30, 1797. Vide Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolu-
tion, New York, 1855, vol. II, pp. 34, 606, 609, 128, et passhn.
History and Traditions of Marblehead, Boston, 1880, pp.
117, et seg., 140-153, 157, et passim.
^^ William Heath was born in 1737, in Roxbury, Massa-
chusetts, where his ancestors had settled in 1636. He says of
himself that he was " of the fifth generation of the family
who have inherited the same real estate (taken up in a state
of nature), not large, but fertile and pleasantly situated."
From youth he says that he procured and studied atten-
tively ''every military treatise in the English language
which was attainable." In 1770, he was captain of an
artillery company, and was a writer under the norn de phiine
of " A Military Countryman " for the Boston Gazette. In
these articles he advocated the study of arms, and in one of
them used these extraordinary words : " It is more than
probable that the salvation of this country, under heaven,
will sooner or later depend upon a well-regulated militia.''
Having been commissioned a captain in the Suffolk regi-
ment, and subsequently superseded by Hutchinson, he was
chosen in 1774, captain of the first company of Roxbury,
and the same year colonel of the Suffolk regiment. He was
a delegate to the Provincial Congresses of 1774 and 1775.
In June of the latter year he was made a provincial major-,
general, and in the August following, the Continental Con-
62 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
Congress would allow the convention prisoners
to return to England, General Clinton gave notice
that he should cease supplying them with subsist-
ence, and that they would have to be provided for as
were other prisoners of war. It now being feared
that a rescue might be attempted, they were, in No-
vember, 1 778, a year after their capture, compelled to
take up their weary march for Virginia. There, as we
know, they remained until the close of the war.
Whether the American government, or rather the
American Congress, for this was all the government
gress conferred upon him the same rank. He was the only
general officer at the famous battle of Lexington, and
organized and directed the hardy farmers, who on that occa-
sion put the British regulars to flight. Heath commanded
a division during the siege of Boston, and was at the head
of the eastern department in 1777, and subsequently was
assigned to a post on the Hudson. He returned to his farm
at the close of the war, and was a delegate to the conven-
tion which adopted the Federal Constitution in 1788 ; was a
State senator in 1791-92, and judge of probate for Norfolk
county from 1793 until his death, January 24, 18 14. Eight
years previous to this date he had been chosen lieutenant-
governor of his native State, an honor which he declined. He
was a great friend of Washington for whom he possessed a
remarkable admiration. When Washington parted with
him, he gave him a letter testifying to his faithfulness, and
this letter he valued beyond price. When Brissot de War-
ville visited him at his farm in 1788, Heath said: "This
letter is a jewel which, in my eyes, surpasses all the eagles
and all the ribbons in the world." Vide Memoirs of Wil-
liam Heath, Boston, 1798. The Town of Roxbury, Rox-
bury, 1878, pp. 387-390. New Travels in the United States
of America, Dublin, 1792 (J. P. Brissot De Warville), p.
117. Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. I, pp. 190,
566. n, pp. 614 et seq.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 63
that the United States then possessed, acted justly
with regard to the convention, is left for those who are
interested in the question to judge. We know from
the history of similar assemblies composed of men
of various degrees of moral dignity, and in some
measure relieved from personal responsibility, that
questions possessing elements of a political nature
are not apt to receive the same careful treatment,
which would be bestowed upon them by a judicial
tribunal removed from popular influence and feel-
ing the direct weight of moral responsibility ; or
indeed from an individual occupying a like position ;
hence we ought not to be over surprised at the
action of our first Congress ^^ in this matter of the
Saratoga convention. That convention was entered
into in good faith by the contracting parties, and
should have been justly carried out in letter and
*^ In all great struggles in which imperfect men engage,
there are those who ally themselves to the cause of
right, and who acquit themselves valiantly, yet are domi-
nated in all they undertake by selfishness. It was so
in our great struggle for freedom, and it is painful to con-
template the fact, that many of the men who donned the
spotless armor of patriotism and won thereby the admira-
tion of their fellows, were self-seekers in the worst sense of
the term. Even Washington justly used the following terms
in speaking of some of his contemporaries, who were appar-
ently ardent supporters of the noble cause for which he and
a few other pure patriots like himself were willing to sacri-
fice their lives and all they held dear. " Such a dearth of
public [spirit] and want of virtue ; such stock-jobbing and
fertility in all the low arts to obtain advantages of some
kind or another in this great charge of military management,
I never saw before, and pray God I may never be witness to
64 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
spirit by the American Congress. It seems to have
failed from considerations of policy so to act, just as
any similarly composed body of men in any other
portion of the globe might at that time have failed
to act, and while we may not excuse, we may per-
haps in some measure mitigate our chagrin with this
consideration, though we should have rejoiced had
it taken higher ground than any other government
in the world would have been likely to take at that
period. Burgoyne sailed for home, feeling keenly the
injustice which he deemed had been practiced upon
him by the American government ; but if that gov-
ernment treated him unjustly, his own subsequently
treated him with still greater injustice.
The disaster to Burgoyne's army had not been
unexpected in England. When the rumor of
Howe's erratic expedition against Philadelphia and
apparent abandonment of the plan of co-operation
with Burgoyne reached England, several weeks before
the latter's surrender, although the public mind was in
a state of elation at his success at Ticonderoga, it
was thrown into consternation, and predictions of
defeat were in the air. Even Germaine admitted to
one of his noble friends, that Howe had ruined his
plans by not operating in conjunction with Bur-
goyne, and the ministers hastened to send orders to
again." Letter of Washington to Joseph Reed, February
10, 1776. Happily for the cause of human progress, there
was after all enough of public spirit and virtue to overbal-
ance the self-seeking and vicious spirit which prevailed, and
the right triumphed, as it ever must triumph, in the long run.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Btirgoyne. 65
the latter not to attempt to advance beyond Albany
until he could bring about concerted action with
Howe. So much apprehension respecting Bur-
goyne's position was felt in London, that a states-
man of the day, in a letter to a friend as early as
November 2d, said : " I believe it is also true
that a very great man said within these few days,
that he expected accounts of a general defeat very
soon,"" and Chatham, two weeks before the news
reached England, spoke of " the sufferings, perhaps
the total loss of the northern army." Tidings of
the disaster reached England on the 2d of Decem-
ber, and on the next day Colonel Barre called upon
Germaine, '' to declare upon his honour what was be-
come of General Burgoyne and his troops. Lord
North admitted, in reply, that very disastrous infor-
mation had reached him from Canada. A fierce
outburst against the ministry followed. Motions
were made in both houses of Parliament for papers.
They were, however, successfully resisted on the
ground that no official information had been re-
ceived, "^^ and the ministry succeeded in adjourning
Parliament. Said Shelburne, "talk to them about
truth. Like Pilate they waived the question and
adjourned the court." Burgoyne's dispatches an-
nouncing his surrender reached the ministry on the
1 2th, and excited the ridicule of his enemies by its
^^The Duke of Richmond to Lord Rockingham.
^ Vide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, London, 1876
vol. Ill, p. loet seq.
9
66 The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne.
sonorous character," although the passage most ridi-
culed was strictly true. This was to the effect that
he had " dictated the terms of surrender." The
news of the disaster fired the popular spirit, and
subscriptions were at once started throughout the
kingdom to raise and equip regiments. The min-
istry was bitterly assailed, and especially Germaine,
who resorted to every means in his power to shield
himself by throwing the responsibility of the dis-
aster upon Burgoyne. Germaine himself was sug-
gestively reticent ; but his friends and supporters
were alert and blatant. This was the condition of
affairs which Burgoyne, broken in health and spirits,
met upon reaching London. Apparently without
realizing the situation, he at once waited upon Ger-
maine, who received him with marks of friendship
and drew upon his confidence, thus gaining facts
of importance. It was agreed between them to
arrange an inquiry, an order for which had al-
ready been prepared and was then in the pocket
of Germaine. At this juncture, Burgoyne discov-
ered that he was to submit to the ''etiquette'" of
not appearing at court, by which means he was
to be kept from seeing the king^^ and impressing
55 ((
The style charmed every reader ; but he had better
have beaten the enemy and misspelt every word of his dis-
patch, for so, probably, the great Duke of Marlborough
would have done, both by one and the other." Mrs. Inch-
bald in Preface to the Heiress.
^^ Vide a letter from Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to his
constituents upon his late resignation, etc., London, 1779.
The CaTnpaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 67
him with a knowledge of the true state of the case.
This, Burgoyne, whose eyes were now open to the
artifice of the minister, refused to accede to, and
an open war between him and Germaine followed.
Burgoyne demanded a court-martial, which was
denied him on the ground that he was then a
prisoner of war, a novel position to assume but one
not without plausible features, and he then decided
to appeal to the country. Upon claiming his seat
in the Commons, to which he was entitled as the
representative of Preston, he was met with the objec-
tion which had before proved potent, that he was a
prisoner of war, and therefore not entitled to a seat
in Parliament ; but happily this objection failed to
be sustained, and on the 21st day of May he took
his seat and asked for an investigation of his con-
o
duct. A day was assigned for him to make his
statement, which was to the effect that no discre-
tionary powers had been granted to him by the min-
istry in carrying out his instructions ; but that they
were "positive, peremptory and indispensable."
Burgoyne seconded a motion to inquire into his con-
duct of the campaign, but Germaine, who dreaded
an investigation, succeeded in defeating the motion.
This unfair treatment gained him friends and re-
vived the popular interest in him, and his opponents
becoming alarmed, it was determined to get him out of
the way ; hence the king was persuaded to order
him back to America as a prisoner of war, although
no demand had been made for his return by the
68 The Campaigns of Carleton aud Burgoyne.
American government. This was an extraordinary
proceeding and revealed the desperate straits to
which the ministry was reduced. Against this injus-
tice Burgoyne remonstrated so forcibly," that the
king was compelled to suspend his order, and the
persecuted general proceeded to publish an address
to his constituents on the conduct of the campaign
in America, which brought to the attention of the
English people, for the first time, the full history of
the matters at issue ; at the same time he applied
himself assiduously to obtain a ratification of the Sar-
atoga convention, that his captive army might be
liberated. To counteract the influence of his state-
ments, which were gaining him many adherents, he
was vilified and abused by his opponents without
stint. He was accused of employing savages and
sanctioning their barbarities ; of artfully supplanting
Carleton, and maliciously destroying property on his
march toward Albany, all of which charges he fairly
refuted at the first opportunity. ^^ At the next ses-
sion of Parliament, Burgoyne renewed his efforts to
obtain a vindication of his conduct, openly charging
the ministry with double dealing,^^ and he so far suc-
^^In a letter to the war office, June 5, 1779, he asserted
that his health was such that to expose his constitution to
another American winter would, in all probability, doom
him to the grave. Vide ibid., pp. 22, 26.
^^ Vide Speech on a Motion made by Mr. Vyner in the
Parliament, May 26, 1778.
^ Vide Speech on the Review of the Evidence in the
House of Commons ; also. Speech of December 14, and
April 22, 1779.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 69
ceeded as to gain permission to present his case,
which he prepared most elaborately, supporting
his position in a convincing manner by documentary
evidence and the testimony of Sir Guy Carleton
and officers in his command ; but the ministry
becoming alarmed at the damaging nature of his
revelations, brought matters to a summary con-
clusion by a sudden prorogation of Parliament, and
he again received the royal command to return to
America. This he refused to do, and resigned all his
valuable appointments except that of lieutenant-
general. He was stranded, but not disheartened ;
for he put the printing press into requisition, and
under the title of the " State of the Expedition from
Canada," a book which he dedicated to his captive
army, he presented to justice-loving Englishmen a full
account of the proceedings. In vain was he assailed
by anonymous pamphlets, one of which was attrib-
uted to Germaine ;^° the sentiment of unprejudiced
^ This pamphlet is entitled " A Reply to Lieutenant-Gen-
eral Burgoyne s Letter to his Constituents,'' and bears for a
motto the words, " Expende HamiibaleniJ' It strikes at the
outset the key-note of Germaine's attempt to get him out of
the way. " Men of honour," it says, " were at a loss to com-
prehend upon what principle you could justify your absence
from your captive army, whose calamities they considered it
your duty to share." His bravery and zeal are extolled, and
the cause of difference between him and Germaine pointed
out, and his course in defending his conduct and refusing to
obey the mandate of the king to return to and give himself
up to the Americans, severely criticised. Vide pp. i, 5-7.
Another is entitled '' An Essay on Modern Martyrs," and is
conceived in a harsher spirit of censure. The writer most
70 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
men was in his favor, and the incapacity of Ger-
maine became so conspicuous, that he was obHged,
upon the surrender of Cornwallis, to retire from
office, though his influence with the king was so
great that he effected his retirement " under the cover
of a peerage."^' Burgoyne was in some measure
compensated for his almost unexampled trials, but
as a popular idol was never restored to his niche.
What was often asserted and quite widely believed
at the time, that Burgoyne's army was sacrificed to
a blunder of Germaine, is now known from docu-
ments left by a contemporary. Germaine, it would
appear, was a peculiar man, and one of his peculiar-
ities was an over-nicety with regard to the clerical
work of his office. He had arrano-ed to take a va-
cation in the country, and on the morning of his de-
parture, called at his office to examine the orders to
Burgoyne and Howe which were to be dispatched
upon that day to America. Upon examining Howe's
orders, he was displeased because they were not
" fair copied," and angrily ordered them to be re-
copied. He then went into the country and forgot
all about the matter. The result was, that Bur-
sarcastically criticises Burgoyne's unfortunate use of the word
" dictated,'' as applied to the terms of surrender, which he
claimed were of his own dictation, and remarks with much
force : " It is not probable, therefore, that he (Gates) would
have opposed your wishes, had you (instead of leaving it to
his choice) assigned Quebec as the place of embarkation,
by which means you might immediately have conducted the
whole army out of the provinces in rebellion." Vide p. 45.
^^Vide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, vol. I, p. 359.
The Campaigns of Carleton andBurgoyne. 71
goyne's orders were dispatched to him, but Howe's
were pigeon-holed, hence the ruin of the elaborate
plan to subjugate the colonies.^' It cannot be de-
nied however, that Howe understood the plan of
the campaign. He says in his narrative, " On the
5th of June I received a copy of the secretary of
State's letter to Sir Guy Carleton, dated the 26th of
March, 1777, wherein he communicates to him the
plan of the northern expedition, and adds ' that he
will write to Sir William Howe by the first packet.' "
It can only be plead in his defense that he had no
" positive, peremptory and indispensable orders" to
co-operate with Burgoyne. This plea he makes
for himself, in the letter under consideration, in
these words : " I must observe, that this copy of a
letter to Sir Guy Carleton, though transmitted to me,
was not accompanied with any instructions whatso-
ever; and that the letter intended to have been
written to me by the first packet, and which was prob-
ably to have contained some instructions, was never
sent. "^3 That the plan of the campaign was generally
understood we well know, and moreover that Howe's
failure to co-operate with Burgoyne was a puzzle to
Washington. On the 4th of July he wrote General
Heath: "General Howe evacuated Amboy on Sunday
last. From present appearance, Hudson's river seems
to be the object of his attention ;" and on the 19th :
^Wide ibid., p. 358 ^/ seq.
- ''Wide Narrative of Lieutenant- General Sir William Howe
London, 1780. '
72 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
"General Howe still lays entirely quiet on board
the fleet at Staten Island. Very few troops remain
on shore, and the destination [is] a profound secret.
Whatever were his intentions before this unlucky
blow to the northward," — referring to the fall of Ticon-
deroga, — "he certainly ought now, in good policy, to
endeavor to co-operate with General Burgoyne. I
am so fully of opinion that this will be his plan, that
I have advanced the army thus far to support our
party at Peekskill, should the enemy move up the
river. "^-^ This leads us to inquire into the motives
which influenced Howe at this juncture, and a careful
study of the man and his environments may enable
us to reach an approximate comprehension of them.
Howe, who through an illegitimate source had de-
scended from royalty, was a man enervated by patron-
age and pampered with flattery ; such a man as would,
upon sufficient occasion, almost unconsciously permit
his amour propre to overrule his amor pair ice.
Burgoyne, a man of singularly popular qualities and
rapidly rising in public esteem, had been cast for the
principal part in the drama about to be enacted, — was
to play the heroic roll, so to speak, — and influenced by
that common sentiment of dislike to a subordinate
part, — a sentiment especially active with men engaged
in public affairs — Howe was disposed quite naturally
to view the scheme of the ministry with languid
indifference. Although he knew well what the plan
^^Vide Washington's Letters to Heath, Part I, pp. 64, ^6 et
seq.
The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 73
of the ministry was, the blunder of Germaine in not
giving him peremptory orders to enact the part
assigned him was a sufficient pretext for him to
select a role more congenial to his tastes, one indeed
in which he would enact the part of hero ; hence his
brilliant, but impracticable scheme of a southern
campaign, the fruit of a confidence rooted in the rank
soil of a hitherto successful experience. This scheme
once conceived, would continue to grow more and
more attractive in his imagination, and to delude him
with visions of a fame to which his ambition yearningly
reached ; nor were the obstacles in the way of success
seemingly great. In common with his fellow officers
at this^ time, he still under-estimated his opponents
and failed to comprehend the character of the war in
which the British government was engaged ; hence
it is not strange that he should formulate'the scheme
of a southern campaign, nor that he should pursue it
with confidence. The climax so disastrous to British
hopes, and which an eminent writer, classifying it with
the decisive battles of the world,^^ has declared to
have been "more fruitful of results than those con-
flicts in which hundreds of thousands of men have
been engaged, and tens of thousands have fallen,"
'Wide History of England, by Lord Mahon, vol. VI, p
f^^\T u^l'^^ '^"^^'' ^^-^ ^^^^ '■ " This war, which rent away
the North American colonies of England, is of all subjects
in history the most painful for an Englishman to dwell on
It was conceived and carried on by the British ministry in
iniquity and folly, and it was concluded in disaster and shame
t5ut the contemplation of it cannot be evaded by the his-
10
4
74 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne.
we have witnessed. That Burgoyne was unfairly
treated by his own government cannot now be gain-
said, nor that hitherto our own people have too
lightly regarded his conduct of the campaign from
Canada, In estimating- his character we meet with
difficulties, possessing as it does qualities of almost
kaleidoscopic variety.
We cannot reconcile the warm terms of friendship
which he used in addressing Lee, an old companion
in arms then in the American service, with the
unfriendly epithets of " late half-pay major, and
incendiary in the king's service — major-general and
demagogue in the rebel army," which he applied to
that friend shortly after in correspondence with Lord
North, when he was anxious to excuse himself for
holding communication with a rebel ;^^ nor his state-
ments regarding his regimental colors, with what we
now know to be facts ; nor yet again can we under-
stand, how, after the direful disasters which had
befallen his faithful army, at the moment too in
torian, however much it may be abhorred. Nor can any
military event be said to have exercised more important in-
fluence on the future fortunes of mankind, than the com-
plete defeat of Burgoyne's expedition in 1777, a defeat which
rescued the revolted colonies from certain subjection, and
which, by inducing the courts of France and Spain to attack
England in their behalf, insured the independence of the
United States and the formation of that trans-Atlantic
power which not only America but both Europe and Asia
now see and feel." Vide Fifteen Decisive Battles of the
World, etc., by Sir Edward Creasy, London, 1873, p. 292.
^Vide Political and Military Episodes, etc., London, 1876,
pp. 169-175.
The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne. 75
which he was to deliver his worn-out and almost
heart-broken soldiers into captivity, he could bedeck
himself in the gorgeous habiliments of the court.
These are beyond our comprehension. At the same
time, we must admit that he was a man of noble
parts, a scholar, a statesman of no mean ability and
a thoroughly brave and capable officer. The army
which he led has probably never been excelled in
soldierly qualities. No one capable of appreciating
character can make the individual accquaintance of
the men, both British and German who comprised it,
and whose biographies have come down to us, with-
out feeling an admiration for and a friendly interest
in them. " Opinionum commenta delet dies natures
judicia conjirmaty
REGIMENTAL COLOURS,
53^ Regiment.
W&iiViiiim §icibvi,^s foa^.
SOME ACCOUNT
THE AMERICAN WAR
BETWEEN
GREAT BRITAIN
AND HER
COLONIES.
WILLIAM DIGBY, Lieutenant 53D Regiment.
1776.
PRKFACK.
My chief design in committing the following
passages to paper was with a view of hereafter
bringing to my memory, (when a dull hour presented
itself), some incidents which have happened in the
course of the Campaigns 1776 and 1777. I have
wished to confine such, as much as possible, to the
partial eye of a particular friend, one who will
make many allowances for their numerous defects,
from the degree of friendship subsisting between
us. The only merit, (if it can deserve such an
appellation), I can claim, is a strict adherence to
truth inserted without exaggeration, and facts set
down plainly as they happened, not but in some
places oversights may have been committed from
the inattention to which at times all mankind are
liable. I cannot pass over mentioning that during
a campaign, the many requisites for bringing such
an undertaking to the smallest degree of perfection
are impossible to be attained, & even time, one
of the first and most necessary ingredients, is often
stinted from the frequent calls of duty. It would
exceed the bounds I at first prescribed, to enter
into the grand causes which actuate a General in
8o Preface.
the manoeuvres and movements of an army ; the
impossibility of such an attempt must appear evi-
dent to every person from the variety of intelH-
gence he must often receive through private chan-
nels, together with his orders for acting, neither of
which could be communicated to every individual ;
from the above reasons I have confined myself to
simple occurrences, such as were publicly known to
the army in general, as it would be the greatest pre-
sumption in me to insinuate a knowledge of more.
As digressions are often tedious and tiresome, I
have put in as few sentiments of my own as
possible, being well assured that in such passages
where they may be wanting, the reader can supply
their place more advantageously than I could pre-
tend to do. To conclude, I have not attempted to
apologize or even to enumerate the many faults
contained in the following pages. In place of the
former, I have depended entirely on the friendship
already wished for, & mentioning the latter were
to doubt the discernment of the reader, who, if he
takes the trouble of venturing on them, will soon,
I fear, discover enough to prevent his going through.
If on the .contrary, his good nature induces him to
lean lightly on what cannot merit his approbation,
and with a friendly eye pass over their numerous
unconnected passages put down without regularity
or order, he will cause me to feel for their want of
merit only, as they are deficient in affording him
amusement or entertainment in return.
CAMPAIGN OF 1776.
BY AN OFFICER IN THE NORTHERN ARMY,
UNDER THE COMMAND OF HIS EXCELLENCY
GENERAL GUY CARLETON.
FIRST CAMPAIGN,
1776.
1776 April
1 AILED from the Cove of Cork in the
Woodcock Transport of 250 tons burthen,
^ accompanied by 43 sail of ship's full of
troops and convoyed by the Caresford and Pearl
ships of war, supposed to be destined for Quebec
in Canada, — the troops commanded by Lieu^ Col°
Frazier ^^ 24''' Regiment until their arrival in America,
97 " Simeon Fraser," says Fonblanque, " was born in 1729,
had entered the army at an early age, and attained the
command of the Twenty-fourth Regiment of Foot before
the war with America broke out," and Colonel Rogers traces
through many intricacies his advancement in the army as
follows: Lieutenant Seventy-eighth Foot, January 5, 1757;
captain heutenant, September 27, 1758; captam, April
22, 1759; major in the army, March 15, 1761 ; major m
the Twenty-fourth Foot, February 8, 1762 ; lieutenant-
colonel, July 14, 1768; brigadier-general, June 10, 1776.
He received the rank of colonel in the army July 22, 1777.
He had fought shoulder to shoulder with New England
troops at Louisbourg and Quebec. He was an officer
of great ability and beloved by the entire army. Vide
Political and Military Episodes, 241 ; Hadden's Journal
and Orderly Books, p. 455-
84 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.
when Genl Carlton, ^^ Governor of Canada, was to
take the command, and, under him, Lieu^ Gen^
^^ Guy Carleton was of Irish birth, being born at Strabane,
Ireland, September 3, 1724. His soldierly qualities brought
him promotion, and in 1757 we find him holding the rank
of chief lieutenant in the First Foot. He took part in 1758
in the successful siege against Louisbourg, and for his signal
services in that campaign was made lieutenant-colonel of
the Seventy-second Foot. His ability attracted the atten-
tion of General Wolfe, who selected him as his quarter-
master general, and in the great battle on the heights of
Abraham he was severely wounded by a musket ball in the
head. On September 24, 1766, he was made lieutenant-
governor, and October 26, 1768, governor of Quebec. He
had known Montgomery in the French war, and when the
latter invaded Canada, realized that he had no ordinary foe
to combat. With all the material at his command, he en-
deavored to hold back the enthusiastic invaders, but with-
out success, and barely escaped capture at Trois Rivieres,
which he left in disguise just as the victorious Montgomery
entered the town. Carleton did not remain in America
through the war, but returned to England, July 29, 1778,
where he was warmly received. In the spring of 1782 he
superseded Sir Henry Clinton as commander-in-chief of the
forces in America, and won much popularity by his liberal
and just administration of the affairs of his department. A
recent historian thus speaks of him : " By his tenderness
and humanity, he gained the affection of those Americans
who fell into his hands. His conduct in this respect affords
a striking and happy contrast to that of nearly all the Brit-
ish officers who served in this country during the Revolu-
tion." While we are glad to admit that he showed great
kindness to the prisoners who fell into his hands, we must
remember The Cedars and his reply to Washington's request
for an exchange of prisoners, accompanied by a copy of the
Declaration of Independence. While he was not responsi-
ble for the barbarity committed upon our soldiers at The
Cedars, this reply suggests the spirit which inspired his
subordinate in that affair. In the reply alluded to occur the
following indecent words :
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 85
Burgoyne. We soon lost sight of Ireland, having
a fair wind. We had on board two companies
" His Excellency General Carlton orders that
The commanding Officers of Corps will take especial care
that every one under their command be informed, that Letters,
or messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against the King,
Rioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers, Robbers,
Assassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be admitted :
That shou'd emmissaries from such lawless Men again presume
to approach the Army, whether under the name of Flag of
Truce Men or Ambassadors except when they come to im-
plore the King's mercy, their persons shall be immediately
seized and committed to close confinement to be proceeded
against as the Law directs: Their Papers & Letters, for
whomsoever directed (even this Com'r in Chief) are to be
deliver'd to the Provost Martial, that unread and unopen'd
they maybe burned by the hands of the common Hangman."
These are not the words of a philanthropist or even
of a calm and generous mind, but rather those of a
tyrant, who, if he possessed the power, would use it most
cruelly. We know what Garneau says of his treatment
of the Canadians after his return from the campaign of
'76, namely, that he " sent detachments to pick up strag-
gling enemies, arrest colonists who had joined the Ameri-
cans and fire their houses ; for the British, who spared
from destruction the property of insurgents in the Anglo-
American colonies, followed their ancient practice with
respect to Canada and its foreign-derived race. As in 1759,
they now marched torch in hand.'' We know how Washing-
ton received this intemperate reply. He simply said, with
calmness and dignity, to Hancock : " I shall not trouble
Congress with my strictures upon this performance so
highly unbecoming the character of a soldier and a gentle-
man." This was all the notice he took of the matter. In
a note referring to this extraordinary reply of General
Carleton, Sparks seems almost inclined to doubt its genuine-
ness, but the recent publication of Hadden's Journal sets
the matter at rest, as the document is there published in
86 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
of the 53'' Regiment, Major, Earl of Balcarres^^
and the Grenadiers to whom I had the honour
full. Carleton was, at the time of penning it, laboring under
great excitement caused by the shooting of General Gordon
by the scout, Whitcomb, a most cruel act, but no more
cruel than others which were perpetrated by individuals on
both sides, for which neither government was responsible.
Carleton seems to have felt ashamed of this performance
himself, for, perhaps feeling its effect upon his troops in
exciting them to unnecessary cruelty, he issued soon after
an order admonishing them not to return evil for evil, nor
to forget that " the Englishman, always brave, is accus-
tomed to act magnanimously and philanthropically," and
that it behooved " the troops of the king to spare the blood
of his subjects." On account of his services in America, he
was created Baron of Dorchester, August 21, 1786. He
had the same year already been appointed governor of the
British possessions in North America, which office he held
for a period of ten years. He died in his own home in
Berkshire, November 10, 1808. Vide Collin's Peerage, vol.
8, pp. 112-117; British Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of the
Principal Occurrences During the Siege of Quebec (W. T.
Shortt), p. 42 ; Garneau's History of Canada, Montreal,
1862, vol. 2, pp. 135, 151 ; Burke's Peerage and Baronet-
age, in loco; History of Connecticut (Hollister), vol. 2,
p. 294, et seq. ; Annual Register for 1808, p. 162; Life of
Washington (Sparks), vol. 3, p. 268 ; Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 55-57;
Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 7-10.
^^ Alexander Lindsay, sixth Earl of Balcarres, was of Scotch
descent, and at this time but twenty four years of age, hav-
ing been born January 18, 1752. He was commissioned an
ensign in the Fifty-fifth Foot, July 15, 1767, and after two
years' experience at Gibralter, and as long a period in study
at Gottingen, he returned to England and was commissioned
a captain in the Forty second Foot, January 28, 1771. He
became by purchase major of the Fifty-third Foot, Decem-
ber 9, 1775, and upon his arrival in Canada, was appointed
by Carleton to the command of the light infantry. At the
battle of Hubbardton he was wounded, and had many nar-
Lieutenant Digby' s Journal. 87
to belone. The wind continued fair for us till the
I9'^ when we were becalmed. About noon, we
perceived from the main top mast head, a fleet to
row escapes ; after the death of Eraser he succeeded that
officer in command, and was commissioned lieutenant-colonel
of the Twenty- fourth Foot, October 8, 1777.
Finding after the capture of Burgoyne's army, that a
general exchange of prisoners was not to take place, he
refused to accept his liberty, and returning to Cambridge,
shared the captivity of his men until the latter part of 1778,
when he returned home on parole. An interesting anecdote
is related of a meeting which he had with Arnold while the
latter was having an audience with the king. As Balcarres
entered the royal presence, the king introduced Arnold to
him, but with an action expressive of disgust, Balcarres
drew back, exclaiming, " zvhat, sire, the traitor Arnold ? " A
challenge from Arnold was the result. At the signal to fire
Arnold discharged his pistol without effect, and Balcarres
cooly turning upon his heel was walking away, when Arnold
cried out, " %vky don t you fire, my lord f To this, Balcarres
looking over his shoulder, replied, " sir, I leave you to the
executioner.'' He was appointed lieutenant colonel in com-
mand of the second division of the Seventy-first Highland-
ers, February 13, 1782, and colonel in the army November
20th, of the same year. He was in Parliament as a peer of
Scotland in 1784 and for several successive years, and
became colonel of the Sixty-third Foot, August 27, 1789.
He was made a major-general October 12, 1793, and the
next year assumed -military and civil command at Jamaica.
After seven years of continued and most successful warfare,
he resigned his position and returned to England. He had
been commissioned a lieutenant-general January i, 1798,
and September 25, 1803, he was made a general in the army.
After his return to England he devoted himself to the care
of his estates until his death, which occurred at Haight
Hall, in Lancashire, March 27, 1825. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco ; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, irt loco ; Fos-
ter's Peerage and Orders of Knighthood, in loco ; Three
Years in North America (Stuart), vol. i, p. 462.
88 Lieutenant Digby s JournaL .
windward bearing down to us with all the sail they
could set. On their approaching nearer, we found
they were the fleet from Plymouth/" mostly Ger-
mans. General Burgoyne was on board one of
their frigates, who, after giving some orders, sepa-
rated from us about the 21'', as winds were turned
rather foul for us at that time.
May 4'^ Discovered at a distance numerous islands
of ice, some three times higher than our main top
mast head and formed in the most romantic shapes,
appearing like large castles, when the sun shone on
them, all on fire. The sailors from this imagined
we could not be a great distance from Newfound-
land, it being about the season for the quantities
of ice that surround that part during the winter to
break up, they obliged us to steer with great
caution, as were a vessel to strike on such a solid
body, she must inevitably be dashed to pieces.
5'^ Prepared lines to fish on the banks but found
no success, though many of our fleet killed some.
The banks are properly a mountain hid under water,
with various depths of water from 25 to 60 fathom.
During our stay upon this kingdom of cod fish, we
found it very unpleasant, as the sun scarce ever shews
himself, and the greatest part of the time thick and
cold fogs ; but there are none of these fish which
^'"* The fleet from Plymouth " consisted of thirty sail, and
had on board General Riedesel and his German troops,
Riedesel, in a letter to his wife, gives an entertaining
account of his Hfe on board ship, for which reference may be
had to " Letters and Journals of Mrs. Riedesel," p. 22.
Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 89
require warmer seas. There are also on the banks
of Newfoundland great numbers of whales, spouting
fish, porpoises, sword fish, &*". The sword fish is as
thick as a cow, seven or eight feet long, gradually
lessening towards the tail ; it takes its name from its
weapon, a kind of sword three feet long and about
four inches wide : It is fixed above its nose and has
six rows of teeth on each side, an inch long, at an
equal distance from each other ; this fish is excellent
eating. The whale and the sword fish never meet
without fighting ; the latter, they say, is always the
aggressor. Sometimes two sword fish join against a
whale, and then it is not an equal match. The whale
has neither weapon offensive nor defensive, but his
tail : To make use of it against his enemy, he plunges
his head under water, and, if he can strike his enemy,
he kills him with a blow of his tail ; but he is very
dexterous to shun it, and instantly falls upon the
whale and runs his weapon in his back ; most com-
monly it pierces not to the bottom of the fat, and so
does no great injury. When the whale can see the
sword fish dart to strike him, he plunges, but the
sword fish pursues him in the water and obliges him
to appear again ; then the fight begins again and
lasts till the sword fish loses sight of the whale,
which fights always retreating and swims best on the
surface of the water. It is said, with what truth I
cannot say,^' that the cod can turn itself inside out
" Cf. Malte Brun, vol. 5, p. 19.
12
90 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
like a pocket, and that the fish frees itself from any
thing that troubles it by this means. I wont vouch
for the truth of this.^"
6^^ Fell in with a French fishing vessel. We had
mostly got over our sea sickness ; though I was but
little troubled in that way after the second or third
day. Our Cap" Richardson was a good seaman and
an agreeable companion, which does not always fol-
low. The ship was stout but often missed stays in
tacking, not answering the helm well, and, of course
not a pleasant vessel to sail with a large fleet.
7'^ About II at, night our captain seemed very
uneasy at not hearing a signal from the man of war ;
it blew fresh against us ; we were going on the wind
and the night dark and hazy, which is generally the
case on the banks. Our grog being out, we prepared
for rest, when he came down and told us if the signal
^"This is a prudent disclaimer of our author, who was but
repeating the popular belief with regard to this fish (morhua
vulgaris), which is extremely voracious, devouring indiscrim-
inately, says Herriot, " every substance which it is capable
of goi'gi"g ; even glass and iron have been found in the
stomach of this fish, ivJiich by inverting itself has the power
of becoming disburdened of its indigestible content s'' Vide
Travels through Canada, p. 30. It is certain that the cod
is a great collector of deep-sea objects, and naturalists are
indebted to it for specimens of rare and new shells other-
wise unattainable. The Basques were fishing as early as
1504 along the Newfoundland shores, to which they applied
the name of Baccalaos or Codlands, and although for nearly
four centuries the business has been constantly increasing,
such is the rapid multiplication of the cod that its numbers
have not decreased.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 91
was not made (which was firing two guns from the
Caresford) by 12 o'clock, he would put the ship
about, as by his reckoning, we must be very near
Cape Race, no pleasing circumstance at that time
of night. He had scarce spoke when the sailors
on deck cried out, we were most on shore, and we
could easily perceive the breakers at a small dis-
tance, on which the vessel was put about with the
greatest dispatch, and all our guns fired as signals
for the rest of the fleet to keep off. Some we saw
much nearer land and feared they would be lost,
in short, it was a scene of the greatest confusion,
every ship getting from shore as well as possible.
Cape Race is the south east point of the island of
Newfoundland ; it lies in 46 degrees 30 minutes north
latitude, and the coast runs from thence 100 leagues
to the west and terminates at Cape Ray, about 47
degrees, and nearly half way is the great bay of
Placentia, one of the finest ports in America.
8^^ At day break discovered Cape Ray, and soon
after passed close to the little island of St. Paul ;
tried to count our fleet and found two transports,
the Henry and Sisters, missing with 3 companies of
our regiment, and the Lithy with one company of the
31^' regiment. A vessel, whom we spoke with, in-
formed us she saw them among the rocks and feared
they were lost, the night being dark and the shore
not the best. — We still continued our course into the
gulph of St. Lawrence, which is 80 leagues long, and
went through it in about 30 hours with a good wind.
92 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
Near half way we fell in with the Bird islands."
They are very near each other and covered with
birds and nests. They have been often visited,
and boats have been entirely loaded with eggs of
all sorts. Surely it is wonderful in such millions
of nests, every bird should find its own, and had
we "fired a gun, it is reported the air would be
darkened two or three leagues round. Near this
we fell in with a fishing vessel ; but she could
give us no intelligence, whether Quebec was in
our hands or our enemies — the latter we had the
greatest reason to believe.
9^^ We were almost becalmed, so prepared
for fishing and had very good success. We hoped
soon to double Cape Rosiers, which is at the en-
trance of the river St. Lawrence. Newfoundland
that we had so lately left behind us, and the first
land we meet with coming to Canada, " It could
never be known," a French writer observes, "for
certainty whether it had any native inhabitants."
Its barrenness, supposing it every where as real
as it is thought to be, is not a sufficient proof
that it has had no native inhabitants ; for fishing
" On Deny's map of 1672, these islands are called " Les
isles aux Oyseaux," They were subsequently called the
Magdalen islands, and reference is here made to the north-
ernmost of the group. They were formerly owned by Sir
Isaac Coffin, a distinguished naval officer, and a native of
Nantucket on the coast of Massachusetts, where many of
the family name still reside. One of these islands is called
Coffin's island from its former proprietor. Vide Canada,
Nova Scotia, etc., Buckingham, London, 1843, P- SH-
Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 93
and hunting are sufficient to maintain savages.
This is certain, that here was never seen any but
Eskimaux who are not natives of this country.
Their real home is Labrador or New Britain. It
is there at least they pass the greatest part of
the year ; for it would be profaning the name of
the native country to apply it to wandering bar-
barians who, having no affection for any country,
travel over a vast extent of land. In fact, besides
the coasts of Newfoundland which the Esquimaux
range over in the summer, in all the vast continent
which is between the river St Lawrence and Canada
and the North Sea, there has never been seen any
other people than the Eskimaux. They have been
met with also a good way up the river Bourbon,
which runs into Hudson's Bay, coming from the
West. The original name of these people is not
certain, however it is very probable that it comes
from the Abenaqui word, Esquimantsic, which signi-
fies an eater of raw flesh.^* The Eskimaux are, in
fact, the only savages known that eat raw flesh,
though they have also the custom of dressing it or
drying it in the sun. It is also certain, that of all
the people known in America, there are none who
come nearer than these to complete the first idea
which Europeans had of savages. They are almost
^♦This shows our author to have been a careful student.
These Indians called themselves Innuits, but the name
Esquimaux, the proper signification of which is here given,
was applied to them by the Algonquins, of which family the
Abenaquis were the eastern representatives.
94 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.
the only people where the men have any beard, and
they have it so thick up to their eyes that it is diffi-
cult to distinguish any features of the face ; they
have besides something hideous in their look ; little
eyes looking wild, large teeth and very foul. Their
hair is commonly black, but sometimes light, much
in disorder, and their whole outward appearance very
rouorh. Their manners and their character do not
disagree with their ill look. They are fierce, surly,
mistrustful, uneasy, always inclined to do an injury
to strangers, who ought therefore, to be upon their
guard against them. As to their wit and under-
standing, we have had so little commerce with this
people that we can say nothing concerning them,
but they are, however, cunning enough to do mis-
chief. They have often been seen to go in the night
to cut the cables of ships that were at anchor that
they might be wrecked upon the coast, and they
make no scruple of attacking them openly in the
day when they know they are weakly mann'd. It
was never possible to render them more tractable,
and we cannot yet treat with them, but at the end of
a long pole. They not only refuse to approach the
Europeans, but they will eat nothing that comes
from them. They are tall and pretty well shaped ;
their skin is as white as snow, which proceeds, with-
out doubt, from their never going naked in the hot-
test weather ; their hair, their beards, the whiteness
of their skin, the little resemblance and commerce
they have with their nearest neighbours, leave no
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 95
room to doubt that they have a different origin from
other Americans, but the opinion, that which makes
them descended from the Biscayners," seems to me
to have a Httle foundation, especially if it is true, as
I have been assured, that their language is entirely
different. For the rest, their alliance would do no
great honour to any nation, for, if there was no country
on the face of the earth less fit to be inhabited by
men than Newfoundland and Labrador,''^ there is
perhaps no people which deserve more to be con-
fined here than the Eskimaux. For my part, I
am persuaded they came originally from Greenland,
These savages are covered in such a manner, that
you can hardly see any part of their face [or] the
ends of their fingers. Upon a kind of shirt made
of bladders or the guts of fish cut in slips and pretty
well sowed together, they have a coat made of bear
^^ Biscayners or natives of Biscay, one of the Basque prov-
inces of Spain, are supposed by some ethnologists to be the
aboriginal inhabitants of Europe. Traces of them have
been found in England, France, Germany, Denmark and
Sweden as well as in Spain. These consist of implements
of peculiar construction, burial places and kitchen middens.
Pickering in Races of Men, p. 19, agrees with our journalist
that they are a distinct race from our so-called aboriginal
inhabitants.
''^ Gaspar Cortereal visiting this coast in the year 1500,
seized fifty-seven of the natives of the country and carried
them home for slaves. On account of the anticipated traffic
in the inhabitants of this region, the name of Tierra Labora-
dor or the Land of Laborers was bestowed upon it according
to one authority, while according to another, it was to dis-
tinguish it from Greenland, which was barren, while this
would yield to the labor of man.
g6 , Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
or deer skins, and sometimes of birds skins. A capu-
chin of the same stuff, and which is fastened to it
covers their head, on the top of which there comes
out a tuft of hair which hangs over their forehead.
The shirt comes no lower than their waist ; their coat
hangs behind down to their thighs, and terminates
before in a point something below the waist ; but
the women wear them both before and behind to
the middle of the leg, and bound with a girdle, from
which hang little bones. The men have breeches of
skins with the hair inwards, and which are often cov-
ered on the outside with the skins of ermine or such
like. They wear also socks with the hair inwards,
and over this, a boot furred in like manner on the
inside, then a second sock and second boots, and
they say, that these coverings for the feet are some-
times three or four fold, which does not, however,
hinder these savages from being very nimble. Their
arrows, which are the only arms they use, are armed
with points made of the teeth of the sea cow, and
they sometimes make them of iron when they can
get it. It appears that in summer they keep in the
open air night and day; but in the winter, they lodge
under ground in a sort of cave where they all lie
one upon another: but to return, — the island of
Anticosty" lies at the entrance of the river St. Law-
'"A7iticosti. This wild island is still uninhabited except
by a few fishermen and Indians, who make it their home for
a brief season in the summer. It has no harbor in which
ships can take refuge anywhere along its coast. The soil
Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 97
rence. It is about 40 leagues long and but very
little breadth, poorly wooded and a wretched barren
spot. —
2o'^ About 10 at night a melancholy accident hap-
pened to us. In a gale of wind, the Providence trans-
port ran foul of our vessel, which, as there was a
great swell of sea at the time, was attended with
some danger. One of our grenadiers, I suppose
thinking our ship going down, run from his berth
below, (where some said he had been asleep\ and
attempted to get on board her, but in the trial fell
between and was instantly crushed to pieces. — Soon
after we got clear of her, she being a much larger
ship than ours, though neither of us suffered any
thing to speak of. I dont think any thing can be
more alarming than 2 large ships running foul of
thus far has not tempted man to cultivate it. As its situa-
tion renders it dangerous to navigation, two relief stations
have been established at different points upon it, sup-
plied with provisions for the benefit of those who may be
so unfortunate as to be cast upon its inhospitable shores,
and guide boards are placed here and there to direct them
to these stations. When it was discovered by Jacques
Cartier on the day of the Festival of the Assumption, that
pious navigator named it Vyle de V Assumption, but quite
properly, its old Indian name as given by Champlain, or
perhaps a corruption of it, as early writers differ in their
orthography, has stuck to it. Thus, Thevet calls it Naticou-
sti, and De Laet, Natiscotes, but Champlain may, after all,
have given us in his orthography the sound of the Indian
word more nearly than they have done. Vide Charlevoix,
tom. I, p. 16; Brief Rccit, p. 9; Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 292;
Champlain's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 233; Bonchetti, vol. i, p.
169.
13
98 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.
each other in a gale of wind, though I should imag-
ine it worse in a dead calm and great swell of sea, as
then there must be a difficulty in getting clear of
each other ; and, yet, this is often the case in large
fleets, Ivhere all transports are kept as regular as pos-
sible in their stations by the men of war, who often
fire on them for attempting to go ahead, and make
them pay much for the first shot, doubling it till
they become obedient. — On our sailing from Cork
harbour, all the masters of transports received sealed
instructions, which were not to be opened until by
stress of weather, or any other cause, their ship was
separated from the fleet 24 hours, after which, these
instructions were to be opened, and by them they
were ordered to make the best of their way to
the island of Coudres ^^ 15 leagues below Quebec,
that being the place appointed to rendezvous at,
as I believe, on our leaving Ireland, it was not well
known whether Quebec was in our hands or the
enemies. As the weather was still very foggy and
hazy, we were obliged to steer with great caution,
constantly ringing our bells to prevent other vessels
from coming too near. I shall not attempt to enter-
tain the reader with a storm, (so often done by fresh
water sailors), where the sea was swelled into bil-
lows mountains high, on the top of which our vessel
^^ Isle aux CoLidres, i. e. — Filbert Island — the name which
it still bears, and which was bestowed upon it by Jacques
Cartier on account of the abundance of hazel nuts or filberts
which he found upon it nearly two and a half centuries
before Digby saw it.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 99
hung, and was in danger of beihg precipitated to the
abyss beneath, as, in general, the weather was as fa-
vourable for us as we could have wished, and our
passage rendered shorter than it is commonly per-
formed with a fleet, where the whole are often obliged
to slacken sail for one heavy sailing ship.
21^'. Found our mizzen mast had sprung near the
deck, so dare not crowd much sail on it ; our exact-
ness in keeping proper order in our stations while
under way, and obeying of signals from the convoys,
was a pleasing sight to one not used to such a
scene. —
24'^ Had the pleasure of seeing a small vessel a
head of us coming from Quebec with the agreeable
news of that place being still in our possession ;
though the enemy had lain before it most part of the
winter and made an attempt to storm it on the 31^*^
December under the command of General M'^Gomery,
who fell with many others in the attempt, tho' their
numbers were treble ours.''^ I shall here insert his
^^ Richard Montgomery was born at Raphoe, Ireland,
December 2, 1736, and fell in the attack on Quebec, Decem-
ber 31, 1775. He was commissioned in the British army in
1754, and participated in the siege of Louisburg in 1758,
and after service in the West Indies, returned to England
in 1763. He emigrated to New York in 1772, when he
married a daughter of Robert Livingston and settled in
Rhinebeck. He was representative to the Provincial Con-
gress in 1775, and appointed a brigadier-general early in the
same year. On December 9th, while before Quebec, he
-received his appointment as brigadier-general. While lead-
ing the assault against the upper town, having captured the
first barrier, he was killed, and his troops seeing him fall fell
lOO Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
orders to his troops the day before the storm, as it
will serve to show, how sure he was of success, and
the poor opinion he had of our garrison.
General orders 30™ Dec"", 1775.
The general having in vain offered the most fa
vourable terms of accommodation to the governor,
and having taken every possible step to prevail on
the inhabitants to desist from seconding him, in the
wild scheme of vigorous measures for the speedy
reduction of the only hold possessed by the ministe-
rial troops in the province, flushed with continual
back in disorder. Montgomery was buried on the 3rd of
January, and Henry who was present and witnessed it, thus
describes his funeral : " It was on this day that my heart
was ready to burst with grief, at viewing the funeral of our
beloved general. Carleton had in our former days with the
French, been the friend andrfellow soldier of Montgomery.
Though political opinion, perhaps ambition or interest, had
thrown these worthies on different sides of the great ques-
tion, yet the former could but honor the remains of his
quondam friend. About noon the procession passed our
quarters. It was most solemn. The coffin covered with a
pall, surmounted with transverse swords, was borne by men.
The regular troops, particularly that fine body of men, the
Seventh Regiment, with reversed arms, and scarfs on the left
elbow, accompanied the corpse to the grave. From many of
us it drew tears of affection for the defunct, and speaking for
myself, tears of greeting and thankfulness toward General
Carleton. The soldiery and inhabitants appeared affected
by the loss of this invaluable man, though he was their
enemy." Other writers mention the peculiar affection borne
toward the brave general by those opposed to him. In
the British Parliament the most illustrious-men of the time
eulogized him. It was certainly a strange sight. It is said
that " Colonel Barre was particularly remarked for the noble
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. i o i
success and confident of the justice of their cause,
and relying on that Providence which has uniformly
protected them, the troops will advance to the attack
of works incapable of being defended by the wretched
garrison posted behind them, consisting of sailors
unacquainted with the use of arms, of citizens incapa-
ble of soldier's duty, and a few miserable emigrants.
The general is confident a vigorous and spirited at-
tack will be attended with success. The troops shall
have the effects of the governor, garrison and such
as have been active in misleading the inhabitants
and distressing the friends of liberty, equally divided
pathos of the regrets he consecrated to the death of his
gallant enemy. Burke and Fox endeavored to surpass this
eulogium in their speeches ; Fox especially, who, as yet
very young, already discovered the man he was afterward
to be. Lord North reprehended them sharply, exclaiming
that it was indecent to lavish so many praises upon a rebel.
He admitted that Montgomery was brave, able, humane and
generous, but still he was only a brave, able, humane and
generous rebel. He cited this verse of Addison in Cato :
' Curse on his virtues, they've undone his country.' Fox
answered him immediately, with warmth, that * the term
' rebel,' applied to that excellent person, was no certain mark
of disgrace, and therefore he was the less earnest to clear
him of the imputation, for that all the great ^sserters of
liberty, the saviours of their country, the benefactors of
mankind, in all ages, had been called rebels ; that they even
owed the constitution, which enabled them to sit in that
house, to a rebellion.' He added this passage from the
prince of Latin poets, * Sunt hie etiam sua proemia laudi,
sunt lachrymce rerum, et mentum mortalia tangunt.' " Vide
Account of Arnold's Campaign Against Quebec (Henry),
Albany, 1877, p. 134; Ramsay's American Revolution, Phila.,
1789, vol. I, p. 244; Botta's History War of Independence,
1820, vol. 2, p. 66.
I02 Lieutenant Digby's Jouriial.
amongf them. The one hundredth share of the whole
shall be at the disposal of the gen\ and given to
such soldiers as distinguish themselves by their ac-
tivity and bravery, and sold at public auction. The
whole to be regulated as soon as the city is in our
hands and the inhabitants disarmed. —
During the whole, General Carlton behaved with
the utmost coolness and g-ood conduct, and deserves
the greatest credit for keeping the place with such a
wretched garrison as M"" M^Gomery was pleased to
call them.
26'^ Anchored off the Island of Coudres, which
is remarkable for a mountain being rooted up in the
year 1663 and thrown upon this island, which was
made one half larger than before, and in place of
the mountain, there appeared a gulph which is not
safe to approach.^"
^ These are almost the exact words of Charlevoix, who
says: "In 1663 an earthquake rooted up a mountain and
threw it upon the Isle aux Coudres which made it one half
larger than before." This earthquake, according to a manu-
script in the Jesuits' College at Quebec, began on the 5th
of February, 1663, at about half-past five o'clock in the after-
noon. It extended, as we know, throughout the northern
part of America. The first shock, and the most violent one,
lasted for half an hour, but it is said the earthquake con-
tinued at intervals for a period of six months with incon-
ceivable violence. Forests were uprooted, mountains pre-
cipitated into valleys, rivers diverted from their courses and
often swallowed up altogether, and even the mighty waters
of the St. Lawrence were lashed to sudden whiteness by
subterranean commotion, while showers of volcanic ashes
darkened the air in some places, but the country being so
lightly inhabited, of course no great damage was done.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 103
29'^ Got a pilot to conduct us as quick as possi-
ble to Quebec.
30^^ Being one of the first ships in the fleet, we
were met near the island of Orleans,^' (a beautiful
island about 14 leagues in compass and many
inhabitants), by the Hope ship going express to
England. A lieutenant of a man of war came on
board us, and very politely offered to take charge of
any letters we might wish to forward to our friends
the other side the Atlantic. He informed us General
Carlton had made a sally on the enemy, tho. greatly
superiour to him in numbers, and drove them with
the 29'^ & A^f^ regiments, to a strong post they had up
the river,^^ where he was obliged to halt till our
From the accounts which have come down to us, it was far
more violent than any which has occurred in southern
Europe within the historic period. Vide Letters to the
Duchesse de Lesdeguieres, London, 1763, p. 15 ; Josselyn's
Two Voyages, Boston, 1865, p. 205; Conquest of Canada,
London, 1849, Appendix XXL
^^ The Lidian name for this island was Minigo, but Cartier
who discovered it in 1535, gave it the name Isle of Bacchus,
on account of the wild grapes found growing there. " Lorsque
Jacques Carthier decouvrit cette ile il la trouv^ toute rem-
pHe de vignes, et la nomina File de Bacchus. Ce naviga-
teur etait Breton, apres lui sont venus de Normands qui
ont arrache les vignes et a Bacchus ont substitue Pomme
et Ceres." Vide Journal Historique, p. 102; Brief Recit.,
etc., faite en MDXXXV, Paris, 1863, p. 14.
*- This was at Fort Sorel, which took its name from its
builder, M. de Sorel, whose name also attached itself to the
river, at the mouth of which the fort was placed. It was
first named by Champlain, The River of the Iroquois, and
subsequently received the name of the Richelieu from the
famous Cardinal of that name.
I04 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
arrival, they being strongly entrenched. He then
proceeded on his voyage. About 12 at night, we
came to an anchor before Quebec ; Lord Balcarres,
our major, and I went on shore. This is the only
city in the world that can boast of a port in fresh
water 120 leagues from the sea and capable of con-
taining 100 ships of the line, situated on the most
navigable river in the world, in latitude 47.56. We
then went on board the his, a 50 gun ship, com-
modore Douglas^^ commanding, and from him re-
ceived orders to proceed directly, (the wind being
fair), up the river, and ordered another pilot to con-
*^ Sir Charles Douglas, " a very good, a very brave and a
very honest man," was a descendant of the Earl of Morton,
and was appointed a lieutenant in the British navy, Decem-
ber 4, 1753. He was a man of great energy and of a fear-
less spirit. Finding the ice obstructing his course to
Quebec, and being anxious to relieve the besieged forces
there, he put his ship before the wind during a gale and ran
her with full force against a block of ice twelve feet thick,
crumbling it in pieces by the shock. He said in his dis-
patches : " We now thought it an enterprise worthy of an
English ship of the line in our king and country's sacred
cause, and an effort due to the gallant defense of Quebec,
to make the attempt of pressing her, by force of sail,
through the thick, broad and closely connected fields of
ice (as formidable as the Gulf of St. Lawrence ever ex-
hibited), to which we saw no bounds." His arrival on the
6th of May before Quebec caused the besiegers to abandon
their post. After a life zealously devoted to his country's
welfare, he died March 10, 1789, at Musselburgh, formerly
Eskmouth, Scotland. Vide Gentleman's Magazine, vol. 2,
p. 506; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco ; American
Archives, vol. 6, p. 456; British Family Antiquity (Playfair),
London, 181 1, vol. 7, pp. Ixxxix-xcv.
^ Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 105
duct our ship. It was on the arrival of this man
of war the enemy flew, she appearing before Quebec
the sixth of May, which was one of the earliest
ships that ever made that place before, on account
of the ice, and she was near lost, being almost
froze in. The great joy expressed by the inhabit-
ants on our informing them what a large body of
troops we had coming to their relief is not to be
described, after all they had suffered during the
winter.
31^^ Came to an anchor at Port Neuf 12 leagues
above Quebec. The wind not continueing fair, we
went on shore and got great plenty of vegetables,
&'^ from the Canadians. The weather was lovely.
The country is only cleared about half a mile from
the river, and behind such woods, — in all appearance
as old as the world itself, — as were not planted by
the han^s of men. Nothing is more magnificent
to the sight ; the trees lose themselves in the
clouds, and there is such a prodigious variety of
species, that even among those persons who have
taken most pains to know them, there is not one,
perhaps, that knows half the number. Many of our
fleet were a small way in our stern waiting for the
breeze.
June i*^^ Received orders to disembark, (the
wind still against us or rather a calm), and march
up on shore towards the enemy. We were about
500 men — and more, we hoped, not far in our
rear — all in great spirits on leaving the ships. Our
14
io6 Lieutenant Digby s Jour^tal. ^
camp equipage and other baggage were left on
board, to come up when the wind would serve.
After easy marches, we came to Trois Riviere^"*
a neat village and one of the oldest in the colony
half way from Quebec to Montreal, the whole being
sixty leagues, the river being navigable lOO leagues
from the sea for large vessels. Troops were joining
us fast. I suppose we might then have about i,ooo
with some field pieces & many of our ships off the
town. We posted strong guards, the enemy being
so very near, and intended to halt there till the com-
ing up of the rest of the army.
7^^ More of our troops came up by water.
8'^ About 4 in the morning an alarm was given
by an out picquet, of the approach of a strong
body of the enemy. The greatest part of the
troops still remained on board as they had arrived
late the night before. Soon after the alarm was
given, a few shots were heard from one of our
armed vessels that was stationed a small way above
the village, who fired on part of the enemy advanc-
ing between the skirts of the wood and the river.
In the mean time, the troops on shore were ordered
** Trois Rivieres is situated at the confluence of the rivers
St. Maurice and St. Lawrence, and was thus named on
account of an island so dividing the waters as to give the
appearance of three rivers. The town was founded in 1618,
and at the time Digby saw it, contained about two hundred
and fifty houses and twelve hundred inhabitants. At the
present time it contains nearly ten thousand inhabitants and
is increasing in prosperity.
Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 107
to line every avenue from the village to the wood,
and take post in the best manner possible. Those
on board were ordered to land with the greatest
dispatch. About 5 o'clock, strong advanced parties
were sent towards the wood, where they discovered
the enemy marching down in three columns, who
immediately began a heavy fire with small arms,
which was instantly returned. In the meantime,
a strong reinforcement of our troops with some field
pieces arrived, which soon swept the woods and broke
their columns, the remains of which were pursued by
us as far as was prudent. The enemy from that time
did nothing regular; but broken and dispersed, fired
a few scattered shots which did little execution. A
strong detachment of 1200 men under the command
of Lieu' Colonel Frazier, marched up the river to try,
if possible, to get between [them] & their battows
(boats flat bottomed) but the attempt did not suc-
ceed thro, their hasty flight. We took 280 prisoners
with their general Thompson, ^^ ^\^q commanded the
*^ William Thompson, of whom says Henry, " this is a
man," was a native of Ireland, and had served as a captain
in the seven years' war. The year before, he had been made
colonel of the Pennsylvanian battalion. It had been proposed
to give him the command in Virginia, but Washington,
although Thompson had served with him at Cambridge and
won his esteem, fearing that it would create jealousy, opposed
the appointment. Congress, however, soon after raised him to
the rank of brigadier-general and assigned him to service
in Canada. During the battle, Thompson with Colonel
Irvine and a small body of men, were cut off from the main
body, and becoming entangled in swamps for twenty-four
hours wandered about till exhausted. " We concluded,"
io8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
expedition, and six other officers. Upwards of 50
were found killed in the woods, and it was supposed
many others, wounded and straglers, must have
perished there, for they themselves acknowledge on
that day to have lost 630 men. Ours was 5 killed
and 14 wounded ; no officer was hurt.^^
said Irvine, "it would be better to deliver ourselves up to
British officers than to run the risk of being murdered in
the woods by the Canadians; accordingly we went up to a
house where we saw a guard and surrendered ourselves,
prisoners at discretion." He complained of the treatment
of Colonel Nesbit, the officer in command, who hurried
them with a crowd of prisoners on a forced march to headquar-
ters, six miles distant, but said that upon their arrival there
they found Generals Carleton and Burgoyne, who treated
them very politely and ordered for them refreshments, which
General" Burgoyne himself served. General Riedesel, how-
ever, seems to have regarded the captives with contempt, as
he alludes to General Thompson as " a certain Thompson
who represents a so-called general." He remained a pris-
oner for two years, when he was exchanged. In a letter to
General Heath, Washington wrote, referring to a proposed
exchange of Generals Thompson and Hamilton : " If you
cannot succeed in that, they " (the Board of War) " desire you
to feel the pulse of the two other brigadiers, either of whom
we would willingly exchange for General Thompson." He
lived but three years^after his exchange, and died Septem-
ber 4, 1 78 1, at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Vide Account of
Arnold's Campaign Against Quebec, p. 175 ; Sparks' Wash-
ington, vol. 3, pp. loi, 309, 315, et passim, vol. 5, 358 ; Ram-
say's American Revolution, vol. i, p. 273; Hadden's Journal
and Orderly Books, n., p. 176; Memoirs of Major-General
Riedesel, Albany, 1868, vol. i, p. 289.
®^ After the death of General Thomas, who was withdraw-
ing his forces towards the south in order to place them in
as strong and safe positions as possible, the command de-
volved upon Sullivan, who, from his dispatches, appears to
Lieutenant Digby s Journal. 109
9'^ About 6 in the evening we came into the vil-
lage, after leaving strong guards &'' out. The trans-
ports, supposed to have gone on shore the night of
the 7 May, arrived to our great joy ; but this was
considerably damped by the account of the death of
poor Charles Haughton,^^ a lieutenant in our regi-
ment and my particular friend. He was killed by a
fall from a rock, in the island of Coudres, the chape
of his sword running into his temple. His premature
death was lamented by all who knew him. The differ-
ent brigades were then formed, and our corps, consist-
ing of all the light infantry and grenadiers of the
army, (viz 9'^ 20^^ 21^^ 24'^ 29"*. yJ"^. 34'^ 47'^ 53^^. &
62°'' regiments, with the 24*'' regiment under the com-
mand of Brigadier general Frazier, lieutenant colonel
of the 24"' regiment, and called the advanced corps,
have been elated at finding himself in possession of the
chief command, and he conceived, without knowing the
strength of the enemy, the possibility of " recovering," as
he expressed it, with his shattered and starving forces,
" that ground which former troops have so shamefully lost."
In pursuance of this impracticable scheme, for which it is
but fair to say he was but partially responsible, since Con-
gress pressed him to it, he pushed the Pennsylvania troops
back against the overwhelming forces of the enemy, and
thereby sacrificed them, a blunder almost inexcusable under
the circumstances.
^ Charles Houghton, Digby's friend, has left no record of
his death save in this journal of his companion in arms. A
search of the army lists reveals that he was commissioned
an ensign in the Fifty-third Foot on November 6, 1769, and
a lieutenant on July 3, 1772. He was, it appears, suc-
ceeded by William McFarlane, July 10, 1776, but no men-
tion is made of his death. Vide British Army Lists, in loco.
no Lieutenant Digby s Journal.
the rest of the army consisting of the British regi-
ments above named, and German troops under the
command of General Reidezel,^^ were formed into
brigades & brigadier generals commanding them, by
which we took leave of our respective regiments till
the closing of the campaign. Lord Balcarres, major
to the 53^^ regiment, was appointed major to the light
^^ Frederick Adolphus Riedesel was born June 3, 1738, at
Lauterbach in Rhinehesse, and was in command of the
Brunswickers. He entered college at the age of fifteen,
but, having his miHtary ardor awakened by witnessing the
evolutions of the troops at Marburg, he left the law school
there and joined a regiment. He served during the seven
years' war with distinction, and was made major-general of
the Brunswick troops, which George the Third hired to aid
in quelling the rebellion of his American subjects. He was
not exchanged until late in the autumn of 1780. After his
exchange, he was put in command at Long Island, but in
the summer of 1781 resumed his command in Canada.
Here he remained until 1783, when he was ordered home.
His devoted wife with her children accompanied him through
the war, and often shared his perils. Her letters home, giving
a graphic account of the scenes witnessed by her during the
war, are extremely interesting, and show her to have been a
remarkable woman. The Americans were greatly incensed at
the employment of foreign troops against them by the British
monarch, and exclaimed : " He employs the borrowed tools
of the most detestable tyrants of Europe to subvert Ameri-
can liberty and to erect on its ruins the same despotic
power of which they are the instruments and guardians in
their own native land." The detestation in which these
foreign hirelings were held, doubtless caused their acts to be
greatly exaggerated. In their own country they were re-
garded as noble men and brave soldiers, and their martial
deeds were embalmed in song. It is well to see how they
were received on their return home after their campaign in
America, that the scene may be contrasted with the pictures of
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
Ill
infantry ; and major Ackland,^^ major 20'^ regiment,
to the battallion of grenadiers. I suppose the army
at this period about 9,000. —
lo**". Received orders to embark except the above
1200 under the command of brigadier general Frazier,
them by American writers. Says Madame Riedesel, writing
a few days after her return home : " I had the great satis-
faction of seeing my husband, with his own troops, pass
through the city. Yes ! these very streets, in which eight
and a half years before, I had lost my joy and happiness, were
the ones where I now saw this beautiful and soul-stirring
spectacle. But it is beyond my power to describe my emo-
tions at beholding my beloved, upright husband, who the
whole time had lived solely for his duty, and who had con-
stantly been so unwearied in helping and assisting, as far as
possible, those who had been intrusted to him, often, too,
out of his own purse, never receiving any return for the
expenditure — standing, with tears of joy in his eyes, in the
midst of his soldiers, who in turn were surrounded by a joy-
ous and sorrowful crowd of fathers, mothers, wives, children,
sisters and friends — all pressing around him to see again
their loved ones." This was in the autumn of 1783. Gen-
eral Riedesel lived for seventeen years after this, dying
January 6, 1800. Vide Letters and Journal of Madame
Riedesel, pp. 2-7 ; Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, pp.
2-6; Graham's History of the United States, vol. 6, p. 420.
«9 John Dyke Acland was a native of Tetton, Somerset-
shire, and was born February 21, 1747. He was commis-
sioned an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, March 23, 1774.
He became a captain in the same regiment March 23rd, and
a major of the Twentieth Foot, December 16, 1775, by pur-
chase. He commanded the grenadiers, both in the campaign
of '76 and that of 'TJ. His bravery and carelessness of
exposing himself in battle caused him to be twice wounded
in the latter campaign, at Hubbardton through the thighs,
and at Bemus Heights through the legs. While lying on
the field wounded and partially supported by a fence he
would have been murdered by a young barbarian, who was
1 1 2 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
who had not then taken the command of the ad-
vanced corps but was expected hourly.
upon the point of shooting him when arrested in his cruel
design by Major Wilkinson, who protected him. One of the
many patriotic poets of the period referred to him and
the lamented Fraser in this manner :
" Bleeding and lost the captured Acland lies,
While leaden slumbers seal his Eraser's eyes ;
Fraser ! whose deeds unfailing glories claim,
Endear'd by virtue and adorn'd by fame."
His wife, the Lady Harriet Acland, accompanied him
through the terrible campaign of ''j'j, and by her beauty,
refinement and devotion to her husband, has been made the
theme of many pens, and gained the admiration of all lovers
of exalted virtue. During his brief captivity, he made many
friends among the Ainericans, and on his return to England
defended them against unfair criticism. He had recently
entered Parliament, when he was suddenly cut short in a
most promising career, dying at Pixton, in Somersetshire,
November 22, 1778, but a few months after his return from
America. Many conflicting accounts have been given of the
cause of his death, one making him the victim of a duel grow-
ing out of his defense of the Americans. He had indeed,
on the morning of his fatal attack, had a harmless duel,
when having returned to breakfast he was suddenly seized
with apoplexy, and died four days after. Conflicting stories
have also been related of his wife's subsequent marriage.
Fonblanque and other writers have declared that after
her husband's death, she married the chaplain who accom-
panied her after the battle of Bemus Heights through storm
and darkness to the American camp to seek her wounded
husband, but Mr. Wm. L. Stone has furnished undoubted
proof that she died the widow of Major Acland, July 21,
1 81 5. Vide Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, and British
Army Lists, wz loco; A State of the Expedition, p. 127;
Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 269-271, 377; Polit-
ical and Military Episodes, p. 301, et seq. ; W. L. Stone in
Magazine of American History, for January, 1880; Hadden's
Journal and Orderly Books, pp. lii-lvi, 88.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 113
II*''&I2^^ Were becalmed. •
I3*^ Sailed up the river with a fair wind as far as
lake St. Piere '^ where the wind failed us. .
I4*^ About one in the morning, his excellency,
general Carlton, came up and immediately ordered
the fleet to get under way ; the wind then turning
fair, but soon after an express arriving and some
shots being heard fired on shore [he] ordered them
to anchor. The appearance of such a fleet so great
a distance from the sea, was well worth seeing,
also the beauty of the river, many villages being
scattered on its banks, with the mildness of the
weather and the verdure of the country, (the trees
being then all in bloom), formed a most romantic
and charming prospect, particularly after being so
many weeks at sea. In less than an hour, the
general's ship got under way, [and] sailed ahead
towards the frigate, when the whole fleet weighed,
and at day light, were ordered to form a line of
battle as near as the channel would admit. On our
opening [upon] the fort Sorrel, the troops got orders
to be in readiness to land on the shortest notice,
the signal being a blue ensign at the frigate's miz-
zen picue. Soon after we received orders for the
light infantry and grenadiers of the army, with the
first brigade only, to land, and about 9 in the eve-
ning, reached the shore under the command of
^This lake was so named by Champlain who entered it
June 29th, St. Peter's day. Vide Champlain's Voyages, vol.
I, p. 259.
15
114 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
brigadier general Nesbit,^' lieutenant colonel of 47*^^
regiment. —
We found the enemy had deserted their lines,
and about 10 o'clock the troops took post and lay
all night on their arms.
15^^ At day break, lieutenant general Burgoyne^'
landed with the 9^^ & 31^^ Battallions, with six six-
''^ William Nesbit had been stationed in Massachusetts and
was the Lieutenant-Colonel Nesbit who took part in the
battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill and participated in
the burning of Charlestown. He had at this time been in
the king's service twenty-five years, having entered the
Thirty-sixth Foot as an ensign, April 20, 175 1, and been
advanced to a lieutenancy October 15, 1754, and a captaincy
in the second battalion of the Thirty-first Foot, September
2, 1756, which became subsequently the Seventieth Foot.
