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APRIL 23, 1956 

•••'' . '•'x * '''' . •.^^•'••'/10yi^'^'^^>jykV^?9'M^ 


A Continuation of the 









MAY 7 1356 




Chief Curator, Department of Anthropology 


Associate Editor, Scientific Publications 




Research Associate, Malaysian Ethnology 
Professor Emerittis of Anthropology, The University of Chicago 



Published by 


APRIL 23, 1956 

Printed with the Assistance of 

The Marian and Adolph Lichtstern Fund 
Jor Anthropological Research 

Department of Anthropology 
The University of Chicago 



The material presented in this volume was gathered in the first seven 
months of 1910, while I conducted the R. F. Cummings Philippine Ex- 
pedition for Field Museum of Natural History (now Chicago Natural His- 
tory Museum). During that period a detailed study was made of the every- 
day life, customs and beliefs of the Bukidnon of north-central Mindanao 
in the Philippines, and collections were made to illustrate that life in the 

These people usually refer to themselves as Higa6nan, "mountain 
dwellers," but they are better known as Bukidnon, a name applied to the 
mountain people by the coastal Bisayan. This latter appellation has caused 
some confusion in the literature, since it also is applied by the coastal 
dwellers to the interior peoples of Negros, Nueva Ecija and Panay. Span- 
ish writers often used this term, or Monteses, for all highlanders (Mozo, 

As this study was approaching completion, a situation was developing 
in the Davao Gulf region of Southern Mindanao which made an immedi- 
ate transfer to that area seem imperative. Several months were spent in 
that district before a tropical illness necessitated my return to America. A 
slow recovery, installation of the Philippine collections, publication of the 
Davao Gulf material (Cole, 1913), and other duties led to the putting 
aside of the Bukidnon material for later publication. Before that time ar- 
rived World War I intervened. Later I returned to Malaysia to conduct 
studies in Indonesia and The Malay States. In 1924 I became associated 
with the University of Chicago, and my Mindanao materials remained, for 
the most part, unpublished except for a brief summary (Cole, 1945b). 

I had hoped that upon retirement I might return to the Bukidnon and 
develop an acculturation study based on my early work. Unsettled condi- 
tions after World War II made the accomplishment of the task so uncertain 
that it has not been undertaken. However, the Rev. Ralph Lynch, S.J., 
has recently dealt with some of the changes in Bukidnon between my 
stay and 1950 (see Lynch, 1955). 

At the time of my visit to the Bukidnon, the American government was 
constructing good trails into the interior, was forcing the natives into model 
villages, and was supplying them with plows and other facilities for farm- 



ing the grasslands. New crops were being introduced, schools were being 
opened, and new ideas of government were being urged on the people. 
Change was rapid in the area under control and was considerable in the 
peripheral districts. It was evident that this was the last opportunity to see 
these people in anything like the old life;' or to make a representative 

Certain trends were even then evident. The newly established villages 
were, for the most part, replicas of the less advanced settlements of the 
Christianized Bisayan of the coast. The datos, or local headmen, were 
being replaced by "elected" village officials, and in some towns the dress 
was changing towards that of the civilized peoples. 

Peripheral settlements, not under direct control, were also affected, but 
here two lines of resistance were becoming apparent. The distinctive dress 
of both men and women was being elaborated, and no small part of the 
"wealth" was being spent for cloth and ornaments. A second line of with- 
drawal into the old ways was in religion. The aggressive intervention in 
daily affairs by the American governor — Frederick Lewis — was weakening 
the political leadership of the datos or local headmen. Meanwhile the im- 
portance of the baylans or mediums was increasing. The ceremonies, 
which the mediums conducted, were assuming increasing importance to 
the extent that they dominated the social and religious life. As other as- 
pects of the old life weakened, interest in the spirit world increased. 

Following the time of my visit, the Bukidnon Company, under the 
leadership of former Commissioner Dean C. Worcester, established cattle 
holdings in the area. Later the Del Monte Company introduced pineapple 
culture, and with the advent of World War II the Japanese took control. 
Since the war there has been a steady migration of coastal peoples into 
the area, as well as settlers from other regions of the Philippines. 

It is evident that the old life is largely gone. A few marginal settlements 
retain part of the former customs, but only a part. Given the background, 
the surviving Bukidnon should offer ideal material for an acculturation 
study. It seems unlikely that I shall make that investigation, but I can 
furnish rather an intimate picture of what the Bukidnon were in 1910 be- 
fore the many disruptive forces mentioned came into play. 

The material which follows is primarily descriptive. It is drawn from 
notes long "cold," and is devoid of many lines of investigation which might 
be employed today. Nevertheless it is a rather full description of a function- 
ing native culture. 

The procedure in the investigation was for us — the writer and his wife — 
to settle in a community for several weeks, during which we sought to 
participate in, and to observe and record, the daily life. Securing the 
Museum collection was a major help, since each object was discussed in 



detail with the owner. If it was a trap or lure we saw it in actual operation; 
if it was an instrument employed in agriculture, weaving and the like, we 
observed and photographed its use. Details of dress were studied and 
household objects were recorded as used. Many hours of animated dis- 
cussion dealt with the relative value of different kinds of traps and snares. 
We hunted with the men, using only their devices, and later they went 
with us while we demonstrated the use of guns. As friendships and con- 
fidences were built up, we were invited and took part in all activities, 
including the ceremonies. These were carefully recorded and photographed 
and the meaning of various parts was discussed with several participants. 

Subjects such as religion, warfare, slavery, and family relations were 
taken up, first with the leaders and then with the average person. In all 
cases, even in regard to items which seemed trivial and trite, information 
was sought from more than one individual in each village. Village was 
checked against village and discrepancies were studied and evaluated. It 
is our belief that this volume furnishes as reliable a picture of native life 
as was possible for an outsider to obtain in a few months. 

In passing it should be noted that we contributed considerably to the 
pleasures of the people. Our phonograph and the records we made of 
their songs were major attractions. Our pneumatic mattresses were so 
fascinating that they often had to be demonstrated to wondering visitors. 
Our food and ways of eating, our dress — in fact, all our strange ways — 
were as intriguing to them as theirs were to us. Our medicine kit was an 
additional aid in establishing cordial relations. We never allowed it to 
take the place of curative ceremonies but we added its magic to that of the 
mediums. The success of an investigator in a functioning culture, it is our 
belief, will be in direct ratio to the extent he participates in the daily life. 

Beyer (1917, p. 42) and others have stated that the Bukidnon culture is 
probably similar to that of the pre-Spanish Bisayan. Outside contact had 
considerably modified the life and beliefs of the latter long prior to the 
Spanish invasion. Such influences had filtered into the interior but in much 
lesser amount. Later Spanish influence is evident even in remote settle- 

The dialects spoken by Christians and pagans appear to be very similar. 
Recent linguistic studies and surveys of Bukidnon Province tend to treat 
all the dialects found there as variants of Manobo. Atherton calls the dia- 
lect of Northern and Central Bukidnon by the term Binokid (Atherton, 
1953). Abrams and Svelmoe (1953) say that the dialect spoken at Lum- 
bayo, just east of Mailag, is Binokid, but that of nearby Tigwa is similar to 

With two exceptions the method used in transcribing native terms is 
that used by American linguists for Indian languages. When a capital E 


appears in the body of the word it stands for e"; the symbol ii is a post 
palatal nasal n. 

Except for collecting representative word lists, we did not attempt a 
study of the language during our stay. However, a Bisayan student from 
Misamis, who accompanied us part of the time, insisted that the Bukidnon 
dialects were very close to the language spoken on the North Coast. 

Aside from instances of physical mixture with peripheral tribes, the 
Bukidnon closely approximate the Christianized people. It is probable 
that in many respects the Bukidnon do furnish us with a glimpse of old time 
beliefs and customs which have, for the most part, vanished from the coast. 

The narrative is written in the present tense, but unless otherwise 
indicated, it refers to conditions existing in 1910. 

I am indebted to Father Frank Lynch, S.J., for various comments on 
the Bukidnon and their history. George Talbot prepared the drawings 
for the text figures, and Phillip H. Lewis made the map. 


Santa Barbara, California 
May 30, 1954 




List of Illustrations 11 

I. The Country and the People 13 

Some General Observations 16 

Physical Types 18 

Dress and Ornament 23 

Objects for Personal Use 31 

Settlements 34 

Household Inventory 43 

II. Making a Living 45 

Hunting and Trapping 45 

Fishing 48 

Agriculture and Its Rituals 51 

Medicines 57 

Household and Village Industries 57 

Basketry 57 

Weaving 61 

Pottery 63 

Carving and Decorative Art 63 

III. The Life Cycle 68 

Pregnancy and Birth 68 

Naming 70 

Child Life 71 

Marriage and Divorce 72 

Death, Burial and Inheritance 76 

IV. Social and Political Organization 79 

The Dato 79 

Crime and Law 81 

Warfare 81 

Slavery _^ 86 

V. The Spirit World 89 

The Baylans 89 

The Spirits 91 

The Gimokod 91 

The Alabydnon 93 

The Kaliga-on 96 

VI. The Ceremonies 99 

Pangampo 99 

Panalikot or Omaldgad 100 




Pagilis or Pamltwas 102 

Pamahdndi 103 

Kasaboahdn 105 

Pangolo-ambit 106 

Kaliga-on 107 

VII. The TuNGUD Movement 118 

VIII. Music and Dancing 119 

Dances 119 

Musical Instruments 120 

Songs 122 

IX. Celestial Bodies and the Seasons 123 

X. Stories and Legends 126 

How Sumilao was Founded .126 

The Lake Called Danao 126 

The Great Drought and the Origin of the Moros 127 

Origin of the Races 127 

Adam and Eve 128 

The Flood 128 

Origin of Monkeys 1 29 

Bulanawan 129 

The Story of Domakalangan 129 

The Lake near Sili 130 

The Aguio Tales 130 

XI. Conclusions 133 

Bibliography 135 

Index 137 


List of Illustrations 

Text Figures 


1. Bukidnon Province and adjacent territory 15 

2. The Bukidnon Highlands 17 

3. A deep canyon cutting through the Bukidnon Highlands 17 

4. Bukidnon man showing Negrito mixture 19 

5. Bukidnon man of coastal Malayan (Bisayan) type 20 

6. Bukidnon woman of Bisayan type 21 

7. Bukidnon man of "Caucasian" type 22 

8. Bukidnon woman of "Caucasian" type 23 

9. Bukidnon man of mixed type 24 

10. Bukidnon woman's dress 25 

1 1 . Bukidnon man's dress 25 

12. Woman's dress showing embroidered shoulder cloth 26 

13. Woman's dress showing embroidered cloth on back of head 27 

14. Man's embroidered carrying bag 28 

15. Detail of decoration on carrying bag 28 

16. Man's embroidered turban 29 

17. Man's dress showing method of wearing turban 30 

18. Man's hat, upper and lower sides 31 

19. Bamboo and palm bark hats 31 

20. Mutilated teeth 32 

21. Toothbrush, tweezers, stone used in filing teeth, and bead neckband 33 

22. Hillside clearing 35 

23. Gabi (taro) field 35 

24. House under construction 37 

25. Small house near the fields 37 

26. Tree house on the Pulangi River 38 

27. Interior of Bukidnon dwelling 38 

28. House interior showing box-like cradle 39 

29. Wooden chest inlaid with mother-of-pearl 39 

30. Rattan wall hanger containing coconut shell cups 40 

31. Rice mortar and pestle 41 

32. Rice winnowers 41 

33. Bukidnon woman grinding corn with stone corn-grinder 42 

34. Torch holder 43 

35. Bamboo water carrier 43 

36. Small bow and arrow used by boys 47 

37. Bukidnon spears 47 

38. Torch holder used in hunting frogs 47 

39. Deer and pig trap 48 




40. Deadfall trap for deer- and pigs 49 

41 . Slip-noose trap for wild chickens and lizards 50 

42. Funnel fish trap 50 

43. Cone fish trap 51 

44. Rice knife ^ 54 

45. Large carrying baskets 58 

46. Large baskets used on horses or carabao 59 

47. Trinket basket (L) and rice basket (R) 60 

48. A group of small baskets 60 

49. Rice bags 61 

50. Stripping hemp 62 

51. Details of hemp stripper 63 

52. Firing pottery 64 

53. "Guitars" or boat lutes 64 

54. Circular shield showing front 65 

55. Circular shield showing hand grip 65 

55A. Designs in patchwork decoration 66 

56. Armed warriors dancing at wedding 74 

57. Drinking rice wine at a funeral 77 

58. Warrior in battle dress 83 

59. Warrior with padded coat and distinctive headdress 85 

60. Protective bandolier called talian 87 

61. Baylan and pupil 91 

62. Sacrificing a fowl at the A'fl/ ceremony Ill 

63. Making an offering at the Kaliga-on ceremony 112 

64. Culmination of the Kaliga-on ceremony 113 

65. Male dancers imitating the movements of hawks 120 

66. Native violins with bows 121 

67. Woman's musical instrument made from bamboo 121 


L The Country and the People 

The Province of Bukidnon lies in the north-central portion of Min- 
danao. For the most part it consists of a high plain which rises abruptly to 
a height of about 900 feet, just back of the coast of Cagayan, Misamis, now 
known as Cagayan de Oro, Misamis Oriental. On the east a forested 
mountain chain separates it from the broad valley of the Agusan River. 
These mountains run from north to south until, as they approach the 
southern end of the province, they turn toward the southwest to form the 
northern limits of the Province of Davao. Some high mountains appear 
there, but between them are low passes which afford access to the Gulf 
of Davao. On the west of Bukidnon another range runs north and south, 
forming the boundary with the Mohammedan-dominated Province of 
Lanao (see map, fig. 1). 

These mountain chains have afforded some protection from the more 
warlike tribes to the east and south, as well as from the Moros. However, 
passes have allowed hostile raids in search of victims and slaves, while from 
time to time, renegade bands from Lake Lanao have taken refuge here. All 
have left their imprint, especially in the peripheral areas. 

From a distance Bukidnon appears to be a high, broad, unbroken plain 
which rises gently toward the mountains. Actually its surface is cut by 
many deep and narrow north and south canyons with precipitous walls 
enclosing rushing streams. In places these canyons widen into valleys of 
some size, but the dominating feature is the great grass plain cut by deep 
gorges (figs. 2 and 3). 

At one season the young cogon grass covers the tableland like a lawn. 
Later, when the rank grass has reached its full height, it is crested with 
white bloom. The natives with their simple tools are no match for the 
sturdy grass, so the lands, for the most part, have been left undisturbed 
save by wild pig and deer. 

The province is cut nearly in half by the eighth parallel, which also 
serves roughly as the water divide. The Pulangi River and its tributaries 
start somewhat north of the line and flow to the south, but all other water 
courses flow north. The Pulangi — lower down known as the Rio Grande 
de Mindanao — is suitable for rafts throughout the area, but the only other 



river of any considerable size, the Cagayan, has many rocky rapids which 
limit its use for travel. 

The abrupt escarpment which borders'the coast, poor trails, lack of 
bridges over the many turbulent streams in the gorges, all have served to 
keep the territory from being over-run by the Bisayan of Misamis but have 
not been a protection against exploitation of the pagan Bukidnon by the 

At the time of the governorship of Don Narciso Claveria (1844-49) 
settlements existed in the vicinity of Mount Balatocan, Cagayan Valley, 
and the Plateau. Many of these were short-lived but some fifteen towns 
of the Tagoloan Valley and Plateau districts were still flourishing in 1887 
(Cartas, 1881, vol. 4, pp. 82-83; 1889, vol. 8, pp. 412-417; Pastells, 1916, 
vol. 2, pp. 140-141). 

During the 1880's Jesuit missionaries made numerous trips into the 
interior and by the end of the decade were conducting a vigorous program 
of resettlement and Christianization. They found the grass plains mostly 
unsettled, while the people lived in scattered isolated villages along the 
edge of the forest or in small settlements bordering the water courses. 
Every inducement was used to persuade the people to estaljlish towns on 
the plain. There they were assisted in building houses similar to those on 
the coast; they were supplied with some tools and were taught the cultiva- 
tion of coffee, cacao, corn and hemp. Churches were established and so 
successful were the Jesuits that by 1893 they were able to report 6,600 con- 
verts out of a population estimated at 13,000 (Blair and Robertson, 1903-9, 
vol. 43, pp. 23, 27, 203, 209, 277, 289). The evident advantages of the 
more settled life led some of those who had refused the protection of the 
Church to establish compact villages on the periphery of the plain. How- 
ever, nearly every family still kept its hillside clearing and at times the 
villages were nearly deserted. 

Ultimately a surplus of coffee, hemp and cacao led to increased trade 
with the Bisayan city of Cagayan on the coast, and for a time it appeared 
that the efforts of the Jesuits were resulting in the establishment of a self- 
supporting community. Unfortunately these friendly, helpful efforts were 
not shared in by certain well-to-do caciques of the coast or by the Chinese 
merchants. Parties of Bukidnon, laden with produce, would go to Caga- 
yan, where their innocence of trade and finance was taken advantage of. 
Low prices for their products were paid in trade for over-valued objects 
they desired. Many were induced to go into debt and signed papers which 
led to virtual peonage. When they did not appear as scheduled with hemp 
or other products, the leaders would secure a judgment and then would go 
inland to collect. 

Fig. 1. Bukidnon Province and adjacent territory. 


While the missionaries remained they afforded some protection to the 
villagers, but with the insurrection against Spain and the fall of Manila to 
the Americans in 1898, the interior natives were left to the mercy of their 
exploiters. As a result many of the villages were virtually deserted and most 
Bukidnon reverted to the old life at the edge of the forest. 

When American officials, acting under orders of Commissioner Worces- 
ter, sought to establish contact with the Bukidnon, they were opposed 
in every way possible by the caciques and traders of Cagayan. Even 
though Bukidnon trade had dropped to a low point it still was too profit- 
able to be lost. This attitude had the opposite effect to that intended. 
Commissioner Worcester made Bukidnon a field of special attention and 
appointed Frederick Lewis and Manuel Fortich as Governor and Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, respectively, with orders to open up the country. 

Under these energetic leaders, old villages were re-established, new 
model towns were organized, grassland agriculture was assisted by the 
introduction of plows and draft animals, schools were opened and local 
governments set up. Good trails were built from the coast to Malay balay, 
forty miles inland, and later these were extended to other areas. Covered 
bridges were constructed over streams in the gorges. Where funds were 
needed for such items as plows and steel girders they were supplied by the 
government, but construction was done by Bukidnon under American 

Trade to the coast was supervised, while the appearance of American 
traders led to active competition and more suitable returns to the pro- 
ducers (Worcester, 1914, vol. 2, pp. 610-29; Cole, 1913, p. 163). Today 
trade in hemp, coffee, and corn continues with the Bisayan and Chinese 
traders of Misamis; there is also some indirect trade for weapons and brass 
boxes with the Moros of Lake Lanao and with the tribes of Davao Gulf. 

This brief sketch indicates that so much acculturation had already 
taken place by 1910 that the towns under direct control were not suitable 
for the purposes of the investigation proposed. Hence the pagan villages 
of Mambwaya, Langawan and Dagondalahon on the west, and Mailag 
and Limbayao in the south-central area, were chosen. Other settlements 
were visited for shorter periods. At the time of our visit Mailag was strongly 
acculturated but still retained many old traits. Limbayao was little in- 
fluenced either by the Americans or other Christianized peoples, but it 
showed relatively few distinctive Bukidnon traits. It probably should be 
classed as peripheral Manobo. 


On the borders of Bukidnon territory and along the Pulangi River iso- 
lated settlements made up of tree houses or dwellings placed high on piles 

Fig. 2. The Bukidnon Highlands. 

Fig. 3. A deep canyon cutting through the Bukidnon Highlands. 



were occasionally seen. They were set in clearings in which crops were 
raised and which also were of advantage to the occupants in case of an 
enemy attack. In rare cases they were further protected by bamboo 
palisades. These tree houses differ but little from the high field houses 
near the larger settlements. 