Of this regiment he was made Major May i, 1760, and
November 24, 1762, was raised to the lieutenant-colonelcy
of the Fourth Foot. This was his rank in the Forty-seventh
Foot at the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. His
regiment was ordered to Canada in the spring of 'j^, and
Nesbit became brigadier-general of the First Brigade. He
was a strict disciplinarian, and was accused by the Americans
of harshness and cruelty. He was taken suddenly sick dur-
ing the campaign of '^6, and returned to Quebec, where after
an illness of a few weeks, he died. Vide British Army Lists,
ill loco ; History of the Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p.
200; American Archives, series 5, vol. 3, p. 1089.
^^ John Burgoyne was the descendant of an old and noted
family of Sutton. In 138/ it is said that John of Gaunt granted
to the family the extensive manors of Sutton and Potton by
the following curious deed :
" I, John of Gaunt
Do give and do graunt
Unto Roger Burgoyne
And the heirs of his loyne
All Sutton and Potton
Until the world's rotten."
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 1 5
pounders, as he was appointed to command the
expedition against fort Chamble and fort St
He was born February 4, 1722-3. The question of his
paternity has been discussed by many writers, most ably
by Colonel Horatio Rogers, to whose article the reader is
referred. He was educated at Westminster, and in 1744
held a commission in the Thirteenth Dragoons, At the age
of twenty-one he eloped with Lady Charlotte, the daughter
of the Earl of Derby. Four years later he retired from the
army and resided on the continent until June 14, I756,_when
he re-entered the army with a captain's commission in the
Eleventh Dragoons and served under the great Duke of
Marlborough in the attacks on Cherbourg and St. Malo in
1758, and on May loth, of the same year, he was appointed
captain-lieutenant in the Second Foot Guards with the
army rank of lieutenant-colonel. On August 4, 1759, he
was' appointed lieutenant-colonel in command of the Six-
teenth Dragoons, which achieved fame as " Burgoyne's
Light Horse." In 1762, with the rank of colonel in the
army and of brigadier-general for the campaign, he served
with honor in Spain and returned to England the next year
with a brilliant reputation. He had been elected to repre-
sent the borough of Midhurst in Parliament in 1762, and
served as a representative of this borough for six years, when
he was elected to represent Preston, which position he con-
tinued to hold through life. He was now at the height of
his fame, rich and courted, with a marked reputation as a
statesman and literary man. Among other honors conferred
upon him, was that of being raised to the rank of major-
general in the army May 25, 1772. When the war with
America broke out, Burgoyne was one of the first to whom
the king turned, and with Clinton and Howe was assigned to
service there. The frigate upon which they embarked April
20, 1775, and which reached Boston May 2Qth, bore the sug-
gestive name of the Cerberus, which inspired the following
humorous lines :
'• Behold the Cerberus the Atlantic plough,
Her precious cargo, Burgoyne, Clinton, Howe,
Bow, wow, wow."
1 1 6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
Johns,53 tl^e latter on the banks of lake Champlain and
the former 1 2 leagues nearer Quebec ; and at 9 o'clock,
the army in number about 4000, received orders to
march. That night we reached St Denis, about 50
He witnessed the battle of Bunker Hill, but took no part
in it, and in November returned to England. The remain-
der of his military career may be traced here in the journal
of Digby. Burgoyne's wife died June 7, 1776, while he was
engaged in the campaign of that year. Some time after his
return from his disastrous campaign in America, he became
connected with a public singer with whom he reared out of
wedlock, four children, one of whom became the noted field
marshal, Sir John Burgoyne. Some of his dramatic com-
positions attained great popularity and ran through many
editions. A complete collection of his works are to be
found in the British Museum. He died August 4, 1792, and
was buried in Westminster Abbey. Vide Burke's Peerage
and Baronetage ; British Army Lists, and Chronological
Register of Parliament, in loco; Political and Military Epi-
sodes, pp. 4-9, 15, 27, 54, et passim ; Remembrancer of Public
Events, London, 1775, vol. i, p. 16; Registers of Westminster
Abbey, p. 250 ; British Family Antiquity, vol. 6, p. 314.
^^Chambly. This fort as well as the town situated at the
foot of the rapids of the river Richelieu or Sorel, twelve
miles east, south-east of Montreal, took its title from a
Frenchman of that name. It occupied the site of a wooden
structure called Fort St. Louis, erected in 1764 to protect
the inhabitants from the hostile Iroquois. Chambly was
captured by the Americans, October 20, 1775, and had been
held by them to this time. Fort St. Johns, about twenty-
eight miles south-east of Montreal on the same river, had been
taken by Montgomery in November, he having passed it in
the night and captured Chambly below, which was not so
well garrisoned, as the British supposed that St. Johns would
be the object of attack. The works here had been first
erected by Montcalm, and subsequently enlarged and
strengthened by the British. It was about one hundred and
fifteen miles north of Ticonderoga, the American stronghold.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 117
miles, which, notwithstanding the great heat of the
day and the fatigue the men underwent the night
before, they executed with the greatest cheerfulness.
We heard the enemy were flying before us in the
greatest terror. The Canadian voluntiers took one
prisoner and shot another who was in liquor and
refused to surrender.^"*
16'^ The army halted greatly fatigued, owing
chiefly to their being so long confined on ship
board.
^ Jones, on the other side, gives graphic pictures of this
retreat. He says that the troops " Had barely quitted one
end of Chamblee when the advance-guard of the column
under Burgoyne entered it at the other. The sick had been
sent on ahead from St. Johns to Isle-aux-Noix. But two
men could be spared from those fit for duty to row each
boatload of them, and these pulled wearily all night long,
with their helpless burdens, against the current of the river,
for the distance of twelve miles. They reached Isle-aux-
Noix just before day. What more distressing situation can
be imagined ? The greater number of the sick were utterly
helpless, some died on the way, others were dying, — all
crying out for relief which could not be furnished them.
' It broke my heart,' wrote Dr. Meyrick, a surgeon who was
with them on the Isle-aux-Noix, ' and I wept till I had no
more power to weep.' " And another writer speaking of the
troops which reached Crown Point: "The broken fragments
of the army of Canada presented one of the most distress-
ing sights witnessed during the whole war. Of the five
thousand two hundred men collected at Crown Point, two
thousand eight hundred were so sick as to require the atten-
tion of the hospital, while those reported fit for duty were
half naked, emaciated and entirely broken down in strength,
spirits and discipline." Vide Campaign for the Conquest of
Canada, Philadelphia, 1882, p. 88; History of Lake Cham-
plain, (Palmer) Albany, 1866, p. 115.
1 1 8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
1 7*^ The whole moved in the evening and reached
Belloeille, eight leagues.
i8'^ Marched at 2 o'clock in the morning for fort
Chamble, which we reached about 9 the same day, 13
miles, and found the fort burned, the enemy having
retreated to St Johns. We found 4 battows and took
2 prisoners. 'Tis remarkable they did not burn or
destroy any bridges from Sorrel ; had they done so, it
must have delayed us greatly, but between the forts
of Chamble and St John's, about 12 miles, they de-
stroyed all the bridges, which in such a wild country
are not a few, for every rivulet must have something
like a bridge to render it passable, and this detained
us some hours. About 12 at noon, the line was
ordered to move [on] the enemy, who were not then
5 hours before us. The army marched in the greatest
regularity, as from intelligence received, the general
had no doubt but he should be attacked on his march,
our road leading thro, thick woods. When we got
within about a league of St Johns, the general was
informed that a party which had been taken for
an advance guard of theirs coming out to meet
us, was their rear guard, covering their retreat,
on which three companies of light infantry were
ordered on, which they did on a trot, and reached
the fort about dark, finding it abandoned and on
fire. The army came up about half an hour after
and lay on their arms all night.
Following are the general orders from Burgoyne
to the army. —
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 119
General Orders.
"The expedition on which Lieut Gen. Burgoyne
has had the honour to be employed being finished
by the precipitate flight of the rebels, he shall
think it his duty to make a faithful report to his
excellency the commander in chief, of the zeal
and activity shewn in the officers and men under
his command, to surmount the difficulties of the
march and come to action. Those are principles
that cannot fail to produce the most glorious
effects whenever the enemy shall acquire boldness
enough to put them to the proof. — "
Thus was Canada saved with much less trouble
than was expected on our embarking from Great
Britain. How to pursue them over Lake Cham-
plain, was our next thought, and the tediousness
that threatened our operations necessary for so
great an expedition was far from pleasing. We
had every thing to build, battows to convey the
troops over, and armed schooners and sloops to
oppose theirs, most of which were taken from us
at the breaking out of the affair. It was thought
that every thing would be ready in 7 or 8 weeks,
but the undertaking was a great one, and, I must
say, persevered in with the greatest dispatch possible.
Carpenters from all the ships were ordered up with
artificers from the different regiments. Most of the
Canadians thro, the province were employed in mak-
ing roads through the woods, bringing up cannons,
provisions and all other kind of stores requisite for
1 20 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
such an undertaking. The disaffected Canadians were
obliged to work in irons. Our fleet at that time was
got up to Montreal, where, I believe, they before
never saw such a one. The island of Montreal is
ten leagues long from east to west and near four
leagues in breadth. A mountain rises in the
middle about half a league from the town, which is
a long square situated on the bank of the river.
Boats from all the ships were sent round by the
river Sorrel, (which runs into the St Lawrence at
that town,) with every article wanting at fort St
Johns. There was a carrying place of 6 or 7 miles
between that place and fort Chamble, where all boats
and battows were drawn over by rollers, with a great
number of horses. Two sloops of war carrying 12
guns each, then lying at Chamble, were attempted
to be so brought up, but found not practicable, on
which their guns were taken out, the vessels taken
to pieces and rebuilt at St Johns, during which time,
other hands were busyily employed in building the
Carlton, a 12 gun schooner, and the htflexible, a 28
gun frigate, also a floating battery of great strength,
carrying mortars, shells &'' and 24 pounders ; during
which the army was encamped as contiguously to the
lake as possible.
July 5^\ We were joined by a nation of savages,
many more were shortly expected at our camp, and
I must say their appearance came fully up [to] or
even surpassed the idea I had conceived of them.
They were much encouraged by Gen Carlton, as
Lieutenant Digby's Journal 121
useful to the army in many particulars, but their
cruel and barbarous custom of scalping^^ must be
shocking to an European ; though pract.oed on our
enemies. They walked freely thro, our camp and
came into our tents without the least ceremony,
wanting brandy or rum, for which they would do any-
thing, as their greatest pleasure is in getting beastly
intoxicated. Their manner of dancing the war
dance is curious and shocking, being naked and
painted in a most frightful manner. When they
give the war whoop or yell, (which is a signal for
engaging) they appear more like infernals, than of
the human kind ; but more of them hereafter. The
weather was then intensely hot, scarce bearable in a
95 We are told that the torture of prisoners had its origin
with the Iroquois, and was adopted by other Indian tribes
throughout America ; but the practice was world-wide be-
fore America was discovered. The fearful accounts in the
relations of the Jesuits of the tortures inflicted upon their
captives by the savages, find an almost exact parallel in
Maccabees, where Antiochus not only mutilates and burns,
but scalps his victims. Scalping was also common among
the Scythians. " The modern scalping-knife," saysCatlin,
" is of civilized manufacture, made expressly for Indian use,
and carried into the Indian country by thousands. His
untutored mind has not been ingenious enough to design
or execute any thing so savage or destructive as these
civilized refinements in Indian barbarity. If I should ever
cross the Atlantic with my collection, a curious enigma
would be solved for the English people who may inquire
for a scalping-knife, when they find that every one in
rny collection bears on its blade the impress G. R."
Vide 2 Maccabees 7, pp. 3-20; Moeurs des Sauvages
(Lafitau), vol. 2, p. 287 ; American Indians (Catlin), vol. i,
p. 236.
16
122 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
camp, where the tents rather increased than dimin-
ished it, and the great number of men in so small a
space made it very disagreeable, though we all went
as thinly clothed as possible, wearing large loose
trousers to prevent the bite of the moscheto, a small
fiy which was then very troublesome. Our men in
general were healthy, and not much troubled with
fevers and fluxes, so common when encamped in a
warm climate, and lying nights on the ground under
heavy dew. The tree spruce, which grows there in
great plenty, as indeed in most parts of America, is
an excellent antiscorbutic, and when made into beer
is far from a disagreeable flavour. The Canadians in
general are a very happy set of people. They pos-
sess all the vivacity of their ancestors, the French,
and in the country appear on an equal footing ; their
noblesse choosing mostly to reside in Montreal or
Quebec, both good towns and many English settled
there. It would be the greatest presumption in me
to attempt a description of the customs, manners,
curiosities, trade &*= of Canada. For such I must
refer the reader to many abler hands who have
more fully expatiated on them than I could pretend
to do
2 2**. Lieut Frazier^^ 9 reg* and lieu* Scott^^ 24 regt
were sent on a party of observation by gtn Frazier
^^ Alexander Fraser was a nephew of General Simon
Fraser, and had served in the Ninth Regiment of Infantry
^^ Thomas Scott was commissioned an ensign in the
Twenty-fourth Foot May 20, 1761, and served in Germany
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 123
to discover if possible what the enemy were about
on the lake. They had 12 regulars and about
30 Indians in cannoes. The bark cannoes are the
best and will paddle very swift. They are made in
for ten years, having been commissioned a lieutenant Octo-
ber 25, 1766. He was made a captain-lieutenant May 13,
1776, on which date General Carleton, in an order, directed
him to report to General Burgoyne, " in order to receive his
commands relative to the assembling of the Indians," and it
appears that he was placed in command of a body of these
blood-thirsty savages, whom he found it no easy matter to
control. We are told that on a certain occasion, having
friends to dine, the Indians of his command unceremoniously
came into the room where he was entertaining his guests and
insisted upon drinking with them. He at first prevailed
upon them to retire by giving them a bottle of rum, but
they soon returned, under pretense of having business with
him, and grew so troublesome that he was obliged to break
up his entertainment. Having been dispatched to Canada
before the surrender of Burgoyne, he escaped captivity with
his fellow soldiers. He was transferred to the Thirty-fourth
Foot November 11, 1776; was made major in the army
November 18, 1790; lieutenant-colonel March i, 1794, and
of the Forty-fifth Foot, September i, 1795, and shortly after
disappears from the army lists. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco ; Letters of Sir Guy Carleton, 1776-78, vol. i, p. 482 ;
Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,
pp. 214-19.
the following year, and later at Gibraltar. He was advanced
to a lieutenancy June 7, 1765. He served through this and
the subsequent campaign with distinction, and was made a
captain-lieutenant July 14, 1777. He was intrusted by
Burgoyne, after the terrible battle at Freeman's Farm, with
the dangerous service of conveying dispatches through the
American lines to General Clinton, which would subject
him to certain death if discovered. He has left a journal of
his adventures upon this occasion. After eleven days, in
124 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
the following manner : the bark which is very thin,
they lay on flat ribs mostly made of cedar. These
ribs are confined their whole length by small cross
bars which separate the seats of the cannoe. Two
main pieces of the same wood, to which these little
which he encountered hardship and peril, he reached Clin-
ton just after he had captured Fort Montgomery, and
delivered his dispatches. On the next day he set out on his
return to the imperiled army of Burgoyne, and, after several
days, making his way through woods and marshes, he heard
rumors of Burgoyne's capitulation, and found it impossible
to get through the American lines. He therefore turned
back and was fortunate enough to reach Clinton's fleet in
safety. He shortly after found his way to Canada, and on
October 8th was appointed captain in the Fifty-third Regi-
ment, a portion of which had been left by Burgoyne to
garrison Ticonderoga. He served with marked ability in
Canada, returning to England in 1788. After severe service
on the continent, in which he participated in many battles,
he was promoted to the rank of major November 13, 1793,
and on the 27th of October, 1794, lieutenant-colonel of the
Ninety-fourth Regiment by purchase, and, in 1796, was
adjutant-general to the forces at the Cape of Good Hope.
During the year 1799 he was in command of a native brigade
in India, and participated in the taking of Seringapatam.
On January i, 1801, having returned to England the previ-
ous year broken in health by severe and almost constant
service for forty years, he was made colonel by brevet, and
assigned to the recruiting service. On August 10, 1804, he
was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and April
25, 1808, major-general on the North Britain staff, in which
position he served until June 4, 1813, when he received his
last appointment of lieutenant-general in the army, a posi-
tion which he had earned by service of the most arduous
kind performed with unusual judgment and zeal. He died
in 1 8 14. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Captain Scott's
Journal, quoted by Fonblanque, pp. 287-90 ; Burgoyne's
Orderly Book, pp. 53-55.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 125
bars are sewed, strengthen the whole machine.
Between the ribs and the bark they thrust little
pieces of cedar which are thinner still than the ribs,
and which help to strengthen the cannoe, the two
ends of which rise by degrees and insensibly end in
sharp points that turn inwards. These two ends are
exactly alike, so that to change their course and turn
back, the canoemen need only change hands. He
who is behind, steers with his oar, working continu-
ally, and the greatest occupation of him who is for-
ward, is to take care that the cannoe touches nothing
to burst it. They sit or kneel on the bottom, and
their oars are paddles of 5 or 6 feet long, com-
monly of maple ; but when they go against a current
that is pretty strong, they must use a pole and stand
upright. One must have a good deal of practice to
preserve a ballance in this exercise, for nothing is
lighter and, of consequence, easier to overset than
these cannoes, the greatest of which, with their load-
ing does not draw more than half a foot of water,
and will carry 12 men, two upon a seat, and 4000
pounds weight. The smallest of these will carry
a sail, and with a good wind can make 20 leagues
in a day. Without sails they must be good
canoemen to make 12 leagues in a dead water. —
About 20 miles from St John's near the Isle aux-
Noix — island of nuts — they fell in with a party
of the enemy, and, after some fireing, brought
them to us prisoners, with the loss only of one
Indian and a few wounded. The captains name was
126 Lieuteriant Digbys Journal.
Wilson, 5® who informed us they were very strong
at Crown Point^^ and Ticonderoga/°° both places
^^ James Armstrong Wilson, son of Thomas Wilson and
Jean Armstrong, was born in 1752 in the Cumberland valley,
and came from warlike stock, some of his ancestors having
served as officers in the French and Indian wars. When the
Revolution opened, he raised a company of which he was
commissioned captain January 9, 1776. This company was
included as number five in Colonel William Irvine's, or the
Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment. He had command of a party
of thirty men, and was on a reconnoissance, when without
exercising sufficient prudence, he penetrated to the river
Sorel, where he encountered the British and Indians, under
the command of Captain Craig. Wilson's men fought so
well as to excite the admiration of their foes. Two men on
each side lost their lives ; one of the British infantry being
mortally wounded, and one of their Indian allies killed ; and
on the American side, likewise, one man was killed and
another mortally wounded. After his release from captivity
he returned to his home near Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where
he remained until his exchange was effected. He was sub-
sequently commissioned a major in one of the regiments of
the Pennsylvania line, then being organized, but owing to
disability caused by exposure in the Canadian campaign he
was compelled to rfetire from service. He continued in fail-
ing health until March 17, 1783, when he died, in the thirty-
^^ Crown Point is on the western shore of Lake Champlain,
about ninety miles north of Albany. On the peninsula,
which is nearly a mile in width, the French built a fort in
1 73 1, which they named Fort St. Frederic, in honor of
Frederic Maurepas, the secretary of state at that time.
™ Ticonderoga, or Cheonderoga (brawling waters) as the
Indians called it, a promontory at the outlet of Lake George,
has been the scene of many battles, and its soil has bee,n
often enriched with human blood. There can be but little
doubt that on this historic spot occurred the battle which
Champlain so graphically describes as having taken place
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 127
of great strength by nature, and neither men
nor cannon wanting to make them more so ; also
their force on the lake was great and much superior,
sixth year of his age. The Carlisle Gazette thus spoke of
him : " The many virtues of this good and amiable man
endeared him in a particular manner to all who knew him.
In him his country has lost a disinterested and inflexible
patriot." Major Wilson married Margaret, daughter of
Captain Robert Miller of the Revolution, who, with several
children, survived him.
I am indebted for important facts in this note to the kind-
ness of Dr. W. H. Egle, of Harrisburg, State Librarian of
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
In 1759 this fort was captured by the British and Provin-
cials, under General Amherst, and was taken from them by
the Americans, under command of Colonel Seth Warner, in
May, 1775, there being at this time a garrison of but twelve
men in the fort.
between the Iroquois and the Hurons, in which he took part
so unwarrantably in the summer of 1609. From immemorial
time it had served as the gateway between the vast tribal
regions of the south and those of the north. Here, so well
suited was the place for a defensive post, Montcalm, in 1756,
built his fort, and, with " the poet's tongue of baptismal
flame," called it Carillon, on account of the music of the
waterfall near by, which reminded him of a chime of bells.
But the sweet voice of the waterfall was drowned by the
harsh din of battle in 1758, between the English and French.
In this battle, the English under Abercrombie were defeated,
The next year Amherst laid siege to and captured it. For
sixteen years it remained in the possession of the English,
when Ethan Allen, in 1775, took it from the English, who
retook it in 1777, but were soon forced to part with it. In
1778 it was again taken by General Haldeman, but was soon
abandoned to the Americans. Vide Champlain's Voyages,
Prince Society, vol. 2, p. 223 ; Hinton's Hist. U. S., vol. i,
pp. 172, 174, 231 et passim.
128 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
he believed, to any we could bring against them that
year. The fort of St Johns, at the time it was at-
tacked by the enemy, was garrisoned by a few com-
panies of the 26**^ regmt. They stood out some days
but were obliged to surrender to superior numbers.
The remainder of the regiment, with part of the 7*^*^
were at Chamble, where they made but a very short
stand ; less than even the enemy imagined. There
they took a great store of powder which might have
been easily destroyed, and turned out the means of
their rapid movement toward Quebec, the capital. — '°'
25^''. As brig, gen Gordon,'"^ who commanded the
first brigade of British, was rideing from St Johns
^"^ The following account of the capture of Fort St. John
is from Hadden's Journal, pp. 2 and 3 : '■'■T\\Q.Fort at Cham-
blee or rather the Sliell of a large square House loop holed, is
an ancient structure raised about 50 Feet, totaly of Masonry
and intended as a defence against the sudden attack of the
Savages. It was surrender'd by Major Stopford (last year)
to the Rebels (who brought i Gun & a Horse load of powder
against it) after firing a few Shot: and he neglected to
destroy a large quantity of powder then in the Fort, they
were enabled to return and attack Fort St. Johns. The
powder might have been thrown into the Rapids as the Fort
is immediately above them. There was also a Well in the
Fort. Timidity and Folly in this instance seem to have
been the cause of all the succeeding misfortunes in Canada.
I did not learn that any Men were Killed or wounded in
the Fort, and it certainly might have held out long enough
for the Enemy to have expended all their ammunition, in
which case they must have abandoned their enterprise. On
the contrary with the above supplies they besieged and took
St. Johns in about Six weeks."
102 Patrick Gordon was commissioned in the First Foot as
captain, or first lieutenant, January 22, 1755, and promoted
Lteutenant Digbys Journal. 129
to Lapraire, (about 4 leagues') he was shot by a
scouting party of the enemy from the wood; two
balls took place in his shoulder, of which he died
the following day, and in a general order to the
to the captaincy of the second battalion of the same regi-
ment, February 16, 1756, and major of the One Hundred
and Eighth Foot, October 17, 1761. He was raised to the
Heutenant-colonelcy of the Twenty-ninth Foot previous to
the departure of the troops from Ireland, and soon after his
arrival in Canada was further rewarded by having bestowed
upon him a brigadier-general's commission. He died on the
first of August, and was buried at Montreal on the third. Had-
den says : " About the 2nd of August Brigadier Gen'l Gordon
was wounded and died. Lord Petersham narrowly escaped
the same fate. The distance between St. Johns and Montreal,
passing by Chamblee, is about 30 miles; on this Road the
Army lay encamped or Canton'd, but there was a shorter
route by La Prairie, and this tho. unguarded, was thought
secure from the distance & panic of the Enemy, and Officers
constantly travell'd it without escorts. The Rebels having
information of this circumstance and wishing for intelligence,
detached one Whitcomb, with four others to waylay this
Road, and they succeeded but too well. Whitcomb shot
Gen'l Gordon when he might have taken him Prisoner. The
day following he seized & carried bff, the Qr. Master of the
29th Reg't and a Noncommissioned Officer, who knew noth-
ing of the late accident. Whitcomb returned by the edge of
Lake Champlain and got safe into Tyconderoga with his Pris-
oners tho. pursued by the Savages." Whitcomb's own account
of this transaction is as follows : " Twenty third, early in the
morning, I returned to my former place of abode, stood there
the whole day, saw twenty three carts laden with barrels and
tents going to St. Johns. Twenty fourth, staid at the same
place till about twelve o'clock then fired on an officer, and
moved immediately into Chambly road ; being discovered,
retreated back into the woods and staid till night ; then
taking the road and passing the guards till I came below
Chambly, finding myself discovered, was obliged to conceal
17
130 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
army from his excellency, general Carlton, after
having expatiated on such a cowardly and cruel
manner of carrying on the war ; he describes the
dress, person &'' of the scout, their captain, called
myself in the brush till dark," The next day he completed
his escape. Anburey gives an interesting account of the
affair, and says that after being wounded, " The General
immediately rode as fast as he could to the camp at St.
Johns, which he had but just reached, when with the loss of
blood and fatigue, he fell from his horse ; some soldiers took
him up and carried him to the hospital, where, after his
wound was dressed, and he was a little at ease, he related
the circumstance, which being immediately made known to
General Carleton, a party of Indians were sent out to scour
the woods, and search for Whitcomb, but in vain, as he
hastened back to Ticonderoga. General Carleton, however,
imagining he might be lurking about the woods, or secreted
in the house of some disaffected Canadian, issued out a
proclamation among the inhabitants, offering a reward of
fifty guineas to any one that would bring Whitcomb, alive
or dead, to the camp. A few days after this, General Gordon
died of his wound, in whose death we sincerely lamented
the loss of a brave and experienced officer. When Whit-
comb returned to Ticonderoga, and informed the General
who commanded there, that although he could not take an
officer prisoner, he believed he had mortally wounded one,
the General expressed his disapprobation in the highest
terms, and was so much displeased at the transaction, that
Whitcomb, in order to effect a reconciliation, offered his
services to go again, professing he would forfeit his life, if he
did not return with a prisoner." We shall see how well he
performed this promise. General James Wilkinson calls
Whitcomb an assassin, and doubtless states correctly that
the shooting of Gordon was looked upon by the Americans
as a criminal act. Fz^^ British Army Lists, z>^ /(?c^ ; Hadden's
Journal, pp. 4-6; American Archives, Fifth Series, vol. i, p.
828; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,
p. 256 ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 69.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 131
Whitcomb/°3 a famous ranger from Connecticut,
wishing, should he be taken, he might be spared for
the hands of the hangman, a soldier's death being
too honourable for such a wretch.
i"^^ Lieutenant Benjamin Whitcomb was one of the most
active and daring scouts on the American side. For his
services he was, shortly after this date, made a major. After
shooting General Gordon and narrowly escaping capture by
the troops and Indians sent in pursuit of him, which would
have resulted in his immediate execution, being stung by
the reproaches of some of his companions in arms, who re-
garded the shooting of Gordon a criminal act, he immedi-
ately returned to the place where the shooting took place,
though it seemed certain death for him so to do, avowing it
as his purpose to capture an officer or lose his life in the
attempt. The result was the capture by him of the quarter-
master, Alexander Saunders, and a non-commissioned officer,
both of whom he carried prisoners safely to Ticonderoga. An-
burey relates the particulars of the affair: " The regiment of
which our friend S[aunders] is Quarter-master, having occa-
sion for some stores from Montreal, he was going from the
camp at St. John's to procure them ; he was advised not to
go this road, but by way of Chamblee, on account of the
late accident ; but you know him to be a man of great
bravery and personal courage, joined with uncommon
strength ; resolving not to go so many miles out of his
road for any Whitcomb whatever, he jocosely added that he
should be very glad to meet with him, as he was sure he
should get the reward ; in this, however, he was greatly
mistaken, his reward being no other than that of being
taken prisoner himself. Previous to his setting out he took
every precaution, having not only loaded his fusee, but
charged a brace of pistols ; when he came near to the
woods I have already described, he was very cautious, but
in an instant Whitcomb and the two men he had with him
sprung from behind a thick brush and seized him before he
could make the least resistance ; they then took from him
his fusee and pistols, tied his arms behind him with ropes,
132 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
29*^ By a flag of truce, the general sent all the
prisoners taken at Trois Rivieres on parole to their
respective homes, relying on their word of not bear-
ing arms till duly exchanged ; how they attended to
their parole I am not a judge, though many were of
and blindfolded him. It was three days before they reached
the canoe that had been concealed, during which time they
had but vQxy scanty fare ; a few hard biscuits served to allay
their hunger, while the fruit of the woods was a luxury !
When Whitcomb had marched him to such a distance as he
thought he could not make his escape, were he at hberty,
through fear of losing himself, for the greater ease on his
own part and to facilitate their march, they untied his hands
and took the cloth from his eyes.— At night, when they had
partaken of their scanty pittance, two out of the three used
to sleep whilst the other kept watch. The first night he
slept through fatigue ; on the second, as you may naturally
suppose, from his great anxiety of mind, he could not close
his eyes, in the middle of which an opportunity occurred
whereby he could have effected his escape, for the man whose
watch it was, fell fast asleep. He has since told me how his
mind wavered for a length of time, what measures to pursue ;
he could not bear the idea of putting them to death, though
justified by the rules of war; if he escaped from them, they
might in all probability retake and ill-treat him. The great
hazard of all, which determined him to abide by his fate,
was, that by being so many miles in a tract of wood, where
he could not tell what direction to take (having been blind-
folded when he entered it), he might possibly wander up and
down till he perished with hunger. In this restless state he
remained till daybreak, when they resumed their march, and
in the evening came to the creek where the canoe was con-
cealed." The next morning Whitcomb reached Ticonde-
roga with his prisoners. The shooting of Gordon stirred up
much bitterness of feeling against the Americans, and when
a flag of truce was sent by them to the British the day after
Gordon's death, General Carleton issued the following
proclamation :
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 133
opinion it would soon be forgot on their getting clear
from Canada. '""^
Head Quarters, Quebec, AugK 4*^, 1776.
"The commanding Officers of Corps will take especial
care that every one under their command be informed, that
Letters, or messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against
the Kmg, Rioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers,
Robbers, Assassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be
admitted : That shou'd emmissaries from such lawless Men
again presume to approach the Army, whether under the
name of Flag of Truce Men or Ambassadors except when
they come to implore, the King's mercy, their persons shall
be immediately seized and committed to close confinement
to be proceeded against as the Law directs : Their Papers &
Letters for whomsoever directed (even this Com'r in Chief)
are to be deliver'd to the Provost Martial, that unread and
unopen'd they may be burnt by the hands of the common
Hangman."
The following is extracted from an order of General Phil-
lips, issued from Chamblee the 26th of July. After speak-
ing of the shooting of General Gordon, he says:
" The Person who commanded the Party which attacked
General Gordon is Whitcomb of Connecticut calling himself
Lieutenant. He is between 30 and 40 years of Age, to
appearance near 6 feet high, rather thin than otherwise,
light brown Hair tied behind, rough Face, not sure whether
occasioned by the small Pox or not. He wears a kind
of under Jacket without Sleeves, slash Pockets, leather
Breeches, grey woolen or yarn Stockings, and Shoes. Hat
'^^^ The kindness of General Carleton to his prisoners was
never forgotten by them. Henry, one of those released
prisoners whom Digby here alludes to, calls him the
" Amiable, it might be said, admirable Major Carleton."
After their parole, a copy of which may be seen in Henry's
account, he says : " Captain Prentis procured me permission
from government with a few friends to traverse the city.
An officer of the garrison attended us. Our first desire was
134 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
August I4'^ Our corps moved up to the Isle
Aux Noix,'°5 in such battows as were ready, by which
the first brigade took up our ground at St John's,
and was, of course, a general movement to the army.
The island is about one mile long and half a one in
breadth, mostly covered with wood, which in a short
time we cleared for our camp, which was badly situ-
ated, being in a swamp, and much troubled with
flapped, a gold Cord tied round it. He had a Forelock,
Blanket, Pouch and Powder Horn.
"Should he, or any of his Party, of the same nature,
come within reach of our Men, it is hoped they will not
honor them with Soldier's Deaths if they can possibly avoid
it, but reserve them for due Punishment, which can only be
effected by the Hangman." Vide Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Books, pp. 7, 8, 237 ; Travels Through the Interior
Parts of America, vol. i, pp. 258-263.
to see the grave of our general and those of his aids, as well
as those of the beloved Hendricks and Humphreys. The
graves were within a small place of interment, neatly walled
with stone. The coffins of Montgomery, Cheeseman and
McPherson were well arranged side by side. Those of
Hendricks, Humphreys, Cooper, etc., were arranged in the
south side of the inclosure ; but, as the burials of these
heroes took place in a dreary winter, and the earth im-
penetrable, there was but little soil on the coffins, the snow
and ice, which had been the principal covering, being now
dissolved. The foot of the general's coffin was exposed to
the air and view. The coffin was well formed of fir plank.
Captain Prentis assured me that the graves should be
deepened and the bodies duly deposited, for he also knew
Montgomery as a fellow soldier and lamented his untimely
fate. Vide Arnold's Campaign Against Quebec, p. 170.
^^* Isle-aux-Noix, situated at the northern extremity of
Lake Champlain and commanding the entrance to the
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 135
snakes S:'' The old lines thrown, up by the French,
[in the] last war, when they expected General Am-
herst'°^ from Crown Point, were mostly out of repair
and cost us some fatigue to put them in a state
of defence, as also to throw up others towards the
enemy. I cannot here omit inserting an epitaph
wrote by the enemy on the grave of a captain, lieu-
tenant and two privates, who were, a few days before
their main body sailed from the island, and a little
after our arrival at St Johns, scalped by some of
our Indians, after having surprised them, though the
most positive orders to the contrary were given by
General Burgoyne, with a reward offered for prison-
Richelieu or Sorel, was so named by Champlain on account
of the abundance of nut trees found growing there by him.
In the campaign alluded to by Digby, the fortification of the
island by the French is described by Sismondi, and seems to
be of sufficient interest to reproduce here. He says: " lis
durent evacuer encore la position de Fort Frederic (Crown
Point). Toutefois leur commandant, Burlamanque, se for-
tifia a rile-aux-Noix, a I'extremite du Lac Champlain ; et
comme il avoit encore sous ses ordres trois mille cinq cents
hommes, il reussit a fermer le chemin de Quebec au Gen-
eral Amherst, et a I'empecher de seconder I'attaque du
General centre cette ville." Vide Histoire des Fran9ais,
vol. 29, ch. 54.
^•'^I. Jeffery Amherst was born in Kent, January 29, 1717,
and entered the army at the early age of fourteen years.
He saw active service on the continent under General
Legineu, upon whose staff he served, and by his ability rose
rapidly in rank. In 1758 he was a major-general, and in
that year engaged in the conquest of Canada, aided by New
England troops, who entered into the contest with enthusi-
asm ; indeed, it was in this war that the men who were now
136 Lieutenant Digbys Jotcrnal.
ers to prevent scalping. The following was wrote
on an old board at the head of the grave, which is
no bad ruff production, and I wish with all my
heart there had been no occasion to have shewn the
author's talents on such a melancholy subject. I
shall not speak of the horrid cruelty of such a custom
being well assured the reader's heart must detest
such barbarity, and be roused against the cruel sav-
ages who inflicted [it], though on our enemies, who
still are our fellow creatures, on whom the rules of
war even among the most uncivilized nations do not
justify the exertion of such a scene of torture.
Beneath this humble sod;
Lie
Capn Adams, Lieut- Culbertson & 2 privates of
the 2d Pensilvanian regiment.
Not Hirelings but Patriots
Who fell not in battle,
but unarmed.
Who were barbarously murdered and inhuinanly
scalped by the emissaries of the once just but
now abandoned Kingdom of Britain.
Sons of America rest in quiet here,
Britannia blush, Burgoyne let fall a tear.
And tremble Bui-ape's Sons with savage race
Death and revenge await you with disgrace}^
opposing the British troops in their attempt to subjugate
them were trained in arms. For his success in wresting
Canada from the French, he received the order of the Bath.
In 1763 he was made governor of Virginia, and in 1770 of
the Isle of Guernsey. In 1772 he was made commander-in-
chief of the army, and in 1776 was created a baron. He
"Wery few particulars of this distressing occurrence have
come down to us. Robert Adams was the son of Thomas
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 137
The main land was but a small distance from us,
it scarce there deserves the name of a lake, it being
died, after a most brilliant career, August 3, 1787. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco ; The Conquest of Canada, pp.
230-277, et passim ; History of the United States (Hinton),
Boston, 1834, vol. I, Book 2; History of Nova Scotia
(Haliburton), Halifax, 1829, vol. i, pp. 199-229.
and Katherine Adams, and was born in 1745 in what was
subsequently Toboyne township, in Cumberland county,
Pennsylvania. He was a soldier in the Bouquet expedition
to the westward in 1764, and when the Revolution opened
he raised a company of " Associators," which formed the
second company of Colonel William Irvine's regiment, of
which he was commissioned captain, January 9, 1776.
Joseph Culbertson was the son of Alexander and Margaret
Culbertson, and was born in 1753 in the Cumberland Valley.
His ancestors came from the North of Ireland about the
year 1730, subsequently locating about seven miles from
what is now Chambersburg. Owing to several contiguous
farms being owned by different members of the family, the
place was known as "Culbertson's Row." Joseph was an
early " Associator," and received his commission as ensign
in Captain Wilson's company, January 9th, the same day
that Adams received his. He had two brothers in the
Pennsylvania line, Robert and Samuel, both officers. It
would appear that Adams and Culbertson, in company with
several other officers and men, on the 21st of June, crossed
from their camp at Isle-aux-Noix to the western shore of the
lake for the purpose of fishing, and not supposing any
enemy to be in the vicinity, took no arms with them. Near
the shore was the house of a Frenchman who sold spruce
beer to the soldiers, a beverage which was not only refresh-
ing, but supposed to possess medicinal virtues and very
popular at this time. A small band of Indians, in which
were two Canadians, were in ambush on the shore of the
lake watching their movements, and surprised them while
they were stopping at the Frenchman's house to drink, kill-
ing Adams and Culbertson and two of their companions,
18
138 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
not very broad, but the shore is such a swamp and
so thick with wood, that you can scarce land, and
those unbounded forests quite uninhabited, except
by Indians and other savage beasts.
30*^ For some days past we had the most severe
and constant rain ; it poured through all our tents
and almost flooded the island ; yet the days were
very hot with violent bursts of thunder, attended
with frequent flashes of lightening. The idea of
service to those who have not had an opportunity of
seeing any, may induce them to believe the only
hardship a soldier endures on a campaign is the
danger attending an action, but there are many others,
perhaps not so dangerous, yet, in my opinion, very
near as disagreeable, — remaining out whole nights
under rain and almost frozen with cold, with very
little covering, perhaps without being able to light a
fire ; fearing the enemy's discovering the post, and
and, with the exception of two who escaped, carrying the
others into captivity. The men thus cruelly murdered, for
they had no arms and were therefore incapable of defense,
were scalped and mutilated in the usual barbarous manner
of the Indians. As soon as Colonels Wayne and Hartley
heard of the affair, they started in pursuit of the murderers,
but failed to capture them. They, however, destroyed the
house and mill of a Tory named McDonald, who was sup-
posed to have furnished information to the savages. This
" accident " Wilkinson suggests, caused General Sullivan to
evacuate his position at Isle-aux-Noix. Vide A Letter from
Crown Point, American Archives, vol. 6, pp. 1253, 1270;
Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 61. I am indebted
for several important particulars in this note to Dr. Wm.
H. Egle of Harrisburg, librarian of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania.
Lieutenant Digbys Joiirnal. 139
not knowing the moment of an attack ; but always in
expectation of one ; not that I would be thought to
insinuate from this a preference to the former,
excepting when the nature of the service required it,
and visible advantages were likely to flow from it.
We had a guard about 4 miles above the island,
on the main land, where there were great flocks of
wolves. During the night we could hear them after
a deer through the woods, and then cry something
like a pack of hounds in full chase. They often
came near our out centries, but they being loaded,
did not much mind them.
Sep 2^. I went on duty to St Johns, and was pres-
ent at the launching of the Carlton schooner. She
was compleat in guns Ba"". &". and the command of
her given to lieut. Decars'°^ of the navy. —
'"^ James Richard Dacres, who was now put in command of
the Carleton, was born in February, 1749, and entered the
navy at the early age of thirteen years. He was a lieuten-
ant on the ship which bore Burgoyne to Quebec. In the
battle which followed his appointment to the command of
the Carleton, he was severely wounded and supposed to be
dead ; indeed, he was about to be consigned to the waters
of the lake, when a brother officer interfered and his life was
thereby saved. He recovered sufficiently from his wounds
to be the bearer of dispatches to England announcing the
particulars of the engagement. In these dispatches his gal-
lantry was highly commended by Capt. Pringle, and he was
soon put in command of the sloop-of-war Ceres, which was
subsequently captured by the French frigate Iphigenie. He
was made a post-captain September 13, 1780, and was en-
gaged in many brilliant naval achievements during the next
few years. For his important services to the crown he was
made a rear-admiral of the Blue, February 14, 1799, of the
1 40 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
3'"'^. About 10 o'clock at night an alarm was given
by a cannoe full of Indians, that the enemy were
bearing down upon the island (the wind being fair
for them) with 6 or 7 schooners & sloops, and many
battows full of men, on which General Frazier de-
sired we migrht stand to our arms without the least
noise or beating- of drums & there wait their arrival.
Our works were not near finished, but what cannon
we had were immediately drawn up to the embrasures
to play on them while landing. Our advanced corps,
which was all the force we had on the island, con-
sisted of about 1400 men all in good health and
spirits and well prepared to give them a warm re-
ception. An express was directly sent down in a
cannoe to Genl Carlton at St Johns, acquainting him
with the above particulars and stateing the strength
of the island, &"^. 81". I shall here insert general
Frazier's orders to us, as it may be the cause of the
reader's having some idea of the island.
Brigade Orders.
In case of an alarm, the Battallion of Grenadiers
to form behind the lines directly in their front. The
White, January i, 1801, and of the Red, April 23, 1804, and
in the latter year was put in command of the Jamaica station,
where he remained until 1808, being promoted to the rank
of vice-admiral of the White, November 9, 1805. He died
in England, January 6, 1801. Vide Royal Naval Biography
(Marshall), part i, vol. 2, p. 29 ; Universal Magazine, London,
vol. 59, pp. 270-2 ; Ibid., vol. 62, p. 274 ; London Chronicle,
vol. 48, p. 282; Ibid., vol. 49, pp. 40, 214; Allen's Battles
British Navy, vol. i, pp. 391, 415 ; Annual Register for 1799,
1 801, 1804.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 141
light infantry will man the lines in their front, their
left towards their own quarter guard, and the 24'^
regiment to form on the right of the light Infantry.
The officer commanding the Grenadiers to detach a
subaltern and 40 privates to assist in working the
long 12 pounders and howitzers placed to guard the
west passage of the river. The officer commanding
the Light Infantry to send one captain, one subaltern
and 60 privates to the 4 gun battery which guards
the East passage. The officer commanding the 24^^
regiment will send a subaltern and 40 men to the
bastion in which the 4 six pounders are ; these de-
tachments to be made immediately on hearing an
alarm. The whole to strike their tents and leave
them on the ground. The men are to get under
arms without the beating of drums or making the
least noise ; they are to be particularly careful not
to throw away their ammunition by fireing at too
great a distance. Officers will be very attentive
that the men are well covered by the works from the
fire of shipping. All guards without the lines, to
retire to the inside on the appearance of shipping.
The guards at the landing place to remain, and to
take care that no person takes a battow without
permission. The serjeant of that guard will like-
wise take charge of all the wooden cannon, and to
be under the charge of the centry. A non commis-
sioned officer of the Artillery to be at the store for
the purpose of delivering ammunition, the surjions
to take post there. The women and children to go
142 Lieutenant Digbys JotLrnal.
immediately to the northern extremity of the island,
where the bullocks are to be drove. The general
will take post at the 4 gun battery in front of the
light Infantry. An orderly officer from each Battal-
lion to attend him to carry orders. The Canadian
labourers to be divided in three parts, and a division
to be placed in the rear of each battallion with
spades, pick axes and hand barrows. Artificers, con-
valescents, and every person in the least able to serve
to take arms. Captain Monning's'"^ company of
Canadians to retire to Scot's farm, and the guard be-
hind Blury river"° to advance to Livingston's house ;
these posts to be defended to the last extremity.
During the night we rested on our arms expecting
them every minute.
4*^ About 6 in the morning, we very distinctly
heard 13 or 14 cannon shot, and imagined they
were fireing on a small guard of ours up the river.
Cap° Frazier and a few Indians were sent out to
try, if possible, to take a prisoner. All hands were
ordered out to throw up more works, and the
Enemies delay surprised us, as they well knew the
'"^Monin commanded an irregular company of Canadians,
and was engaged with the reckless McKay in expeditions
against the Americans, small parties of whom he surprised
and either killed or captured. These men, on account of
their cruelty, were warmly hated by the Patriots, who
repaid them in their own coin whenever occasion offered.
Monin was killed in the battle of Freeman's Farm Sep-
tember 19, 1777.
""The Bleurie river is opposite Isle-aux-Noix and empties
into Jackson's creek.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 143
more time we had to repair our works, the stronger
the island would be. We continued very impatient
for a prisoner to acquaint us with their intentions,
not judging what their aim could be by bringing so
large a force so very near and yet not attacking us.
5. Captain Frazier returned without any intelli-
gence, except counting their vessels. On being per-
ceived, they gave chase, but he being in a birch
cannoe soon got clear of them.
6*^^ Lieutenant Scott went up towards the enemy
who were still cruising off the island Amott,'" about
30 miles from us. He had a cannoe full of In-
dians, and was if possible not to return without a
prisoner. When night came on, he paddled his
birch cannoe through their fleet. This the reader
will think rather improbable; but the Indians have
a method of putting the paddle in the water and
taking it up again without the smallest noise, and
the night being very dark favoured him. He thus
got through their fleet undiscovered, and at day
break covered himself and party in some bushes
on [the] shore side, where he did not long remain
until a battow of theirs came on purpose to cut wood
"^ Isle la Motte is an island about six miles long in the
northern part of the lake. The sieur la Mothe, a French
officer, erected on the west side of this island and near the
water's edge, in 1665, a wooden fort or redoubt, to which he
gave the name of Fort St. Anne. This fort was subse-
quently called Fort la Mothe, and the Frenchman's name
was also bestowed upon the island. When Kalm passed
through the lake in 1749, he says that the fort had entirely
disappeared, though he was shown the spot where it stood.
. 144 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
for fuel ; they not dreaming of danger left their
arms in the boat on going ashore. The first who
landed, an Indian starting from his ambush caught
him by his pouch-belt, but the fellow by a sudden
exertion, and being greatly frighted, disengaged him-
self, the belt breaking, and ran with all his speed
to alarm his comrades in the battow ; who, before
they could make use of their arms, received a heavy
fire from the Indians, which did great execution
among them, and left but a very few to row back the
battow. Scott findeing he would soon be discovered,
was obliged to take into the woods, where the Indians
in some time brought him opposite our island.'"
i8. Our Indians destroyed another battow of the
enemy, but could not take a prisoner. We then gave
over all thoughts of their comeing down to attack
us, and the building of our vessels went on with great
dispatch at St Johns.
^^^This is the American account of this affair; ''On the
same day (6th) the boats were ordered on shore to cut fas-
cines to fix the bows and sides of the gondolas, to prevent
the enemy from boarding them and to keep off small shot.
A boat's crew of the sloop Enterprise went on shore with-
out a covering party. They had been out on the same duty
the two preceding days with covering parties and returned
unmolested, but upon this occasion they neglected that pre-
caution, when they were attacked by a party of the Forty-
seventh Regiment and savages, under Lieutenant Scott of
the Hght infantry of the Twenty-fourth Regiment, who
pursued them into the water. They all reached the boat,
but before they could row off, three of them were killed,
and six others were wounded." Vide The Campaign for the
Conquest of Canada, p. 145, et seg.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 145
25. An officer of theirs gave himself up to us."^
The manner it happened was as follows. He was
sent with two men from them to reconnoitre our
situation &''. &^. They had seven days provisions
given them on setting out, and came undiscovered
opposite our island, where he took an exact view of
our camp works &''. &*^. and sent one man back with
the intelligence. He and the other then proceeded
through the woods down to St Johns, where he saw
the Carlton and Maria^^^ near finished and other
vessels on the stocks. His seven days provisions
beingr then almost finished, he returned back, still
undiscovered by our Indians, which was surprising,
as they were generally on scouting parties through
the woods. On comeing opposite to where their
fleet lay when he left them, he perceived they had
quit that station, as the preceding day, from a gale
of wind, they were obliged to take shelter under the
Isle-of-Mott. He was then greatly at a loss what
course to take, his provisions being all gone, and
after liveing a day or two on nuts and whatever he
could pick up in the woods, he was obliged to sur-
render himself to one of our out posts and was imme-
diately conveyed to General Frazier, who from his
"^This was probably Ensign McCoy, who was dispatched
by Arnold down the west side of the Sorel with a squad of
three men to obtain intelligence of the enemy. Lieutenant
Whitcomb was also dispatched with a hke squad down the
east side of the river for the same purpose, but we have an
account of his return, while no mention is made of McCoy's.
"* She was so named in honor of the Lady Maria Howard,
the wife of Sir Guy Carleton.
19
146 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
sullen manner did not much depend on the intelli-
gence he gave. He informed that they had no
intention of coming down to attack us by land,
well knowing the great superiority they must have
over our forces on the lake, their fleet being
much superior, he was convinced, to any we could
bring against them that year. That Col Arnold "^
"^Benedict Arnold was born at Norwich, Connecticut,
January 3, 1741. His father was a man of character, and of
his mother it was said by one who knew her intimately, that
she "was a saint on earth and is now a saint in heaven."
A letter from her to Benedict while at school, is worthy of
reproduction here, as showing the character of his early
training :
" Norwich, ^/r// 12, 1754.
"Dear Child: I received yours of the ist instant and
was glad to hear that you was well ; pray, my dear, let your
first concern be to make your peace with God, as it is of all
concerns of the greatest importance.
" Keep a steady watch over your thoughts, words and
actions. Be dutiful to superiors, obliging to equals, and
affable to inferiors, if any such there be. Always choose
that your companions be your betters, that by their good
examples you may learn.
" From your affectionate mother,
" HANNAH ARNOLD.
" P. S. — I have sent you 50s. Your father put in 20
more. Use it prudently, as you are accountable to God and
your father. Your father and aunt join with me in love and
service to Mr. Cogswell and lady, and yourself. Your sister
is from home."
In spite of his excellent training, he grew to be a man
ostentatious in manner, insincere and thoroughly selfish.
That he possessed military ability of a high order, was ever
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 147
was Commodore on the lake, and commanded on
board the Royal Savage of great force. He also said
that there were 20,000 men at Crown Point and
Ticonderoga well supplied with cannon provisions
26*\ We had a violent storm of rain, wind, thunder,
and great flashes of lightening during the night. I
often thought the tent would take fire. Next morn-
ing I mounted an advanced guard four miles above
the island, the storm still continueing, and passed a
most disagreeable day and night with scarce any
shelter from the constant heavy rain. We could
there hear their evening gun very plain, and it was
alert and thoroughly brave, no one can doubt. Many of the
men who engaged with him in the war for independence
were governed by no higher motives than those which actu-
ated him : possessed, indeed, a desirefor self aggrandizement
as inordinate as his, and never realized the moral splendor
of the cause for which they contended. When the news of
the battle of Lexington reached him at New Haven, where
he was keeping a druggist's shop, he at once seized his
sword and hastened to Boston to offer his services to his
country. He suffered severe hardships in the war which
followed, and did not shrink from making any personal sacri-
fice to attain success. He rendered valuable service to the
cause of liberty ; but smarting under the sting of disap-
pointed ambition, he rushed in a fit of passion to the
commission of an act wholly inexcusable. That he has
been painted in darker colors than he deserved is now
known. After his treason, he went to England and died at
Brampton June 20, 1801. Though treated with considera-
tion by the king, he suffered indignities from men, who
perhaps, made the occasion of his treason serve to enable
them to show their inborn contempt of a New England
colonist who was naturally disliked at this time in England.
148 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
proposed in a few days to move up to Riviere-la-
Cole,"^ seven miles nearer them.
27"". Had the pleasure of seeing two of our
schooners, the Maria & Car/ton, come up to us
from St Johns. Captain Pringle "^ was appointed
Commodore of the Lake Champlain and to com-
mand on board the Maria, so called after lady Maria
Carlton. In the evening I was seized with a
violent shivering and lightness in my head, which
was attributed to cold, I must have got the pre-
ceeding night on guard. About 10 o clock I was
quite delireous and out of my senses, after which I
"® Riviere la Colle, nine miles southerly from Point au Fer,
on the western side of the lake. According to Hadden,
there was a small settlement there at this time.
"^ Thomas Pringle was of Scotch birth, and this was the
beginning of a notable career. After his success on Lake
Champlain, he returned to England as bearer of dispatches,
and was made a post-captain November 25th, In January,
1777, he was assigned to the command of the Ariadne and
joined the West India fleet, attaining distinction in several
naval engagements. On April 4, 1 794, he was made colonel of
the Marine Forces, and on June 4th, in reward for his brilliant
services in the victory over the French fleet of Admiral
Villaret, he was created a rear-admiral of the Blue, and
June I, 1795, rear-admiral of the Red. He subsequently
took command at the Cape of Good Hope, and February 14,
1799, was made vice-admiral of the White, and January i,
1 801, vice-admiral of the Red. His death took place at
Edinburgh Decembers, 1803. Vide Political Index to His-
tories Great Britain, etc. (Beatson), vol. 2, p. 47 ; London
Chronicle, vol. 41, p. 406, vol. 43, p. 186, vol. 44, p. 458, vol.
45, p. 286, vol. 48, p. 58 ; Universal Magazine, London, vol.
62, pp. 140, 274 ; Military Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, pp. 160,
270; Annual Register, 1794, 1795, I799> 1801 ; Naval His-
tory of Great Britain (Brenton), vol. 2, pp. 42, 169, et seq.
Lieutenant Digbys Jotcrnal. 149
cannot tell what happened. I was blistered on
my back, and all the next day continued in the
same distracted situation. Indeed, I believe my
friends thought it was all over with me, but it
pleased God to spare me, and on the 30*^ I
returned to my senses, but so weak and faint,
as scarce able to turn in my bed, and what made
it more disagreeable was our corps of Grenadiers
moveing up to Riviere-la-Cole the day I fell ill.
My tent could not be struck on account of my
situation, so [I] was left almost alone on the island,
but did not remain long in that situation, as the First
Brigade landed from St Johns, the 31^* regiment com-
posing part of it, when my brother in law, Capt.
Pilot, "^ gave me every assistance in his power, — got
"^ Henry Pilot, the brother-in-law of Digby, was com-
missioned a lieutenant in the Thirty-first Foot, July 18,
1764, and shortly after embarked for Pensacola, the capital of
West Florida, which country had the previous year been
ceded to Great Britain by Spain. At this time the yellow
fever prevailed there, and upon its arrival the regiment
suffered severe mortality. It continued here however, until
the breaking out of the Carib war. On the eve of the cam-
paign against the Caribs — September 23, 1772 — Pilot was
promoted to a captaincy, and served in that capacity during
the arduous and destructive campaign of the following two
years. At the conclusion of the Carib war, he returned to
England, where he was stationed at the time of the break-
ing out of the war in America. He participated in the
campaign of 'y6, but was performing garrison duty when
Burgoyne's army surrendered ; hence he escaped the
captivity which befel a portion of his regiment. As his
name disappears from the army list in 1782, it is reasonable
to suppose that he left his regiment in Canada, where it was
150 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
me a good physician and had me removed into his
tent which had a stove, where I recovered fast. The
few days I continued ill, there was heavy rain and the
island almost flooded ; but, fortunately, my tent had
stood it out pretty well. We were all provided for
the cold weather — we then soon expected in cross-
ing the lake, — with warm clothing, such as under
waistcoats, leggings, socks &*". &*"., and smokeing
tobacco was counted a preservative of the health
against dews, which arose from the many swamps and
marshy, drowned lands that surrounded the island.
October 5*^ Went up to our corps at Riviere-la-
Cole, after remaining with my friends of the 31^'
regiment till I recovered sufficient strength. I
sailed up in a raddoux vessel carrying six 9
pounders, commanded by captain Longcroft,"' who
then and for several years afterward stationed, and returned
home, perhaps with Digby, who retired at the same time.
From this period we lose sight of him until June 14, 1800,
when he was appointed town major of DubHn. Of his sub-
sequent career we have no particulars. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco ; Historical Record of the Thirty-first Foot,
pp. 33-42.
"^ Edward Longcroft's name does not appear in the subse-
quent operations of Burgoyne's Army. After his return to
England he was commissioned a commander in the British
service, April 23, 1782, a position which he continued to
hold for a number of years. Vide Court and City Register
for 1789 and 1794. Edward Longcroft entered the British
naval service as a midshipman on board the Arrogant,
October 3, 1769, and served on this ship until he joined the
Nainiir, December 26, 177O. On April 18, 1771, he joined
the Princess Amelia of eighty guns, then under the orders of
Admiral Rodney, who had recently been appointed to the
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 5 1
showed me every civility in his power. The floating
Battery, Maria and Carlton, sailed with us, and our
little voyage was pleasant, the day being fine and the
lake now running very broad. General Burgoyne
was on board the Maria, who ran aground on a bank,
but was towed off without any damage. The ves-
sels were all cleared and ready for action, waiting
only for the Inflexible, our largest vessel, which was
shortly expected up."^"
Jamaica station, and served until July 14, 1772, when he
received his discharge. We see no more of him until we
find him in command of the Loyal Convert on Lake Cham-
plain. It is probable that he was on the fleet that sailed
from Cork, in the spring of 1776, for the relief of Quebec,
and that he was acting as a volunteer, since his name does
not appear on the Admiralty record during this period. At
what time he returned to England we are not informed ;
but he was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant on the
Grafton, February 13, 1781. He was placed on half pay
September 11, 1781 ; but on May i, 1782, was put in com-
mand of the Zebra, one of the squadron under command of
Commodore Dacres, who has been mentioned elsewhere.
On April 15, 1783, he went on half pay and remained out of
the service until April 15, 1805, when he was put in com-
mand of the Sea Fencibles between Kidwelly and Cardigan.
Gn March i, 18 10, he again went on half pay, and died
August 16, 1812. I am indebted to the courtesy of the
Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty for materials of this
note.
^^•^ The Inflexible was a three-masted vessel, and the Maria
and Carleton were schooners. After trying in vain to drag
these vessels around the Chambly rapids on rollers, they had
been taken to pieces and so transported to a convenient
place from which they could be launched. After laying the
keel, the Inflexible was ready to enter the water in twenty-
eight days, but Carleton was obliged to float her below the
152 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
G^. The fleet went up a little higher with a fair
wind. The enemies were cruising off Cumberland
Bay, about 20 miles above ours.
7*^ The First Brigade moved up to our post at
\ Riviere-la-Cole, and ours went up to point-au-Faire/^'
seven miles higher. The order for our proceeding
on the Lake was as follows. Three small boats in
front of all as a party of observation, our schooners
and armed vessels in line of battle following : Gun
Isle-aux-Noix, where the water had a sufficient depth, in
order that she might receive her guns, which consisted of
eighteen twelve-pounders. The " raddoux vessel " which
Digby was on, was the Loyal Convert, and had been cap-
tured from the Americans when they abandoned Quebec.
The entire fleet was as follows:
Ship Inflexible, Lieutenant Schank, 18 12-pound guns.
Schooner Maria, Lieutenant Starke, 14 6-pound guns.
Schooner Carleton, Lieutenant Dacres, 12 6-pound guns.
Radeau Thunderer, Lieutenant Scott, 6 24-pound guns, 6
12-pound guns, 2 howitzer guns.
Gondola Loyal Convert, Lieutenant Longcroft, 7 9-pound
guns.
Twenty gimboats, each having a brass field-piece of from
9 to 24 pounds each, some carrying howitzers.
Four tenders, or long boats, carrying field pieces.
Twenty-four long boats carrying provisions.
The entire fleet comprised twenty-nine vessels armed with
eighty-nine guns and manned with six hundred and seventy
thoroughly trained and disciplined men, all under the com-
mand of Pringle, who on all occasions showed himself to
be a most daring and efficient officer. Both Pringle and
Dacres rose subsequently by their ability to the highest rank
in the British navy.
^^^ Point au Fer is a headland on the eastern shore of the
lake. Burgoyne considered it of sufficient importance to
fortify it with a block-house.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 153
boats carrying 24 or 12 pounders in their bow and
maned by the Artillery. The battallion of Gren-
adiers in flat bottomed boats, and in their rear,
the remainder of the army in battows. One gun
fired from a gun boat, was a signal to form 8 boats
a breast ; and two guns, a signal to form a line of
boats. This had a pretty effect, as our men were
all expert at rowing, having been ordered to practice
frequently. This was the first intention of our cross-
ing, but afterwards, found not to answer so well as
our armed vessels and gun boats engageing theirs
separately, leaving the troops on land to wait the
decision, as were any accident to happen to the
armed vessels, the troops must be in a most hazard-
ous situation, and little able to defend themselves
with small arms against the cannon of the enemy.
At Point-au Faire, the lake turns quite a sea, form-
ing a most beautiful prospect, being intersperced
with numerous islands, mostly thick with trees, which
at that time of the year (the trees changing their
colour) added still to the scene. This place is thickly
covered with wood, under which we pitched our tents,
waiting for the Inflexible ; she being obliged from want
of water to have her guns brought up in boats, after
which a ship of the line would have water sufficient ;
and it certainly was a noble sight to see such a vessel
on a fresh water lake in the very heart of the Continent
of America & so great a distance from the sea
8'^ It blew fresh and a good deal damaged our
battows by strikeing against each other, on which we
20
154 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
anchored our flat bottom boats off the shore, and
brought the battows round a point to a small creek
under some shelter from the land. There were many-
deer in the woods about, some of which we shot, also
great flocks of wild pidgeons, which, as our fresh pro-
visions (sheep &'^ we brought from St Johns and
Isle-aux-Noix) were almost finished, helped out his
majesties allowance of beef and pork very well.
The wood was so thick round us, that some of our
men were near losing themselves on straggling a
small distance from camp, against which there were
particular orders. It is surprising, with what a degree
of certainty an Indian will make his way from one
country to another through the thickest woods, allow-
ing the sun to be constantly hid from his sight by
clouds, where a person, not used to such a country,
would soon be lost, and the more attempts made to
extricate himself, perhaps, would only serve to entan-
gle him the deeper.
9. We had 3 men killed on the spot by a tree
that was cut down near their tent, and unfortunately
fell on them while asleep. To prevent such a melan-
choly accident happening again, an order was given
for no tree to be felled, within 100 yards of the
camp. About 12 o'clock we heard the enemy very
distinctly scaleing the guns'^^ on board their fleet, and
soon hoped to make [them] exercise them in a
^^^ Scaling a gun is, in military parlance, to cleanse it of
scales occasioned by rust, which is accomplished by explod-
ing in the gun small charges of powder.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 155
different manner. The bad intelligence, the army
received of General Howes'^^ opperations to the
southward, was not a little surprising, our expecta-
tions being sanguine from that quarter, he having
the command of so great an army, and so fine a fleet
— 4
123 gjj- William Howe was a grandson of George the First by
his mistress, the Baroness Kilmansegge. He was born August
10, 1 729, and entered the army at the age of eighteen. He was
made lieutenant, September 21, 1747, and captain of the
Twentieth Foot, June i, 1750, major of the Sixtieth Foot,
January 4, 1756, and Heutenant-colonel, December 17, 1757.
He took part in the siege of Louisbourg, in 1758, and par-
ticipated as commander of the light infantry in the capture
of Quebec under General Wolfe. He was in command of a
brigade against the French in 1761, and, in 1762, acted as
adjutant-general in the operations against Havana. He
was commissioned a colonel in the army, February 19, 1762,
colonel of the Forty-sixth Foot, November 21, 1764, and
lieutenant-governor of the Isle of Wight in 1768. He was
created a major-general, May 25, 1772, and, when the war
broke out in America, formed one of the noted trio to whom
was assigned the task of subjugating the refractory colonists.
With his associates, Clinton and Burgoyne, he reached Bos-
ton, May 25, 1775, and led the assault on Bunker Hill. He
succeeded General Gage in the command of the British
forces in America in the following October. He was in
great favor with the government, which seems to have placed
full confidence in his ability. He led a luxurious life in
Boston, frequenting, it is said, the faro table, the ball-room
and the theatre, and carrying on an affaire d' amour with a
popular belle of the day, which caused a writer to say that
" as Cleopatra of old lost Mark Antony the world, so did
this illustrious courtesan lose Sir William Howe the honor,
the laurels, and the glory of putting an end to one of the
most obstinate rebellions that ever existed." He was created
lieutenant-general in the army, August 29, 1777. He was
relieved from his command in America in May, 1778, and
returned to England. He represented Nottingham in Par-
156 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
under his brother lord Howe,"'^ we could expect no
accounts by land, that being in possession of the
enemy, but the sea was open, and, had he performed
any capital stroke, it should not be kept a secret from
the army. General Carlton, some imagined, might
have received intelligence, which it was said he coiild
not divulge were they ever so favourable. Certainly he
is one of the most distant, reserved men in the world ;
he has a rigid strictness in his manner, very unpleas-
ing, and which he observes even to his most particu-
lar friends and acquaintance, at the same time he is
a very able General and brave officer ; has seen a
liament during the sessions of 1778, '79 and '80, and became
lieutenant-general of ordnance, April 23, 1782, member of
the Privy Council June 21st of the same year, colonel of the
Nineteenth Light Dragoons, April 21, 1786, general in the
army, October 12, 1793, governor of Berwick in 1795. On
the death of his brother, Lord Viscount Howe, in 1799, he
succeeded to his titles. In 1808 he was appointed governor
at Plymouth. He died July 12, 18 14. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco ; Siege of Boston (Frothingham), pp. 133-149
et passim ; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; His-
torical Record Forty-Sixth Foot ; History of New York
During the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. i, pp. 252, 716
et passim ; vol. 2, pp. 86, 423 et passion.
^^ Richard Earl Howe was born in 1725, and succeeded to
the titles of his elder brother, the friend of Schuyler, who
was killed at Ticonderoga in 1758. He was a midshipman
at the age of fourteen under Lord Anson, and was a lieuten-
ant at twenty. He had risen to the rank of rear-admiral in
1770, and, in 1775, was made vice-admiral of the Blue. After
his return from America he became first lord of the admi-
ralty and commanded the British fleet successfully against
the French in 1794. He died August 5, 1799. Vide Burke's
Peerage and Baronetage, in loco.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 5 7
great deal of service and rose from a private life,
though a very good family, by mere merit to the
rank he at present bears. In time of danger he pos-
sesses a coolness and steadiness, (the attendant on
true courage) which few can attain ; yet he was far
from being the favorite of the army. Genl Bur-
goyne alone engrossed their warmest attachment.
From haveing seen a great deal of polite life, he
possesses a winning manner in his appearance and
address, far different from the severity of Carlton,
which caused him to be idolized by the army, his
orders appearing more like recommending subor-
dination than enforcing it. On every occasion he
was the soldiers friend, well knowing the most san-
guine expectations a general can have of success,
must proceed from the spirit of the troops under his
command. The manner he gained their esteem was
by rewarding the meritorious when in his power,
which seldom failed from the praise which they re-
ceived, to cause a remissness in duty [to be] odious
and unmanly, and a desire of emulation soldier like
& honourable. But I shall often have occasion to
mention him in the following pages.
lo*^ About 120 clock our small fleet sailed up with
a fair wind, which was a most pleasing sight to the
army. Their decks were all cleared & ready for
immediate action. Genl Carlton went in person (tho.
many blamed his hazarding himself on an element
so much out of his line), on board the Maria, and
gave the command of the fleet to Pringle as com-
158 Lieutenant Digbys Journal,
modore, by which he was of very little service on
board, excepting proveing his courage, which no man
in the army has the least doubt of. The wind
blowing fresh, we expected shortly to hear of their
engageing, on which our fate in a great measure
depended.
1 1*^ We were in hourly expectation of intelligence.
Our Indians were on the banks on the lake, who, we
eagerly hoped, would come down to inform us of
any thing particular, and that day passed over in the
greatest state of uncertainty.
I2^^ Was awoke very early in the morning by a
confused noise about my tent, and on hearing the
word Carlton named, imagined something had hap-
pened, so arose and made the greatest haste to the
shore side, where a boat had just arrived with our
wounded men from the fleet. The accounts were,
that our fleet came pretty near them, when the wind
shifted a little about, when none of our vessels could
haul so much to the windward as the Carlton, who
made all the sail possible for them and stood most
of their fire for a long time, assisted by a few gun
boats ; that the Royal Savage''''^ engaged her, and
at last was obliged to strike to the Carlton, but,
^^^ The Royal Savage was a schooner, and had been built
under the supervision of General Arnold. She carried four
six and eight four-pound guns, and was manned by fifty men.
The account of her destruction, here given by Digby, is
doubtless as it was given to him, but is incorrect. The
Royal Savage, while beating up against the wind where there
was insufficient room, was stranded on Valcour Island. She
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 159
against all the rules of war, after strikeing, they
ran her on shore, blew her up and escaped in the
wood. The greatest praise was given to lieut Decars
for his spirited behaviour, ,as he did not retire till so
much shattered in masts & rigging, as made it nec-
essary to tow the vessel off by boats. Our gun boats
also did great execution, but unfortunately, one of
them blew up on the water. The sailors also informed
us, that the enemy wanted to fly from us, but that
our fleet had got them into a bay which they could
not escape from, without fighting, and that our Float-
ing battery was moored at the entrance of the bay,
and three 24 pounders ready to open on them by
day light. From these accounts, it was imagined
that in all probability, a few hours would determine
who should be masters of the Lake — though we made
but little doubt of our being victorious ; and all that
day, waited with the greatest impatience — watching
earnestly with our glasses for the appearance of a
boat.
13*''. Was passed over in the sarne state of sus-
pense and uncertainty.