It is claimed that in former times each district had a petty ruler or dato 
who lived in a large house raised high on stilts. Such dwellings did not 
exist in 1910, but the descriptions indicate that they resembled those of 
the Bagobo of the Davao Gulf region to the south (Cole, 1913, p. 66). 

Here it should be noted that aside from the "long-house" of Borneo, 
Sumatra, and a few other areas, the typical Malayan village was made up 
of several individual family dwellings. Each village was under the guidance 
of a local headman. Beyond this unit there was no higher authority until 
Indian, and later Mohammedan, influences brought in the idea of a 
ruler — dato or rajah — and the development of states (Cole, 1945a). The 
tribes of the southern end of the islands had felt these influences to such an 
extent that the chief dato of the Bagobo was the paramount ruler with 
several subordinate datos below him (Cole, 1913, pp. 55, 95 ff.). Certain 
other tribes had a similar but less well-defined organization. Also, the near- 
by Moros of the Lanao district had well-developed ideas of the state and 
powerful rulers. 

It is to be suspected that whatever development along this line had 
taken place in Bukidnon was due to ideas borrowed from their neighbors. 
The term dato is used by the Bukidnon but it is applied to the headman 
of a village. It is doubtful if these people ever had rulers with control over 
more than one or two settlements. 

Whatever the former power of the dato, he has been replaced, at least 
in name, in most villages by the "presidente," supposedly chosen by popu- 
lar vote, although the idea of headman is still strong. In earlier times the 
headman would have been a warrior of renown entitled to wear distinctive 
dress. Some of the older men still possess such garments, which they wear 
on great occasions. 


During the author's stay with these people physical measurements and 
observations were made on about one hundred individuals. Unfortunate- 
ly these are not now available. In the years which intervened, the measure- 
ment sheets have been mislaid. Hence, the statements which follow are 
drawn from field notes and the study of photographs without other veri- 
fication. Physically the people represent gradations between three types. 
The first exhibits strong evidences of Negrito (pygmy) mixture; the second 

Fig. 4. Bukidnon man showing Negrito mixture. 




Fig. 5. Bukidnon man of coastal Malayan (Bisayan) type. 

and largest group resembles the coast Bisayan; while the third has many 
features approximating the Europeans (figs. 4-9). 

Evidence of an early pygmy population is found in nearly every district 
of Mindanao, but is particularly strong in the Ata, a small scattered group 
in the mountains south and southeast of the Bukidnon territory. While 
visiting settlements on the southern tributaries of the Pulangi River the 
writer saw about fifty people called Tugauanum who had come over the 
mountains to trade. Judging by the small stature of some, and the dark 
skin, crisp, curly hair and broad to flat noses of many, the group appeared 
to show considerable infusion of Negrito blood (Cole, 1913, ch. V). Mixture 
with this early type has given to part of the Bukidnon the characteristics 
of the little blacks. 

The second — Bisayan-like — grouping presents a rather short, slightly 
built, brachycephalic population with high heads. Zygomatic arches are 
wide and outstanding; eye slits are often slanting, with the Mongolian 
fold common. Most noses are relatively high, but broad flat noses with 
concave bridges are frequent. Lips range from thin to medium; hair is 
coarse, dark brown to black, and is inclined to be wavy; skin color ranges 



Fig. 6. Bukidnon woman of Bisayan type. 

from light yellowish to dark reddish brown. This dominant type fades into 
the Southern Mongoloid classification. 

A third, minority, division includes a considerable number of persons. 
Here we often find high mesocephalic heads, vaulted foreheads, narrow 
noses, rather thin lips and "strong" chins. The impression is distinctly 
"European" except for color. This type might be accounted for by mixture 
with early Indian, Arab, or Spanish invaders were it not for the fact that a 
similar situation exists even in the most remote areas of Malaysia. As 



Fig. 7. Bukidnon man of "Caucasian" type. 

Stated in an earlier publication (Cole, 1945a, p. 330): "We must postulate 
an early Caucasoid element in southeastern Asia which has left its imprint 
on the later proto- and true Malayan." \ 

These three elements do not form distinct groups; they freely inter- 
marry and every gradation is found among them. Father Pablo Pastells 
in a letter to Father Provincial Capell, S.J., states that the Monteses (Bu- 
kidnon) consist of two groups adjacent to the Manobo of Agusan, whose 
habits they approach. Father Clotet says they exist in three groups, one 
of which is close to the Manobo of Agusan (Clotet, 1889, in Blair and 
Robertson, vol. 43, p. 289). 




Fig. 8. Bukidnon woman of "Caucasian" type. 

The population in 1886-87 was estimated by the Governor of Misamis to 
be 18,000, and by Beyer in 1916 as 48,500 (Pastells, 1916, vol. 2, p. 140; 
Beyer, 1917, p. 41). 


One of the marks of resistance to outside ideas is the distinctive dress of 
the Bukidnon. In his recital of Bukidnon life Father Clotet describes the 



Fig. 9. Bukidnon man of mixed type. 


dress in detail and then adds '"of all these vain things . . . they are de- 
spoiled when they receive the health giving water of baptism." In return 
they received medals, rosaries and scapularies (Blair and Robertson, 
1903-9, vol. 43, pp. 272, 290 ff.). Thus dress became the mark of the true 
Bukidnon, who wore it proudly and defiantly at nearly all times. 

Seen in a group these people appear quite different from all other pagan 
groups of the island, for the women resemble animated bed quilts, while 



Fig. 10. Bukidnon woman's dress. 

Fig. 1 1 . Bukidnon man's dress. 

the men are only slightly less colorful. A few garments are made of hemp, 
but the greater part are of cotton trade material from the coast. That this 
is not a recent development is attested by the account of Father Clotet 
mentioned above. 

The voluminous skirts of the women are often strips of red, blue and 
white cloth sewed together; or squares and rectangles of cloth may be out- 
lined by white strips. A deep lower section of applique or embroidered 
design may represent triangles, zigzag lines or realistic figures. Jackets, 
which receive more attention, may be nearly covered with patchwork or 
designs embroidered in colored yarns. Many of the patterns are realistic — 
men, flowers and fruits — but others are conventional figures which make 
the garment "look pretty." Embroidered cloths, usually red, are worn over 
the shoulders, and decorated belts encircle the waists (figs. 10-13). 



Fig. 12. Woman's dress showing embroidered shoulder cloth 

In addition to the body coverings the women wear large combs with 
intricate designs inlaid in brass or mother-of-pearl. To the knots of hair 
on the backs of their heads they add switches. These large rolls of hair are 
then covered with embroidered cloths which fall to the sides of their heads 
just back of the ears (fig. 13). Tassels of yellow yarn are suspended back 
of the ears or are tied in holes pierced in the lobes or helices. Earrings and 
ear plugs are commonly worn. 



Fig. 1 3. Woman's dress showing embroidered cloth on back of head. 

Not content with such ornamentation the women also possess necklaces 
of beads and seeds, or necklaces skillfully made from boar's bristles. Brace- 
lets of brass or shell often encircle the forearm, and finger rings which cover 
the upper joints, toe rings, and heavy brass anklets are prized possessions 
(see fig. 6). The latter are cast so as to leave a central groove in which 
pellets are placed to form rattles. As the woman walks the rings and anklets 
"make music wherever she goes." (Clotet, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 43, 
p. 292.) 

The dress of the man is nearly as colorful. Embroidered coats and long 
trousers held up by decorated belt bands are the main garments. Since 
these possess no pockets each man carries a carrying bag; this is suspended 
against the left side by means of a shoulder strap which passes over the right 
shoulder (figs. 11, 14, 15). 

Personal possessions are carried in these bags or inside embroidered 
turbans. Hats of Bisayan type are much worn. These are round, made of 





Fig. 16. Man's embroidered turban. 

bamboo or rattan, and have spreading bamboo headbands inside. These 
bands also serve as receptacles for small prized objects. A few hats made of 
palm bark or wood also appear (figs. 16-19). 

This account of dress indicates that the Bukidnon are sharply differ- 
entiated from the neighboring Manobo to the east, from the Mandaya 
to the southeast, and from the Davao tribes to the south (see Garvan, 1931, 
ch. VI; Cole, 1913). 

Quite as important as dress is the proper treatment of the teeth. Adults 
customarily have the incisors cut horizontally across, about midway of 
their length, or bored through and inlaid with brass wire. All are 
blackened and are further stained by the spittle of the betel nut (fig. 20). 
Tattooing is not practiced. 



Fig. 17. Man's dress showing method of wearing turban. 


Women wear bangs over the forehead but allow strands of hair to fall 
in front of the ears. The remaining hair is combed straight back and is tied 
in a large knot at the back of the head. Switches often are added. Most 
women and unmarried boys shave the eyebrows (figs. 6 and 12). The 
man's hair usually is cut rather short, but a few allow it to grow and wind 
it around the head to be tied in a knot. This, they said, was formerly the 
custom, and agrees with the account of Father Clotet (1889, m Blair and 
Robertson, 1903-9, vol. 43, p. 293). Elaborate head cloths are worn like 
turbans by most men, but distinguished warriors may wear pointed head- 
dresses and other distinctive clothing (fig. 17). 



Fig. 18. Man's hat, upper and lower sides. 

Fig. 19. Bamboo and palm bark hats. 


We now turn to those objects and materials which, while not dress, still 
form a necessary part of a person's accouterments. Both men and women 
chew the nut of the areca palm— betel nut — and the materials and objects 
related to its use are necessities wherever the person may be. The quid 
when ready for use is called tinalad. This is prepared by cutting buyo {Piper 
betel L.) leaves into strips which are spread with a thin coating of lime. 
A nut is then cut lengthwise, usually into four pieces, and these are 



Fig. 20. Mutilated teeth. 

wrapped in the leaves. Tinalad when chewed produces a blood red spitde 
which is freely expectorated. No portion is intentionally swallowed, but 
enough is absorbed to give a slightly stimulating effect. Tobacco often is 
added to the quid, which may be pushed up under the upper lip for a 
time. Continued use of the tinalad discolors the teeth, but it also seems to 
assist in the preservation of those which have been mutilated. 

Connected with the betel nut chewing are certain necessary accessories, 
first of all, the lime. This is secured by burning shells and dropping them 
into cold water. They are then crushed between the fingers and when dried 
produce a good grade of lime, which is carried in a small, incised bamboo 
tube, one end of which is fitted with a sifter made of interwoven strips of 
rattan. Betel leaf {Piper betel L.) often is carried in a double pouch, but 
the usual device is a small brass box with compartments for nuts and 
leaves. Some boxes are made locally, but fine containers of metal are ob- 
tained in trade with the Moros. Lime containers are habitually carried in 
the men's carrying bags or in the women's baskets. 

Betel nut is second only to rice as a Bukidnon necessity. We shall find it 
appearing constantly in dealings with the spirit world, as well as in the 
more important ceremonial and social events. Old people who have lost 



Fig. 21. Toothbrush, tweezers, stone used in fihng teeth, and bead neckband. 

their teeth or those whose teeth have been so mutilated that they cannot 
chew carry small mortars and pestles with which they crush and mix the 
ingredients. Frequently a small brush made of boar's hairs is attached to 
the owner's garment by a string of beads. It is worn like an ornament but 
is in reality a toothbrush (fig. 21). 

In this connection mutilation of the teeth is to be considered. When a 
child is old enough to chew betel nut, that is, at about the age of 10, its 
teeth should be cut and blackened. This is the style and a grown person 
with white teeth would be laughed at and asked when he would be old 
enough to chew tinalad. The usual method is to file the upper incisor teeth 
across, about midway, and then to break them off (fig. 20). Another 
method of ornamentation is to bore holes through the teeth and inlay 
pieces of copper or brass wire. In addition to mutilation most teeth are 
blackened although they are already somewhat discolored by the use of 
betel nut. A cold knife is held in the flame and smoke of burning guava 
bark, and the "sweat" which is deposited on the blade is rubbed on the 
teeth several nights in succession. This must be repeated at intervals to 
maintain the proper color. 


Another "ornament" worn by the man or carried in his bag is a pair 
of iron tweezers which take the place of a razor. Facial hairs are few in 
number and those which do appear are grasped tightly with the instru- 
ment and pulled out (see fig. 21). 

In each carrying bag or basket will be found a small pitch-covered or 
water-tight bamboo container for flint and steel. This is the common fire- 
making device, but in case of need a bamboo outfit is used. The latter is 
made by splitting a section of bamboo and cutting a groove across the 
convex side. The other piece is cut to an edge and this is rubbed rapidly in 
the groove. The friction produces enough heat to ignite the shavings or a 
bit of tree cotton placed beneath the groove. This method is known and 
used throughout Malaysia. It has been stated by Clotet (1889, pp. 300- 
301) that the fire syringe was once used in this area but none was seen 
during our stay nor were we able to secure data concerning its use. 


In an earlier paragraph we noted that in former times some settlements 
along the border may have consisted of several dwellings erected near to 
the long-house of a recognized leader — such as is found in the Davao Gulf 
region. All had disappeared by 1910. At the time of the Jesuit entry into 
Bukidnon few settlements existed on the grasslands. This is easily explained 
by the fact that coarse cogon grass was an almost insuperable obstacle to 
cultivation with the primitive tools available. 

The easy and usual way to prepare a field is to choose a wooded valley 
or hillside, girdle or cut down the trees, and, at the proper time, burn them. 
The land thus cleared is suitable for a one-year crop of dry land rice, 
abaca (hemp), or possibly tobacco, although this is grown only in limited 
quantities. As the cogon grass begins to invade the open spaces, the field 
is planted to camotes, gabi {[Colocasia esculentum (L.) Schott.] — a variety 
of taro) or perhaps to a few banana trees. This can be continued for two or 
three years, after which new clearings are made (figs. 22-23). 

Such a procedure does not encourage construction of substantial houses. 
In general a few upright saplings form the framework to which the sup- 
ports for the bamboo floor are tied. Cross poles join the tops at a height of 
about six feet. From the corners light poles make a A at each end and to 
these a ridge pole is tied. Other light timbers run from the top to the upper 
stringers to which the thatch roof is laid. Sides are of beaten bark or mats, 
but a gap normally exists between them and the overhanging roof (figs. 
24-25) (see also Garvan, 1931, p. 17). Nearly every family still possesses 
such a dwelling near to the forest. They are within hailing distance of each 
other, but do not make up a compact settlement. We may accept the 

Fig. 22. Hillside clearing. 

Fig. 23. Gabi (taro) field. 



natives' statements that this was the early condition. A few tree houses are 
still seen, set high above the ground. Long poles from the ground to the 
sides or floor help to secure the structure. Entrance is by means of a ladder 
which can be drawn up in case of need (fig. 26). Construction is much like 
that just described. 

Under the prompting of the Jesuits, and later of the American governor, 
villages were established on the grasslands. In general these differed but 
little from the Bisayan towns along the coast. Similar villages began to 
appear in the peripheral areas but in these, houses are generally without 
side walls. The type of construction is illustrated in figure 24. 

Floors of the dwellings consist of broad bamboo strips on which grass 
or rattan mats are laid. The latter are made by lacing cords around narrow 
strips of rattan, much like the pattern of Venetian blinds (fig. 27). In case 
of a driving rain these are used as siding. The more substantial town houses 
may be occupied by two or more families, although the tendency is toward 
single family occupancy. Entrance is by means of a ladder; doors are rare. 
A knot of leaves or cogon grass tied to the ladder is a sign that the occu- 
pants are away and the place is "taboo." Anyone violating such a sign, 
either at a house or on a trail leading to a field, is considered an intruder 
and is treated accordingly. 

A raised seat or bed may occupy a sort of alcove near the entrance. 
Chairs are lacking since the people normally sit on their heels or flat on the 
floor. Mats serve as beds and tables. Each person has a long narrow pillow 
filled with tree cotton, which usually is placed against the back or below 
one leg. People retire fully clad, and if necessary, add a cotton blanket as 
covering. Occasionally a rattan hammock swings in one corner and this 
may serve as a bed. 

An inventory of household eff'ects will be found in the following section, 
but a good idea of the scanty furnishings is supplied in figures 27 and 28. 
In passing we should note three stones set in triangular form in a bed of 
ashes which serve as a fireplace. Fire burns between the stones on which a 
pot of rice is placed until it starts to boil. It is then set in the ashes close 
enough to the heat so that the cooking continues. Pottery jars and sections 
of bamboo are used for cooking and as water containers. Coconut shell 
cups may also serve as dishes, although large and small wooden plates are 
also used. Rattan racks fastened to the wall take the place of cupboards. 
Food is dipped from the jars with wooden spoons, or spoons with coconut 
shell bowls, but it is normally conveyed to the mouth by the fingers. 

Baskets of all sizes and types hang against the walls or sit on the floor. 
Some are used for storage, others to carry produce from the fields, and 
some are fish baskets. Figure 28 shows a simple box-like cradle suspended 

i'ig. 24. House under construction. 

Fig. 25. Small house near the fields. 



Fig. 26. Tree house on the Pulangi River. 

Fig. 27. Interior of Bukidnon dweUing. 

Fig. 28. House interior showing box-like cradle. 

K:^^;:|:. - ^ ^ - ^ ^ ,^ 4 4 ^ ^> ,j. ^>.t>^ ^ •:i>-4i:;^fH 
■.>:!j- ;•.:■■%* 4- -^r 4* "^ =;' -^J' -^^ -^ 'y '^ ^1^ •***• •>• •'i* <- 4^ •*■ •"•UM^?^ 

» ■« »*# j' • :.•'<•* V» /.".a/AaA'. A >''. A. *.'««•*.. A aVa A ••*•*•***> a*V>a«Vaa.Vaa.Va4*Va a.V*a/»\ A • , 'titj.**- 

Fig. 29. Wooden chest inlaid with mother-of-pearl. 


Fig. 30. Rattan wall hanger containing coconut shell cups. 


Fig. 31. Rice mortar and pestle. 

Fig. 32. Rice winnowers. 




Fig. 33. Bukidnon woman grinding corn with stone corn-grinder. 

from the wall. More commonly these cradles are attached to long bamboo » 
poles which respond to the movements of the child, so that it jounces itself 
to sleep. 

Wooden chests and Chinese jars often stand against the wall. These 
still are acquired through trade with the coast, but an occasional one may 
be a valuable old piece which entered the islands many generations ago 
(Cole, 1912). Among the chests are a few carefully made, fitted with 
locks, and inlaid with mother-of-pearl in design (fig. 29). These are highly 
prized and evidently are of some antiquity. They were described by Father 
Clotet (1889, p. 299) as prized possessions. 

Such dwellings appear as rather untidy, but seldom are actually dirty. 
The floors are stained from the red spittle resulting from chewing betel 
nut; the walls often are smoked from the open fire or torches, but refuse 
is swept through the cracks of the floor and, if edible, is promptly consumed 
by the pigs or the dogs. 



Fig. 34. Torch holder. 

Fig. 35. Bamboo water carrier. 


Mention already has been made of rattan and grass mats, of pottery 
jars, wooden dishes and spoons, baskets of various sizes and uses, also of 
the "stove," the cradle, wooden chests and Chinese jars. To this list should 
be added: 

(1) Large rattan wall hangers in which plates and coconut shell dishes 
are kept (fig. 30). 

(2) Wall hooks or hangers for garments. 

(3) A few wooden seats or benches. 

(4) Wooden mallets used to beat clothes in washing. 

(5) Wooden meat blocks. 

(6) Corn or camote shredders — usually a piece of tin punched full of 
holes and put over a split stick. Green corn or sweet potatoes are drawn 
over this under pressure. 


(7) Rice mortar and pestle. The mortar is made from a hollowed out 
log. Threshed rice is placed in this and pounded with a wooden pestle until 
the husks are loosened. It is then placed on a rice winnower and tossed into 
the air. The wind blows away the chaff while the heavier grains fall back 
onto the winnower (figs. 31, 32). 

(8) Winnower. 

(9) Stone corn-grinder — probably a late introduction from the coast 
(fig. 33). 

(10) Torch holders. Blocks of wood or log sections with holes cut in 
them hold torches which are made of resin wrapped in leaves (fig. 34). 
Such torches are also suspended from hangers attached to the rafters. Light 
is also obtained from wicks fitted into dishes filled with grease. 

(11) Large gourds or sections of bamboo — often used to store cleaned 
rice to protect it from rodents and insects. 

(12) Bamboo tubes with inter-nodes removed are used to carry and 
store water (fig. 35). 

(13) Rattan hammocks — while not common they are widely dis- 
tributed over the territory. 

(14) Pillows — long narrow pillows filled with tree cotton are used with 
the sleeping mats. One is placed under a leg or at the back. 

(15) Articles of dress, also shields, spears and knives. Drums and other 
musical instruments may hang on the walls — these are described in other 
sections. Fish traps and nets often are found beneath the house. 

IL Making a Living 

Everyone takes some part in food gathering and agriculture. Men and 
boys fish and hunt occasionally; women and girls gather shellfish and 
jungle roots. Most women know how to make pottery but few are experts, 
and the art is declining, due to trade substitutes. Mat- and basket-making 
are important. Young girls start training by imitating their elders but soon 
find such work an important part of their regular duties. A few women 
weave hemp and cotton cloth. It is evident that this was formerly an im- 
portant accomplishment but trade cloth from the coast has led to a sharp 
decline in native work. On the other hand the great emphasis laid on 
applique and embroidery of garments has made nearly every woman an 

Several native forges were observed in various parts of the territory, and 
it appears that the Bukidnon were once self-sufficient in the production of 
such metal objects as spears and knives. Today nearly all such are secured 
from the coast or from the Moros of Lake Lanao. The Bukidnon metal 
working outfit is of the typical Malayan type, consisting of two cylinders 
hollowed out of logs. In these cylinders plungers, made of wood with a 
packing of feathers, are alternately raised and lowered, thus forcing the 
air through bamboo tubes into a bed of charcoal. Knives and spearheads 
are beaten out of pig iron obtained in trade, then are brought to a white 
heat and held over a container filled with water. The operator watches 
closely and when the cooling metal begins to turn a greenish yellow he 
dashes it into the water. The result is steel. This method and its distribu- 
tion have been discussed in detail in another volume (Cole, 1945a, pp. 167 
-168). Brass casting by the wax mould process was once common but has 
been replaced by trade articles to such an extent that the art has nearly 
vanished. The Malayan forge is used for reducing the metal. 


Game is plentiful but the men are not ardent sportsmen. The most 
common method of hunting is for a party to surround a burned over plot 
and to drive the game into the open. Dogs are employed and when an 
animal is brought to bay, it is impaled with long shafted thrusting spears. 
In some cases nets are spread at strategic points toward which the hunters 



converge. Deer and pig are sometimes hunted from horseback, the rider 
seeking to thrust a long spear into the victim. The head of the weapon is 
detachable but is fastened to the shaft by means of a long cord. If the head 
is well set in the animal, the shaft drags through the underbrush and thus 
retards escape (fig. 37). 

All members of a hunting party share equally in the kill. It is said that 
any surplus will be cut up into strips and after being salted will be hung 
in the sun to dry. It is doubtful if this often occurs. On several occasions 
groups of natives accompanied the writer on night hunting trips. As many 
as three deer were obtained in an evening, but all the meat was consumed 
by the villagers within a few hours. Single hunters do not stalk the game, ; 
neither do they use any decoys. 

The bow and arrow appears as a toy, but its serious use is limited to 
those areas close to the wilder tribes to the east and south. Small bows 
fitted with rattan strings are used by boys to kill fish, birds, and frogs. The 
arrows often have several points and shooting is far from accurate (fig. 36). 

Two types of traps — slip noose and deadfall — are used for deer and pig. 
The former consists of a long line with a slip noose at one end. The latter 
consists of two light timbers set in triangle form over the runway of the 
game. Two small posts rest against these at about the height of a deer's 
antlers. Next the line is attached to a tree and is looped around the tops 
of the timbers. Then the slip noose is spread open and is held by the posts. 
An antlered animal passing between the timbers has its horns caught in 
the noose, and is then easily speared. \ 

A deadfall constructed of logs (figs. 39, 40) is placed in the runway 
with a release cord so situated that a passing animal will trip it and cause 
the suspended log to fall. Stones or another heavy log resting on it give 
sufficient weight to stun or kill a deer or pig. 

A common trap is a slip noose variety used in capturing wild chickens 
and lizards (fig. 41). An arch is made of a twig against which the top of a 
trigger rests. The lower end of the trigger presses against a cross-piece. 
Light strips of bamboo rest on the cross-piece and on the ground; on these 
a slip noose is placed. The line, of which the slip noose is a part, is held 
taut by passing between the trigger and the arch. From there it passes on 
to be attached to a bent branch. The bait is placed on and beneath the 
bamboo strips. The weight of an intruder releases the trigger and causes 
the noose to be closed around its legs. It is claimed that similar, but larger, 
devices are sometimes used for deer and pig, but none was seen. Small birds 
caught in snares are often kept on perches in the houses as pets. 

Chicken snares and carrying baskets, like those in use throughout the 
Philippines, are common. Such a snare consists of a series of slip nooses 
attached to a common band. This band is set in a square or circle and is 

Fig. 36. Small bow and arrow used by boys. 


Fig. 37. Bukidnon spears. 

Fig. 38. Torch holder used in hunting frogs. 




Fig. 39. Deer and pig trap. 

held by sticks so that each noose Hes nearly flat. In the center of the 
square a tame rooster is tied. The crowing of this fowl attracts the wild ^ 
birds, which come in to fight. As the intruder moves back and forth a leg 
is soon caught and held in a noose. 

Frogs are hunted at night by means of a torch and a many-pointed 
bamboo spear. A shield is attached to the torch to protect the eyes of the 
hunter (fig. 38). Apparently the frogs are blinded by the glare and are 
easily taken. Young boys are quite adept at this sport. Parrots and small 
birds are secured by placing "bird lime" where they congregate. The sap 
of the breadfruit tree is spread on a stick which is then fastened at a likely 
spot. Birds lighting on it are held like a fly on fly paper. 


Fish are secured in traps similar to those in use through Malaysia. As a 
rule they are made out of bamboo, torpedo shaped with a funnel opening 
at one end and a removable cap at the other (fig. 42). The funnel is made 
of bamboo spikes set close together. A fish can push through these, with 
ease, to enter the trap but cannot return. Such traps are set at the ends of 
stone channels through which the water of a stream is diverted, or they 
may be baited and placed in pools. A less common device, made like a 
truncated cone with both ends open (fig. 43), is used in muddy water. 



Fig. 40. Deadfall trap for deer and pigs. 

The fisherman pushes this down to the bottom, then inserts his arm and 
feels around for any fish which may have been trapped. 

Small fish nets, used by women, consist of nets fastened to poles, one of 
which is held in each hand. The operator holds the net down stream, then 
with her feet she moves rocks under which fish may be hiding. These dart 
down stream and into the net. Three or more men sometimes manipulate 
a large hemp net weighted with stone sinkers. Two drag the extended net 
slowly up stream toward the third man, who drives fish down by overturn- 
ing rocks on the stream bottom. 

An old method — fish poisoning — is used where conditions permit. Dried 
berries called lagtang, probably Anamirta coccultis (L.) W. and A., are roasted 
and crushed into a powder. This is placed in damp moss which is wrapped 
around a stone and thrown into a quiet pool. Soon stupefied fish rise to the 
surface. The method is effective but is of limited use due to the fact that 
swiftly flowing streams off'er few favorable pools. 

Eel traps — like those of widespread use — are found here. A long tube- 
like basket has an outside spring made of a bent limb. This is held by means 
of a trigger attached to a cap at the open end. The device is baited with a 
frog, at the far end, which is also attached to the trigger. When an eel 
enters and attempts to drag out the bait it releases the trigger and the 

Fig. 41 . Slip nose trap for wild chickens and lizards. 

Fig. 42. Funnel fish trap. 




spring pulls the door shut. Some hooks and lines are used but doubtless 
are of recent introduction. Much of the fishing and gathering of shellfish 
is done by the women. When thus engaged they attach small covered 
baskets to their belts and into them drop the catch. 


Fig. 43. Cone fish trap. 

Compared to most Philippine tribes the Bukidnon appear singularly 
lacking in interest in hunting and fishing, and in all ceremonial connected 
with them. The devices used are those commonly employed throughout 


As already noted, most Bukidnon farms are clearings near streams or on 
forested hillsides. A man selects a desirable plot and summons his neighbors 
to assist him. Later he will return services in kind. 

Before any work is done the prospective owner must square accounts 
with the spirit world. It is well known that in the first times the earth was 
like a person. If it was cut it would bleed, and the spirit would suffer. 
Likewise the trees were like humans. To compensate and appease them 
the owner and his friends go to the edge of the plot and build a little plat- 


form. At the foot of this they tie live chickens, while rice, eggs and betel 
nut prepared for chewing are placed on top. Then the owner addresses the 
spirits of earth, stones, cliffs, baliti (Ficus spp.) trees and vines which are 
on the land desired, in addition to the more powerful being, saying: "Do 
not be angry with us who clean the land. Do not be offended for we now 
offer chickens, rice, betel nut and drink. Let the seed bear good crops." 
Then the chickens are killed, and while the women prepare food some of 
the men start clearing the land. 

Underbrush is slashed with working knives; small trees are cut and 
larger ones girdled by means of adzes — iron blades set in wooden handles. 
Then when certain constellations appear in the proper place in the sky 
it is known that the time has arrived to set fire to the dry debris. A few 
days later unburned portions are made into piles and are refired. Despite 
this the fields usually appear rather disorderly, with large trunks lying 
where they have fallen. It really is unnecessary to remove them for within 
a few months they will have been eaten up by the anav or "white ants" — 
termites (see fig. 22). When the food is ready the workers return to the 
little platform. Again the spirits are summoned and after they have had an 
opportunity to partake of the offerings they are besought to be satisfied 
with their pay and not to cause injury to those who now would use the 

Before the planting begins a second ceremony must be made for 
Ibabasd, the spirit who lives in and guards the field. (Clotet [1889, p. 294] 
says that the god of the fields is known as Tagumbanua. The Kaliga cere- 
mony is made for him. He mentions a powerful spirit Ibabasug as the one 
invoked in childbirth.) A stick about two feet long is sharpened at one 
end "like a planting stick" and with it a few holes are made in the soil. 
This done, it is placed firmly in the ground within the field, and to it leaves 
are tied. The device — now known as kalotan — is surrounded with the seed 
rice and prepared betel nut is placed on a little table of bark. Next a 
chicken is killed and as the bavlan addresses the spirits he sprinkles blood 
on the kalotan and on the seed rice. His prayer, first addressed to the 
superior spirits and then to Ibabaso is as follows: "Please now allow this rice 
to thrive; keep animals from molesting or destroying it, for now we offer 
blood to you." This done, the flesh of the fowl is cooked and eaten by the 
workers, who also chew the betel nut. 

Planting can now be undertaken unless a further ceremony connected 
with Kaliga-6n (p. 107) is required. In Central Mindanao the Kaliga is a 
ceremony made after harvest by all the people. Each owner of a field goes 
there with friends who sing as they go. The owner carries two sticks under 
his arms. A jar of liquor is placed in the house and all drink and sing from 
afternoon to morning. 


If a person falls sick before planting time a small ceremony is held to 
determine if one of the spirits of Kaliga-6n is responsible. At that time the 
baylan cuts off a bit of a chicken's comb and promises the spirit involved 
that a little house will be erected for him in the field. This will be done at 
once and must always be placed above the kaldtan just mentioned. Other 
illnesses are met by promises of ceremonies "when harvest time is past." 
This agreement is also sealed by clipping off a bit of a chicken's comb. 

Most of the planting is done by the women, although men may assist. 
One or more persons carrying long sticks sharpened at one end move in 
straight lines punching holes into the ground. Others follow, dropping the 
seed rice into the holes and then pushing in earth with their feet. Inform- 
ants named nine kinds of rice, none of which is grown in wet land plots. 
In the grasslands where the government furnishes animal-drawn plows 
for breaking the soil a line of eight or ten men use poles to punch holes into 
which they drop the seed. 

Villages like Limbayao, close to the Manobo, hold a two day ceremony 
for the ancestors and other spirits just before the planting. A little altar is 
erected to which pigs, chickens and liquor are brought. Through the first 
night the people drink and sing; then next morning they slaughter and 
offer the animals. 

No great amount of care is given to the growing crop although the 
women do some weeding. But as harvest time approaches the scene 
changes. Unless they are prevented, monkeys, deer, and rice-birds will 
secure the major part of the crop. To guard against them little houses are 
set high on piles so as to overlook the growing grain. From these structures 
bamboo or rattan lines radiate in all directions. These are attached to split 
bamboo sticks which act as clappers. The operator in the shelter pulls the 
cords from time to time. This makes a great clatter which frightens the 
birds or causes larger intruders to beat a retreat. If the land is at a distance 
from the settlement, the field house may be set in the branches of a tree 
to give protection to the caretaker against raiders. In such cases the entire 
family may reside there during the critical period of crop growth. 

When the harvest time comes the owner goes alone to the kaldtan and 
cuts enough rice to feed the family, their helpers and guests. This rice must 
be cut with a small blade similar to that so widespread throughout 
Malaysia (Cole, 1945a, p. 165). The blade is attached to a cylinder which 
is held between the third and fourth fingers. This leaves the first finger free 
to catch the stalk. The thumb then presses it against the metal (fig. 44). 

When sufficient rice has been cut it is placed beside the kaldtan. This 
breaks the taboo and others may then help. Women cook the new rice, a 
chicken is prepared for food and betel nut is made ready for chewing. 



The feast is spread on mats and the baylan addresses Ibabasd and other 
spirits which had been summoned at planting time. To them he says: 
"Now come here and eat. Here are chicken and rice and betel nut for 
you to chew. Now I tell you that our rice is matured and I wish very much 
to eat it, but I allow you to eat before we 'do." The spirits are given time 

Fig. 44. Rice knife. 

for their repast and then the baylan summons the people. When they have 
finished eating they may begin the harvesting of the field, for the spirits 
are now satisfied. 

As the grain is cut it is tied into bundles and is placed in the sun to dry. 
No granaries are provided so the rice is then removed from the straw, 
beaten in mortars to loosen the chaff, winnowed and then stored in bam- 
boo tubes or in bags. 

After the harvest, when sufficient food is available, all the people who 
have made pledges prepare to celebrate the Kaliga-6n ceremony. Rice, 
chickens and in some cases pigs, drink and betel nut are made ready. The 
first and second days are devoted chiefly to singing and dancing, with oc- 
casional offerings of betel nut to the spirits. On the third morning the 
baylans go to the fields accompanied by all who are under pledge to give 
the ceremony. They go to the spirit houses, repair each one and then place 
food and drink and live fowls nearby. The spirits who have been residing 
in the structures and have cared for the fields are now invited to eat and 
to chew betel nut with the mortals they have aided. A baylan cuts the throat 
of a rooster and sprinkles blood on the spirit house and on the person giv- 
ing the ceremony. The symbol of the spirit is removed from its place and 


is carried to the edge of the town. There the group awaits parties coming 
from other fields. 

When al] have assembled they go to the center of the village and erect 
a large platform to which they tie the animals to be sacrificed. On this 
platform are placed rice, eggs and other off"erings. A spirit image now ap- 
pears, whereupon the animals are slaughtered and blood is splashed over 
the figure. All is silent except for the voices of the baylans calling to the 
spirits to come to the village, to enter the houses and partake of food and 
drink. In each dwelling involved ajar of liquor is opened; a mat is spread 
on the floor and on it are placed off"erings of beads, needles, rings and the 
like. Food is piled high on banana leaves and the spirits are urged to eat. 
They are reminded that the people have kept their pledges, and that all 
still ailing should be restored to health. When the spirits have had ample 
time to finish their repast, the "remaining" food is divided into little piles 
— one for each person. Most of it is eaten at once but any which is left will 
be placed on banana leaves and be carried home. Drinking and singing 
continue through that day and night. 

The chief crop is rice, but corn and sugar cane are sometimes planted 
in a new clearing. After one season the field will be given over to camotes, 
Ipomoea batatas (L.) Poir. ; gabi, Colocasia esadentum (L.) Schott.; or hemp, 
Musa textilis Nee. Small amounts of tobacco, cotton, and piper plants 
are also raised. The procedure for clearing land is always the same, but 
rice is the only crop associated with the ceremonies just mentioned. A few 
betel nut and coconut palms or banana trees may appear close to the 
houses or lining the streets of the model villages, but they are not produced 
in quantity. In settlements once under control of the priests coffee and 
other introduced trees and shrubs may still thrive. 

While the amount of tobacco raised is limited it is important, for the 
leaf is used by most people in connection with betel nut chewing. When 
the leaves are mature they are stripped from stems and midribs and are 
rolled into balls. These are placed between two boards which are tied 
together and the leaves are then dried for four or five days. When removed 
from the boards a number will be wrapped in a banana leaf and will be 
hung above the fire until thoroughly cured. In no instance did we see 
tobacco smoked, but Clotet, writing in 1889, says it was then smoked in 
small clay, wood or horn pipes with bamboo mouth pieces (Clotet, 1889, 
p. 301). 

Reference has been made to a fermented drink known as agkEd or 
pangasi. The first step in its production is to pound rice into a fine powder 
and to soak it thoroughly. To this is added powdered pepper and ginger 
and if available some sugar cane juice. The mixture, then known as tapay, 
or ferment, is made into cakes which are sun dried. When all is ready one 


or more cakes are mashed and are sprinkled over cooked rice. This is 
wrapped in leaves and is put in a basket until it begins to ferment. It then 
is transferred to a jar, and is kept tightly closed until nearly all of it has 
become liquid. It is then ready to drink. Two long bamboo tubes are used 
to suck it from the jar. The residue is eaten. 

In addition to the foods mentioned, the following are raised and used 
in minor quantities: 

Two or three kinds of beans. 


Sugar cane. 

A small red pepper called sili {Capsicum Jrutescens L.) for seasoning. 

Ginger (Zingiber officinale Rose.) for seasoning. 



Also an occasional pineapple, jack fruit and breadfruit. 

To this list should be added fronds of young ferns, various bulbs, a 
variety of young bamboo, the heart of the palma brava tree, mushrooms, 
and other wild products, such as leaves and seed pods. 

Domesticated and wild plants and trees furnish the major food supplies. 
To these should be added chicken, eggs and pigs — especially at times of 
ceremonies. Decrepit horses and carabao are also eaten. When slaughtered 
the blood is saved and is cooked with the entrails; very little of such an 
animal is discarded. 

Most wild animals — such as deer, pigs, lizards — as well as wild chicken, 
birds, doves, parrots and bats are utilized. Grasshoppers, frogs and some 
snakes are eaten. Most prized among the latter is the boa constrictor. It is 
roasted, cut into sections and further cooked with tomatoes, pepper leaves, 
salt and coconut meat if available. Rats are seldom eaten, and crows are 
refused "because they eat dead men." 

Fourteen varieties of fish, all of which are eaten, were recorded. To 
these should be added eels, shrimps, crabs and shellfish. The latter are 
cooked in salt water and the meat removed with thin splints of 

Note has already been made of the fermented rice wine called agkEd or 
pangasi. A less common drink — sinobog or tuba — is made by adding peppers 
and tungog to sugar cane juice. This is put into bamboo tubes and is al- 
lowed to stand two or three days. 

Coffee and cacao are raised in the Central Valley. Most of them is 
sold to the coast but some is consumed locally. Both are roasted in a pot, 
are mashed or pounded and hot water is added. 