I4'^^ We were very impatient for an express, and
did not well know what to think, when about 3
o'clock a cannoe was perceived at a great distance
makeing all the way possible for our camp. On her
had been much injured in the engagement, and as it was
found impossible to get her afloat, she was abandoned, and
her crew escaped. A party of British troops boarded her
during the night, and to prevent the Americans from making
any use of her again, set her on fire and so destroyed her.
i6o Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
nearer approach we perceived it was Sir Francis
Clark, "^ the general's aid-de-camp, who waving the
126 gjj. Fi-ancis Carr Gierke was born in London, October
24, 1748, and entered the Third Foot Guards, January 3,
1770, as an ensign, and received a lieutenant's commission,
July 26, 1775, which was equivalent to the rank of a captain
in the army. He was made adjutant, February 3, 1776, and
accompanied Burgoyne, with whom he was a favorite, to
America as an aide-de-camp. When Burgoyne returned to
England, after the campaign of ''jd^ Gierke accompanied
him, and also returned with him the next spring in the
capacity of private secretary and aide-de-camp. In the bat-
tle of October 7, 1777, while riding to deliver an order
which Burgoyne said would have changed the fortunes of
the day had it been delivered, he was shot in the bowels
and taken prisoner. He was taken to the tent of General
Gates, where he remained, tenderly cared for, until his death,
Wilkinson gives the following affecting particulars of the
closing scenes of Gierke's life: "On one occasion, the
wounded general inquired if the American surgeon^ were
good for anything, as he did not like the direction of his
wound, and wished to know whether it was fatal, or not. The
physicians concealed their fears from him, but carefully
watched him day and night. Seeing Dr. Townsend hesitate
when he pressed him for an opinion, he exclaimed in his
usual frank way, ' Doctor, why do you pause ? Do you
think I am afraid to die ? ' and upon being advised by that
physician to adjust his private affairs, he thanked him, and
quietly complied." Burgoyne said of him : " He had orig-
inally recommended himself to my attention by his talents
and diligence ; as service and intimacy opened his character
more, he became endeared to me by every quality that can
create esteem. I lost in him a useful assistant, an amiable
companion, an attached friend ; the State was deprived by
his death of one of the fairest promises of an able general."
He died on the 13th of October following his injury. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco ; Burke's Peerage and Baronet-
age, in loco ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 269; A
State of the Expedition, p. 125.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. i6i
enemies colors, thirteen stripes,"^ declared the day
was all our own. This happy intelligence was
answered by the troops in three huzzas, and the joy
expressed by the whole, gave evident signs of their
satisfaction on so important a victory. He informed
General Frazier that the enemies fleet had by some
means escaped ours on the night of the 12^''; but
the following day ours came up, and after a smart
action, burnt, took or destroyed all their vessels on
127 A flag bearing thirteen stripes, alternate red and white,
emblematical of union, suggested, perhaps, by the Roman
fasces, was first displayed over the American camp at Cam-
bridge on the 1st of January, 1776, and the next month
Commodore Esek Hopkins sailed from the Delaware to
operate against Lord Dunmore's fleet, which was then on
the Virginia coast, bearing the striped flag with the addition
of a rattlesnake stretched diagonally across it with the
words " Dont tread on 7ne " underneath. It was not until
the 14th of June, 1777, that Congress "resolved that the
flag of the United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red
and white ; that the Union be thirteen stars, white, in a
blue field, representing a new constellation." When St.
Leger appeared before Fort Schuyler, in the beginning of
the following August, the fort was without a flag, and as it was
necessary to have one. General Gansevoort caused one to
be made, in accordance with the resolve of Congress, by cut-
ting the white stripes from a shirt, and the red ones from
the petticoat of a soldier's wife, using the blue cloak of
Captain Abraham Swartwout to make a field upon which to
display the new constellation. This flag, Mr. Wm. L. Stone
informs us, is in the possession of a descendant of General
Gansevoort, by whom it is cherished as a most precious
relic. As Digby does not mention that the flag which Sir
Francis Gierke had captured bore upon it the stars or the
serpent, we must infer that it was like the one displayed at
Cambridge at the beginning of the year.
21
l62
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
the lake. That a general Waterbury"^ and a great
many were made prisoners ; and that it was general
Carlton's orders we immediately strike our camp,
embark in our boats without loss of time, and make
the best of our way to Crown Point, where we
should receive further orders. I shall here insert
the fate of the enemies fleet on the ii^^ and 13
of October.
th
ACCOUNT OF THE ENEMIES FLEET ON LAKE CHAMPLAINICOMMANDED
BY BENEDICT ARNOLD.
SHIPS NAME.
1
0
c
3
0
Weight of Metal. 129
"§"
3
0
Pi
2
2
2
c
3
0
a*
2
I
I
I
I
t
« ..
3
0
Oh
2
I
I
I
I
I
1
I
8
2
(U
3
0
Oh
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
2
2
2
t
«
3
0
Oh
6
6
6
4
'4
t
0
e ^
3
0
Oh
2
10
t
4)
3
0
Oh
2
2
6
Row gal-
leys
Gondolas. .
Schooners .
Cutters
Congress — burnt
13
13
lO
II
13
12
13
13
13
13
13
n
13
16
10
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
14
S
10
6
Washington — taken
Turnbull — escaped
Philadelphia — sunk
New York — burnt
Jersey — taken
Providence — burnt
Newhaven — burnt
Spitfire— burnt
Boston — burnt
Connecticut — burnt
Royal Savage — bio wn up . .
Revenge — escaped
Enterprise — escaped
Lee cutter — taken
^-^ David Waterbury, Jr., was born at Stamford, Connecti-
cut, February 12, 1722. He was a man of great energy
and had a predilection for military affairs, having, in 1747,
nearly thirty years before this date, been an ensign in the
'^^The number of guns and weight of metal here given are
much exaggerated. The following is the correct armament
of the vessels, with the names of their commanders :
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
163
At Ticonderoga and had not joined the fleet, —
one row galley 10 guns, and the schooner Liberty, 8
State militia, and subsequently having served through six
campaigns against the French and Indians. Naturally he
was one of the first to actively espouse the American cause,
and we behold him in July, 1775, at the head of his regi-
ment marching to occupy Crown Point and Ticonderoga.
His uncompromising patriotism rendered him harsh and
severe toward those who did not support the popular cause ;
indeed, the historian of Stamford says that " he seems to
have shown them no mercy. One of the reasons given by
citizens in this vicinity for going over to the enemy was the
excessive rigor of Colonel Waterbury." This resentment,
however, against traitors, as they were popularly but not
reasonably called, was general. Lord Mahon says in refer-
ence to it, that "a ferocious saying came to be current in
America that, though we are commanded to forgive our
enemies, we are nowhere commanded to forgive our friends."
General Carleton was elated at his capture, and immediately
reported it to Germaine. He was soon exchanged and again
in service. At the close of the war, he returned to the
plough, and died on his farm at Stamford, June 29, 1801.
Vide History of Stamford, Ct. (Huntington), pp. 417-23 ;
History of England (Mahon), vol. 6, p. 127 ; Sparks' Life of
Washington, vol. 7, p. 288 ; vol. 8, pp. 88, 92, et passim.
Vessels' names.
Captains.
i
3
M
'0
»-<
(U
a
.2?
'5
bfj
as
.if
'S
'S
2
'S
4
4
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
4
4
'8
4
4
Row Galley
Gondola
Congress
Washington ..
Trumbull
Philadelphia..
New York
Jersey
Providence . . .
New Haven ..
Spitfire
Boston
Connecticut. --
Royal Savage.
Revenge
Arnold -
Waterbury
Wigglesworth-
Rice
8
8
8
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
12
8
I
I
2
2
2
Reed
Grimes
Simonds
Mansfield
Ulmer
"
11
•>
>'
Sumner
I'
Schoouer
Hawley
Seaman
164
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
guns. One of the gondaloes, I have no confirmed
account of, but believe she was burned 13''' October
THOS PRINGLE
Sir Francis also informed that general Arnold
who acted as commodore, after finding all was lost
some how escaped on shore, after behaving with
remarkable coolness and bravery during the engage-
ment. In the following pages will be seen how great
an acquisition his being taken would have been to
us, as he is certainly a brave man, and much confi-
dence reposed in him by their Congress. We em-
barked about 4 o'clock in the evening, and though
we made the greatest expedition possible did riot
arrive at Crown Point until the 20^^ where our fleet
had been for some days. The lake in ruff weather
is dangerous for battows, as there are great swells in
many parts, but none that did our small fleet any
damage ; and we arrived there without any accident
happening to us. We had good sport in shooting
Vessels' names.
Captains.
a
bn
"o
XI
a
;?;
12
6
8
94
00
bf
bf
'S
I
ON
M
'5
I
00
x3
M
'S
r2
4
4
5
M
4
Enterprise
Dickenson
Row Galley
Liberty
Premier
Total, 16 vessels.
/
Manned by 800 men.
it will be seen that the British fieet carried a much heavier
weight of metal.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 165
pidgeons, flocks of which flew over us thick enough
to darken the air, also large eagles. There were
herds of deer all along the shore side, which were
seldom disturbed, the country being but little altered
since its first state of nature, except now and then
a wandering party of savages comeing there to hunt
for their subsistance. At night we landed and lay
warm enough in the woods, makeing large fires. When
it rained, it was not so pleasant, but use reconciled
all that soon to us, and we slept as sound under the
canopy of the heavens as in the best feather bed.
Crown Point is a remarkable fine plain, an uncom-
mon sight to us after being so long buried in such
boundless woods, where our camp formed a grand
appearance. Some few families who had not joined
the enemy lived there ; but had suffered much, as
their cattle were mostly drove away for their loyalty.
They had a force at Crown Point under the com-
mand of a Major Heartly,'3° who thought proper to
^^^ Thomas Hartley was a native of Reading, Pennsylvania,
and was born September 7, 1748. He was bred to the law,
and was practicing his profession at York when the war
broke out with the mother country. He at once threw
aside his Coke and Blackstone and hastened with other
patriots to offer his services to his country. He received a
commission as lieutenant-colonel of the Sixth Pennsylvania
Regiment, January 9, 1776, and, after Colonel Irvine was
taken prisoner, the command devolved upon him. He was
an energetic officer, and showed great zeal in the prosecu-
tion of the plans which were assigned to him to carry out.
In common with Waterbury and other commanders in the
American army, he was hostile to those who espoused the
royal cause, or who, while professing neutrality, were ready
1 66 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
retire to Ticonderoga on our fleet comeing so near
his works, where they were thunder struck at hearing
of the defeat of theirs, thinking it scarce possible.
Our loss on the lake was about 60 men killed and
wounded. Their general Waterbury, & the rest of
the prisoners were sent back to them by general
Carlton to Ticonderoga on their parole, and Capt
Craig '3' 47*'' light Infantry, went as a flag of truce
to afford aid and comfort to the enemy, and he showed them
no favor. In 1778, after the massacre of Wyoming, he led
an expedition into the valley, and for his brave and efficient
conduct in the prosecution of this enterprise, was highly
commended by the government. Shortly after, he retired
from military life, and was a member of the Council of Cen-
sors in 1783, and one of the convention delegates of Penn-
sylvania which ratified the Constitution of the United States,
December 12, 1787. He was a member of Congress from
1789 until the day of his death, which took place at York,
in his native State, December 21, 1800. Vide Revolutionary
Record, p. 202 ; Sparks' Washington, vol. 4, p. 12; vol. 5,
p. 422, et passim ; Field Book of the Revolution (Lossing),
vol. I, p. 362, et seq.; Campaign for the Conquest of Canada,
pp. ']'^, 100, 107, et passim.
^^^ James H. Craig was born at Gibraltar in 1748, his father
being judge of civil and military affairs there. When he was
fifteen years of age, the Thirtieth Foot was in garrison at
Gibraltar, and young Craig, being infected with the military
fever, obtained through the influence of his father a com-
mission as ensign, which bore date June i, 1763. He was
promoted, July 19, 1769, to a lieutenancy, and March 14,
1 771, was commissioned a captain in the Forty-seventh
Foot, which he accompanied to America in 1774. This
regiment was stationed at Boston during the siege of that
city, and formed part of Lord Percy's command on that
memorable nineteenth of April, when the first battle for
American independence took place. Captain Craig was at
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 167
with them. In return, they sent the general a letter
of thanks, but would not permit even the prisoners
to enter the fort, but sent them directly away, which
was politic enough, as by their informing their
country men how well they had been used, might
the battle of Bunker Hill in which he was wounded. He
joined Carleton at Quebec in the spring of 1776, and accom-
panied him in the campaign of that year. He was also in
the disastrous campaign of Burgoyne, was wounded at Hub-
bardton and Freeman's Farm, and conducted the negotia-
tions for the surrender of the army. In these negotiations
every thing was done to salve the wounded pride of Bur-
goyne and his aristocratic officers, and, among other things,
the term convention was substituted for capitulation in the
preparatory articles of surrender, at Captain Craig's solicita-
tion. He went to England after the surrender with dis-
patches, where he received the appointment of major in the
Eighty-second Foot, and returned to Halifax in 1778, and
was engaged during the following year in operations in east-
ern Maine. He served through the war of the Revolution,
was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of his regiment,
December 31, 1781, and of colonel in the army, November 18,
1790. In 1794 he was made major-general, and the next
year was appointed governor of the Cape of Good Hope,
having conducted a successful expedition thither. He re-
turned to England in 1797, and was raised to the peerage for
his efficient services. In January, 1 801 , while in India, where
he had been in service nearly four years, he received a com-
mission of lieutenant-general, and the next year returned to
England, where he was at once assigned to a command. At
the close of a successful service in the Mediterranean, he
received, in 1807, the appointment of governor-general of
British North America. His hatred of every thing savoring
of democracy caused him to act harshly toward every move-
ment of a liberal character, and he soon found himself sur-
rounded by enemies. For four years he held the reins of
office, when, broken in health and disgusted with the people
of the province, who it would seem were equally disgusted
1 68 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
induce some to turn on our side. Gen Gates '^^ then
commanded there ; of whom I shall have occasion
to speak more of hereafter. He was formerly in our
service, but from his wife's connections, who is an
American, he was induced to change into theirs. He
is a man much confidence is reposed in by their Con-
with him on account of his tyrannical administration of
affairs, he returned home in the summer of 1811, and died
the January following. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ;
Memoirs of My Own Times, pp. 309-317 ; Journal of Occur-
rences During the Late American War, Dublin, 1809, p. 174 ;
Gentleman's Magazine, vol. 48, p. 551,
^^2 Horatio Gates was born in 1728, and it has been asserted
that he was a natural son of Horace Walpole. Even as
recent and generally accurate a writer as Fonblanc^ue says,
"he was related by marriage to the Earl of Thanet, and
was a godson (scandal attributed a nearer relationship) of
Horace Walpole," a statement precisely similar to that made
with respect to the parentage of Burgoyne, which was attrib-
uted to Lord Bingley, and which Fonblanque labors to
disprove. Strange to say, Fonblanque does not seem to
have thought of examining the life of Walpole to ascertain
what probability existed for this story. Horace Walpole
was born October 5, 1717, and at the time of Gates' birth
was less than eleven years of age, and this fact, hitherto
unnoticed, should set this idle story at rest; but it will
probably be repeated by careless writers till the end of time.
Horace Walpole was his godfather, and had a brother
Horatio, Baron of Wolterton, and what more probable than
that the name of his august kinsman applied to the obscure
infant of the housekeeper who was intimate with " my
mother's woman," was an incipient display of that humor
which subsequently made the genius of Walpole con-
spicuous? Walpole's journals have been published, and,
fortunately, he has left an item relating to the matter. He
says that Gates " was the son of a housekeeper of the second
Duke of Leeds, who, marrying a young husband when very
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 169
gress, but as to what he deserves for the exchange, I
shall leave the reader to judge. Their force then
at Ticonderoga, about 14 miles, was said to be 20,000,
and it was thought from the lateness of the season
and many other reasons, but this, the one most
material, that it would be but a vain attempt to
old, had this son by him. — My mother's woman was inti-
mate with that housekeeper, and hence I was godfather to
her son, though I believe not then ten years old myself." It
would almost seem that Walpole had heard that the parent-
age of Gates had been ascribed to him, and therefore placed
this statement on record to refute it. When twenty-six
years of age, Gates, who had been bred to the profession of
arms, and had served as a volunteer under Cornwallis while
the latter was governor of Halifax, joined General Braddock
at Fort Cumberland, and participated in the unfortunate
campaign which ended so disastrously to the British arms.
In this battle he was wounded, but more fortunate than
many of his brother soldiers, escaped with his life. He was
subsequently stationed in western New York with his com-
pany, and while there was commissioned a brigade major.
He was then selected by General Monckton as aide-de-camp,
and accompanied that officer to the West Indies, where he
gained attention by his gallantry in the capture of Martinico.
He was bearer of dispatches to London announcing the vic-
tory, and was rewarded by being made a major in the Royal
Americans. Although his advancement had been unusually
rapid, he was disappointed ; and having married a lady of
high connections, he sold his commission and endeavored,
through the influence of his friends and the family relations
of his wife, to obtain a lucrative appointment under the
government. Failing in this, he emigrated to America and
settled on an estate which he purchased in Berkeley county,
Virginia. He was a friend of Washington, and was dining
at Mount Vernon when the news of the battle of Lexington
was received. He was at once aroused to take part in the
popular cause, and Washington procured his appointment as
22
1 70 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
besiege it that year, we having but a small part of
the army on that side of the lake ; viz, the first Bri-
gade and our Advanced corps. The remainder of
the army nor having battows ready to remove from
St Johns, and the Isle-aux-Noix, from whence it was
thought by the advice of the engineers who were
adjutant- general with the rank of a brigadier. He joined
the camp at Cambridge in July, and busied himself in organ-
izing the raw recruits, in which service he was very efficient.
He was made a major general in May, 1776, and in the
June following, was appointed to the command in Canada.
Naturally of a jealous disposition, he was disturbed at the
ever-growing popularity of Washington and instead of
assisting, as in duty bound, his old companion-in-arms in his
arduous campaign during the winter of ''j^ and 'jj, he busied
himself in efforts to supplant him. Washington was, how-
ever, too magnanimous to allow the treachery of Gates to
disturb him, and he endeavored to secure his really valuable
services in reorganizing the army at his old post, as adjutant-
general. A conflict of authority now arose between him
and Schuyler, a pure and reasonably disinterested patriot,
which was settled by Congress, which decided in favor of
Schuyler. Gates at once proceeded to Philadelphia to lay
his grievances before Congress, but made so poor a display
of himself as to excite the opposition of that body, and he
retired with indignation. The failure of St. Clair to main-
tain his position at Ticonderoga, which was in Schuyler's
department, gave an opportunity for the enemies of Schuy-
ler and the friends of Gates to get the former removed, and
he was superseded by Gates. When he assumed the com-
mand, every thing was in readiness, as far as it possibly could
be, to meet the onset of the advancing army of Burgoyne,
Schuyler having bent all his energies toward rendering the
advance of the enemy difficult and the American army effi-
cient, so that he found nearly every thing shaped to his hand.
Many writers have criticised the action of Gates in this cam-
paign, one of whom we will quote: Says Lossing: "While
Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 171
consulted respecting works, &^, that the enemy must
return to winter in Canada, they not being then able
to throw up lines for above 1300 men, and even then,
we should have no place to cover our troops from the
Arnold was wielding the fierce sickle of war without, and
reaping golden sheaves for Gates' garner, the latter was
within his camp, more intent upon discussing the merits of
the Revolution with Sir Francis Clarke, Burgoyne's aide-de-
camp, who had been wounded and taken prisoner, and was
lying upon the commander's bed at his quarters, than upon
winning a battle all important to the ultimate triumph of
those principles for which he professed so warm an attach-
ment. When one of Gates' aids came up from the field of
battle for orders, he found the general very angry because
Sir Francis would not allov/ the force of his arguments. He
left the room, and, calling his aid after him, asked, as they
went out : ' Did you ever hear so impudent a son of a b — h ? '
Poor Sir Francis died that night upon Gates' bed." That,
in spite of his faults, which have perhaps been exaggerated,
and for which he subsequently suffered, Gates possessed
noble qualities, is evidenced by his domestic correspond-
ence, the emancipation of his slaves and generous provision
for their support. Not long before his death, near the end
of a disappointed life, he wrote, expressing these noble senti-
ments : " I am very weak and have evident signs of approach-
ing dissolution. But I have lived long enough since I have
lived to see a mighty people animated with a spirit to be free
and governed by transcendent abilities and power." He
died in New York, April 10, 1806, at the age of jZ. Vide
Political and Military Episodes, p. 283 ; British Army Lists,
in loco ; Last Journals of Horace Walpole, London, 1859,
vol. 2, p. 200; George HI (Horace Walpole), London, 1847,
vol. I, p. 401 ; Irving's Life of Washington, vol. i, p. 422,
et seq. ; vol. 3, p. 66; Life of Washington (Sparks), vol. 2,
p. 469; vol. 3, pp. 6, 7, 483, 481, et passim ; Curwen's Jour-
nals and Letters, N. Y., 1842, p. 475, et seq.; Field Book of
the Revolution, vol. i, p. 63 ; Memoirs of My Own Times,
vol. I, p. 269.
172 Lieutenant Digbys JoiLrnal.
very severe cold shortly expected to set in.'^s The
cruelty exercised by Major Heartly over the poor
inhabitants was great ; burning many of their habi-
tations and small effects, and driveing away their
cattle, many of which we found in the woods, which,
by the general's order, were either returned to the
owners, or an adequate price paid them for such
cattle as were wanted for the use of the troops,
and it gave me the sincerest pleasure to think
our troops could relieve the miseries of the un-
fortunate as well as conquer the enemies of our
country. On general Burgoyne's first hearing of
the compleat victory gained by our fleet over the
enemy, he gave out the following orders to the army,
and which I should have inserted sooner. In it, he
pays the greatest compliment to General Carlton. —
^^^The Americans were waiting at Ticonderoga with
anxious impatience for Carleton to attack them, and were
in excellent condition to receive him. Arnold held an im-
portant command, and was active in strengthening his posi-
tion. It was supposed that an attack would be made upon
the old French lines, and every preparation was made to
meet it there. Every precaution was taken by the Ameri-
cans to prevent a surprise, and every effort resorted to in
order to obstruct the approaches to their works. The
weather continued bad, but supplies of munitions of war
and of men continued to arrive. Gates wrote to Schuyler
on the 24th: "Carleton keeps very close to Crown Point,
his navy at anchor on his flanks. I have scouts constantly
down on both sides of the lake. I apprehend by this time
his force is all collected, and expect this stillness will be suc-
ceeded by a grand attack. The army here are in good
spirits and think only of victory." Had Carleton followed
the urgent advice of Burgoyne and Phillips, there is a fair
probability that he would have met with defeat.
Lieutenant Digbys Jozirnal. i JZ
General Orders.
I f^ Oct' Riviere Sable, Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, have-
ing received authentic intelligence of the late victory,
obtained by the commander in chief in person, takes
the first moment to communicate to the army, that
of the 1 6 vessels of which the rebel fleet consisted
before the action, three only escaped, all the others
either taken or destroyed. The importance of the
conquest is not greater to the national cause, than is
the glory achieved to his majesty's arms, conspicuous
by the general behaviour of the officers and men. It
is a part of magnanimity to spare public demonstra-
tion of triumph on the present occasion ; but it is
not doubted that this army will be affected with
every sentiment the brave are accustomed to feel
from present great & glorious examples.
24'^ Lieut Gen Burgoyne sailed in the Washington
prize for St Johns, from where he was to go by land
for Quebec where a frigate was ready to sail with him
to England, as it was then determined the army was
to return to winter in Canada, & make their appear-
ance early the following season before Ticonderoga,
when every thing necessary for the reduction of that
fort would be in greater readiness, and the season
more favourable for our operations than so late in the
year, during which time our fleet would be masters
of the Lake, and the severity of the winter too great
for them to build any vessels that could obstruct
our movements early in the spring; even at that
1 74 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
time the cold was very severe and our tents but a
small covering against it.
25*^ Our Indians, who with Capf" Frazier were ad-
vanced nearer their lines, took a prisoner and before
they brought him to us painted the poor devil in a
most curious manner, which almost frighted him out
of his wits. It often surprised us their not attacking
us at Crown Point, their numbers being so greatly
superior to ours.
29*^^ Gen Carlton and General Phillips,'^'* who
command the Artillery, went up towards their lines
13^ William Phillips entered the Royal Military Academy
at Woolwich, August i, 1^46, as a cadet ; was made lieuten-
ant-fireworker in the Artillery, January 2, 1747; quarter-
master of the First Battalion, April i, 1750; second lieuten-
ant, March i, 1755, and first lieutenant, April i, 1756. As
captain in the Royal Artillery, to which he was commissioned
May 12, 1756, he distinguished himself in Germany. At the
battle of Minden, in 1759, he commanded three companies
of the Royal Artillery, and was particularly thanked by
Prince Ferdinand, who testified his appreciation of his dis-
tinguished services by a present of a thousand crowns. At
Warbourg the next year he gained attention by his skill and
efficiency in handling his artillery, and August 15th, was
promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army. In
1768 he received the appointment of lieutenant-governor of
Windsor Castle, and was commissioned a colonel in the army,
May 25, 1772. He was elected in the autumn of 1774 to
represent Boroughbridge in Parliament, and when the war
between England and her trans-Atlantic colonies broke out,
he was commissioned, January i, 1776, a major-general for
service in America. He had seen long and arduous service,
in which he had always shown great skill and bravery. He
it was who planted his batteries upon Sugar Loaf Hill, which
forced the evacuation of Ticonderoga without a battle, and
sent St. Clair, discomfited and disgraced, on his flight south
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 75
to reconnoitre their strength, situation Bl"". and which
by them were thought of great extent & force. By
deserters we heard they were then receiving fresh
suppHes of cannon and other stores. During the
months of October and November, there are frequent
squalls of wind on the Lake, which come momentary
with his shattered army. On April 25, 1777, he had been
appointed major in the artillery, and on August 29th, he
was promoted to the rank of major-general in the army. He
was fully trusted by Burgoyne, and assumed command of
the captive troops after the latter's return to England. He
was proud and passionate ; and, during his captivity at Cam-
bridge, was confined by General Heath to the limits of his
house and grounds and the road leading to the quarters of
his troops, for using language which reflected upon the honor
and dignity of Congress. When in Virginia with the cap-
tive army, he made the acquaintance of Jefferson, and was
hospitably entertained by him and Mrs. Jefferson at their
mansion. Jefferson afterward spoke of him as " the proudest
man of the proudest nation on earth." He was exchanged
on the 25th of October, 1780, and the following spring set
out upon an expedition into Virginia. He was accompanied
by Benedict Arnold, who had, since his last battle against
Phillips, at Saratoga, joined the British side. On this expe-
dition Phillips contracted a fever and died at Petersburg,
May 13th. While he lay upon his death-bed, Lafayette
appeared upon the heights opposite Petersburg and began
a cannonade of the British position, one of his cannon balls
going through the dying general's chamber and killing a
female negro attendant. Vide Travels Through the Interior
Parts of America, vol. 2, p. 506, British Army Lists, in loco ;
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), London, 1872, vol.
I, pp. 207-217; A State of the Expedition, Appendices
XLVHI, LIV ; Memoirs of General Heath, pp. 166, 169,
et passim ; Simcoe's Journal, London, 1787, pp. 129-146;
Life of Jefferson (Randolph), pp. 50, 53 ; Historical Maga-
zine, vol. 9, p. 247.
1 76 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
off the land and do great damage particularly to small
craft. A few days before, the Carlton being under
way and cruising on the Lake, one of these sudden
squalls was very near laying her on her beam ends.
30. Our floating battery sailed for St Johns with
stores &^ which opportunity we took to forward
letters to Montreal post, in order to their being
sent to our friends in Great Britain, as few vessels
ever sail from Quebec after the 15'^^ November on
account of the frost, which begins to set in with great
violence about that time, after which Canada is as
much shut out from all communication with the rest
of the world as possible, particularly then, as the
country from Ticonderoga was in possession of the
enemy.
November 2^^. We embarked in our battows and
long boats for Canada, and proceeded about 17
miles, where our small fleet were obliged to put
into a creek, the wind blowing very fresh, though
fair for us, but causing a deep swell which was not
so safe for the battows ; as to the long boats there
was but little danger. Our soldiers called this place
Destruction Bay, and not unaptly, as there we saw
the great execution the enemy suffered from the fire
of our fleet in the engagement on the 11^'' and 13'^
October. Some of their dead were then floating- on
the brink of the water, just as the surf threw them ;
these were ordered to be directly buried. During
the night it blew fresh and was attended with a fall
of snow which was the first we had experienced.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 177
The weather being fair we got under way, and with
both sails and oars got a good distance before night.
6'^ After a variety of weather, we made Point-au-
faire. We had a strong gale of wind crossing over
Cumberland Bay, where we could not keep the shore
without going six times the distance at least, and this
short cut, if I can call it so, was near endangering
many of our battows. Near that, we saw the wreck
of the Royal Savage, and had the rest of their fleet
behaved as well as she did, we should not have been
so easyly masters of the Lake, We found one Artil-
lery man of ours who fell the i 'f^ ; him we buried.
At night we made large fires as before, and lay
round them, keeping our feet always next the fire, as
when they are warm the body is seldom cold.
9*^ Embarked for St Johns after remaining at
Point-au-faire from the 6'^ on account of the delay
In getting over provisions ammunition &°. &°., all
which were sent down to St Johns before our moveing
from that post. We also brought with us the fami-
lies who resided before at Crown Point, as it would
have been cruel to have left them to the mercy of
the enemy, who no doubt would persecute them, for
their attachment to us. We had scarce pushed off
the shore, about break of day, when the greatest fog
arose I ever beheld, and which prevented our seeing
above 3 or 4 yards from our boat's bow, in conse-
quence of which we separated, some steering one
way and some the other. Brig Gen Frazier caused
drums to beat in his boat, by which he collected many
23
1 78 Lieutenant Digbys Jotcrnal.
others, but in place of going to St Johns he went
directly the opposite course back to the Isle of mott,
where he thought proper to land and wait till next
day, which was clear. Our boat, by great good
fortune, made St Johns before night, though we saild
round a small island twice, thinking it the main land.
At night we found a hearty reception from our Regi-
ment, who garrisoned that fort and had not crossed
the Lake.
IO^^ The remainder of our Corps came down, the
day being clear. Our ships were all laid up at this
place for the winter, masts and rigging taken from
them, and the ice broke round every morning and
evening to prevent their keels from suffering by the
severe frosts then shortly expected.
10^^^, We marched for Vershere,'^^ a neat village on
the banks of the river St Lawrence, and about six
leagues below Montreal.
^^^Vercheres is a small village on the right bank of the St.
Lawrence, twenty-three miles below Montreal, and is still
a small village, its population not greatly exceeding one
thousand persons. It derives its name curiously from a
heroine, Madame de Verchere, who in the year 1690, being
left alone in the little palisaded block-house here, while the
few people who composed the hamlet were at work in a dis-
tant clearing, perceived a party of Indians approaching to
attack the place. She instantly seized a gun and fired upon
them ; and although several attempts were made to scale
the palisade, she kept them at bay until help arrived. At
another time a larger body of savages attacked and took
prisoners all the men who were laboring in the fields.
Madame Verchere with one soldier, her daughter and other
women, were in the block-house, and seeing their husbands
Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 1 79
i6'^ Our battalHon of Grenadiers arrived at Ver-
chere our winter quarters, after a pleasant and agree-
able march, and our men were billeted through the
parish, 2 or 3 in each house. The army were quar-
tered in like manner through the province, where
there were prepared good stoves and plenty of fuel
to enable us to bear comfortably the severity of the
approaching season, as during that time every thing
is froze. All kinds of provisions are laid up in that
frozen state, during the winter, and when wanted to
be used, are gently thawed in cold water for some
time and then cooked, when they eat perhaps after
being months killed, as well as if just before slaugh-
tered ; and, were a thaw to take place during the
winter months, there would be every prospect of a
famine in the province, as at the setting in of the
frost, such eatables as are to serve the inhabitants
for near half the year are all slaughtered ; cows,
taken prisoners, many of the women made loud lamenta-
tions. To prevent their cries from reaching the Indians,
and encouraging them in their designs upon the fort, she
shut them up, and hastily assuming the garb of a soldier,
trained a cannon upon the foe. She resorted to the strata-
gem . of firing first from one embrasure and then from
another, and prevented the Indians, who supposed the fort
held a considerable number of defenders, from taking it
until a force arrived from the fort at Chambly where the
cannon had been heard, and not only raised the siege, but
was fortunate enough to rescue the prisoners who were in
the hands of the savages. Madame Verchere subsequently
returned to Normandy, where, at her death, a tombstone
was reared over her, upon which was placed an inscription
commemorating these acts of bravery.
i8o Lieutenant Digbys JotirjzaL
beeves pigs and all sorts of fowls [are] laid up in this
manner, nay, I have seen cream hawked through
the streets of Quebec and sold by weight, carried
in a basket. The great river St Lawrence in one
night's frost will have ice thick enough to bear any
carriage. Then the Carrioling,'^^ which is the princi-
pal amusement of the Canadians, commences. That
carriage from the great velocity it moves on the snow
& ice, from its easy and pleasant motion seems to
engross all their attention during the winter months.
It is drawn by one or two horses, which in Canada
are excellent for the draught, tho in general small,
and is rather a help, so very easy is the draught to the
horses, to keep them steady on the ice. The persons
seated in the Caryole, generally two, are dressed
entirely in furs. The ladies' [furs] in general and of
the higher rank are elegant, so famous in that part of
the world to protect them from the severe cold ; but,
yet it is pleasant, the sky being quite serene and not
a cloud to be seen in the hemisphere. Thus equipt
you paVade over the ice & snow amidst perhaps a
hundred other caryoles, painted in the most gaudy
^^ This is a word of purely Canadian coinage, and has
passed unnoticed by lexicographers. " Carriole " is a French
word for a small, light carriage, and, strangely enough, has
been metamorphosed into carryall and applied to a cumber-
some vehicle formerly much in vogue in New England, but
unknown in Europe. Hadden gives the word as " cabri-
oling,'' a word of very different etymology, from caper^ a
goat, referring especially to the leaping motion of that ani-
mal, and applied also to a carriage (cabriolet and cab), which
originally was a small one-horse carriage (cabriolet and cab),
to which the horse imparted a jerking motion.
Lieute7iant Digbys Journal.
i«i
colours, which from the great contrast of the snow
has a beautiful effect. The ice is much smoother
and better for this amusement before a snow storm,
which is there frequent ; but yet the idea of the
water being deep enough under you to float a ship
of the line, and the ice so very transparent as fish
to be seen under it, has rather an alarming appear-
ance to a stranger, though very seldom accidents
happen — as by an order from the governor the roads
are marked out on the river, keeping clear of all
springs, many of which are to be found on the St
Lawrence — except at the breaking up of the ice — the
thaw generally coming on about the latter end of
March — when Caryoles are sometimes lost; for ex-
ample one officer of our regiment. Captain Scott '^7
^=" Alexander Scott belonged to a noted Scotch family
known as the Scotts of Logi*e, and was commissioned an
ensign in the Thirty-seventh Foot, October 3, 1757. He was
advanced to the rank of Heutenant, May 17, 1759, and served
with his regiment through the French war, when, in 1763,
his regiment, the Seventy-fifth Foot, which was composed
of the Second Battalion of the Thirty-seventh Foot-—
that battalion having been detached and so numbered in
I75Q — was disbanded. From that time until February 11,
1767, he was on half pay, but on the date named was made
a lieutenant in the Fifty-third Foot while it was stationed at
Gibraltar. The next year he accompanied his regiment to
Ireland, and, when it was ordered to America in the spring
of '76, he accompanied it, and served through the campaign
of that year, being assistant commissary of Powell's Brigade.
In a note to Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, p. 206, he
is stated to have served through the Burgoyne campaign, and
to have died in 1778 ; but this statement of Digby corrects
the error. Vide Burke's Landed Gentry and British Army
Lists, in loco.
1 82 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
and one of 47"" regiment, Cap Lestrange/^^ both
unfortunately lost their lives in this manner. The
thaw is attended with a tremendous noise, the ice
rushing down from the great Lakes in large bodies
crushing all before them many leagues after clearing
the gulph, and rendering the approach of ships to
that coast at this time of the year very dangerous.
All the great Lakes and Rivers we passed during
the summer in boats and battows were at this season
of the year fine plains for caryoling. — The cold is
so very intense, that we have had port wine froze
in the bottles, though in a room with a stove. On
going out in the air, you must be very well raped up
with furs or the most tender parts will be frost
bitten, which the only remedy for is being well
rubbed with snow, else the part will, perhaps, mortify
or drop off. Some few o«vour men have suffered in
this manner through their own carelessness, as they
^^ Richard L'Estrange entered the Forty-seventh Foot as
an ensign, June 13, 1765. He was promoted, November 6,
1769, to the rank of captain-lieutenant, and to that of captain.
May 25, 1772. At the date of his latter promotion, the
Forty-seventh was stationed at Ireland, from whence it sailed
for America in 1773. The Forty-seventh, which had before
seen service in America, having distinguished itself under
Wolfe at the fall of Quebec, was one of the regiments ordered
to Boston at the beginning of troubles there, and in the bat-
tles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, Captain L'Estrange
participated. After the evacuation of Boston, he sailed with
his regiment to Halifax, and soon after joined General Carle-
ton's command and participated in the campaign of '76, which
was his last. Vide Historical Record of the Forty-seventh
Foot and British Army Lists, in loco.
Lieutenant Dighys Journal. 183
were all provided with caps, gloves, blankets coats,
A poor fellow of our company died during the
winter, and we found it a most difficult affair to
bury him. After near a days labor with crows, pick-
axes &^ we had a grave dug for him, the ground
being froze above six feet deep. This was matter
of surprise to the Canadians, who place their dead
at this season in a small habitation built beside their
places of worship, where they remain froze till the
warm weather allows them burial. — At this time the
wolves and bears come from the woods to pick up
food, when the former are dangerous ; they are taken
in traps when they howl most dreadfully. We killed
a fine bear and his flesh proved not very bad ; at
least it was a variety. It had a young cub which we
tamed and in a little time^ was very tractable. All
the hares turn at this season as white as snow, as
indeed do many other beasts in more nothern countrys.
Nothing but a melancholy white strikes the eye on
every side, and [there is nothing] which takes the
place [better] of that beautiful variety of colours,
which is the greatest ornament of the country, than
[the] trees, which appear planted in the snow and
which present to our sight only hoary heads and
branches loaded with icicles. During the winter
there were balls, assemblys &'' at Quebec and Mon-
treal ; the former is the seat of the Governor, who
lives in a great degree of elegance, and as absolute
in his government as possible. Gen Carlton, notwith-
184 Lieutenant Digbys Jotcmal.
standing his severity, was much liked by the Cana-
dians, perhaps fear might have something to say in
that case. '3^ /General Phillips commanded at Mon-
treal,\ and general Riedzel,. of the foreign tropps, at
Trofs Riviere. The persons of the Canadians ,
but I am exceeding the bounds, I at first prescribed
in my preface, by a digression no doubt tedious &
tiresome to the reader. —
Thus situated we passed the Winter in as agreeable
a manner as was in our power, with an expectation
of opening the campaign early the ensueing season.
^"^ Reference has been made — ante, note 68 — to the
French historian, Garneau's statement, that General Carle-
ton, on his return to Canada, punished most barbarously
with fire and sword those Canadians who had exhibited sym-
pathy with their brother colonists from the south, who had
invaded their country. It is strange that neither Hadden,
Pausch nor 5*igby alluded to this, a matter which ought
naturally to have engaged their attention. The nearest
approach to such an allusion is this of Digby, and is not
sufficient to base an opinion upon. From the absence in
these journals of any statement bearing out the assertion of
Garneau, we may infer that it is exaggerated.
END OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN.
CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
BY AN OFFICER IN THE NORTHEfirN ARMY,
UNDER THE COMMAND OF HIS EXCELLENCY
LIEUT.-GEN. JOHN BURGOYNE.
TO THEIR CAPTURE AT
SARATOGA.
SECOND CAMPAIGN,
1777.
AY 6, I ']']']. Lieut. General Burgoyne made
Quebec in the Apollo frigate, with orders
from Government, to take the command of
the army, which, though it pleased the troops in gen-
eral, yet caused some surprise at General Carlton's
being set aside ; and which could be accounted for only
in the following manner; first his not being able as
Governor to leave the province, as were he to effect a
junction with General Howe, who was appointed Com-
mander in chief of all America, and which was thought
very probable. General Carlton, as the oldest officer,
must have taken the command, from whence it was
judged better not to let them clash ; some gave another
reason, which, I think, must appear an unjust one,
namely, his not attempting to reduce Ticonderogathe
preceding season ; and I am positive every officer in
the army, if called upon, would acquit him of acting
imprudently in retireing from that place to winter
in Canada, the season being so very severe and far
1 88 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
advanced. ''♦° The troops were assembled at St Johns
ready to cross over Lake Champlain. The 31^^ 2<^^
and 34''' regiments were left to garrison Canada. The
troops were all in the greatest health and much im-
proved since their sailing from Great Britain ; as
many were then recruits, they were also better inured
to the climate than the preceding season/and General
Burgoyne seemed extremely pleased, as indeed he
must have been, with the good appearance of the
army on taking the field ; and I make no doubt, but
the expectations of the people at home were sanguine
respecting his opperations necessary for the junction
with the Southern army, under the command of
General Howe. On his takeing the command, he
gave out the following manifesto or proclamation,
intending it for the benefit of the Americans, where
his army was intended to act, and as he afterwards
says in the House of Commons, rather to hold out
terrors, than put them into execution. Many copies
were soon dispersed through the Provinces of the
enemy. How it was attended to will be seen in the
following pages.
"''The subject of placing Burgoyne in command of the
campaign about to be inaugurated, was widely discussed at
home as well as in the army, and Burgoyne was openly
accused by his adversaries of having supplanted a brother
officer by the use of means not honorable to a soldier. This
charge he met and refuted in Parliament. On the other
hand, many saw in the action of the government a disap-
proval of Carleton's management of the previous cam-
paign.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 1 89
By John Burgoyne, E''^
Lieutenant General of his Majesties Armies in
America, Col° of the Queen's regiment of Light
Dragoons, Governor of Fort WIHIam in North Brit-
ain, One of the representatives of the Commons of
Great Britain in Parliament and Commanding an
army and fleet employed in an expedition from
Canada &'^. &^ ^\
The forces intrusted to my command are designed to
act in concert and upon a common principle with the
numerous armies and fleets which already display in
every quarter of America the Power, the Justice
(and when properly sought) the Mercy of the King.
The cause, in which the British arms are exerted,
applies to the most affecting interests of the human
heart, and the military servants of the crown, at first
called forth for the sole purpose of Restoring the
rights of the Constitution, now Combine with love of
their Country, and duty to their Sovereign, the other
extensive incitements which spring from a true sense
of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes
and ears of the temperate part of the public, and to
the breasts of the suffering thousands in the Prov-
inces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present
unnatural Rebellion has not been made a foundation
for the completest system of tyranny that ever God,
in his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised
over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary
Imprisonment, confiscation of property. Persecution
igo Lieiitenmtt Digbys Journal.
and torture unprecedented in the Inquisition of the
Romish Church are amongst the palpable enormities
that verefy the affirmative. These are inflicted by
Assemblys and Committees, who dare to profess
themselves friends to Liberty, upon the most quiet
subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the
sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having
adhered in principle to the Government under which
they were born, and, to which, by every tie Divine
& Human, they owe allegiance. To consummate
these shocking proceedings, the profanation of re-
ligion is added to the most profligate prostitution of
common reason ; the consciences of men are set at
naught, and multitudes are compelled, not only to
bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usur-
pation they abhor. Animated by these considera-
tions, at the head of troops in full power of health,
discipline and valour, determined to strike when
necessary, and anxious to spare when possible. I
by these presents, invite and exhort all persons, in
all places where the progress of this army may point,
(and by the blessing of God I will extend it far) to
mentain such a conduct as may justify in protecting
their lands, Habitations and Families. The inten-
tion of this address, is to hold forth security, not
depredation to the country. To those whom spirit
and principle may induce to partake [in] the glorious
task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons,
and reestablishing the blessings of Legal Govern-
ment, I offer encouragement and employment, and
Lieutena7it Digbys Jo2irnaL 191
upon the first intelligence of their associating, I will
find means to assist their undertakings. The Domes-
tic, the industrious, the infirm and even the timid
inhabitants I am desirous to protect, provided they
remain quietly in their houses ; that they do not suffer
their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage
to be secreted or destroyed ; that they do not break
up their bridges or roads, nor by any other acts,
directly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the oppe-
rations of the Kings troops, or supply or subsist those
of the enemy, every species of provision brought to
my camp will be paid for at an equitable rate and in
solid coin. The consciousness of Christianity, my
Royal Master's clemency, and the honour of soldier-
ship, I have dwelt upon in this invitation, and wished
for more persuasive terms to give it impression ; and
let not people be led to disregard it by considering
their distance from the immediate situation of my
camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces
under my direction, (and they amount to thousands)
to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain
and America. I consider them the same where ever
they may lurk. If notwithstanding these endeavours,
and sincere inclinations to effect them, the phrensy of
hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquit-
ted in the eyes of God and men in denouncing and
executing the vengeance of the State against the wil-
ful outcasts. The messengers of Justice and wrath
await them in the field, and Devastation, famine and
every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indis-
192 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
pensible prosecution of military duty must occasion,
will bar the way to their return.''*'
General Orders.
Disposition of the army under the Command of
Lieu^ Gen' Burgoyne.
"^ Many humorous replies were made to this high-sound-
ing proclamation of Burgoyne, one of which Digby himself
gives us. Another, ascribed to William Livingston, Gov-
ernor of New Jersey, was especially witty, and purported to
be an agreement for exchange of prisoners, supposing the
commander-in-chief himself fell into the hands of the Ameri-
cans. It was arranged in articles, in which his various titles
were appropriately numbered, and a value set upon each for
purposes of exchange. Thus it was proposed to give, as
follows :
" I. For John Burgoyne Esquire, some worthy justice of the peace.
" 2. For J. B. lieut. gen. of his maj'^ armies in Am. 2 major generals.
" 3. For J. B. Col. queen's reg. It. dragoons, at least 3 Continental colonels.
" 4. For J. B. gov. of fort Wm. in N. Britain, i Gov. because his multititu-
lary excellency is gov. of a fort & 2 as that f. is in North Britain.
" 5. For J. B. one of the representatives of Great Britain, the first member
of Congress who may fall into the enemy's hands.
" 6. For J. B. com. of a fleet employed on an expedition to Canada, the
admiral of our navy.
" 7. For J. B. com. of an army employed in an expedition from Canada, i
commander in chief in any of our departments.
" 8. For J. B. &c. &c. &c. which he humorously discusses, 3 privates."
Washington issued a counter-proclamation, which was in
strong contrast to Burgoyne's, being characterized by simple,
but lofty and dignified sentiments. It closed with these
noble words : " Harassed as zae are by tmrelenting persecu-
tion, obliged "by every tie to repel violence by force, urged by
self-preservation to exert the strength zuhich Providence has
given us to defend our natural rights against the aggressor,
tue appeal to the Jtearts of all mankind for the justice of our
cause ; its event ive leave to Him, who speaks the fate of
nations, in humble confidence that as his omniscient eye taketh
note even of the sparrozu that falleth to the ground, so he will
not luithdraiv his countenance from a people ivho Jitinibly array
themselves under his banner in defense of the noblest principles
with wliich he lias adorned humanity y
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 193
Brigadier General Frazier will be joined by the
Canadian companies of Moning and Boucherville/'*^
Capt" Frazier's detachment and a body of Savages.
The German Grenadiers, Chassieures, Light Infantry
under the command of Lieu^ Col° Bremen"^^ form a
corps of Reserve, and will never encamp in the line.
The regiment of Riedesel's Dragoons is also out of
the Line, and for the present, will be employed to
cover head quarters. The provincial corps of Peters ''^'^
"^Rene Antoine de Boucherville was born at Cataracouy,
the Indian name of a settlement which occupied the site of
the present busy town of Kingston, on February 12, 1735.
He was an active partisan in the war, and subsequently at-
tained prominence in political affairs, becoming a member
of the Canadian Legislative Council, and occupying other
official positions. He died at Boucherville, Canada, Sep-
tember 2, 1812. Colonel Rogers questions the identity of
the officer mentioned in this journal with the Seigneur Rene
Antoine, above noted. His reasons may be found in Ap-
pendix number twelve to Hadden's Journal and Orderly
Books.
^^^ Heinrich Christoph Breymann was lieutenant-colonel of
the grenadiers loaned by the Duke of Brunswick to George
the Third. He was a brave and efficient officer, but was
severely criticised for tardiness in marching to the support
of Baum, at Bennington. A report was current in Bur-
goyne's army, says Hadden, "that an old picque between
Brynien & Baunie might occasion his tardiness, as he was
heard to say, ' we will let them get warm before we reach
"^John Peters was a Connecticut yankee, and was born at
Hebron in 1740. He was of sound rebel stock. His father,
John, was a staunch patriot, and his cousin, John S., was
governor of Connecticut. The historian of Connecticut, the
Rev. Samuel, was his uncle. He was a graduate of Yale
College in the class of 1759, and studied the profession of
25
1 94 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
and Jessop"'^ are also out of the line. The recruits
of the 2,Z^^ regiment, and the other regiments under
them ' when he heard the firing." Be this as it may, he
fought well after reaching the scene of action, was himself
wounded, and his command suffered severe loss. He was
subsequently killed in the battle of Bemus' Heights, October
7, 1777. Vide Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 36,
136.
the law, removing in 1766 to Vermont, where he became a
prosperous citizen, holding important civil offices until the
opening of the war. He was a member of the provincial
congress, but was hostile to independence, and allied himself
to the Tories in the war, and accompanied General Carleton
on the campaign of 'j6 as a volunteer. He went on the raid to
Bennington with Baum, as lieutenant-colonel of the Queen's
Loyal Rangers, expecting to add to his command from the dis-
affected after the expected defeat of his fellow-countrymen,
but in the battle lost a large portion of his men. He fought
with Burgoyne through the campaign of '']J^ and on the eve
of that general's surrender of his army he escaped to Canada.
Here he seems to have been neglected, and the promises
made to him broken. His property was, of course, confis-
cated, and he was unable on account of the act of attainder,
to return to his old home. Broken in health, and unable
even to get pay for his services, he finally went to England
to urge his claims upon the government, leaving his family,
consisting of a wife and eight children, at Cape Breton, but
a deaf ear was turned toward him, and for three years he
hung about the back doors of royalty begging in vain, when
death came to his relief in 1788. Vide History of New
York During the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. i, pp. 686-
692 ; History of Vermont (Hall), p. 769 ; Loyalists of the
American Revolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. 2, p. 183.
"^Ebenezer and Edward Jessup were brothers, born in
the Province of Connecticut, who, several years before the
commencement of the Revolution, removed to northern
New York where they had acquired extensive possessions,
and erected houses and mills. They were both justices of
Lieutena7it Digbys Journal. 195
the command of Lieu' Nutt "'^ are, for the present,
to serve on board the Fleet.
the peace for the Province of New York, and engaged in
business enterprises of importance, but when the war began,
thought best to cast in their lot with the British invaders of
their country. Edward Jessup had already had mihtary
experience, having been a captain of Provincials in 1759.
Both brothers, it would seem, were considered competent to
command, hence we find them both prominent among the
commanders of Provincial loyalists. Burgoyne, however, did
not regard these soldiers very favorably, as they did not
stand by him with that constancy which he demanded of
them, but we must remember that he had been bred in the
regular service, and consequently would, of necessity, be
prone to regard Provincial irregulars unfavorably. The
brothers Jessup never returned to the United States and
their property was confiscated. A Jessup genealogy by
Prof. Henry G. Jessup is in press, to which the reader is
referred for further particulars. Also, vide Hadden's Journal
and Orderly Books, pp. 67-74, 112 et passim. I am indebted
for several particulars in this note to Mr. Douglass Brymner,
Canadian archivist.
"^George Anson Nutt became an ensign in the Thirty-
third Foot, August 28, 1771, and a lieutenant, October 26,
1775. He was in command of a body of about one hundred
and fifty men to recruit the Thirty-third — the regiment of
Lord Cornwallis, which had accompanied Sir Peter Parker's
unsuccessful expedition against Charleston, South Carolina,
and which was to have joined Carleton at Quebec, had not a
change of plan taken place. He was attached with his
command to the artillery in the campaign of '']'], and suffered
captivity with the surrendered army until September 3, 1781,
when he was exchanged. On October i, 1780, during his
captivity, he was promoted to the rank of captain-lieutenant.
In 1783 he went on half pay, but returned to active service
in 1787, and became, on May 30, a captain in the Sixty-
fifth Foot. Two years later his name disappears from the
rolls. Vide British Army Lists, /;/ loco ; Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Book, pp. Ix, Ixx ; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 178.
196
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
The line upon the next movement will encamp
in order of Battle as follows, and will continue the
same till Countermanded.
a>
-a
rt .
bjOj3
(£2
H
■SCQ
H
0
<
2
E
pa
^
0
K
<A
0
■o
w
(5
M .
Q
"C J=
(^
0
■a'C
Brigdr Genl
Powell 147
Brigi" General.
Hamilton 148
47th Regiment.
53rcl Regiment,
gth Regiment.
2ist Regiment.
62nd Regiment.
20th Regiment.
"^ Henry Watson Powell became a lieutenant in the Forty-
sixth Foot, March lo, 1753, and a captain, September 2, 1756,
in the Eleventh, which afterward became the Sixty fourth
Foot. In this regiment he served against the French West
Indies in 1759, ^"d in 1768 accompanied his regiment to
America. June 2, 1770, he was promoted to a majority in
the Thirty-eighth, and July 23, 1771 , to a lieutenant-colonelcy
in the Fifty-third Foot. After his arrival in America in the
spring of 'j6, General Carleton assigned him to the com-
mand of the Second Brigade with the rank of brigadier-
general. Upon the evacuation by the Americans of Ticon-
"® James Inglis Hamilton. Owing to the fact that there
were several of this name in the army at the same period, it
is difficult to identify the subject of this note during the
early part of his career. Dr. O'Callaghan supposes him to
have been commissioned captain in the army, February 28,
1755, and of the Thirty-fourth Foot, August 25, 1756. In
1758 this regiment formed part of the expedition against St.
Malo, and in 1760 against Belle Isle. On October 17, 1761,
he was appointed major in command of the One Hundred
and Thirteenth Royal Highland Volunteers, which regiment
being disbanded, he retired on half pay on May 25, 1772,
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
197
;; tXT^t??? General Powell was left in command of
deroga, July 6 i777, j^eneic Bennington, an
;;;j;;7^;7^appointed Ueutenant-colonel in the army
On March II 1774, he was made lieutenant-colonel of the
On Marcn y- ^//4' , ^ Carleton m the cam-
^iign of Bur'goyne, acquitting himself "with great honor,
^i^^^^^HlTv^i Gall was colonel of the Hesse Hanau rcgi.
therefore held the rank of brigadier-general durmg the cam
oaten Colonel Von Gall was in the various battles of the
"xaoTohann FViederich Specht, colonel of the regimeiit of
198 Lieutenant Digbys Joitrnal.
If it should become necessary to form two lines,
the second line is to be formed by the Second
Brigade of British doubling upon the first, and the
Second Brigade of Germans, doubling in the same
manner upon their first. The Brigadiers are always
to encamp with their Brigades.
Lieut Gen' Burgoyne takes the occasion of the
Army's assembling to express publickly the high
the hue of defeat. After Burgoyne's surrender, he abandoned
Ticonderoga and returned to Canada, where he held com-
mand for several years. He was made a colonel in the army,
February 19, 1779, and in 1780 purchased an estate in the
suburbs of Quebec. He was made a major-general, Novem-
ber 20, 1782 ; colonel of the Sixty-ninth Foot, April 16, 1792,
and of the Fifteenth Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general,
activity and good conduct," according to Burgoyne. He
was among the convention prisoners, and was exchanged
September 3, 1781. He subsequently became colonel in the
army, September 3, 1781 ; major-general, September 28, 1787;
colonel of the Fifteenth Foot, August 22, 1792, and of the
Twenty-first Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general, Janu-
among the captured officers and shared the captivity of his
men. He was unjustly accused of appropriating money to
his own use, a charge which grew out of an arrangement
which he made, while in winter quarters, with some of the
inhabitants, to board his men in exchange for their army
rations. These rations he cut down in quantity, in order to
accumulate a reserve fund for them, and although it appeared
that he was not doing this for private gain, his tyrannical
prince, when he returned, after his captivity in 1 781, angrily
turned him out of his service. There was another reason,
however, quite as potent with the prince. As long as his
officers remained out of the country, either in the service of
among the captured troops, and after his exchange in Octo-
ber, 1780, returned to Canada and remained there until peace
was declared, when he returned home, in October, 1783. He
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 199
opinion he entertains of the Troops, which his
Majesty has been graciously pleased to intrust to
his command.
They could not have been selected more to his sat-
isfaction, and the lieu' Gen^ trusts it will be received
as one mark of his attention to their glory and wel-
fare, that with the promise of every encouragement
the service will allow, he declares a determination and
he calls upon every officer to assist him to mentain
a steady, uniform system of subordination and obey-
dience.
May 3, 1796, and general, January i, 1801. He died at
Lyme, England, July 14, 18 14. Vide British Army Lists, in
loco ; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 10 ; Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Books, pp. 45, 117, et passion ; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 173 ; Gentleman's Maga-
zine, vol. 84, part 2, p. 190.
ary 26, 1797, and general, April 29, 1802. He died July 27,
1803. F/^i^ British Army Lists, /;^ /d?*:^ ; Burgoyne's Orderly
Book, pp. 22, et seq., 190, et passim ; A State of the Expedi-
tion, Appendix 49; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
pp. 45, 176, et passim.
the British king, or in captivity, the result of that service,
the prince received a considerable income from the treasury
of Great Britain. Specht and others remained in Canada in
the service of George the Third, until the peace, and Von
Gall it appears did not have permission to return ; hence he
was made an example of, and the principal reason given was
his return without permission. Certainly no other officer
attempted to return after this salutary example. Vide Me-
moirs of General Riedesel, vol. i, pp. 39, 100; vol. 2, pp.
101-105, 216-218.
died at Brunswick, June 24, 1787. Vide Memoirs of General
Riedesel, vol. i, pp. 26, 62, 66 ; vol. 2, pp. 47, jt,, 100, ct pas-
sim ; Journal of Madame Riedesel, p. 160.
200 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
After which the standing regulations of the army
respecting Dutys in camp &'' are inserted, with orders
for officer's strictly to observe on their several guards
and out posts, which from their length I am obliged
to omit inserting here. —
General Orders, June 29.
The army embarks tomorrow to oppose the enemy.
We are to Contend for the King and the Constitution
of Great Britain ; to vindicate law and relieve the
oppressed ; a cause in which his majesties Troops,
and those of the Princes, his allies, will feel equal
excitement. The services required of this particular
expedition are critical and conspicuous. During our
progress occasions may occur in which no difficulty,
nor labour, nor life are to be regarded. —
We crossed the Lake pretty much in the same
manner before related, excepting that the season was
a more pleasant one, and our being a longer time on
the passage, owing to the great tediousness of bring-
ing over Artillery and other stores, so requisite for
such an expedition. We remained near a week at
Bouquet river,'^' 30 miles North of Crown Point,
where we were joined by a nation of Indians, and
who, from General Burgoyne, received the most posi-
tive orders not to scalp, except the dead.
^^^The river Bouquet derives its name from Colonel Bou-
quet, who commanded an expedition against the Indians
while Canada was under the French. It was at the place
here mentioned that he negotiated a treaty of peace with the
savages.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 201
30. The Advanced Corps made their appearance
before Ticonderoga. We encamped at Three Mile
Point. The line, with the general, were at Putnam's
Creek, about six miles in our rear, but expected
shortly up. We had a full view from our post of
their works lines &'' and their flag of Liberty dis-
played on the summit of the Fort. Our gun boats
were anchored across the river out of the range of
their cannon, and our two frigates, the largest called
the Royal George carrying 32 Guns, and built at St
Johns during the winter, with the Inflexible at a
small distance from the Gun boats, with a large boom
ahead to prevent fire ships coming down from the
Fort. Our Indians had many small skirmishes with
parties of theirs, and always came off victorious, and
what prisoners were taken, all seemed to agree that
they intended to make a vigorous defence. With
our glasses we could distinguish every thing they
were about in the Fort, appearing very busy about
their works, and viewing with their glasses our situa-
tion force &°. It was entertaining enough, being a
scene of life I had not been accustomed to before,
and its novelty made it amusing.
State of the Army rank and file fit for Duty.
British 3.252
Germans 3,007
Canadians 145
Indians 500
Total 6,904
26
202 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
I have not included sick officers, servants, Batt-
men ^^^^ &^
The Country round the Fort is covered with thick
wood through [which] roads were to be made for
our carrying on regular approaches.
July I. About 12 o clock a small boat of theirs
rowed down from the fort within reach of the cannon
from our gun boats ; she lay on her oars, when we
saw her intent was to reconnoitre our post, at first it
was proposed to fire on her, but the smallness of the
object made it not worth perhaps expending a few
shots on, and she returned quietly back to the Fort.
2^. A detachment of about 500 men from our corps
were ordered, under the command of Brig'' Gen'
Frazier, to take possession of an eminence, said to
command the Fort. We moved at one o clock, and
about three had a skirmish with a large party of the
enemy, and drove them under cover of their cannon.
We lost some Indians and poor Rich'' Houghton, '^^ a
^^^ Batmen. Bat is a French word, signifying pack-saddle.
The government formerly allowed to every company of a
regiment in foreign service a batman, whose duty it was to
take charge of the cooking utensils, etc., of the company.
The term came to be applied to men in charge of baggage,
and, finally, though inappropriately, to men in charge of
officers' horses. The pack-horses were also called bat-horses,
and money paid for service bat- money.
^^ Richard Houghton was wounded on the night of July
2d while engaged in trying to save some savages from being
captured or destroyed. They had been having a pow-wow,
and had become drunk as usual, and probably in a spirit of
bravado approached the American lines. Houghton, while
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 203
lieu^ of our regiment [was] severely wounded. During
that night they were constantly fireing on us from
under cover of their guns, where they well knew we
could not follow them. Our out sentries and theirs
were very near each other, and sleep was a stranger
to us. We had but two 6 pounders with us, the road
not being cut for a large gun. We fired two evening
guns to make them believe there were two Brigades
on the ground, and also caused our drums to beat to
alarm them in the Fort.
3^^. At day break, the remainder of our corps joined
us with the First Brigade of British, and soon after,
they opened a nine pound battery on us, and by the
direction of their shot, they must have seen our 6
pounders, as they killed a man and horse harnessed,
in the carriage of the gun, on which we were obliged
to move them under cover of a small hill. During
the day they killed a few of our men, and some balls
endeavoring to get the worse than useless creatures back
within the British lines, was fired upon by the Americans
and wounded. One of the savages was killed and another
wounded. Lieutenant Houghton obtained his first com-
mission in the Fifty-third Foot as an ensign, August 30, 1768,
and was promoted to a Heutenancy, April 30, 1771. Being
wounded in the battle of the 7th of October, and carried
to the rear, he was not among the convention prisoners, and
undoubtedly remained with the Fifty-third in Canada until
its return to England in the summer of 1789. He was com-
missioned as captain and captain-lieutenant, December 27,
1785, and his name so appears in the army lists of 1793,
after which date it is dropped. Vide British Army Lists, in
loco ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late American
War, pp. 174, 176; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
p. 83 ; Historical Record of the Fifty-third Foot, p. 4.
204 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
went through our tents, their ground commanding
ours.
4*^ Before day light, we shifted our camp farther
back a small way from the range of their shot, until
our 12 pounders could come up to play on them
in return ; by their not throwing shells, we supposed
they had none, which from our camp being on a
rocky eminence would have raked us much ; as to
their balls we did not much mind them being at too
great a distance to suffer from any point blank shot
from their cannon. About noon we took possession
of Sugar loaf hill '^'^ on which a battery was imme-
^^Sugarloaf Hill, or Mount Defiance, was an elevation
difficult of ascent, which commanded the extensive works at
Ticonderoga. The command of Ticonderoga and the de-
fenses in the vicinity had been assigned to Gates by Schuy-
ler, who was in command of the department ; but the jealousy
of Gates caused him to decline it, and this occasioned some
delay in getting the defenses into a condition to meet an
assault. Schuyler was bending all his energies toward
strengthening the works in his department, and as soon as the
decision of Gates was knowri,he dispatched General Arthur
St. Clair to Ticonderoga, which he reached on the twelfth
of June. With a strange want of foresight, he took no steps
to fortify the important hill which commanded his works,
but devoted himself to strengthening them, Burgoyne thus
speaks of this neglect of St. Clair: "The manner of taking
up the ground at Ticonderoga, convinces me that they have
no men of military science. Without possessing Sugar Hill,
from which I was proceeding to attack them, Ticonderoga
is only what I once heard Montcalm had expressed it to be:
' Une parte pour un Jionnete liotmne de se dcshonorer' They
seem to have expended great treasure and the unwearied
labor of more than a year to fortify, upon the supposition
that we should only attack them upon the point where they
were best prepared to resist." Vide Letter to Earl Hervey,
nth July, Fonblanque, p. 247.
Lietitenant Digbys Journal. 205
diately ordered to be raised. It was a post of great
consequence, as it commanded a great part of the
works of Ticonderoga, all their vessels, and likewise
afforded us the means of cutting off their communica-
tion with Fort Independent, a place also of great
strength and the works very extensive. But here the
commanding officer was reckoned guilty of a great
oversight in lighting fires on that post, tho I am in-
formed, it was done by the Indians, the smoak of
which was soon perceived by the enemy in the Fort ;
as he should have remained undiscovered till night,
when he was to have got two 12 pounders up tho
their getting there was almost a perpendicular ascent,
and drawn up by most of the cattle belonging to the
Army. They no sooner perceived us in possession of
a post, which they thought quite impossible to bring
cannon up to, than all their pretended boastings of
holding out to the last, and choosing rather to die in
their works than give them up, failed them, and on
the night of the 5"" [day] they set fire to several
parts of the garrison, kept a constant fire of great
guns the whole night, and under the protection of that
fire, and clouds of smoke they evacuated the garrison,
leaving all their cannon, amunition and a great quan-
tity of stores. They embarked what baggage they
could during the night in their battows, and sent them
up to Skeensborough under the protection of five
schooners, which Captain Carter '^^ of the Artillery
^^'^ John Carter became a cadet at Woolwich, February 18,
1752; lieutenant-fireworker in the artillery, March i, 1755;
2o6 Lieutenmtt Digbys Journal.
with our gun boats followed and destroyed with all
their baggage and provisions. As I happened to be
one of the Lieutenants of the Grenadiers piquet that
night, when we perceived the great fires in the Fort,
the general was immediately made acquainted with
it and our suspicion of their abandoning the place,
who with many other good officers imagined it was
all a feint in them to induce us to make an attack,
and seemingly with a great reason of probability, tho
to me, who could be but a very poor judge, it seemed
quite the contrary, as I never before saw such great
fires. About 1 2 o clock we were very near committing
a most dreadful mistake. At that hour of the night,
as I was going my rounds to observe if all the
sentrys were alert on their different posts, one sentry
challenged a party of men passing under his post,
which was situated on the summit of a ravine or
gully, and also heard carriages dragging in the same
place, who answered friends, but on his demand-
ing the countersign, they did not give it, and by
their hesitating appeared at a loss; when the fellow
would have instantly fired upon them according to
second lieutenant, April i, 1756; first lieutenant, April 2,
1757; captain-lieutenant, January i, 1759, and captain, Decem-
ber 7, 1763. He participated in the campaign of 1776. At
this time he was in command of a park of artillery. He
was created a major in the army, August 29, 1777, and was
among the captured officers, but died a prisoner, on March
17, 1779. Vide Kane's Artillery List; British Army Lists,
in loco ; History American War (Stedman), vol. i, p. 324;
History Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 176, 244; Had-
den's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 91, 250, 317, et passim.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 207
his orders, had not I come up at the time, on which
I caused him to challenge them again ; they not
answering, I called to the piquet to turn out and
stand to their arms, still lothe to fire. Just at the
time. Captain Walker ^^e ^ame up in great haste and
told me it was a party of his Artillery with two
12 pounders going to take post on Sugar loaf hill,
and his orders to them was to cause it to be kept
as secret as possible, which by their too strictly
attending to, in not answering our challenge, which
^^ Ellis Walker was made a cadet at Woolwich, March i,
1755, and became a lieutenant-fireworker in the Royal Artil-
lery October 29th of the same year. He advanced rapidly
in his profession, being commissioned as second lieutenant,
April 2, 1757; first Heutenant, January i, 1759, and captain-
lieutenant, August 5, 1761. In this year, war again broke
out between England and France, and Captain-Lieutenant
Walker sailed on the expedition under Major-General Hodg-
son against Belle-Isle, in the Bay of Biscay, which, after
several attacks and the loss of many men, was captured on
the seventh of June, two months after the appearance of the
fleet before Port Andre. Walker became a captain, January
I, 1 77 1, and was in the campaign of 1776. In the campaign
of 1777 he had charge of the artillery of General Eraser's
brigade. He returned to England after the war, and appears
on the army list as late as 1820, sixty-five years from the date
of his first commission, being then a general, having received
the following commissions, viz.: Of major in the army, June
7, 1 782 ; lieutenant-colonel in the artillery, December i , 1 782 ;
colonel in the army, October I2th, and in the artillery,
November i, 1793 ; major-general, February 26, 1795 ; colonel
commanding, September 25, 1796; lieutenant-general, April
29, 1802, and general, January i, 1812. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco; Kane's Artillery List ; History Royal Artillery
(Duncan), vol. i, pp. 224, 229 ; Hadden's Journal and Orderly
Books, pp. 154, 159, 250-254, et passim.
2o8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
could never be the intention of their orders, was
near involving us all in a scene of the greatest
confusion, which must have arose from our piquet
firing on them. I own I was somewhat alarmed, still
thinking the great fires in their lines a feint, and
their coming to attack us with more security, imag-
ineing we gave into that feint.
6^^ At the first dawn of light, 3 deserters came in
and informed that the enemy were retreating the
other side of mount Independent. The general was,
without loss of time, made acquainted with it, and
the picquets of the army were ordered to march and
take possession of the garrison and hoist the King's
colors, which was immediately done, and the Grena-
diers and Light Infantry were moved under the
command [of] Brigadier General Frazier, if possible
to come up with them with the greatest expedition.