Nearly all illnesses are considered to be caused by spirits or by magic. 
Proper ceremonies are held to appease or counteract the unfavorable 
conditions, but in addition to these a number of "medicines" are used. 
The names of twenty-three of these were gathered and identified. For 
stomach pains or headache certain leaves or slices of lemon are heated and 
applied like a poultice. Another treatment is to chew the bark of the 
yow-yow tree. Pains in the side or chest are treated by applying a powder 
made from a plant like garlic or by scrapings of certain barks. Open sores 
are treated by covering them with "green" cotton — just taken from the 
pod — or by a sticky juice obtained from the root of the dungau plant. 

A medicine "with great power" is the dried gall of the boa constrictor. 
A little of this is made into a powder, put into water and drunk as a cure 
for stomach ache. 

During their menstrual periods the women wear leg bands made from 
the cuticle of ferns, a sea grass and orchid stems wrapped around central 
splints. These are also said to give strength to the wearer on long walks. 
Similar bands are worn by men as a protection against threatened sickness. 

Our medicine kit was held in great respect, and some of our "cures" 
were little less than phenomenal. Quinine, castor oil and similar remedies 
were really effective, but many cases were beyond our diagnosis or were 
imaginary. For these we rolled brown bread pills in quinine and the 
strongest tasting ingredients we possessed, and gave them to our patients. 
Some, so ill that they were carried to us, made such rapid recovery that 
they walked out. One woman who had been hooked by a carabao more 
than a year before and had been sick ever since was so improved within 
the hour that she was taking part in a dance. As our reputation grew our 
patients increased. They loved castor oil and soon our stock was so 
threatened that we had to change to Epsom salts, and we lost many cus- 
tomers as a result. 



The woman is the basket maker, and in the manufacture of her wares 
she employs chiefly three materials — bamboo, rattan and pandanus. 

Not much attention is given to decoration, but such an effect is some- 
times achieved by alternating the outer "enameled" strips with the dull 
inner ones. In some cases colored bands of bamboo also are used. A perma- 
nent black is achieved by applying juice of the banana blossom or of the 
tuba-tuba (probably Jastropha curcas L.) to strips which are then held in 
the smoke of burning resin. 




Fig. 45. Large carrying baskets. 

Four weaves and their variants are used: 

(1) Checkerwork: In this the warp and weft are of uniform size and 
pHabiHty, and each element passes over one and under one of the other, 
thus forming square or rectangular checks. A variant of this weave is found 
in certain baskets in which the warp is crossed and the weft passes through 
in regular order, so as to produce hexagonal openings. 

(2) Diagonal or twilled: Two or more weft strands pass over two or 
more warp elements, but not the same in adjoining rows; also the warp and 
weft both run diagonally. 

(3) Wickerwork: In this the warp is rigid; the smaller and more 
flexible weft passes under one and over one of the former. 

(4) Crossed weft: Here two sets of wefts cross each other at an angle 
and interlace a rigid warp. 

The woman is the usual carrier of field products. Her load is supported 
by a band passing around her forehead and to the basket, which rests on 
her back. When carried by a man the basket is fitted with bands which 
pass over the shoulders, thus holding the receptacle close to his back (fig. 




Fig. 46. Large baskets used on horses or carabao. 

45). For long trips a large basket is attached to the side of a horse or 
carabao (fig. 46). 

Large baskets or bark containers are set at convenient spots in the field 
during harvest time; they also stand near the forges to hold charcoal. 
Similar baskets are used for general storage in the houses. Small baskets of 
pandanus are often attached to the women's belts to hold odds and ends. 
Better made containers are regularly worn and take the place of pockets 
(figs. 47, 48). Rice sacks of straw (fig. 49) are designed to hold clean rice. 
When filled they may be used as units of exchange — "so many sacks of 

The methods of mat-making and of constructing rice winnowers are 
closely related to basketry. Mats are usually made of a wild grass although 
rattan is also used. The grass is dried and is flattened by being drawn under 
the edge of a knife. Coloring, when desired, is accomplished by placing the 
strands in liquid vegetable dyes. The chief coloring materials are obtained 
from talisay {Terminalia catappa L.) and tagom {Indigofera tinctoria L. or /. 
teysmanni Miq.), or from the juice of the banana blossom which after being 
applied is held in the smoke of burning resin. 

Mats serve as beds, as seats for guests, as tables and even as musical 
instruments, as well as wrapping for the dead. Crude mats of pandanus 
are also used for drying grains, coff"ee and the like. 

Fig. 47. Trinket basket (L) and rice basket (R). 

Fig. 48. A group of small baskets. 




Fig. 49. Rice bags. 


Hemp (Musa textilis Nee), which is raised in considerable quantity, is 
the chief article of export. Apparently it was once used locally to a much 
greater extent than at present. Today most of the product is carried to the 
coast where it is sold or bartered for cotton cloth and other desired ma- 
terials. The hemp plant closely resembles the banana, but is grown in 
considerable acreage whereas bananas occur in groups of three or four 
plants. When sufficient material is ready it is carried to the stripper. This 
is a simple device (figs. 50, 51) consisting of an iron blade resting on a hard 
wood block. The handle of the blade turns on a wooden pivot and one end 
is attached to a bamboo spring. As the handle is drawn up the blade is 
forced down. The operator raises the blade by means of a foot treadle, 
which draws the handle down. He places a strip of hemp on the wooden 
block, the foot pressure is removed and the knife descends. Grasping one 
end of the strip the operator draws it toward him thus removing the pulp. 
The fibre is hung in the sun to dry and then is tied into bundles and is 
ready to be carried to the coast. The work is hard and a man seldom 
strips hemp for more than a few days at a time. 

Skirts and blankets of hemp formerly were made by the "tie and dye" 
process so common in the Davao Gulf region (Cole, 1913, pp. 83-84). Only 

Fig. 50. Stripping hemp. 

Fig. 51. Details of hemp stripper. 


a few of the women still do this type of work and soon it will be a lost art 
in this tribe. The method employed is as follows: Warp threads are placed 
on a long frame and the design is tied in by overwrapping all portions 
which are to remain uncolored. When this is completed the warp is re- 
moved from the frame and is placed in cold liquid dye. When thoroughly 
soaked it is hung up to dry. The process is repeated until the desired color 
is obtained. Ultimately the overwrapping is removed, revealing the un- 
colored portions. The warp threads are then placed on a loom and the 
weft is woven in. 

Weaving in both cotton and hemp is done on a backstrap loom. For the 
hemp all designs are tied into the warp, but the figures in cotton are ob- 
tained by placing the threads on a frame (fig. 27) which has rods cor- 
responding to the lease rods of the loom. Designs are obtained by the 
manipulation of these rods, as the shuttle is run back and forth on the 

Only a small amount of cotton is raised. Seeds are removed by a device 
which operates on the principle of a clothes wringer. Spinning is equally 
simple. A thread is twisted out of a wad of cotton and is attached to a 
spindle. This is operated with the free hand. As the spindle turns it twists 
out new thread from the cotton held in the left hand. When the spindle 
stops the thread is wound up on the shaft and the process is repeated. This 
is an old method found in most of the coastal areas of Malaysia. 


This art, like weaving, is disappearing as a result of trade but some 
women still practice it. Clay is kneaded by hand and is placed on a dish 
which sits on a rice winnower. Nearby is a coconut shell filled with water. 
The clay is shaped with the fingers, is beaten and thinned with a paddle 
applied to the outside over a stone held inside. Final shaping and smooth- 
ing are achieved by applying a damp cloth to the surface as the dish is 
turned slowly with the free hand. Scroll designs are incised or may be 
added with a small stencil. Smooth stones are used to rub over the sur- 
faces. Any designs are placed just below the rim. Firing is done by laying 
bamboo sticks around the pot — in the manner of laying a rail fence. This 
when fired makes a hot but even fire sufficient to bake the clay (fig. 52). 

Carving and Decorative Art 

A few very crude representations of human beings appear in the cere- 
monies, but they consist of little more than the suggestion of a head cut 
out of a pole, with indications of eyes, nose and mouth. Such figures serve 
only once and are then discarded. 



Fig. 52. Firing pottery. 

Fig. 53. "Guitars" or boat lutes. 

Long, narrow "guitars" (fig. 53) frequently have the lower end carved 
to represent one or two heads of crocodiles or birds, while the upper end 
is the tail. 

Shields (figs. 54, 55) may have elevated centers or be inlaid with beads 
and surrounded with tufts of horse hair. The edges may also have a fringe 
of hair. In addition, simple designs in straight or curved black lines may 
be added to the front and back. In a few instances the handles or scab- 
bards of knives may be carved to represent a star or may be inlaid with 
white beads. Women's combs and a few of the earrings have incised designs 

Fig. 54. Circular shield showing front. 

Fig. 55. Circular shield showing hand grip. 




Fig. 55A. Designs in patchwork decoration. 


on the surface. Frequently the bamboo containers used in connection with 
betel nut chewing are incised with designs similar to those seen in the 

Baskets rarely and mats usually have decorative effects produced in the 
weaving. In the mats various colored straws are intentionally used "to 
make the mats pretty." Old time weaving in hemp shows decorative ef- 
fects produced by the "tie and dye" method, while simple designs are 
woven into modern cotton blankets. All these efforts apply to a very small 
percentage of articles in use, and the general effect is that of a very drab 
material culture — except for clothing. Elaborate patchwork and em- 
broidered designs are added to jackets, trousers, skirts, shoulder and head 
cloths, and to men's cloth bags. 

All patchwork decoration is known as ginontinan, "cut out with scissors." 
Many designs have only pattern names which vary according to the way 
they are applied. For example, a zigzag pattern which runs horizontally is 
sinanbilian, but if vertical it is linongko. In the same manner a half-diamond 
design sitting on a base line has one name, but if suspended from the line 
it has another. Some designs are descriptive of the manner of application: 
a circular design is "scissor work in a circle"; a red half-diamond applied 
to a white field is "fits in." Embroidery in red and yellow is "colors of a 
mat." Pattern designs predominate, but a considerable number are 
realistic. Among these may be noted figures of men, women, and animals, 
as well as of flowers and fruits. 

The design elements in figure 55, A, were interpreted as follows: A, 
clothing designs; B, man with bolo; C, lizard; D, pinola design (resembles 
leaves o{ pinola tree); E, zigzag; F, a bird; G, leeches; H, flower of a 
tree; I, embroidery design; J, design derived from back of playing cards; 
K, zigzag; L, panel design from handkerchief. 

IIL The Life Cycle 


Children are desired, but barrenness is not a ground for divorce since 
the woman's inability to bear children is due to the acts of the spirits. 
Sterility, apparently, is very rare and most women bear six or seven chil- 
dren — most of which survive infancy. One Langawan woman had 15. 

Some illicit affairs take place between unmarried boys and girls, and 
even among married people. Public opinion, child betrothal and early 
marriage tend to cut the number of extra-marital adventures. No cases of 
prostitution — that is, where a woman exchanges her favors for gain — have 
been discovered. 

Children are by no means innocent and sexual matters and nudity are 
freely discussed, despite the fact that this is one of the most completely 
clothed groups in the islands. In this connection certain ideas of modesty 
are interesting. In taking physical measurements there was no objection 
to touching or measuring a woman's breasts. However, it would be 
scandalous for any man not her husband to touch her elbow or heel. As a 
result few arm measurements were made. 

During her menses the woman does not prepare food or take part in 
dances, but once her pregnancy is known she may enter into all village 
activities. Circumcision, as practiced by the Moros, is known but all in- 
sisted that it does not occur among the Bukidnon. 

If pregnancy progresses normally the woman continues her regular 
daily life but if she is ill or feels undue pain a midwife is summoned to rub 
her abdomen and back. If this fails to relieve her it is evident that a female 
spirit, Pdnglang, who lives in the mountains, is causing the trouble. This 
spirit is the mistress of Mangonqyamo — patron of midwives and guardian of 
pregnant women. She also consorts with a youth called Palilitan who looks 
after new-born children. If necessary a ceremony is held in order to make 
these spirits well disposed and to insure an easy delivery. 

The first act for the husband is to fashion a miniature cradle from the 
outer bark of a banana stalk. Next he catches a chicken and then hands 
these to a baylan who in turn carries them to the pregnant woman. Standing 
beside her he says: "Now Pdnglang, listen and look while I make this offer- 
ing. Perhaps you have made this woman ill. If so I hope she may now be 



well for I am about to make a ceremony for you, to Mangonoyamo, and 
Palilitan.'''' He then fastens leaves and flowers to the little cradle. This done 
he sacrifices the chicken and allows its blood to fall on the leaves. He pulls 
out the wing feathers and puts them around the edge of the cradle, which 
is now a fit dwelling place for the spirit Palilitan. The flowers are for him 
to play with, for should they be lacking he will play with the baby so that 
it will cry. 

When the chicken and rice are cooked a small portion is put on banana 
leaves and is placed in the cradle for Palilitan. The remainder is put in 
dishes on a mat, along with betel nut. When all is ready the baylan ad- 
dresses the spirits: "Now Pdnglang, Mangonoyamo, and Palilitan, look, for 
I am now asking you to let the sick woman become well. Let the child 
inside her have no trouble and when the delivery comes let it be easy. 
You Pdnglang and you Mangonoyamo come and eat the food on the plates, 
and you Palilitan come also, for your share is in the cradle." After an inter- 
val the people may eat the food and chew the betel nut left on the plates, 
but only the pregnant woman may eat the food in the cradle. Should any- 
one else taste it the ceremony will be of no avail. When the ceremony is 
over the little cradle is hung above the woman's mat and all should go well. 

When the time comes for the delivery the midwife places the woman flat 
on the floor of the living room and rubs her abdomen. As soon as the child 
is born she cuts the navel cord and removes the afterbirth. This is wrapped, 
first in a dirty cloth and then in a good clean cloth, "for it is the brother 
of the baby." It is buried under the house ladder or beneath the stove 
where no animals can get to it. Soon it becomes earth but its spirit returns 
to the sky and becomes the Molin-olin of the child. If the birth is difficult the 
midwife stands close by and calls the names of many things such as sky 
and trees. When the right one is mentioned the child will appear. Thus 
it is known which spirits are delaying the birth and offerings will be made 
to them. 

Only a small group of women know how to act as midwives. They are 
called by the same name as their patron spirit — Mangonoyamo. The usual 
pay for their services is one peso. Some neighbor who has a small child 
will suckle the new-born baby until the mother's milk comes. 

It is said that at the time of birth Magbabdya talks to the child and allows 
it to choose how it will die. The people know that this is true, for one time 
long ago a pregnant woman wzis lying asleep on her mat when her husband 
returned from his work in the fields. As he was tired he lay down beside 
her. Suddenly he heard a child crying, and then he discovered that the 
voice came from the child in his wife's body. As he listened he heard a 
voice say: "Do you wish to die in the water?" The crying continued. "Do 
you wish a tree to fall on you and cause your death?" Still the child cried. 


"Do you wish to fall from a cliff and die?" The child cried on. "Do you 
wish to die by reason of a crocodile?" The crying ceased and the voice was 
heard no more. 

Soon the child was born and the father had such a great fear that it 
might be the victim of the crocodiles that he gave orders that it should 
never be taken to the river, and that the water for its bath must be boiled. 
As the child grew the father's fear became so great that he moved his 
family to a high hill far from the river. One day the boy lay asleep on the 
floor beneath his father's talian-charmed sash. A crocodile's tooth which 
was attached to the talian fell and struck the boy's chest. It made only a 
slight wound but it bled until the boy was dead. "So it is clear that we 
cannot escape the fate the Magbabaya gives us." 

Should the child be ailing or should anything out of the ordinary occur 
soon after its birth the infant is taken to friends and is given to them. The 
new foster mother sacrifices a chicken and when it is ready to eat she calls 
the gimokod (spirits) of the child, asking them to come and eat and to 
observe that she is now the real mother. She sends a coin to the real mother 
"to pay for her milk." The latter must now secure a brass betel nut box 
or a coin necklace and must preserve it until the child is old enough to use 
it. These acts should restore the child to normal, and later it may be re- 
turned to its actual parents. 

If a child appears to be stillborn the midwife chews betel nut and spits 
the red juice into the child's mouth. Then she dips her hands in cold 
water and places them on the child's face. If these acts fail the child is con- 
sidered dead. In the Central Valley an attempt to revive a stillborn child 
is made by striking on a piece of iron, placed near its ear, until the iron 

Twins are considered "good fortune," but it is necessary to hold the 
ceremony Pagalamo within three days or the children may become jealous 
of each other. A child is nursed until it is quite large or until another child 
is born to take its place. 


The father usually gives the child a name which may be suggested by 
something he sees or hears at the time of its birth. A typical list of names 
with their meanings follows. 


Manantosin, "patient or willing" (a good worker). 

Tampil, "can get" (will have a good fortune). 

Manlafnsan, "double" (will win at games or may have two wives). 

Manistahon, "can hold" (will keep possessions). 



Tap-plahan, "good fortune comes like waves to her hand." 
Loppidgan, "will become rich by the aid of spirits." 
Karaga, "little frog." 
DafAlay, "supple" (will be a good dancer). 

Should a child cry a great deal it is a sign that it does not like its name, 
and the name will be changed. 

There is no restriction against a person telling his name, but when he 

or she has a child it is customary to say ''^Amay ," father of ; 

''''Inay ," mother of , using the name of the oldest child. This 

custom is widespread in Malaysia. One may never mention the name of a 
parent or of a father- or mother-in-law — the father-in-law is called yo-yo; 
the mother-in-law is dya. An offender may fall from a cliff, or be bitten by 
a snake, or become ill because "he fails to show proper respect for one who 
should be sacred to him." The rule is so strictly followed that few children 
know the original names of their parents.. None were found who could 
name their grandparents. 


Children are fondled and cared for according to the best knowledge of 
the group. If necessary, ceremonies will be made to insure their good 
health, but otherwise they just grow up. They quickly begin to imitate 
their elders, and by the middle teens they are recognized as full members 
of the group. They are seldom punished, but they are laughed at if they 
fail to conform to the customs of the group. This usually suffices to bring 
the offenders into line. 

Children may be betrothed as mere infants with the actual marriage 
taking place even before puberty. From infancy they are usually clothed 
in garments like their parents, but if a child appears naked no one pays 
any attention. As a matter of fact they strip on occasion — to go swimming 
or because they are hot. 

Babies normally lie in the little cradle suspended from bamboo poles. 
They are seldom carried about as is usual in most groups. When they can 
walk they go around the village with their parents or with other children, 
and when old enough accompany them to the woods and streams. 

Education is by participation. A few very crude wooden dolls have 
been seen but they are rare. Puppies are playfellows but the older dogs 
are seldom treated as pets. Boys have tops which they spin — and they have 
small bows and multiple-pointed arrows with which they hunt bats and 
frogs. They also possess miniature blowguns fitted with small darts. Little 
girls may have small rice mortars and pestles, winnowers and gathering 
baskets. Both sexes have clappers made out of sections of bamboo which 


are struck against the hand; both walk on bamboo stilts; and all race and 
play in competitive games. 

One of the few gambling games played by the older boys is called raya. 
A large square marked off in the yard is divided into nine smaller squares. 
About fifteen feet away is a lag line. A coin is tossed to see who plays first. 
The starter takes all the coins — one for each player — goes to the line and 
tosses the coins toward the squares. All that go in are his, all that touch 
lines are thrown by the second player, and so on. In a variant called paki 
each player places a coin inside the square. Then from the line they try, in 
order, to strike as many coins as possible with a free coin. All that the first 
player strikes are his; all struck by succeeding players are theirs. This con- 
tinues until all the coins are taken. 

When they are old enough to chew betel nut (that is, about the age of 
puberty) both boys and girls have their teeth mutilated, and are then 
considered mature. There is no other mutilation of any part of the body 
at any time; neither are there ^ny initiatory rites. Mature boys — married 
or unmarried — may make love to unpledged girls by singing improvised 
songs. Dancing is important and an accomplished musician gains atten- 
tion. Viewed from the standpoint of most pagan Philippine groups the 
child life here is neither exciting nor productive of strong individual 


Child betrothal and marriage are often arranged by the parents, but in 
the Central Valley these events are delayed until after puberty to allow 
the young people to have a voice. Nevertheless the two weddings at- 
tended by the writer in the latter area were: (1) that of a boy, Toltol, 
about 15, and a girl, Dumlay, about 10, of Bayanga; and (2) a couple 
from Langawan, a boy of five with a girl probably younger. In this case 
both children remained with their parents. Usually marriage is in one's 
own or a nearby village. 

The general procedure is as follows: When the father of a boy thinks he 
has found a suitable girl for his son, he makes a small ceremony. A chicken 
is killed and its liver is examined; if it is enlarged or spotted the proposed 
match is a bad one. The family eats the fowl and the matter is dropped. If, 
however, the signs are favorable the father sends or carries a small gift 
to the girl's people. If they keep this gift they indicate that they favor the 
union and are ready to discuss the price the girl should bring. The standing 
and wealth of the families make some diff"erence but the usual price is 
about 50 pesos, in addition to incidental expenses. 

It is not uncommon for relatives and friends to assist in the marriage 
price, but this is considered a loan to be paid back later. The girl's parents 


retain a part of the payment and the balance is distributed among their 
near relatives. If a separation occurs as a result of the girl's acts the gifts 
must be returned. Consequently her people keep watch for some time. We 
were told of one case where the girl's parents set a price greater than the 
boy's family could meet. No wedding took place but the young couple 
openly lived together. Later the youth found a girl he could afford and 
discarded the first. She is still unmarried and the price asked for her re- 
mains the same. No great value is placed on chastity and an unmarried 
girl with child is not considered a bad bargain, for in such a case no 
marriage price is expected. 

At the time a price is agreed upon a record of the transaction is estab- 
lished by means of a bundle of sticks called kit-kit which serves as a tally. 
A day is set for the wedding, and relatives and special guests are invited. 
However invitations are generally not needed and most of the townspeo- 
ple will attend. Prior to the wedding the groom's father will send a blouse, 
skirt, and possibly a blanket to the bride. This is a fatherly act and the 
objects are not considered a part of the marriage price. 

On the morning of the day agreed upon part of the purchase price — 
including a pig, rice and a jar of liquor — is sent to the girl's house. The 
animal is slaughtered and food is prepared for all. At the wedding of Toltol 
and Dumlay the guests had assembled by two o'clock. Neither bride nor 
groom was in evidence — she was hidden behind a screen of blankets in 
one corner of the room but the groom was not in the house. 

The guests danced for a time and then most of them left to bring the 
groom. Soon we heard the beating of a drum, and down the street came 
the groom's party. Preceding them were two warriors (fig. 56) armed with 
shields and long spears, at the upper ends of which were bell-like rattles. 
They danced furiously, charging and retreating, while they plunged their 
spears against an imaginary enemy. Following the dancers came the 
groom's best man carrying a cloth which covered five Chinese plates. After 
him was the boy's aunt, also carrying a bundle. Then came a group of 
friends, and, finally, the groom and two companions. The party passed 
the bride's place and went to a nearby house in front of which they paused 
until a woman emerged and joined the dancing warriors. 

Soon all returned and entered the bride's home. A mat was spread and 
the principals for both parties sat down. Betel nut was passed and then the 
marriage tally was placed on the mat, together with a little knife, the pur- 
pose of which was not ascertained. 

The best man laid down three coins amounting to 50 centavos and the 
girl's father did likewise. The tally sticks were laid down in two lines. The 
first consisted of ten large sticks, and the second of ten piles of two small 



Fig. 56. Armed warriors dancing at wedding. 

Sticks each. It was announced that each large tally represented 3 pesos. 
The best man took up a coin, pretended to spit on it, and then mumbled 
a prayer to the ancestors of the couple urging them to be pleased with the 
match, to keep the young couple and all the guests in good health, "for 
this coin is your share." When he had finished he passed the coin to an- 
other friend who repeated the act. Meanwhile the girl's representatives did 
the same with a coin from their pile. This finished, betel nut was passed 
and when all had chewed, the best man took the cloth from around the 
Chinese plates. To these a peso was added and all were presented to the 
girl's ancestors — particularly to the spirit of her grandfather. This gift 
did not form a part of the marriage price. The plates might be used by the 
girl's people, but they could not lend or sell them. 

With the spirit world taken care of for the moment, the parties got down 
to serious business. Skirts valued at a peso each were exchanged for part 
of the sticks; a bolo worth 3 pesos and arm- rings of equal value were also 
exchanged. Finally only 14 pesos of the tally sticks remained; four relatives 
bound themselves to pay 7 pesos and the girl's father then waived further 
payments. The final gift is known as "joined hands." The groom tied the 
tallies together and retained them as a receipt. Again betel nut was passed 
and then the bride was summoned from behind the blankets. 



A small mat was spread for bride and groom. Lime, betel leaf and areca 
nut were handed to the girl, who prepared it for chewing and gave it to 
the boy. He did the same for her and the ceremony was complete. It is 
said that rice often takes the place of betel nut in the Cagayan River 
Valley. In the Central Valley it is used regularly. Each takes a handful of 
cooked rice and squeezes it into a ball and then they exchange these with 
each other. The use and exchange of rice or betel nut is found among 
many tribes in Malaysia. (See Cole, 1913, p. 102; 1922, p. 280.) 

The ceremony proper being over, friends spread banana leaves on the 
floor; others brought in baskets of meat cut in squares and arranged it in 
neat piles on the leaves. Rice and dishes of broth were put in front of each 
guest. As a final act the bride distributed betel nut to all near her. Follow- 
ing the meal jars of liquor were opened, and people drank freely, dancing 
far into the night. 

Two days after a wedding a small ceremony is held for the gimokod of 
the ancestors. The flesh of a fowl and prepared betel nut are offered while 
a baylan calls: "You gimokod, if you are here, this is for you. Care for the 
boy and girl who will live together and do not let them become ill." After 
the spirits have had time to eat, the family consumes the food. No outsiders 
attend this event. 

It is customary for the boy to serve his father-in-law for a few months, 
in which case the couple lives with the bride's people for a time. This 
service may not be exacted if the man has other wives, or if he has a suitable 
house of his own. Recently the presidente of Mailag married a girl from 
Sumilao. Being a headman he could not go to serve her people, so he 
brought the bride's entire family to Mailag. The ultimate place of resi- 
dence is optional, but is usually near the man's family. 

Polygyny is allowed, but is not common even among the well-to-do. 
The first spouse is head wife and apparently runs the family with little 
friction. The procedure is the same for all marriages. Subsequent wives 
and their children share equally in the estate, in case of the husband's 
death. Certain unions are prohibited. Brothers and sisters, and cousins on 
both paternal and maternal sides, are forbidden to marry. A man is also 
prohibited from taking a daughter-in-law as his wife. He may, however, 
marry a sister-in-law. 

Should a wife desert her husband for another man, her relatives are re- 
quired to return twice the amount of the marriage price. Killing an un- 
faithful wife and her admirer is considered justified, but the husband sel- 
dom if ever carries out such a penalty. Cases of infidelity are usually 
referred to the presidente and council, who customarily demand the return 
of the marriage price and in addition assess a fine of about 1 5 pesos. The 
wife then is free. 


The couple may separate if they do not get along well together, but 
there is usually strong pressure from the girl's relatives to keep this from 
happening. One reason for this is that if the woman is at fault the marriage 
gifts must be returned. The presidente and elders discuss the case and 
decide on the penalty, but they cannot prevent a separation if the couple 
is determined. The wife may have property in her own name; if so she 
takes it with her. The husband likewise controls what he possesses, but 
both must help to provide for their children. Young children usually 
remain with the mother, but later they are equally divided. 


Immediately following a death the relatives are notified and the body 
is prepared for burial. The corpse is bathed, its hair is oiled and combed, 
and it is clothed in its best garments. If there are no children, it is proper 
to place all of the dead person's garments with him, but as a rule one suit 
suffices. In former times it was the custom to place a man's weapons in his 
grave, or to leave a woman's beads and trinkets with her, but this is seldom 
done now, 

A bench known as lantay is constructed and when all is ready the body 
is wrapped in a mat and is placed on it (fig. 57). Friends and relatives clad 
in plain garments bring small presents of food. These are intended for the 
mourners but if any is left it is later placed on the grave. 

The usual period between death and interment is two days. This means 
that the body remains in the house at least one night. This is an anxious 
period during which no one is allowed to sleep. Most of the mourners will 
put in periods of wailing, interspersed with occasional drinks from a jar of 
liquor. During the period that the body is in the house, some of the 
townspeople have been digging the grave. This is a rectangular crypt — 
about four feet deep — not far from the town. 

The lantay with the body stretched on it is carried from the house pre- 
ceded by a man carrying a lighted torch. This is to prevent the gimokod 
of the dead from returning to secure fire. The corpse is taken from the 
lantay and is placed in the grave. Then split bamboo tubes are laid, tile 
fashion, so that one end rests on the floor and the other against the side, 
thus preventing any soil from touching the body. After the earth is filled 
in, the lantay and torch are placed on the grave. It is said to be a good idea 
to place sharpened bamboo spikes on it "to keep the busau away." 

After the burial the people return to the house to eat and drink. Three 
days later a ceremony known as Mag-kataposen is held for the gimokod of 
the dead. The family gathers, and after cooking rice and a small chicken, 
places this food at the top of the house ladder. One of the family, or a 
baylan, begs the gimokod of the dead to come and eat for the last time, be- 



Fig. 57. Drinking rice wine at a funeral. 

fore it goes to the afterworld. After a time the family may eat the food 
but the dishes used should be destroyed "as a sign that the spirit has really 

If the dead person is an only wife, her husband wears a black cloth 
around his head, but if it is a plural marriage he wears half black, half 
white. Old garments should be worn for a year to show proper respect for 
the departed. Restrictions on the wife are more severe. She wears old 
clothes and cdlows her hair to fall free for about a month, or until relatives 
of the dead think she has done enough. When that period is over she may 
put on good, but not gay, garments. For her the period of mourning lasts 
two years. 

Finally a little ceremony called Paglognas is held. The blood of a small 
chicken is sprinkled on the head of the bereaved "as a sign that the period 
of sorrow is past." Rice and the flesh of the fowl are cooked and placed on 
the mat. Then the Magbabaya are urged to look to the welfare of the spouse. 
The gimokod or spirits of the person are not summoned. The similarity of 
the death and mourning procedures to other Malayan areas is most strik- 
ing. (See Cole, 1922, pp. 289 AT.; Cole, 1945a, pp. 118, 156-157, 267.) 
Equally striking is the very diflferent treatment of the dead by the nearby 
Manobo. (See Garvan, 1931, pp. 121-128.) 


If at the end of mourning a brother of the dead man wishes to take the 
widow, he may do so by paying the family 6 pesos "as a sign that she still 
belongs to them." If a suitor appears, he must get the consent of the dead 
husband's family and must pay them as much as was originally paid for 
the widow. This would make it appear that she is the property of her 
husband's family. To an extent this is true, but she need not marry an 
outsider. If she is the only wife and there are no children, she inherits all 
her husband's property. If there are children, she retains one-half the 
estate and her children divide the balance. In case of a plural marriage 
all wives share equally, unless one is judged to have been unworthy. Chil- 
dren of all wives — boys and girls alike — share equally. 

It is said that formerly, when a dato died, all the spirits were invited, 
but a special message was sent to the spirit Tagalambon to come and share 
in the food provided at the funeral. The spirits (gimokod) of a dato might 
remain nearby to care for his people, but all others dwell on Mount 

IV* Social and Political Organization 


Information concerning the former social and political organization is 
conflicting. We were told by the people in Central Bukidnon that before 
the coming of the Spaniards they had a principal ruler or dato who had the 
same power as is now exercised by the American governor — "when he 
gave orders all people obeyed." Each section also had its petty dato, who 
had a large house near which the people built their homes and had their 
fields. In this house lived a considerable number of retainers and fighting 
men in addition to the family of the ruler. In times of danger or of cere- 
mony all the people assembled there. They worked the lands of the dato, 
but he afforded protection, and when they were assembled at his place, 
they were fed from his stores. Such a situation recalls that of the Bagobo of 
the Davao Gulf region (Cole, 1913, p. 95). 

One account says that each petty dato showed his greatness by displaying 
vases — probably Chinese jars — by the possession of ornamental boxes, 
and by wearing the distinctive cloth crown with three upright points 
(Clotet, 1889, pp. 288, 297-300, 304). This is evidently the headdress of a 
distinguished warrior, but while it is probable that a dato would belong to 
that group, the use of that sign of distinction was not confined to the rulers. 
The accounts, however, do indicate that in the Central area the chief dato 
may have had a distinctive headdress. The datos claimed the special protec- 
tion of a group of spirits — Omaldgad, Pamahdndi, Tomanod, Molin-olin and 
Ibabasd — who aided them in their duties. The datos were important func- 
tionaries in the ceremonies and were judges in all matters of dispute. If the 
case was a difficult one, the dato called in the headmen of the region and 
discussed it with them, and it is said that at times the dispute might go to 
the head dato. The procedure in a case is described as follows. The evidence 
was heard and a penalty assessed. Then the culprit and the accuser were 
directed to take hold of the ends of a piece of rattan, while the dato besought 
the spirits to watch. Next he directed the accused person to cut through the 
rattan with a single blow of his bolo (knife). If he failed it was a sign that he 
still had an evil mind and was unrepentant and deserving of additional 
punishment. If he succeeded, the accuser was directed to cut the rattan. 



Failure on his part indicated that he was not satisfied with the judgment 
and ultimately would avenge himself. 

When the datos were assured that justice had been done, they directed 
the two parties to exchange head-cloths as a sign that they agreed with the 
verdict. This done, the data took the rattan and holding it in his hands 
addressed the Magbabdya, gimokod and other spirits, asking them to take 
notice that the parties had accepted the judgment and invoking their aid in 
punishing whichever one might break his promises. 

Nearly all disputes were settled by fines of plates, Chinese jars, animals 
or money, but the ordeal was invoked at times. It is said that in the Central 
District thieves were sometimes clubbed to death, either by a data or at his 

It frequently became necessary for a dato to send messages to other lo- 
calities. To insure the safety of the messenger the dato lent him a long 
spear — called ttap — with silver rings around the shaft. This sign of a 
friendly mission was universally respected. (See also Clotet, 1889, p. 297.) 

Some informants insisted that the office oidato was hereditary, but others 
stated that it only tended to be so, and that a strong leader might be chosen 
by the men, even though unrelated to the ruler. It does seem certain that in 
the Central area the children of the dato were under the protection of par- 
ticular spirits and made special offerings. Polygyny was allowed to all 
Bukidnon but seldom practiced except by the datos. They also had more 
slaves than others. 

From what has been written it would appear that at least in the Central 
District a chief dato was recognized. It is certain that each settlement or 
area had its local dato. Those at a distance, as in the Cagayan Valley, were 
virtually independent, yet there was in general a feeling of unity among the 
Bukidnon. That the dato system was not deeply entrenched is indicated by 
the ease with which the American governor was able to replace it with the 
modern system. 

Now (1910) each village has its presidente who is recognized by, and is 
responsible to, the American provincial governor. He is chosen by all the 
men, who whisper their choice to the vice presidente; he, in turn, an- 
nounces the result. The presidente receives no pay, but he carries a cane as 
the insigne of office, and he does have considerable prestige. He is assisted 
by a vice presidente and a varying number of councillors, all of whom are 
elected by popular vote. Each Bukidnon must declare some village as his 
place of residence, and to it he owes a certain amount of civic labor — in 
town improvement or in such road work as is demanded by the governor. 

The idea of authority is strongly entrenched, and the presidente carries 
out most of the duties and enjoys the privileges formerly belonging to the 


dato. Even outside villages not yet directly under American control tend to 
conform to the new pattern, although the dato may automatically take on 
the title and duties of presidente. 

Use of the ordeal to detect a guilty party has been mentioned. A needle 
is put in a pot of boiling water, and the accused is ordered to take it out. 
If he is innocent he will not be injured, but if guilty he will suffer burns. 
One may suspect that the prospect of the ordeal might lead to confessions. 
No such test was observed. 


According to the old Bukidnon law code a brother might avenge the 
death of a brother or sister without fear of punishment. Infidelity is said to 
have been ample cause for the wronged husband to kill his wife or her ad- 
mirer. This part of the code is not taken seriously today. It is common 
knowledge that the wife of a leading man of Mambwaya has lived openly 
at times with a man from another town, but she has neither been discarded 
nor has trouble followed. Several other cases of infidelity and unlawful co- 
habitation have come to the writer's notice but so far as can be learned 
there are no prostitutes. An unchaste girl, even with child, has little dif- 
ficulty in finding a husband. She is not an outcast in the group, but the 
groom does not have to pay the usual marriage fee to her people. 

Sexual freedom is prohibited to widows, but punishment comes from the 
spirit world. A widow may remarry but her new husband must pay her 
parents-in-law a sum approximately that given by them in the first place. 
However, a brother-in-law may take her as wife with only token payment. 
This clearly recognizes the family's claim, yet she is in no sense a slave or 
servant. This custom of the levirate is not widely distributed in the Philip- 

Land in and near to permanent settlements is owned by individuals and 
families. The same is true of material objects and animals, but land once 
abandoned can be taken up and used at will. Land offers no problem at 
present since the sparse population can make use of but a fraction of the 
land available. 

When questions occur as to what is the law, they are answered by the 
query, "What is the custom?" 


The writer knows of no other pagan tribe in the Philippines which 
today is so little interested in warfare, yet there is ample evidence that war- 
riors were once held in high esteem. Some of the older men possess distinc- 
tive garments and headdresses which proclaim them as men of valor. 


Stories told by these warriors indicate that from time to time they were 
compelled to withstand raids from the Moros to the west and from the 
Manobo and other tribes to the east and south. The Moros came in search 
of slaves; the "wild men" came to kill and to gain distinction as well as to 
secure loot and slaves. From these stories' one might assume that the 
Bukidnon were always pacific and always victims of more aggressive tribes- 
men. Ultimately one learns that the prestige accruing to a successful war- 
rior, as well as the existence of a mild form of slavery, were incentives which 
fostered war and raids by the Bukidnon until recent times. Even today dire 
necessity sometimes results in serious fights, or at least in preparations for 
trouble. Shortly after our stay in Dagondalahon that village was raided by 
renegade Moros and several were killed. 

Until recent years the warrior went into battle clad in a padded sleeve- 
less coat, over which were wound several yards of closely woven, decorated 
cloth. At the waist was a colored kilt or apron held by a woven belt, under 
which a fighting knife and sheath were slipped so that the knife might be 
quickly grasped with the right hand (fig. 58). The padded coat made of 
hemp cloth was heavy enough to stop a spear, arrow, or knife. The sash 
was both decorative and protective. It passed over the shoulders and en- 
circled the body several times. The kilt was purely decorative. 

There are still a few aged warriors who are permitted to wear three- or 
five-pointed cloth headdresses covered with embroidery (fig. 59). These 
signify that the owners have taken several human lives. Another distinctive 
head cloth, called panditan, trimmed with white beads, was also the mark 
of a successful warrior. Disaster would overtake any one who might wear 
such a garment unworthily. Mangabok of Bankod has such a headdress in 
his own right, but before the headman of Mailag, who inherited one, put 
it on to have his picture taken, he had to sacrifice a chicken to the rightful 
ancestral possessor. This custom of allowing distinctive dress for successful 
warriors is found among the nearby Manobo and among the Bagobo and 
Mandaya to the south. (See Garvan, 1931, p. 22; Cole, 1913, pp. 96, 167.) 