From the Fort, we were obliged to cross over a
boom of boats between that place and Mount Inde-
pendent,'" which they, in their hurry, attempted to
burn without effect, as the water quenched it, though
in some places we could go but one abreast, and had
they placed one gun, so as the grape shot [could]
1^^ Mount Independence. It had received this name on the
eighteenth of the previous July. On the morning of that
day, just after the beating of the reveille, a courier reached
the camp of the Americans, who were posted on this hill,
with a copy of the Declaration of Independence, which
caused great enthusiasm in the camp. A feu-de-joie of
thirteen guns, in honor of the thirteen Confederated States,
was fired, and the hill was named Mount Independence to
commemorate the event.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 209
take the range of the bridge — and which surprised
us they did not, as two men could have fired it, and
then made off — they would, in all probability, have
destroyed all or most of us on the Boom. We con-
tinued the pursuit the whole day without any sort of
provisions, and, indeed, I may say, we had very little
or none, excepting one cow we happened to kill in
the woods, which, without bread, was next to nothing
among so many for two days after, a few hours rest
at night in the woods was absolutely necessary
7^\ After marching 4 or 5 miles we came up with
above 2000 of the enemy strongly posted on the top
of a high hill, with breastworks before them, and great
trees cut across to prevent our approach ; but not-
withstanding all these difficulties, they had no effect
on the ardor always shewn by British Troops, who
with the greatest steadiness and resolution, mounted
the hill amidst showers of balls mixed with buck shot,
which they plentifully bestowed amongst us. This
being the first serious engagement I had ever been
in, I must own, when we received orders to prime
and load, which we had barely time to do before
we received a heavy fire, the idea of perhaps a few
moments conveying me before the presence of my
Creator had its force ; but a moment's thought partly
reconciled it ; and let not the reader imagine from
that thought, that it was the cause of my deviating at
the time from my duty as a soldier, as I have always
made it a rule that a proper resignation to the will
of the Divine Being is the certain foundation for
27
2IO Lieute7iant Digbys Journal.
true bravery ; but to return, we no sooner gained the
ascent, than there was such a fire sent amongst them
as not easily conceived ; they for some hours main-
tained their ground, and once endeavoured to sur-
round us, but were soon made sensible of their
inferiority, (altho we had not more than 850 men
engaged, owing to our leaving the camp in so great
a hurry, half of our companies being on guard and
other duties), and were drove from their strong hold
with great slaughter. They continued retreating
from one post to another, the country affording them
many. After killing and taking prisoners most of
their principal officers, they were totally routed and
defeated with great loss. The numbers they had
killed cannot easily be ascertained, as a great many
fell in the pursuit which continued some distance
from the field of action. They had two Colonels
killed, one taken prisoner, with many other ofificers
killed and taken prisoners. The action lasted near
three hours, before they attenipted retreating, with
great obstinacy. We had near two hundred killed
and wounded. Major Grant,'58 24'^ Regiment who
^^^ Robert Grant was killed early on the morning of the
seventh. Being on the advance-guard, he surprised a party
of Americans while cooking their breakfasts and drove in
their pickets. He had climbed upon a stump to get a view
of the situation, when he was picked off by a sharpshooter.
Anburey speaks of him as " a very gallant and brave officer."
He had served on this same ground twenty years before
with the Americans against the French, as a lieutenant. He
received his captain's commission in 1762, and, two years
later, was assigned to the command of a company in the
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 211
had the advanced guard was the first who fell. We
had two other majors wounded, which were all we
had with us. Lord Balcarres, Major to the Light
Infantry, and Major Ackland of our BattalHon, with
15 or 16 other officers killed & wounded, the fire
being very heavy for the time. On CoP Frances *^^
Fortieth Foot. His commission to a majority in the Twenty-
fourth Foot he had enjoyed but two years, it having been dated
March 5, 1775. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Travels
in the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 327; Naval and
Mihtary Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, p. 69.
^^^ Ebenezer Francis was the son of Ebenezer Francis and
Rachel Whitmore, and was born in Medford, December 22,
1743. After receiving a careful education, he moved to
Beverly, where, in 1766, he was married to Judith Wood.
He was commissioned by Congress as captain, July i, 1775,
and was the next year promoted to a colonelcy. By author-
ity of Congress in January, 1777, he organized a regiment —
the Eleventh Massachusetts — with which he marched to
oppose the advance of Burgoyne. Anburey says that, " At
the commencement of the action, the enemy were every-
where thrown into the greatest confusion, but being rallied
by that brave officer, Colonel Francis, whose death, though
an enemy, will ever be regretted by those who can feel for
the loss of a gallant and brave man, the fight was renewed
with the greatest degree of fierceness and obstinacy." So
interesting is Anburey's relation of two incidents connected
with Colonel Francis' death, that it may be pardonable to
repeat them here, though they have been often before re-
peated. He says : " After the action was over and all firing
had ceased for near two hours, upon the summit of the
mountain I have already described, which had no ground
anywhere that could command it, a number of officers were
collected to read the papers taken out of the pocket-book of
Colonel Francis, when Captain Shrimpton of the Sixty-
second regiment, who had the papers in his hand, jumped
up and fell, exclaiming ' he was severely wounded.' We all
2 1 2 Lieutenafit Digbys Journal.
falling, who was there second in command, they did
not lone stand. I saw him after he fell, and his
appearance caused me to remark his figure, which
was fine & even at that time made me regard him
with attention. Our men got more plunder than
they could carry, and great quantities of paper
money which was not in the least regarded then,
tho had we kept it, it would have been of service,
as affairs turned out. I made prize of a pretty
good mare. In general Burgoyne's letter to Govern-
ment, he makes particular mention of the Grenadiers,
who with the rest of the troops behaved with the
greatest bravery. A party of Germans came up
heard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place whence
the report came, saw the smoke. As there was every reason
to imagine the piece was fired from some tree, a party of
men were instantly detached, but could find no person, the
fellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had slipped down
and made his escape." The sequel is curious. After the
surrender, while Anburey and some brother officers were
prisoners at Cambridge, he says : " A few days since, walk-
ing out with some officers, we stopped at a house to pur-
chase vegetables. Whilst the other officers were bargaining
with the woman of the house, I observed an elderly woman
sitting by the fire, who was continually eyeing us, and every
now and then shedding a tear. Just as we were quitting the
house she got up, and bursting into tears, said : ' Gentlemen,
will you let a poor distracted woman speak a word to you
before you go?' We, as you must naturally imagine, were
all astonished, and upon inquiring what she wanted, with
the most poignant grief and sobbing as if her heart was on
the point of breaking, asked if any of us knew her son, who
was killed at the battle of Huberton, a Colonel Francis.
Several of us informed her, that we had seen him after he
was dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, and if
Lieutenant Digbys Jourital. 213
time enough also to share in the glory of the day,
and the regular fire they gave at a critical time was
of material service to us. After the engagement,
we made sort of huts covered with the bark of trees
for our wounded, who were in a very bad situation,
as we had nothing to assist them till the return of
an express which was sent to Ticonderoga for
surgeons &". &*". But here the reader will forgive
my leaving that place, (& recollect the hurry we
were ordered from it) without giving a description
of that important fortress. Ticonderoga lies on the
western shore, and only a few miles to the north-
ward from the commencement of that narrow inlet
any of his papers were safe, as some related to his estates,
and if any of the soldiers had got his watch ; if she could but
obtain that in remembrance of her dear, dear son, she should
be happy. Captain Ferguson, of our regiment, who was of
the party, told her, as to the colonel's papers and pocket-book
he was fearful that they were either lost or destroyed, but
pulling a watch from his fob, said ' There, good woman, if
that can make you happy, take it and God bless you ! '
We were all much surprised, as unacquainted, as he had
made a purchase of it from a drum boy. On seeing it, it
is impossible to describe the joy and grief that was depicted
in her countenance; I never in all my life beheld such a
strength of passion. She kissed it, looked unutterable grat-
itude at Captain Ferguson, then kissed it again ; her feelings
were inexpressible. She knew not how to express or show
them. She would repay his kindness by kindness, but could
only sob her thanks. Our feelings were lifted up to an inex-
pressible height. We promised to search after the papers,
and I believe, at that moment, could have hazarded life
itself to procure them." Vide History of Medford (Brooks),
Boston, 1855, pp. 194-196, 513 ; Travels in the Interior Parts
of America, vol. i, pp. 331, ct seq., 336; vol. 2, pp. 208-210.
2 1 4 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
by which the water from Lake George'^° is conveyed
to Lake Champlain. Crown Point Hes about a dozen
miles farther north at the extremity of that inlet.
The first of these places is situated on an angle of
land, which is surrounded on three sides by water
and that covered by rocks. A great part of the
fourth side was covered by a deep morass ; where
that fails, the old French lines still continued
as a defence on the north west quarter. The
Americans strengthened these lines with additional
works and a block house. They had other posts
and works with block houses on the left towards
Lake George. To the right of the French lines
they had also two new block houses with other
works. On the eastern shore of the inlet, and
opposite to Ticonderoga, they had taken still more
pains in fortifying a high circular hill, to which they
gave the name of Mount Independent ; on the
summit of this, which is table land, they had erected
a star fort inclosing a large square of barracks well
fortified and supplied with artillery. The foot of the
^^^ Champlain was the first European who penetrated the
gloom of this wild region, and to the great lake he gave his
own name. Four decades later, that self-sacrificing and
heroic man, the Pere Jogues, with a wild band of savages,
traversed painfully the dangerous trail^ into the Iroquois
country, and on the eve of one of the many festival days of
his church — that of Corpus Christi — he came to the bank
of this romantic lake, and with religious fervor bestowed
upon it the name of St. Sacrament. This name it retained
for more than a century, when, in 1755, General Johnson
changed its name to Lake George, in honor of the British
king, and in evidence of his dominion over this region.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 215
mountain, which on the west side projected into the
water, was strongly intrenched to its edge, and the
intrenchment well lined with heavy artillery. A
battery about half way up the mount, sustained and
covered these lower works.
The enemy, with their usual industry, had joined
those two posts by a bridge of communication
thrown over the inlet. This was like many other of
their performances, a great and most laborious work.
The bridge was supported on 12 sunken piers of
very large timber planted at nearly equal distances ;
the spaces between these were filled with separate
floats, each about 50 feet long & 12 feet wide,
strongly fastened together with chains and rivets,
and as effectually attached to the sunken pillars
on the Lake Champlain side of the bridge. It was
defended by a boom composed of very large pieces
of timber fastened together by riveted bolts, and
double chains made of iron an inch and an half
square. Thus not only a communication was main-
tained between these two posts, but all access by
water from the northern side was totally cut off.
But to return, soon after the action, about 200
prisoners with a Col' Hale '^' came in to us, and
^^^ Nathan Hale was born in Hampstead, New Hampshire,
September 23, 1743. His father, Moses Hale, removed to
Rindge, a border settlement of his native State, when he was
about seventeen years of age, and died two years later.
Nathan, who had become a farmer and merchant, was mar-
ried on January 28, 1766, to Abigail Grout of Lunenburg,
Mass. From this date he appears as an active and influential
2i6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
them we obliged to fell trees in order to make a
breast work for our protection, not knowing but the
enemy might be reinforced and come again to the
attack. We were very badly off for provisions, and
nothing but water to drink, and tho it rained very
hard after the engagement (for the day before
and while the action lasted, it was I may say burn-
ing hot weather), we had no covering to shelter us,
our poor huts being a wretched security against the
heavy rain [which] poured on us.
8^'\ About 1 1 o'clock the Germans under the com-
mand of General Reidzel marched from us towards
citizen of the town, and when, in 1774, a company of minute-
men was formed in Rindge, he became its commander, and
was commissioned by the Provincial Congress a captain of
militia, June 2, 1774. "The people were nervously waiting
for the clouds to break, or, if needs be, for hostilities to com-
mence," when the news of the fight at Lexington reached
them, and Hale, at the head of his command of fifty men,
marched at once to Cambridge and tendered his services to
Washington, which were accepted. He participated in the
battle of Bunker Hill, and was commissioned as follows:
June 6, 1775, major of Colonel Reed's regiment, the Third
New Hampshire Foot ; January i, 1776, major of the Second
New Hampshire Foot ; November 8th, lieutenant-colonel of
the second battalion of New Hampshire troops, and, April
2, 1777, colonel of the same. Hale was held a prisoner by
the British, and died in captivity, September 23, 1780. Much
discussion has been held over his conduct in surrendering,
and different opinions still exist regarding it. These have
been ably presented by Colonel Rogers, who, as usual, has
not left much for those coming after him to say on the sub-
ject. Vide History of Rindge (Stearns), Boston, 1875, pp.
85-177, 541, ^i'/^^^m; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
Appendix 15.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 2 1 7
Skeensborough/^" (where it was supposed the main
body of our army had by that time arrived) to our
very great amazement, and which I beheve arose from
some Httle jealousy between the two Generals/'^ By
this movement, we were left with about 600 fighting
men, all our wounded to take care of, and a number
of prisoners, in the midst of thick woods, and but little
knowledge of the country around, also at too great
i^^Skenesborough was named for Captain Phillip Skene, a
British officer, who was under General Abercrombie in the
war with the French, in 1758. Becoming in that war familiar
with the region of country about Lake Champlain, he ob-
tained extensive grants of land in the vicinity, sold out his
commission in the army, and began a settlement to which his
own name became attached. He commonly went by the title
of Colonel Skene. The following incident related by Palmer,
is worthy repeating : '' The history of the surprise ot Skenes-
borough is embellished by an account of a singular discovery
made there by the patriots. It is said that some of Herrick's
men, while searching Skene's house, found the dead body
of a female deposited in the cellar, where it had been pre-
served for many years. This was the body of Mrs. Skene,
the deceased wife of the elder Skene, who was then m
Europe, and who was then in receipt of an annuity which
had been devised to his wife ' ivhile she remained above
ground^ Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Survey of
Washington County, New York (Fitch); History of Lake
Champlain (Palmer), p. 104.
^^^ Digby is mistaken in this surmise. There was, as we
well know, considerable jealousy between the German and
English portions of the army; but in this instance, the
advance of Riedesel was part of a plan which resulted in
success to the British arms. Had not Riedesel marched to
the support of the troops under Eraser, who had preceded
him, it is probable that the Americans would have been the
victors in the conflict which followed. Vide Memoirs of
Major-General Riedesel, vol. i, pp. 114-117.
28
2 1 8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
a distance from our Army to expect any reinforce-
ments ; and by our scouts a certainty of the enemys
main body, commanded by general St. Clair, '^"^ not
above six miles from us at Castletown ; tho we after-
wards found that he, since his retreat from Ticon-
deroga with the army under his command, was com-
pleatly dispirited and thought of nothing but getting
farther from us. In this situation General Frazier
I*'* Arthur St. Clair was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, in
1734, and accompanied Admiral Boscawen to America in
1759. He was a lieutenant under Wolfe, and was with that
brave man when he fell on the Heights of Abraham. After
the peace, he was for a short time in command of Fort
Ligonier, in Pennsylvania ; but, becoming enamored of a
farmer's life, he left the army and assumed the duties of a
civilian. The war of the Revolution found him surrounded
by a rising family and with every thing about him to make
life happy ; but he felt that duty called him from the happi-
ness of home-life, and he at once cast in his lot with the
patriots. He was appointed a colonel in the Continental
army, in January, 1776, and ordered to raise a regiment.
Within six weeks he had gathered and equipped his regi-
ment, and was on the march to Canada. He was appointed
a major-general, in February, 1777, and on the fifth of June,
was ordered to the command, which Gates had declined, of
Ticonderoga. He arrived there on the twelfth and assumed
command. He has perhaps been censured unjustly for his
surrender of that post, but he certainly showed great want
of foresight and knowledge in neglecting to fortify Mount
Defiance, which commanded his works, and for not destroy-
ing his stores before retreating. Palmer says : " When Bur-
goyne placed his batteries upon the summit of Mount Defi-
ance, he effectually destroyed all hopes of resistance on the
part of the Americans. Their only alternative was to sur-
render or evacuate the works. By adopting the latter course,
St. Clair saved the greater portion of his garrison and pre-
served the nucleus of an army, which ultimately baffled
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 2 1 9
was obliged to detach a capt's command with the
prisoners to Ticonderoga that night, which weakened
us a good deal, during which, it rained very hard,
and about day break.
^^ we received orders to march towards Skeens-
borou^h. We were obliged to leave all our wounded
behind us with a sub alternguard,^^^ who received
orders, if attacked to surrender and rely on the mercy
^I^^I^^J^^r^ompelled him to capitulate. At the moment,
however all classes of people were astonished at the unex-
neaed ^su t. ' It is an event of chagrin and surprise, says
Washington, 'not apprehended, nor within the compass of
mv reasoning. ' The Council of Safety of New York signalized
Tas a measSre -highly reprehensible' -^ ^probab^ cnrn-
inal'" People asserted that Schuyler and St. Uair were
bribed by Bumoyne, who fired silver ^..//.'/. agamst the foit
whkh Sc^iuyle^- and St. Clair gathered and divided. Even
Thatcher in his Military Journal, gravely denies the report.
S Clair suffered much from the severe criticisms passed
upon his conduct, from which, indeed, he never recovered
althoucrh he remained in the service. In 1781 he was m
iprnd of the troops ^^^^^^^:::^^^^:^z^,
S:ftriir S'trnVJlitif >?d Gene.; G^ene .„
the south. He was a member of Congress in 1786, and
president of the House of Representatives in 1787. He
was governor of the North-western Territory from 1788
until 1802 He died at Laurel Hill, Pennsylvania, August
^f 8 8 V.-S British Army Lists, .. /...; History of Lake
Champtin; p. 146; The Writings of George Washington
(Sparks), vol. 4, p. 493-
i-^^It was Sergeant Lamb who was left in charge of the
wounded, and his account of his experiences is very mt^r-
e^HncT He says : " It was a distressing sight to see tne
wounded men bleeding on the ground ; and what made it
more so, the rain came pouring down like a deluge upon us.
2 20 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
of the enemy. This was a severe order, but it could
not be helped in our situation. We had about 30
miles to march and for the first six, we every minute
expected to be attacked, and which I must say we
were not so well provided for, as on the seventh, part
of 'our ammunition being expended, and our force
much reduced ; this genl Frazier prudently foresaw,
and though he wished to avoid it, yet by his orders,
we marched in such a form as to sustain an action
with as little loss as possible. By the knowledge of
our Indians, we struck into a path that led us to
Skeensborough, after a most fatigueing march thro
rivers, swamps and a desolate wilderness. The enemy
had evacuated that place some days before, not think-
And still, to add to the distress of the sufferers, there was
nothing to dress their wounds, as the small medicine-box,
which was filled with salve, was left behind with Surgeon
Shelly and Captain Montgomery at the time of our move-
ment up the hill. The poor fellows earnestly entreated me
to tie up their wounds. Immediately I took off my shirt,
tore it up, and, with the help of a soldier's wife (the only
woman that was with us, and who kept closely by her hus-
band's side during the engagement), made some bandages,
stopped the bleeding of their wounds, and conveyed them
in blankets to a small hut about two miles in our rear. Our
regiment now marched back to Skeensborough, leaving me
behind to attend the wounded, with a small guard for our
protection. I was directed, that in case I should be either
surrounded or overpowered by the Americans, to deliver a
letter, which General Burgoyne gave me, to their command-
ing officer. Here I remained seven days with wounded men,
expecting every moment to be taken prisoner." Vide Jour-
nal of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 143,
€t seq.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 221
ing it tenable, and retired to Fort Anne,'^^ where they
were pursued on the Z^^ by the 9^^ regiment, and
defeated with great loss, though vastly superior in
numbers, the 9'^ not having above 200 men engaged,
which was, I think, risking a great deal to send so
small a body, when the 47''' and 53*^ regiments were
then at Skeensborough, and might as well have sup-
ported them. Hereafter will be seen the conse-
quences of detaching such small numbers from the
main body of the army, as it has always been the
wish of the Americans to avoid a general engage-
ment, except they have a great superiority, and to
surround small parties of ours, and get them into a
wood, where the discipline of our Troops is not of
such force. We had but one officer killed, and Capt"
M^Gomery'^7 wounded and taken prisoner, with the
166
'Fort Anne, named thus in honor of the queen, was
built in 1709 by the expedition under Colonel Nicholson,
which was organized against the French in that year. It
was built of timber and surrounded by a palisade, and was
intended only to protect the garrison against the fire of
musketry.
^^' William Stone Montgomery was the only son of Sir
William Montgomery of Dublin, and was born August 4,
1754. He entered the British military service at the age
of seventeen, his first commission as cornet in the Ninth
Dragoons being dated December 16, 1771. On March 20,
1775, he exchanged into the Forth-fourth Foot, at which
date he received a lieutenant's commission, and January 9,
1776, was commissioned a captain in the Ninth Foot. He
was wounded at Fort Ann on the ninth of July, and was
taken prisoner. The report of General Burgoyne in the His-
tory of the Ninth Foot contains the following reference to
Captain Montgomery: "An officer of great merit, was
222 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
surgeon. At Skeensborough, the whole army rendez-
voused, where Divine service was performed, returning
God thanks for our late successes, after which a feu-
de-joi was fired, beginning from the ships and great
guns, and answered by the small arms of the army.
Capt" Gardner '^^ went from that to England express
wounded early in the action, and was in the act of being
dressed by the surgeon, when the regiment changed ground ;
being unable to help himself, he and the surgeon were taken
prisoners." Lamb also speaks of the event as follows:
" Captain Montgomery, son to Sir W. Montgomery, bart.
of Dublin, was wounded in the leg and taken prisoner, with
the surgeon who was dressing his wound, just before we
retired up the hill. I very narrowly escaped myself, from
being taken prisoner at that time, as I was just in the act
of assisting the surgeon in dressing the captain's wound,
when the enemy came pouring down upon us like a mighty
torrent, in consequence whereof, I was the last man that
ascended the hill." Although Captain Montgomery was
wounded in the leg, and from Lamb's account it would
appear not seriously, for some cause of which we are ignor-
ant, he did not recover, as he is reported in Betham's
Baronetage to have died in America at the age of nineteen
years. This is an error as he was twenty-three years of age.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record of the
Ninth Foot ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, pp. 142, et seq. ; Betham's Baronetage, vol.
5, p. 474; British Family Antiquity, vol. 7, p. 194.
^^^ Henry Farington Gardner entered the army and was
commissioned a cornet of the Sixteenth Light Dragoons —
Burgoyne's regiment — on May 22, 1761. The next year he
served with Burgoyne in his brilliant campaign in Portugal.
On June 8, 1768, he was made a lieutenant, and on the 20th
of July succeeding, adjutant of his regiment. He became
captain, November 6, 1772, and accompanied Burgoyne to
America as aide-de-camp. He reached Quebec on the twenty-
second, five days after leaving Burgoyne's camp, and found
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 223
with the account of our successes since the takeing
of the field I shall here insert the General orders to
the Army.
Head quarters of the King's army
AT Skeensborough, id^ July, IJ^J.
On the 6*^ July, the enemy were dislodged from
Ticonderoga by the mere countenance and activity
of the Army, and driven on the same day beyond
Skeensborough on the right, and to Hubberton on
the left, with the loss of all their Artillery, and five
of their armed vessels taken and blown up by the
spirited conduct of Captain Carter of the Artillery,
with a part of his Brigade of gun boats, a great
quantity of amunition, provisions and stores of all
sorts, and the greatest part of their baggage. On
the f^, Brigadier General Frazier, at the head of a
little more than half the Advanced Corps, came up
with near 2000 of the enemy strongly posted, attacked
and defeated them with the loss on the enemy's part
of their principal officers, 200 killed on the spot, a much
larger number taken, and about 200 made prisoners.
Major general Reidzel, with the advance guard con-
a vessel — the Royal George — in readiness to bear him to
England. He sailed on the morning of the twenty-third, and
reached England the twenty-second of August. He did not re-
turn to America. He was made major of the Light Dragoons,
September ii, 1781, and attained the army rank of lieuten-
ant-colonel, November 18, 1790, when his name disappears
from the army lists. For a more particular account, refer-
ence may be had to Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
p. 242.
2 24 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
sisting of the Chasseurs Company, and 40 grenadiers
and Light Infantry, arrived In time to sustain General
Frazler, and by his judicious orders and a spirited
execution of them, obtained a share for himself and
for his troops In the glory of the action.
On the 8'^ Lieutenant Col° HIll,''^ at the head of
the 9"' regiment, was attacked near Fort Anne by
more than six times his number, and repulsed the
enemy with great loss, after a continued fire of three
hours. In consequence of this action. Fort Anne was
burned and abandoned, and a party of this army Is
now In possession of the country on the other side.
These rapid successes, after exciting a proper sense
of what we owe to God, entitle the Troops In general
to the warmest praise ; and particular distinction is due
to Brlgd*" Genl Frazler, who by his conduct and
i^^John Hill entered the Twenty-fourth Foot, March 15,
1747, as a lieutenant; became adjutant, August 25, 1756;
captain-lieutenant, March 9, 1757; captain in the Thirteenth
Foot, December i, 1758; major, October 10, 1765; lieuten-
ant-colonel in the army, September nth, and of the Ninth
Foot, November 10, 1775. Wilkinson's account of the action
is somewhat different from this of Burgoyne. He says:
" The corps which accompanied General Burgoyne to
Skeenesborough, were spread out to keep up and increase
the panic produced by the loss of Ticonderoga ; the Ninth
Regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, was sent In pur-
suit of Colonel Long and his detachment, consisting of the
invalids and convalescents, with his regiment about one hun-
dred and fifty strong, making in the whole four or five hun-
dred men. Colonel Long, finding himself pressed, advanced
and met Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, and an action ensued, in
which the British officer claimed the victory ; but it is a fact
that the Ninth Regiment had been beaten and was retreat-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 225
bravery, supported by the same qualities in the offi-
cers, and soldiers under his command effected an
exploit of material service to the King, and of signal
honour to the profession of Arms. This Corps have
the farther merit of having supported the fatigue of
bad weather, without bread and without murmur.
Divine service will be performed on Sunday morn-
ing at the head of the line, and at the head of the
Advanced Corps, and at Sun set on the same day, a
Feu de joy will be fired with cannon and small arms
at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, the camp at Skeens-
borough and the camp at Castletown, and the post of
Bremen's corps. Sunday, being a day set apart for
rejoicing, all working parties are to be remitted, ex-
cept such as may be necessary for the cleanliness of
the camp. Should the weather be fair, the tents are
to be struck at 5 in the evening, and the troops to
form for the Feu-de-joy an hour before sun set in order
ing, and, but for the entire failure of Colonel Long's ammu-
nition, the lieutenant-colonel must have been made prisoner,
as well as Captain Montgomery of that regiment, who was
wounded and left on the field, when, as General Burgoyne
tells us, ' Colonel Hill found it necessary to change his posi-
tion in the heat of action ; ' but, in truth, when his corps
was obliged to retreat, and Colonel Long, for want of ammu-
nition, could not pursue him." It was Lieutenant-Colonel
Hill who secreted the colors of the Ninth Regiment in his
baggage, contrary to the stipulated terms of surrender, and
finally presented them to the king, being rewarded for the
act by an appointment on the royal staff, with the army rank
of colonel. May 16, 1782. Vide British Army Lists, in
loco; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 190; Historical
Record of the Ninth Foot (Cannon), p. 32,
29
2 26 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
of Battle. After the Feu de joy the tents are to be
pitched again. Captain Gardner is going to England ;
officers who have letters to send, to leave them at
head quarters, before orderly time the 14 inst.
We were obliged to remain a long time at Skeens-
borough on account of getting horses and wagons
from Canada ; the Contractor of which, must have
realized a great sum, each horse standing Govern-
ment in about ^15 if lost or killed in the service,
exclusive of paying the driver, &*". &''., and the
King's horses, (so called) from our great park of
Artillery (for this part of the service was particu-
larly attended to and the Brass train that was sent
out on this expedition was perhaps the finest and
probably the most excellently supplied as to officers
and men that had ever been allotted to second the
operations of an army which did not far exceed
the second in number) amounted to a considerable
number, indeed the expenses of Government were
uncommonly great, as I have heard it computed that
every man in our service through the whole of
America, including loyalists, women and every other
hanger on to the camps, &*", allowing for transports,
service and a thousand other etceteras, stood govern-
ment no less than five shillings a day for each per-
son, and it was thought that at this time, and indeed
through the whole war, above 100,000 were daily
allowed rations, or provisions. Our heavy baggage
&" was mostly then sent to stores appointed at Ticon-
deroga, as there was no longer any water carriage.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 227
The mare I had made prize of was full able to carry
as much baggage as I required, and saved me the
expense of purchasing one for that purpose ; and
I suppose at our next moving we had almost as many-
horses as men, many officers having 3 or 4, tho it was
strongly recommended by the general to take as little
baggage as possible, which advice I followed, leaving
my bedding behind and making use of a Buffalo skin,
with a cloak to cover me at nights. That baggage we
never after saw, it being through necessity or acci-
dent all destroyed. Many here were of opinion the
general had not the least business in bringing the
army to Skeensborough, after the precipitate flight
of the enemy from Ticonderoga, and tho we had
gained a complete victory over them, both' at Fort
Anne and Hubberton, yet no visible advantage was
likely to flow from either except prooving the good-
ness of our troops at the expense of some brave men.
They were also of opinion we should have pushed
directly to Fort George, '^° where it was pretty certain
they had above 400 wagons, 4 horses in each, with
""Fort George was erected in 1757, after the destruction
of Fort William Henry and the massacre of a large portion
of the garrison by the Indians under Montcalm. It was
about a mile south-east of the site of Fort William Henry,
which was not rebuilt after its destruction by the French,
and stood on an eminence about half a mile from the lake.
It is described by Hadden as follows: ''Fort George which.
stands near the water at the end of the Lake (George) is a
small square Fort faced with Masonry and contains Barracks
for about a hundred Men secured from Cannon Shot. This
Fort cou'd not stand a Siege, being commanded, & too con-
2 28 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
stores &*" and not above 700 men, which would
have enabled us to push forward, without waiting for
horses from Canada to bring on our heavy artillery,
which these discontented persons declared, was much
greater than we had the smallest use for. Light field
pieces were all we wanted exclusive of the heavy
cannon, which was sent out to retake Quebec, in case
the enemy had succeeded in their plans the winter
of 1775. They also avered that after the late actions,
the enemy were struck with such a panic, and so dis-
persed that by that movement we should not have
given them time to collect ; which our remaining at
Skeensborough gave them full sufficient time to do ;
but I make not the least doubt, Gen Burgoyne had
his proper reasons for so acting though contrary to
the opinion of many. The country round Skeens-
borough swarms with rattle snakes, the bite of which
is, I believe, mortal. They alarm the person near
by their rattles, which providence has wisely ordered
for that purpose, and from whence, they take their
name.
20. We were joined by a very numerous nation
of* Indians from the Ottawas, and who surpassed all
others I had before seen in size and appearance
fined not to be soon reduced by Bombardment. The Rebels
before they abandon'd it had endeavour'd to destroy the
defences and actually blew up the Magazine in the side next
the Water, which demolish'd that place." It served princi-
pally as a magazine of supplies, and was a connecting link
between Ticonderoga and Fort Edward. It was named
Fort George in honor of the Duke of York.
Lieutenafit Digbys Journal. 229
when assembled in Congress, which was well worth
seeing, they being painted in their usual stile and
decked out with feathers of a variety of birds, and
skins of wild beasts slain by them, as trophys of
their courage ; and general Burgoyne, by the help
of interpreters, informed them of the cause of the
war &^ &''; when they by a groan expressed their
approbation of what he had advanced, and the meas-
ures he intended to pursue, also their readiness in
taking up the hatchet to assist the troops of their
father, (King George) which was consented to by
the general on a solemn promise from them of not
scalping except the dead. They had brought a
number of Indian toys, most of which we purchased
from them, but were lost with our other baggage as
will be hereafter seen.
About this time, a letter addressed to general
Burgoyne, burlesqueing his proclamation, (see page
3'^') appeared, which perhaps may entertain the
reader. —
To John Burgoyne E^'^ Lieut General of his
majesty's armies in America, Colonel of the Queens
Regiment of Light dragoons, governor of Fort Wil-
liam in North Britain, one of the Representatives of
the Commons of Great Britain and commanding an
army and fleet employed on an expedition from
Canada &"=. &<=. &*=.
Most high, most mighty, most puissant, and sub-
lime general ! When the forces under your com-
171 Vide ante p. 1 89.
230 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
mand arrived at Quebec, in order to act in concert
and upon a common principle with the numerous
fleets & armies, which already display in every
quarter of America the justice & mercy of your King ;
we, the reptils of America, were struck with unusual
trepidation and astonishment. But what words can
express the plentitude of our horror, when the
Colonel of the Queen's regiment of light Dragoons
advanced towards Ticonderoga? The mountains
shook before thee, and the trees of the forest bowed
their leafy heads. The vast Lakes of the nprth were
chilled at thy presence, and the mighty cataracts
stopped their tremendous career and were suspended
in awe at thy approach. Judge then, oh ! ineffable
Governor of Fort William in North Britain, what
must have been the terror, dismay, and despair that
overspread this paltry continent of America, and us,
its wretched inhabitants ! Dark and dreary indeed,
was the prospect before us, till like the sun in the
Horizon, your most gracious and irresistible procla-
mation opened the doors of mercy and snatched us, as
it were, from the jaws of annihilation. We foolishly
thought, blind as we were, that your gracious master's
fleets and armies were come to destroy us and our
liberties ; but we are happy in hearing from you, and
who can doubt what you assert, that they were called
forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of
the Constitution to a froward, stubborn generation ?
And it is for this, oh ! sublime, Lieut Genl ! that
you have given yourself the trouble to cross the
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 231
wide Atlantic, and with incredible fatigue traversed
uncultivated wilds ; and we ungratefully refused the
profered blessing ? To restore the rights of the Con-
stitution, you have called together an amiable host
of savages, and turned them loose to scalp our
women and children and lay our country waste. This
they have performed with their usual skill and clem-
ency, and we remain insensible for the benefit, and
unthankful for so much goodness. Our Congress
have declared Independence, and our assemblies, as
your highness justly observes, have most wickedly
imprisoned the avowed friends of that power with
which they are at war, and most profanely compelled
those whose conscience will not permit them to
fight, to pay some small part towards the expenses
their country is at in supporting what is called a nec-
essary and defensive war. If we go on thus in our
obstinacy and ingratitude, what can we expect, but
that you should in your anger give a stretch to the
Indian forces under your direction, amounting to
thousands, to overtake and destroy us, or what is ten
times worse, that you should withdraw your fleets
and armies and leave us to our own misery, without
completing the benevolent task you have, begun in
restoring to us the rights of the Constitution. — We
submit, we submit most puissant CoP of the Queen's
regiment of Light Dragoons & Governor of Fort
William in North Britain, we offer our heads to the
scalping knife, and our bellies to the bayonet. Who
can resist the terror of your arms ? who can resist the
232 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
force of your eloquence ? The invitation you have
made in the consciousness of Christianity, your royal
master's clemency, and the honour of soldiership we
thankfully accept ; The blood of the slain, the cries
of the injured virgins and innocent children, and the
never ceasing sighs and groans of starving wretches,
now languishing in the gaols and prison ships of
New York, call on us in vain, while your sublime
proclamation is sounding in our ears. Forgive us,
oh ! our country ! forgive us dear posterity ! forgive
us all ye foreign powers ! who are anxiously watch-
ing our conduct in this important struggle, if we
yield implicitly to the persuasive tongue of the most
elegant CoP of the Queen's regiment of Light dra-
goons. Forbear then, thou magnanimous Lieut gen-
eral, forbear to denounce vengeance against us !
forbear to give a stretch to those restorers of the
Constitution's rights, the Indians under your direc-
tions ! let not the messengers of wrath & justice
await us in the field, and devastation, famine and
every concomitant horror, bar our return to the alle-
giance of a prince, who by his royal will, would de-
prive us of every blessing of life with all possible
clemency. We are domestic ; we are industrious ; we
are infirm and timid ; we shall remain quietly at
home and not remove our cattle, our corn, or forage,
in hopes that you will come at the head of troops, in
the full powers of health, discipline, and valour, and
take charge of them for yourselves. — Behold our
wives and daughters ; our fiocks and herds ; our goods
Lieutenmit Digbys Journal. 233
and chattels, are they not at the mercy of our lord
and king, and of his lieutenant general. Member of
the house of Commons and Governor of Fort William
in North Britain ?
Saratoga, Jtily lo'^^ — 1777 A B. C D E &*=.
July 24'^ We marched from Skeensborough, and tho
but 15 miles to Fort Anne, were two days going it ; as
the enemy had felled large trees over the river, which
there turned so narrow, as not to allow more than
one battow abreast, from whence we were obliged to
cut a road through the wood, which was attended
with great fatigue and labour, for our wagons and
artillery. Our heavy cannon went over Lake George,
as it was impossible to bring them [over] the road we
made, and were to join us near Fort Edward, in
case the Enemy were to stand us at that place, it
being a good road for cannon and about 16 -miles. —
Fort Anne is a place of no great strength, having
only a block house, which though strong against
small arms is not proof against cannon. We saw
"^On the same day General Burgoyne issued a proclama-
tion to the inhabitants of Castleton and neighboring towns,
requesting them " to send deputies, consisting of 10 per-
sons or more from each township, to meet Col. Skeene at
Castleton July 15th at 10, A. M., who will give further en-
couragement to those who complied with the terms of my
late manifesto & conditions upon which persons and prop-
erty of the disobedient may be spared." In reply. General
Schuyler, on the 13th issued a counter-proclamation, forbid-
ding these towns to send delegates to meet Burgoyne's com-
missioner under pain of punishment. Vide Collections New
Hampshire Historical Society, vol. 2, pp. 148-150.
30
234 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
many of their dead unburied, since the action of the
8^^ which caused a violent stench. One officer of the
^th regiment, Lieu^ Westrop'" was then unburied,
and from the smell we could only cover him with
leaves. At that action, the 9^*" took their colours,
which were intended as a present to their Colonel
Lord Ligonier,'^'^ They were very handsome, a flag
^^^ Richard Westropp had been in the army but a short
time, having received his commission of ensign in the Ninth
Foot on March 14, 1772, and of Heutenant, January i, 1774.
His regiment took an active part in the campaign of ''j6, but
he passed through it unscathed to meet his fate at Fort Anne.
Sergeant Lamb, who saw him fall, says that he was by his
side when he was shot through the heart. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, p. 143.
^^^ Edward Ligonier was the son of Colonel Francis Li-
gonier, who died after the battle of Falkirk, having risen
from a bed of sickness to participate in the battle. He was
commissioned captain and lieutenant-colonel in the First
Foot, August 15, 1759, at which time his regiment was in
America, having participated in the successful siege of Louis-
burg the previous year. The scene of Burgoyne's campaign
was familiar to him, as it was upon Lakes George and Cham-
plain that the First Regiment had operated against the
French, nearly twenty years before the date here given by
Digby. In 1760 Ligonier was in the trying campaign against
the Cherokees, and when that was ended, participated in
the expedition against Havana in 1762. The hardships in
this campaign were very great we are told. Ligonier re-
turned to England in 1763, and on April 21st of that year,
was appointed aide de-camp to the king, with the army rank
of colonel. Having succeeded to the Irish title of Viscount
Ligonier of Clonmel, in 1770, after the death of his uncle,
the field marshal, Earl Ligonier, he was made colonel of the
Ninth Foot, August 8th, in the following year, shortly after
which time he was advanced to the dignity of Earl Ligonier.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 235
of the United States, 13 stripes alternate red and
white, [with thirteen stars] in a blue field represent-
ing a new constellation. In the evening, our Indians
brought in two scalps, one of them an officer's which
they danced about in their usual manner. Indeed,
the cruelties committed by them, were too shocking
to relate, particularly the melancholy catastrophe of
the unfortunate Miss McCrea,'" which affected the
general and the whole army with the sincerest regret
He became major-general in the army, September 29, 1775,
and August 29, 1777, lieutenant-general. He died in 1782,
v/hen his titles became extinct. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco ; Historical Record of the First Foot, pp. 136-148;
Ibid., Ninth Foot, p. 123.
^^*The story of Jane McCrea has been often related, some-
times in most exaggerated forms ; even her life has been
elaborately written. The generally accepted version is that
David Jones, a Tory officer in Burgoyne's army, sent two
Indians, one of whom was called Wyandot Panther, to con-
duct her to the British camp, where she was to be married,
and that on the way thither, the Indians disagreeing with
respect to a division of the " barrel of rum " to be paid them
for their services, Wyandot Panther killed her with a toma-
hawk. This version is supported by Wilson in his life of
Miss McCrea, whom he says was killed by le Lodp, as well
as by Neilson, who relates that the Indians exhibited their
scalps at a house which they called at, and said that they
" had killed Jenny." They had with them Mrs. McNeil —
who, it seems, was a cousin of General Fraser — in a state of
nudity, and so delivered her to the general, greatly to his
embarrassment as well as that of Mrs. McNeil, as his ward-
robe was not provided with any thing suitable for a lady to
wear. Neilson, commenting upon their treatment of Mrs.
McNeil, says: "The inducement to strip and plunder Mrs.
McNeil was sufficient to account for the butchery of Miss
McCrea." And so it probably was, for the Indians were not
236 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
and concern for her untimely fate. This young lady
was about 18, had a pleasing person, her family
were loyal to the King, and she engaged to be
married to a provincial officer, in our Army, before
the war broke out. Our Indians, (I may well now call
particular whom they murdered, and killed Tories as well
as Americans ; indeed, the Tories of Argyle flocked to Bur-
goyne for protection against his savage allies. But we have
proof that after all, in this case the Indians were innocent
of murder, and that Miss McCrea was killed unintentionally
by the Americans. Let us examine this evidence. Miss
McCrea had been invited by David Jones to visit the British
camp and accompany the several ladies there in an excursion
on Lake George. He was troubled about her exposure to
danger from the Indians, and intended to press her to marry
him at once, that he might be better able to afford her pro-
tection. Mrs. McNeil and she were just about to embark
under the charge of Lieutenant Palmer and a few soldiers,
when, knowing that the Americans were in the vicinity, the
lieutenant and his men left them for a few minutes to re-
connoitre. While the British soldiers were absent, some of
their Indian allies came up and seized Mrs. McNeil and
Miss McCrea, and placing the latter upon a horse, hurried
away, pursued by a party of Americans, who were close at
hand. The Americans fired upon the flying Indians, one of
whom, Wyandot Panther, was leading the horse upon which
Miss McCrea sat. Mrs. McNeil became separated from Miss
McCrea, and did not witness her death, but said afterward
that the Americans fired so high as not to injure the Indians,
who were on foot. Wyandot Panther, when examined by
Burgoyne, affirmed that Miss McCrea was killed by the
Americans, who were pursuing him ; and General Eraser,
at a post-mortem investigation, gave it as his opinion that
she was thus killed by the Americans " aiming too high,
when the mark was on elevated ground, as had occurred at
Bunker's (Breed's) hill." But, in addition to this, we now
have more positive proof in the testimony of General Mor-
gan Lewis, to the effect that she had three distinct gunshot
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 237
them Savages) were detached on scouting parties,
both in our front and on our flanks, and came to the
house where she resided ; but the scene is too tragic
for my pen. She fell a sacrifice to the savage passions
of these blood thirsty monsters, for the particulars of
which, I shall refer the reader to General Burgoyne's
letter, dated ^^^ September, to General Gates, which
he will find on page 263, with his manner of acting
on that melancholy occasion. I make no doubt, but
the censorious world, who seldom judge but by out-
ward appearances, will be apt to censure Gen Bur-
goyne for the cruelties committed by his Indians,
and imagine he countenanced them in so acting.
On the contrary, I am pretty certain it was always
against his desire to give any assistance to the
savages. The orders from Lord George Germaine '''^
wounds upon her body, and from the additional fact that
when her body was removed, a few years ago, to a new
burial place, no mark of a tomahawk or injury of any kind
was found upon the skull. We may, therefore, look upon
the famiHar picture of the two savages holding an unat-
tractive-looking female, who does not appear at all disturbed
at the sight of the tomahawk about to descend upon her
head, as fictitious. Vide The Life of Jane McCrea (Wilson),
New York, 1853; Burgoyne's Campaign and St. Leger's
Expedition, pp. 302-313; Neilson's Account of Burgoyne's
Campaign, pp. 68-79; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, pp. 187,
189; Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution (Lossing), vol.
I, pp. 48, 96, 99, et passim ; Memoirs of My Own Times,
vol. I, p. 230, et seq.; Travels in the Interior Parts of
America, vol. i, pp. 369-372 ; Journal of Occurrences During
the Late American War, pp. 1 5 5-1 57-
"^Lord George Germaine was the minister for American
affairs, which he appears to have managed disgracefully. He
238 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
to General Carlton, on Lieutenant General Bur-
goyne's taking the command of the Army were as
follows. " As this plan cannot be advantageously
executed without the assistance of Canadians and
Indians, his majesty strongly recommends it to your
care, to furnish him with good and sufficient bodies
of these men, and I am happy in knowing that
your influence among them is so great, that there
can be no room to apprehend you will find it difficult
to fulfill his majesty's intentions." General Bur-
goyne, afterwards says in parliament : " As to the
Indian alliance, he had always at best considered it
as a necessary evil. He determined to go to the
soldiers of the State, not the executioners. He had
been obliged to run a race with the congress in
was stiff and imperious, unscrupulous in the gratification of
personal resentments, and had been cashiered for cowardice
some years before. In Fitzmaurice's Life of William, Earl
of Shelburne, we are told that he was a man possessed of
" intolerable meanness and love of corruption," and further,
that " he wanted judgment in all great affairs, and he wanted
heart on all great occasions," was "violent, sanguine and
overbearing in his first conception and setting out of plans,
but easily checked, and liable to sink into an excess of
despondency upon the least reverse without any sort of
resource." Fox delighted to compare him to Dr. Sangrado.
"For two years," said he, "that a certain noble lord has
presided over American affairs, the most violent, scalping,
tomahawk measures have been pursued Bleeding has been
his only prescription. If a people deprived of their ancient
rights are grown tumultuous — bleed them! if they are
attacked with a spirit of insurrection — bleed them ! if their
fever should rise into rebellion — bleed them ! cries this state
physician ; more blood ! more blood ! still more blood ! "
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 239
securing the alliance of the Indians. They courted
and tempted them with presents, as well as the
British. He had in more instances than one con-
troled the Indians &*=."
28*^ We marched from Fort Anne, but could only
proceed about 6 miles, the road being broke up by
the enemy and large trees felled across it, taking up
a long time to remove them for our 6 pounders,
which were the heavyest guns with us. We halted
at night on an eminence, and were greatly distressed
for water, no river being near, and a report that the
enemy had poisoned a spring at a small distance ;
but it was false, as our surgion tried an experiment
on the water and found it good.
After relating how Dr. Sangrado was remonstrated with
for the death of so many patients, he gave the doctor's reply,
to the effect that, having written a book on the efficacy of
such practice, though every patient should die, he must con-
tinue for the credit of his book. He was detested by his
associates and by the generals who commanded in America.
Temple Luttrell abused him in ParHament, without eliciting
a reply. He said on one occasion, while Germaine was pres-
ent, referring to the Burgoyne campaign, " flight was the
only safety that remained for the royal army, and he saw one
who had set the example in Germany and was fit to lead them
on such an occasion;" and Wilkes said: "The noble Lord
might conquer America, but he believed it would not be in
Germany." This was in allusion to Germaine's disgraceful
conduct as an officer in Germany, for which he was dismissed
the service. Vide The Pictorial History of England (Knight),
London, 1841, vol. i, p. 325 ; A History of England (Adol-
phus), London, 1841, vol. 2, p. 496; Life of William, Earl
of Shelburne, London, vol. i, pp. 357-359; Journal of the
Reign of George the Third (Walpole), London, 1859, PP-
26, 34.
240 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
29^^ Moved about 6 or 7 miles farther, and had
the same trouble of clearing the road, as the day
before. We encamped within a mile of Fort Edward,
on the banks of the Hudson river. It was a very
good post, and we expected it would have been dis-
puted. There, the road from Fort George then in
our possession joined us, and being in possession of
that post secured our heavy guns &*^ coming from
Fort George. It was supposed we should not go
much farther without them. Our tents were pitched
in a large field of as fine wheat as I ever saw, which
in a few minutes was all trampled down. Such must
ever be the wretched situation of a Country, the seat
of war. The potatoes were scarce fit to dig up, yet
were torn out of the ground without thinking in the
least of the owner.
3o'^ We moved on farther to a rising ground
about a mile south of Fort Edward, and encamped
on a beautiful situation from whence you saw the
most romantic prospect of the Hudson's river; inter-
sperced with many small islands, and the encamp-
ment of the line about 2 miles in our rear. There
is a fine plain about the Fort, which appeared doubly
pleasing to us, who were so long before buried in
woods. On the whole, the country thereabout wore
a very different appearance from any we had seen
since our leaving Canada, and from that Fort to
Albany, about 46 miles, the land improves much,
and no doubt in a little time will be thickly set-
tled. The enemy were then encamped about 4 miles
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 241
from us ; but it was not thought they intended
to make a stand. At this time a letter appeared
addressed to General Burgoyne, I believe found
nailed to a tree. There was no name signed, yet it
was thought — (how true heaven only knows) — to
be wrote by brigadier general Arnold, who opposed
our fleet the preceding year on Lake Champlain, and
was then second in command under General Gates.
He first tells him, not to be too much elated on his
rapid progress, as all he had as yet gained was
an uncultivated desert, and concludes his letter by
desiring him to beware of crossing the Hudson's
river, making use of that memorable saying, " Thus
far shalt thou go and no farther." We heard by
some intelligence from the enemy's camp, that Genl^
St Clair & Schyler'" were ordered before a com-
^■^^ Phillip Schuyler was born at Albany on November 22,
1733. His grandfather and father were men of character
and wealth. He inherited large estates under the law of
primogeniture, but generously divided them with his broth-
ers and sisters. His mother was a woman of unusual at-
tainments, and gave her son a thorough training. His first
service was against the French and Indians in 1755. He
was with Lord George Howe, with whom he was a great
favorite, in the attack on Ticonderoga, in which attack
Howe fell, and to Schuyler was assigned the duty of con-
veying the body of the young nobleman, who was the idol
of his companions-in-arms, to Albany. He was a delegate
to the Continental Congress in May, 1775, and in June was
appointed a major-general. He was assigned to the com-
mand of the army in the province of New York, but owing
to illness, was obliged to relinquish it to Montgomery. He
was most efificient in putting the northern army into a con-
dition of order and discipline ; but while engaged in his
31
242 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
mittee of their congress, to account for their reasons
of evacuating Ticonderoga. As yet, the fickle God-
dess Fortune had smiled upon our arms, and crowned
our wishes with every kind of success, which might
easyly be seen from the great spirits the Army in
general were in ; and the most sanguine hopes of
conquest, victory &''. &*". were formed of crowning
the campaign with, from the general down to the
private soldier ; but alas ! this life is a constant rota-
duties, was, in March, 1777, superseded by Gates, owing to
the persistent efforts of enemies. He was restored to his
command again two months later, and at once proceeded
with great vigor to put the fortifications in his department
into a thorough state of defense, and his army into a condi-
tion to meet the advancing Burgoyne. The fall of Ticon-
deroga and his own retreat from Fort Edward, gave his
opponents an opportunity to effect his displacement, and
in August he was again superseded by Gates. His mag-
nanimity and noble patriotism in continuing to devote his
wealth and services to the cause of his country, put his ene-
mies to shame. At a court of inquiry, called at his request,
he was rewarded by a full acquittal. After this, although
pressed by Washington, he refused military command, but
rendered efificient aid to the cause. The Baroness Riedesel
gives us a glimpse of the noble character of the man, in her
interesting letters. She had passed through the terrible
scenes which preceded the surrender of Burgoyne, and with
her children, approached, with no little fear, the camp of the
Americans. What was her surprise and delight to be re-
ceived with the greatest kindness. We will quote her own
description of the scene : " When I approached the tents, a
noble-looking man came toward me, took the children out
of the wagon, embraced and kissed them, and then, with
tears in his eyes, helped me also to alight. ' You tremble,'
said he to me ; ' fear nothing.' * No,' repHed I, ' for you are
so kind, and have been so tender toward my children, that
it has inspired me with courage.' He then led me to the
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 243
tion of changes ; and the man, who forms the smallest
hopes, has generally the greatest chance of happiness.
In the evening, our Indians had a skirmish with an
advance party of the enemy. It was a heavy fire for
about half an hour, when the latter fled with loss.
During our stay there, many of the country people
came to us for protection. Those are styled by the
enemy torys, and greatly persecuted if taken after
fighting against them.'^^
tent of General Gates, with whom I found Generals Bur-
goyne and Phillips. Burgoyne said to me : ' You may now
dismiss all your apprehensions, for your sufferings are at an
end.' All the generals remained to dine with General Gates.
The man who had received me so kindly came up and said
to me : ' It may be embarrassing to you to dine with all
these gentlemen ; come now with your children into my
tent, where I will give you, it is true, but a frugal meal, but
one that will be accompanied by the best of wishes.' 'You
are certainly,' answered I, 'a husband and a father, since
you show me so much kindness.' I then learned that he was
the American General Schuyler. The day after this we
arrived at Albany, where we had so often longed to be. But
we came not as we supposed we should, as victors! We
were, nevertheless, received in the most friendly manner by
the good General Schuyler, and by his wife and daughters,
who showed us the most marked courtesy, as, also. General
Burgoyne, although he had — without any necessity it was
said — caused their magnificently-built houses to be burned."
After the adoption of the Constitution, General Schuyler
represented his State as a senator, and maintained a high
place in the esteem of the American people. His death
occurred at Albany, November 18, 1804.
^^^ This is a moderate statement of the fact. Not only were
they killed and banished, but Sabine tells us that the Whigs,
after the peace, " Instead of repealing the proscription and
banishment acts, as justice and good policy required, they
244 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
August 9*^ We moved on to Fort Miller'" 9 miles
nearer Albany, and which the enemy evacuated
some days before. What I could see and learn is,
that few of the forts situated on the Hudson River
in that part, are proof against cannon ; they being
built during the last war in order to defend stores
and amunition from the inroads of the Indians, who
frequently came down in large numbers, plundering
and scalping our first settlers residing contiguous
manifested a spirit to place the humbled and unhappy loyal-
ists beyond the pale of human sympatiiy. A discrimination
between the conscientious and pure, and the unprincipled
and corrupt, was not, perhaps, possible during the struggle ;
but, hostilities at an end, mere loyalty should have been for-
giveny And we are further told that, " throughout this
contest, and amidst all those qualities displayed by the
Americans, many of those qualities being entitled to high
respect and commendation, there was none certainly less
amiable than their merciless rancor against those among
them who adhered to the royal side." The most severe
laws were passed against them, one of which, enacted by the
State of New York, declared that " any person being an
adherent to the king of Great Britain should be guilty of
treason and suffer death." Vide Loyalists of the American
Revolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. i, p. 88; History of
England (Mahon), vol. 6, p. 127; History of the Ameri-
can Revolution (Ramsay), vol. i, p. 295 ; The Loyalists of
America and Their Times (Ryerson), Toronto, 1880, vol. ii,
pp. 5, 78, et passim.
"^This was one of the forts which was noted during the
old French wars, and witnessed the achievements of the
troops of Sir William Johnson and Baron Dieskau. The
place is frequently denominated in writings relating to the
campaign of Burgoyne as Duer's House, from the fact that
the house of Judge Duer stood near it, and was occupied by
Burgoyne as his head-quarters.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 245
to that river, and were full sufficient to withstand
any attack made with small arms. I then heard the
very disagreeable news of our regiment (53'^) being
ordered back to garrison Ticonderoga and Fort
George. I was much concerned at it, as in all proba-
bility I should not see them again during the war,
which must be attended with many inconveniences ;
but as it was their tour of duty, there was no putting
it over tho ever so disagreeable, which it certainly
was to every officer in the regiment. We had many
sick at this time of fevers & agues so common to
the climate. Cap. Wight,'^° to whose company I
belonged, was so ill as not to be able to go on
with us, and many other officers were seized with
those disorders, as the heats then were very severe
and violent, particularly in a camp. All sorts of
meat were tainted in a very short time, and the
stench very prejudicial, and cleanlyness about our
camp was a great consideration towards the health of
'*°John Wright entered the Fifty-third Foot upon its
formation, in 1756, as an ensign, and on January 31, 1758,
was commissioned a lieutenant. Throughout the seven
years' war, and until 1768, his regiment was stationed at the
important fortress of Gibraltar. It was then ordered to
Ireland, and on April 13th of that year Lieutenant Wright
was promoted to a captaincy. From this time until its em-
barkation for America, the Fifty-third remained in Ireland.
Captain Wright recovered of the illness mentioned by Digby,
and was killed at the battle of Stillwater on October 7th.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record of the
Fifty-third Foot, p. 2, et seq. ; Journal of Occurrences Dur-
ing the Late American War, p. 176.
246 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
the army. I there received a letter from an officer
of ours, who had been wounded at Hubberton,
7'*" July, in which he informed me that before they
were removed to Ticonderoga, the wolves came
down in numbers from the mountains to devour the
dead, and even some that were in a kind of manner
buried, they tore out of the earth ; the great stench
thro the country being the cause of their coming
down, and was enough to have caused a plague. —
10. An express came thro the woods from Genl
Clinton,'^' who was supposed to be coming up the
river from New York, but did not hear what it
^*^Sir Henry CHnton was the son of George Clinton, who
was the governor of New York in 1743, and grandson of
Francis Fiennes Clinton, the sixth earl of Lincoln. His
ancestors were at an early date interested in the coloniza-
tion of America. He entered the army in 1758 as a cap-
tain of the Guards, and saw active service in the seven
years' war, rising rapidly by promotion to the rank of
major-general, which position he occupied when ordered to
America in 1775. In the battle of Bunker Hill, and subse-
quently that of Long Island, he took a distinguished part.
He was severely, and probably justly criticised for his weak
efforts in behalf of Burgoyne ; but the chief blame fell upon
Howe, the commander-in-chief, and upon his recall, Clinton
superseded him in the chief command. Being forced to
evacuate Philadelphia by the Americans, he headed an ex-
pedition against Charleston, South Carolina, which he cap-
tured in 1779. The next year Arnold, who had done so
much for the American cause, becoming disaffected, joined
him, and under his direction aided in an expedition against
his former friends, but with little effect. Arnold on this
expedition was accompanied by Colonels Dundas and Sim-
coe, to whom Clinton had secretly given joint commissions,
" authorizing them, if they suspected Arnold of sinister in-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 247
contained. Our heavy guns were then shortly ex-
pected from Fort George, as moving them was very
tedious ; a 24 pounder taking many horses to draw
it. We had a carrying place to bring over our
battows, which was attended with great fatigue and
trouble, and were also obliged to make rafts or scows
to convey heavy stores &'^ down the river Hudson.
tent, to supersede him and put him in arrest." Great induce-
ments were offered to recruits for the king's forces in New
York, as by the following copy of an advertisement will
appear :
"ALL ASPIRING HEROES.
Have now an opportunity of distinguishing themselves by joining
THE QUEEN'S RANGER HUZZAS
Commanded by
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL SIMCOE,
Any spirited young man will receive every encouragement, be immedi-
ately mounted on an elegant horse, and furnished with clothing, accoutre-
ments &c. to the amount of FORTY GUINEAS, by applying to CORNET
SPENCER, at his quarters, No. 1033 Water Street, or his rendezvous,
HEWITTS TAVERN near the COFFEE HOUSE, and the defeat at
BRANDYWINE, on GOLDEN HILL.
11^" Whoever brings a Recruit shall instantly receive TWO GUINEAS.
Vivant Rex et Regina — "
Clinton's efforts, however, were not successful, and he was
superseded by Sir Guy Carleton after the surrender of Corn-
wallis, whom he had failed to relieve. On his return to
England he wrote " A Narrative " of his conduct in America
in reply to the observations upon it by Lord Cornwallis, and
later, " Observations on Stedman's History of the American
War." He was appointed governor of Gibraltar in 1795,
but, shortly after his arrival there, died on the 22d of Decem-
ber. Vide British Army Lists ; Biographical Dictionary
(Blake), New York, in loco ; History of New York (Dunlap),
vol. II, p. 201; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, pp. 293-333, et passim; History of the War
of the Independence (Botta), Philadelphia, 1820, vol. i, pp.
306, 315 ; vol. 2, pp. 24-26, 307, 370, et passim ; History of
the Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p. 148.
248 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
About this time, Cornet Grant'^'' of Genl Burgoyne's
regm't of Light Dragoons, the i6*\ made an unsuc-
cessful attempt to go express to Gen CHnton, and
was obHged to return thro the woods, running many
risques of falUng into their hands, to the very great
dissatisfaction of Gen Burgoyne.
1 1'^^ A large detachment of German troops con-
sisting- of Gen Reidzels drag^oons who came dis-
mounted from Germany, a body of Rangers, Indians
& voluntiers, with 4 pieces of cannon, went from
our camp on a secret expedition ; their route was
not publicly known, but supposed for to take a
large store of provisions belonging to the enemy at
Bennington, and also horses to mount the dragoons.
During the night there was a most violent storm of
Thunder, Lightening, wind & rain. It succeeded a
very hot day, and was so severe that the men could
not remain in their tents, as the rain poured quite
through them. Ours stood it better ; our horses
tore down the small sheds formed to keep the heat
of the sun from them, being so much frightened.
About day break it cleared up, and a great heat
followed, which soon dried all our cloths Sc*'.
^^^ James Grant was commissioned a cornet in the Six-
teenth Light Dragoons on December 27, 1775, and was taken
prisoner, as will be seen farther on in this journal. He ap
pears upon the list of '79, and a man of the same name was
commissioned an ensign in the Twenty-seventh Foot on July
7th of that year, and is continued on the army list to 1784 ;
but, owing to uncertainty as to his identity with the object
of our search, it is unprofitable to follow his career.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 249
13'^ We moved 3 miles and encamped at a post
called Batten Kill, a strong situation bordering on
the river Hudson, intended for the army to cross
over. Our corps crossed the river with a good deal
of trouble, and encamped about 2 miles west of it.
The troops crossed in battows, which was very
tedious, as we had but few. About a mile below,
the horses and baggage forded it with some difficulty,
the water being high from a great fall of rain, which
came on during the preceding night, in consequence
of which, the troops were put into barracs built there
for 1000 men by Gen Schyler. His house was a
small way in our front, and the best we had as yet
seen in that part, and much superior to many gentle-
man's houses in Canada. It was intended we should
move the next day to an eminence a little distance,
which was reckoned a good post, and where there
was plenty of forage for the army.
i6^\ Our orders for marching were counter-
manded and others given out for us, to move at
3 o'clock next morning. , As I was upon no par-
ticular duty, I rode back to the line, who, with Gen
Burgoyne were at Fort Miller, and in the evening
returned to our camp, crossing over our new
bridge of boats, which was almost then finished.
At night I mounted an advanced picquet, and had
orders to return to camp next morning at Revally
Beating, day break. Nothing extraordinary passed
during the night, every thing quiet about our post,
and on going to return in the morning received
32
250 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
orders, — the 17*^— to remain, as the corps was not
to move that day, and to keep a very sharp look out ;
on which we naturally supposed something extraordi-
nary had happened. Soon after an engineer came
out to us with a number of men to throw up a breast
work. Still it looked suspicious ; but we were soon
made acquainted with the melancholy report, that
the detachment, which marched from us on the 11'^
were all cut to pieces by the enemy at Bennington,
their force being much superior. Our 4 pieces of
cannon were taken, two 6 pounders & two 3 pounders.
I fear the officer who commanded, a German, took
post in a bad situation, and was surrounded by the
enemy after expending all his amunition. Our
Albany voluntiers behaved with great bravery ; but
were not seconded by the Germans and Savages ;
and it was much regretted British were not
sent in their place. '^^ -phe express also informed
^®^This remark of Digby plainly reveals the jealousy which
existed on the part of the English toward their German
allies — a jealousy which was inexcusable when the rela-
tions of both to the war are regarded. That the German
auxiliaries performed their duty faithfully, patiently and
bravely cannot be questioned ; indeed, when we reflect
upon all the facts of the case, we can but admire the char-
acter which they displayed. It was a piece of great folly
on the part of the English general in assigning men equipped
as they were, and ignorant of the language, to such a ser-
vice. Their equipment was ridiculously cumbersome, and
rendered them incapable of making any quick movement.
But an important fact, related in General Riedesel's Me-
moirs, should be stated, which shows how they were deceived
by supposed loyalists, whom Baum allowed to gather on his
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 251
[us] that the enemy was greatly elated in conse-
quence of the above, and were upon the move ; but
where he could not tell. Our situation was not the
best, as from the great fall of rain our bridge was
near giving way by the flood, which almost totally
cut off our communication with Genl Burgoyne and
the line. Our post was also far from a good one,
being surrounded and commanded by hills around —
Gen Frazier not intending to remain there above a
night or two. About 4 in the evening our picquet
flanks: "Toward nine o'clock, on the morning of the i6th,
small bodies of armed men made their appearance from dif-
ferent directions. These men were mostly in their shirt-
sleeves. They did not act as if they intended to make an
attack ; and Baum, being told by the provincial, who had
joined his army on the line of march, that they were all
loyalists and would make common cause with him, suffered
them to encamp on his side and rear. Shortly after another
force of the rebels arrived and attacked his rear. This was
the signal for the seeming loyalists, who had encamped on
the side and rear of the army, to attack the Germans ; and
the result was that Baum suddenly found himself cut off
from all his detached posts. For over two hours he with-
stood the sallies and fire of the enemy — his dragoons, to a
man, fighting like heroes — but at last, his ammunition being
used up, and no reinforcements arriving, he was obliged to
succumb to superior numbers and retreat. The enemy
seemed to spring out of the ground ; indeed, they were
estimated at between four and five thousand men. Twice
the brave dragoons succeeded in breaking a road through
the enemy's ranks; for, upon their ammunition giving out,
Baum ordered that they should hang their carbines over
their shoulders and trust to their swords. But bravery was
now in vain ; and the heroic leader, himself severely wounded,
was forced to surrender with his dragoons. Meanwhile the
Indians and Provincials had taken flight, and sought safety
252 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
was relieved by Lord Balcarres and the Battallion of
light Infantry, who were to lie on their arms there
during the night. Our orders were, to be in readiness
to recross the river next morning at day break, and
during the night, to remain accoutred and ready to
turn out at a moments warning. The rain still con-
tinued.
18. Our bridge was carried down by the water,
and to complete all, the ford where our horses
crossed over the 15^*^ was impassable — The river
in the forest." Thus nobly did these poor Germans fight in a
cause in which they had no interest, impelled by loyalty
to their prince and zeal to uphold the honor of German
soldiers. They were in a strange land, and fighting with
and for men whose language they did not understand, and
who affected superiority over them. Their position was,
indeed, a trying one ; and that they realized it, may be seen
in the following extract from Anburey's letters : " The
Germans, to the number of twenty or thirty at a time, will
in their conversations relate to each other that they are sure
they shall not live to see home again, and are certain that
they shall very soon die ; would you believe it, after this
they mope and pine about, haunted with the idea that,
' Nor wives, nor children, shall they more behold,
Nor friends, nor sacred home.'
Nor can any medicine or advice you can give them divert
this settled superstition, which they as surely die martyrs to
as ever it infects them. Thus it is that men, who have faced
the dangers of battle and of shipwreck without fear (for they
are certainly as brave as any soldiers in the world) are taken
off, a score at a time, by a mere phantom of their own brain.
This is a circumstance well known to every one in the army."
Vide Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, vol. i, p. 130, et
seq.; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,
p. \6\, et seq.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 253
being swelled so much. We had a few battows and
a large scow for our cannon ; so began to cross ;
but it was a most tedious piece of work, and late
at night before every thing was over — when we lay
on our arms— not as yet being exact as to the
motions of the enemy.
19. We encamped on our former strong post
Batten Kill. On this occasion, the Indians in Con-
gress with M' Luc'^^ at their head, with an old
18* Luc de Chapt de la Corne Saint-Luc was the son of Jean-
Louis de la Corne, who achieved a considerable military repu-
tation in Canada. St. Luc for many years had served with
the Indians against the English, and had been regarded by
them as a dangerous and cruel enemy. When Canada was
lost to France, St. Luc determined to return to the land of
his fathers, and embarked, October 17, 176 1, on the Anguste
with his entire family and over a hundred of the prmcipal
persons of the colony. On the coast of Cape Breton the
Auguste was wrecked, and St. Luc alone of all the passen-
gers escaped alive. After great hardships he reached Que-
bec, and finally seeing the uselessness of opposing the Eng-
lish rule, became a British subject; but how faithful to the
crown he was may be seen from the fact, that when Mont-
gomery's invasion of Canada appeared to promise success,
St. Luc determined to desert with his Indians to the Ameri-
cans, and secretly wrote to the American general offering
his support, which was accepted ; but when this acceptance
reached St. Luc, the American cause did not promise so
well as it promised a short time before, and he concluded to
adhere to the English side. For this treachery he was dis-
trusted by Carleton, and Montgomery, when he captured
Montreal, refused to include him in the capitulation. Being
captured by Montgomery, St. Luc was held a prisoner until
the spring of 1777, when he was released, and soon after
joined Burgoyne with his savages. He seems to have been
as treacherous and cruel as his brutal followers, and as soon
as the British were in a critical condition, he deserted them.
254 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.
Frenchman/^5 who had long resided amongst them,
declared their intention of returning to their respect-
ive homes, their interpreter informing the [general]
(speaking figuratively in the Indian manner) that on
Samuel Mott speaks of him as "an arch devil incarnate, who
has butchered hundreds, men, women and children of your
colonies," and Burgoyne in ParHament thus alluded to him
as one secretly practicing against him : " His name is St.
Luc le Corne, a distinguished partisan of the French in the
last war, and now in the British service as a leader of the
Indians. He owes us, indeed, some service, having been
formerly instrumental in scalping many hundred British
soldiers upon the very ground where, though with a differ-
ent sort of latitude, he was this year employed. He is by
nature, education and practice artful, ambitious and a cour-
tier. To the grudge he owed me for controlling him in the
use of the hatchet and scalping-knife, it was natural to his
character to recommend himself to ministerial favour by
any censure in his power to cast upon an unfashionable gen-
eral." St. Luc subsequently became a member of the Leg-
islative Council of Canada, and took part in the exciting
political questions of the times which succeeded the ter-
mination of the war, but did not long survive. He died in
the beginning of October, 1784, aged 72 years. Vide Docu-
ments Relating to the Colonial History of New York, vol.