A further protective device, worn as a part of the warrior's dress, is a 
charmed bandolier called talian which hangs on the left side after passing 
over the right shoulder. Figure 60 shows one taken from the dead body of a 
warrior who challenged the power of constabulary bullets. It is made of 
grass overwrapped with cloth and to it are attached shells, pigs' tusks, a 
magic stone, a carved dog's head and an alligator's tooth. A similar device, 
made largely of shells, is worn by the distinguished warrior shown in figure 
59. Others which were examined contained a fungus growth and peculiar 
bits of wood and stone. These bandoliers are supposed to protect the 
wearers from the weapons of enemies. Similar charms are found among the 

Fig. 58. Warrior in battle dress. 



Bagobo of Davao Gulf. (See Cole, 1913, p. 108.) Clotet (1889, p. 296) says 
the talian is a little idol resembling a monkey seated on its haunches. It is 
carried on the breast by a cord and may be used to detect the presence of 
an enemy. If sick they submerge the idol in water and then drink it. 

With the warrior properly clad we turn to his weapons. Each carries a 
long spear which is thrown or thrust — preferably the latter. He also has a 
fighting knife encased in a wooden sheath and he carries a shield. The 
usual shields are relatively long and narrow (figs. 58, 59). They are made of 
wood, are carried in the left hand, and are used to deflect the weapons of 
enemies. The raised center allows space on the reverse side for the hand 
grip. When not in use the shield is suspended from the shoulder by means 
of a carrying band. Much attention is given to the decoration of these 
arms. Nearly all show some carving and painting, or are inlaid with beads 
or mother-of-pearl. They are made locally but are similar to those used by 
the Moros of the Lake Lanao district. 

Less common but more eflftcient is the round shield made of bamboo 
sticks radiating out from a small wooden disk. These sticks form an in- 
flexible warp; the weft is made up of slender rattan strips which pass under 
one and over one of the warp elements until the shield is complete. A 
woven rattan edge is finally added. On the back are two wooden loops. 
The arm of the warrior slips under one while the hand grasps the other 
(figs. 54, 55). 

In a bark case usually attached to the shield is a package of sharpened 
bamboo spikes. These are concealed in the trail with the intention of 
piercing the feet of a pursuing enemy. They are also placed around a camp 
when a party is forced to spend the night in dangerous territory. This type 
of device is found throughout Malaysia. 

Today the spirit of the warriors is broken. They talk of former prowess, 
and do occasionally find it necessary to form defensive parties, but there is 
no evidence of militant intention. This is reflected in their modern weapons 
— few in number and usually poor in quality. Their forges turn out inferior 
blades used in agriculture. Such spears and knives as are really good are 
secured from the Moros. A few bows and arrows were seen in areas close 
to the Manobo, but they are of little interest to the tribe as a whole. 

There is no remembrance of head-hunting although it was customary to 
cut off the arm of a slain foe as proof of a kill. The relatives of the victors 
were permitted to strike the trophy with their knives, after which it was 
hung up under the house until a ceremony could be made to Talabosau — 
the spirit who looks after warriors and angry persons. A chicken or pig was 
killed and its blood smeared on the talian. Following this off"ering the arm 
was placed near the entrance of the village to recall the bravery of the 



Fig. 59. Warrior with padded coat and distinctive headdress. 

In the central and southern part of Bukidnon territory the writer was 
told of a custom, formerly followed, which appears closely related to the 
human sacrifice of the Davao Gulf region (Cole, 1913, p. 94; 1922, p. 372), 
and to the blood feuds associated with head-hunting in Northern Luzon. 

According to the accounts of several older men it was the custom after a 
death of an adult to hold a ceremony known as Mag-kataposen, which con- 


sisted primarily in offering food to the spirits. Following this event the wife 
might not comb her hair nor could the bereaved husband wear a head 
cloth until friends, relatives and other townspeople had gone to fight 
against an enemy and secured at least one victim. The head was not taken 
but a hand or limb would be brought back and would be hung up in a tree 
near the home. 

If an enemy was captured, he was taken to the house of the dead and 
was tied to the lantay — the frame on which the dead had rested. The war- 
riors then danced around the victim brandishing their spears. Finally a 
male relative speared the victim to death. In the celebration which fol- 
lowed, animals were slaughtered and much liquor was drunk. Old-time 
Bukidnon warriors in the Cagayan Valley denied that they ever practiced 
this sacrifice, but agreed that the others did. 

In a preceding paragraph mention was made of Talabosau, the patron of 
the warriors. He also cares for those who are seized with a frenzy and run 
amuck. This type of hysteria follows a typical pattern and is not uncom- 
mon. During our stay in Bukidnon a man in the neighboring village was 
lying on the floor, with his head in his wife's lap, while she loused him. 
Suddenly he sprang up, seized his knife and killed her. Her father hearing 
the commotion ran in and he likewise was killed. Neighbors seized the 
frenzied man and threw him to the floor. Then a live chicken was torn 
apart and the bloody flesh and feathers were forced into his mouth. With 
this he fell asleep. When he awoke he explained that the spirit had pos- 
sessed him and directed his actions. He said he loved his wife and had no 
grudge against his father-in-law. 

Several other rather recent cases were recalled, but the one with the 
most impressive results took place not far from the new Provincial capital, 
Malaybalay. A man in frenzy met and killed two boys on the trail. His 
explanation of possession satisfied the Bukidnon but not the American 
governor, who had him jailed until the next session of court. When the 
killer was brought before the judge from the coast, the latter started to 
speak to him. As he did so he pointed his finger at the prisoner and the 
latter dropped dead. The account of this event was given to the writer by 
Governor Lewis, who stated that "running amuck" had dropped to zero 
since this display of judicial power or magic. 


Discussion of warfare leads to the subject of slavery, for this and the 
death observances appear to have been responsible for most of the hostile 
raids. Women and children from distant towns were captured and were 
either incorporated into the family circle or were sold. A good strong boy 
brought about 30 pesos. A child thus secured served for life and passed as 

Fig. 60. Protective bandolier called talian. 



property upon the death of his master. He could marry and custom decreed 
that his master must provide a mate. The children of such a union were 
free. Often a female slave was accepted as a member of her owner's family. 
If she bore him children both she and the offspring were free. A master who 
mistreated his slaves would find himself in iH repute and public opinion is 
strong. This mild form of servitude resulted in the incorporation of foreign 
elements into the population and probably accounts for the considerable 
amount of negroid blood observed. 

Although this section is written in the past tense servitude still continues 
to a limited extent. Two cases were brought to the attention of the writer 
while he was living in the village of Mambwaya. 

V» The Spirit World 


Any attempt to understand or to describe the spirit world results in great 
confusion. The investigator learns of a spirit — its name, attributes, place of 
residence and other details — then suddenly it may appear to be several 
spirits. The account which follows is, I believe, an accurate picture of 
what the average Bukidnon believes and understands. The special knowl- 
edge of the baylans is noted in each instance where it exceeds or contradicts 
the usual pattern of belief. 

The Bukidnon recognizes three classes of spirits. First to be noted are the 
gimokod — the spirits of all men living or dead. Second are the Alabydnon — a 
division which includes most of the powerful spirits. Finally come the 
Kaliga-6n, sixteen powerful beings which are represented at certain cere- 
monies by well-known symbols. They keep watch over the affairs of men 
and warn offenders by sending illness. The harvest ceremony is held in 
their honor, although other spirits appear at that time. In addition to these 
three classes, the baylans sometimes mention a fourth, made up of unfriend- 
ly spirits called busau or bal-bal. Actually it seems that they should be in- 
cluded under the Inkanto, the second group of Alabydnon. 


Most traffic with the spirit world is through or with the aid of the baylans 
— a group of men or women who claim the ability to discover the cause of 
sickness. They also know how to conduct ceremonies acceptable to the 
spirits. It is said that the first baylan was taught by Molin-olin, the spirit of 
his afterbirth brother (see p. 69), who for this reason is considered a pa- 
tron and guide. Two other spirits, Ongli and Domalondon, also appear to the 
baylan and usually assist in determining the cause of the trouble. The 
baylans do not form a priesthood, although they are a definite group. Should 
one of them be visiting in a village where a ceremony is in progress he or 
she assists as a matter of course. 

A person becomes a baylan as a matter of choice, and not because he is 
called or warned by the spirit world. He goes to a recognized baylan and 
acts as his understudy for several months, during which time he receives 
other special training. The writer watched a teacher and pupil over a con- 
siderable period of time. The baylan (fig. 61) would spread a mat and on it 



place kernels of corn in a row. These represented spirits whose names and 
attributes were repeated many times until the pupil had memorized them 
perfectly. Next the instructor described the ceremonies and the things to be 
done in each. Then followed the songs, many of which contain obsolete 

It is said that some baylans possess special gifts or powers, such as the 
ability to go to the sky and talk with the spirits there, but in general the 
content of their training and their competence is similar. The field notes 
which contain data from a number of baylans in various parts of the 
Bukidnon area show a surprising agreement in names and duties for a be- 
wildering number of spirits. Likewise the ceremonies vary but little from 
town to town. 

A pupil pays for his instruction. For example, the ranking baylan of the 
village of Langawan claims to have paid his teacher nine pesos, eight 
chickens, one Chinese plate and a small knife. 

The baylans must conduct the Kaliga-6n ceremony and they usually 
officiate at all major events where the spirits are summoned. (However, 
minor offerings may be made by anyone "who knows how to talk to the 
spirits.") Payment for their services is small and varies, according to the 
spirits summoned, from a few pennies to a peso. In addition they receive 
six packages of cooked rice, half of a pledged chicken {ipo), and all the 
rings and beads used in the ceremony. 

The customary way of ascertaining the cause of trouble or the name of 
the spirit responsible for illness is for the baylan to measure a spear. He 
holds the weapon horizontally in front of him and measures the span of his 
arms on it. This is marked by tying a cord on the shaft which is then stuck 
into the floor. Betel nut is prepared for chewing and is placed on the floor. 
The baylan seats himself before it and addresses the proper spirit. (This dif- 
fers according to the ceremony.) The substance of the prayer is an appeal 
for the speedy recovery of the patient, and for power to determine the 
cause of the illness. Finally he pleads, "If the sickness is caused by so-and- 
so I ask you to let the measurement on the spear be extended." He rises 
and again measures the span of his arms. If it is the same as before, the 
spirit named is not responsible, but if it has increased it is a sign that the 
right spirit has been found. In any case the measuring is continued until 
the cause is determined. 

The various activities of the baylan appear in connection with the discus- 
sion of the spirit world and description of the ceremonies. It is important to 
note that the baylans are not "mediums" in the sense that is usual among 
Malayan peoples. They carry out many of the duties of the mediums, but 
their bodies are not possessed by the superior beings. They do not appear 
to be unstable characters as is so common among the mediums of the 



Fig. 61 . Baylan and pupil. 

nearby Manobo or of Malaysia in general. (See Garvan, 1931, p. 29; and 
Cole, 1945a, index entries.) 

The number of baylans in the towns varies greatly. In the village of 
Langawan there are six, namely: Mangontawal, Amaydolona, Amaylania, 
Amaydayano, Salilo and Sampayan. 


The Gimokod 

In our discussion of spirits we deal first with the individual Bukidnon. 
Each person has seven spirits called gimokod: one jumps on the cliff; one 
swims in the water; one puts its hands into snake holes; one sits under a 
tree; one is always walking around; one is awake in the day; one is awake 
in the night. If all are in his (or her) body at the same time, he is well and 
strong, but if one or more are wandering or get into trouble, the owner 
becomes ill. Should all the gimokod leave the body at one time death re- 

This idea of multiple spirits leads to several unusual practices, among 
which "soul catching" is of special importance. (For a full discussion of 
this idea among other tribes of Malaysia, see Cole, 1913, p. 105; and 
1945a, pp. 190-191.) When a person becomes thin or ailing with no appar- 
ent reason, it is evident that at least one of his gimokod is wandering. It then 
becomes necessary to hold the Pagalono (Pag-gimokod) ceremony, to cause 


its speedy return — otherwise it may meet with disaster, and its owner will 
fall sick or die, or at least become disabled. 

A small chicken is killed and prepared for food, but its legs and feet are 
removed, for those might encourage the gimokod to wander. It is then 
placed on a dish of cooked rice. A mat is spread near the patient and on it 
are placed the food, prepared betel nut and a betel nut box. The baylan 
addresses the spirits: "Now I call you, gimokod of this man which is walking 
about; and you gimokod which sits under a large tree; and you gimokod 
which jumps on the cliff; and you gimokod which swims in the water; come 
here and eat, you are hungry. Return now to the body of this man. Now 
enter the betel box." Suddenly he snaps the lid of the box, as he cries, 
"This is the sign that I will not let you go, for I fear you may be frightened 
by falling trees or rolling stones." The people eat the food and chew the 
betel nut, but the spirit is left imprisoned until next morning. At that time 
the baylan places the betel box on the patient's head and says, ''^Gimokod of 
this man, I want you to return so that he may become well again. Do not 
walk any more. Let him become fat." 

When a man dies his seven gimokod merge into one which, after the 
Mag-kataposen ceremony, goes to live on Mount Balatocan. "We know that 
this is what happens, for our ancestors have taught us to call only one 
gimokod of the dead, so that must be all there are." In this new home the 
gimokod are under the care of the spirit GomogOnal (see under Alabyanon, 
p. 95). There they have houses, plant crops, and live much as they did on 
earth. The home of the gimokod is said to be a happy place where there is no 
trouble, and people have clear minds. Despite this promise of a happy 
hereafter, every effort is made to delay entrance to the land of the dead. 
The dead do not die again, neither do they return to earth in any other 
form. However, they do visit the living although they may not be seen. 
They have power to injure the living so it is always a good idea to offer 
them food and to pray to them at the time of ceremonies. In some in- 
stances they cause illness. When this occurs the victim can see the gimokod. 

Such offerings raise the question of ancestor worship. Regard is paid to 
the gimokod of the dead, as just noted. The ancestors are also called upon at 
the time of a wedding, but such attentions are on a minor scale. In only one 
area — close to the Manobo — is a major ceremony held in their honor. 
(See planting time at Limbayao, p. 53.) 

Related to the person, but not one of his gimokod, is the Molin-olin, the 
spirit of the afterbirth. It is said by some that if a person has been very bad 
while on earth the spirit GomogOnal may put him in a burning hill, called 
Dildilosan, where he is consumed. It may be suspected that this idea has 
come about through contact with the Bisayan. 


The Ala by anon 

The second and in many respects the most important class of spirits is 
known as Alabydnon. This is at once subdivided into the Magbabdya and 
"natural spirits," the latter including the spirits which live in trees, cliffs, 
water and the like. Here also appear the spirit owners of animals and cer- 
tain guardians or patrons. These are again divided so that those of the 
immediate locality have individual names. 

Ranking above all others are six powerful Magbabdya, while a few other 
Alabydnon are ranked as lesser members of that group. So powerful are 
these beings and so great is the awe of them that even the baylans fear to 
mention their names without making an offering, and even then the name 
is given only in a whisper. In general they are addressed in honorific terms, 
which makes their identity even more difficult for the investigator to dis- 

Standing high above all others is Magbabdya nang-gomo tilokan nanilampu, 
''^Magbabdya most powerful of all; destroyer of all competitors." He usually 
is identified as Migloginsal or Agobinsal, the creator of the earth. He is also 
addressed as Lintowangan nanlimlag diwata nangaroyan balos sa nanggantian, 
"the spirit who made trees, stones and people," or simply as Diwata 
Magbabdya or Apo, "Sir." This all-powerful spirit lives in a house made of 
coins, high in the sky. There are no windows in his home, for should men 
or stones or trees see him they would at once dissolve into water. His name 
is never used in conversation and is only taught to the new baylan after a 
long period of probation. When questioned about this spirit one old 
woman baylan became very ill. She showed great distress, vomited and 
appeared near collapse. Only the application of "powerful medicine" by 
the writer brought her out of the spell, but she could not be induced to con- 
tinue the discussion. The ranking baylan of Langawan, named Amaydo- 
lona, was finally persuaded that all the facts about this spirit should be 
recorded. In evident fear he addressed the spirit, asking his pardon. He 
then gave his name in a voice only a little above a whisper. Soon he also 
developed stomach pains and had to be treated. This attempt to learn the 
details about the spirits was not made until we had been with the Bukidnon 
some time and had obtained their confidence. It is probable that an early 
inquiry would have stopped the work completely. 

The second Magbabdya, only slightly inferior to the first, is known as 
Magbabdya tomindpay or Diwata na-ndpay tomas a nipirau, "the spirit who lives 
under the earth and supports it with his hands." 

Next in power are the Magbabdya at the four cardinal points. The earth 
is shaped like a saucer, and the sky is the same in form, but its concavity is 
toward the earth. These Magbabdya live at the points where earth and sky 


meet. The spirit in the east is Magbabdya imbaiu, "spirit of the sun." He is 
not the sun, but there is a hazy idea that the sun is a male spirit who serves 
the Magbabdya. The spirit in the west is Magbabdya Lindon-an, "spirit of the 
place where the sun hides." In the south is Magbabdya Pagosan, "spirit of 
the place whence the waters come." Nearly all the rivers in this section 
flow from the south — "so the water lives in the south and goes to the 
north." Finally comes the spirit of the north — Magbabdya Tiponan — "spirit 
of the place where the waters unite," i.e., the ocean. 

Clotet (1889, p. 294) gives the four gods at the cardinal points as Do- 
malongdog, Ongli, Tagalambong and Magbabdya. The first two, according to 
our information, are the patrons of the baylans. He calls Magbabdya "The 
All Powerful One." 

In Langawan the baylans also recognize as very powerful Magbabdva 
minumsob togdwa nangalangan, "the spirit who protects people and who fore- 
sees events." He lives straight above in "the sky easily visible." He is the 
grandfather of Malibotan, the spirit of the Kasaboahdn ceremony. It is said 
that the Magbabdya live in houses like those of the Bukidnon except that 
they are made of silver. 

A second group of Alabydnon is known as Pamahdndi. In general the 
Pamahdndi are spoken of and are addressed as a single individual. He is 
said to be the spirit who cares for horses and carabao and who sends good 
fortune. In such a capacity he is often recognized as one of the lesser 
Magbabdya. Closer acquaintance with this being reveals that he is not one 
but ten — each with a definite name and specific duties. Their names 
are Pamahdndi putt, Pamahdndi lansion, Pamahdndi biohon, Pamahdndi slgolon, 
Pamahdndi hagsdlan, Pamahdndi bonau, Pamahdndi opos, Pamahdndi logdangon, 
Pamahdndi komagasgas, Pamahdndi somdgda. Not all of these names are recog- 
nized in the Central Valley, but there is agreement as to the number and 
duties. As protectors of the horses and carabao and as senders of good for- 
tune, they are much respected and some time during each year each family 
will make a ceremony to obtain their good will. Despite their good quali- 
ties, however, they may cause trouble and send sickness, such as earache or 

Another multiple spirit, often ranked as a lesser Magbabdya, is Bulaldkau, 
the spirit or spirits of the water. They have their home in the center of the 
sea but they also frequent springs, streams and rivers. They are sometimes 
spoken of collectively as Talawahig, "dwellers in the water." One of these 
spirits is responsible for drowning. He pulls a person down, takes out his 
spirit, and throws the body to the surface. "We know that this is true for 
when the body is recovered the spirit is gone." Bulaldkau properly belongs 
to the group of nature spirits known as Inkanto, and he is often addressed 
with others in that division. 


Particular spirits, classified as Alabydnon but not easily fitted into regular 
groups, are: First, Molin-olin, the spirit of the afterbirth. When a child is 
born a spirit "brother" is likewise born. When its body is buried and be- 
comes earth the spirit goes to the sky, where it lives and watches over its 
living brother. It never dies. "We do not know how it lives, but its home is 
straight above and it swings, maybe in a cradle — for the prayer taught us 
by our ancestors and used by the datos when they act as judges starts with 
'Now my Molin-olin who is swinging high up in the sky.' " Spirits two and 
three, Domalon-don and Ongli, are patron spirits of the baylans and of datos 
who act as judges. They should be asked to give "a clear mind." Four and 
five are Panglang and her servant Mangonoyamo. These are female spirits who 
care for mid wives, pregnant women, and unborn children. (See Panglang 
ceremony, pp. 68-9.) Number six is Palilitan, a young male spirit for whom 
the miniature cradle is hung over a new-born child. It is his duty to protect 
the infant from sickness and danger. He is a servant of Panglang, but is not 
recognized by the baylans of the Central Valley. Number seven, GomogOnal, 
is the spirit of a man who lived in the "first times." He now has his home 
on Mount Balatocan where he looks after the spirits (gimokod) of the dead. 
He is regarded as a true member of the Alabydnon. Number eight, Tala- 
bosau, is the patron of the warriors and of people who run amuck. Nine, ten 
and eleven consist of Omaldgad, patron of the hunters and their dogs. (In 
the Panalikot ceremony he is recognized as chief of the spirits of the rocks, 
cliff's and trees. It is said that he is as powerful as Bulaldkau.) With him is 
his aid, Magomdnay, who lives in the high mountains. He is the real owner 
of the deer and wild hogs. (Here we find a conflict among the baylans, some 
of whom insist that the latter spirit belongs to the Inkanto division, and that 
he is one of two spirits which live in the baliti trees.) The third spirit as- 
sociated with Omaldgad is Dumarahol. The name SalikEt is often applied to 
all three. Number twelve is Amimisol, who cares for the chickens. Should 
the fowls of a village be ailing a hen is made ipo, that is, pledged, to this 
spirit. If this fails to make things right some of the eggs or one of the chick- 
ens of the ipo bird are destroyed. In the Central Valley this spirit is thought 
to care for domestic pigs as well as fowls. Thirteen, an important spirit in 
the Cagayan Valley but not recognized in the Central area, is Malibotan. 
He is said to be the grandchild of Magbabdya minumsob. Together with his 
grandfather he oversees married couples. For them each family holds a 
yearly ceremony known as Kasaboahdn, "union." Number fourteen, the 
final spirit in this category, is Aguio. Once a man famed for his bravery as 
a warrior, he is now a spirit who lives on earth and sometimes attends the 
Kaliga-dn ceremony. He also appears in the folk talesL 

A group of seven Alabydnon appear as servants to the Kaliga-6n. Their 
names are given to clarify their place when and if they are called during 


the ceremony. These are Holldon or Holoyodon; DEgbason; Pamogya-on; 
Lumolumbak kobaybay, data malabidaya, "the pilot when the Kaliga-6n make 
trips"; Mayakl lioban; Mayaki batdsan or kompdsan; and Mayaki lombdran. 

The "nature spirits" are lesser Alabydnon. Among them Bulaldkau is 
listed although he is usually considered as a lesser Magbabdya. General 
names such as Tagabogta, "lives in or on the earth," or Tagumbanua, for 
those living near a town, are often applied. It is said that their chief lives 
on a mountain called Babonan but the others live everywhere. Among 
them is Tao sa salup, "man of the forest." 

A more specific name for these nature spirits is Inkanto but the term 
busau is also used. It is said that the Inkanto have only half a face; the body 
is complete but many of them walk on their hands with their heads hanging 
down and their feet up. Some have fur on their bodies but the hairs are 
sharp like needles. 

Of great importance among the Inkanto are the Tagahtlum, "dwellers in 
silence," and Magomdnay, "spirits which live in the baliti trees," and per- 
haps all other large trees. These are their homes and if they are cut down 
the spirits must move. Such spirits are important in the ceremonies and in 
the everyday life of the people, as well. Close to them are the Lalawag, 
spirits who live in groves and who own deer and bees. Tagadaldma are 
spirits living in the cliffs. Some are poor, and when men fall and are killed 
they steal their clothing. Tagabato (or tao sa bato) are the possessors of all 
large stones. 

Listed with the "nature spirits" are the Ibabaso, the spirits who live in 
the fields and care for the crops. A yearly ceremony is made for them and 
they are also closely identified with the Kaliga-6n. They appear to be more 
powerful than any of the Inkanto just mentioned, and are held in great 
reverence. They probably stand apart from that grouping. 

Clotet (1889, p. 294) mentions a spirit Ibabasug who is invoked in child- 
birth. According to him Tagumbanua is god of the fields to whom the 
Kaliga ceremony is dedicated. 

Finally we come to the local spirits. Every cliff", strange stone, spring and 
brook has its resident spirit. Each has its name which is known to the vil- 
lagers. A partial list was compiled for each village, but these appear to 
have no significance beyond demonstrating the multiplicity of locally- 
known spirit beings. 

The Kaliga-on 

The third and last class of spirits is the Kaliga-6n, made up of sixteen 
powerful spirits who dwell in high hills or mountains, particularly in vol- 
canoes. The sixteen are: (1) DagingOn, (2) Korongon, (3) Liga-6n, (4) Bontld- 
lon, (5) SEgkaron, (6) Laulau-on, (7) SapawEn, (8) Linankdban, (9) Masauba- 


sau, (10) Tagalambon, (11) Htnoldban, (12) Sayobdnban, (13) Moyoii-boyon, 
(14) Gologondo, (15) Lantangon, (16) TambolOn. All are powerful but Go/o- 
^owfl'o and Tagalambon appear to lead the others, with Lantangdn and 
Hinoldban following. 

Certain objects which belong to, or represent, these beings must always 
be used in the ceremonies they attend. 

Two or three sticks tied horizontally and called dagingdn belong to the 
first six named. Four sticks tied in the same manner are also called by this 
term, but this number is reserved for SapawEn. 

Basket-like receptacles made of tiny bamboo tubes are filled with leaves 
and contain part of a pig's skull. These are known as golon-golon and are for 
spirits nine to fourteen inclusive. 

Lantangdn is represented by a small carved figure, while a single bamboo 
tube is reserved for Tambolon. 

A "table" made of wooden disks sHpped on a salaban stick is prepared 
for the four strongest spirits. The detailed use of these devices is given in 
connection with the Kaliga-6n ceremony. 

The term diwata is often applied to the Magbabdya and Kaliga-6n, but 
never to the lesser Alabydnon, or to the spirits of the dead. A tide, tomittma, 
"lives," which may be applied to any spirit is frequently heard in the 

Clotet (1889, p. 295) describes a stone idol called tighas which he says 
descended from the sky and is possessed only by datos. Today a few pe- 
culiar stones, called tigbas a ktlat, "teeth of the lightning," are in the pos- 
session of the Bukidnon. These stones are said to have fallen where light- 
ning has struck. They are powerful in stopping violent storms, for if one is 
laid outside, the rain will cease. No other objects by this name could be 
found. The same writer (p. 296) also describes wooden figures of monkeys 
called talian. That name is now given to the charmed bandolier worn by 
noted warriors, which may contain various objects. 

Fowls and animals belonging to the spirits are sometimes referred to in 
the ceremonies, and occasionally offerings consisting of refuse are put out 
for them, but they are not considered to be spirits. On several occasions the 
writer was told that the earth rests on two huge serpents, male and female, 
called Intombangol, who lie so as to form a cross. Their mouths are below the 
water at the point where earth and sky meet. When they move they cause 
earthquakes; when they breathe they cause the winds; if they pant they 
cause violent storms. They do not fall for they are held up by Magbabdya 
tominapay. There seems to be no general agreement about these beings, but 
some baylans think they should be classed as lesser Alabydnon. 

In an earlier section mention was made of the spirits of the baliti (Ficus 
sp.) trees. These trees are held in reverence by nearly all Mindanao tribes, 


partially because of their size and partially because they "bleed" when cut, 
and also because nothing grows beneath them. If a piece of land is to be 
cleared and it becomes necessary to cut down one of these trees, the owner 
of the field will go alone and cut a sapling. He strips off the bark and leaves 
and leans the pole against the haliti tree. Then he addresses the spirits as 
follows: "If there is a man living in this tree, here is wood for you to use as 
a sign. If you are unwilling that I cut this tree, throw this wood away. If 
it pleases you to have this tree cut down, then leave this pole where it is." 
He then goes home. Next day he returns and if the stick has fallen or has 
disappeared it signifies that the spirit is unwilling. If the stick is still in 
place, the spirit gives consent. Then the owner says, "Now I am going to 
cut the baliti tree right away. If the owner is still here, please go to that 
other tree." Often he prepares betel nut for the spirit and places it at the 
foot of the tree as he says, "You man of this tree, go away, for we are going 
to cut it down so that we can clear our field. You must not be angry with 
us when we destroy your house for here is your payment. Come and chew 
and do not be angry." 

Closely related to the acts just cited is a minor ceremony called Magi- 
habaso. At the time a clearing is to be made in the forest the owner goes to 
the chosen spot accompanied by several friends. They carry rice, chicken 
eggs, betel nut and liquor. A seat is constructed and the chickens are tied 
beneath it. Betel nut prepared for chewing is placed on it and the owner 
of the field addresses the spirits of the stones, baliti trees, vines, cliffs, and of 
any holes that may be in the field. He also calls on Maghabdya and Ibabaso: 
"Now do not be angry with me because we are about to clear this land; do 
not be surprised or offended for we are going to kill some chickens and let 
you eat rice, drink agkEd, and eat meat. When we go to plant, let the seed 
bear a good crop." All the people present blow upon the chickens and then 
kill them. 

While the food is being prepared some of the people begin the clearing 
of the land while others build a baldbag. When all is ready food is placed on 
the seat and the workers are summoned. Again the owner summons the 
spirits. He invites them to eat, and having done so, to be satisfied and not 
injure those who would use the land. 

VL The Ceremonies 

It will have been observed that offerings and minor ceremonies are of 
such regular occurrence that it becomes purely arbitrary when certain 
observances are singled out for discussion under "ceremonies." 

Many acts are performed in connection with agriculture, and others at 
various times in the life cycle, which clearly are ceremonies. Even the 
building of a house or the cutting of certain trees requires the services of one 
or more bavlans who make offerings to members of the spirit world. 

The following somewhat special ceremonies were witnessed one or more 
times during the months spent in Bukidnon. (Among other important ob- 
servances are Pagalono or Pag-gimokod, Mag-kataposen and Pagalogas.) It is 
possible that others take place but that is doubtful, for the baylans had 
become anxious to have even the most minute details recorded for the 
book "which their grandchildren might read and come to know the 
customs of their ancestors." 


This is a community affair held when an epidemic, such as cholera or 
smallpox, threatens; or when locusts invade the area or other disasters seem 
imminent. The headman {dato or presidente) summons all the people to a 
general meeting. The danger is stated and a day is set when all will as- 
semble, each bearing gifts for the spirits whose help is sought. On the ap- 
pointed day packages of cooked rice tied in fresh banana leaves are placed 
in a pile near a large mat. Chickens are tied to stakes nearby to await the 
time of sacrifice. On the mat are betel nuts, leaves and lime ready for 

All the people of the village gather around while the baylans call first to 
the gimokod of the dead, then to the Magbabdya and the Alabydnon and 
especially to the Bulaldkau, god of the water. 

The gimokod are urged to assist them in addressing the Magbabdya so that 
they will avert the threatened danger and be pleased to grant good crops. 
Each animal which is to be slaughtered is passed from hand to hand so that 
everyone may blow on it. Meanwhile the baylans beseech the Magbabdya to 
watch and listen to their pleas and to keep the pests away. The Alabydnon 



are urged to "form a wall about them" (i.e., surround them) and persuade 
those who carry illness not to approach the town. When finally they have 
made a special plea to Bulaldkau the killing of animals begins. 

Preparations have been started early in the day but it is nightfall before 
all the food is ready to be spread on mats in the center of a large house. A 
jar of liquor (agkEd, fermented rice wine) is placed in the center and 
around this fresh banana leaves are laid to serve as plates. The packages of 
cooked rice previously prepared are opened and meat is placed on each. 
The spirits like decorations, so a cord is stretched along each side of the 
room and on it good clothes and blankets are hung. These are not gifts. 

All is ready and at this juncture everyone addresses the spirits, "Now 
you gimokod, Magbabaya and Alabydnon, approach for it is time to eat what 
we have prepared. We ask you to help us in averting this trouble. You can 
drive it from this town. We also wish to ask that no other trouble may 
come to us and that we may have successful lives. You now surround this 
town, so do not let anything strange come to us." The prayer or its sub- 
stance is repeated many times. Finally the leader bids each person to put 
his food into the large baskets so that it may be re-divided. Equal shares 
are given to every person there, including visitors. Most of them eat at 
once, but they may carry their portions home if they wish. 


When a person is ill and the cause has not been determined a baylan is 
called. His actions are similar to those described under the Kaliga-6n cere- 
mony, but since it differs in part it is given as witnessed. 

A baylan came, and after placing the spear on the floor, he put tinalad 
beside it and prayed to the Magbabaya, "Please help me to ask the spirit 
who holds the babala-on [spear]. Let the spirits of the old baylans come and 
watch my work for this is a sick man here whom I am going to bala-on 
[i.e., learn the cause of his sickness]. What kind of illness has the man?" 
Then addressing the spear, the baylan said, "You spear, I want you now to 
tell me the truth; you must not lie. Let me know what sickness this man 
has." He measured one span of his arms on the spear and then stuck it into 
the floor after having marked the distance on the shaft. Then he said, 
"Now perhaps the man has been made ill by the Salikot, or some other 
spirits [the Salikot are not spirits but are the articles owned by certain 
spirits as described on p. 101]. If that is true, let the measurement be ex- 
tended." He again measured and found that he was able to increase his 
span. As the Salikot had been mentioned, it was decided that they caused 
the sickness. Then addressing the spirit, he said, "Whey! If it is true that 
the Salikot has caused the sickness I want that the man now be well, for 
now I will cut the comb of a chicken [ipo]. Here is a red chicken and a dog 


which I am going to ipo [i.e., pledge] so that this man may be well. To- 
morrow he should be all right for I will prepare the things necessary for the 
ceremony." He then cut a small piece out of the comb of the rooster and 
poured a little water on the dog while he said, "Let the sick man be well 
for I ipo the dog. Now I want the Omaldgad to come here and listen to me 
for I will ipo the dog." (If this takes place before harvest time, the ceremony 
will not be held until after the crops are gathered, otherwise it will be held 
as soon as the things can be prepared.) Liquor was prepared and chickens 
and rice were reserved for the celebration which followed. 

On the morning of February 3 (1910) all the people of the town who 
were under promise to make this ceremony and a few of their friends went 
to a large baliti tree in the forest. (Anyone who desires may go with them 
but no one may return to the town for three days; neither may anyone go 
to the place where the ceremony is held after it is begun. All trails leading 
to the place are closed — i.e., long grass with a knot tied near the end is 
placed along the trail and should anyone pass the warnings, and approach 
the forbidden spot, a spear is immediately hurled at him, and should it 
result in injury or death the person who threw it is not considered at fault 
and may not be punished. In the old times, even fighting parties would 
respect this sign. (Recently, it is said, a relative of the sick man approached 
after the ceremony had begun, and a spear was hurled at his feet, "not to 
kill him, but to observe the old custom.") All the necessary things were put 
at the foot of the tree and while the women prepared and cooked the rice, 
the men made a little platform (banko) against the trunk of the tree. During 
the ceremony, the participants never call the baliti tree by its name, but 
speak of it as la-kog, because that is the name by which it is known to the 
spirit Omaldgad. A little ladder is placed against the banko so that it leads 
from it up to the leaves of the tree, where the spirit of the tree lives. This 
ladder must be placed bottom up "because it will then be right for the 
spirit who is coming down." The horns of a buck deer are joined with boar 
tusks and about them is wrapped any strange vine, as for instance one 
found growing through a hole in a tree or one tying itself in a knot. At any 
time other than the ceremony, those objects are known as salikot but during 
the ceremony they are known as osig. 

The baylan then addressed the spirits, "Now Omaldgad [a spirit whose 
home is unknown; he is a powerful Alabjdnon who is chief of the spirits of 
rocks, cliffs, and trees, and by some said to be the patron of the hunters 
who cares for the dogs. His power is equal to that of the chief Bulaldkati], 
Magbabdya and all the Alabjdnon, come and see me while I am killing these 
chickens." He put the blood of the chicken on the ipo dog and on the osig, 
saying, "Perhaps the man was sick because he was injured by those pig 


tusks; I want him to be all right because now I put blood on them. Now 
I am putting blood on the vine, because it winds, for maybe the vine has 
made him sick. If these horns have caused the illness, I want the man to be 
well for I am putting the blood here." A balabag (p. 98) was built and 
the feathers and entrails of the fowls put oft- it. The rice when cooked was 
covered with banana leaves and the cooked chicken was placed in a dish. 
All of this together with liquor and prepared betel nut was placed on the 
banko. The packages of rice were opened and some meat placed on them. 
A spear was placed beside the banko, leaning against the tree, and the osig 
hung beside it. Then the spirits were again summoned, first Magbabdya, 
second Mago-manay — a spirit subject to Omaldgad, owner of the deer and 
wild hogs — third Omaldgad, and finally a general invitation was given to 
all Alabydnon to come and eat. When time had been given for the spirits to 
finish the people ate. When they had finished, the man who had been ill 
fastened the osig over his shoulder, canteen fashion, and accompanied by 
all the men and boys and the ipo dog, started out to hunt. The girls and 
women remained under the baliti tree. The men may not return until they 
have captured a pig or deer or until the end of three days. During their 
absence the women may not sleep, for if they do the dogs will lose all inter- 
est in the chase. If they play the dogs will also play and be worthless. They 
can speak only in low tones for the spirit of the baliti tree — tagahilum, 
"dweller in silence" — is angered by loud noises or harsh sounds. In this 
particular ceremony the men failed to secure any game. 

When the hunters are successful, they return to the tree, and after 
singeing the game, remove the intestines and cut up the animal. The head 
is hung on the tree and the rest of the meat is prepared for food. Tinalad 
(prepared betel nut) is added to the food and all is off'ered to the same 
spirits as before. "Now Omaldgad you must come because we have here a 
wild pig [or deer]. Look at this dog and let him always get the wild pig [or 
deer]. When you have eaten, chew the tinalad." After the spirits have fin- 
ished, the people divide the food and eat; none of it can be carried home, 
except the head, which may be taken at the end of the ceremony. They 
remain quietly at the tree until the customary three days have passed, 
after which they return to their homes. 

The ipo dog is not killed, for it now belongs to Omaldgad. The former 
owner cares for it but cannot sell it. Should anyone injure the dog, he will 
become ill in the same region in which the dog was injured. 


This ceremony was witnessed several times. There were minor varia- 
tions yet all were so similar that a detailed account of one held in the vil- 


lage of Manigi (on February 16, 1910) gives the essential details. A man 
who had a severe attack of fever failed to recover his strength so a baylan, 
an old woman, was called to conduct the Pagtlis ceremony. Two chickens 
were caught (a pig is often used) and tied; then tinalad was prepared and 
put beside them, and the baylan summoned many spirits (calling them by 
name) to come and see what they were about to do. She cut the throats of 
the chickens and allowed the blood to fall on the leaves in a dish. These she 
took to the sick man, and while two girls held a cloth over his head, she 
poured water on the dish of bloody leaves. These leaves were later put up 
in the house, for as they continue to grow so will the man have a long life. 

The chickens were then scalded and picked; the feathers and entrails 
and some cooked rice were carried outside and put on a little platform as 
an offering to the fowls and animals belonging to the spirits, "so that they 
will not enter the house and disturb the people." The baylan prayed for 
some time calling on the spirits to send their animals, and then she ad- 
dressed the animals themselves, bidding them to take the offering and be 

Returning to the house, she took the rice and meat which had been 
cooked and put them in two dishes; she also took a coconut shell filled with 
water, a betel nut box, and tinalad. All of these were spread on a mat in the 
center of the floor, and the old woman squatted before them. The wife of 
the sick man put ten cents on the mat for the baylan, who then began to 
pray to the spirits, "Now you spirits when you have finished eating, go back 
home and take with you the odor of our rice and meat. Now we hope that 
the sick man will be well for we have offered these things to you. If you are 
the ones who have made him sick, please pardon, but if you are not the 
ones who did cause the sickness, please tell the right one, for this man has 
done no harm." Taking up the shell cup, she poured the water through the 
cracks of the bamboo floor, still praying; then taking up the coin, she 
prayed over it. 