10, pp. 112, 132, 345, 500, 629, 750, et passim; Journal du
Voyage de M. Saint-Luc de la Corne, Quebec, 1863; His-
tory of Canada (Garneau), vol. i, pp. 460, 555 ; vol. 2, pp. 6^,
85, 163, 185 ; American Archives, 4th Series, vol. 4, pp. 973,
1095 ; Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion of Inquiry
made by Mr. Vyner in the Parliament, May 26, 1778, and,
for a very full account, Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
Appendix No. 17.
'^^This was Charles de Langlade, a Frenchman, who had
long acted with the Indians, and was familiar with their
habits and customs. Anburey calls him Langdale, who, he
says, " planned and executed, with the nations he is now
escorting, the defeat of General Braddock." He had under
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 255
their first joining his army, the sun arose bright, and
in its full glory ; that the sky was clear and serene,
foreboding conquest and victory ; but that then, that
great Luminary was surrounded and almost obscured
from the sight by dark and gloomy clouds, which
threatened by their bursting to involve all nature
in a general wreck and confusion. This the general
(tho in his heart he despised them for their fears
and might have sentenced M^ Luc by a general
Court Martial to an ignominious death for desertion)
yet parted with them seemingly without showing his
dislike, fearing, perhaps, their going over to the
enemy. On which some companies of rangers were
ordered to be raised in their place. At this time,
many of the inhabitants, who before came into our
camp for protection, calling themselves Torys, went
from us over to the enemy, who we hoped soon to
make pay dear for their late success at Bennington.''^
his command warriors from many tribes — Sioux, Sacs,
Foxes, Menominees, Winnebagoes, Ottawas and Chippewas.
At the assembUng of the tribes, he translated the speeches
of the Sioux chiefs into the dialect of the Chippewas, and
from the Chippewa dialect into the French tongue. For a
memoir, vide Collections Wisconsin Historical Society, vol.
7, p. 123; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America,
vol. I, p. 356, et seq.
is^ This was a constant danger to the Americans. While
a large portion of the people was ready to make any sacri-
fice, however great, for the cause of liberty, another con-
siderable portion was as ready to join the winning side,
whichever it might be. This was realized by the American
commanders, and was the cause of much embarrassment to
them.
256 Lieute7tant Digbys Journal.
It is scarce to be conceived the many difficulties we
had to encounter in carrying on a war in such a
country, from the tediousness of removing provisions
stores &^ and the smallness of our numbers were
much diminished by sending parties back and forward
from fort George to our camp.
22°^. A few Germans deserted, one of whom was
taken and suffered death. '^^ Various were the reports
then circulating thro our camp, not of the most
pleasing kind, which might easily be perceived on
the faces of some of our great men, who I believe
began to think our affairs had not taken so fortunate
a turn as might have been expected ; as to my
opinion, it was of very little consequence compared
to so many abler judges ; certain it was, as an Indian
express arrived —
28^^ — to our camp, that Col. St Leger'^^ was
obliged to retire with his small army to Oswego, in
^^■^ On the 2ist of August an order of Burgoyne relating
to desertion contained the following: "In regard to Desert-
ers themselves, all out posts. Scouts and working Parties of
Provincials and Indians, are hereby promised a reward of
twenty Dollars for every Deserter they bring in ; and in case
any Deserter should be killed in the pursuit, their scalps are
to be brought off." The unfortunate man here mentioned
was George Huridertmark, " guilty of quitting his Post when
Centinel without being regularly relieved, and of Desertion,"
and was sentenced to be shot to death. Vide Burgoyne's
Orderly Book, pp. 79, Z\, et seq.
^^ Barry St. Leger was born in 1737, and entered the
Twenty-eighth Foot, April 27, 1756, with the commission of
an ensign. The following year he went to America and
served under Abercrombie ; was made captain in the Forty-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. ' 257
his return towards Canada; but I forgot, I should
first have mentioned the nature and cause of his
expedition. Lieut Col St Leger, 34''^ regmt, left
Canada about the time we did, with a command of
near 700 regulars ; viz 100 men from the S'*" regmt ;
100 from the 34^'' regmt; Sir John Johnston's regmt of
New York, '^9 133; and the Hannau Chasseurs, 342,
with a body of Canadians and Indians and some
small pieces of Cannon. He was to go by Lake
Ontario, and to come down the Mohock river on
the Back settlements to take fort Stanwix'^o ^c^ ^^^
eighth Foot, and took part in the siege of Louisbourg in
1758. After its capture he accompanied General Wolfe to
Quebec, and won distinction there. In July, 1760, he was
appointed brigade major, and August 16, 1762, a major of
the Ninety-fifth Foot. At the close of the French war, he
retired on half pay, but on May 25, 1772, procured an appoint-
ment in the army of lieutenant-colonel, and May 20, 1775,
received a commission as lieutenant-colonel in the Thirty-
fourth Foot. His unfortunate expedition to the Mohawk
did not altogether prevent his advancement, as he was made
a colonel in the army, November 17, 1780, and a brigadier-
general, October 21, 1782. He died in 1789. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco ; American Historical Record, vol. 3,
p. 435 ; Colonial History of New York, vol. 8, p. 714 ; John-
son's Orderly Book, p. 66, and, for an account of his opera-
tions in 1777, The Expedition of Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger,
by William L. Stone, Albany, 1877.
^^^This regiment was known by several names, and very
unpleasantly by the Americans on account of its inhuman-
ity. It was called Johnson's Royal Greens on account of
the color of its uniform ; also as the Queen's Loyal Ameri-
cans and the Royal Regiment of New York.
""This fort was erected in 1758 and called Fort Stanwix,
taking its name from General Stanwix, an officer under
33
258 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
to join us at Albany. This was the plan settled by-
Lord George Germain, as you will see in his letter
to Gen Carlton, dated Whitehall March 6^'' 1777;
but why that expedition miscarryed I cannot pretend
to say ; as the conduct of Col. St Leger [by] com-
mon report, which was all I could depend upon, did
him every kind of [in] justice in the plan concerted
by him for carrying his orders into execution. Our
accounts also from Genl Howe, or rather our hearing
nothing about his proceedings to the Southward, was
another cause of disappointment, as it was but
natural to suppose, that had he done nothing very
great with so large a body of troops under his com-
mand— said to be near 40,000 — we could not
easyly penetrate into the enemy's country with one
eighth of that number ; so that upon mature delib-
eration, and agreeable to the general's express orders,
it was determined by him to drop all sorts of com-
munication with Canada — the Army being too small
to afford parties at the different posts between us,
and Ticonderoga — and by forcing his way by the
greatest exertion possible, fight for the wished for
junction with the Southern army; and also to remain
on our present ground till provisions stores &'' were
General Abercrombie. After the repulse of Abercrombie
by the French at Ticonderoga, in which Lord George Howe,
the elder brother of General William Howe of Revolution-
ary fame, was killed, Abercrombie dispatched Stanwix to
build this fort near the head waters of the Mohawk, the
site of the present town of Rome. It was repaired and
strengthened by General Schuyler in 1776 and received his
name.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 259
all up previous to so material a movement. In my
opinion, this attempt showed a glorious spirit in our
General, and worthy alone to be undertaken by
British Troops, as the eyes of all Europe, as well
as Great Britain were fixed upon us ; tho some
disatislied persons with us did not scruple to give it
the appellation of rashness, and were of opinion,
that we should have remained at Fort Edward
entrenched, until we heard Genl Clinton was come
up near Albany ; and then pushed on to co operate
with him. Our great design & wish then was to
draw on a general engagement, which we hoped
would be decisive, as by their unbounded extent of
country they might, by avoiding it, protract the war.
September 2^^. Went out with a large forraging
party, as was the custom every morning, and
marched 9 miles towards the enemy before we
could procure any ; it then turning very scarce from
our remaining so long on that post. We halted at
an exceeding good house near the road, which was
deserted by its master and family on our approach.
The furniture was good, and which I might have
appropriated to what use I pleased. About 3
o'clock we returned to our camp with some hay, not
without some odd thoughts on the fortune of war,
which levels all distinctions of property, and which
our present situation pictured strongly.
4*^ A drum[mer], who went from our camp as a
flag of truce to Genl Gates, returned, and the
following letters which passed from Gen Gates
26o Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
to Genl Burgoyne, with his answers and Gates'
account of the Bennington affair to their congress,
I shall here insert for the amusement of the reader —
To the honourable, the continental congress.
Your excellencies will perceive by the inclosed
letters, that the glorious victory at Bennington has
reduced the boasting stile of Gen Burgoyne so
much, that he begins in some degree to think and
talk like other men.
Head quarters of the King's Army
UPON Hudson river August 30 1777.
Sir. — Major Genl Reidzel has requested me to
transmit the inclosed to Lieut CoP Baum,'5' whom
the fortune of war put into the hands of your troops
at Bennington. Having never failed in my attention
towards prisoners, I cannot entertain a doubt of your
"^ Frederick Baum was lieutenant-colonel of the Bruns-
wick Dragoons, and is spoken of as being a good officer but
unfit for this expedition, in which he lost his life ; in fact, the
troops which he commanded were wholly unfit for the ser-
vice here assigned them. Stone thus describes the equip-
ment of one of these men: " He wore high and heavy jack
boots, with large, long spurs, stout and stiff, leather breeches,
gauntlets, reaching high up upon his arms, and a hat with a
huge tuft of ornamental feathers. On his side he trailed a
tremendous broad sword ; a short but clumsy carbine was
slung over his shoulder, and down his back, like a Chinese
Mandarin, dangled a long queue." It is admitted that Baum
and his men fought heroically, but in vain, being over-
whelmed by numbers. He lived two days after being
wounded, and was buried with military honors August nine-
teenth.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 261
taking this opportunity to show me a return of civil-
ity; and that you will permit the baggage and ser-
vants of such officers, your prisoners, as desire it, to
pass to them unmolested. It is with great concern,
I find myself obliged to add to this application a
complaint of the bad treatment the provincial soldiers
in the king's service received after the affair at
Bennington. I have reports upon oath that some
were refused quarter after having asked it. I am
willing to believe this was against the order and
inclination of your officers ; but it is my part to
require an explanation, and to warn you of the hor-
rors of retaliation, if such a practice is not in the
strongest terms discountenanced. Duty and prin-
ciple, Sir ; make me a public enemy to the Ameri-
cans, who have taken arms, but I seek to be a
generous one, nor have I the shadow of resentment
against any individual, who does not induce it by
acts derogatory to those maxims upon which all men
of honor think alike. Persuaded that a Gentleman
of the station to which this lettter is addressed will
not be comprised in the exception I have made — I
am personally. Sir,
Your most humble servant,
JN« BURGOYNE.
Head quarters of the army of the
United States Sep. 2^^.
Sir. Last night I had the honour of receiving
your excellency's letter of the 30"" August. I
262 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
am astonished you should mention inhumanity, or
threaten retaHation. Nothing happened in the action
of Bennington, but what is common when works are
carried by Assault. That the savages of America
should in their warfare mangle and scalp the unhappy
prisoners, who fall into their hands, is neither new
nor extraordinary ; but that the famous Lieut General
Burgoyne, in whom the fine gentleman is united with
the soldier and the scholar, should hire the savages
of America to scalp Europeans and the descendants
of Europeans ; nay more, that he should pay a price
for each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than
will be believed in England until authenticated facts
shall in every gazette convince mankind of the truth
of this horrid tale. — Miss M'^Crea, a young lady
lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable
disposition, engaged to be married to an officer in
your army, was with other women and children taken
out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the
woods, and there scalped and mangled in the most
shocking manner. Two parents with their six chil-
dren, [were] all treated with the same inhumanity
while quietly residing in their once happy and peace-
ful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M'^Crea was
partly aggravated by her being dressed to receive
her promised husband ; but met her murderers em-
ployed by you. Upwards of one hundred men,
women and children have perished by the hands of
these ruffians, to whom it is asserted, you have paid
the price of blood. Inclosed are letters from your
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 263
wounded officers, prisoners in my hands, by whom
you will be informed of the generosity of their Con-
querers. Such cloathing, necessaries, attendants &"=.
which your excellency pleases to send to the prisoners
shall be carefully delivered. I am, sir, your most
Humble servant
H. GATES/5^
Sir. I received your letter of the 2^ inst, and in
consequence of your complying with my proposal,
have sent the baggage, servants &" of those officers,
who are prisoners in your hands. I have hesitated,
sir, upon answering the other paragraphs of your
letter. I disdain to justify myself against the rhap-
sodies of fiction, and calumny, which from the first
of this contest, it has been an unvaried American
policy to propagate ; but which no longer impose
upon the world. I am induced to deviate from this
rule in the present instance, lest my silence should
be construed an acknowledgement oi the truth of
your allegation, and a pretence be thence taken for
exercising future barbarities by the American troops.
Upon this motive, and upon this alone, I condescend
to inform you, that I would not be conscious of the
1^2 After General Gates had written this letter to Burgoyne,
he called General Lincoln and his aide-de camp, Wilkinson,
to hear it read. Upon being pressed for an opinion respect-
ing it, his hearers suggested that it might be considered
somewhat too personal, to which the old general replied
with his usual profane bluntness: " , I don't believe
either of you can mend it," and abruptly terminated the
consultation.
264 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
acts, you presume to impute to me, for the whole
continent of America, tho. the wealth of worlds were
in its bowels and a paradise on its surface. It has
happened, that all my transactions with the Indian
nations last year and this, have been open, clearly
heard, distinctly understood and accurately minuted
by very numerous, and in many parts, very prejudiced
audiences. So diametrically opposite to truth is your
assertion that I have paid a price for scalps, that one
of the first regulations established by me at the great
Council in May, and repeated and enforced, and
invariably adhered to since, was that the Indians
should receive compensation for prisoners, because
it would prevent cruelty, and that not only such com-
pensations should be witheld, but a strict account
demanded for scalps. These pledges of Conquest —
for such you well know they will ever esteem them —
were solemnly and peremptorily prohibited to be
taken from the wounded and even the dying, and
the persons of aged men, women and children, and
prisoners were pronounced sacred even, in assaults. —
Respecting Miss M'^Crea; her fall wanted not the
tragic display you have laboured to give it, to make
it as sincerely abhorred and lamented by me, as it
can possibly be by the tenderest of her friends. The
fact was no premeditated barbarity, on the contrary,
two chiefs who had brought her off for the purpose
of security, not of violence to her person, disputed
who should be her guard, and in a fit of savage pas-
sion in the one from whose hands she was snatched,
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 265
the unhappy woman became the victim. Upon the
first intelligence of the events, I obliged the Indians
to deliver the murderer into my hands, and tho to
hive punished him by our laws and principles of
justice would have been perhaps unprecedented, he
certainly should have suffered an ignominous death,
had I not been convinced, by circumstances and
observation beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a
pardon under the terms I prescribed and they ac-
cepted, would be more efficatious than an execution
to prevent similar mischiefs. The above instance
excepted, your intelligence respecting cruelties of the
Indians is absolutely false. You seem to threaten
me with European publications, which affect me as
little as any other threats you could make, but in
regard to American publications, whether the charge
against me, (which I acquit you of believing), was
pencilled from a gazette or for a gazette, I desire
and demand of you, as a man of honour, that should
it appear in print at all, this answer may follow it.
I am Sir,
Your humble servant,
JNo. BURGOYNE.
6*^ We were pretty credibly informed by accounts
which came from the enemy, and were depended
upon, that in the action near Bennington, \(:f^ August,
we had killed, wounded, prisoners and missing —
including wounded in our hospitals, who escaped —
near 1000 men. It was then expected we should
34
266 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
shortly move, as the magazines of provisions and
other stores were mostly up, and our new bridge
over the Hudson river was near finished. Our re-
moval from that post was also very necessary, in
respect of procuring forage, which began then to
turn very scarce ; indeed, I wonder we did so well,
as it was amazing the great quantity of hay, Indian
corn Sc'^ we were obliged to provide for so great a
number of cattle. Potatoes and all other vegetables
were long before consumed, and very few fresh pro-
visions to be got then. A few of our wounded offi-
cers and men from the hospitals of Ticonderoga
joined the army ; also captain Wight and others,
who suffered from fever and such disorders, came
up. The weather then began to turn cold in the
mornings and evenings, which was but badly calcu-
lated for the light cloathing of the army, most of our
winter apparel being sent from Skeensborough to
Ticonderoga in July. Many officers had also sent
back their tents and markees, of which I was one,
and in their place substituted a soldier's tent, which
were then cold at nights though a luxury to what we
after experienced
IO*^ About 1 1 o'clock, an express arrived with
intelligence that the enemy were on the move, and
had advanced from their camp at Half Moon to
Still water, a few miles nearer us, but they might
have saved themselves that trouble, as we should
soon have been up with them. He also informed
[us] that in consequence of that unfortunate affair at
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 267
Bennington, they were joined by some thousands of
Militia, who in all probability would have remained
neuter had we proved successful. From these ac-
counts we threw up more works to protect our camp
till ready to move towards them ; after which we
should be as liable to an attack in our rear as front,
and the waiting to secure every store &'' against such
an attack, caused our being so long on that post
1 1'^ We received orders to be in readiness to
cross the Hudson river at a moment's warning; but
all that day was a continued fall of heavy rain,
which continued till the l3'^ when the morning being
very fine, the army passed over the Bridge of boats
and encamped on the heights of Saratoga. We
encamped in three columns in order of Battle. The
duty here turned very severe, such numbers being
constantly on either guards or picquets ; during that
day and the next we had many small alarms, as
parties of theirs came very near our camp ; but a
few companies soon sent them off.
15'^ Moved about 3 miles nearer the enemy, and
took post on a strong position late in the evening,
and had just time to pitch our camp before dark ;
about 1 1 at nigrht we received orders to stand to our
arms, and about 12 I returned to my tent and lay
down to get a little rest, but was soon alarmed by a
great noise of fire, and on running out saw Major
Ackland's tent and markee all in a blaze, on which I
made the greatest haste possible to their assistance,
but before I could arrive. Lady Harriot Ackland,
268 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
who was asleep in the tent when it took fire, had
providentially escaped under the back of it ; but the
major was much burned in trying to save her/^^
What must a woman of her rank, family and fortune
feel in her then disagreeable situation ; liable to
constant alarms and not knowing the moment of an
^^^Anburey has the following account of this occurrence:
" Our situation, as being the advanced post of the army, was
frequently so very alert that we seldom slept out of our
cloaths. In one of these situations a tent, in which Major
Ackland and Lady Harriet were asleep, suddenly caught
fire; the major's orderly sergeant, with great danger of
suffocation, dragged out the first person he got hold of,
which was the major. It providentially happened that in
the same instant Lady Harriet, without knowing what she
did, and perhaps not perfectly awake, made her escape, by
creeping under the walls in the back part of the tent, and
upon recovering her senses, conceive what her feelings must
be when the first object she beheld was the major, in the
midst of the flames, in search of her ! The sergeant again
saved him, but the major's face and body was burnt in a
very severe manner ; every thing they had with them in the
tent was consumed. This accident was occasioned by a
favorite Newfoundland dog, who being very restless, over-
set the table on which a candle was burning, (the major
always had a light in. his tent during the night, when our
situation required it) and it rolling to the walls of the tent,
instantly set them on fire." The almost romantic attach-
ment of Burgoyne's two officers, Major Acland and General
Riedesel and their lovely and devoted wives, relieves in a
striking manner the horrors of the campaign, so strongly
contrasted is it with the suffering and selfishness which
everywhere prevailed. Here were two gentle and refined
women amid the wreck and ruin of war, and always very
near to the portals of death, living an almost idyllic life of
unselfish devotion and love to their husbands, and of charity
and self-sacrifice to those about them. Truly it is a spectacle
worthy of contemplation !
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 269
attack ; but from her attachment to the major, her
ladyship bore everything, with a degree of steadiness,
and resokition, that could alone be expected from an
experienced veteran.
i6*^ A detachment with about 2000 men with 6
pieces of cannon attended Gen Burgoyne on a recon-
noitering party towards the enemy. We remained
out till near night, and fired our evening gun at sun
set to make them imagine we had taken post so much
nearer them ; and afterwards returned to our camp
with the gun. We heard Gen Gates had been there
the preceding day attended by a corps of riflemen.
It was then pretty certain and generally believed,
and indeed wished for, that we should shortly have
a decisive engagement, — I say wished for, as they
never would allow us to go into winter quarters, till
we had gained some great advantage over them ;
should that be the case, many of the country people
would join us, but not till then — they choosing to
be on the strongest side.
xf^. The whole moved about 9 in the morning,
and tho we were marching till near night, we came
but 3 miles nearer them — we going a great circuit
thro thick woods, for such is all that country — in
order to keep possession of the heights, we lay on
our arms not having light or time to pitch our tents.
i8*^ About 1 1 in the morning, we heard the report
of small arms at a small distance. It was a party of
the enemy, who surprised some unarmed men forag-
ing not far from our camp. They killed & wounded
270 Lieutenant Digby s Journal.
13, and then retreated'^'* on our sending a party to
oppose them ; and during that day and night we
were very watchful and remained under arms.
19^^ At day break intelligence was received, that
Colonel Morgan,'55 with the advance party of the
^^*A number of men belonging to the British camp were
endeavoring to get some potatoes in a field near by for their
mess when surprised by the Americans. Anburey says that
they might easily have been taken prisoners, and states the
number killed and wounded to have been near thirty. He
remarks that " such cruel and unjustifiable conduct can have
no good tendency, while it serves greatly to increase hatred,
and a thirst for revenge." Vide Travels Through the Inte-
rior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 409.
^^^ Daniel Morgan has been claimed to be a native both of
Pennsylvania and of New Jersey, but his biographer, Graham,
decides that he was born in Hunterdon county. New Jersey,
in the winter of 1736. His parents were Welsh, and his
early life one of hardship. At the age of seventeen he ran
away from home and found employment as a farm laborer
in Virginia. He was a wagoner in the Braddock expedi-
tion and noted for his great strength and daring. While in
the frontier service the next year, he was beaten with five
hundred lashes for striking a British lieutenant in return for
a blow which the officer bestowed upon him with his sword,
under the severity of which punishment he would have suc-
cumbed had not his constitution been of iron. The terrible
marks of this beating, which " cut his flesh to ribbons," he
bore to his grave. He was commissioned an ensign in 1758,
and, after a rough life of a few years, married and settled
down as a farmer in Virginia. When the news of the battle
of Lexington reached him, he mustered a picked company
of riflemen and marched with them to Cambridge, a distance
of six hundred miles, in twenty-one days. It was in the
dusk of evening when Morgan met General Washington,
who was riding out to inspect the camp. As they met,
Morgan touched his broad-brimmed hat and said : " General
— from the right bank of the Potomac." Hastily dismount-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 271
enemy, consisting of a corps of rifle men, were strong
about 3 miles from us ; their main body amounting to
great numbers encamped on a very strong post about
half a mile in their rear ; and about 9 o'clock we
began our march, every man prepared with 60 rounds
ing, Washington " took the captain's hand in both of his
and pressed it silently. Then passing down the line, he
pressed, in turn, the hand of every soldier, large tears
streaming down the noble cheeks as he did so. Without
a word he then remounted his horse, saluted, and returned
to the camp." In Arnold's campaign against Canada, Mor-
gan was an active spirit, and was taken a prisoner in the
attack upon Quebec. It is said that he wept when he
realized the hopelessness of the campaign. While in con-
finement he was offered a colonel's commission to join the
British, but repelled the offer with indignation. After being
exchanged, he joined the army of defense and did noble
service in the battles which preceded the surrender of Bur-
goyne. At the close of the battle which decided this event,
it is said that Gates approached him with a proposition to
desert Washington and support his pretensions to the chief
command, but was indignantly repelled by Morgan, who re-
plied : " I will serve under no other man but Washington."
For this reply Gates revenged himself by not mentioning
his name in his report of the battle in which he rendered
such distinguished service. After the surrender of Burgoyne,
he served in the South, and achieved honor at the battle of
the Cowpens, for which he was awarded a gold medal by
Congress. At the close of the war he retired to his Vir-
ginian farm, which he named Saratoga ; but, upon the break-
ing out of the whisky insurrection in western Virginia, in
1794, he was called to command the militia for its suppres-
sion, and soon after was elected to Congress. Before the
close of his term he retired, prostrated by sickness. Wash-
ington, however, continued to consult him, although he was
incapacitated for service. He died at Manchester, Virginia,
July 6, 1802. Vide The Life of Daniel Morgan (Graham);
also, A Sketch of Morgan by John Esten Cooke.
272 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
of cartridge and ready for instant action. We moved
in 3 colums, ours to the right on the heights and
farthest from the river in thick woods. A little after
12 our advanced picquets came up with Colonel
Morgan and engaged, but from the great superiority
of fire received from him — his numbers being much
greater — they were obliged to fall back, every officer
being either killed or wounded except one,'^^ when
^^^The sharpshooters of Morgan caused great havoc in the
British ranks. Lamb says : " Several of the Americans
placed themselves in high trees, and, as often as they could
distinguish a British officer's uniform, took him off by de-
liberately aiming at his person." Anburey describes most
graphically the terrible scenes of the day following this bat-
tle : " Our army," he says, " abounded with young officers,
in the subaltern line, and in the course of this unpleasant
duty (the burial of the dead), three of the 20th regi-
ment were interred together, the age of the eldest not
exceeding seventeen. — In the course of the last action.
Lieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd, a youth of sixteen,
and nephew of the Adjutant-General of the same name, re-
ceived several wounds, and was repeatedly ordered off the
field by Colonel Anstruther ; but his heroic ardor would not
allow him to quit the battle, while he could stand and see
his brave lads fighting beside him. A ball striking one of
his legs, his removal became absolutely necessary, and while
they were conveying him away, another wounded him mor-
tally. In this situation the surgeon recommended him to
take a powerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight
hours'^life of most exquisite torture; this he immediately
consented to, and when the Colonel entered the tent with
Major Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked whether
he had any affairs they could settle for him ? his reply was,
' that being a minor, every thing was already adjusted ; ' but
he had one request, which he had just life enough to utter,
'Tell my uncle I died like a soldier.' Where will you find
in ancient Rome heroism superior!" This mode of war-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 273
the line came up to their support and obliged Morgan
in his turn to retreat with loss. About half past one,
the fire seemed to slacken a little ; but it was only
to come on with double force, as between 2 & 3 the
action became general on their side. From the
situation of the ground, and their being perfectly
acquainted with it, the whole of our troops could
not be brought to engage together, which was a
very material disadvantage, though everything pos-
sible was tried to remedy that inconvenience, but to
no effect, such an explosion of fire I never had any
idea of •before, and the heavy artillery joining in con-
cert like great peals of thunder, assisted by the
echoes of the woods, almost deafened us with the
noise. To an unconcerned spectator, it must have
had the most awful and glorious appearance, the dif-
ferent Battalions moving to relieve each other, some
being pressed and almost broke by their superior
numbers. This crash of cannon and musketry never
ceased till darkness parted us, when they retired to
their camp, leaving us masters of the field ; but it
was a dear bought victory if I can give it that name,
as we lost many brave men. The 62°"^ had scarce 10
men a company left, and other regiments suffered
much, and no very great advantage, honor excepted,
was gained by the day. On its turning dusk we
fare, in which the officers were singled out by accurate
marksmen for death, was new to the British and deemed by
them cruel. Vide Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, p. 159; Travels Through the Interior Parts
of America, vol. i, p. 423, et seq.
35
2 74 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
were near firing- on a body of our Germans, mis-
taking their dark clothing for that of the enemy.
General Burgoyne was every where and did every
thing [that] could be expected from a brave officer/^^
& Brig gen. Frazier gained great honour by exposing
himself to every danger. During the night we re-
mained in our ranks, and tho we heard the groans of
our wounded and dying at a small distance, yet could
not assist them till morning, not knowing the posi-
tion of the enemy, and expecting the action would be
renewed at day break. Sleep was a stranger to us,
but we were all in good spirits and ready to obey
with cheerfulness any orders the general might issue
before morning dawned.
20*^ At day break we sent out parties to bring in
our wounded, and lit fires as we were almost froze
with cold, and our wounded who lived till the morn-
ing must have severely felt it. We scarce knew how
the rest of our army had fared the preceding day,
nor had we tasted victuals or even water for some
time before ; so sent parties for each. At 1 1 o'clock,
some of our advanced sentrys were fired upon by
^'^ Lamb, who was present, speaks of this in his journal,
and others comment upon Burgoyne's coolness and courage
in battle — placing himself in the fore front of danger, a
conspicuous object for the American sharpshooters, against
whose bullets he seemed to bear a charmed life. His pres-
ence among his troops was in marked contrast to the action
of Gates, who remained in the rear and witnessed no part of
this or the previous battle ; in fact, we are told by Wilkin-
son, what seems almost incredible : " That not a single gen-
eral officer was on the field of battle the igth Sept. until the
evening, when General Learned was ordered out."
Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 275
their rifle men, and we thought it the prelude to
another action ; but they were soon silenced. It was
Gen Phillips and Fraziers opinion we should follow
the stroke by attacking their camp that morning;
and it is believed, as affairs after turned out, it would
have been better for the army to have done so ; why
it was not attended, to I am not a judge ; tho I
believe Gen Burgoyne had material objections to it,
particularly our hospitals being so full and the maga-
zines not properly secured to risque that move-
ment.'^^ About 12 the general reconnoitered our
198 Wilkinson gives us a conversation held by him with Gen-
eral Phillips, in which the latter fully explains the reason why
Burgoyne did not attack Gates on the twentieth. Said Phil-
lips : "After the affair of the 19th September terminated,
General Burgoyne determined to attack you the next morn-
ing on your left, with his whole force; our wounded, and
sick, and women had been disposed of at the river; the
army was formed early on the morning of the 20th, and we
waited only for the dispersion of the fog, when General
Fraser observed to General Burgoyne, that the grenadiers
and light infantry who were to lead the attack, appeared
fatigued by the duty of the preceding day, and that if he
would suspend the operation until the next morning, he was
persuaded they would carry the attack with more vivacity.
Burgoyne yielded to the proposition of Fraser ; the orders
were countermanded, and the corps returned to camp ; and
as if intended for your safety and our destruction, in the
course of the night, a spy reached Burgoyne with a letter
from General Sir Henry Clinton, advising him of his m-
tended expedition against the highlands, which determined
Burgoyne to postpone the meditated attack of your army,
and wait events ; the golden, glorious opportunity was lost —
you grew stronger every day, and on the 7th of October over-
whelmed us." This is a very different account from Digby's.
Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 251, ^^ seq.
276 Lietitena7it Digbys Jotirnal.
post and contracted the extent of ground we then
covered to a more secure one nearer the river, which
we took up in the evening — our left flank near the
Hudson river to guard our battows and stores, and
our right extending near two miles to heights west of
the river, with strong ravines, both in our front and
rear, the former nearly within cannon shot of the
enemy. On our taking up this ground, we buried
numbers of their dead. Their loss must have been
considerable, as the fire was very severe. Contiguous
to our ground was a fine field of Indian corn, which
greatly served our horses, who had but little care
taken of them the last 2 days, and many were killed
the I9'^ At night, half stood to their arms, and so
relieved each other, in which time of watch we could
distinctly hear them in the wood between us felling
trees ; from which we supposed they were fortifying
their camp, which by all accounts, and the situation
of the country, we had reason to believe was very
strong
21'''. Their morning gun, from its report, seemed
almost as near as our own, and soon after we heard
them beating their drums frequently for orders. At
12 we heard them huzzaing in their camp, after which
they fired 13 heavy guns, which we imagined might
be signals for an attack ; and which would be the
most fortunate event that we could have wished,
our position being so very advantageous. Soon
after we found it was a Feu-de-joy, but for what cause
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 277
we could not tell,'^^ In the evening, an express was
sent thro the woods to Gen Clinton, informing him
that if he could not advance nearer to Albany, by
which movement many troops then opposing us would
be drawn off to stop his progress, we should be
obliged to return to Ticonderoga by 12*^ October at
farthest, as our provisions would not allow of our
remaining there beyond that period. At 6 in the
evening we encamped. It rained very heavy, and
the general often expressed his desire that the men
would take some rest — being greatly harassed after
their great fatigue — to make them the better able
to bear what might follow. The night was constant
rain, and we lay accoutred in our tents
22°'^. Formed a bridge of boats across the Hudson,
on the left flank of our line. A spy from the enemy
was taken near our camp, and we had reason to sup-
pose there were many others around. He informed
that they had a report Gen Burgoyne was killed on
the l9*^ which must have arose from Cap" Green, ^°°
^^ T\\\s feu-de-Joie was probably caused by the reception of
the news of the partially successful expedition against Ticon-
deroga in the rear of Burgoyne's army. On the eighteenth.
Colonel Brown attacked Ticonderoga and captured a portion
of the Fifty-third Regiment in the old French lines and re-
leased about a hundred prisoners, which were held by the
British. He also took an armed vessel stationed to defend
the carrying place, with several officers. Digby does not
recognize the fact that one gun was fired for each of the
colonies.
^""Charles Green was born December 18, 1749, at Gibral-
tar, where his father was stationed with his regiment. At
278 Lieutenafit Digbys Joitrnal.
one of the aid de camps, being wounded and falling
from his horse near the general. About noon there
was a confused report of Gen Clinton's comeing up
the river, and it must be owned Gen Burgoyne was
the early age of eleven he became a gentleman cadet in the
Royal Artillery, and an ensign in the Thirty-first Foot at
the age of sixteen, November 23, 1769, he was made a
lieutenant — his regiment being then in Florida — and
served against the Charibs in 1772-3. In May he returned
to England and was appointed adjutant of his regiment, and
became, in 1774, a captain-lieutenant by purchase. He
served in the campaign of 'y6^ and, at the beginning of the
campaign of 'yj, was made aide-de-camp to Major-General
Phillips. After recovering from the wound which Digby
here mentions, he returned in March, 1778, to England, and
became aide-de-camp to Lieutenant-General Oughton, He
rejoined his regiment in Canada, in 1780, and was appointed
major of brigade the following year. He became major of
the Thirty-first by purchase in 1788. In 1793 he was made
lieutenant-colonel of a battalion, and the next year was
transferred to the Thirtieth Foot, which he accompanied
to Corsica, where he remained until 1796, when he received
the appointment of coast governor of Grenada, which office
he retained until 1801, when he returned to England, and,
in January, 1797, was promoted to a colonelcy. In October,
1798, he received a further promotion to the rank of briga-
dier general, and for some time commanded in Ireland. He
was raised to the honor of knighthood. May 3, 1803, and in
the spring of 1804 conducted an expedition against Surinam,
and, after its capture, administered the civil government
there for a year, when, owing to broken health, he returned
to England, and was further honored by being created a
baronet, December 5, 1805. In May, 1807, he was placed in
command of the garrison at Malta, which position he re-
tained a year, and, in 1809, was raised to the rank of lieu-
tenant-general, and, in 1819, to that of general. He died
at Cheltenham, England, in 1831. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco ; Annual Biography and Obituary, vol. 16, p. 439.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 279
too ready to believe any report in our favour. Orders
were given for our cannon to fire 8 rounds at mid
night from the park of Artillery. It was done with
a view of causing the enemy to draw in their out
posts expecting an attack, at which time 2 officers in
disguise were sent express to Gen Clinton with
messages to the same effect as was sent the 21^^ The
intention answered, as they stood to their works all
that night which was constant rain.
23"'''. It was said we were to strengthen our camp
and wait some favourable accounts from Gen Clinton,
and accordingly began to fell trees for that purpose.
I visited our hospitals, which were much crowded,
and attended the Auctions of our deceased officers,
which for the time caused a few melancholy ideas,
though still confirmed me in believing that the
oftener death is placed before our eyes the less ter-
rible it appears. All kinds of supplies and stores
from Canada were then entirely cut off, as the com-
munication was dropped, and the variety of reports
and opinions circulating were curious and entertain-
ing, as I believe our situation was rather uncommon ;
it was such at least as few of us had before expe-
rienced. Some few thought we should be ordered to
retreat suddenly under cover of some dark night, but
that was not thought probable, as it would be cruel
to leave the great numbers of sick and wounded we
had in such a situation ; we also were certain our
general would try another action before a retreat was
thought on. Others said we waited either to receive
2 8o Lieute7tant Digbys Journal.
a reinforcement from Ticonderoga or Gen Clinton,
which last might have some weight, but as to the
former, we knew there were too few troops there to
be able to spare us any. Others again thought
when the enemy saw us determined to keep our
ground and heard of Gen Clinton's movements, they
would draw off part of their great force to oppose
him ; but that was not thought very probable by
their receiving so large reinforcements daily to their
camp. On the whole, I believe most people's opinions
and suppositions were rather founded on what they
wished, than on any certain knowledge of what would
happen ; time only, that great disposer of all human
events, could alone unfold to us what was to come.
Our few remaining Indians appeared very shy at
going out on any scouting parties, indeed, I always
took them for a people, whose very horrid figure had
a greater effect on their enemy than any courage
they possessed, as their cruel turn often assured me
they could not be brave, Humanity & pity for the
misfortunes of the wretched, being invariably the
constant companions of true courage ; theirs is savage
and will never steadily look on danger. We there
got some news papers of the enemy taken from [a]
deserter, in which there was an account of the 19^^ by
a M^ Wilkinson, adjutant genl. to their army, very
partially given, saying we retreated the 19'^ from the
field of battle, which was absolutely false as we lay
that night on the same ground we fought on, as a
proof of which, we buried their dead the morning of
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 281
the 20^*" — they not venturing near. He concludes with
a poor, low expression, saying, " On the 20*^ the
enemy lay very quietly licking their sores."^°'
24'^ At day break they fired on our German picquet
and killed 3 men, but this alarm gave us no unneces-
sary trouble, as we were always under arms an hour
before day and remained so till it was completely
light. During the night it rained heavy, and on the
26'^^ many bodies not buried deep enough in the
ground appeared, (from the great rain), as the soil
was a light sand, and caused a most dreadful smell.
We still continued making more works. A report
[was] circulated [that] Ticonderoga was taken, but
not believed. I shall here insert Gen Gates' orders
to his troops which we received by a deserter —
Head Quarters of the army of the
United States September 26. i777'
" The public business having so entirely engaged
the attention of the General, that he has not been
^"^ The letter here referred to by Digby was addressed by
Wilkinson to Colonel Vischer, who was at Albany on the
twentieth of September, and was published in the papers of
the day. In it he said : " The concurrent testimony of the
prisoners and deserters of various characters, assures us, that
General Burgoyne who commanded in person was wounded
in the left shoulder, that the 62nd regiment was cut to pieces,
and that the enemy suffered extremely in every quarter
where they were engaged. As General Burgoyne's situa-
tion will shortly constrain him to a decisive action, rein-
forcements should be immediately pushed forward to our
assistance, as our numbers are far from being equal to an
insurance of victory, and every bosom must anticipate the
consequences of a defeat. The enemy have quietly licked
their sores this day."
36
282 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
properly at leisure to return his grateful thanks to
Gen. Poors ^°^ & Gen Learned's ^°3 Brigades, to the
^"^ Enoch Poor was the son of Thomas and a grandson of
Daniel Poor, who was one of the pioneers in the settlement
of Andover, Massachusetts, in which town Enoch was born
in 1736. After receiving his education, he removed to Exe-
ter, New Hampshire, and engaged in commercial pursuits.
When the sound of the guns fired at Lexington reached his
ears, he hastened to cast in his lot with the patriots, and
was appointed colonel of the Second New Hampshire Regi-
ment. After the evacuation of Boston his regiment was
ordered to New York, and later joined in the invasion of
Canada. On February 21, 1777, he was appointed a briga-
dier-general, and did valuable service in the campaign of that
year which resulted so gloriously for the cause of Independ-
ence. After witnessing the surrender of Burgoyne, Gen-
eral Poor accompanied his command to the Delaware, where
he ably supported General Washington in his operations in
that quarter, and shared with him the hardships of Valley
Forge. He greatly distinguished himself at the battle of
Monmouth, and later in an expedition against the Indians
of the Six Nations. In August, 1780, General Poor was
placed in command of a brigade under Lafayette, by whom
he was greatly esteemed. Unfortunately, while in this com-
mand, he had a quarrel with a French officer and was killed
by him in a duel, September 8, 1780. Washington, when he
announced his death to Congress, spoke of him as "an offi-
cer of distinguished merit, who, as a citizen and a soldier,
had every claim to the esteem of his country."
^"^ Ebenezer Learned was born at Framingham, Massachu-
setts, in 1728, and served as a captain in the French war of
1 756-1 763. After the battle of Lexington, which fired the
military ardor of the country. Learned marched with the
Third Massachusetts Regiment, of which he had been made
colonel, to Cambridge, which place he reached on the day
after the battle. When the army was ordered to New York,
Learned, who had contracted disease in the service, retired,
by permission of Congress, in May, 1776 ; but, recovering his
health again, offered his services to his country, and was
Lieutenant Digbys Jour^ial. 283
regiment of rifle men, to the corps of light infantry
and to Col° Marshall's ^"'^ regiment for their valiant
behaviour in the action of the 19'^ inst, which will for
ever establish and confirm the reputation of the arms
of the United States; notwithstanding the General
has been so late in giving this public mark of honour
and applause to the brave men, whose valour has so
eminently served their country, he assures them the
just praise he immediately gave to the Honorable,
the Continental Congress, will remain a lasting record
of their honour and renown.
By the account of the enemy ; by their embar-
rassed circumstances ; by the desperate situation of
their affairs, it is evident they must endeavour by
one rash stroke to regain all they have lost, that
failing, their utter ruin is inevitable. The General
therefore intreats his valiant army, that they will, by
the exactness of their discipline, by their alertness to
appointed a brigadier-general on April 2, 1777, and he soon
after joined the army, which was concentrating on the Hud-
son to repel the advance of the British invaders from Canada.
He participated in the campaign which terminated so suc-
cessfully for the patriots, but, his health again failing, he was
obliged to retire permanently from military service on March
24, 1778. He was made a pensioner December 7, 1795, and
died April i, 1801, at Oxford, Massachusetts.
^°* Thomas Marshall was born at Boston, Massachusetts,
in 1718. He was a captain in the Ancient and Honorable
Artillery Company in 1763 and the four following years, and
was made major of a regiment in 1765, and lieutenant-colonel
in 1767. He was in command of the Tenth Massachusetts
Regiment at the time here spoken of by Digby. He died
at Weston, Massachusetts, November 18, 1800.
284 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
fly to their arms on all occasions, and particularly by
their caution not to be surprised, secure that victory,
which Almighty Providence (if they deserve it) will
bless their labour with."
2f^. We received the unwelcome news that a letter
from Gen Clinton to Gen Burgoyne (it was not an
answer to his of the 21^') had fallen into the hands
of the enemy. On the express being taken he swal-
lowed a small silver bullet in which the letter was,
but being suspected, a severe tartar emetic was given
him which brought up the ball.^"^ We also heard
they were in possession of Skeensbo.ro' and had a
post both there and at Hubberton. We also received
accounts of their making an attack upon Ticonderoga
and taking prisoners part of the 53'''^ regiment ; but
this was not properly authenticated. In the evening
our few remaining Indians left us.
28^^ A large detachment was ordered out to forage
for the army, which was greatly wanting, as all our
grass was ate up and many horses dying for want.
We brought in some hay without any skirmish, which
we expected going out.
2(f^. About day break our picquet was fired on from
the wood in front, but the damage was trifling. I
suppose seldom two armies remained looking at each
other so long without coming to action. A man of
^"^ It will be seen that Digby gives the version of this affair
which is consonant with the evidence relating to it, which
has been preserved. He says that the message taken was
from Clinton to Burgoyne, and not from Burgoyne to CHn-
ton, as stated by Fonblanque, Vide ante, note 26.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 285
theirs in a mistake came into our camp in place of
his own, and being challenged by our sentry, after
recollecting himself, " I believe," says he, " I am
wrong and may as well stay where I am." That he
might be pretty certain of.
30^^ We had reason to imagine they intended to
open a battery on our right ; they also fired three
morning guns in place of two, which caused us to
expect a reinforcement, which was soon confirmed
by a deserter who came over to us. That evening
20 Indians joined us from Canada ; our horses were
put on a smaller allowance
October 2^^. Dispatches were received from Brig-
adier General Powell, who commanded at Ticon-
deroga with his account of their attempt on that
place, and being at length repulsed with loss they
retreated over the mountains.
3'^'^. Dispatches from Ticonderoga were taken by
the enemy coming thro the woods directed by an
Indian.
4^^ Our picquet was fired upon near day break,
but as our own posts were strong, and we all slept
with our clothes on ; it was but little minded. Here
the army were put on a short allowance of provisions,
which shewed us the general was determined to wait
the arrival of general Clinton, (if possible), and to
this the troops submitted with the utmost cheerful-
ness.
5'^ A small party of our sailors were taken by the
enemy, also about 20 horses, that strayed near their
286 Lieutenant Digby's Journal.
lines. The weather continued fair and dry since
26''' September.
6^''. I went out on a large forage for the army, and
took some hay near their camp. On our return we
heard a heavy fire and made all the haste possible
with the forage. It was occasioned by some of our
ranger's falling in with a party of theirs ; our loss
was trifling. At night we fired a rocket from one of
our cannon at 12 o'clock, the reason I could never
hear for doing so. In general it is a signal between
two armies at a small distance, but that could not
have been our case. During the night there were
small alarms and frequent popping shots, fired by
sentrys from our different outposts.
7^^ Expresses were received from Ticonderoga,
but what the purport of them were I could never
learn. A detachment of 1500 regular troops with
two 1 2 pounders, two howitzers and six 6 pounders
were ordered to move on a secret expedition and to
be paraded at 10 o'clock, though I am told. Major
Williams^°^ (Artillery) objected much to the removal
of the heavy guns; saying, once a 12 pounder is
removed from the Park of artillery in America
^''^ Griffith Williams became a gentleman cadet in 1744,
and was commissioned a lieutenant-fireworker, April 6, 1745.
March i, 1755, he was advanced to the position of first lieu-
tenant; January i, 1759, of captain-lieutenant, and February
12, 1760, of captain. He was promoted to a majority in the
army, February 17, 1776. In the battle of October seventh he
"kept a battery in action until the artillery horses were all
destroyed, and his men either killed or wounded ; being
unable to get off their guns, he was surrounded and taken."
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 287
(meaning in the woods) it was gone. From some
delay, the detachment did not move till near one
o'clock, and moved from the right of our camp ; soon
after which, we grained an eminence within half a
mile of their camp, where the troops took post ; but
they were sufficiently prepared for us, as a deserter
from our Artillery went over to them that morning
and informed them of our design. This I have since
heard, and it has often surprised me how the fellow
could be so very exact in his intelligence, as were I
taken prisoner, I could not (had I ever so great
a desire) have informed them so circumstantially.
About 3 o'clock, our heavy guns began to play,
but the wood around being thick, and their exact
knowledge of our small force, caused them to ad-
vance in great numbers, pouring in a superiority of
fire from Detachments ordered to hang upon our
flanks, which they tried if possible to turn. We
could not receive a reinforcement as our works,
General Hospital Stores, provisions &'^ would be left
defenceless, on which an order was given for us to
retreat, but not before we lost many brave men.
Brigadier General Frazier was mortally wounded
which helped to turn the fate of the day. When
He was subsequently exchanged, and became a major in the
artillery, March 21, 1780; lieutenant-colonel, January 9, 1782,
and colonel of the Second Battalion, December i, 1783. He
commanded a battery at the siege of Gibraltar, and upon
his return, was in command at Woolwich, where he died
March 18, 1790, after a service of nearly half a century.
Vide Kane's Artillery List and British Army Lists, in loco ;
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 288, 315.
288 Lieutenajit Digbys Journal.
General Burgoyne saw him fall, he seemed then to
feel in the highest degree our disagreeable situation.
He was the only person we could carry off with us.
Our cannon were surrounded and taken — the men
and horses being all killed — which gave them addi-
tional spirits, and they rushed on with loud shouts,
when we drove them back a little way with so great
loss to ourselves, that it evidently appeared a retreat
was the only thing left for us. They still advanced
upon our works under a severe fire of grape shot,
which in some measure stopped them, by the great
execution we saw made among their columns ; during
which, another body of the enemy stormed the Ger-
man lines after meeting with a most shameful resist-
ance, and took possession of all their camp and
equipage, baggage &'' &^ Col° Bremen fell nobly at
the head of the Foreigners, and by his death blotted
out part of the stain his countrymen so justly merited
from that days behaviour. ^"^ On our retreating,
2°^ From a careful study of the action of the German sol-
diers in this and other battles of the campaign of ''jj^ there
seems to be no sufficient ground for this statement. The
German soldiers on all occasions fought bravely and with
astonishing persistence, when it is considered how little they
were interested in the success or failure of the cause for
which they were imperiling their lives. In this case they
were posted to defend the British right flank behind a breast-
work of rails extending about two hundred yards across a
field. The rails were piled horizontally and supported by
pickets driven into the ground. The space between this
breastwork and the great redoubt was occupied by the Cana-
dian loyalists, who thus protected the German left flank.
While Arnold was making his furious attack on the great
Lietitenant Digbys Journal. 289
which was pretty regular, considering how hard we
were pressed by the enemy, General Burgoyne ap-
peared greatly agitated as the danger to which the
lines were exposed was of the most serious nature at
that particular period. I should be sorry from my
expression of agitated, that the reader should imagine
the fears of personal danger was the smallest cause
of it. He must be more than man, who could undis-
turbed look on and preserve his natural calmness,
when the fate of so many were at stake, and entirely
depended on the orders he was to issue. He said but
little, well knowing we could defend the lines or fall
in the attempt. Darkness interposed, (I believe
fortunately for us) which put an end to the action.
redoubt, a large portion of these Canadians were absent
from their post, some aiding in the defense of the great
redoubt, and at this critical moment Learned appeared with
his brigade and drove those who remained from their posi-
tion, leaving the German left flank wholly exposed. It was
then that Arnold came upon the scene from his attack on
the great redoubt, and taking in the situation at a glance,
seized Learned's brigade, and rushing through the open
space in the British lines left by the retreat of the Canadians,
fell upon the unprotected left flank and rear of the Germans
with a fury which forced them to retreat, leaving their gen-
eral dead on the field. This left the key of the position in
the hands of the Americans. Undoubtedly this was disas-
trous to Burgoyne ; but that the Germans acted cowardly in
the matter, we have no evidence to prove. On the other
hand, we have the concurrent testimony of English officers
that they were brave men, although in this case they have
been criticised by several writers, we think, without a full
knowledge of all the facts. The courage of the men engaged
in this campaign — English, Germans or Americans — can-
not be justly impugned.
37
290 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
General Frazier was yet living, but not the least
hopes of him. He that night asked if Gen^ Bur-
goynes army were not all cut to pieces, and being
informed to the contrary, appeared for a moment
pleased, but spoke no more. Capt"" Wight (53 Gren-
adiers), my captain, was shot in the bowels early in
the action. In him I lost a sincere friend. He lay
in that situation between the two fires, and I have
been since informed lived till the next day and
was brought into their camp. Major Ackland was
wounded and taken prisoner with our Quarter master
General,'"^ and Major Williams of the Artillery. Sir
2"^ John Money was a native of Norwich, England, and
was commissioned an ensign in the Norfolk militia in 1760,
at which date he was twenty years of age. The next year
he took part in the battle of Felinghausen as a volunteer,
and March 11, 1762, was made a cornet in the Sixth
Dragoons; February 10, 1770, he was commissioned a cap-
tain in the Ninth Foot. He participated in the campaign
of ''j^, and on July seventeenth of that year was made deputy
quartermaster-general. Digby rightly speaks of him as quar-
termaster-general, as at this time he was acting as such. Dur-
ing this and the previous campaign, he distinguished himself
on several occasions. Having been exchanged, he served
on the staff of General Cornwallis, and on November 17,
1780, was promoted to a majority in the army, and Septem-
ber 28, 1 78 1, took this position in the Ninth Foot. He was
further promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the
army, November 18, 1790, colonel, August 21, 1795, major-
general, June 18, 1798, lieutenant-general, October 30, 1805,
and general, June 4, 1814. During this time he was on half
pay as a major of the Ninety-first Foot, and was the author
of several works of a military character. He died on his
estate, called Crown Point, near Norwich, on March 26,
1 8 17. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; The Georgian Era,
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 291
Francis Clerk fell, Aid de camp to the general,''"^
with other principal officers. Our Grenadier Com-
pany out of 20 men going out, left their Captain and
16 men on the field. Some here did not scruple to
say, General Burgoyne's manner of acting verified the
rash stroke hinted at by General Gates in his orders
of the 26^*" ; (see page 281) but that was a harsh and
severe insinuation, as I have since heard his intended
design was to take post on a rising ground, on the
left of their camp, — the f^ — with the detachment,
thinking they would not have acted on the offensive,
but stood to their works, and on that night our
main body was to move, so as to be prepared to
storm their lines by day break of the S'*" ; and it
appears by accounts since, that Gen Gates would
have acted on the defensive, only for the advice of
Brigadier General Arnold, who assured him from his
knowledge of the troops, a vigorous sally would
inspire them with more courage than waiting behind
their works for our attack, and also their knowledge
of the woods would contribute to ensure the plan he
proposed. During the night we were employed in
moving our cannon Baggage &'^ nearer to the river.
It was done with silence, and fires were kept lighted
to cause them not to suspect we had retired from
vol. 2, p. 97 ; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii,
xlix, 90, 225 ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late Ameri-
can War, pp. 142, 176; Remembrancer of Public Events,
vol. II, p. 28.
"^ Vide ante, note 126.
292 Lietitenant Digbys Journal,
our works where it was impossible for us to remain,
as the German lines commanded them, and were
then in possession of the enemy, who were bringing
up cannon to bear on ours at day break. It may
easily be supposed we had no thought for sleep, and
some time before day we retreated nearer to the
river. Our design of retreating to Ticonderoga then
became public.
8'^ Took post in a battery which commanded the
country around, and the rest of the army surrounding
the battery and under cover of our heavy cannon.
About 8 in the morning we perceived the enemy
marching from their camp in great numbers, blacken-
ing the fields with their dark clothing. From the
height of the work and by the help of our glasses,
we could distinguish them quite plain. They brought
some pieces of cannon and attempted to throw up a
work for them, but our guns soon demolished what
they had executed. Our design was to amuse them
during the day with our cannon, which kept them at
a proper distance, and at night to make our retreat,
but they soon guessed our intentions, and sent a
large body of troops in our rear to push for the pos-
session of the heights of Fort Edward. During the
day it was entertaining enough, as I had no idea of
artillery being so well served as ours was. Sometimes
we could see a 12 pounder take place in the centre
of their columns, and shells burst among them,
thrown from our howitzers with the greatest judg-
ment. Most of their shot were directed at our bridge
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 293
of boats, as no doubt they imagined we intended to
retreat that way ; but their guns were badly served.
About 1 1 o'clock general Frazier died, and desired
he might be buried in that battery at evening gun
fireing. So fell the best officer under Burgoyne, who
from his earliest years was bred in camps, and from
the many engagements he had been in, attained a
degree of coolness and steadiness of mind in the
hour of danger, that alone distinguishes the truly
brave man. At 12 o clock some of their balls fell
very near our hospital tents, pitched in the plain, and
from their size, supposed to attract their notice, tak-
ing them perhaps for the general's quarters, on which
we were obliged to move them out of the range of
fire, which was a most shocking scene, — some poor
wretches dying in the attempt, being so very severely
wounded. At sun set general Frazier was buried ac-
cording to his desire, and general Burgoyne attended
the service, which was performed I think in the most
solemn manner I ever before saw ; perhaps the scene
around, big with the fate of many, caused it to
appear more so, with their fireing particularly at our
battery, during the time of its continuance.^'" About
1 1 at night, the army began their retreat. General
Reidzel commanding the Van guard, and Major
^^^ We have several accounts of this sad scene. Madame
Riedesel is especially graphic in her delineation of it, and,
as her memoirs are not accessible to most readers, we may be
permitted to copy from them : " I had just sat down with my
husband at his quarters to breakfast. General Frazier and,
I believe, General Burgoyne were to have dined with me on
294 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
General Phillips the rear, and this retreat, though
within musket shot of the enemy and encumbered
with all the baggage of the army, was made without
loss. Our battallion was left to cover the retreat of
the whole, which from numberless impediments did
that same day. I observed considerable movement among
the troops. My husband thereupon informed me, that there
was to be a reconnoissance, which, however, did not surprise
me, as this often happened. On my way homeward, I met
many savages in their war dress, armed with guns. To my
question where they were going, they cried out to me, 'War!
War!' which meant that they were going to fight. This
completely overwhelmed me, and I had scarcely got back to
my quarters, when I heard skirmishing, and firing, which by
degrees, became constantly heavier, until, finally, the noises
became frightful. It was a terrible cannonade, and I was
more dead than alive. About three o'clock in the afternoon
in place of the guests who were to have dined with me, they
brought into me upon a Htter poor General Frazier (one of
my expected guests), mortally wounded. Our dining table,
which was already spread, was taken away and in its place
they fixed up a bed for the general. I sat in the corner of
the room trembling and quaking. The noises grew con-
tinually louder. The thought that they might bring in my
husband in the same manner was to me dreadful and tor-
mented me incessantly. The general said to the surgeon,
* Do not conceal anything from me. Must I die?' The
ball had gone through his bowels, precisely as in the case of
Major Harnage. Unfortunately, however the general had
eaten a hearty breakfast, by reason of which the intestines
were distended, and the ball, so the surgeon said, had not
gone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between the intes-
tines but through them. I heard him often amidst his
groans, exclaim ' Oh, fatal ambition ! Poor General Bur-
goyne! My poor wife ' ! Prayers were read to him. He
then sent a message to General Burgoyne, begging that he
would have him buried the following day at six o'clock in
the evening, on the top of a hill which was a sort of a
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 295
not move until near 4 o'clock in the morning of the
9'^ and were then much delayed in breaking up the
bridges in our rear. This was the second time of
their being destroyed that season — the first by the
enemy to prevent our pursueing them. What a-great
redoubt. I knew no longer which way to turn. The whole
entry and the other rooms were filled with the sick, who
were suffering with the camp sickness, a kind of dysentery.
Finally, toward evening, I saw my husband coming, upon
which I forgot all my sufferings, and thanked God that he
had spared him to me. He ate in great haste with me and
his adjutant behind the house. We had been told that we
had gained an advantage over the enemy, but the sorrowful
and downcast faces which I beheld, bore witness to the con-
trary, and before my husband again went away, he drew me
one side, and told me that every thing might go very badly,
and that I must keep myself in constant readiness for de-
parture ; but by no means to give any one the least inkling
of what I was doing. I therefore pretended that I wished
to move into my new house the next morning, and had
every thing packed up. My Lady Ackland occupied a tent
not far from our house. In this she slept, but during the
day was in the camp. Suddenly one came to tell her that
her husband was mortally wounded, and had been taken
prisoner. At this she became very wretched. We com-
forted her by saying that it was only a slight wound, but as
no one could nurse him as well as herself, we counseled her
to go at once to him, to do which she could certainly obtain
permission, She was the loveliest of women. I spent
the night in this manner — at one time comforting her and
at another looking after my children whom I had put to bed.
As for myself, I could not go to sleep, as I had General
Frazier and all the other gentlemen in my room, and was
constantly afraid that my children would wake up and cry, and
thus disturb the poor dying man, who often sent to beg my
pardon for making me so much trouble. About three o'clock
in the morning, they told me that he could not last much
longer. I had desired to be apprised of the approach of this
296 Lieute7tant Digbys Journal.
alteration in affairs ! Our hospitals full of sick and
wounded were left behind, with a letter from general
Burgoyne to general Gates, in which he tells him he
makes no doubt of his care to the sick and wounded,
conscious of his acting in the same manner himself
moment. I accordingly wrapped up the children in the bed
coverings and went with them into the entry. Early in the
morning, at eight o'clock, he expired. After they had washed
the corpse they wrapped it in a sheet and laid it on a bed-
stead. We then again came into the room, and had this sad
sight before us the whole day. At every instant, also,
wounded officers of my acquaintance arrived, and the can-
nonade again began, A retreat was spoken of but there was
not the least movement made toward it. About four o'clock
in the afternoon, I saw the new house which had been built
for me in flames: the enemy, therefore, were not far from us.
We learned that General Burgoyne intended to fulfill the
last wish of General Frazier, and to have him buried at six
o'clock, in the place designated by him. This occasioned an
unnecessary delay, to which a part of the misfortunes of the
army was owing. Precisely at six o'clock the corpse was
brought out, and we saw the entire body of generals with
their retinues on the hill assisting at the obsequies. The
English chaplain, Mr. Brudenel, performed the funeral ser-
vices. The cannon balls flew continually around and over
the party. The American general. Gates, said that if he had
known that it was a burial he would not have allowed any
firing in that direction. Many cannon balls also flew not far
from me, but I had my eyes fixed upon the hill, where I dis-
tinctly saw my husband in the midst of the enemy's fire, and
therefore I could not think of my own danger. The order
had gone forth that the army should break up after the
burial, and the horses were already harnessed to our calashes.
I did not wish to set out before the troops. The wounded
Major Harnage, although he was so ill, dragged himself out
of bed, that he might not remain in the hospital, which was
left behind protected by a flag of truce. As soon as he
observed me in the midst of danger, he had my children
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 297
had the fortune of war placed it in his reach. During
our march, it surprised us their not placing troops on
the heights we were obliged to pass under, as by so
doing, we must have suffered much. We came up
with the general and the line about 9 in the morning
at Davagot,'" seven miles from the enemy. It then
began to rain very hard and continued so all day.
We halted till near 3 in the evening, which surprised
many ; about which time, a large body of the enemy
were perceived on the other side the river, and sup-
posed to be on their way to Fort Edward in order to
obstruct our crossing at that place, on which we were
immediately ordered to march after burning all unnec-
and maid servants put into the calashes, and intimated to
me that I must immediately depart. As I still begged to be
allowed to remain, he said to me, 'Well then your children
at least must go, that I may save them from the slightest
danger.' He understood how to take advantage of my weak
side. I gave it up, seated myself inside with them, and we
drove off with them at eight o'clock in the evening. The
greatest silence had been enjoined, fires had been kindled in
every direction : and many tents left standing, to make the
enemy believe that the camp was still there. We traveled
continually the whole night. Little Frederica was afraid
and would often begin to cry. I was, therefore, obHged to
hold a pocket handkerchief over her mouth, lest our where-
abouts should be discovered. At six o'clock in the morning
a halt was made, at which every one wondered. General
Burgoyne had all the cannon ranged and counted, which
worried all of us, as a few more good marches would have
placed us in security." Vide Letters and Journals of Madame
Riedesel, pp. 1 16-123.
2" This place is now called Coveville. The old name is
said to have been derived from dovecote, on account, per-
haps, of having been a haunt for wild pigeons.
38
298 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
essary baggage, camp equipage and many wagons
and carts, which much delayed our line of march.
Here Lady Harriot Ackland was prevailed to go to
the enemy, or I might rather say, it was her wish to
do so, her husband, the major, being a prisoner.
She was conducted to general Gates by a chaplain,"^
and received, I am informed, by him with the great-
est politeness possible ; indeed he must have been a
brute to have acted otherwise."^ We waded the Fish
^^^ Rev. Edward Brudenel was the chaplain to the artil-
lery, and is the person to whom Fonblanque erroneously
marries Lady Acland after the major's death. His bravery
was marked at this terrible funeral by his "steady attitude
and his unaltered voice, though frequently covered with dust
which the shot threw up on all sides of him." He subse-
quently became the rector of a parish in Lincolnshire, and
died in London, June 25, 1805. Vide note to Hadden's
Journal, p. 106.
^^^ The account of the manner in which Lady Acland
received the news of her husband's dangerous condition,
namely, that he was mortally wounded and a prisoner in
the enemy's hands is related by the Baroness Riedesel and
quoted in note 210. She resolved to go to him, and applied
to Burgoyne for permission, who says : " Though I was ready-
to believe that patience and fortitude in a supreme degree
were to be found, as well as every other virtue, under the
most tender forms, I was astonished at this proposal. After
so long an agitation of spirits, exhausted not only for want
of rest, but absolutely want of food, drenched in rains for
twelve hours together, that a woman should be capable of
such an undertaking as delivering herself to an enemy prob-
ably in the night, and uncertain of what hands she might
fall into, appeared an effort above human nature. The
assistance I was enabled to give was small indeed. I had
not even a cup of wine to offer her; but was told she had
found, from some kind and fortunate hand, a little rum and
dirty water. All I could furnish to her was an open boat
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 299
Kiln near Schylers house, about 8 o'clock that night,
— the enemy having destroyed the Bridge some days
and a few lines, written upon dirty and wet paper, to Gen-
eral Gates, recommending her to his protection. In this
open boat, accompanied by Chaplain Brudenel, her maid
and husband's body servant, who was wounded, at night-fall
and in the midst of an icy storm, she set out on her danger-
ous undertaking. It was ten o'clock when they reached the
outpost, and Lady Acland hailed it herself. Major Dearborn
was in command, and the party were conducted to his quar-
ters, — a log cabin on the shore of the lake. Here they
were detained until sunrise, but Lady Acland's mind was
partially relieved from anxiety by the announcement that
her husband was not in danger from his wounds." Wilkinson
says : " I visited the guard before sunrise, her boat had
put off and was floating down the stream to our camp, where
General Gates, whose gallantry will not be denied, stood
ready to receive her with all the tenderness and respect
to which her rank and condition gave her a claim ; indeed
the feminine figure, the benign aspect, and polished manners
of this charming woman, were alone sufficient to attract the
sympathy of the most obdurate ; but if another motive could
have been wanting to inspire respect, it was furnished by the
peculiar circumstances of Lady Harriet, then in that most
delicate situation, which cannot fail to interest the solici-
tudes of every being possessing the form and feelings of a
man." Lady Acland is always spoken of as a woman of
charming refinement. General Gates, in a letter to his wife,
said : " She is the most amiable, delicate piece of quality
you ever beheld.'' She was greatly beloved in the army for
her kind attentions to the sick and wounded, often denying
herself such little comforts as came to her in order to bestow
them upon the suffering. A widow for thirty seven years,
she died, July 21, 181 5. Vide Memoirs of My Own Times,
vol. I, pp. 284, 377 ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, pp. 185-189; Historical Magazine, vol. 4,
p. 9 ; Political and Military Episodes, pp. 297-302 ; Memoirs
of Madame Riedesel, p. 120; Campaign of General John
Burgoyne (Stone), Appendix 7.
300 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
before — and took post soon after on the heights of
Saratoga, where we remained all night under constant
heavy rain, without fires or any kind of shelter to
guard us from the inclemency of the weather. It was
impossible to sleep, even had we an inclination to do
so, from the cold and rain, and our only entertain-
ment was the report of some popping shots heard
now and then from the other side the great river at
our Battows."*
io*\ Preparations were made early in the morning
to push for the heights of Fort Edward, and a detach-
ment of artificers we sent under a strong escort
to repair the bridges and open the road to that place.
The* 47^'' regiment. Captain Frazier's marksmen and
MacKay's provincials^'^ were ordered for that service ;
^" Madame Riedesel gives an interesting account of the
distressing condition of affairs at this period in Burgoyne's
army. Vide Her Letters and Journal, pp. 124-134.
^''^ Samuel McKay was an ensign in the Sixty-second Foot,
December 30, 1755, and was promoted to the rank of lieu-
tenant, December 6, 1756, at which time he was in America.
He served through the French war, and at its conclusion, in
1763, retired upon half pay. He was in command of a body
of Canadian volunteers at Fort St. John when it was captured
by Montgomery in September, 1775, and was made a pris-
oner. He was sent to Hartford, and while there on parole,
attempted to escape, but was recaptured and roughly handled
by his captors. He was confined in jail, it was thought,
securely, but succeeded in making his escape ; and making
his way to Canada, raised a company of volunteers, with
which he joined St. Leger's expedition. He went safely
through the campaign of 'yj, and died in the summer of
1779. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; American Archives,
4th Series, vol. 4, p. 248; 5 Ibid., vol. 5, p. 452 ; Ibid., vol.
6, pp. 563, 574, 601, 633 ; 5th Series, vol. i, p. 133.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 301
but about 1 1 o clock, intelligence was received that
the enemy were surrounding us, on which it was
resolved to maintain our post, and expresses were sent
to recall the 47^'' regiment &"=. We burned Schyler's
house to prevent a lodgement being formed behind
it,^'^ and almost all our remaining baggage, rather
216 Digby doubtless gives the correct version of this affair.
Burgoyne was charged with having destroyed property un-
necessarily, but denied it in Parliament in the following
words: " I am ignorant of any such circumstance ; I do not
recollect more than one accident by fire. I positively assert
there was no fire by order or countenance of myself, or any
other officer except at Saratoga. That district is the prop-
erty of Major General Schuyler of the American troops ;
there were large barracks built by him, which took fire the
day after the army arrived upon the ground in their retreat,
and I believe I need not state any other proof of that mat-
ter being merely accident, than that the barracks were then
made use of as my hospital, and full of sick and wounded
soldiers, General Schuyler had likewise a very good dwell-
ing house, exceeding large storehouses, great saw mills ^and
other out buildings, to the value altogether of perhaps ten
thousand pounds; a few days before the negotiations with
General Gates, the enemy had formed a plan to attack me ;
a large column of troops were approaching to pass the small
river, preparatory to a general action, and were entirely
covered from the fire of my artillery by these buildings.
Sir, I know that I gave the order to set them on fire ; and in
a very short time that whole property I have described, was
consumed. But to shew that the person most deeply con-
cerned in that calamity, did not put the construction upon
it which it has pleased the honourable gentleman to do, I
must inform the house, that one of the first persons I saw,
after the convention was signed was General Schuyler. I
expressed to him my regret at the event which had hap-
pened, and the reasons which had occasioned it. He desired
me to think no more of it; said that the occasion justified
it, according to the principles and rules of war, and he should
302 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
than it should fall into their hands. Here again
the discontented part of the army were of opinion
that our retreat was not conducted so well as it
might have been, and that in place of burning our
bridge of boats over the Hudson, which we left on
fire on our retreating the night of the 8'^ from
whence it was evident to the enemy which side of
the river we intended to keep on, and would oblige
us to ford the Hudson opposite to where they had
a force ; consequently would be attended with a
disadvantage. We should have crossed our bridge
on the night of the 8'^ to gain the Fort Edward
side of the river, and would have nothing to delay
our march — we moving so many hours before they
were apprized of our motions. They also declared
our halting so long at Davagot, the 9*^^ within 7
miles of the enemy, was the cause of our being sur-
rounded, as even then we had time to have pushed
on, and the day being so constant rain was in our
favour, as had we attempted to ford the river at
Saratoga, the small arms of the enemy, as well as*
ours must have been so wet, that but few would go
off, and they knew our superiority at the bayonet.
They also said that even the lo**^ by spiking our can-
non and destroying all our baggage &'^ a paltry con-
sideration in comparison, in our circumstances — we
might have made our retreat good to Fort George,
have done the same upon the same occasion, or words to
that effect." Vide Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion
of Inquiry made by Mr. Vyner in Parliament, May 26, 1778.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 303
saving the troops and Musquetry : but even then it
was not certain that vessels were prepared to convey
us over the lake ; in which case it would have been a
worse post than Saratoga for the army. These were
the opinions of unsatisfied and discontented men,
who never approved of anything that turned out
contrary to their expectations. Had Burgoyne been
fortunate, they would not have dared to declare
them ; as he was unsuccessful, they set him down
guilty. However, all thoughts of a retreat were
then given over, and a determination [made] to fall
nobly together, rather than disgrace the name of
British troops ; on which we immediately changed
our ground a little, and under the protection of that
night, began to entrench ourselves, all hands being
ordered to work. We were called together and
desired to tell our men that their own safety, as well
as ours, depended on their making a vigorous
defence ; but that I was sure was an unnecessary
caution, — well knowing they would never forfeit the
title of Soldiers. As for the Germans, we had but a
poor opinion of their spirit since the night of the f^.
Certain our situation was not the most pleasing ; but
we were to make the best of it, and I had long
before accustomed and familiarized my mind to bear
with patience any change that might happen. The
men worked without ceasing during the night, and
without the least complaining of fatigue, our cannon
were drawn up to the embrasures and pointed ready
to receive them at day break.
304 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
1 1^^ Their cannon and ours began to play on each
other. They took many of our Battows on the
river, as our cannon could not protect them. We
were obliged to bring our oxen and horses into our
lines, where they had the wretched prospect of liv-
ing but a few days, as our grass was all gone, and
nothing after but the leaves of the trees for them ;
still they continued fireing into us from Batteries
they had erected during the night, and placed their
riflemen in the tops of trees ; but still did not ven-
ture to storm our works. At night we strengthened
our works and threw up more.
I2*^ Our cattle began to die fast and the stench
was very prejudicial in so small a space. A cannon
shot was near taking the general, as it lodged quite
close to him in a large oak tree. We now began to
perceive their design by keeping at such a distance,
which was to starve us out. I believe the generals
greatest wish, as indeed it ought to be, was for them
to attack us, but they acted with much greater pru-
dence, well knowing what a great slaughter we must
have made among them : they also knew exactly
the state of our provisions, which was [sufficient for]
but 4 or 5 days more, and that upon short allowance.
In the evening, many of our Canadian drivers of
wagons, carts and other like services, found means
to escape from us. At night, I ventured to take a
little sleep which had long been a stranger to me,
and tho but a short time could be spared between
our watches, yet [I] found myself much refreshed.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal 305
We were all in pretty good health, though lying in
wet trenches newly dug must be very prejudicial to
the constitution, and tho it might not affect it for the
time, yet rheumatism afterwards would be the cer-
tain consequence.
13^ Their cannon racked our post very much ; the
bulk of their army was hourly reinforced by militia
flocking in to them from all parts, and their situa-
tion, which nearly surrounded us, was from the
nature of the ground unattackable in all parts ; and
since the 7'^ the men lay constantly upon their
arms,— Harassed and fatigued beyond measure, from
their great want of rest. All night we threw up
Traverse"' to our works, as our lines were enfiladed
or flanked by their cannon.
I4^^ A council of war was called, and a flag of truce
sent to the enemy by Major Kingston,"^ and the
2" A traverse, in military parlance, is a breastwork thrown
up to protect a line of works against an enfilading or reverse
fire.
218 Robert Kingston was commissioned an ensign in the
Eleventh Foot, September 3, 1756, and a lieutenant, Jan-
uary 26, 1758. August 8, 1759. he exchanged mto Bur-
goyne's regiment, the Sixteenth Light Dragoons and
served in the Portugal campaign, in which Burgoyne achieved
renown. For his meritorious services he was advanced to
the grade of captain, April 27, 1761 ; was made major, July
15 1768, and served with his regiment until 1774, when he
went on half pay until April 17, 1776. He accompanied
Burgoyne on his return to America in the spring of 1777, as
deputy adjutant-general, and August 29, 1777, became a
lieutenant-colonel in the army, and after the death of Sir
Francis Gierke took that lamented officer's position of sec-
39
3o6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
following message delivered by him to Gen Gates
from Gen Burgoyne. " I am directed to represent
retary to General Burgoyne. He it was who conducted the
negotiations leading to the surrender. On approaching the
advanced post between the armies he was met by Wilkinson,
the adjutant of Gates, and conducted blindfolded to the tent
of the American general. Wilkinson says that at this time
" he appeared to be about forty ; he was a well-formed,
ruddy, handsome man, and expatiated with taste and elo-
quence on the beautiful scenery of the Hudson's river and
the charms of the season. When I introduced him into
General Gates' tent and named him, the gentlemen saluted
each other familiarly with ' General Gates, your servant ; *
and Kingston, ' how do you do ? ' and a shake of the hand."
Having read to Gates this communication from Burgoyne,
Wilkinson says : " To my utter astonishment, General Gates
put his hand to his side pocket, pulled out a paper, and pre-
sented it to Kingston, observing: * There, sir, are the terms
on which General Burgoyne must surrender.' The major
appeared thunderstruck, but read the paper, whilst the old
chief surveyed him attentively through his spectacles." We
are informed that he at first declined to take back to Bur-
goyne the terms of Gates, but finally thought better of it
and consented to do so upon the cogent reason given by
Gates, " that as he had brought the message he ought to take
back the anszverT Kingston was commissioned lieutenant-
colonel of the Eighty-sixth Foot, September 30, 1779 ; was
subsequently appointed lieutenant-governor of Demarara,
and was in command when that island was surrendered to
the French, February 3, 1782. He was promoted to a
colonelcy in the army on the twentieth of the following
November, and served for seven years as a commissioner on
the claims of loyalists in the American war. He was made
a major-general, October 12, 1793, but his name does not
appear on the list of the following year. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, pp. 299-
313 ; The Remembrancer of Public Events, vol. 14, p. 333;
The Loyalists of America and their Times (Ryerson), To-
ronto, 1880, vol. 2, pp. 166-182.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 307
to you from Gen Burgoyne, that after having fought
you twice, he has waited some days in his present
situation determined to try a third conflict against
any force you could bring to attack him ; he is ap-
prized of the superiority of your numbers, and the
disposition of your troops to impede his supplies
and render his retreat a scene of carnage on both
sides. In this situation he is impelled by humanity
and thinks himself justified by established principles
and precedent of state and of war, to spare the lives
of brave men upon honourable terms. Should Major
General Gates be inclined to treat upon that idea,
Gen Burgoyne would propose a cessation of arms
during the time necessary to communicate the prelim-
inary terms, by which in any extremity he and his
army mean to abide." It was then generally believed
by their not attacking us, and our speedy want of
provisions, that terms were the only resource left us.
What could be thought of else in our truly distressed
situation? They, of course, would not risque an action
in such circumstances, which was the only hope left
us, as by their declining it, we must in consequence,
fall a prey to want and hunger which then stared us
fully in the face. On the return of the flag, Gen
Gates sent in the following propositions, to which I
shall insert Gen Burgoynes replys and those which
it was impossible for us to accept, were our situation
ever so desperate, are in my opinion most spiritedly
answered by General Burgoyne.
3o8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
General Gates' Propositions.
1. "Gen Burgoyne's army being exceedingly re-
duced by repeated defeats, by desertion, sickness &^
&'^. their provisions exhausted, their military stores
tents and baggage taken or destroyed, their retreat
cut off and their camp invested, they can only be
allowed to surrender prisoners of war."
Reply, " Lieut General Burgoyne's, army however
reduced, will never admit that their retreat is cut off,
while they have arms in their hands."
2. " The officers and soldiers may keep their bag-
gage belonging to them, the Generals of the United
States, never permit individuals to be pillaged"
3. "The troops under his excellency Gen Bur-
goyne will be conducted by the most convenient
route to New England, marching by easy marches
and sufficiently provided for by the way."
4. " The officers will be admitted on parole, may
wear their side arms, and will be treated with the
liberality customary in Europe, so long as they, by
proper behaviour continue to deserve it ; but those
who are apprehended having broke their parole (as
some British officers have done) must expect to be
close confined" —
Reply, " There being no officers in this army under
or capable of being under, the description of break-
ing parole, this article needs no answer."
5. " All public stores, Artillery, Arms, amunition,
carriages horses &'' must be delivered to commis-
saries appointed to receive them."
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 309
Reply " All public stores may be delivered, arms
excepted."
6. " These terms being agreed to and signed, the
troops under his excellency Gen Burgoyne's com-
mand may be drawn up in their encampment, when
they will be ordered to ground their arms and may
thereupon be marched to the river side to be passed
over on their way towards Bennington "
Reply "This article inadmissible in any extremity.
Sooner than this army will consent to ground their
arms in their encampment, they will rush on the
enemy determined to take no quarter "
Signed J^^^^ -yt^^-^/y^t^^^^
7. " A cessation of arms to continue until sun set
to receive general Burgoynes answer "
- ^.
Signed
Camp at Saratoga. October 14^'' ^lll-
These propositions being laid before the council
of war consisting of all the field officers of the army
and captains commanding corps — for deaths had
reduced us so much — we deemed unhonourable
to be accepted. This gave the greatest satisfaction
possible to Gen Burgoyne, who wished, if possible,
to avoid any terms ; still persisting [in] a faint glim-
3 1 o Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
mering of hope, from either the arrival of Gen Clinton
or some other unforseen and providential manner,
of our being extricated from the many difificulties
that then surrounded us. At night another council
of war was called, and terms as high on our side sent,
supposing a medium would be struck.
I5*^ A cessation of arms was agreed upon till 2
o'clock at Noon, during which we walked out of our
lines into the plain by the river and between both
armies, when near the period of the cessation being
over, we stood to our works, more watchful of a sur-
prise than at any other time. Col. Sutherland ^'^ near
^^^ Nicholas Sutherland was commissioned an ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot, June 14, 1755, and was promoted to the
rank of lieutenant in the Seventy-seventh Foot, January
8, 1757, and of captain-lieutenant, September 15, 1758, at
which time his regiment was in America. He took part in
the siege, which resulted in the surrender of Fort Du
Quesne, and the next year was in an expedition against the
Cherokees, in which he was wounded. He became a cap-
tain, December 31, 1761, and the next year took part in an
expedition against Martinico and Havana. He was on half
pay from 1763 till March 14, 1765, when he entered the
Twenty-first Foot, then about to embark for America, as
captain. He became major in this regiment by purchase,
February 21, 1772, and returned shortly after to England,
where the Twenty-first was stationed until the spring of
1776, when it Vv^as ordered again to America, and after
General Nesbit's death he was advanced, November 5, 1776,
to that officer's place of lieutenant-colonel. In the nego-
tiations for the surrender of Burgoyne, he was an important
figure, as will be seen from the following : The terms had been
practically arranged, October fifteenth, and Captain Craig, at
half-past ten o'clock, had written to Wilkinson, the aid-de-
camp of Gates, that they had received Burgoyne's approba-
tion and concurrence. Owing to the news of Clinton's
Lieutenant Digbys Jour^ial. 311
two returned with the flag, and brought accounts
that General Gates seemed almost willing to come
into our terms ; but soon after a report circulated
that General Clinton was coming up the river, tho
at a great distance, which Burgoyne eagerly catched
at, and to make it stronger, Gates so easily comply-
ing with our proposals confirmed it to him ; on which
he expressed his desire to withdraw the treaty if
possible, but luckily for the army, he was overruled
advance, before alluded to, Burgoyne desired to break the
agreement, which only required the signatures of the party
to complete it. The next day Gates, finding that Burgoyne
was delaying to complete the agreement, finally gave him
two hours to decide in, at the expiration of which time hos-
tilities were to recommence. Says Wilkinson : " The two
hours had elapsed by a quarter, and an aid-de-camp from the
general had been with me to know how matters progressed.
Soon after I perceived Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland oppo-
site to me and beckoned him to cross the creek ; on approach-
ing me he observed : ' Well, our business will be knocked
in the head after all.' I enquired why? He said: 'The
officers had got the devil in their heads and could not agree.'
I replied gaily : ' I am sorry for it, as you will not only lose
your fusee* but your whole baggage' He expressed much
sorrow, but said he could not help it. At this moment I
recollected the letter Captain Craig had written me the night
before and taking it from my pocket I read it to the colonel,
who declared he had not been privy to it ; and added, with
evident anxiety : ' Will you give me that letter ? ' I
answered in the negative, and observed : ' I should hold it
as a testimony of the good faith of a British commander.'
He hastily replied : ' Spare me that letter, sir, and I pledge
you my honour I will return it in fifteen minutes.' I pene-
trated the motive and willingly handed it to him ; he sprang
off with it, and directing his course to the British camp, ran
♦ Which he had owned thirty-five years and had desired me to except from the surren-
dered arms and save for him as she was a favorite piece.
312 Lieutenant Digbys Journau
in opinion, as the report of Clinton was entirely
groundless, and we had then but two days provisions.
In the morning- our money chest was distributed
among the army : still, the general delayed signing
the treaty and nothing was done ; cannonading and
small arms commenced afresh, upon the report of
the treaty being broke up, but after many flags pass-
ing and repassing, the terms were at last mutually
agreed to, and to be signed that evening by both
generals viz. —
Articles of Conventions^" between Lieut General
BURGOYNE AND MaJOR GeNERAL GaTES.
I. The troops under Lieutenant General Burgoyne
to march out of their camp with the honours of war,
as far as I could see him. In the meantime I received a
peremptory message from the general to break off the treaty
if the convention was not immediately ratified. I informed
him by the messenger that I was doing the best I could for
him and would see him in half an hour. Colonel Suther-
land was punctual to his promise and returned with Captain
Craig, who delivered me the convention signed by General
Burgoyne. I then returned to head-quarters, after eight
hours' absence, and presented to General Gates the import-
ant document that made the British army conventional pris-
oners to the United States." Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland
returned to England on parole several months after the sur-
render, and died there July i8, 1781. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco ; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 316, et
seq.; Historical Record of the Twenty-first Foot, p. 25, et
seq.; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 17.
"^ This document was originally headed Articles of Capitu-
lation, but the word capitulation was objected to by Bur-
goyne and convention substituted therefor, to save in some
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 313
and the Artillery out of the entrenchments to the
verge of the river, where the old fort stood, where
the arms and artillery are to be left — the arms to be
piled by word of command by their own officers.
2. A free passage to be granted to the army under
Lieut Gen Burgoyne to Great Britain, on condition
measure his wounded pride. This occasioned a laugh among
some of his critics, as it was so much in accord with the acts
of those at this time in authority, who in all their doings
laid great stress upon preserving the national dignity. The
following, among many of a like strain, written after the
surrender, and printed in a London journal, well illustrates
the manner in which the opponents of the government viewed
the course of those who were managing the war:
"ETIQUETTE."
What though America doth pour
Her millions to Britannia's store,
(Quoth Grenville) that won't do ; for yet,
Though it risk all and nothing get,
Taxation is the etiquette.
The tea destroy'd ; the offer made,
That all the loss should be repaid ;
North asks not justice, nor the debt,
But he must have the etiquette.
At Bunker's Hill the cause was tried ;
The earth with British blood was dy'd ;
Our army, though 'twas soundly beat
(We hear) bore off the etiquette.
The bond dissolv'd, the people rose ;
Their rulers from themselves they chose ,
Their Congress then at nought was set ;
Its natne was not the etiquette.
Though 'twere to stop the tide of blood,
Their titles must not be allow'd —
(Not to the chiefs of armies met,)
" One" Arnold was the etiquette.
The Yankees at Long Island found
That they were nearly run aground ;
Howe let them 'scape when so beset --
He will explain that etiquette.
40
314 Lieutenant Dtgbys Journal.
of not serving again in North America during the
present contest ; and the port of Boston is assigned
for the entry of transports to receive the troops
whenever general How shall so order.
3 Should any chartel take place by which the army
under Lieut Gen Burgoyne, or any part of it may be
exchanged, the foregoing article to be void, as far as
such exchange shall be made.
4. The army under Lieut general Burgoyne to
march to Massachusets bay by the easiest, most
convenient and expeditious route, and to be quar-
tered in, near, or as convenient as possible to Boston,
r
His aides-de-camp to Britain boast
Of battles Yankee never lost ;
But they are won in the Gazette —
That saves the nation's etiquette.
Clinton, his injured honour saw ;
Swore he'd be tried by martial law,
And kick Germaine whene'er they met ;
A riband saved that etiquette.
Though records speak Germaine's disgrace,
To quote them to him face to face,
(The Commons now are si honnite,)
They voted not the etiquette.
Of Saratoga's dreadful plain —
An army ruin'd — why complain ?
To pile their arms as they were let,
Sure they came off with etiquette.
Cries Burgoyne, ' They may be reliev'd ;
That army still may be retriev'd,
To see the King, if I be let,'
' No Sir ! 'Tis not the etiquette.'
God save the King ! and should he choose
His people's confidence to lose.
What matters it ? They'll not forget
To serve him still through etiquette.
Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third (Walpole),
London, 1859, vol. 2, p. 275, et seq.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 315
that the march of the troops may not be delayed,
when transports arrive to receive them.
5 The troops to be supplied on their march and
during their being in quarters, with provisions by
general Gates' orders ; at the same rate of rations as
the troops of his own army ; and if possible, the
officer's horses and cattle to be supplied with forage
at the usual rate.
6 All officers to retain their carriages, batt horses
and other cattle, and no baggage to be molested
or searched — Lieut General Burgoyne giving his
honour that there are no public stores secreted
therein : major general Gates will of course take the
necessary measures for the due performance of this
article. Should any carriages be wanted during the
march for the transportation of officer's baggage,
they are, if possible, to be supplied by the country
at the usual rates.
7 Upon the march and during the time the army
shall remain in quarters in the Massachusets Bay,
the officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit,
to be separated from their men ; the officers to be
quartered according to their rank, and are not to be
hindered from assembling their men for roll calling
and other necessary purposes of regularity.
8 All corps whatever of General Burgoyne's army,
whether composed of sailor's, battow-men, artificers,
drivers, independent companies and followers of the
army of whatever country, shall be included in the
fullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles,
3i6 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
and comprehended in every respect as British sub-
jects.
9. All Canadians and persons belonging to the
Canadian establishment, consisting of sailors, battow
men, artificers, drivers, independent companies and
any other followers of the army, who come under no
particular description, are to be permitted to return
there ; they are to be conducted immediately by the
shortest route to the first British post on Lake George,
and are to be supplied with provisions in the same
manner as the other troops, and are to be bound by
the same condition of not serving during the present
contest in North America.
10. Passports to be immediately granted for three
officers not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall
be appointed by Lieut Gen Burgoyne to carry dis-
patches to Sir Willm Howe, Sir Guy Carlton and to
cGreat Britain by the way of New York ; and Major
Gen Gates engages the public faith that these dis-
patches shall not be opened. These officers are to
set out immediately after receiving their dispatches,
and are to travel the shortest route and in the most
expeditious manner.
1 1 During the stay of the troops in Massachusets
Bay, the officers are to be admitted on Parole, and
are to be permitted to wear their side arms.
1 2 Should the army under Lieut General Burgoyne
find it necessary to send for their clothing and other
baggage to Canada, they are to be permitted to do
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 3 1 7
it in the most convenient manner, and the necessary-
passports granted for that purpose.
13 These articles are to be mutually signed and ex-
changed tomorrow morning at nine of the clock, and
the troops under Lieut Gen. Burgoyne are to march
out of their entrenchments at 3 o clock this afternoon.
Camp at Saratoga, 16^'' October 1777
Signed — Jl c
Major General.
In place of marching from our encampment that
evening as expressed in the convention, it was de-
ferred till the next morning. In the mean time, we
made preparations for so long a march — about 200
miles — and the wet, rainy season just coming on. I
had not destroyed all my baggage, tho' indeed most
of it was gone at the general conflagration ; but as
to the horses who outlived our late scene of every
imaginable distress, they exhibited a most wretched
picture of poverty and want, made up of nothing but
skin and bone, and it may naturally be supposed,
rather unfit for such a journey.
17 A day famous in the annals of
America.'"
Gen Burgoyne desired a meeting of all the officers
early that morning, at which he entered into a detail
^' Verily, as Digby remarks, the seventeenth of October
was a day memorable in the annals of America ; for the
3i8 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
of his manner of acting since he had the honour
of commanding the army ; but he was too full to
speak ; heaven only could tell his feelings at the
surrender of Burgoyne's army has been regarded by his-
torians from that day to this as the turning point in that
conflict which freed a people from thraldom to aristocracy
and made possible a true republie. Under date of Decem-
ber 2, 1777, Walpole says : " At night came an express from
General Carleton, informing that he had learnt by deserters,
and believed, that the Provincials had taken Burgoyne and
his whole army prisoners. The King fell into agonies on
hearing this account, but the next morning, at his levee to
disguise his concern, affected to laugh and to be so inde-
cently merry, that Lord North endeavoured to stop him ;''
and under date of the fifteenth, thirteen days later, he records
the reception of the official account from the hands of Cap-
tain Craig. Upon this a public fast was appointed, which
stirred up the wits all over the kingdom. As an example
Walpole gives us the following effusion upon the several
generals who conducted the war in America :
" First General Gage commenced the war in vain ;
Next General Howe continued the campaign,
Then General Burgoyne took the field, and last,
Our forlorn hope depends on General Fast."
Walpole also wrote, under date of February 27, 1778:
" The Fast was observed — a ridiculous solemnity, as the
nation was to beg a blessing on their arms, when the war
was at an end, or at least suspended for sixteen months
if the Americans pleased."
The following was a
"REFLECTION ON THE FAST."
Psalm xxvi, v. 6.
" With cruel hearts and bloody hands.
The Ministry were stain'd,
A Fast was publish'd thro' these lands
That they might all be clean'd,
But, oh ! what blunders, time aflFords,
Thro' want of grace and sense,
They wash'd them in — a form oi words
Instead of Innocence."
Lieutenant Digby's Journal, 319
time. He dwelled much on his orders to make the
wished for junction with General Clinton, and as to
how his proceedings had turned out, we must (he
said), be as good judges as himself. He then read
over the Articles of Convention, and informed us the
terms were even easier than we could have expected
from our situation, and concluded with assuring us,
he never would have accepted any terms, had we
provisions enough, or the least hopes of our extricat-
ing ourselves any other way. About 10 o'clock, we
marched out, according to treaty, with drums beat-
ing & the honours of war, but the drums seemed to
The London Morning Post had the following :
"OUR COMMANDERS
Nov. 2, '77.
Gage nothing did and went to pot ;
Howe lost one town and other got ;
Guy nothing lost and nothing won,
Dunmore was homeward forced to run,
Clinton was beat, and got a garter.
And bouncing Burgoyne catch'd a Tartar,
Thus all we gain for millions spent
Is to be laughed at, and repent."
But the following reads almost like an American pro-
duction. It is entitled :
"THE HALCYON DAYS OF OLD ENGLAND. A BALLAD.
What honours were gaining by taking their forts,
Destroying batteaux and blocking up ports ;
Burgoyne would have worked them — but for a mishap,
By Gates and one Arnold he's caught in a trap.
Sing tantarara, etc.
But Howe was more cautious and prudent by far,
He sailed with his fleet up the great Delaware.
All summer he struggled and strove to undo them
But the plague of it was that he could not get to them."
Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third, vol. 2,
pp. 76, 170, 186, 214, et passim.
320 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
have lost their former inspiriting sounds, and though
we beat the Grenadiers march, which not long
before was so animating, yet then it seemed by its
last feeble effort, as if almost ashamed to be heard
on such an occasion. As to my own feelings, I can-
not express them. Tears (though' unmanly) forced
their way, and if alone, I could have burst to give
myself vent. I never shall forget the appearance of
their troops on our marching past them ; a dead
silence universally reigned through their numerous
columns, and even then, they seemed struck with our
situation and dare scarce lift up their eyes to view
British Troops in such a situation. I must say their
decent behaviour during the time, (to us so greatly
fallen) meritted the utmost approbation and praise.'"
The meeting between Burgoyne and Gates was well
^^ Walpole sarcastically observes, while reflecting upon the
surrender and the word " dictated," as applied to its terms
by Burgoyne: " The terms were singularly gentle and the
Provincials, while the prisoners deposited their arms, kept
out of sight, not to insult their disgrace." The grief of the
British soldiers was as profound as the joy of the Americans.
Every rhymester in the land was ready to join in the chorus,
no matter how rough his voice might be, and many of the
strains sound strangely to modern ears. As an example, we
quote from a volume of the poems of Rev. Wheeler Case,
printed in 1778, and thought worthy of a reprint in 1852 :
" The hero 6^a:^^j appears in sight,
His troops are clothed in armor bright;
They all as one their banners spread,
With Death or Victory on their head.
"O horrid place! Oh dreadful gloom!
I mourn for want of elbow room.
My tawny soldiers from me fled,
Have now returned to scalp my head?'
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 321
worth seeing. He paid Burgoyne almost as much
respect as if he was the conqueror, indeed, his noble
air, tho prisoner, seemed to command attention and
respect from every person. A party of Light dragoons
were ordered as his guard, rather to protect his per-
son from insults than any other cause. Thus ended
all our hopes of victory, honour, glory &*" &*" &''.
Thus was Burgoyne's Army sacrificed to either the
absurd opinions of a blundering ministerial power ;
the stupid inaction of a general, who, from his
lethargic disposition, neglected every step he might
have taken to assist their operations,^'^ or lastly,
223 The failure of General Howe to co-operate with Bur-
goyne excited widespread astonishment and made him, as
well as his brother, the earl, very unpopular, as will be seen
from the following letter written from New York to England,
December 10, 1777: " If you was in this town you would
be surprised to find the Howes so unpopular ; they have
been so here all this campaign. The total loss of General
Burgoyne's army can only be imputed to them. — To possess
the lakes and the North river, and by that means to sepa-
rate the northern and southern colony, seems to have been
the expectation of the King, Ministers, Parliament and Na-
tion. Had General Howe gone up the North River, instead
of acting to the southward that line of separation would
have been formed in July. General Burgoyne's army would
have been saved, and both armies, conjunctly or separately,
might have acted against New England, which would have
been striking at the heart of the rebellion. — General Howe,
in his retreat from the Jerseys, in his embarkation, in his
stay aboard the transports before he sailed, in his voyage to
the mouth of the Delaware, where he played at bopeep with
the rebels, and in his circumbendibus to Chesapeak Bay,
expended nearly three months of the finest time of the cam-
paign; and all this to go out of his way, to desert his real
business, and to leave Burgoyne with 6,000 regulars to fall a
41
32 2 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
perhaps, his own misconduct in penetrating so far,
as to be unable to return, and tho I must own my
sacrifice." On his return to England he was assailed on
every side and endeavored to meet his critics by a defense
in which he asserted that he had received no positive orders
to co-operate with Burgoyne. This, however, was not
deemed sufficient, but it is now known, that by the careless-
ness of Lord George Germaine, the minister of George the
Third, for American affairs, the orders intended for Howe
were not forwarded to him, as will be seen from the follow-
ing, taken from the Life of the Earl of Shelburne : " The incon-
sistent orders given to Generals Howe and Burgoyne, could
not be accounted for except in a way which it must be diffi-
cult for any person who is not conversant with the negli-
gence of office to comprehend. Among many singularities,
he had a particular aversion to being put out of his way on
any occasion ; he had fixed to go into Kent or Northamp-
tonshire at a particular hour, and to call on his way at his office
to sign the despatches, all of which had been settled, to both
these Generals. By some mistake, those to General Howe
were not fair copied, and upon his growing impatient at it,
the office, which was a very idle one, promised to send it to
the country after him, while they dispatched the others to
General Burgoyne, expecting that the others could be expe-
dited before the packet sailed with the first, which, however,
by some mistake sailed without them, and the wind detained
the vessel which was ordered to carry the rest. Hence came
General Burgoyne's defeat, the French declaration and the
loss of thirteen colonies. It might appear incredible if our
own Secretary and the most respectable persons in office had
not assured me of the fact ; what corroborates it is that it
could be accounted for in no other way. It requires as
much experience in business to comprehend the very trifling
causes which have produced the greatest events, as it does
strength of reason to develope the design." Vide A View
of the Evidence relating to the conduct of the American
War under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount Howe and
General Burgoyne, London, 1779, p. 82, et seq. ; Life of
William, Earl of Shelburne, vol. i, p. 358, et seq.
Lieutenant Digby's Journal. 323
partiality to him is great, yet if he or the army
under his command are guilty, let them suffer to the
utmost extent, and by an unlimited punishment, in
part blot out and erase if possible, the crime charged
to their account.
No doubt the reader has seen general Burgoyne's
letter dated Albany 20'^ October 1777 to Lord
George Germain, in which he gives the fullest ac-
count of the army under his command, being re-
duced so much by repeated distresses and unsuc-
cessful attempts to enter into a convention with
Major General Gates commanding the Continental
army on the 17"" October at Saratoga. He there
gives his reasons for acting on every occasion in the
most particular manner, which I hope, and sincerely
wish, will fully acquit him to the world of any
censure the misfortunes of his army might (as man-
kind in general are apt to condemn the unsuccessful)
throw on him. The reader may also, with the
greatest show of reason, imagine it a presumption
in me not to copy his journal for that time and de-
stroy my own, admitting of a comparison little in my
favour ; but let him recollect my first design in put-
ting the above passages to paper, it was as expressed
in my preface, for the eye of a friend who, I flattered
myself, — for we are by nature vain, — would receive
as much satisfaction from the manner I have ex-
pressed my thoughts and feelings at the different
times, of material changes and alterations in our
affairs, (and there has been many) as the bare recital
324
Lieutenant Digbys Jotirnal.
of facts, which are so well known at present to the
world.
Return of the Killed and wounded & prisoners
during the campaign 1777-
Return of the Killed, ivounded and prisoners of the
British troops under the Command of his excellency
Lieut. General Burgoyne in the course of the Cam-
paign 1777 — (I have not attempted to correct
errors in this table — J. P. B.)
RANK IN THE ARMY
CASUALTIES.
British line six Regiments
Eight Companies of light In-
fantry and Grenadiers belong-
ing to the Regiments left to
garrison Canada and Its fron-
tiers
Royall regiment of Artillery ,
Uetachment of 33rd regiment ..
Engineers
16 Dragoons ,
Foot guards
Officers
Sergeants
Total Killed wounded and prisoners..
°a
British officers killed, wounded and prisoners
during the campaign i 777
Royal regime7it of Artillery.
Killed, Captain Jones"^ & 2^ Lieut. Clieland."^
"^ Thomas Jones entered the Mihtary Academy at Wool-
wich as a cadet, March 18, 1755, and, on December twenty-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 325
Wounded. Captains Bloomfield,"^ Green, 31'' regt
— aid-de-camp, to Major Gen Phillips — Lieutenants
Howarth,=^7 Smith,^^^ Volunteer Sutton.^^'
seventh following, was commissioned lieutenant-fireworker ;
second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, April 2, 1757 ; first
lieutenant, January i, 1759; captain-lieutenant, October 23,
1761, and captain, January i, 1771. He participated in the
siege of Belleisle in 1761, and embarked for America in 1773.
When Arnold and Montgomery made their attack upon
Quebec, Captain Jones was active in opposing them, and
at the conclusion of the campaign of '76, returned with Bur-
goyne to England, where he was married during the winter.
He returned in June of the next year, and was killed at the
battle of Freeman's Farm, September nineteenth. His
intrepidity and ability were frequently spoken of by writers
of the time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; History
Royal Artillery, vol. i, pp. 229, 304, 135; A State of the
Expedition, p. 79, Appendix 49, and Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Books, pp. 50, 98, 109, 164, et passim.
2^^ Molesworth Clieland received his commission of second
lieutenant in the First Battalion Royal Artillery on March
15, 1 77 1. The artillery formed a most important part of
Burgoyne's army, and owing to its extent and the splendor
of its equipment, caused much criticism among his enemies,
who claimed that it was disproportionate to his infantry.
It did however most effective service ; but owing to the
nature of the country, great labor was required in moving
it, and the men in charge were subjected to severe toil and
hardship. Lieutenant Clieland was the first officer of the
artillery to fall. He was killed at Skenesborough on July
sixth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of Occur-
rences, etc., p. 174.
^^ Thomas Blomefield entered the Royal Military
Academy at Woolwich on February 9, 1758, before he
had completed his fourteenth year, and exhibited such re-
markable talents as to secure a commission in the First
Battalion of the Royal Artillery as lieutenant-fireworker on
January 3, 1759. When only fifteen years of age, at the
326 Lieutenmit Digbys Journal.
Prisoners, Major Williams, Lieutenants Howarth
and York. ^3°
bombardment of Havre de Grace by Admiral Rodney, he
commanded a bomb vessel with abiHty. He was made sec-
ond lieutenant, August i, 1762, and participated in the cap-
ture of Martinique and Havana. He was promoted to the
rank of first lieutenant in the Second Battalion, May 28,
1766, and captain-lieutenant, January 29, 1773. Shortly
after his arrival in Canada, on June 3, 1776, he was made
major of brigade to Major-General Phillips. He performed
most important service in the construction of floating bat-
teries during the campaign of that year, and at the close of
the campaign returned to England. In the spring of 1777
he returned to Canada and participated in Burgoyne's expe-
dition. Madame Riedesel thus speaks of his wound: "One
day I undertook the care of Major Plumpfield, adjutant of
General Phillips, through both of whose cheeks a small
musket ball had passed, shattering his teeth and grazing his
tongue. He could hold nothing whatever in his mouth.
The matter from the wound almost choked him, and he was
unable to take any other nourishment, except a little broth,
or something liquid. We had Rhine wine. I gave him a
bottle of it, in hopes that the acidity of the wine would
cleanse his wound. He kept some continually in his mouth ;
and that alone acted so beneficially, that he became cured,
and I again acquired one more friend. Thus in the midst of
my hours of care and suffering, I derived a joyful satisfac-
tion, which made me very happy." He was among the
paroled officers at Cambridge, and returned to England in
the spring of 1779. His subsequent commissions in the
Royal Artillery and army were as follows: Captain, January
19, 1780; major in the army, March 19, 1783, and in the
artillery, September twenty-fifth of the same year; a lieu-
tenant-colonel, December 5, 1793 ; colonel in the army, Janu-
ary 26, 1797, and in the artillery, November 12, 1800; a
major-general, September 25, 1803, ^^^d colonel command-
ant of the Ninth Battalion, June i, 1806. He commanded
the artillery at the siege of Copenhagen with great suc-
cess, for which he received the thanks of Parliament and a
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 327
Battalion of Light Infantry consisting of \o Companies
Commanded by Earl Balcarres,
(f" Company ; Lieut Wright.'^i
20*'' Company ;
baronetcy, which honor was conferred upon him, November
14, 1807. His last promotion was to the rank of lieutenant-
general, July 25, 1810. His death took place at his home
at Shooter's Hill, in Kent, August 24, 1822. Vide British
Family Antiquity (Playfair), London, i8ii,vol. 7, p. 833,
et seq.; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco ; British
Army Lists, in loco; A State of the Expedition, p. 62;
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. i, pp. 174.
177, 379; vol. 2, pp. 158, 167; Letters and Journals of
Madame Riedesel, p. 132.
227 Edward Howarth was commissioned a second lieuten-
ant in the Royal Artillery, on June 17, 1772, and was one
of the most brilliant of that youthful band of officers who
accompanied Burgoyne to America in 1776. He was
wounded and taken p'risoner at Saratoga in the final battle
of the campaign. Concerning him Anburey relates the fol-
lowing curious incident : " Your friend Howarth's wound, I
hear, is in his knee ; it is very singular, but he was prepos-
sessed with an idea of being wounded, for when the orders
came for the detachment's going out, he was playing picquet
with me, and after reading the orders, and that his brigade
of guns were to go, he said to me, * God bless you A ,
farewell, for I know not how it is, but I have a strange />re-
sentiment that I shall either be killed or wounded.' I was
rather surprised at such an expression, as he is of a gay and
cheerful disposition, and cannot but say, that during the
little time I could bestow in reflection that day, I continually
dwelt upon his remark, but he is now happily in a fair way
of recovery." On July 7, 1779, Howarth was promoted to
the rank of first lieutenant in the artillery, and on December
I, 1782, of captain-Heutenant and captain. He occupied
the position of quartermaster for eleven years ; namely,
from April 4, 1783, to March i, 1794, at which latter date he
attained the army rank of major. On January i, 1798, he
328 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
21^^ Company ;
24*'' Company ;
was promoted to the army rank of lieutenant-colonel and
brevet-major-general ; and July 16, 1799, was made a major
in the artillery. He was further promoted to a lieutenant-
colonelcy in the artillery, April 18, 1801 ; a colonelcy,
December 29, 1805 ; major-general in the army, June 4, 181 1;
lieutenant-general in the army August 12, 1819, and colonel
commanding in the artillery, August 6, 1821. General
Howarth served under Wellington in the Peninsular war
with great distinction, commanding the artillery as brigadier-
general at the battles of Talavera, Busaco and Ferantes
d'Onore, and for the ability he displayed, was in 18 14, hon-
ored with the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Bath.
In 1824, he was further rewarded with the Knight Grand-
Cross of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order, a medal
and two clasps. Owing to failing health he was obliged to
vacate his command, and retiring to his. country seat at
Birnstead, Surrey, he died on March 5, 1827. He had been
in almost constant service for over half a century. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco ; History of the Royal Artil-
lery, vol. I, pp. 226, 381 : Hadden's Journal and Orderly
Books, pp. xlviii, Ivi.
228 William P. Smith became a cadet in Woolwich, April
I, 1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery,
March 15, 1771. He was wounded in the battle of October
7, and was among the convention prisoners. He subse-
quently received the following promotions : First lieutenant,
July 7, 1779; captain-lieutenant, February 28, 1782, and
captain of the Sixth Company of the Second Battalion, May
24, 1790 ; major in the army, March i, 1794, and in the artil-
lery, April 25, 1796; lieutenant-colonel in the army, January
I, 1798, and in the artillery, January 8, 1799. His last com-
mission was that of colonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804.
His death took place July 23, 1806. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco ; History of the Royal Artillery, vol. i, p. 181.
229 Of Volunteer Sutton we can find no particulars. He is
mentioned by Lamb in his list of wounded officers, and we
t
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 329
27'^ Company; Wounded, Capt" Craig.
62^^ Company; Wounded, Lieut Jones. ^^^
may infer had seen military service. At the dawn of day
on the sixth of July, General Fraser pursued Colonel Fran-
cis, and overtaking him, would have met with a disastrous
defeat but for the timely arrival of Riedesel with his Ger-
mans. Sutton was wounded in this action. If he survived
his wound, he must have returned to Canada, as he is no-
where again mentioned, and his name does not appear among
the convention prisoners.
^^^ John H. York became a cadet at Woolwich, May i,
1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, March
15,1771. He was taken prisoner October seventh. At what
time he was exchanged is unknown. He was promoted as fol-
lows, viz. : to the rank of first lieutenant, July 7, 1779 ; cap-
tain-lieutenant, April 6, 1782, and captain in the Third
Company, Fourth Battalion, May 26, 1790; a major in the
army, March i, 1794, and in the artillery, December 9, 1796;
a lieutenant-colonel in the army, January i, 1798, and in the
artillery, July 16, 1799. His last commission was that of
colonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804, and he was shortly
after, November i, 1805, drowned on the South American
coast. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; History of the
Royal Artillery, vol. i, pp. 257, 315.
^^^ James Wright received his first commission as ensign
in the Ninth Foot, March 23, 1764, while that regiment was
doing service in Florida. In 1769 the Ninth returned home
and was assigned to garrison duty in Ireland. He was com-
missioned a lieutenant, September i, I77i,and accompanied
his regiment to Canada in 1776, taking part in the campaign
of that year. He was killed in the final battle at Saratoga.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Ninth
Foot.
"^ John Jones received his commission of ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot on December 9, 1767, and was promoted
to the rank of lieutenant, September i, 1771. His regiment
42
330 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
29^^^ Company ; Killed, Lieut Douglass.^" Wounded,
Lieut. Battersby.^34 Prisoner, Ensign Johnston.'^^s
31^^ Company ;
arrived in Canada in the spring of 1776, and he, therefore,
took part in the campaign of that year. He was wounded
at Hubbardton in the action of July seventh, and his name
disappears from the army lists after 1781. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Sixty-second Foot.
^^^ James Douglas was commissioned a lieutenant in the
army on April 8, 1773, and received his appointment of
ensign in the Twenty-ninth Foot on June 30, 1774. He
was promoted to a lieutenancy in his regiment, February 27,
1776, and was wounded in the action of July seventh. He
was being borne from the field after his wound, when a shot
passed directly through his heart, killing him instantly. His
place was filled by Ensign Dowling of the Forty-seventh
Foot, on the fourteenth, by order of the commanding gen-
eral. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Travels Through
the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 339; Burgoyne's
Orderly Book, p. 55.
2^ James Battersby entered the Twenty-ninth Foot, Febru-
ary 2, 1770, as an ensign, at which time this regiment was
stationed in Boston and won unpleasant notoriety in the
"massacre" of the fifth of March following. He was pro-
moted to a lieutenancy, December 16, 1773, and in February,
1776, embarked at Chatham with his regiment for the seat
of war in America. He was wounded in the action of Octo-
ber seventh, and was one of the convention prisoners. He
was promoted to a captaincy, February 16, 1778, while a
prisoner. His name appears on the army lists for the last
time in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical
Record Twenty-ninth Foot; Journal of Occurrences During
the Late American War, p. 176.
235 William Johnson was commissioned an ensign in the
Twenty-ninth Foot on March 29, 1776. Of his subsequent
fate we know nothing. His name was borne on the army
lists of 1780 for the last time.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 331
34^1^ Company ; Wounded, Cap" Harris.^^e
53<* Company ; Wounded, Major Earl Balcarres.
Lieutenants Houghton & CuUen.^^y
236 John Adolphus Harris entered the Thirty- fourth Foot
under an ensign's commission, January 11, 1760, and was
promoted to the rank of Heutenant, January 28, 1762. At
this time the Thirty-fourth was in the West Indies, and Lieu-
tenant Harris participated in the siege of Havana, and after
the peace accompanied his regiment to Florida, where it
remained until 1768, when it was assigned to garrison duty
in Ireland. On November 28, 1 771, he was promoted to a
captaincy, and in 1776, the Thirty-fourth having been as-
signed to duty in America, he took part in the campaign of
that year. He was wounded at Hubbardton in the action
of July seventh. Anburey thus speaks of him in a letter
home, dated July seventeenth: "I omitted to mention to
you, that your old friend Captain H , was wounded at
the battle of Huberton, early in the action, when the grena-
diers formed to support the light infantry. I could not pass
by him as he lay under a tree, where he had scrambled upon
his hands and knees, to protect him from the scattering shot,
without going up to see what assistance could be afforded
him, and learn if he was severely wounded. You who know
his ready turn for wit, will not be surprised to hear, though
in extreme agony, that with an arch look, and clapping his
hand behind him, he told me, if I wanted to be satisfied, I
must ask that, as the ball had entered at his hip, and passed
through a certain part adjoining; he is now at Ticonderoga,
and from the last account, is recovering fast." Owing to the
severity of his wound, he was unable to take part in the
subsequent movements of the campaign, and so was not
among the captured officers. After his return to England,
he became major of the Eighty-fourth Foot, or Royal High-
land Emigrants, First Battalion, October 22, 1779, and lieu-
tenant-colonel of the Sixtieth Foot, or Royal Americans,
January 16, 1788. He was afterward commissioned in the
army as follows: Lieutenant-colonel, February 26, 1795;
major-general, January i, 1798; heutenant-general, January
I, 1805, and general, June 4, 1814. His name appears upon
332 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
2d^ Regm^ Killed, Lieutenants Lucas,'38 Cooke,'^'
Obines.""*" Wound. Lieut. CoP. Lynd,^'^' Captains
Wemys,""*^ Doulin,^'*^ Stanley,^'*'* Farquari^^s Lieuten-
the army lists for the last time in 1826. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco; Historical Record Thirty fourth Foot;
Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i,
p. 361, et seq.
"^"^ William Cullen entered the Fifty-third Foot as an en-
sign while that regiment was doing garrison duty in Ireland,
August 31,1 774, and was promoted to a lieutenancy, March 2,
1776, just before the departure of his regiment for America.
He was wounded July seventh, in the action with the troops
of Colonel Francis, and probably returned to Ticonderoga,
as he was not among the captives of Burgoyne's army.
The Fifty-third Regiment was stationed in Canada for sev-
eral years after the close of the war, and during this time
Lieutenant Cullen was commissioned a captain, his commis-
sion bearing date September 13, 1781. He seems to have
become weary of his long sojourn in America and retired on
a captain's half pay in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in
loco ; Historical Record, Fifty-third Foot ; Journal of Occur-
rences During the Late American War, p. 175.
^^ Thomas Lucas entered the Twentieth Foot upon the
eve of its embarkation for America, having received his
commission of lieutenant therein, March i, 1776. He passed
through the perils of the campaign of that year to meet his
death in the battle of Freeman's Farm, September nine-
teenth.
^^' John Cooke entered the Twentieth Foot as an ensign
while it was stationed in Ireland, March 14, 1774, and when
his regiment was about to proceed to the relief of Carleton
at Quebec, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant,
March 3, 1776. He ended his brief career at the battle of
Freeman's Farm, on September nineteenth.
^" Hamlet Obins entered the British army as a cornet in
the Third Light Dragoons, January i, 1766, and was pro-
moted to a lieutenancy in the Sixteenth Light Dragoons,
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 333
ants DowHn,''*^ Ensig" Connel.^''^ Prisoners ; Stanley,
Farquar. Cap'' Dowlin, Ensign Connel.
Burgoyne's regiment, February 18, 1769, in which regiment
he remained until the breaking out of the war in America,
when he was transferred to the infantry and commissioned
a lieutenant in the Twentieth Foot, March 9, 1776. He fell
in the battle of October seventh, which decided the fate of
Burgoyne's army. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Jour-
nal of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 176.
2" John Lind entered the Thirty-fourth Foot, December
12, 1755, and the next year was with his regiment at Fort
St. Phillip, where it sustained a siege. He was commissioned
a captain, January 12, 1760, and took part in the expedition
against Belleisle during that year. In 1762 he participated
in the expedition against the Spanish West Indies, and at
the successful close of the war accompanied his regiment to
Florida, where he remained until 1768, when his regiment
was ordered home and went into garrison in Ireland. On
November 28, 1771, he was made major of his regiment, and
January 16, 1776, was transferred to the Twentieth Foot
and promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In the
spring of that year he accompanied his regiment to America
and took part in the campaign under Carleton. The next
year he followed the fortunes of Burgoyne to the battle of
Freeman's Farm, where he was wounded, but remained with
his command and was among the surrendered officers at
Saratoga a few weeks later. He was raised to the army
rank of colonel, November 20, 1782, and was made a major-
general, October 12, 1793. He died May i, 1795. Vide
Historical Record of the Thirty-fourth Foot ; do. Twen-
tieth Foot ; British Army Lists, in loco ; Gentleman's Maga-
zine for 1795.
2*'^ Francis Weymis was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Twentieth Foot, September 26, 1757, at which time his regi-
ment formed part of the expedition under Lieutenant-Gen-
eral Sir John Mordant, against Rochfort, which resulted in
the capture and destruction of the fortifications on the Isle
334 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
21^' Regmt ; Killed, Lieutenants Curray,"'*^ Mc-
Kinzy,"'*^ Turnbull,"^" Robertson.'^' Wounded, Lieut.
Rutherf ord ; ^^^ Prisoner, Lieut Rutherford,
d'Aix, on the western coast of France. The French, in the
summer of 1759, sent an army into Germany with which
country England was in alliance, and the regiment to which
Lieutenant Weymis belonged was ordered to Germany to
form part of the forces under Prince Ferdinand, of Bruns-
wick. The service performed by the British troops in the
German service was severe, and when the Twentieth returned
to England in 1763, it received the thanks of Parliament for
its conduct. From this date until 1769, a period of six
years. Lieutenant Weymis was with his regiment at Gibral-
tar. On the 25th of May, 1772, he was promoted to the
regimental and army rank of captain. After the campaign
in America of 1776, Lieutenant Weymis passed the follow-
ing winter at the Isle aux Noix, and was wounded in the
battle of the nineteenth of September. He was among the
convention prisoners, and upon his return home at the close
of the war was promoted to the rank of major, March 19,
1783. His name disappears from the army lists after 1787.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Twen-
tieth Foot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the
Late American War, p. 175.
^^ Richard Dowling first appears on the army lists as
adjutant of the Twentieth Foot, January 8, 1768, while
that regiment was doing garrison duty at Gibraltar, where
it remained until 1774, when it proceeded to Ireland, and
was there stationed until the spring of ''j6. Adjutant Dow-
ling was commissioned a captain in his regiment, July 7,
1775, and accompanied it to America the following spring.
He was wounded in the battle of September nineteenth,
and taken prisoner, from which time he disappears from
view. His name continued upon the army lists until April
I, 1780, when his place was filled by Thomas Storey. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Twentieth
Foot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, p. 176.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 335
24'^ Regmt : Killed, Lieut. Col. Frazier, Major
Grant. Wounded, Major Agnew,^" Captains Blake,''^*
Strangways,^55 Lieut. Doyle.^^^
"^^ John Stanly entered the Twentieth Foot as a lieuten-
ant, September 7, I/72, while the regiment was stationed at
Gibraltar. He was promoted to a captaincy about the time
of its departure for America, March 9, 1776. He was
wounded and taken prisoner at Freeman's Farm, and his
name appears for the last time on the army lists in 1783.
^^ William Farquar was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Forty-seventh Foot, September 25, 1759, after that regi-
ment's brilliant service in the siege and capture of Louis-
bourg and the fall of Quebec. In 1763 he entered upon
half pay, but re-entered the service, and obtained a lieuten-
ancy. May 3, 1765, in the Fifty-sixth Foot, which was at
that time on duty at Gibraltar. He received a captain's
commission in the Twentieth Foot, May 13, 1776. He was
wounded and taken prisoner in the battle of September
nineteenth. At what time he was exchanged we are not
informed. He was promoted to a majority in the army,
March 19, 1783. His name disappears from the army lists
after 1794. Vide Historical Record Forty-seventh Foot;
do. Fifty-sixth Foot ; British Army Lists, in loco.
^*® James Dowling was first commissioned an ensign in
the Forty-seventh Regiment, June 18, 1775, the day after
the battle of Bunker Hill, in which the Forty-seventh was
engaged. He accompanied his regiment to Canada in' the
spring of the next year. Lieutenant Douglass of the
Twenty-ninth Foot having been killed in the action of
July seventh, Burgoyne promoted Ensign Dowling to the
vacant lieutenancy, July 14, 1777. He was wounded in the
performance of his duty, October seventh, and seems to
have escaped capture thereby. His name disappears from
the army lists after 1787. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ;
Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 55; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 176.
2,2)^ Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
47^'^ Regmt ; Killed, Lieut" Reynels,'" Harvey,"^^
Stewart,^59 Ensigns Taylor,^^ Phillips,'^' Young,"^^
Adjutant Fitzgerald."^^ Wounded ; Lieut. Col°. Ans-
^'^ Morgan Connel was commissioned an ensign in the
Twentieth Foot, April 6, 1776. He was wounded in the
battle of October seventh and taken a prisoner. We have
no further account of him.
^^ Samuel Currie received his first commission in the Brit-
ish army, which was that of a second lieutenant in the
Twenty-first Foot, on March 14, 1766. At this date his
regiment was stationed in Western Florida, and remained
there until 1770, when it was ordered to Canada, and, on
February 21, 1772, he was promoted to the rank of first
lieutenant. Shortly after he returned to England, where
the Twenty-first was in garrison until the spring of ''j^, when
Lieutenant Currie accompanied it to Quebec, and shortly
after his arrival in Canada, viz., on July 4, 1776, he received
the appointment of assistant commissary of General Gor-
don's brigade. He lost his life in the battle of September
nineteenth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical
Record Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences During
the Late American War, p. 175.
^^' Kenneth Mackenzie entered the British military service
as an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, August 26, 1767, and
was promoted to a lieutenancy, February 27, 1771. On
August 16, 1775, he was transferred to the Twenty first
Foot, and the following spring accompanied his regiment
to America. He was made a first lieutenant on May 7, 1776,
and participated in the campaign of that year. He ended
his life in the performance of a soldier's duty on the battle-
field of September nineteenth. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Historical Record Thirty-third Foot; Journal of
Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 175.
"^^ George Turnbull received his commission of second
lieutenant in the Twenty-first Foot on May 3, 1776, and was
probably one of those youthful officers, of which there were
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. '^'x,']
truther,^^'^ Major Harnage,^^^ Captain Bunbury,^^^
Ensigns, Blackee,^^^ Harvey. ^^^ Prisoners : Lieut.
Naylor,^^^ Ensign De Antroch."'"
so many in Burgoyne's army, who lost their lives in the dis-
astrous campaign of 1777. He was killed Octc?ber seventh
near Stillwater.
2^^ John James Roberton entered the British army as a
second lieutenant of Royal Engineers, July 13, 1774- He
was attached to the right wing of the army by an order of
June 27, 1777, his duty being to strengthen the right of the
camp under the direction of Brigadiers Powell and Hamil-
ton. The last mention made of him in Burgoyne's Orderly
Book is on September seventh, when he was assigned to the
duty of repairing the roads between the camp at Duer's
House and Fort Edward. On the nineteenth he was killed.
252 Richard Rutherford entered the Twenty-first Foot as a
second lieutenant, February 26, 1776. He was wounded in
the battle of September nineteenth, and as his name is
dropped from the army list of 1779, we may infer that he
did not recover from his wounds.
253 William Agnew was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Twenty-fourth Foot, September 3, 1756, and a captain-lieu-
tenant. May 15, 1763. Having served in Germany, his regi-
ment was transferred to Gibraltar, and he subsequently
accompanied it to America in the spring of 1776. He was
made major of the Twenty-fourth, July 14, 1777, in place
of Major Grant, who was killed on the seventh of that
month. He was wounded in the battle of Freeman's Farm,
September nineteenth. He became lieutenant-colonel of
his regiment, February 15, 1782, but his name is not borne
upon the lists of the next year. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco ; Historical Record Twenty-fourth Foot ; Journal of
Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 175.
2-^ John Blake was made an ensign of the Twenty-fourth
Foot, May 23, 1761, and lieutenant, June 12, 1766. He
was promoted to a captaincy, July 7, 1775- He was
43
33^ Lietitenant Digbys Journal.
Engineers, Prisoner, Lieut. Dunford.'^"
Foot Guards : Killed, Sir Francis Clark, aid-de-
camp to General Burgoyne,
wounded in the battle of the nineteenth of September,
and did not rejoin his regiment, as his name is not in the
list of surrendered officers. He appears at the head of the
list of captains on the list of 1788. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Historical Record Twenty- fourth Foot.
"^^ Hon. Stephen Digby Strangways was the second son
of Stephen Fox and Elizabeth, the only daughter and heir
of Thomas Strangways Horner, Esq. His father was raised
to the peerage, March 11, 1 741, as Lord Ilchester, of Ilches-
ter, in Somersetshire, and subsequently, on June 5, 1756,
was made Earl of Ilchester. Stephen Digby Strangways
was born on December 3, 1751, and was the brother of Lady
Harriet Acland. He entered the British military service as
a cornet in the Royal Irish Dragoons, August 5, 1767, at the
age of sixteen years ; but, preferring the infantry service,
exchanged into the Twenty-fourth Foot, and obtained a cap-
taincy, April 17, 1769. He participated in the campaign of
1776, and was wounded in the battle of October seventh,
but was with the army when it surrendered. He was made
major of the Twentieth Foot, December i, 1778, and at-
tained no higher rank in the army. Vide Burke's Peerage
and Baronetage, in loco ; British Army Lists, in loco; His-
torical Record Twenty-fourth Foot; Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Books, p. liv.
2^ William Doyle was of an ancient Irish family noted in
military annals. He entered the British infantry service as
an ensign in the Twenty-fourth Foot, July 16, 1774, and was
promoted to a lieutenancy, November 27, 1776, at the close
of Carleton's successful campaign, in which he took part.
He was among the officers who surrendered at Saratoga.
He was raised to the rank of captain, July 31, 1787, major
in the army. May 6, 1795, and lieutenant-colonel, July 22,
1797. He exchanged into the Sixty-second Foot, and was
made its lieutenant-colonel, August 16, 1804. He was pro-
moted to the army rank of colonel, October 30, 1805 ; major-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 339
16"" Dragoons. Prisoner, Cornet Grant. ''^''
N. B I could not get an exact account of the loss
of the German troops commanded by Gen Reldzel,
general, June 4, 181 1, and lieutenant-general, August 12,
1 8 19. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Burgoyne's Orderly
Book, p. 178.
2^'^ Thomas Reynell was the son of Sir Thomas Reynell of
Laleham, Middlesex county, and his wife, who so faithfully
followed him through the terrible scenes of the campaign
with Mrs. Riedesel, Acland and Harnage, until the fatal
nineteenth of September, when he received his death wound,
was Anne, the daughter of Samuel Coutty, Esq., of Kin-
sale. Mrs. Reynell was left with three small children, the
oldest of whom was less than six years of age, and the
youngest an infant. The oldest of these children, Richard
Littleton Reynell, born April 30, 1772, settled in America,
where he was married and lived until his death, September
4, 1829, at which time he enjoyed the title of baronet. His
brother, Samuel, who was born October 31, 1775, and was
hardly two years of age at his father's death, died unmar-
ried, and the title descended to Thomas, the youngest
brother. Thomas Reynell, the subject of this brief sketch,
entered the British military service as an ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot, December 8, 1767, and was advanced to
the rank of lieutenant, May 3, 1770. He sailed with his
regiment from the Cove of Cork, April 8, 1776, and took
part in the campaign of'Carleton of that year. Anburey
thus relates the incidents of his death : *' You will readily
allow that it is the highest test of affection in a woman, to
share with her husband the toils and hardships of the cam-
paign, especially such an one as the present. What a trial
of fortitude the late action must have been, through a dis-
tressing interval of long suspence ! The ladies followed the
route of the artillery and baggage, and when the action
began, the Baroness Reidesel, Lady Harriet Ackland, and
the wives of Major Harnage and Lieutfenant Reynell, of the
Sixty-second Regiment, entered a small uninhabited hut,
but when the action became general and bloody, the Sur-
340 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
but believe it was pretty near equal to that of the
British.
geons took possession of it, being the most convenient for
the first care of the wounded ; in this situation were these
ladies four hours together, where the comfort they afforded
each other was broke in upon, by Major Harnage being
brought in to the surgeons deeply wounded ! What a blow
must the next intelligence be, that informed them that Lieu-
tenant Reynell was killed ! " Madame Riedesel gives us
further particulars of the trying scenes of that day: "The
wife of Major Harnage, a Madame Reynels the wife* of the
good lieutenant who the day previous had so kindly shared
his broth with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself,
were the only ladies who were with the army. We sat
together 'bewailing our fate, when one came in, upon which
they all began whispering, looking at the same time exceed-
ingly sad. I noticed this, and also that they cast silent
glances toward me. This awakened in my mind the dread-
ful thought that my husband had been killed. I shrieked
aloud, but they assured me that this was not so, at the
same time intimating to me by signs, that it was the lieu-
tenant — the husband of our companion — who had met
with misfortune. A moment after she was called out. Her
husband was not yet dead, but a cannon ball had taken off
his arm close to his shoulder. During the whole night we
heard his moans, which sounded fearfully through the
vaulted cellars. The poor man died toward morning." The
cellar of the house in which these ladies found shelter dur-
ing this dreadful night is still shown to the curious. Both
Lamb and Digby are in error as to the regiment of which
he was a member. Lamb makes him of the Twenty-fourth,
and Digby of the Forty-seventh. Vide Burke's Peerage
and Baronetage and British Army Lists, in loco ; Travels
Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. i, p. 426; Let-
ters antl Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 129, et seq.
"^^ Stephen Harvey became a lieutenant in the army,
August 15, 1775, and was assigned to the Sixty-second
Foot with a lieutenant's comniission therein, February 29,
1776, and accompanied his regiment to America a few
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 341
Battalion of Grenadiers consisting of ten Companies
Commanded by Major Ackland.
(f^ Company ; Killed, Captain Stapleton,^^' Lieu-
weeks later. Lamb thus records his fate : " Nor should
the heroism of Lieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd regiment,
a youth of sixteen, and nephew to the adjutant general
of the same name be forgotten. It was characterized by
all that is gallant in the military character. In the battle of
the 19th September, he received several wounds, and was
repeatedly ordered off the field by Lieutenant-Colonel An-
struther, but his heroic ardor would not allow him to quit
the battle while he could stand, and see his brave comrades
fighting beside him. A ball striking one of his legs, his
removal became absolutely necessary, and while they were
conveying him away, another wounded him mortally. In
this situation, the surgeon recommended him to take a
powerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight hours'
life of most exquisite torture. This he immediately con-
sented to, and when the colonel entered the tent, with
Major Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked
whether he had any affairs they could settle for him ? His
reply was, that being a minor, every thing was already
adjusted ; but he had one request, which he retained just
life enough to utter: 'Tell my uncle, I died like a soldier
.'" Anburey gives the same relation and adds:
"Where will you find in ancient Rome heroism superior! "
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 179.
259 Archibald Stuart was a lieutenant in the army under a
commission dated October 10, 1759 ; but we have no further
account of him until June 23, 1775, when we find him a
heutenant of Invalids at Hull. He was commissioned a
lieutenant of the Sixty-second Foot on the eve of its de-
parture to relieve Quebec. He fell in the battle of October
seventh.
^^ George Taylor received his commission as an ensign in
the Sixty-second Foot on March 2, 1776, and was in the
campaign of that year under Carleton. He was one of those
342 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
tenant Huggart;^''* Wounded, Captain Swetman,'''^
Lieutenant Rowe,''^^
youthful officers who had but just commenced a promising
miHtary career, which was brought to an untimely end dur-
ing this campaign. He fell at the battle of Freeman's
Farm, September nineteenth, in which battle the Sixty-
second suffered severe loss.
^" Levinge Cosby Phillips was commissioned an ensign
in the Sixty-second Foot, December 20, 1776. Wilkinson
thus alludes to him : " The morning after the action I vis-
ited the wounded prisoners who had not been dressed, and
discovered a charming youth not more than 16 years old,
lying among them ; feeble, faint, pale and stiff in his gore ;
the delicacy of his aspect and the quality of his clothing
attracted my attention, and on enquiry I found he was an
Ensign Phillips; he told me he had fallen by a wound in his
leg or thigh, and as he lay on the ground was shot through
the body by an army follower, a murderous villain, who
avowed the deed, but I forgot his name ; the moans of this
hapless youth moved me to tears ; I raised him from the
straw on which he lay, took him in my arms and removed
him to a tent, where every comfort was provided and every
attention paid to him, but his wounds were mortal, and he
expired on the 21st; when his name was first mentioned to
General Gates, he exclaimed, 'just Heaven ! he may be the
nephew of my wife," but the fact was otherwise. Let those
parents who are now training their children for the military
profession ; let those misguided patriots, who are inculcating
principles of education subversive of the foundations of the
republic, look on this picture of distress, taken from the life,
of a youth in a strange land, far removed from friends and
relations co-mingled with the dying and the dead, himself
wounded, helpless and expiring with agony, and then should
political considerations fail of effect, I hope, the feelings of
affection and the obligations of humanity, may induce them
to discountenance the pursuits of war, and save their off-
spring from the seductions of the plume and the sword, for
the more solid and useful avocations of civil life ; by which
alone peace and virtue and the republic can be preserved,
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 343
20'^* Company ; Wounded, Major Ackland, twice ;
Prisoners, Major Ackland.
and perpetuated." Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Me-
moirs of My Own Times, vol. i, p. 246.
^^^ Henry Young received his commission of ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot on November 21, 1776, and this was his
first campaign. Of the several officers of tender years in
Burgoyne's army, all connected with families of repute,
whose lives were sacrificed by a wretched king and a besot-
ted aristocracy in the support of a bad cause, we have
touching notices in the journals of the survivors who par-
ticipated in the great contest. Madame Riedesel thus
refers to the last hours of Ensign Young : " A few days
after our arrival, I heard plaintive moans in another room
near me, and learned that they came from Young, — who
was lying very low. I was the more interested in him, since
a family of that name had shown me much courtesy during
my sojourn in England. I tendered him my services, and
sent him provisions and refreshments. He expressed a great
desire to see his benefactress, as he called me. I went to
him, and found him lying on a little straw, for he had
lost his camp equipage. He was a young man, probably
eighteen or nineteen years old ; and, actually, the own
nephew of the Mr. Young whom I had known, and the
only son of his parents. It was only for this reason that
he grieved; on account of his own sufferings he uttered
no complaint. He had bled considerably, and they wished
to take off his leg, but he could not bring his mind to it,
and now mortification had set in. I sent him pillows and
coverings, and my women servants a mattress. I redoubled
my care of him, and visited him every day, for which I
received from the sufferer a thousand blessings. Finally,
they attempted the amputation of the limb, but it was too
late, and he died a few days afterward. As he occupied an
appartment close to mine, and the walls were very thin, I
could hear his last groans through the partition of my
room." Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Letters and
Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114.
344 Lieuteiiant Digbys Jotcrnal.
21^' Company; Killed, Lieut Don;^^? wounded
Captn. Ramsey,^^^ Lieut. Fetherston;^^^ Prisoners,
Captn Ramsey.
^^ George Tobias Fitzgerald was appointed adjutant of
the Sixty-second Foot, October 26, 1775, and fell at Sara-
toga on October eleventh.
2^* John Anstruther, of the noble Scotch family of An-
struther of Balcaskie, entered the Twenty-sixth Foot as
ensign, May 2, 1751, and was advanced to the rank of lieu-
tenant in the Eighth Foot, August 28, 1756. The dates of
his subsequent commissions are as follows: captain-lieuten-
ant, September 25, 1761 ; captain, July 23, 1762; major,
November 5, 1766; lieutenant-colonel in the Sixty-second
Foot, October 21, 1773. He served in the campaign of
1776, and was wounded in the action of September nine-
teenth, and also in that of October seventh. After the
surrender he was paroled, and returned home in 1778. He
was promoted to a colonelcy in the army, November 17,
1780, but does not seem to have had a command after
his return to England. His name disappears from the army
lists after 1782. Vide British Army Lists, i7t loco ; Histori-
cal Record Sixty-second Foot.
2^^^ Henry Harnage was of an ancient English family, and,
at the age of seventeen, received his first commission in the
military service as an ensign in the Fourth Foot, June 7, 1756,
and, on September twenty-ninth of the following year, was
advanced to a lieutenancy therein. He was promoted, May
4, 1767, to a captaincy in the Sixty-second Foot, the second
battalion of his regiment having received that number, and,
December 21, 1775, to a majority. He was wounded in the
battle of September nineteenth in the bowels, almost pre-
cisely in the same manner as was General Eraser ; but, said
the surgeon, " the general had eaten a hearty breakfast, by
reason of which the intestines were distended, and the ball,
had not gone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between
the intestines, but through them." In spite of this severe
wound, he was on the battle-field of October seventh, when
he was again wounded. When the army retreated on the
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 345
24*'' Company;
47^^ Company ; Prisoner, Lieutenant England/^"
next night, we are told by Madame Riedesel that " he
dragged himself out of bed, that he might not remain in
the hospital, which was left behind, protected by a flag of
truce," and, although suffering from his wound, he did not
forget to attend to the protection of her and her children.
He was made a lieutenant-colonel in the army, November
17, 1780, while he was on the way to London with dispatches
from Sir Henry Clinton, and was commissioned to the same
rank in the One Hundred and Fourth Foot, March 18,
1782, in which year his name appears on the army lists for
the last time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Letters
and Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114.
^^^ Abraham Bunbury was commissioned a lieutenant in
the Sixty-second Foot, September 17, 1773, and received
the rank of captain in the army, December 21, 1775. He
does not appear to have had a command during Burgoyne's
campaign. He was wounded in the battle of October sev-
enth, and, as his name does not appear in the list of officers
paroled at Cambridge, we may infer that he was taken with
other wounded men back to Canada. His name appears
upon the army lists for a number of years, but he held no
command in the army.
^^^ Henry Blacker was commissioned as an ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot, December 21, 1775, and was acting in
that capacity when the surrender at Saratoga took place, as
his name so appears in the parole of Burgoyne's officers,
December 13, 1777. He was, however, commissioned to a
lieutenancy under the date of October eighth. He was
promoted to a captaincy, October 26, 1786.
^^ George Hervey was commissioned an ensign in the Sixty-
second Foot, April 6, 1776, and was wounded in the action
of September seventeenth. He, however, was in the battle
of October seventh, and was among those who signed the
parole after the surrender.
269 Wm. Pendred Naylor was commissioned an ensign in
the Sixty-second Foot, March 12, 1774, and accompanied
44
34^ Lieutenmit Digbys Journal.
62"'* Company ; Wounded, Captn. Shrimpton."^'
29'^ Company ; Wounded, Lieut Steel. ^^"^
his regiment to America in the spring of 1776. After the
close of the campaign of that year, Ensign Naylor was pro-
moted to a lieutenancy, November 21, 1776, which rank he
held when taken prisoner in the battle of October 7, 1777.
His name continued to be borne upon the army lists until
1783, when it disappeared.
"^^ Henry Danterroche was made an ensign in the Sixty-
second Foot on November 21, 1776, after the close of the
campaign of that year. He was taken prisoner in the battle
of October seventh, and does not appear to have subse-
quently advanced beyond the grade of ensign. His name
appears upon the army Hsts for the last time in 1786.
^^ Andrew Durnford was commissioned as an ensign in
the Royal Engineers, July 28, 1769, and was advanced to
the rank of Heutenant, March 6, 1775. He was taken pris-
oner in Colonel Baum's unfortunate attack on Bennington.
At what time he was exchanged we do not know, but find
him acting as assistant deputy quartermaster-general in New
York and Georgia from 1779 to the close of the war. He
was commissioned a captain-lieutenant and captain in the
Engineers, October i, 1784, and a major in the army. May
6, 1795. His name does not appear in the army lists after
1799.
"""^ James Grant entered the Sixteenth Light Dragoons as
cornet, December 27, 1774, and was transferred to the
Twenty-first Dragoons, December 27, 1775. He was one
of the men selected by Burgoyne to bear dispatches through
the American lines to Clinton, but was not successful, and
returned to the British camp. He was subsequently taken
prisoner, but was paroled and returned to England. On
October 20, 1779, 1"*^ was promoted to the army rank of
lieutenant, and, on January 7, 1780, exchanged into the
Sixty-first Foot as an ensign. On the following twenty-sixth
of April he was made a lieutenant, but we can trace his
career no farther, as his name disappears from the army lists
after 1782.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 347
31^' Company.
34^^ Company ; Wounded, Captain Forbes.
53'-'^ Company ; Killed, Captain Wight.
283
■^" Francis Samuel Stapleton entered the Ninth Foot as
an ensign, September 4, 1762, while that regiment was en-
gacred in its arduous and successful campaign m the island
of "Cuba, and the next year accompanied the regiment to
Florida, which territory Spain had ceded to Great Britain
in exchange for Cuba, which it had lost in the war. In the
autumn of 1769 the Ninth arrived in Ireland, and on De-
cember 12, 1770, while it was in garrison there, Ensign
Stapleton was raised to the rank of lieutenant, and on
May 21, 1773, was promoted to a captaincy in his regi-
ment. He participated in the operations by which the
Americans were expelled from Canada in 1776, and fell
mortally wounded in the action of the 7th July, 1777.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical Record Ninth
Foot ; Journal of Occurrences During the Late American
War, p. 174.
2^* James Haggart received his first commission of second
lieutenant of marines, May 25, 1775, and was killed in the
battle of July 7, 1777- Anburey relates that upon the very
first attack of the Light Infantry a ball destroyed both ot
his eyes.
27^ George Swettenham was commissioned a lieutenant in
the army, February 28, 1760, and of the Ninth Foot, August
8 1764 while that regiment was stationed in Florida under
the command of Lieutenant-General Whitemore. In 1769
he returned to Ireland with his regiment, where it remained
until the breaking out of the war in America. On March
2 1776 he was promoted to a captaincy, and was wounded
at the 'battle of Freeman's Farm. He was among the
paroled officers of the surrendered army. His regiment
returned to England at the close of the war, in 1783, and
was stationed in Scotland in 1784 and 1785, and m the
latter year his name disappears from the army lists. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Ninth Foot ;
" Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 178.
34^ Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
British Line,
(f^ Regiment ; Killed, Lieutenant Westrop ;
Wounded, Capt°. Mt. Gomery,^^'^ Lieutenants Ste-
^^^ John Rowe entered the service as an ensign in the
Ninth Foot, December 12, 1770, while this regiment was in
Ireland, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, October 19,
1772. He was wounded in the action of July seventh, and
does not appear to have been with his regiment after this
date. He was superseded September 20, 1777.
'^'' John Don received his commission of second lieutenant
in the Twenty-first Foot, August 28, 1771, and of first lieu-
tenant, February 23, 1776. Anburey thus speaks of his death
in the action of the nineteenth of September : " Shortly
after this we heard a most tremendous firing upon our left,
where we were attacked in great force, and the very first
fire, your old friend, Lieutenant Don, of the 21st regiment,
received a ball through his heart. I am sure it will never be
erased from my memory ; for when he was wounded, he
sprung from the ground, nearly as high as a man." Vide
British Army Lists, iii loco ; Travels Through the Interior
Parts of America, vol. i, p. 414.
^^* Hon. Malcolm Ramsay entered the Twenty-first Foot
as ensign on May 18, 1761, and appears on the same date to
have been made a second lieutenant. The Twenty-first was
at this time engaged in the successful expedition against
Belleisle, on the coast of France, and, after the capture of
that place, proceeded to Mobile. Lieutenant Ramsay was
promoted to the rank of first lieutenant, January 16, 1765;
captain-lieutenant, October 6, 1769, and captain, December
25, 1770. In 1772 his regiment was ordered home, where it
remained until the spring of 1776, when it sailed for Canada
to relieve Carleton. Captain Ramsay was wounded, Sep-
tember nineteenth, at the battle of Freeman's Farm, and
so severely as not to be able to share in the subsequent
perils of the campaign. He was probably in Canada at the
time of the surrender of Burgoyne, where we find him,
December 21, 1777, commissioned a major in the Eighty-
third Foot. He was made lieutenant-colonel of the Eighty-
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 349
velly,^^s Murray,^^^ Prince,'^^ Ensign D Salon,^^^ Ad-
jutant, Fielding ; ^^5 Prisoners, Captn. Mt Gomery,
Money — Ensign D Salons and Surgeon [Shelly]
third, and deputy adjutant-general in New Brunswick,
August 24, 1 78 1. His name appears on the army Hsts
for the last time as "lieutenant-colonel late Eighty-third
Foot" in 1794. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; His-
torical Record Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 175.
^^ Wm. Featherstone was commissioned a second lieu-
tenant in the Twenty-first Foot, May 17, 1762, and a lieu-
tenant, November 18, 1768. The regiment was during this
time stationed at Mobile, where it remained until 1772,
when it returned to England, Early in the spring of 1776
it was ordered back to America to relieve Carleton, and
Lieutenant Featherstone participated in the campaign of
that year. He was commissioned a captain-lieutenant with
rank of captain in the army, September 12, 1777. He was
wounded in the battle of October seventh, and we infer,
was conveyed to Canada, as his name does not appear upon
the list of officers who surrendered at Saratoga. His name
is borne upon the army lists as captain until 1794, when
it disappears. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ; Historical
Record Twenty-first Foot.
280 Poole England received his first commission as ensign
in the Forty-seventh Foot, November 6, 1769, and on April
i^> ^^773 — the year in which his regiment embarked for
America — he was promoted to a lieutenancy. He partici-
pated in the battle of Bunker Hill — in which action he was
wounded — and, when Boston was evacuated, accompanied
his regiment to Canada. He was fort major at Ticonderoga,
September 6, 1777, and was taken prisoner, but liberated on
parole. His name is not found on the army lists later than
1783.
^^ John Shrimpton was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Sixty-second Foot, June 3, 1761, and, on the twenty-second
of the following October, received the same rank in the
350 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
army, and was advanced to the rank of captain-lieutenant
and captain, September 17, 1773. He was wounded on the
seventh of July in the following manner: "After the action
was over, and all firing had ceased for near two hours, upon
the summit of the mountain I have already described, which
had no ground anywhere that could command it, a number
of officers were collected to read the papers taken out of the
pocketbook of Colonel Francis, when Captain Shrimpton,
of the 62nd regiment, who had the papers in his hand,
jumped up and fell, exclaiming, ' he was severely wounded ; '
we all heard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place
from whence the report came, saw the smoke; as there was
every reason to imagine the piece was fired from some tree,
a party of men were instantly detached, but could find no
person, the fellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had
slipt down and made his escape." Anburey again speaks
of him shortly after: "Major (sic) Shrimpton, who I told
you was wounded upon the hill, rather than remain with the
wounded at Huberton, preferred marching with the brigade,
and on crossing this creek, having only one hand to assist
himself with, was on the point of slipping in, had not an
officer, who was behind him caught hold of his cloaths, just
as he was falling. His wound was through his shoulder, and
as he could walk, he said he would not remain to fall into
the enemy's hands, as it was universally thought the sick
and wounded must." Captain Shrimpton recovered suffi-
ciently to participate in the subsequent scenes of the cam-
paign of 1777, and was one of the surrendered officers who
signed the parole at Cambridge. He returned to England
and became tower major at the Tower of London in 1787,
but we lose sight of him the following year. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco ^ Travels Through the Interior Parts of
America, vol. i, pp. 231, et seg., 342.
^^ Thomas Steele entered the Twenty-ninth Foot as an
ensign, June 21, 1769, and was advanced to the rank of lieu-
tenant therein, November 3, 1773. The Twenty-ninth Regi-
ment was in America during this period, but returned to
England in 1774, where it was in garrison for two years,
when it was ordered back to America to assist in the war
there. Lieutenant Steele was wounded in the action of
July seventh, but not, it would appear, seriously enough to
Lieutenant Digbys Journal, 351
prevent him from participating in the subsequent events of
Burgoyne's campaign, as we find him at the close of it
among the surrendered officers. The army lists do not
bear his name later than 1784.
^^ Gordon Forbes entered the Thirty-third Foot as an
ensign under a commission bearing date August 27, 1756,
and was advanced to the rank of lieutenant in the Seventy-
second Foot — the second battalion of the Thirty-third,
which had been renumbered — on October 2, 1757. On
October 17, 1762, he was promoted to a captaincy, and dur-
ing the two following years, served in the expedition against
the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. On his return
to England, he exchanged into the Thirty-fourth Foot,
April 12, 1764, and accompanied his regiment to Louisiana,
which Spain had just ceded to Great Britain. The Thirty-
fourth returned to England in 1773, and was ordered to
America in the spring of 1776. At the close of the suc-
cessful campaign against the Americans in that year. Cap-
tain Forbes was promoted, on November eleventh, to a
majority, and transferred to the Ninth Foot, with which
regiment he gallantly served in the campaign of the follow-
ing year. He was wounded in the action of the nineteenth
of September, and was among the officers who surrendered
in the following month. He returned to England in 1778,
and was made lieutenant-colonel of the One Hundred and
Second Foot, September 24, 1781. On October 12, 1787, —
having been on half pay during the four previous years —
he was made lieutenant-colonel of the Seventy-fourth Foot,
and, November 18, 1790, colonel in the army. On April
18, 1794, not having had a regimental command for a period
of five years, he was appointed colonel of the One Hundred
and Fifth Foot, and, on October third, was made a major-
general in the army. On January 24, 1787, — the One Hun-
dred and Fifth having been disbanded during the preceding
year — he was made colonel of the Eighty-first, but was
transferred to the Twenty-ninth Foot on August eighth fol-
lowing. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general,
January i, 1801, and of general, January i, 1812. His death
took place January 17, 1828. Vide British Army Lists, in loco ;
Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii, 162-164.
352 Lieutenant Digbys Jour7taL
"^ Wm. Stone Montgomery. See note 167, ante, p. 221.
^^^ Joseph Stevelly was commissioned an ensign in the
Ninth Foot, January i, 1774, and was promoted to the rank
of Heutenant, December 19, 1776. He was wounded at Fort
Anne, July ninth, but was with his regiment at the time
of the surrender. His name is not borne on the army Hsts
after 1781.
^^® James Murray was commissioned an ensign in the
Ninth Foot, September 26, 1772, and a lieutenant, March
2, 1776. He served through Carleton's campaign, and was
wounded the following year in the attack on Fort Anne,
July ninth. Anburey, in writing home, speaks of him as
" our pleasant Hibernian friend," and describes the rough
manner in which he comforted his fellow sufferers who had
met with the same misfortune which had befallen him.
Murray was among the officers who were paroled at Cam-
bridge after the surrender. He served as the quartermaster
of his regiment until the close of the war, having acted in
that capacity for a period of fourteen years — namely, from
January 14, 1770, to the close of 1783. He was advanced
to the rank of captain, March 31, 1787. In 1789 he retired
from the service upon half pay. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco ; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America,
vol. I, p. 350, et seq.
^^ Wilham Prince entered the Ninth Foot as an ensign,
March 14, 1772, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, July
7, 1775. He was wounded at the battle of Freeman's Farm,
September nineteenth, but not sufficiently to prevent him
from remaining with his regiment, hence he was among the
officers who surrendered at Saratoga a few weeks later. He
was promoted to a captaincy, April 5, 1781, but does not
appear to have attained any higher rank. His name is
borne on the army lists for the last time in 1785.
^ Baron Alexander Salons was commissioned an ensign
in the Ninth Foot, September 2, 1776. By an order of
August thirteenth he was assigned to service in Captain
Fraser's corps, and, three days later, while in performance
of his duty, was wounded at the battle of Bennington. He
was sent back with the wounded to Canada, and, after his
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 353
return to England, was made a captain in the Eighty-fifth,
which was assigned to duty in Jamaica. The cHmate of
Jamaica wrought great havoc in the regiment, and it is said
that in a short time nine-tenths of the men of the regiment
were dead or on the sick list. In 1783 his name disappears
from the army lists.
'^'^ Isaac Fielding received his commission as adjutant in
the Ninth Foot, November 24, 1775. He was wounded at
Fort Anne, July ninth, but had recovered from his wound
sufficiently to take part in the final scenes of the campaign ;
hence he was among the officers who surrendered at Sara-
toga. We have no account of his subsequent career, as his
name disappears from the army list after 1780.
45
354
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
Return of the ar7ny of the United States under the
command of H. Gates, Major General, i f^ October
1777.
\
Brigadiers
Colonels ,
Lieut Colonels
Majors
Captains
First lieuten'3
Second lieut^
Ensigns
Chaplains
Adjutants
Quarter masters
Paymasters
Surgeons
Surgeons mates
Sergeants ....
Drummers
Rank & file 13,216,
Sick present 622
Sick absent 731
At Fort Edward 3875
On Furlough 1 80,
12
44
43
49
344
332
326
345
5
42
44.
30
37
43
1392
636
22348.
on command.
Signed
Major General.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
355
Return of the British Troops under the
of Lieut Genl Burgoyne 1 7 October
Generals staff 10
Lieut Col® 4
Majors 6,
Captains 40,
Lieutenants 59,
Ensigns . . 36,
Chaplains 4
Adjutants 5
Q'". masters '. 3,
Surgeons 7
Mates 7
Sergeants 162
Drummers & fifers 135,
Rank & file fit for duty 2365.
Sick 361.
Musicians 36.
Batt men 139.
3379
Signed
?
Command
1777.
Lieut. General.
Return of the German troops tinder the Command
of Lieut. General Burgoyne, if^ October 1777.
Officiers 132.
Bat officiers 197.
Chusurgiers 19.
Soldats 1792.
Tambours 72.
Total Germans 2202.
General Major.
35^ Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
Total provincial army 22348.
British 3379 5581.
Germans 2202
Difference of armies , 16767.
*General Burgoyne's speech to the Indians in
Congress, Bouquet June 21 1777 and their
ANSWER.
Brave Chiefs and Warriors.
"The great King, our common father and the
patron of all who seek and deserve his protection,
has considered with satisfaction the general conduct
of the Indians tribes, from the beginning of the
troubles in America, too sagacious and too faithful
to the deluded or corrupted, they have observed the
violated rights of the parental power they love, and
burned to vindicate them. A few individuals alone,
the refuse of a small tribe, at the first were led away,
and the misrepresentations, the special allurements,
the insidious promises and diversified [plots] in which
the rebels are exercised, and all of which they em-
ployed for that effect, have served only in the end,
to enhance the honour of the tribes in general for
demonstrating to the world, how few and how con-
temptible are the apostates. It is a truth known to
you all, that, these pitiful examples excepted (and
■'^This speech of Burgoyne to the Indians appears at the
end of Digby's Journal, and is imperfect, the leaves which
contained the concluding portion of it and the old chiefs
reply being lost. These I have been enabled to supply, J. P. B.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 357
they probably have before this day hid their faces in
shame), the collected voices and hands of the Indian
tribes over their vast continent, are on the side of
justice, of law and of the king-.
[The restraint you have put upon your resentment
in waiting the King, your father's call to arms, the
hardest proof, I am persuaded, to which your affec-
tion could have been put, is another manifest and
affecting mark of your adherence to that principle of
connection to which you were always fond to allude,
and which is the mutual joy and the duty of the
parent to cherish.]
The clemency of your father has been abused, the
offers of his mercy have been despised and his farther
patience, would in his eyes become culpable in
asmuch as it would withold redress from the most
grievous oppressions in the provinces, that ever dis-
graced the history of mankind. It therefore remains
for me the general of one of his majesties armies,
and in this council his representative, to release you
from those bonds [which] your obedience imposed.
Warriors [you are free ! Go] forth in the might of
your valour [and your cause ; strike at the common
enemies of Great Britain and America — disturbers
of public order, peace, and happiness — destroyers of
commerce, parricides of the State."
Having reached this part of his speech General
Burgoyne raised his hand and pointed to the British
officers which surrounded him and then to their
German allies and continued.
358 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
" The circle around you — the chiefs of H is Majesty's
European forces and of the Princes his allies, esteem
you as brothers in the war : [emulous in glory and
in friendship, we will endeavour reciprocally to give
and to receive examples ; we know how to value,
and we will strive to imitate your preseverance in
enterprise and your constancy, to resist hunger, weari-
ness and pain.] Be it our task, from the dictates
of our religion, the laws of our warfare, and the prin-
ciples and interests of our policy, to regulate your
passions when they overbear, to point out where it
is nobler to spare than to revenge, to discriminate
the degrees of guilt, to suspend the uplifted stroke,
to chastise and not to destroy.
[This war to you my friends is new ; upon all
former occasions, in taking the field, you held your-
selves authorized to destroy wherever you came,
because every where you found an enemy. The case
is now very different.
The King has many faithful subjects dispersed in
the provinces consequently you have many brothers
there, and these people are more to be pitied, that
they are persecuted or imprisoned wherever they are
discovered or suspected, and to dissemble, to a gen-
erous mind, is a yet more grievous punishment.
Persuaded that your magnanimity of character,
joined to your principles of affection to the King,
will give me fuller controul over your minds than the
military rank with which I am invested, I enjoin
your most serious attention to the rules which I hereby
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 359
proclaim for your invariable observation during the
campaign ".]
To this the Indians shouted vociferously Etow !
Etow ! Etow! to signify their approval and then
listened with eager attention, to gather from the
interpreter the General's instructions which were as
follows : —
" I positively forbid bloodshed when you are not
opposed in arms.
" Aged men, women, children, and prisoners must
be held secure from the knife or hatchet, even in the
time of actual conflict.
" You shall receive compensation for the prisoners
you take, but you will be called to account for scalps.
" In conformity and indulgence to your customs,
which have affixed an idea of honour to such badges
of victory, you will be allowed to take the scalps of
the dead when killed by your fire or in fair opposi-
tion, but on no account or pretence or subtilty or
prevarication are they to be taken from the wounded
or even from the dying, and still less pardonable will
it be held to kill men in that condition [on purpose,
and upon a supposition that this protection to the
wounded would be thereby evaded. Base lurking
assassins, incendiaries, ravagers and plunderers of the
country, to whatever army they may belong, shall be
treated with less reserve; but the latitude must be
given you by order, and I must be the judge on
the occasion.] Should the enemy on their part
dare to countenance acts of barbarity towards
360 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.
those who fall into their hands, it shall be yours also
to retaliate, but till this severity shall be thus com-
pelled, bear immovable in your hearts this solid
maxim : (it cannot be too deeply impressed) [that
the great essential reward the worthy service of your
alliance] the sincerity of your zeal to the King,
your father and never-failing protector, will be ex-
amined and judged upon the test only of your steady
and uniform adherence to the orders and counsels of
those to whom His Majesty has entrusted the direc-
tion and the honour of his arms."]
At the conclusion they again shouted Etow !
Etow ! Etow ! and after holding a consultation, an
aged Iroquois chief gravely arose and replied as
follows :
Reply of the Old Chief of the Iroquois to
Burgoyne's speech of June 21^', 1777.
I stand up in the name of all the nations present,
to assure our father that we have attentively listened
to his discourse. We receive you as our father,
because when you speak we have the voice of our
great father beyond the great lake. We rejoice in
the approbation you have expressed of our behaviour.
We have been tried and tempted by the Bostonians ;
but we have loved our father, and our hatchets have
been sharpened upon our affections. In proof of
the sincerity of our professions, our whole villages
able to go to war are come forth. The old and
infirm, our infants and wives alone remain at home.
Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 361
With one common assent we promise a constant
obedience to all you have ordered, and all you shall
order ; and may the Father of Days give you many
and success."
When the Iroquois Chief had concluded his speech
his hearers applauded as before with loud- shouts of
htow I Etow f Etow /
46
n
INDEX.
Anbenaquis, 93.
Abercrombie, General James,
before Ticonderoga, 127;
St. Leger served under,
256; Stanwix under, 258;
mentioned, 217, 258.
Account of Burgoyne's Cam-
paign, see Neilson, Charles.
Acland, Lady Harriet, accom-
panied her husband to
America, 112; conflicting
stories concerning her sec-
ond marriage, 112; escaped
from a burning *tent, 267,
268 ; romantic attachment
for her husband, 268 ; in
the American lines, 298 ;
her heroic conduct, 298,
299 ; described, 299 ; sister
of Capt. Strangways, 338;
mentioned, 295, 339.
Acland, Major John Dyke,
wounded, 211, 290, 298, 343;
his tent burned, 267 ; him-
self burned, 268 ; the ro-
mantic attachment of his
wife, 268 ; biographical no-
tice, III; mentioned, 16,
III.
Adams, Katherine, mother of
Capt. Robert, 137.
Adams, Capt. Robert, mur-
dered by Indians, 135, 136;
biographical notice of, 136-
138.
Adams, Thomas, father of
Capt. Robert, 136, 137.
Adolphus, John, his History
of England, cited, 239.
Agnew, Major William,
wounded, 335 ; biograph-
ical notice, 337.
Albany, Burgoyne, Clinton
and Howe to meet at, 14,
15, 19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 259;
Burgoyne proceeded to-
ward, 21 ; re-enforcements
sent to, 25 ; Burgoyne's
path to, blocked, 29; Clin-
ton on the way to, 46 ; Gen.
Schuyler born and died in,
241, 243 ; the Baroness Rie-
desel in, 243 ; volunteers
from, 250 ; St. Leger to
meet Burgoyne at, 258 ;
mentioned, 19, 28, 33, loi,
108, 240, 244, 257, 277, 281.
Algonquins, the, 93.
364
Index.
Allen, Col. Ethan, captured
Ticonderoga, 127.
Allen, Joseph, his Battles of
the British Navy, cited, 140.
Amboy, evacuated by Howe,
America, a day famous in the
annals of, 317; mentioned,
67, 69, 93, 102, 121, 155,
156, 166, 169, 174, 182, 189,
191, 218, 222,230,234, 239,
245, 246, 300, 305, 306, 310,
325, 327, 330,331,332, 333.
334, 335, 337? 339> 340, 34^,
349. 350.
American Archives, The,
cited, 104, 114, 130, 138,
254, 300.
American Historical Record,
The, cited, 257.
American Revolution, The
History of, see Ramsay,
David, M. D.
American troops, the, trium-
phant in Canada, 3, 8 ;
driven from Quebec, 9, 10;
disheartened, 13 ; sufferings
of, 13, 14; bitterat the loss
of Ticonderoga, 20; impa-
tient for the approach of
Carleton, 172; accused of
inhumanity, 261, 263, 264,
265, 270, 272, 273; defended
by Gates, 261-263.
American War, History of
the, see Stedman, C.
Amhurst, Gen. Jeffrey, cap-
tured Crown Point, 127;
captured Ticonderoga, 127;
biographical notice of, 135-
137-
Anburey, Thomas, biograph-
ical notice of, 17 ; his Trav-
els through the Interior
Parts of America translated
into French and German,
17 ; cited, 17, 18, 123, 130,
131, 134, 175,211-213,237,
252, 255, 268,270,272, 273,
327, 330, 331,332,339. 340,
341, 348, 350,352.
Ancient and Honorable Artil
lery Company, The, 283.
Andover, Mass., 282.
Annual Biography and Obitu-
ary, The, cited, 278.
Annual Register, The, cited,
86, 140, 148.
Anson, Lord, General Howe
served under, 156.
Anstruther, Colonel John,
wounded, 336, 337; bio-
graphical notice of, 344 ;
mentioned, 272, 341.
Anticosti, Island of, described,
96, 97.
Antiochus, 121.
Antroch, Ensign Henry de,
see Danterroch, Henry.
Apollo, The, 187.
Argyle, the Tories of, seek
protection from the In-
dians, 236.
Ariadne, The, 148.
Arnold, Gen. Benedict, joined
Montgomery, 8 ; attacked
by Carleton, 10, 12 ; unable
to form a conjunction with
Sullivan, 12, 13 ; attacked
Burgoyne and Eraser, 30 ;
urged Gates to make a night
attack, 32, 291 ; suspended,
Index.
365
32; a controlling spirit in a
fight, 39, 40, 41 ; duel with
Balcarres, 87 ; dispatched a
party to reconnoitre, 145 ;
commander on the lake,
146, 147, 241 ; built the
Royal Savage, 158; com-
mander of the Congress,
163 ; confidence reposed in,
164; heroic conduct, 171,
288, 289 ; strengthened his
position at Ticonderoga,
172 ; accompanied Phillips
to Virginia, 175 ; supposed
letter to Burgoyne, 241 ;
joined the British, 246 ;
suspected by Clinton, 246,
247 ; with Morgan in Can-
ada, 271 ; his furious attack
upon the Germans, 288,
289; before Quebec, 325;
biographical notice of, 146,
147; mentioned, 9, 313,319.
Arnold, Hannah, letter of, to
her son Benedict, 146.
Arnold's Campaign for the
Conquest of Canada, see
Henry, John Joseph.
Arrogant, The, 150.
Articles of Convention be-
tween Gates and Burgoyne,
312-317.
Astor Library, vi.
August, The, 253.
Baccalaos, early name of New-
foundland, 90.
Balcarres, the Earl of, at-
tacked by Arnold, 41 ; duel
with Arnold, 87 ; landed at
Quebec, 104; wounded,
211,331; biographical no-
tice of,. 86; mentioned, 16,
no, 252, 327.
Balcaskie, Scotland, 344.
Barre, Col. Isaac, demanded
of Germaine what was be-
come of Burgoyne, 65 ; re-
gretted the death of Gen.
Montgomery, 100, loi.
Basque, a province of Spain,
95.
Basques, the, fished early near
Newfoundland, 90.
Batman, defined, 202.
Batten Kill, 249, 253.
Battersby, Lieutenant James,
wounded, 330 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 330.
Battles of the British Navy,
see Allen, Joseph.
Baum, Lieut.-Col. Frederick,
sent to attack Bennington,
23-24; 250, 251, 346; his
command destroyed, 23 ;
taken prisoner, 260 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 260;
mentioned, 193, 194.
Bay of Biscay, 207.
Bay of Placentia, 91.
Beatson, Robert, his Military
Memoirs of Great Britain,
cited, 148 ; his Political
Index to the Histories ot
Great Britain, cited, 148.
Belle Isle, the expedition
against. Col. Hamilton in,
196; General Hodgson in,
207 ; Maj. Walker in, 207;
Capt. Jones in, 325 ; Col.
Lind in, 333 ; Capt. Ram-
say in, 348.
366
Index.
Bemus Heights, the battle of,
Maj. Acland wounded at,
III ; Mrs. Acland at, II2;
Breymann killed at, 193.
Bennington, the patriots
gathered at, 23 ; Gen. Baum
sent to seize the stores at,
23-
Bennington, the battle of,
Lieut.-Col. Peters at, 194;
Gen. Riedesel sent to, 248,
250; Lieut.-Col, Baum
taken prisoner at, 260, 346 ;
the victory at, caused re-
cruits to come into the
American camp, 267 ; Capt.
Durnford taken prisoner at,
346 ; Capt. Salons wounded
at, 352 ; mentioned, 24, 27,
193, 255, 260,261,262, 265.
Berkshire, England, 86.
Berwick, Maine, 10.
Berwick, Scotland, Sir Wil-
liam Howe, governor of,
156.
Betham, the Rev. William,
his Baronetage, cited, 222.
Bingley, Lord, a supposed
relative of Burgoyne, 168.
Biographical Dictionary, see
Blake. John L., D. D.
Bird Islands, The, described,
92.
Birnstead, England, Howarth
died at, 328.
Biscay, a province of Spain,
95.
Biscay, the Bay of, 207.
Biscayners, The, supposed an-
cestors of the Esquimaux,
95 ; traces of, in Europe, 95.
Blake, Capt. John, wounded,
335 ; biographical notice of,
337- 338.
Blake, John L., D. D., his Bio-
graphical Dictionary, cited,
247.
Blackee, see Blacker.
Blacker, Ensign Henry,
wounded, 337 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 345.
Bleurie River, The, 142.
Blomefield, Capt. Thomas,
wounded, 325 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 325, 326.
Bonchetti, Joseph, his British
Dominions in North Amer-
ica, cited, 97.
Boscawen, Admiral Edward,
accompanied to America
by St. Clair, 218.
Boston, Burgoyne's troops to
embark at, 49 ; troops quar-
tered in, 49, 50; Gen. Heath
at the siege of, 62 ; Bur-
goyne in, 115; Capt. Craig
at the siege of, 166; Col.
Marshall born in, 283 ;
mentioned, 60, 61, 62, 103,
113, 147, 182, 194,244, 282,
314, 349-
Boston Gazette, The, Gen.
Heath a writer for, 61.
Boston Massacre, Lieut. Bat-
tersby in the, 330.
Boston, The, burnt, 162 ;
commanded by Sumner,
163.
Botta, Carlo G. G., his His-
tory of the War of Inde-
pendence, cited, loi, 247.
Boucherville, Canada, 193.
Index.
Z^7
Boucherville, Capt. Rene An-
toine de, in command of a
Canadian company, 193 ;
biographical notice of, 193.
Bouquet Expedition, Capt.
Adams in the, 137.
Bouquet, Col. Henry, 200.
Bouquet River, The, named
after Col. Bouquet, 200.
Bourbon River, The, 93.
Bouroughbridge, England,
represented by Gen. Phil-
lips, 174.
Braddock, Gen. Edward, Gen.
Gates served under, 169 ;
Col. Morgan served under,
270 ; Capt. Langlade served
under, 254.
Brampton, England, Arnold's
death at, 147.
Brandywine, Battle of. Gen.
Sullivan at the, 10.
Breed's Hill, 236, see Bunker
Hill.
Brenton, Edward P., his Naval
History of Great Britain,
cited, 148.
Breymann, Lieut.-Col. Hein-
rich Christoph, sent to sup-
port Baum, 24 ; defeated,
24; biographical notice of,
193-194 ; mentioned, 31,
41, 193, 288.
Bribes, Gens. Schuyler and
St. Clair accused of accept-
ing, 219.
British Army Lists, The,
cited, 86, 87, 109, 112, 114,
123, 124, 130, 137, 150, 156,
160, 171, 175, 181, 182. 195,
199, 203, 206, 207, 211, 217,
219,222,225, 234, 235, 245,
247,257,278, 287, 290, 300,
306,312,325, 327, 328, 329,
330,332,333. 334, 335, 336,
337,338,339, 340, 341, 343,
344,345,347, 348, 349, 350,
351,352.
British Family Antiquary, see
Playfaire, William.
British Museum, v, vii.
British North America, Gen.
Craig Governor General of,
167.
British War Office, vi.
Brooks, the Rev. Charles, his
History of Medford, cited,
213.
Brown, Col., attacked Ticon-
deroga, 277.
Brudenel, the Rev. Edward,
performed the funeral serv-
ice at the burial of General
Eraser, 296 ; conducted
Lady Acland to the Amer-
ican lines, 298, 299 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 298.
Brunswick, 334.
Brunswick Dragoons, The,
260.
Brymen, see Breymann, Lieut.-
Col. Heinrich Christoph.
Brymner, Mr. Douglas, vi, 195.
Buckingham, James Silk, his
Canada, Nova Scotia and
other British Provinces,
cited, 92.
Bullet, Story of the Silver,
33, 34-
Bunbury, Capt. Abraham,
wounded, 337 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 345.
368
Index.
Bunker Hill, the battle of, its
effect upon the English
Government, 4, 5 ; Dear-
born at, 38; the retreat
from Long Island com-
pared to the, 60 ; Col. Nes-
bit at, 114; witnessed by
Burgoyne, 116; the assault
led by Gen. Howe, 155 ;
Capt. Craig at, 166, 167;
L'Estrange at, 182; Col.
Hale at, 216; Sir Henry
Clinton at, 246; Col. Dow-
ling at, 335 ; Lieut. Eng-
land at, 349 ; mentioned,
236, 313-
Burgoyne, Lady Charlotte,
115.
Burgoyne, Lieut.-Gen. Sir
John, drove Sullivan to St.
Johns, 10; sailed for Eng-
land, 13, 14; at Quebec,
14, 187; in command of
the Northern army, 14, 15,
X84, 85, 187, 188; at Mon-
treal, 15 ; letter to Lord
Germaine, 15; occupied a
post near Ticonderoga, 15 ;
fine equipped army, 16-18;
army divided into three
brigades, 17; detached St.
Leger to Fort Schuyler,
18 ; at Crown Point, 19 ;
before Ticonderoga, 19, 20;
his position discovered, 20 ;
captured Ticonderoga, 20;
victory celebrated, 21, 172 ;
letter to Lord Germaine,
21 ; sent for more troops,
21-22; to Skeensborough,
22 ; his progress hindered,
22, 30; discontent of his
allies, and army weakened,
22-23 ; sent Baum to Ben-
nington, 23 ; embarrassed,
24, 29, 37 ; disheartened
letter to Lord Germaine,
24-27 ; messages to Gen.
Howe intercepted, 25, 28,
123; to meet Howe at Al-
bany, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188,
257, 258; recruits at Lake
Champlain, 26; communi-
cations cut off, 26, 197 ;
awaited Howe's operations,
26 ; peril of his position,
27, 28, 29; defeat of St.
Leger, 27 ; crossed the
Hudson, 28 ; at Dovegat,
29 ; path blocked, 29; army
divided, 29, 30 ; attacked
by Arnold and Morgan, 30,
38;. failed to follow a gained
advantage, 31, 275 ; un-
justly claimed victory, 31 ;
advised to advance, 32 ; re-
ceived letters from Gen.
Clinton, 32-34, 275 ; mes-
senger to, taken prisoner,
33, 284 ; hoped for re-en-
forcements, 32, 33 ; fortified
his camp, 33, 34; letter to
Clinton, 35, 36; position
more critical, 37, 288, 289,
300 ; prepared to attack the .
Americans, 37 ; attacked by
the enemy, 38 ; ordered a
retreat, 40, 41 ; moved
across Fish Creek, 42, 293 ;
not guilty of spending the
night in revelry, 42, 43 ;
sent a force to clear the
Index.
369
way to Fort Edward, 44 ;
a still more critical position,
46 ; called a council, 46, 47,
317, 318; a retreat pre-
vented by the enemy, 46,
47, 251, 279; proposed a
surrender, 47, 296, 305-307 ;
his terms accepted, 47 ; en-
deavored to break the
agreement, 47-48, 309, 310,
311; treaty signed, 48, 312;
surrendered, 49 ; troops
started for Boston, 49 ; dif-
ficulty in supplying quarters
for his army, 51, 52; com-
plicated affairs, 53 ; his sup-
plies in arrears, 54; regimen-
tal colors not given up, 55,
74 ; his utterances carefully
.scanned, 57; his soldiers
deserted, 58 ; feeling of
doubt concerning him, 58 ;
his health impaired, 59;
embarked for England, 59,
88, 173; paid expenses for
his troops, 59 ; felt that the
A m e r ic a n Government
treated him unjustly, 64;
dispatches from, reach
England, 66, 346 ; the dis-
aster of his army expected,
64-66, 318, 319; his recep-
tion in London, 66, 67 ;
published an address on his
campaign, 68, 69 ; ministry
hostile, 68 ; accused of try-
ing to supplant Carleton,
68 ; charged with double
dealing, 68 ; endeavored to
have his captured army lib-
erated, 68 ; demanded a
47
trial, 68-69 ; assailed by
pamphlets, 69, 70 ; popular,
67, 68, 69 ; ordered to
America, 67, 68, 69; his
army a sacrifice to a blunder
of Lord Germaine, 70, 321 ;
Howe's failure to co-oper-
ate with him a puzzle to
Washington, 71, 72; com-
pared to Howe, 72 ; second
in command, 84, 85; treated
prisoners humanely, 108 ;
his expedition against Forts
Chambly and St. Johns,
114-116; in Parliament,
115; general orders of, 1 19;
orders against scalping,
135) 359; on the Maria,
151 ; erected a block-house,
152; witnessed the battle
of Bunker Hill, 155 ; his
favorite aid-de-camp, 160;
his parentage, 168 ; com-
plimented Carleton, 172 ;
advised Carleton to ad-
vance, 172; left Phillips in
command of the troops,
175 ; Colonel of the Queen's
Regiment, 189, 229, 231,
232 ; Governor of Fort
William, 189, 229, 231,
232; manifesto of, 189-192;
humorous replies to, 192,
229-232 ; his unfavorable
opinion of the Provincial
loyalists, 195 ; on St. Clair's
want of foresight, 204 ;
praised the Grenadiers, 212;
occupied Mount Defiance,
218 ; said to have bribed
Gens. Schuyler and St.
370
Index.
Clair, 219; eulogized Gen.
Montgomery, 221 ; in Port-
ugal, 222 ; eulogized Gen.
Fraser, 224-22 5 ; his advance
on Skeensborough a help
to the enemy, 227-228 ; is-
sued a proclamation, 233 ;
not in favor of hiring In-
dians, 237-239, 262 ; letters
to Gen. Gates, 237, 263,
259-265 ; supposed letter
from Gen. Arnold, 241 ; de-
stroyed the house of Gen.
Schuyler, 243 ; at Duer's
house, 244 ; Gen. Clinton's
weak attempt to help him,
246; at Fort Miller, 249;
crossed the Hudson, 249,
267 ; on St. Luc, 254 ; his
orders relating to deserters,
256 ; to meet St. Leger at
Albany, 257, 258; com-
plained of the treatment of
prisoners, 261; sent supplies
to his officers, 263 ; de-
fended himself against the
aspersions of Gen. Gates,
264-265; on Saratoga
Heights, 267, 300; com-
pared to Gen. Gates, 274;
his reasons for not follow-
ing the advice of Fraser
and Phillips, 275 ; his death
reported, 277 ; heard of
Clinton's advance, 278 ;
criticised in his own army,
291 ; baggage destroyed,
301 ; denied having unnec-
essarily destroyed property,
301; discontent in his army,
302-303 ; articles of sur-
render given in full, 312-
317 ; his surrender the turn-
ing point of the Revolution,
318; his meeting with Gen.
Gates, 320; letters to Lord
Germaine, 323 ; not to be
censured, 323 ; return of
the killed, wounded and
prisoners of his command,
324; return of his troops,
355 ; his speech to the In-
dians, 356-360; other
speeches of, cited, 68, 254,
302 ; biographical notice of,
114-116; mentioned, V, vi,
vii, I, 2, 16, 18, 56, 65, 117,
123, 136, 139, 150, 170, 192,
194, I97» 198' 211, 219, 220,
239, 243, 260, 271, 281, 282,
297, 308,313, 314,315. 316,
322, 325.327, 332,333, 335,
337,343,345,348; the Con-
vention of Saratoga, see
Deane, Charles, LL.D. ;
his letter to his constitu-
ents, cited, 66 ; his Orderly-
Book, see O'Callaghan, Ed-
mund B., LL.D.; his State
of the Expedition from
Canada, cited, 15, 21, 24,
49, 50, 69, 112, 175, 325,
327. 5^^, «/j-c», Fonblanque,
Edward Barrington, de ;
Neilson, Chas.; and Stone,
Col. William L.
Burgoyne, Sir John Fox, son
of Gen, Sir John, 116.
Burgoyne's Light-Horse, 115.
Burke, Sir Bernard, his
Landed Gentry, cited, 181 ;
his Peerage and Baronet-
Index.
371
age, cited, 86, 87, 104, 112,
116, 156, 160, 327, 338,
340.
Burke, Edmund, denounced
the employment of merce-
nary troops, 7;. eulogized
Montgomery, loi.
Burcaco, the battle of, Gen.
Howarth at, 328.
Cab riding, 180.
Cambridge, Mass., Lieut.
Digby at, vii ; officers quar-
tered at, 50 ; Balcarres at,
87 ; Gen. Thompson at,
107 ; flags displayed at,
161; Gen. Gates at, 170;
Gen. Phillips at, 175 ; Col.
Morgan at, 270 ; Gen.
Learned at, 282 ; Capt.
Bunbury at, 345 ; Capt.
Shrimpton at, 350; men-
tioned, 59, 212, 216, 326.
Campbell, Capt. Alexander,
carried a dispatch from
Burgoyne to Gen. Clinton,
Canada, Lieut. Digby in, vi,
vii ; Forty-third Regiment
in, vi, 2 ; Americans tri-
umphant in, 3, 8 ; Gen,
Carleton to remain in, 14 ;
Gen. Montgomery's cam-
paign in, 19 ; Gen. Amherst
in, 135 ; Gen. Gates in, 170 ;
mentioned, v, 3, 21, 38, 39,
41, 55, 65, 83, 92, 93, no,
114, 119, 122, 123, 124, 129,
133, 149, 171, 173, 176, 180,
187, 188, 189, 193, 194, 197.
198, 199, 200, 203, 218, 226,
240, 253, 257, 258, 279, 282,
283,285,300, 316, 326, 329,
330, 332, 336, 345, 347, 348,
349, 352 ; Arnold's Cam-
paign for the Conquest of,
see Henry, John Joseph ;
Conquest of, see Jones,
Charles H. ; The History
of, see Garneau, Francis
Xavier; Nova Scotia and
other British Provinces, see
Buckingham, James Silk ;
State of the Expedition
from, see Burgoyne, Lieut.-
Gen. Sir John.
Canadians, Gen. Carleton's
treatment of the, 85, 184;
employed in the British
army, 119, 142, 238 ; forced
to work in irons, 120; char-
acter of the, 122 ; do not
bury their dead in the
winter, 183; under Bouch-
erville and Moning, 193 ;
under McKay, 300 ; de-
serted, 304 ; returned to
Canada, 316.
Canoes, how constructed,
123-125.
Cape Breton, 194, 253.
Cape of Good Hope, Lieut.
Scott at the, 124; Capt.
Pringle in command at the,
48 ; Capt. Craig governor
of, 167.
Cape Race, 91.
Cape Rosiers, 91.
Cardigan, Capt. Longcroft, in
command of the Sea Fenci-
bles off, 151.
Caresford, The, 83, 91.
372
Index.
Caribs, the campaign against,
149; Capt. Green in the,
278.
Carib war, Capt. Pilot in the,
149.
Carillon, name given to the
present Ticonderoga by
Montcalm, 127.
Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, took
refuge in Quebec, 8 ; forced
Gen. Thomas to retreat, 9,
10; his army divided, 10;
attacked Gen. Arnold at
Montreal, 10 ; improvised
a navy, 1 1 ; pushed on to
Crown Point, 12 ; eluded
by Arnold, 12; destroyed
the American fleet, 12;
prudence dictated to him to
withdraw his army, 13, 18 ;
stationed parts of his army
along the St. Lawrence,
13 ; in winter quarters at
Quebec, 13; criticised by
Lord Germaine and others,
13 ; arrival of Burgoyne,
14 ; appointed commander
of the Canadian depart-
ment, 14 ; letter to Lord
Germaine, 14 ; departure of
Burgoyne, 16 ; asked to gar-
rison Ticonderoga, 21-22;
did not assist Burgoyne
in the campaign, 22, 27 ;
Burgoyne accused of art-
fully supplanting him, 68 ;
in command of the northern
army, 84 ; friend of Gen.
Montgomery, 100 ; at the
defence of Quebec, 102 ;
drove the enemy to Fort
Sorel, 103 ; waited for ship,
103-104; treated prisoners
humanely, 108, 133 ; en-
couraged the hiring of In-
dians, 121; his orders to
arrest all rebels, 133 ; on
the Maria, 157 ; sent troops
to Crown Point, 162 ; elated
at the capture of Col.
Waterbury, 163 ; paroled
the prisoners, 166; the
Americans impatient for
him to approach, 172 ; close
to Crown Point, 172; did
not follow the advice of
Burgoyne and Phillips, 172 ;
complimented by Bur-
goyne, 172; reconnoitered
the enemy's lines, 174—175 ;
his character, 183, 184;
criticised for not taking
Ticonderoga, 187, 188; let-
ters to and from Germaine,
238, 258 ; commander-in-
chief, 247 ; suspected St.
Luc of treachery, 253 ;
Burgoyne to notify him of
the surrender, 316; sent
messenger to England, 318;
biographical notice of, 84-
86; mentioned, v, 9, 38,
69, 71, 113, 120, 123, 130,
132, 140, 145, 157, 158, 167,
182, 196, 197, 332, 333, 338,
339.341,348, 349, 352.
Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, Let-
ters of, cited, 123.
Carleton, Lady Maria How-
ard, wife of Gen. Sir Guy,
145, 148.
Carleton, The, launched, 139;
Index.
Z1Z
named, 145 ; commanded
by Lieut. Dacres, 152 ;
mentioned, 148, 151, 158,
176.
Carlisle, Pa., Gen. Thomp-
son's death at, 108.
Carlisle, Pa., Gazette, The,
cited, 127.
Carriole, a, described, 180,
181.
Carter, Capt. John, destroyed
baggage at Skeensborough,
205-206; his spirited con-
duct, 223 ; biographical no-
tice of, 205, 206.
Cartier, Capt. Jacques, dis-
covered the Island of Anti-
costi, 97 ; named the pres-
ent Island of Orleans, Isle
of Bacchus, 103 ; his Jour-
nal Historique, cited, 103.
Caryole, see Carriole.
Case, the Rev. Wheeler,
Poems of, cited, 320.
Castletown, Gen. St. Clair at,
218; Burgoyne issued a
proclamation for the people
to send deputies to, 233 ;
mentioned, 21.
Cataracony, de Boucherville
born at, 193.
Catherine, Queen of Russia,
refused to assist George
in., 5, 6; called "Sister
Kitty," 6.
Catlin, George, his American
Indians, cited, 121.
Cedars, The, 84.
Cerberus, The, at Boston,
115; humorous lines upon.
115.
by
Ceres, The, commanded
Dacres, 139.
Chambersburg, 137.
Chambly Rapids, 151.
Champlain, Lake, see Lake
Champlain.
Champlain, Samuel de, named
the Island of Anticosti, 97 ;
called the present Richelieu
River the River of the Iro-
quois, 103 ; named Lake
St. Peters, 113; probably
visited the site of Ticon-
deroga, 126-127; named
the Isle-aux Noix, 135 ;
discovered Lake George,'
214; his Voyages, cited,
97, 113, 127.
Charibs, see Caribs.
Charlestown, Mass., Col. Nes-
bit at the burning of,
114.
Charlestown, S. C, 195, 246.
Charlevoix, P. F. X. de, his
History of New France,
cited, 97 ; his letters to the
Duchess de Lesdiguires,
cited, 103, 104.
Chatham, 330.
Chatham, the Earl of, de-
nounced the employment
of mercenary troops, 7 ;
upon the surrender of Bur-
goyne, 65.
Cheeseman, 134.
Cheltenham, death of Col.
Green at, 278.
Cherbourg, Gen. Burgoyne at
the attack of, 115.
Cheonderoga, former name of
Ticonderoga, 126.
374
Index.
Cherokees, campaign against
the, 234, 310.
Chesapeake Bay, Howe's fleet
in the, 321.
Chippewas, The, under Lang-
lade, 254, 255.
Clarke, Capt. Sir Francis Carr,
information obtained by,
160, 164; discussed the
merits of the Revolution
with Gates, 171 ; favorite
aid-de-camp of Burgoyne,
171, 306; killed, 160, 291,
338 ; succeeded by Maj.
Kingston, 305 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 160; men-
tioned, 161.
Clinton, Francis Fiennes,
grandfather of Sir Henry,
246.
Clinton, George, father of Sir
Henry, former governor of
New York, 246,
Clinton, Gen, Sir Henry, in
command at New York, 25 ;
Burgoyne sent a messenger
to urge him up the Hudson,
27, 28, 248, 249, 277, 279,
346; a letter from him
reached Burgoyne, 32, 33 ;
about to ascend the river,
33; a messenger of, taken
prisoner, 33, 284 ; letters to
Burgoyne, 33, 34, 246, 275 ;
letters from Burgoyne, 35,
36, 123, 124; captured Forts
Montgomery and Clinton,
45, 47 ; burned Kingston
and returned to New York,
46 ; his progress up the
Hudson alarmed Gates, 49 ;
offered to renew the obliga-
tion of the convention at
Saratoga, 59 ; ceased to sup-
ply the convention prison-
ers, 62 ; superseded by Gen.
Carleton, 84; in Boston,
155 ; criticised for his weak
attempt to assist Burgoyne,
246 ; reported advance up
the river, 278 ; Burgoyne
waited to hear from him,
279,285,310,311,312; bio-
graphical notice of, 246, 247;
mentioned, 19, 314, 319,
345 ; his narrative cited,
247 ; his Observations on
Stedman's History of the
American War, cited, 247.
Clinton, Gen. James, received
an interrupted letter from
Sir Henry Clinton to Bur-
goyne, 33, 34.
Codfish, strange story of the,
89-90.
Codlands, early name of New-
foundland, 91.
Coffin, Sir Isaac, named the
Bird Islands, 92,
Coffin's Islands, 92.
Cogswell, M., teacher of Gen.
Arnold, 146.
Collections of the New Hamp-
shire Historical Society,
cited, 233.
Collections of the Wisconsin
Historical Society, cited,
255.
College de Louis-le-Grand,
17-
Collins, Arthur, his Peerage,
cited, 86.
Index.
375
Colonial History of New
York, see O'Callaghan,
Edmund B., LL. D.
Colors of the captured regi-
ments said to have been left
in Canada, 54, 55 ; proved
to be false, 55, 56, 74, see
Flags.
Congress, The Continental,
Gen. Sullivan a delegate to,
10 ; Gen. Gates before, 170 ;
Gens. Schuyler and St.
Clair before, 241, 242 ; men-
tioned, 61, 62, 63, 99, 161,
164, 166, 194,283,313.
Congress, The, burnt, 162 ;
commanded by Arnold,
163.
Connecticut, proposed opera-
tions in, 25 ; Whitcomb a
native of, 131 ; mentioned,
146, 162, 193.
Connecticut, History of, see
Hollister, G. H.
Connecticut, The, burnt, 162 ;
commanded by Grant, 163.
Connel, Ensign Morgan,
wounded and a prisoner,
333; nothing further known
of him, 336.
Continental army, 218, see
American troops. The, 218.
Cooke, Lieut. John, killed at
Freeman's Farm, 332 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 332.
Cooke, John Eesten, his Life
of Daniel Morgan, cited,
271.
Cooper, 134.
Copenhagen, Capt. Blome-
field at the siege of, 326.
Cork, Cove of, the troops
sailed from, 4, 83,98, 151,
339-
Cornwallis, Lord, the surren-
der of, 70, 219, 247; Gen.
Gates served under, 169; ^
governor of Halifax, 169;
Gen. Money on the staff of,
290; mentioned, 39, 195.
Correspondence in the Public
Record Office, cited, 4.
Corrica, Capt. Greene in, 278.
Cortereal, Capt. Gasper, seized
natives for slaves, 95.
Coudres, Isle aux, see Isle-
aux-Coudres.
Council of Censors, 166.
Court and City Register, cited,
150.
Coutty, Samuel, father of
Anne Reynell, 339.
Cove of Cork, see Cork, Cove
of.
Coveville, formerly Davagot,
297.
Cowpens, the battle of, Col.
Morgan at, 271.
Craig, Capt. James H., cap-
tured thirty men at Sorel
river, 126; went with the
flag of truce to the Ameri-
can hnes, 166, 167; took
dispatches to England, 167,
318; prepared a letter to
Wilkinson, 310; biograph-
ical notice of, 166-168.
Cream carried in a basket and
sold by weight, 180.
Creasy, Sir Edward, his Fif-
teen Decisive Battles of the
World, cited, 74.
Z7^
Index.
Crown Point, Arnold and
Sullivan fall back to, ii,
12; Carleton withdrew his
troops from, 13, 18; used
as a hospital and magazine
by Burgoyne, 15 ; formerly
called Fort St. Frederick,
1 26 ; captured by Gen. Am-
herst, 127 ; captured by Col.
Warner, 127; Gen. Water-
bury at, 163 ; Lieut. Digby
at, 164; commanded by
Maj. Heartley, 165 ; weakly
garrisoned, 174; feu-de-
joy at, 225 ; mentioned, 21,
117, 135, 147, 162, 177, 200.
Crown Point, name given by
Gen. Money to his estate,
290; death of Gen. Money
at, 290.
Cuba, Capt. Stapleton in the
expedition against, 347.
Culbertson, Alexander, father
of Lieut, Joseph, 137.
Culbertson, Lieut. Joseph,
murdered by Indians, 135,
136 ; biographical notice of,
137, 138.
Culbertson, Margaret, mother
of Lieut. Joseph, 137.
Culbertson, Robert, in the
Pennsylvania line, 137.
Culbertson, Samuel, in the
Pennsylvania line, 137.
Culbertson's Row, 137.
Cullen, Lieut. Wm., wounded,
331 ; biographical notice of,
332.
Cumberland Bay, Americans
cruising in the, 177.
Cumberland county, 137.
Cumberland valley, 126.
Curray, see Currie.
Currie, Lieut. Samuel, killed,
334 ; biographical notice of,
336.
Curwen, Samuel, his Journals
and Letters, cited, 171.
Dacres, Lieut. James Richard,
commanded the Carleton,
139,152; Longcroft served
under, 151 ; biographical
notice, 139.
Danterroche, Ensign Henry,
a prisoner, 337 ; biograph-
ical notice, 346.
Davacot, see Dovegat.
Davagot, sec Dovegat.
Davis, commander of the Lee,
164.
Dearborn, Lieut.-Col. Henry,
leader of the New England
troops, 38, 39; biographical
notice of, 38, 39.
Deane, Charles, LL. D., his
Lieut. -Gen. John Burgoyne
and the Convention of Sara-
toga, cited, 57.
De AntroQlT, see Danterroche.
Deer, an abundance of, 154,
165.
De Fermoy, Gen. Roche, 20.
Delaware river. The, 161, 282,
319' 321.
Demarara, Kingston, Lieu-
tenant-Governor of, 306.
Denmark, 95.
Denys, Nicholas, a map of,
cited, 92.
De Peyster, Gen. John Watts,
cited, 20.
Index.
377
Derby, the Earl of, a daughter
of, married Gen. Burgoyne,
115.
Destruction Bay, 176.
De Warrville, J. P. Brissot,
visited Gen. Heath, 62 ; his
New Travels in the United
States of America, cited,
62.
Dickenson, , commanded
the Enterprise, 164.
Dieskau, Baron Ludwig Au-
gust, at Fort Miller, 244.
Digby, Lieutenant William,
but little known of his per-
sonal history, vi, 1-2 ; en-
tered the British army, vi ;
in Ireland, vi, 2, 3 ; at Que-
bec, vi, 104 ; embarked for
America, vi ; at Chambly,
vi, 118; followed the for-
tunes of Burgoyne and pa-
roled at Cambridge, vii
on duty in Canada, vii, 2
retired from the service, vii
anchored off the Isle-aux-
Coudres, 102 ; at the Island
of Orleans, 103 ; at Point
Neuf, 105 ; at Trois Riv-
ieres, 106; lost a particu-
lar friend, 109; at Lake St.
Peter, 113; before Fort
Sorel, 113; at St. Denis,
116; at Belloeville, 118 ; at
Montreal, 120 ; at St. Johns,
135, 139; sick, 148-149; his
brother-in-law, 149; went to
Riviere-la-Cole, 150; on the
Loyal Convert, 1 50, 152; at
Point au Fer, 152 ; ordered
to Crown Point, 162; at
48
Crown Point, 164; at Riv-
iere Sable, 173; bound for
Canada, 176; for St. Johns,
177-178; at Bouquet river,
200 ; before Ticonderoga,
206 ; on Mount Independ-
ence, 208-210; marched
toward Skeensborough,
219-220; delayed, 226; de-
parted for Fort Anne, 233;
left Fort Anne, 239; near
Fort Edward, 240 ; at Fort
, Miller, 244; ordered back,
245 ; at Batten Kill, 249,
253 ; crossed the Hudson,
267 ;. foraging, 286 ; in the
retreat, 293 ; at Dovegat,
297 ; on the heights of Sara-
toga, 300 ; for Fort Edward,
300 ; baggage destroyed,
301 ; at the burning of
Schuyler's house, 301-302 ;
surrender of the army, 310-
317; prepared to march,
317; mentioned, 20, 116,
133. 135, 150. 158, 161, 181,
184, 192,217, 234, 250, 275,
277,278,283, 284, 290, 301,
317,340,361.
Documents relating to the
Colonial History of New
York, see O'Callaghan, Ed-
mund B., LL. D.
Don, Lieut. John, wounded,
344 ; biographical notice of,
348.
Dorchester, the Baron of,
86.
Douglas, Sir Charles, com-
mander of the Isis, 104;
biographical notice of, 104.
378
Index.
Douglas, Lieut. James, killed,
330j 335 ; biographical no-
tice of, 330.
Doulin, see Dowling,
Dovegat, Gen. Burgoyne at,
29 ; the retreat to, 41 ; army
moved from, 42; lines formed
at, 297 ; now called Cove-
ville, 297 ; origin of the
name, 297 ; long halt at,
302.
Dowlin, see Dowling.
Dowling, Lieutenant James,
wounded, 332, 333; bio-
graphical notice of, 335.
Dowling, Captain Richard,
wounded, 332, 334; bio-
graphical notice of, 334.
Doyle, Lieutenant William,
wounded, 335 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 338-339.
Dublin, Captain Henry Pilot,
town major of, 150; men-
tioned, 49, 221, 222.
Duer's house, the head-quar-
ters of Burgoyne, 244, 337.
Duncan, F., his History of the
Royal Artillery, cited, 175,
206, 207, 287, 325, 327, 328,
329-
Dundas, Col. Francis, accom-
panied Arnold, 246.
Dunford, see Durnford.
Dunlap, William, his History
of New York, cited, 247.
■ Dunmore, John Murray, Earl
of, 319.
Durham, N. H., 10.
Durnford, Captain Andrew, a
prisoner, 338 ; biographical
notice of, 346.
Edinburgh, Captain Pringle
died at, 148; Gen. St. Clair
born in, 218.
Egle, William H., M. D., vi,
127, 138.
Eighth Foot, 344.
Eighty-fifth Foot, 353.
Eighty-first Foot, 351.
Eighty-fourth Foot, 331.
Eighty-second Foot, 167.
Eighty-sixth Foot, 306.
Eighty-third Foot, 348, 349.
Eleventh Dragoons, 115.
Eleventh Foot, 196, 305.
Eleventh Regiment of Massa-
chusetts, 21 1.
England, the people opposed
to hiring German troops, 6-
7; Burgoyne sailed for, 13-
14, 59 ; the disaster of Bur-
goyne not unexpected in,
64-66 ; Capt. Craig took
dispatches to, 167; the re-
ception of the news of Bur-
goyne's surrender in, 318-
319; mentioned, 5, 14,51,
52, 56, 65, 87, 95, 103, 115,
124, 139, 140, 147, 148, 149,
150, 151, 173, 174, 194, 199,
203, 207, 222, 223, 226, 234,
278,290,310, 322, 325, 334,
336,346,349, 350, 351, 353.
England, Histories of, see
Adolphus, John ; Knight,
Charles, and Mahon, Lord.
England, Lieut. Poole, a pris-
oner, 345 ; biographical no-
tice of, 349.
Enterprise, The, commanded
by Dickenson, 104; men-
tioned, 144, 162.
Index.
379
Eskmouth, Scotland, 104.
Esquimaux, The, in New-
foundland, 93 ; origin of the
name of, 93 ; ate raw flesh,
93 ; described, 93-96.
Etiquette, a poem, 313, 314.
Europe, the eyes of, on Bur-
goyne's army, 259; men-
tioned, 51,
Exeter, N. H., 282.
Expedition of Lieut.-Colonel
Barry St. Leger, see Stone,
Col. William L.
Falkirk, the battle of, 234.
Farmington, Mass., General
Learned born at, 282.
Farquar, Captain William,
wounded, 332; biograph-
ical notice of, 335.
Featherstone, Lieut. William,
wounded, 344 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 349.
Federal Constitution, The, 62.
Felinghausen, Gen. Money at
the battle of, 290.
Ferdinand, Prince, 174, 334.
Ferentes d'Onore, battle of,
Howarth at the, 328.
Ferguson, Col., 213.
Fetherston, see Featherstone.
Field Book of the Revolution,
see Lossing, Benson J.
Fielding, Adjutant Isaac,
wounded, 349; biograph-
ical notice of, 353.
Fifteen Decisive Battles of
the World, see Creasy, Sii
Edward.
Fifteenth Foot, The, 198.
Fifty-fifth Foot, The, 86.
Fifty-sixth Foot, The, 335 ;
Historical Record of, cited
325.
Fifty-third Grenadiers, The,
290.
Fifty-third Regiment of Foot,
The, Lieut. Digby in, vi ;
organized, 2 ; uniform of, 2 ;
in Ireland, vi, 2 ; ordered to
Canada, vi, 2 ; Capt. Scott
a member of, 36 ; a portion
of it at the capture of Ti-
conderoga, T^y, 124; men-
tioned, 86, 109, no, 181,
196,203,221,245,277,332;
Historical Record of, cited,
203, 245, 332.
Filbert Island, named by Car-
tier, 98, see IsIe-aux-Cou-
dres.
First Foot, The, 128, 234;
Historical Record of, cited,
^.235.
Pish Creek, 42.
Fish Kiln, 298, 299.
Fitch, Asa, his Survey of
Washington County, cited,
217.
Fitzgerald, Adjutant George
Tobias, killed, 336; bio-
graphical notice of, 344.
Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond,
his Life of William, Earl of
Shelburne, cited, 65, 70,
'^'h'^^ 239, 322.
Flag, The American, Sir Fran-
cis Clarke on, 160-161 ; de-
scribed, 161, 234-235 ; ac-
count of, 161 ; different
ones, 161 ; materials used
in making one for Fort
38o
Index.
Schuyler, i6i ; of Liberty,
20 1, see Colors.
Fleet, The American, on Lake
Champlain, 162-164.
Fleet, The English, on Lake
Champlain, 152.
Florida, ceded to Great Brit-
ain, 149, 347; Capt. Greene
in, 278 ; Lieut. Wright in,
329; Capt. Harris in, 331;
Lieut. Currie in, 336; Capt.
Stapleton in, 347 ; Gen.
Whitemore in, 347.
Fonblanque, Edward Barring-
ton de, his Life of Sir John
Burgoyne, cited, 7, 13, 33,
42, 74, 83, 112, 116, 124,
168, 171, 204, 284, 298,
299.
Fort Anne, the Americans re-
tired to, 221 ; built by Col.
Nickerson, 221 ; described,
221 ; Captain Montgomery
wounded and taken a pris-
oner at, 221 ; Col. Hill be-
fore, 224 ; destroyed, 224;
the victory at, of no great
benefit to the English, 227 ;
the army advanced toward,
233; Lieut. Westropp killed
at, 234 ; march from, 239 ;
Lieut, Stevelly wounded at,
352 ; Lieuts. Fielding and
Murray wounded at, 353.
Fort Arnold, 60.
Fort Chamble, sec Fort Cham-
bly.
Fort Chambly, Gen. Burgoyne
to command the expedition
against, 114-116; described,
116, 128; captured by the
Americans, 1 16, 128; retreat
from, n8; mentioned, vi,
II, 117, 120, 129, 131.
Fort Cumberland, Gen. Gates
at, 169.
Fort Du Quesne, Sutherland
at the surrender of, 310.
Fort Edward, Gen. Schuyler
at, 19; in possession of the
Americans, 44, 46 ; army
encamped near, 240 ; the
retreat from, 242 ; men-
tioned, 25, 37, 44, 228, 233,
259, 262, 292, 297, 300, 302,
337, 354-
Fort Frederic, see I'ort St.
Frederic.
Fort George, account of, 227-
228 ; erected by Montcalm,
227 ; named for the Duke
of York, 228 ; heavy bag-
gage at, 240, 247 ; a regi-
ment ordered back to, 245 ;
. mentioned, 39, 256, 302.
Fortieth Foot, The, 210, 211.
Fort Independence, General
Riedesel before, 19; men-
tioned, 205, 214, see Mount
Independence.
Fort la Mothe, formerly Fort
St. Anne, 143.
Fort Ligonier, Gen. St. Clair
in command at, 218.
Fort Miller, evacuated by the
Americans, 244 ; account
of, 244 ; denominated as
Duer's house, 244; Gen.
Burgoyne at, 249.
Fort Montgomery captured
by Gen. Clinton, 124; men-
tioned, 33, 36.
Index.
381
Fort St. Anne, formerly called
Fort la Mothe, 143.
Fort St. Frederic, former name
of Crown Point, 126, 135.
Fort St, Johns, Gen. Sullivan
driven to, 10, 118; Gen.
Burgoyne's departure from,
16; Burgoyne's expedition
against, 114-116; captured
by the Americans, 116; first
erected by Montcalm, 116;
vessels built at, 120; cap-
tured, 128; Lieut. Digby
^t, 135, 139; troops assem-
bled at, 188; captured by
Gen. Montgomery, 300 ;
mentioned, 11, 13, 125, 129,
131, 140, I49» 154, 170, 173,
176, 177, 201.
Fort St. Louis, the present
site of Fort Chambly, 1 16.
Fort St. Phillip, 333,
Fort Schuyler, St. Leger sent
to, 18 ; Gen. Gansevoort at,
19; St. Leger at, 23, 161 ;
flag made for, 161 ; formerly
Fort Stanwix, 258.
Fort Sorel, origin of the name,
103 ; the Americans driven
to, 103, 114; Lieut. Digby
at, 113.
Fort Stanwix, unsuccessful
expedition to, 257 ; ac-
count of, 257-258 ; repaired
by Gen. Schuyler, 258.
Fort Ticonderoga, see Ticon-
deroga.
Fort William, Gen. Burgoyne
governor of, 189, 229.
Fort William Henry, the de-
struction of, 227.
Forty-eighth Foot, The, 256,
257.
Forty-fifth Foot, The, 123.
Forty-fourth Foot, The, 221.
Forty-second Foot, The, 86.
Forty-seventh Foot, The, 1 14,
144, 182, 300, 330, 335, 349.
Forty-seventh Foot, The His-
torical Record of, cited, 1 82,
335-
Forty-seventh Light Infantry,
166.
Forty-seventh Regiment, The,
144, 196, 221.
Forty-sixth Foot, The, 155,
196.
Forty-sixth Foot, The His-
torical Record of, cited, 1 56.
Foster's Peerage and Orders
of Knighthood, cited, 87.
Fourth Foot, The, 114, 344.
Fox, Charles James, on Lord
Germaine, 238 ; eulogized
Gen. Montgomery, loi.
Fox, Elizabeth, wife of Ste-
phen, 338.
Fox, Stephen, father of Ste-
phen Digby Strangways,
338.
Foxes, The, under Langlade,
254, 255.
France, the partial sympathy
of, for the Americans, 7 ;
mentioned, 95, 207, 334,
348.
Francis Ebenezer, father of
Col. Ebenezer, 211.
Francis, Col. Ebenezer, killed,
211; biographical notice of,
211-213; mentioned, 329,
332, 350.
382
Index.
Francis, Rachel Whitemore,
mother of Col. Ebenezer,
211; her grief at the loss of
her son, 212, 213.
Fraser, Lieut. Alexander, sent
to head off the Americans,
107 ; sent to reconnoiter,
122 ; biographical notice of,
122-123.
Fraser, Gen. Simon, took pos-
session of Mount Hope,
19, 202 ; succeeded by Bal-
carres, 87 ; Riedesel sent
to help him, 217; sent his
prisoners to Ticonderoga,
219; praised by Burgoyne,
224, 225; bravery of, 274;
advised Burgoyne to ad-
vance, 275 ; wounded, 287-
290 ; died, 293-296 ; burial
of, 296; mentioned, 16, 30,
3i> 32, 37, 38, 39. 40, 41,
III, 122, 140, 161, 177, 193,
207, 208, 220, 223, 224, 235,
236,251,329, 344.
Fraser,Lieut.-Col. Simeon,had
charge of the troops that
sailed from Cork, 4 ; sent to
reconnoiter, 142 ; returned
with but little information,
143; took a prisoner, 174;
killed, 335; biographical no-
tice of, 83 ; mentioned, 109,
193, 300, 352.
Frazier, see Fraser.
Frederick, Prince, 197.
Freeman's Farm, the battle
of, Lieut. Scott at, 123 ;
Lieut. Craig wounded at,
167; Lieut. Lucas killed
at, 332 ; Lieut. Cooke killed
at, 332 ; Captain Lind
wounded at, 332, 333 ; Capt.
Stanley wounded at, 332,
335 ; Maj. Agnew wounded
at, 337; Ensign Taylor
killed at, 342 ; Capt. Swet-
tenham wounded at, 347 ;
Capt. Ramsey wounded at,
348; Lieut. Prince wounded
at, 352 ; Capt. Jones killed
at, 325 ; mentioned, 30.
French, declaration of war of
the, 322.
Frothingham, the Hon. Rich-
ard, his Siege of Boston,
cited, 114, 156, 247. .
Gage, Gen. Thomas, charac-
terized the Americans as
lawless, 3-4 ; mentioned,
318, 319-
Gansevoort, Gen. Peter, had
a flag made for Fort Schuy-
ler, 19, 161 ; biographical
notice of, 19.
Gardner, Capt. Henry Faring-
ton, sent with dispatches to
England, 222, 223, 226;
biographical notice of, 222-
223.
Garneau, Francis Xavier, his
History of Canada, cited,
85, 86, 184, 254.
Gates, Gen. Horatio, super-
seded Gen. Schuyler, 29,
242 ; tardy with reinforce-
ments, 30 ; refused to make
a night attack, 32, 291 ; en-
camped south of Fish Creek,
44 ; Burgoyne proposed a
treaty of surrender, 47, 57-
Index.
383
58, 259, 306 ; accused by
Burgoyne of sending part
of his troops to Albany, 47,
48 ; his army in order of
battle, 48 ; treaty signed,
48 ; alarmed by information
of Clinton's progress, 49,
50 ; blamed for too liberal
concessions, 50; the sur-
render, 50, 51 ; delayed in
sending information of the
surrender to Washington,
50-51 ; remarks of La Fay-
ette concerning, 51 ; asked
concerning the military
chests and colors, 54-55 ;
carelessness in regard to
the surrender, 55-56; of-
fered the command at Ti-
conderoga, 168, 204, 218;
confidence of Congress in,
168, 169; letter to General
Schuyler, 172 ; letters to
and from Burgoyne, 237,
259-265, 296, 306, 308, 309 ;
met Madam Riedesel, 242 ;
defended his soldiers from
the accusation of inhu-
manity, 261-263 ; accused
Burgoyne of employing In-
dians, 262 ; proposed to
Morgan to desert Washing-
ton, 271 ; his revenge, 271 ;
compared to Burgoyne, 274;
orders of, 281-284; met
Lady Acland, 298-299 ;
sent message to Burgoyne
by Maj. Kingston, 307; an-
noyed by the delay, 311;
articles of convention given
in full, 312-317; met Bur-
goyne, 49, 320-321 ; returns
of his army, 354 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 168-171 ;
mentioned, 37, 70, 269, 281,
301,307,309, 311, 315, 316,
319,323,342.
Gentleman's Magazine, The,
cited, 104, 199, 333.
George I, grandfather of Sir
William Howe, 155.
George III, determined to
chastise the colonists, 5 ;
applied for help to Cathe-
rine of Russia, Germany and
Holland, 5, 6 ; bitter feeling
against, 6, 7 ; elated at the
capture of Ticonderoga, 21 ;
hired German troops, no;
fell into agonies at hearing
of the surrender of Bur-
goyne, 318; mentioned,
199, 229, 322.
George III, Journal of the
Reign of, see Walpole,
Horace.
Georgia, Capt. Durnford in,
Georgian Era, The, cited, 290.
Germaine, Lord George, des-
ignated Washington as
" Mr.," 3 ; criticised Gen.
Carleton, 13; letters to
Carleton, 14, 238, 258 ;
elated at the capture of
Ticonderoga, 20, 21 ; letters
from Burgoyne, 21, 24-27,
323 ; said Gen. Howe had
ruined his plans, 64-65 ;
assailed, 66 ; hostile to Bur-
goyne, 66-67 '> published a
pamphlet against Burgoyne,
384
Index.
69 ; the sacrifice of Bur-
goyne's army due to a blun-
der of, 70, 322 ; obliged to
retire from office, 70 ; the
capture of Waterbury re-
ported to, 163 ; minister
for American affairs, 237 ;
character of, 238 ; advised
the employment of Indians,
237-238 ; compared to Dr.
Sangrado, 238 ; conduct of,
in Germany, 239 ; detested
by his associates, 239 ; Lut-
trell and Wilkes on, 239;
planned the campaign, 258 ;
mentioned, 65, 314.
German troops, the, hired to
assist George III, 6; the
people of England opposed
to hiring them, 6, 7 ; feeling
of the Americans against,
iio-iii; feeling in Ger-
many against, in; behavior
of, 250-252 ; deserted, 256 ;
equipments of, 260; consid-
eration of their ability, 288-
289, 303; not cowardly, 289.
Germantown, the battle of.
Gen. Sullivan at, 10.
Germany, asked to assist
George III, 6, 7 ; Gen. Phil-
lips won distinction in, 174;
Lord Germaine in, 239; Maj.
Agnewin, 337; mentioned,
95, 122, 123, 334, see Ger-
man troops, the.
Gibralter, Lieut. Scott in, 123 ;
Capt. Craig born at, 166;
Capt. Scott in, 181 ; Col.
Wright at, 245 ; Captain
Green born in, 277 ; Maj.
Williams at, 287 ; Capt,
Dowling at, 334; Capt.
Stanley at, 335 ; Capt. Far-
quar at, 335 ; Maj. Agnew
at, 337-
Glover, Gen. John, advanced
money to Burgoyne, 59 ;
biographical notice of, 59-
61.
Glover's Marblehead Regi-
ment, 59-60.
Gondola, the, used by Carle-
ton, described, 1 1.
Gordon, Gen. Patrick, shot by
Whitcomb, 1 28-1 31 ; indig-
nation in the British army
concerning his death, 130,
132; feeling in the Ameri-
can army concerning, 1 30 ;
Lieut. Currie served under,
336 ; biographical notice of,
128-130; mentioned, 131.
Grafton, The, 151.
Graham, James, his Life of
Col. Daniel Morgan, cited,
207, 271.
Grahame, the Rev. James, his
History of the United
States, cited, in.
Grampus, The, 59.
Grant, Cornet James, his un-
successful attempt to reach
Gen. Clinton, 248, 346; taken
prisoner, 339 ; biographical
notices of, 248, 346.
Grant, . Maj. Robert, killed,
210, 211; biographical no-
tice of, 2 10-2 II ; mentioned,
335. 337-
Grant, , commander of
the Connecticut, 163.
Index.
385
Great Britain, Florida ceded
to, 104, 347 ; Louisiana
ceded to, 351 ; mentioned,
vi, 119, 176, 178, 188, 189,
191, 199, 259, 313.
Green, Captain Charles,
wounded, 277, 278 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 277-
278.
Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, St.
Clair served under, 219;
mentioned, 10.
Greenland, 95.
Grenada, Capt. Green coast
governor of, 278.
Grenville, Lord, 313.
Grimes, , commander of
the Jersey, 163.
Grout, Abigail, married Col.
Hale, 215.
Hadden, Gen. James M., his
Journal and Orderly Books,
see Rogers, Col. Horatio.
Haggart, Lieut. James, killed,
342 ; biographical notice of,
347-
Haight Hall, death of Gen.
^ Carleton at, 87.
Hakluyt, Richard, his Voy-
ages, cited, 97.
Halcyon Days of Old Eng-
land, The, 319.
Haldemann, Gen. Sir Fred-
erick, lost Ticonderoga, 127.
Hale, Moses, father of Col.
Nathan, 215.
Hale, Col. Nathan, taken pris-
oner, 215 ; biographical no-
tice of, 215-216.
Half Moon, the camp at, 266.
49
Haliburton, Thomas C, his
History of Nova Scotia,
cited, 137.
Halifax, German colors sent
to, 55 ; Lord Cornwallis
governor of, 169; men-
tioned, 137, 167, 182.
Hall, Hiland, LL.D., his His-
tory of Vermont, cited, 194.
Hamilton, Gen. James Inglis,
proposed exchange of, 108 ;
biographical notice of, 196,
197 ; mentioned, 337.
Hampshire Grants, the, 24.
Hampstead, N. H., Col. Hale
born at, 215.
Hampton, N. H., 38.
Hancock, John, 85.
Harnage, Major Henry,
wounded, 337, 340, 341 ;
biographical notice of, 344-
345 ; mentioned, 272, 294,
296.
Harnage, Mrs., 339.
Harris, Capt. John Adolphus,
wounded, 331 ; biographical
notice of, 331-332.
Harrisburg, Va., vi, 127.
Hartford, Conn., 300.
Hartley, Maj. Thomas, in
command at Crown Point,
165; accused of cruelty, 172 ;
biographical notice of, 165-
166; mentioned, 138.
Harvey, Lieutenant Stephen,
killed, 336; biographical no-
tice of, 340-341.
Harvey, see also Hervey.
Havana, Ligonier in the expe-
dition against, 234 ; Suth-
erland in the expedition
386
Index.
against, 310; Blomefield at
the capture of, 326 ; Harris
served in, 331 ; mentioned,
155-
Havre de Grace, Blomefield
at the bombardment of, 326.
Hawley, commander of the
Royal Savage, 163.
Hazel nuts in abundance, 98.
Heartley, see Hartley.
Heath, Gen. William, urged
the hasty removal of the
British convention prisoners
from Boston, 51-52 ; letters
from Washington to, 52,108;
complicated affairs concern-
ing furnishing rations to the
troops, 53 ; confined Gen.
Phillips to the limits of his
house and garden, 175 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 61-62 ;
the Memoirs of, cited, 62,
175-
Heights of Abraham, the, St.
Clair at, 218; mentioned,
84. ,
Hendricks, 134.
Henry, John Joseph, his Cam-
paign against Quebec, cited,
lOi, 108, 134.
Henry, Patrick, a letter of,
cited, 51.
Henry, The, missing, 91.
Herriot, George, his Travels
through Canada, cited, 90.
Hervey, Earl, General Bur-
goyne's letter to, cited, 204.
Hervey, Ensign George,
wounded, 337 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 345 ; men-
tioned, 272.
Hesse Hanan Regiment, The
197. ^
Hewitt's Tavern, 247.
Higby, Dr. Moses, 34.
Hill, Lieut.-Col. John, the
colors of his regiment pre-
sented to the king, 56 ; be-
fore Fort Anne, 224 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 224,
225.
Hinton, J. H., his History of
the United States, cited,
127, 137.
Historical Magazine, The,
cited, 175, 299.
Historical Record of the
Fifty-sixth Foot, The,
cited, 335.
Historical Record of the
Fifty-third Foot, The, cited,
2, 203, 245, 332.
Historical Record of the First
Foot, The, cited, 235.
Historical Record of the
Forty-seventh Foot, The,
cited, 182, 335.
Historical Record of the
Forty-sixth Foot, The,
cited, 156.
Historical Record of the
Ninth Foot, The, cited, 56,
221,222,225, 235. 329- 347-
Historical Record of the
Sixty-second Foot, The,
cited, 330, 344.
Historical Record of the
Thirty-first Foot, The,
cited, 150.
Historical Record of the
Thirty-fourth Foot, The,
cited, 332, 333.
Index,
387^
Historical Record of the
Thirty-third Foot, The,
cited, 336.
Historical Record of the
Twentieth Foot, The, cited,
333, 334-
Historical Record of the
Twenty-first Foot, The,
cited, 312, 336, 349.
Historical Record of the
Twenty-fourth Foot, The,
cited, 337, 338.
Historical Record of the
Twenty-ninth Foot, The,
cited, 330.
History of England, The, see
Adolphus, John ; Knight,
Charles, and Mahon, Lord.
History of the Siege of Bos-
ton, The, see Frothingham,
Richard.
History of the United States,
see Graham, the Rev.
James.
Hodgson, Maj.-Gen., at Belle
Isle, 207.
Holland refused to assist
George HI, 6.
Hollister, G. H., his History
of Connecticut, cited, 86.
Hope, The, bound for Eng-
land, 103.
Hopkins, Commodore Esek,
sailed for the Delaware,
161 ; displayed the rattle-
snake flag on his vessel,
161.
Horner, Elizabeth, married
Stephen Fox, 338.
Horner,Thomas Strangeways,
338.
Houghton, Lieut. Charles,
death of, 109 ; biographical
notice of, 109.
Houghton, Lieut. Richard,
killed, 202 ; biographical
notice of, 202-203.
Howarth, Lieut. Edward,
wounded, 325; biographical
notice of, 327-328.
Howe, General Lord George
Augustus, fell at Ticonde-
roga, 156, 241, 258; suc-
ceeded by his brother
Richard, 156; a friend
of Gen. Schuyler, 156,
241.
Howe, Gen. Lord Richard,
death of, 156; biograph-
ical notice of, 156; men-
tioned, 319; Narrative
of his Transactions, cited,
322.
Howe, Gen. Sir William, ad-
dressed a letter to Wash-
ington as " Mr.," 3 ; obliged
to recognize Washington
with his appropriate title,
3; at New York, 19; to
meet Burgoyne at Albany,
19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188 ; pre-
pared an expedition to Phil-
adelphia, 19, 25 ; message
from him intercepted, 25 ;
Burgoyne waited to hear
from him, 26, 258 ; failed to
send Clinton to help Bur-
goyne, 27, 28 ; compared to
Burgoyne, 72 ; the reason
for his not co-operating with
Burgoyne, 72, 321, 322 ; un-
fairly treated, 74 ; his char-
t388
Index.
acter, 74-75 ; bad news
from, 155; commander in
chief, 187, 246; with the
Southern army, 188; su-
perseded by Clinton, 246;
to be notified of Burgoyne's
surrender, 316; unpopular,
321-322; biographical no-
tice of, 155-156; men-
tioned, 58, 70, 115,258,313,
318, 319; the Narrative
Relating to his Command
in America, cited, 71,
322.
Hubbardton, the battle of,
Balcarres wounded at, 86;
Craig wounded at, 167;
Francis wounded at, 212;
t;he victory of, of no great
benefit to the English, 227 ;
Jones wounded at, 330;
Harris wounded at, 331 ;
Shrimpton wounded at,
350; mentioned, 246, 284,
331, 350.
Hubberton, see Hubbardton.
Huberton, see Hubbardton.
Hudson River, the, Schuyler's
army encamped near, 22 ;
forts on, held by the Ameri-
cans, 19; crossed by Bur-
goyne's troops, 28, 249, 267 ;
Clinton about to ascend, 33 ;
recrossed by Burgoyne, 41,
302 ; the army near, 240 ;
mentioned, 19, 36, 42, 45,
47, 71, 244, 247, 252, 253,
260, 266, 276, 277, 283, 321.
Hudson's Bay, 93.
Huggart, see Haggart.
Hull, 341.
Humphreys, 134.
Hundertmark, George, shot
for desertion, 256.
Hunterdon County, N. J., 270.
Huntington, 163.
Hutchinson, 61.
Hurons, the, probably fought
the Iroquois at Ticonder-
oga, 127.
Inchbald, Elizabeth, her The
Heiress, cited, 66.
India, Lieut. Scott in, 124.
Indians, the, join the British
army, 120-121, 228-229;
conduct of, 121 ; their ca-
noes described, t 23-1 25 ;
their cruelty to prisoners,
I35» 136, 174, 235, 244, 262,
280, 359; in ambush, 143-
144; their silent paddling,
143 ; their ability to move
quickly through thick for-
ests, 154; painted a cap-
tured prisoner, 174; com-
manded by Francis, 193 ;
ordered not to scalp pris-
oners, 200, 359; victorious
in small skirmishes, 201,
243 ; caused the death of
Houghton, 202 ; murdered
Miss McCrea, 235 ; commit-
ted depredations on the
Tories, 236; the employ-
ment of, disliked by Bur-
goyne, 237, 238-239; em-
ployment of, advised by
Germaine, 238-239 ; com-
manded by St. Luc, 253 ;
prepared to desert, 253-
255, 284; commanded by
Index.
389
Langlade, 254-255 ; Gates'
opinion of, 262, 263 ; their
lack of true courage, 280 ;
new recruits of, from Can-
ada, 285 ; speech to, from
Burgoyne, 356-360; men-
tioned, 250, see Savages.
Inflexible, The, described, 151;
commanded by Schank, 1 52;
mentioned, 18, 120, 152,
201.
Innuits, original name of the
Esquimaux, 93.
Ilchester, Lord, 338.
Iphigenie, The, captured the
Ceres, 139.
Ireland, Digby on duty in, vi,
2 ; troops sailed from, 3,
9, 129; Gen. Thompson a
native of, 107 ; Capt. Scott
in, 181 ; L'Estrange in, 182 ;
Capt. Wright in, 245 ; Capt.
Green in, 278 ; Capt. Harris
in, 331 ; Lieut. Cullen in,
332 ; Lieut. Cooke in, 332 ;
Col. Lind in, 333 ; Capt.
Dowling in, 334; Capt.
Sweetenham in, 347 ; Capt.
Stapleton in, 347 ; Lieut.
Rowe in, 348 ; mentioned,
85, 99, 329.
Iroquois, the, tortured prison-
ers, 121 ; probably fought
the Huronsat Ticonderoga,
127; speech of their chief
to Burgoyne, 360-361 ;
mentioned, 1 16.
Iroquois River, the, now
called the Sorel, 103.
Irvine, Col. William, before
Quebec, 107-108 ; Capt.
Wilson served under, 126;
Capt. Adams served under,
Irving, Washington, his Life
of Washington, cited, 60,
171.
Isis, The, 104.
Island Amott, sec Isle la
Motte.
Island of Coudres, see Isle-
aux-Coudres.
Island of Nuts, 125, see Isle-
aux-Coudres.
Island of Orleans, see Isle of
Bacchus.
Island of St. Paul, 91.
Isle-aux-Coudres, so named
by Cartier, 98 ; Digby an-
chored off the, 102 ; de-
scribed, 102 ; earthquike
at, 102 ; Lieut. Houghton
killed at the, 109 ; called
Island of Nuts, 125.
Isle auxNoix, described, 134-
135 ; named by Champlain,
135; mentioned, 11, 13,
117, 125, 137, 138, 142, 152,
154, 170.
Isle d'Aix, captured, 333,
334-
Isle la Motte, the, Scott
cruising off, 143 ; described,
143 ; named for Sieur la
Mothe, 143 ; McCoy cap-
tured on, 145 ; Gen. Eraser
at, 178.
Isle of Bacchus, name given
to the present Island of
Orleans by Cartier, 103.
Isle of Guernsey, Gen. Am
herst governor of, 136.
390
Index.
Isle of Wight, the, Sir Wil-
ham Howe, Heut. -governor
of, 155.
Isles aux Oyseaux, described,
92.
Jackson's Creek, 142.
Jamaica, Dacres in command
at, 140 ; Salons in, 353.
Jealousy between the Eng-
lish and German troops,
250.
Jefferson, Thomas, enter-
tained Gen. Phillips, 175 ;
mentioned, 39.
Jefferson, Thomas, Life of, sec
Randolph, Thomas Jeffer-
son.
Jersey, The, captured, 162 ;
commanded by Grimes, 163.
Jessop, sec Jessup.
Jessup, Ebenezer, biograph-
ical notice of, 194, 195.
Jessup, Edward, biographical
notice of, 194-195.
Jessup, Prof. Henry G., 195.
Jesuits, the, 121.
Jogues, Pere Isaac, visited and
named Lake George, 214.
John of Gaunt, granted man-
ors to the Burgoyne family,
114.
Johnson, Sir John, accom-
panied St. Leger, 257; the
inhumanity of his regiment,
257 ; the Orderly Books of,
cited, 257.
Johnson, Ensign William,
taken prisoner, 330 ; noth-
ing known of his subsequent
fate, 330.
Johnson, Gen. William, named
Lake George, 214; at Fort
Miller, 244.
Johnson's Royal Green's, in-
humanity of, 257.
Johnston, see Johnson.
Jones, Charles H., his Con-
quest of Canada, cited, 103,
117, 137, 144, 166.
Jones, David, concerned in
the murder of Miss McCrea,
235 ; to marry her, 236.
Jones, Lieut. John, wounded,
329 ; biographical notice of,
329-330.
Jones, Capt. Thomas, killed,
324; biographical notice of,
324-325-
Jones, Thomas, his History
of New York, cited, 194.
Jordan, John W., vi.
Josselyn, John, his Two Voy-
ages to New England,
cited, 103.
Journals and Letters of Cur-
wen, see Curwen, Samuel.
Journals and Orderly Books
of Gen. Hadden, see Rog-
ers, Col. Horatio.
Journals du Voyage de M.
Saint-Luc de la Corne,
cited, 254.
Journal Historiflue, see Car-
tier, Jacques.
Journal of Occurrences Dur-
ing the Late American
War, see Lamb, Sergeant
R.
Journal of the Principal Oc-
currences During the Siege
of Quebec, see Shortt, W. T.
Index.
391
Journal of Captain Thomas
Scott, cited, 124.
Journal of the Reign of George
III, see Walpole, Horace.
Journals of Congress, The,
cited, 55, 58.
Kalm, Peter, 143.
Kane, I,, his Artillery List,
cited, 206, 207, 287.
Kensington, Henry, v, vii.
Kent, England, 135, 327.
Kidwally, 151.
Kilmansegge, the Baroness,
.155-
Kingston, Canada, formerly
Cataracony, 193.
Kingston, N. Y., 34, 36, 46.
Kingston, Robert, bearer of
a message to Gates, 47,
305 ; biographical notice of,
305-306.
Kinsale, England, 339.
Knight, Charles, his Pictorial
History of England, cited,
239-
Laborers, Land of, 95.
Labrador, origin of the name,
95 ; mentioned, 93.
La Carne, Jean-Louis de, 253.
La Carne St. Luc, Luc de
Chapt de, leader of the In-
dians, 24, 253 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 253-254;
mentioned, 255.
La Fayette, Marquis de, re-
marks concerning General
Gates, 51 ; before Peters-
burg, 175 ; General Poor
served under, 282.
Lafitau, J. F., his Moeurs des
Sauvages, cited, 121.
Lake Champlain, Burgoyne
received recruits at, 26;
Arnold as commodore on,
146, 147, 241 ; Pringle on,
148; Longcroft on, 151 ;
list of the American fleet
on, 162-164; controlled by
the English, 173 ; men-
tioned, 116, 119, 129, 134,
135. 175. 178, 188, 200, 214,
215,217,234.
Lake George, forts on, held
by the Americans, 19 ; com-
munications to cut off from
St. Clair, 19; discovered by
Champlain, 214; called St.
Sacrament, 214; why the
name was changed, 214;
cannon sent by the way of,
233; mentioned, 25, 41, 46,
227, 234, 236, 316.
Lake Oneida, 18.
Lake Ontario, 18, 257.
Lake St. Peter, Digby at, 1 13 ;
named by Champlain, 113.
Lake St. Sacrament, former
name of Lake George, 214.
Laleham, England, 339.
Lamb, Sergeant R., in charge
of the wounded, 219; his
Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American
War, cited, 34, 49, 199, 203,
220, 222, 234, 237, 245, 247,
272-273,291, 325, 328, 330,
332, 333> 334, 335. 336, 337,
341.347,349.
Lancashire, England, 87.
Land of Laborers, 95.
392
Index.
Langdale, see Langlade, Char-
les de.
Langlade, Charles de, bio-
graphical notice of, 254-
255-
Last Journals of Horace Wal-
pole, see Walpole, Horace.
Laurel Hill, St. Clair died at,
219.
Lauterback, Germany, Gen.
Riedesel born in, 1 10.
Learned, Gen. Ebenezer, at-
tacked Burgoyne's center,
38, 41 ; publicly thanked,
282 ; biographical notice of,
282-283 ; mentioned, 289.
Leeds, Duke of, 168.
Lee, Gen. Charles, 10.
Lee, The, captured, 162 ; com-
manded by Davis, 164.
Legineu, General Amherst
served under, 135.
Le Loup, concerned in the
murder of Jane McCrea,
235-
Lesdeguieres, the Duchess
of, Charlevoix letters to,
cited, 103, 104.
L'Estrange, Capt. Richard,
lost in the ice, 182; bio-
graphical notice of, 182.
Letter from Crown Point, A,
cited, 138.
Letters and Journals of
Madam Riedesel, see Stone,
Col. William L.
Letters to the Duchess of
Lesdeguieres, from Charle-
voix, cited, 103-104.
Levestoe, vii, sec Livingstone.
Lewis, Gen. Morgan, 237.
Lexington, the battle of, its
effect upon the English
government, 4-5 ; General
Heath at, 62 ; Col. Nesbit
at, 114; its effect upon Ar-
nold, 147; its effect upon
Gates, 169; L'Estrange in,
182; its effect upon Col.
Hale, 216; effect upon Col.
Morgan, 270 ; fired the
military ardor of the coun-
try, 282; its effect upon Gen.
Poor, 282.
Liberty, The, commanded by
Premier, 164; mentioned,
163.
Light Dragoons, the Queen's,
189, 229, 230, 23^1, 232,
248.
Light Infantry, 211.
Ligonier, Lord Edward, bio-
graphical notice of, 234,
235-.
Ligonier, Col. Francis, father
of Lord Edward, 234.
Ligonier, Viscount, of Clon-
mel, 234.
Lincoln, Francis F. C, sixth
Earl of, 246.
Lincolnshire, England, 298. ^
Lind, Col. John, wounded,
332 ; biographical notice of,
.333-
Lindsay, Alexander, see Bal-
carres, the Earl of.
Lithy, The, missing, 91.
Livingstone, Robert, a daugh-
ter of, married Gen. Mont-
gomery, 99.
Livingstone, Gov. William,
his humorous reply to Bur-
Index.
393
goyne's manifesto, 192 ;
mentioned, 142.
London, 2, 4, 1 5, 1 7, 1 8, 2 1 , 66,
74, 92, 103, 116, 140, 148,
160, 169, 171, 175,313,345-
London Chronicle, The, cited,
140, 148.
London Morning Post, The,
319-
London, Tower of, Captain
Shrimpton in command at
the, 350.
Long, Col., attacked by Col.
Hill, 224 ; his defeat caused
by a lack of ammunition,
225.
Longcroft, Capt. Edward, at
Riviere-la-Cole, 150; com-
mander of the Loyal Con-
vert, 152; biographical
notice of, 150-151.
Long Island, the retreat after
the battle of, compared to
the battle of Bunker Hill,
60 ; Sir Henry Clinton at,
246 ; Riedesel in command
at, no; mentioned, 313.
Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty, 151.
Lossing, Benson J., his Field
Book of the Revolution,
cited, 34, 61, 62, 166, 170-
J71, 237.
Louisburg, the siege of, Sir
William Pepperell at, 2 ;
New England troops at, 83 ;
Guy Carleton at, 84 ; Gen.
Montgomery at, 99 ; Sir
William Howe at, 1 55 ; Lord
Ligonier at, 234 ; St. Leger
at, 257; Farquar at, 335.
50
Louisiana ceded to Great
Britain, 351 ; Capt. Forbes
in, 351-
Louis-le-Grand,Collegede, 17.
Loyal ConvertjThe, Digby on,
150, 152; formerly belonged
to the Americans, 1 52 ; com-
manded by Longcroft, 1 5 1-
152.
Loyalists of America and
their times, see Ryerson,
Egerton, LL. D.
Loyalists of the American
Revolution, see Sabine,
Lorenzo.
Loyal Rangers, the, 194.
Lucas, Lieut. Thomas, killed,
332 ; biographical notice of,
332.
Lunenburg, Mass., 215.
Luttrell, Temple, on Lord
Germaine, 239.
Lyme, England, 199.
Lynd, see Lind.
Maccabees, the Books of,
cited, 121.
McCoy, Ensign, captured,
145 ; before Gen. Eraser,
145-146; information, given
by him, 146-147.
McCrea, Jane, the story of
her murder, 235-237 ; men-
tioned by Gates, 262 ; by
Burgoyne, 264-265 ; The
Life of, by D.Wilson, cited,
235-237-
McDonald, , his home
and mill destroyed, 138.
McFarlane, William, suc-
ceeded Houghton, 109.
394
Index.
McKay, Capt. Samuel, com-
mander of the Canadians,
142 ; his cruelty, 142 ; sent
by Burgoyne to open the
road, 300 ; biographical no-
tice of, 300.
Mackenzie, Lieut. Kenneth,
killed, 334; biographical
notice of, 336.
McKinzy, see Mackenzie.
McNeil, Mrs., 235.
McPherson, 134.
Magazine of American His-
tory, The, cited, 112.
Magdalen Islands, the, 92.
Mahon, Lord, his remarks
concerning Washington, 50;
his History of England,
cited, 51, 73. 163, 244.
Maine, Arnold in, 8 ; Capt.
Craig in, 167; mentioned,
10.
Malta, Col. Greene in com-
mand at, 278.
Malte Brun, Konrad, cited, 89.
Manchester, Va., Col. Morgan
died at, 271.
Manifesto of Burgoyne, 189-
192, 229; humorous replies
to the, 192, 229-233.
Mansfield, commanded the
New Haven, 163.
Marblehead, Mass., 59.
Marblehead, The History and
Traditions of, cited, 61.
Marburg, 1 10.
Maria,The, named for the wife
of Sir Guy Carleton, 145,
148 ; commanded by Lieut.
Starke, 151; Carleton on
board, 157.
Marlborough, the Duke of,
Burgoyne served under,
115; mentioned, (i6.
Marshall, Lieut. John, his
Royal Naval Biography,
cited, 140.
Marshall, Col. Thomas, pub-
licly thanked, 283 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 283.
Martinico, campaign against.
Gates in the, 169; Suther-
land in the, 310.
Martinique, Blomfield at the
capture of, 326.
Massachusetts, 9, 61, 92, 114,
211, 282, 283,314,315,316.
Maurepas, Jean Frederic,
Comte de, fort named in
honor of, 126.
Medford, birthplace of Col.
Francis, 211; the History
of, see Brooks, the Rev.
Charles.
Mediterranean sea, the, Craig
in service in, 167.
Memoirs of Gen. Heath, see
Heath, Gen. William.
Memoirs of Maj.-Gen. Riede-
sel, see Stone, Col. William.
Memoirs of My Own Times,
see Wilkinson, Gen. James.
Menominees, the, under de
Langlade, 255.
Meyrick, Dr., 117.
Middlesex county, England,
339-
Midhurst, represented by Bur-
goyne, 115.
Military Journal of Thatcher,
The, see Thatcher, James,
M. D.
Index.
395
Military Memoirs of Great
Britain, The, see Beatson,
Robert.
Miller, Capt. Robert, his
daughter married Capt.
Wilson, 127.
Minigo, the Indian name of
the Island of Orleans, 103.
" Mister," applied to Wash-
ington, 3, 15.
Mobile, Ramsey at, 348 ;
Featherstone at, 349.
Mohawk river, the, forts on,
held by the Americans, 19,
21 ; unsuccessful expedition
to, 257; Fort Stanwix on,
258.
Monckton, Gen. Gates his aid-
de-camp, 169.
Money, Gen. John, taken
prisoner, 290 ; biographical
notice of, 290-291.
Monin, Capt., commander of
the Canadians, 142 ; cruelty
of, 142 ; death of, 142 ;
mentioned, 193.
Monmouth, battle of. Gen.
Poor at, 282 ; mentioned,
39-
Monning, Capt., see Monin,
Capt.
Montcalm, Louis Joseph,
Marquis de, erected works
at St. Johns, 116; at Ticon-
deroga, 127, 204; erected
Fort George, 227.
Montgomery, Capt. William
Stone, wounded and taken
a prisoner, 220, 221, 225,
348 ; biographical notice of,
221-222.
Montgomery, Gen. Richard,
joined by Arnold, 8 ; army
of, wasted by disease and
exposure, 8 ; unsuccessful
attack upon Quebec, 8, 99,
325 ; known to Carleton,
84 ; captured Trois Rivieres,
84 ; captured Forts St.
Johns and Chambly, 116,
300; his coffin, 134; suc-
ceeded Schuyler, 241 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 99-101 ;
mentioned, 3, 9, 19, 102, 253.
Montgomery, Sir William,
father of Capt. William,
221, 222.
Montreal, held by Arnold, 10;
Burgoyne at, 15, 120; Gor-
don buried at, 129; cap-
tured, 253 ; mentioned, 13,
86, 106, 116, 122, 129, 131,
176, 178, 183.
Montreal, Island of, 120.
Mordant, Gen. Sir John, ac-
companied by Capt. Wey-
mis, 333.
Morgan, Gen. Daniel, at-
tacked Fraser, 38 ; attacked
the British right flank, 38 ;
one of his sharpshooters
wounded Fraser, 39-40 ;
advanced on the enemy,
270 ; caused great havoc,
272 ; his retreat, 273 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 270-
272 ; mentioned, 30.
Morgan, Gen. Daniel, Life of,
see Graham, James, and
Cooke, John Esten.
Morton, the Earl of, ancestor
of Sir Charles Douglass, 104.
396
Index.
Mothe, Sieur la, erected a
fort, 143 ; island named for
him, 143.
Mott, Samuel, 254.
Mount Defiance, occupied by
Burgoyne, 218; remarks of
Washington concerning,
219; mentioned, 204; see
Sugar-loaf hill.
Mount Hope, occupied by
Fraser, 19.
Mount Independence, origin
of the name, 208 ; retreat
from, 208-210; mentioned,
214, see Fort Independ-
ence.
Mount Vernon, Gen. Gates at,
169.
" Mr.", applied to Washing-
ton, 3, 15.
Murray, Lieutenant James,
wounded, 349 ; biographi-
cal notice of, 352,
Musselburgh, Scotland, 104.
Namur, The, 150.
Nantucket, Sir Isaac Coffin a
native of, 92.
Narrative of his Conduct in
America, by Sir Henry
Clinton, cited, 247.
Narrative of Lieut.-Gen, Sir
William Howe, cited, 71.
Naticousti, former name of
Anticosti, 97.
National Library at Washing-
ton, vi.
Natiscotes, former name of
Anticosti, 97.
Naval History of Great Brit-
ain, see Brenton, Edward P.
Naylor, Lieut. William Pen-
dred, taken prisoner, 337 ;
biographical notice of, 345-
346.
Neilson, Charles, his Account
of Burgoyne's Campaign,
cited, 235, 237.
Nesbit, Col., ill-treated prison-
ers, 108.
Nesbit, Gen. William, in com-
mand before Fort Sorel,
1 14 ; succeeded by Suther-
land, 310.
New Britain, 93.
New Brunswick, Capt. Ram-
say in, 349.
New England, to be separated
from the south and west,
14; to furnish supplies to
oppose Burgoyne, 15 ; to be
attacked by Burgoyne, 21,
321 ; troops of, at Louis-
burgh, 83 ; troops under
Amherst, 135.
Newfoundland, early fishing
on the banks of, 90 ; called
Baccalaos and Codlands,
90 ; described, 92-93 ; men-
tioned, 88, 89, 91.
New Hampshire, 10, 38, 216,
282.
New Hampshire Historical So-
ciety Collections, cited, 233.
New Haven, Arnold a drug-
gist in, 147.
New Haven, The, burnt, 162 ;
commanded by Mansfield,
163.
New Jersey, William Living-
stone governor of, 192 ;
mentioned, 10, 270.
Index.
397
Newport, Gen. Sullivan at the
siege of, lo ; permission not
granted for the British
troops to depart from, 53 ;
Burgoyne embarked from,
59-
New Travels in the United
States of America by J. P.
B. de Warville, cited, 62,
New York, city, Howe and
Clinton in, 19; Chnton in
command at, 25 ; Burgoyne
received no help from, 26 ;
Gen. Gates died at, 171 ;
prison ships at, 232 ; in-
ducements offered for re-
cruits in, 247; mentioned,
246, 346.
New York State, vi, 8, 14, 19,
61, 99, 169, 194, 195, 241,
282.
New York, The History of,
see Jones, Thomas, and
Dunlap, William.
New York, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Reed, 163.
New York Council of Safety,
censured St. Clair, 219.
New York, Documents Relat-
ing to the Colonial History
of, see O'Callaghan, E. B.,
LL.D.
Niagara river, the, 39.
Nicholson, Col., built Fort
Anne, 221.
Nineteenth Light Dragoons,
156.
Ninety-fifth Foot, 257.
Ninety-first Foot, 124, 290.
Ninth Battalion, 326.
Ninth Dragoons, 221.
Ninth Foot, 22 1 , 224, 234, 290,
329,347,348,351,352,353;
Historical Record of the,
cited, 221-222, 225, 235,
329, 347.
Ninth Regiment, the colors of
the, concealed, 56; men-
tioned, 122, 196, 221.
Noel, M., translated An-
burey's Travels Through
the Interior Parts of Amer-
ica, 17.
Norfolk militia, the, 290.
Normands, the, 103.
Normandy, 179.
North Britain, 189, 229.
North, Lord Frederick, re-
sponsible for hiring the
German troops, 7 ; repre-
hended Burke and Fox
for eulogizing Montgom-
ery, loi ; mentioned, 65,
318.
North river, the, 321, see Hud-
son river.
North sea, the, 93.
North-western territory, St.
Clair governor of the,
219.
Norwich, Conn., birthplace of
Benedict Arnold, 146.
Norwich, England, John
Money a native of, 290.
Nottingham, England, Gen.
Howe a representative of,
155-156.
Nova Scotia, 92 ; the History
of, see Haliburton, Thomas
C.
Nutt, Lieut. George Anson,
biographical notice of, 195.
398
Index.
Obins, Lieut. Hamlet, killed,
332 ; biographical notice of,
332-333-
O'Callaghan, Edmund B., LL.
D., his edition of Bur-
goyne's Orderly Books,
cited, 124, 195,196, 199,237,
256, 330, 335, 339,347; his
Colonial History of New
York, cited, 257 ; his Docu-
ments Relating to the
Colonial History of New
York, cited, 254, 257.
One Hundred and Eighth
Foot, 129.
One Hundred and Fifth Foot,
351.
One Hundred and Second
Foot, 351.
One Hundred and Thirteenth
Royal Highland Volun-
teers, 196.
Orderly Books of Burgoyne,
the, see O'Callaghan, Ed-
mund B., LL. D.
Orleans, Island of, Digby at,
103 ; called Minigo, 103 ;
called Isle of Bacchus,
103.
Orne, Capt., 59.
Oswego, St. Leger retired to,
256.
Ottawa, vi.
Ottawas, the, join the British,
228 ; under Langland, 254-
255.
Oughton, Lieut.-Gen., Capt.
Greene served under, 278.
Our Commanders, 319.
Oxford, Mass., Gen. Learned
died at, 283.
Oyseaux, Isles aux, described,
92.
Palmer, Lieut., concerned in
the killing of Miss McCrea,
236.
Palmer, P. S., his History of
Lake Champlain, cited, 2 1 7,
218-219.
Paris, 103.
Parker, Sir Peter, his expedi-
tion against Charleston,
195.
Parsons, Usher, M. D,, his
Life of Sir William Pep-
perell, cited, 2.
Patterson, Col., a messenger
for Gen. Howe, 3.
Pausch, 183.
Peari, The, 83.
Peekskill, 72.
Peninsular war, the, Lieut.
Howarth in, 328.
Pennsylvania, Howe's expe-
dition to, 25 ; mentioned,
107, 108, 126, 137, 138, 165,
166, 218, 219, 270.
Pennsylvania Historical Soci-
ety, vi.
Pennsylvania Sixth Regi-
ment, 126.
Pennsylvania State Library,
vi, 127, 138.
Pensacola, 149.
Pepperell, Sir William, formed
a regiment, 2 ; at Louis-
burgh, 2 ; knighted, 2 ;
death of, 2 ; The Life of,
see Parsons, Usher, M. D.
Percy, Lord, Craig served un-
der, 166.
Index.
399
Petersburgh, Va., Gen. Phil-
lips died at, 175.
Peters, John, father of Lieut.-
' Col. John, 193.
Peters, Lieut.-Col. John, in
command of the provincial
Tory corps, 193 ; biographi-
cal notice of, 193,
Peters, the Rev. Samuel, 193.
Petershaw, Lord, 129.
Philadelphia, Gen. Howe
prepared an expedition
against, 19,64; St. Clair in
command at, 219; evacu-
ated by Clinton, 246; men
tioned, 35, 64, loi, 247.
Philadelphia, The, sunk, 162 ;
commanded by Rice, 163.
Phillips, Ensign Levinge
Cosby, killed, 336; bio-
graphical notice of, 342-
343-
Phillips, Gen. William, before
Ticonderoga, 19 ; his orders
concerning Whitcomb, 133 ;
advised Carleton to ad-
vance, 172; reconnoitered
the enemy's lines, 174-175 ;
in command at Montreal,
184; advised Burgoyne to
advance, 275 ; Capt. Greene
under, 278 ; Bloomfield
served under, 325-326; bio-
graphical notice of, 174-
175 ; mentioned, 16, 18, 30,
37, 42, 243, 294.
Pickering, Charles, M. D., his
Races of Men and their
Geographical Distribution,
cited, 95.
Pigeons plenty, 152.
Pilot, Capt. Henry, brother-
in-law of Digby, 149; bio-
graphical notice of, 149-
150.
Pixton, Maj. Acland died at,
112.
Placentia, Bay of, 91.
Playfair, William, his British
Family Antiquary, cited,
104, 116, 222, 327.
Plymouth, England, fleet from,
88; Sir William Howe,
governor of, 156.
Plymouth, Mass., 9.
Point au Faire, see Point au
Fer.
Point au Fer, blockhouse
erected on, 152; mentioned,
153, 148, 177-
Political Index to the His-
tories of Great Britain, see
Beatson, Robert.
Poor, Daniel, grandfather of
Gen. Enoch, 282.
Poor, Gen. Enoch, attacked
the British left, 38 ; publicly
thanked, 282, biographical
notice of, 282.
Poor, Thomas, father of
Enoch, 282.
Port Andre, 207.
Port Neuf, Digby at, 105.
Portsmouth, England, 59.
Portugal, Burgoyne and Gard-
ner in, 222 ; mentioned, 39.
Potton, England, granted to
the Burgoyne family, 10.
Powell, Gen. Henry Watson,
in command at Ticon-
deroga, 285 ; biographical
notice of, 196-199.
400
Index.
Powell's Brigade, i8i, 337.
Prairie, La, 129.
Premier, , commander of
The Liberty, 164.
Prentis, Capt., 133, 134.
Preston, Burgoyne the repre-
sentative of, ^J, 115.
Prince Society, the publica-
tion of, cited, 127.
Prince, Lieutenant William,
wounded, 349 ; biographi-
cal notice of, 352.
Princess Amelia, The, 150.
Pringle, Capt. Thomas, com-
modore of Lake Champlain,
148, 152, 157-158; bio-
graphical notice of, 148 ;
mentioned, 139, 164.
Prospect Hill, Boston, the
quarters of the British
troops, 49-50.
Providence, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Simonds,
163.
Public Records Office, 4.
Putnam, Gen. Israel, in the
Highlands, 25.
Putnam's Creek, 201.
Quaker Springs, 30.
Quebec, Carleton took refuge
in, 8, 13, 16; daring attack
upon, 8,99; Gen. Thomas
before, 9 ; Burgoyne at, 14,
104 ; Dearborn in the
assault of, 38 ; New England
troops at, 83 ; Carleton,
governor of, 84 ; the attempt
to storm, 99; Digbyat, 104;
Gen. Nesbit died at, 1 14 ;
Sir William Howe at, 155 ;
Craig at, 167 ; mentioned,
vi, 3. 70, 83, 92, 98, 99, 102,
103, 105, 106, 108, 116, 122,
135. 139. i5i> 152, 173. 176,
180, 182, 183, 198, 222, 228,
230,254, 257, 271, 325, 332,
335» 336, 341 ; Journal of
the Principal Occurrences
During the Siege of, see
Shortt, W. T.
Queen's Loyal Americans,
the regiment of the, the in-
humanity of, 257.
Queen's Ranger Huzzars, '-
the, 247.
Queen's Regiment of Light
Dragoons, the, 189, 229.
Races of Men and their Geo-
graphical Distribution, see
Pickering, Charles, M. D.
Radeau, a, described, 11.
Ramsay, David, M. D., his His-
tory of the American Revo-
lution, cited, loi, ro8, 244.
Ramsay, Captain Malcolm,
wounded, 344; biographi-
cal notice of, 348-349.
Randolph, Thomas Jefferson,
his Life of Thomas Jeffer-
son, cited, 175.
Raphoe, Ireland, Gen. Mont-
gomery a native of, 99.
Read, Captain, 59.
Reading, Pa., Hartley a native
of, 165.
Reed, Lieut.-Col. James, com-
manded the New York, 163 ;
mentioned, 216.
Reed, Joseph, a letter from
Washington to, cited, 63-64
Index.
401
Reflection on the Fast, 318.
Registers of Westminster
Abbey, cited, 116.
Remembrances of Public
Events, The, cited, 1 16, 291,
306.
Revenge, The, commanded by
Seaman, 163 ; mentioned,
162.
Revolutionary Record, The,
cited, 166.
Reynell, Anne, wife of Lieut.
Reynell, followed her hus-
band to America, 339 ; her
children, 339.
Reynell, Baron Richard Little-
ton, 339.
Reynell, Samuel, 339.
Reynell, Sir Thomas, 339.
Reynell, Lieut.Thomas, killed,
336; biographical notice of,
339-340.
Reynell, Thomas, Jr., 339.
Reynels, see Reynell.
Rhinebeck, Gen. Montgomery
settled at, 99.
Rhinehesse, Riedesel born in,
no.
Rhode Island troops, the, com-
mandedbyGen. Sullivan, 10.
Rice, commander of The Phila-
delphia, 163.
Richardson, Captain, 90.
Richelieu, Cardinal, 103.
Richelieu river, the, formerly
called the River of the Iro-
quois and the Sorel, 103 ;
mentioned, 116, 135.
Richmond, the Duke of, his
letter to Lord Rockingham,
cited, 65.
51
Riedesel, Baron Friedrich
Adolph, before Fort Inde-
pendence, 19 ; his contempt
for the American prison-
ers, 108 ; marched toward
Skeensborough, 217; sup-
posed jealousy concerning,
217 ; to sustain Fraser, 223-
224; sent to Bennington,
248, 250 ; the romantic at-
tachment of his wife, 268 ;
return of the troops under,
355 ; biographical notice of,
iio-iii; mentioned, 16,
18, 30, 3i> 36, 37. 46, 48,
88, 119, 184, 260, 293, 329,
339 ; Memoirs, Letters and
Journals of, during his resi-
dence in America, see Stone,
Col. William L.
Riedesel, Baroness Frederica
Louisa, her romantic attach-
ment for her husband, 268 ;
mentioned, 48, 339; her
Letters and Journals relat-
ing to the war of the Amer-
ican Revolution, see Stone,
Col. William L.
Rindge, N. H., History of,
see Stearns, Ezra S.
Rindge, N. H., home of Col.
Hale, 216; a company of
minute men formed in, 216.
Riviere la Colle, 148, 149,
150.
Riviere Sable, Digby at, 173.
Robertson, Lieut. John James,
killed, 334; biographical
notice of, 337.
Rochfort, the expedition
against, 333.
402
Index.
Rockingham, Lord, letter to,
from the Duke of Rich-
mond, cited, 65.
Rodney, Admiral, Longcraft
served under, 1 50-1 51 ;
Blomfield served under,
326.
Rogers, Col. Horatio, his edi-
tion of Hadden's Journal
and Orderly Book, cited,
vi, 83, 86, 108, 112, 115,
128, 130, 134, 148, 180, 181,
184, 193, 194, 195, 199,203,
206, 207, 216, 223, 227-228,
254, 291, 298, 299,325,328,
338. 351-
Rome, N. Y., the site of Fort
Stanwix, 258.
Rowe, Lieut. John, wounded,
342 ; biographical notice of,
348.
Roxbury, Mass., 9, 39, 61, 62.
Royal Americans, the, Gates
a major in, 169.
Royal Artillery, Phillips a
captain in the, 174; men-
tioned, 278, 324, 325, 326,
327, 328, 329.
Royal Artillery, History of,
see Duncan, F.
Royal Engineers, the, 337, 346.
Royal George, The, 18, 201,
223.
Royal Greens, Johnson's, in-
humanity of, 257.
Royal Highland Emigrants,
the, 331.
Royal Irish Dragoons, the,
338.
Royal Naval Biography, see
Marshall, Lieut. John.
Royal Regiment of New
York, the inhumanity of,
257.
Royal Savage, The, built by
Arnold, 158 ; destroyed,
158-159, 162, 177; com-
manded by Hawley, 163 ;
mentioned, 145.
Russia, 5.
Rutherford, Lieut. Richard,
wounded, 334 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 337.
Ryerson, Egerton, LL. D.,
his Loyalists of America
and their Times, cited, 244,
306.
Sabine, Lorenzo, his Loyal-
ists of the American Rev-
olution, cited, 194, 243-
244.
Sacs, the, under de Langlade,
254-255.
St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, his
communication with Lake
George cut off, 19; at Ti-
conderoga, 19 ; surprised
by the British, 20; retreated,
leaving his stores behind,
20 ; the retreat disclosed,
20 ; failed to hold his po-
sition, 170, 174; in com-
mand at Ticonderoga, 204 ;
his want of foresight, 204;
Burgoyne on, 204 ; at Cas-
tletown, 218 ; censured, 218;
before Congress, 241-242 ;
biographical notice of, 218-
219.
St. Dennis, Digby at, 116.
St. Johns, see Fort St. Johns.
Index,
40-
St. Lawrence, Gulf of, de-
scribed, 91-92 ; full of ice,
104.
St. Lawrence river, 10, 18,92,
93, 96, 97» 102, 120, 178,
180, 181.
St. Leger, Lieut.-Col. Barry,
to make a division on the
Mohawk, 15; detached to
Fort Schuyler, 18; at Fort
Schuyler, 23, 161 ; retreat
of, 27 ; at Oswego, 256; to
meet Burgoyne at Albany,
257-258 ; fine conduct of,
258 ; joined by McKay, 300;
biographical notice of, 256-
257; mentioned, 28.
St. Luc, see LaCarne St. Luc,
Luc de Chapt de.
St. Malo, Burgoyne at the at-
tack of, 115; Hamilton at,
196.
St. Maurice river, 106.
St. Paul, Island of, 91.
St. Sacrament, Lake, former
name of Lake George, 214.
Salem, 59.
Salons, Baron Alexander,
wounded, 349; biographi-
cal notice of, 352-353.
Saratoga, Burgoyne encamp-
ed at, 28 ; mentioned, vii,
58, 302, 303, 309, 314, 317,
323, 333, 338, 344, 345, 349,
352, 353-
Saratoga, the battle of, Lieut.
Wright killed at, 329 ; men-
tioned, 39.
Saratoga, Heights of, held by
the Americans, 42 ; Bur-
goyne on the, 267, 300.
Saratoga, name given by Gen.
Morgan to his farm, 271.
Saratoga, a pseudonym,
signed to the humorous
manifesto, 233.
Saunders, F. , vi.
Saunders, William, captured,
131-
Savages join the British army,
120-12 1 ; described, 121;
see Indians.
Scaling a gun described, 154.
Scalping among the Scythi-
ans, 121 ;j-^£' under Indians.
Schank, Lieut., commanded
the Inflexible, 152.
Schiller, Johann Christoph,
upbraided the Germans for
sending troops to America,
6.
Schuyler, Gen. Phillip, com-
mander of the American
army, 19; laid hindrances
in the way of Burgoyne, 22 ;
his army encamped on the
Mohawk and Hudson, 22 ;
superseded by Gates, 29;
his diary cited, 31 ; his
mansion the head-quarters
of Burgoyne, 42 ; took
charge of Mme. Riedesel
and her children, 48, 242 ;
friend of George Augustus,
Lord Howe, 156; to him
belongs the honor of
Burgoyne's defeat, 170;
Gates envious of, 170; let-
ter from Gates, 172; as-
signed Ticonderoga to
Gates and then to St. Clair,
204; accused of accepting
404
Index.
a bribe, 219 ; issued a proc-
lamation, 233 ; before Con-
gress, 241-242 ; feeling
against, 242 ; his house
burned, 249, 299, 301 ; re-
paired Fort Stanwix, 258 ;
named the fort, 258; met
Burgoyne, 301 ; told Bur-
goyne to have no regret
for burning the house, 301 ;
Burgoyne's excuse, 301 ;
biographical notice of, 241-
243-
Schyler, see Schuyler.
Scotland, 87, 104, 218, 344.
Scot's Farm, 142.
Scott, Capt. Alexander, lost
in the ice, 181 ; biographi-
cal notice of, 181.
Scott, Lieut. Thomas, a mes-
senger for Burgoyne, 36,
123 ; his Journal cited, 124 ;
cruising off Isle la Motte,
143 ; passed through the
enemy's fleet, 143 ; took to
the woods, 143-144; com-
manded the Thunderer,
152; biographical notice
of, 122-124.
Scythians, scalping among
the, 121.
Sea Fencibles, the, 151.
Seaman, commanded the Re-
venge, 163.
Second Battalion, 181, 287.
Second Foot, 115.
Second New Hampshire Reg-
iment, the, 216, 282.
Seringapatam, Lieut. Scott at
the taking of, 124.
Seventh Regiment, 100.
Seventieth Foot, the, 114.
Seventy-first Highlanders,
the, 87.
Seventy-fourth Foot, the,
351-
Seventy-second Foot, the, 84,
351.
Seventy-seventh Foot, the,
310.
Shelburne, Life of William
Earl of, see Fitzmaurice,
Lord Edmond.
Shelly, Surgeon, 220.
Shirley, Governor William,
formed a regiment, 2.
Shooter's Hill, Blomfield's
death at, 327.
Shortt, W. T., his Journal of
the Principal Occurrences
During the Siege of Que-
bec, cited, 86.
Shrimpton, Captain John,
wounded, 211, 346; bio-
graphical notice of, 349-
.350.
Siege of Boston, the, see
Frothingham, Hon. Rich-
ard.
Silver Bullet, the story of 'the,
33-34,284.
Silver Bullets said to have
been thrown by Burgoyne,
219.
Simcoe, Col. John Graves,
accompanied Arnold on his
Southern campaign, 246;
commanded the Queen's
Ranger HuzzEirs, 247 ; his
Journal cited, 175.
Simonds commanded The
Providence, 163.
Index.
405
Sioux, the, under de Lang-
lade, 254-255.
Sismondi, Jean Charles Leon-
ard de, his Histoire des
Francais, cited, 135.
" Sister Kitty," a soubriquet
conferred on Catherine of
Russia, 6.
Sisters, the, missing, 91.
Six Nations, the expedition
against, Gen. Poor in, 282.
Sixteenth Dragoons, the, Bur-
goyne's Light Horse, 115,
222, 223, 248, 305, 332, 346.
Sixth Dragoons, the, 290.
Sixth Pennsylvania Regi-
ment, the, 126, 165.
Sixtieth Foot, the, 155, 331.
Sixty-fifth Foot, the, 195.
Sixty-first Foot, the, 346.
Sixty-fourth Foot, the, 196,
Sixty-ninth Foot, the, 198.
Sixty-second Foot, the, 36, 55,
196, 272, 273,200,310,329,
338, 339. 340, 341. 342, 343>
344, 345, 346, 349 ; the His-
torical Record of, 330, 344.
Sixty-third Foot, the, 87.
Skene, Capt. Phillip, served
urfder Abercrombie, 217;
named Skenesborough, 217;
mentioned, 233.
Skenesborough, Burgoyne at,
21, 22; baggage sent to,
205 ; Riedesel marched to-
ward, 217; origin of the
name, 217; Digby ordered
to, 219-220; the army as-
sembled at, 222 ; enemy
driven from, 223 ; feu-de-
joieat, 222, 225; long delay
at, 226 ; doubt expressed
concerning the expedience
of bringing the army to,
227 ; the delay gave the
enemy time to collect, 228 ;
departure of the army, 233;
supplies sent from Ticon-
deroga, 266 ; in the posses-
sion of the Americans, 284 ;
Cheland killed at, 325 ; men-
tioned, 222, 224, 228.
Smith, Lieut. William P.,
wounded, 425 ; biographi-
cal notice of, 228.
Snakes at Skeensborough,
228.
Somersetshire, England, in,
112,338.
Sorel, M. de, 103.
Sorel river, formerly called
the River of the Iroquois,
103 ; Capt. Wilson captured
at the, 126, II, 116, 120,
135, 145-
South American coast, Capt.
York drowned on the, 329.
South Carolina, 195.
Spain ceded West Florida to
Great Britain, 149, 347 ;
ceded Louisiana to Great
Britain, 351 ; mentioned,
95, 115-
Spanish West Indies, 333.
Sparks, Jered, his Life of
Washington, cited, 3, 51,
53, 54, 86, 108, 163, 166,
171, 219.
Specht, Johann Frederick,
biographical notice of, 197-
199.
Spencer, Cornet, 247.
4o6
Index.
Spitfire, The, burnt, 162 ; com-
manded by Ulmer, 163.
Spofford, A. R., vi, 58.
Spruce used as an anticros-
butic and for beer, 122,
137-
Stamford, Conn,, the birth-
place of Gen. Waterbury,
162 ; death of Waterbury
at, 163.
Stanly, Capt. John, wounded,
332 ; biographical notice of,
335-
Stanwix, Gen. John, his name
given to a fort, 257 ; served
under Abercrombie, 257-
258.
Stapleton, Captain Francis,
killed, 341 ; biographical
notice of, 347.
Stark, Gen. John, destroyed
Baum's command, 23 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 23-24.
Stark, Lieut., commanded the
Maria, 152.
State of the expedition from
Canada, see Burgoyne,
Lieut.-Gen. Sir John.
Staten Island, 72.
Stearns, Ezra S., his History
of Rindge, cited, 216.
Stedman, C, his History of
the American War, cited,
206, 247.
Steele, Lieutenant Thomas,
wounded, 346 ; biographi-
cal notice of, 350-351.
Stevelby, Lieutenant Joseph,
wounded, 348-349 ; bio-
graphical notice of, 352.
Stewart, see Stuart.
Stillwater, battle of, Schuy-
ler's outposts at the, 22 ;
Wright killed at the, 245 ;
Turnbull killed at the, 337 ;
mentioned, 266.
Stone, F. D., vi.
Stone, Col. William L., men-
tioned, vi, 161 ; his articles
in the Magazine of Ameri-
can History, cited, 112; his
Campaign of Gen. John
Burgoyne, cited, 31, 299;
his edition of the Letters
and Journals of the Baroness
Riedesel, cited, 42, 43, 55,
88, III, 199, 242-243, 293,
297, 299, 300, 326-327, 340,
343, 345 ; his edition of the
Memoirs, Letters and Jour-
nals of Baron Riedesel,
cited, 108, III, 119, 217,
250, 252 ; his expedition of
Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger,
cited, 237, 257.
Stopford, Major, 128.
Storey, Thomas, 334.
Strangways, Captain Stephen
Digby, wounded, 335; bio-
graphical notice of, 338.
Stuart, Lieutenant Archibald,
killed, 336 ; biographical
notice of, 341.
Stuart, James, his Three
Years in North America,
cited, 87.
Sugar Hill, see Sugar-loaf
Hill.
Sugar-loaf Hill, General
Phillips on, 174; comman-
ded Ticonderoga, 204, 205,
Capt. Walker on, 207.
Index.
407
Sullivan, Gen. John, unable
to form a conjunction with
Arnold, 10; fell back to
Crown Point, 1 1 ; sent with
reinforcements to Albany,
25 ; elated in finding himself
in command before Quebec,
108-109 ; unsuccessful in
recovering lost ground, 108-
109 ; evacuated the Isle aux
Noix, 138; biographical
notice of, 10.
Sumner, commanded the
Boston, 163,
Surinam, Greene in the expe-
dition against, 278.
Surrey, England, 328.
Sutherland, Col. Nicholas, a
messenger from Burgoyne
to Yates, 310, 311; bio-
graphical notice of, 310-312.
Sutton, England, granted to
the Burgoyne family, 114.
Sutton, Volunteer, wounded,
325 ; biographical notice of,
328-329.
Swartwood, Capt. Abraham,
his coat used in making a
flag, 161.
Sweden, 95.
Swetman, see Swettenham.
Swettenham, Captain George,
wounded, 342 ; biographi-
cal notice of, 347.
Sword-fish described, 89.
Taylor, Sergeant Daniel, 34.
Tenth Regiment, the, 282,
283.
Tetton, the birthplace of
Major Acland, iii.
Thanet, the Earl of, supposed
relative of Gen. Gates, 168.
Thatcher, James, M. D., his
Military Journal, cited, 219.
Thevet, Andre, cited, 97.
Third Foot Guards, the, 160.
Third Light Dragoons, the,
332.
Third New Hampshire Foot,
the, 216.
Thirteenth Dragoons, the,
US-
Thirteenth Foot, the, 224.
Thirtieth Foot, the, 166, 278.
Thirty-eighth Foot, the, 196.
Thirty-first Foot, the, 114,
149- 188, 278; The Histor-
ical Record of the, cited,
150.
Thirty-fourth Foot, the, 123,
196, 333, 351 ; The
Talavera, Lieut. Howarth at
the battle of, 328.
Taylor, Ensign George, killed,
336 ; biographical notice of,
341-342.
Historical Record of the,
cited, 332, 333.
Thirty-seventh Foot, the, 181.
Thirty-sixth Foot, the, 114.
Thirty-third Foot, the, iii,
I95> 336, 351; The Histor-
ical Record of the, cited,
336.
Thomas, Gen. John, forced to
retreat, 9, 108 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 9 ; mentioned,
10.
Thompson, General William,
taken prisoner, 9 ; biograph-
ical notice of, 107-108.
4o8
Index,
Three Mile Point, 201.
Three Years in North Amer-
ica, see Stuart, James.
Thunderer, The, commanded
by Lieut. Scott, 152.
Ticonderoga, put into a con-
dition of defense by the
Americans, 12; Burgoyne
to take a post within sight
of, 15 ; dismayed, 18 ; Gen.
St. Clair at, 19, 170; Bur-
goyne before, 19-20 ; the
loss of, very bitter to the
Americans, 20, 224, 241-
242 ; capture of, hailed with
delight by George III and
Lord Germaine, 20-21, 64,
225 ; to be garrisoned by
troops from Carleton, 21 ;
Burgoyne obliged to garri-
son it, 26-27; attacked by
the <"Americans, 37 ; Bur-
goyne's intended retreat to,
46, 245; garrisoned, 124;
Indian name of, 126; de-
scribed, 126-127, 213-214;
probably visited by Cham-
plain, 126; Montcalm at,
127; called Carilton, 127;
Abercrombie before, 127,
258 ; captured by Amherst,
127; by Ethan Allen, 127;
by Haldeman, 127 ; Lord
Howe killed at, 156, 241,
258 ; Waterbury at, 163 ;
Heartley retired to, 1 65-1 66;
paroled prisoners taken to,
166, 219; Gates in com-
mand at, 168; the force at,
169; the Americans im-
patient for the approach of
Carleton, 172; forced evac-
uation, 174; comments on
Carleton's not attempting
to reduce it, 187 ; General
Powell in command at, 196
-197; an attack repelled,
197 ; abandoned, 198 ; Fra-
ser in possession of an emi-
nence that commanded it,
202 ; assigned to Gates,
204, 218; commanded by
Sugar-loaf Hill, 204-205 ;
want of foresight in St.
Clair, 204 ; baggage stored
at, 226 ; flight of the enemy
from, 227; Lord Howe and
Gen. Schuyler at the attack
of, 241 ; recruits from, 266;
fear that the army should
be obliged to return to, 277 ;
expedition of the Ameri-
cans against, 277 ; rein-
forcements expected from,
280 ; report of its capture,
281 ; news of the attack
received, 284-285 ; partial
success of the Americans,
285 ; intercepted dispatches
to Burgoyne from, 285 ; ex-
press from, 286 ; retreat to,
proposed, 292 ; mentioned,
vii, 72, 116, 129, 130, 131,
132, 147, 163, 173, 176,206,
223, 228, 230, 242, 246, 258,
331, 332, 349-
Ticonderago, see Ticonderoga.
Tierra Laborador, see Labra-
dor.
Toboyne Township, Captain
Adams a native of the,
137-
Index.
409
Toovey, Col. John, com-
manded the Fifty-third
Regiment of Foot, vi.
Tories, the, feeHng against,
243-244 ; cause embarrass-
ment among the Ameri-
cans, 255.
Toronto, 244, 306.
Torture of prisoners, the, did
not originate among the
Indians, 121,
Tower of London, the, Capt.
Shrimpton in command of,
350.
Townsend, Dr., 160.
Traverse, A., explained, 305.
Trois Rivieres, Carleton at, 84;
Digby at, 106; described,
106 ; prisoners paroled at,
132; mentioned, 184.
Trumbull, The, commanded
by Wigglesworth, 163 ; es-
caped, 162.
Turnbull, Lieutenant George,
killed, 334, 337, ; biograph-
ical notice of, 336-337.
Twentieth Foot, the, in, 155,
'^^' ^^f ' W' 333' 334, 335,
336 ; The Historical Record
of the, cited, 333, 334.
1 wenty-eighth Foot, the, 256.
Twenty-first Dragoons, the,
346.
Twenty-first Foot, the, 197,
198,310, 336, 337, 348; The
Historical Record of the,
cited, 312, 336, 349.
Twenty-fourth Foot, the, 87,
122,144,211,224,337,338;
Ihe Historical Record of
the, cited, 337, 338.
52
Twenty-ninth Foot, the, 129,
188,330,335,350,351; The
Historical Record of the,
cited, 330.
Twenty-seventh Foot, the,
248.
Two Voyages to New Eng-
land, see Josselyn, John.
Tyconderoga, see Ticonder-
oga.
Ulmer, Capt., commanded
the Spitfire, 163.
United States, History of the,
.f^^ Graham, the Rev. James.
United States, New Travels
in the^ see De Warrville, J.
P. Brisscot.
United States, the, 6^, 195,
261,281,283,312,354.
Universal Magazine, The,
cited, 140, 148.
Valcour Island, 12.
Valley Forge, Gen. Poor at,
282; mentioned, 60.
Verchere, Madame de, the
heroism of, 178-179.
Vercheres, described, 178-
179; origin of the name, 178.
Vermont, 194; The History
of, see Hall, Hiland, LL. D.
Vershere, see Vercheres.
Villaret, Admiral, 148.
Virginia, Burgoyne's captive
army sent to, 62, 175; Am-
herst governor of, 136;
Arnold in, 175 ; Phillips in,
175 ; mentioned, 107, 270.
Vischer, Col., letter from Gen.
Wilkinson to, 281.
4IO
Index.
Von Gall, Col. W. R., bio-
graphical notice of, 197-
199.
Vyner, Mr., 254, 303.
Walker, Capt, Ellis, ordered
to Sugar-loaf Hill, 207 ;
biographical notice of,
207.
Walpole, Horace, called Cath-
erine of Russia " Sister
Kitty," 6; idle story of his
being the father of Gen.
Gates, 168; god-father of
Gates, 168-169; his Jour-
nal of the Reign of George
HI, cited, 21, 171,239, 314,
318-319, 320; his Last Jour-
nals, cited, 171.
Walpole, Horatio, 168.
Warbourg, Gen. Phillips at,
174.
Warner, Col. Seth, captured
Crown Point, 127.
War of Independence, The
History of the, see Botta,
Carlo G. G.
Washington county, the sur-
vey of, see Fitch, Asa.
Washington, D. C, the Na-
tional Library of, vi.
Washington, Gen. George, ad-
dressed as " Mister," 3, 4,
15 ; his confidence in Gen.
Thomas, 9; compared to
Moses, 14 ; baffled Howe,
19; sent reinforcements to
Albany, 25 ; delay of Gates
in informing him of Bur-
goyne's surrender, 50; his
reply to Heath concerning
the removal of the troops
from Boston, 50-52 ; Lord
Mahon's opinion of, 50-51 ;
letter to Gates, 50-51 ; let-
ters to Heath, 52, 108 ; letter
to Congress, 54 ; letter from
Gates, 57; letter to Reed,
63-64 ; puzzled at Howe's
failure to co-operate with
Burgoyne, 71-72 ; request
for an exchange of prison-
ers, 84-85 ; opposed send-
ing Thompson to Virginia,
107 ; Gates an early friend
of, 169; Gates envious of,
170; proclamation of, 192;
remarks of, concerning the
evacuation of Ticonderoga,
219; met Morgan at Cam-
bridge, 270-271 ; consulted
Morgan, 271 ; his eulogistic
remarks upon Gen. Poor,
282 ; mentioned, 39, 60, 62,
216.
Washington, The Life of
George, see Irving, Wash-
ington, and Sparks, Jered.
Washington,The, commanded
by Waterbury, 163 ; cap-
tured, 162, 173.
Waterbury, Gen. David, J.,
taken prisoner, 162 ; com-
manded The Washington,
163 ; biographical notice
of, 162 ; mentioned, 165,
166.
Wayne, Col., 138.
Wellington, the Duke of,
Howarth served under, 328.
Wemys, see Weymis.
West India fleet, the, 148.
Index.
411
West Indies, the, Montgom-
ery in, 99; Gates in, 169;
Powell in, 196; Harris in,
331 ; Lind in, 333; Gordon
in, 351-
Westminster Abbey, Bur-
goyne buried in, 191.
Westminster Abbey Register,
cited, 1 16.
Westminster, England, Bur-
goyne educated at, 115.
Weston, Mass., Col. Marshall
died at, 283.
West Point, 60.
Westroop, Lieut. Richard,
killed at Fort Anne, 235,
348 ; biographical notice of,
234-.
Weymis, Captain Francis,
wounded, 332; biographical
notice of, 333-334-
Whale and sword fish, fight
between a, 89.
Whisky Insurrection, the,
271.
Whitcomb, Lieut. Benjamin,
a scout, shot Gen. Jordon,
128-131; seized a British
quartermaster, 1 29-1 31 ;
his account of the affair,
129; Anburey's account of
it, 130; biographical notice
of, 1 3 1- 1 34; sent to recon-
noiter, 145.
Whitehall, 14, 258.
Whitmore, Lieut.-General, in
Florida, 347.
Whitmore, Rachel, married
Ebenezer Francis, 211.
Wigglesworth commanded the
Trumbull, 163.
Wight, Captain, killed, 347 ;
mentioned, 266, 290.
Wilkes, John, or Lord Ger-
maine, 239.
Wilkinson, Gen. James, adju-
tant for Yates, 38, 306,
310; sent by Yates to
Congress with the news of
Burgoyne's surrender, 50;
defended Gates, 50 ; saved
the life of Maj. Acland,
112; a letter of his pub-
lished, 280-281 ; met Major
Kingston, 306; his Mem-
oirs of My Own Times,
cited, 35, 38, 42, 44-45,
55, 112, 130, 138, 160, 171,
225, 237, 274, 275, 299,
306, 312, 342-343-
Williams, Major Griffith, ob-
jected to the removal of his
artillery, 286; taken pris-
oner, 326; biographical no-
tice of, 286-287.
Wilson, D., his Life of Jane
McCrea, cited, 235-237.
Wilson, Captain James Arm-
strong, taken prisoner, 126;
biographical notice of, 126;
mentioned, 137.
Wilson, Jean, mother of Capt.
James, 126.
Wilson, Thomas, father of
Capt. James, 126.
Windsor Castle, Phillips lieu-
tenant governor of, 174.
Winnebagoes, The, under de
Langlade, 254-255.
Winter Hill, Boston, the quar-
ters of the German troops
at, 49-50-
412
Index.
Wisconsin Historical Society,
The Collections of the,
cited, 255.
Wolfe, General James, L'Es-
trange with, 182; St. Clair
with, 218; St. Leger with,
257; mentioned, 84, 155.
Wolterton, the Baron of, 168.
Wolves devour the dead, 246.
Woodcock, The, 83.
Woolwich Royal Military
Academy, Phillips educated
at the, 174 ; Carter at, 205 ;
Walker at, 207 ; Williams
in command at, 287 ; Jones
at, 324; Blomfield at, 325 ;
Smith at, 328 ; York at, 329.
Wright, Louis James, killed,
327 ; biographical notice of,
329-
Wright, Captain John, bio-
graphical notice of, 245.
Wyandot Panther, The, 235,
236.
Wyoming, the massacre of,
166.
Yale College, 193.
York, Lieut. John H., taken
prisoner, 326 ; biographical
notice of, 329.
York, Pa., Hartley's death at,
166.
York, the Duke of. Fort
George named for, 228.
Yorktown, Cornwallis' surren-
der at, 39; St. Clair at the
siege of, 219.
Young, Ensign Henry, killed,
336 ; biographical notice
of, 346.
Zebra, The, Longcraft com-
mander of, 151.
I am indebted to Mr. Edward Denham, of New Bedford,
an expert in all matters relating to indexing, for his valuable
services in compiling this index.
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