When she had finished her prayer, she went to the sick man and pre- 
tended to spit on his forehead; then making a funnel of her hand, she blew 
on his forehead while she whispered, "Now you will be all right: this betel 
nut which we have here is the witness." 

This finished, all present chewed the tinalad, after which they ate the 
prepared food. While the old woman baylan talked to the spirits, her son 
talked to the gimokod — spirits of the dead. 

The total pay of the baylan was 25 centavos. 


The spirits listed under Pamahandi are given on page 94. They belong 
to the Alabyanon division and are generally regarded as being friendly. 


They bring material prosperity, particularly in regard to horses and cara- 
bao. However, they may send illness, such as earache or consumption, if 
offended. In their capacity as senders of good fortune they are so much 
respected that each family will hold a yearly ceremony in their honor. 

The following ceremony was given byibur families in the village of 
Langawan (February 11, 1910). Two families who had suffered illness 
caused by the Pamahdndi puti and Pamahdndi slgolon were making good their 
promise to celebrate for them. The other families were petitioning for good 

At the time that the sickness occurred, the baylan had pretended to spit 
on the head of the sick person and had said, "Now if it is true that the 
Pamahdndi cause this sickness, let it vanish for I will ipo [pledge] a chicken — 
a white one — and when we have gathered the necessary things we will 
make a ceremony." A chicken had been secured, water was poured on it, 
and a piece cut out of its comb, while the baylan said, "Now I pour water on 
the chicken for the Pamahdndi as a sign that when I am ready I will cele- 
brate the Pamahdndi ceremony." 

On February 11, 1910, about twenty-five people gathered in a small 
house. Ten chickens were brought and placed before the baylan who be- 
sought the spirits, "Whey! I pray the gimokod of my old ancestors to help 
me to talk to the Pamahdndi as I do not know how to address them; so I will 
ask you to talk for me, and also to address the Magbabdya who looks after 
us. It is good if they look at me now for I am blowing on the chicken and 
am making the Pamahdndi [ceremony]." Then addressing the Pamahdndi, 
he said, "It is better for you to look here at this ipo chicken for I am going to 
kill it for you and I ask you that the persons who have been ill may be well 
and also that all of us may have plenty of horses and carabao and enough 
to eat." A general invitation was extended to all the other Alabydnon to 
come and eat, after which the ten chickens were killed. Their blood was 
saved in a dish and later was sprinkled on the dalaga-6n leaves; then the 
fowls were cleaned and prepared for food. Rice had been previously 
cooked and wrapped in banana leaves. During the two hours consumed in 
the preparation of the chickens, the people talked or slept. 

When all was ready, mats were spread on the floor and an oil can filled 
with liquor was put in the center. A blanket was wrapped around it and 
three coin necklaces laid on top. Around this were placed packages of rice, 
part of which were opened and the meat laid on top; also three dishes of 
water were placed nearby. Tinalad was put on the mat and the people 
gathered around — most of them praying — while the baylan addressed the 
spirits, "Now you gimokod and you Pamahdndi [calling each by name], I 
called you before to see me kill the chickens, now I ask you to come and 


eat and drink the agkEd and chew this tinalad. This is for you and now let 
the sick persons be well and let us all have good fortunes so that we may 
not lack anything all our lives." When he stopped, each person who had 
been ill came forward and held his hand over the food as a sign that he had 
kept his promise. The food was then divided into piles equal to the number 
of guests and the balance of the night was spent in eating and drinking. 
Only those who are giving the ceremony should eat of the ipo chickens, 
or the spirits will not grant their request. The bay Ian who acts at this cere- 
mony should not give away anything for three days. If he does the people 
who made the ceremony will lose in any trade made during that time. 


The baylans often use this name as if it were a spirit or a set of spirits, yet 
it is only the name of a ceremony signifying "union" or "assembly" which 
is held for Maltbotan and his grandfather, Magbabdya minumsob. These 
spirits make one or both of a bridal pair ill unless a ceremony is made for 
them each year. Consequently each married couple celebrates the Kasa- 
boahdn. If one becomes ill soon after the marriage, the cause is known al- 
most to a certainty, but to make sure the baylan takes his spear and having 
measured the span of his arms on it, he sticks it into the floor, places 
tinalad beside it and calls Magbabdya minumsob togdwa nangalangan — one of 
the more powerful of Magbabdyas who lives straight above and looks after 
people and is also able to foretell events — and the gimokod: "Now I want 
you to come and chew this tinalad, for I want to inquire concerning this 
sick person. Let me know without error how the sickness was caused when 
I measure this spear. What kind of sickness is this? Is it Kasaboahdn?'" He 
measures again on the spear and if the span has increased it is a sure sign 
that the spirit of Kasaboahdn — Maltbotan — has caused the illness. Going to 
the sick man he spits on his forehead. "Whey! If it is true that Kasaboahdn 
has caused the illness I hope that it will now cease, for I promise that I will 
make a ceremony when he is well." 

A small box hanger, called sagakad, is constructed and a chicken se- 
cured. These are carried to the sick man and the baylan, after blowing on 
the fowl, says: "Whey! The Kasaboahdn must hear me; the chicken is here 
and I will kill it for him and then he should allow the man to be well 
again." The chicken is killed and its blood rubbed on the sagakad after 
which the meat and some rice are cooked. When prepared the food is car- 
ried to the sick man and placed on a mat. Fresh banana leaves are put in 
the sagakad and rice and meat laid on them. This done, the baylan addresses 
the same spirit as before, "Come and eat this food and chew tinalad, and I 
beg that the Kasaboahdn /will let this sick man be well." He then raises the 
dishes of food and says, "Here Kasaboahdn is your food in the dish, and for 


you, grandfather of Kasaboahdn {Magbabdya minumsob), I have put this food 
in the sagakad." He offers them tinalad to chew and pours out water so they 
may wash their fingers, and the ceremony is ended. 

The people eat the food, except that in the sagakad, which is eaten by the 
patient and his wife. The baylan who officiates receives 50 centavos if he has 
summoned both Malibotan and his grandfather, but 25 centavos if only the 
first. After the ceremony, the sagakad is hung up in the house as a sign that 
the ceremony has been held. 


This ceremony was witnessed only once, when the presidente of 
Mambwaya took a widow for his second wife. Lacking the money neces- 
sary to pay for the woman, the presidente agreed to pay the amount after 
the coming harvest. 

A mat was spread on the floor and tinalad and four betel nut boxes were 
placed on it. The first box was for the gimokod of the widow's first husband; 
the second, for the gimokod of the presidente, the widow, and the presi- 
dente's first wife; the third was for the Magbabdya; and the fourth, which 
was empty, was also for the gimokod of the widow's first husband and was 
his "pay" for the woman. Having received this, he should be satisfied and 
not cause any trouble for the newly-married pair. The old woman baylan 
sat on one side of the mat, the presidente on the other, and the presidente's 
first wife and the widow at one end. 

The baylan first called Magbabdya to come and be a witness of the cere- 
mony, to care for the gimokod of the widow's husband, and to give the 
couple a good living, and not to scold them. "You have power to regulate 
their lives. Look and see that the presidente did not steal this woman, but 
secured her according to our custom. It is right for this widow to remarry 
now for this is the custom of widows." The baylan then turned a betel box 
around and addressed the gimokod of the widow's husband: "Now I turn 
this box around so that if you are here you must depart at once without 
looking back." Raising another box in her hand, she said, "This is a sign 
that the woman must not sink in sickness and poverty but must float like a 
boat on good fortune and at last reach success." 

She then summoned the eight Naglimbag, the eight Gilimbagen, and the 
eight Magbabdya. She could not explain the first two sets of spirits, other 
than to say that she had been instructed to call these spirits when doing 
this ceremony. Tagalambon (probably Domaloftdon) was then called "be- 
cause he is the patron of the datos and the presidente is a dato." 

The baylan chewed betel nut alone and expectorated through the slits in 
the bamboo floor "so that all evil may be gone." Then she stood up, 
turned towards the wall and rubbed her hand on one of the house supports 


"so that the couple will grow like a tree and will have long life." Finally 
she reached out further and rubbed her hand on the bamboo wall "so that 
they will have good fortune and be like the bamboo for at first it is only one 
or two sprouts but later it spreads out into a large clump." 

Again seating herself, she gave tinalad to the presidente and the widow 
and then caused them to exchange the pieces and chew them. She did 
likewise with the presidente and his first wife "so that she may have no 
cause to complain." After this, all chewed tinalad and the ceremony was 
complete. Three days after the ceremony the presidente became ill with 
dysentery. The spirits were considered as the cause, and two days later the 
ceremony Kasaboahan was celebrated (see p. 105). 


The powerful group of Kaliga-6n spirits noted above is closely associated 
with the rice harvest, but its members also keep watch over humans and 
warn or scold them, when necessary, by sending sickness. 

If a person has a serious illness which refuses to yield to other remedies, 
a baylan is called to determine if the Kaliga-6n are responsible. This pre- 
liminary step is called Pagbdla and consists of measuring a spear, as men- 
tioned in other ceremonies. 

Betel nut is offered by the baylan who then addresses the Magbabdva. 
The substance of the prayer is an appeal for a speedy recovery and for abil- 
ity to learn the cause of the illness. He calls, "If the sickness is caused by 
the Kaliga-6n let the measurement on this spear be extended." If it is in- 
creased, he names the individual spirits of this group. After each name he 
measures until the right one is known. A person whose illness is diagnosed 
in this manner is called ayawan, or "scolded." 

Should the patient be passing blood, or if he has a wound which refuses 
to heal, it is not necessary to measure for it is already certain that the 
spirit named Masanbasau is responsible. 

The Kaliga-6n (see pp. 96-7) have certain objects which belong to or rep- 
resent them. Two or three sticks tied horizontally are known as dagingdn 
and belong to the spirits Dagingdn, Korongon, Liga-Sn, Bontidlon, SEgkardn, 
and Laulaii-6n. Four sticks tied in the same way are known by the same 
name but are for the spirit SapawEn. A wooden doll represents Lantangdn 
and a single bamboo tube is for Tamboldn. For Masaubasau, Tagalambon, 
Hinoldban, and GologSndo little basket-like affairs of bamboo tubes which arc 
known as golon-golon are made. Should one of the spirits for whom the 
dagingdn is made cause a person to be ill before the planting time, the 
baylan will take a chicken and cut a small piece off" its comb. These chickens 
are called ipo — "pledged" — and should anyone kill them, the patient will 


be sick or die. The baylan prays, "Make the sick person well and when the 
time for planting comes, these people will make a dagingbn and put it into 
the fields for you." 

When the fields are ready the baylan makes the promised object and 
accompanied by the family and the friends" -of the sick person, goes to the 
field. A round piece of bark is cut and a stick is stuck through the center so 
as to form a sort of table called kaldtan. On this are placed a number of 
pieces of betel nut ready for chewing, and the baylan sits before it and 
prays, "You DagingOn must care for these plants and everything we have in 
the field and I promise that when the crops are harvested, we will celebrate 
the Kaliga-On." The object called dagingdn is actually the home of IbabasO, a 
servant of the Kaliga-6n. All those present chew betel nut while the baylan 
and the girls sing the kaliga. 

Certain types of songs and set words belong to this ceremony. To these 
the baylan adds some of his own. Many of the words of the set songs are very 
old and are understood by few, if any, of the people. The girls sing only a 
few words, but these are repeated over and over: Hindog mayau so Kaliga-6n 
mandiay ("We stand because the Kaliga-On who caused the sickness is 
here"). When they have sung for an hour or more, they put the dagingdn 
in a little house made of two forked sticks with cross pole and roof, and 
return home. The dagingdn and the little house, called lawig, built for it 
must always be placed above the kalOtan. Nothing further is done until the 
time for Kaliga-6n. This ceremony is called Pagbltay. 

Should sickness occur after planting time, the dagingdn is not made until 
the day of Kaliga-6n and no ceremony takes place in the fields. However, 
the comb of the chicken is cut and the promise to celebrate the Kaliga-6n 
is made. 

When it is found that the sickness is caused by one of the spirits for whom 
the golon-golon is made, the baylan pretends to spit on the forehead of the 
patient and says, "Whey! If it is true that you, so-and-so, are making this 
man sick, I beg of you that he will be made well at once, for tomorrow 
I will cut the comb of a chicken and we will sing kaliga, and I will promise 
the chicken for the Kaliga-6n." The following night they will make a round 
box of bark and fill it with dirt and ashes on which they will build a fire. 
This is known as the dapolan and is always made when kaliga is sung in the 
house. Close by the dapolan the promised chicken is tied and betel nut is 
spread out. The baylan then addresses the spirit: "Now we are here. Now I 
am close by the dapolan and I have tinalad here for you. Take it and chew it 
and if you have made the sickness, let the man get well, and I promise that 
I will celebrate the Kaliga-on for you and offer the chicken to you when the 
harvest time is past." After the prayer the baylan cuts the comb of the 


chicken, the people chew the tinalad and the baylan and the girls sing the 
kaliga for an hour or two. For the Kaliga-6n, red or colored chickens are 

When the harvest time has passed and the people have sufficient food 
accumulated, they prepare for the Kaliga-6n. Usually all those people in the 
town who are under promise to celebrate will combine to make it at the 
same time, but should one not be prepared when the others are ready, he 
or she will celebrate it alone. 

When the time for the ceremony is near, each family prepares a jar of 
agkEd (fermented rice-wine) and reserves about two measures of rice, some 
chickens, and perhaps a pig. Each family is also expected to supply its share 
of wood, water, and banana leaves. When the drinking has started and the 
other preparations are in process, the workers will sing the kaliga. 

On the night of February 1 , eight families of Langawan and their friends 
gathered at one house, where it had been agreed to celebrate Kaliga-6n. 
A dapolan (round fire-box) had been made and on it a fire was kindled; 
then tinalad was prepared and placed beside it. The four baylans of the 
town squatted before the offering and prayed to the spirits, "You Kaliga-6n 
must come and take this tinalad and chew it, for we now tell you that to- 
morrow night will be Ipasakdy ["the notifying"]. We want you to tell your 
companions and parents and other spirits that tomorrow night will be 
Ipasakdy y 

Before the baylans call any other spirits, they must always address 
Molin-olin, for it is he who is the patron of all baylans. He taught the first 
baylan and he still aids the others. The prayer to him is usually a request for 
a clear mind so that the baylan may not forget the words of his song or the 
things he is to do. When the prayer was finished the people chewed the 
tinalad and one of the baylans took his place on one side of the dapolan and 
began to sing the kaliga, meanwhile slowly circling the fire while four girls 
formed a half-circle on the other side and moved slowly around, singing at 
intervals. The words of the song (previously given) are always the same and 
are repeated time and again. Often two groups will be singing different 
parts at the same time, while the baylan is carrying his song in quite a dif- 
ferent time and key. When singing, the girls always hold a cloth before 
their faces, for they are "ashamed to have people see their mouths open 
when singing." 

At times during the evening, some boys danced a sort of clog dance 
(salumpi) and the girls danced the lagoras, used only at this time. Two girls 
hold hands, right and left, and as they dance, they swing them forward and 
up, hold them an instant in the air, and then swing them back. They circle 
to right or left as they dance. In going to the right, the step is as follows: 


the left foot is slipped or drawn along the floor towards the right on count 
one and the right foot then makes the beats 2, 3, 4, the first two in one 
place, the third towards the right; this continues until the circle has been 
completed. When dancing toward the left^ the movement of the feet is 
reversed, the right foot making the first count and the left 2, 3, and 4. The 
singing and dancing continued until daybreak. The baylans say that the 
dance has no meaning, but is used whenever the people feel sleepy to keep 
them awake. 

The night of February 2, the people again assembled to celebrate the 
Ipasakay, i.e., they sang and danced all night in order to notify the Kaliga-6n 
that the real ceremony would begin the next day. The dapolan was again 
put in the middle of the floor and tinalad was placed beside it. The baylans 
sat before these and each prayed, first to their patron Molin-olin, asking for 
help in remembering the songs they must sing for the Kaliga-On; and then 
to Magbabdya: 'T hope that you will hear what I am saying and asking for, 
so that I may not forget the words I must sing, for tonight I must talk to the 
Kaliga-6n and I must not forget the words of my song." Then addressing the 
Kaliga-6n, they said, "You Kaliga-onI It will be much better if you will 
come near to us. You must come and take this tinalad so that you may know 
that at this time you are Ipasakay ["notified"] and that tomorrow the 
Kaliga-6n will be held." When all the baylans had prayed, the people 
chewed the tinalad and then one of the baylans began to sing. At first his 
song was addressed to Magbabdya but soon it was shifted to the Kaliga-6n. 
In the song he besought the spirits to let the people be well for they have, 
promised to make the ceremony. At intervals the girls sang and danced 
and this continued until morning. 

In the morning, the baylans went to the fields where the dagingOn had 
been placed the first day. Each baylan was accompanied by the person for 
whom the dagingOn had been made and a number of girls and other friends, 
one of whom carried the promised chicken. When they arrived at the field, 
they prepared tinalad and then went to the little house in which the 
dagingOn had been hung. Below the dagingOn was the kalOtan. The roof of 
the spirit house was torn off", and two kinds of fresh leaves were put on the 
dagingOn. The tinalad and a can of liquor were placed beneath and the 
rooster tied nearby. This done, the baylan prayed, "You Kaliga-On must not 
be surprised, for I am taking the dagingOn to the house where we are to 
celebrate Kaliga-On; and you spirits who have cared for the dagingOn here in 
the field, you must come here and take the tinalad and chew it, for I must 
take this dagingon to the house where we celebrate." When the prayer was 
finished, all present chewed the tinalad and ate the fermented rice from the 
agkEd, after which the baylan and the girls sang. 



Fig. 62. Sacrificing a towl at the haliga-on ceremony. 

At one point in the song, a baylan cut the throat of the rooster and put its 
blood on the dagingdn and the kaldtan below it. Again the baylan prayed and 
the girls sang (figs. 62, 63). At the command of the baylan, a girl who had 
been ill came to him and he dipped a feather into the blood and drew it 
slowly across the palm of her left hand, meanwhile praying, "May the girl 
be well now and not be sick any more for the chicken which she promised 
is now killed and we are making the ceremony." Taking his stand on one 
side of the little house, he slowly walked around it singing, the girls doing 
likewise. The song informed the dagingdn that it was about to be taken to 
the town and to the place where the Kaliga-6n was being celebrated, and it 
was necessary that it should accompany them. Still singing, he took the 
dagingdn from the house and, accompanied by all those present, now in 
line, returned to the town all singing continually. 

At the edge of the town, a messenger notified them that the baylans who 
had gone to the other fields for the dagingdn placed there had not returned, 
so the dagingdn carried by this party was fastened to a tree to await the 
return of the other baylans. The groups returning from the fields brought 
plants for use in the ceremony. These are all called dalaga-6n and are to be 
put with the dagingdn. Meanwhile in the town, other baylans had been busy 



Fig. 63. Making an offering at the Kaliga-on ceremony. 

preparing dagingdn for those persons who had been ill after planting and so 
had no lawig in the fields; they also made the necessary golon-golon, lan- 
tangon, and tambolon. 

By three in the afternoon, the other baylans had returned and all was in 
readiness for the ceremony. Four small poles about five feet high were sunk 
into the earth and a platform put on top of them. On top were placed 
offerings of rice, eggs, agkEd, dried roots and tinalad, while at the foot fifteen 
chickens and two pigs were tied. Later the golon-golon, dagingdn, tambolOn, 
and lantangon, symbols for the spirits, were brought. All but the last were 
attached to the platform, but the figure of Lantangdn was dressed in white, a 
red head-band was placed on his head and he was put on a little bamboo 
seat (fig. 64). The offerings put on the platform at this time and also the 
waste such as feathers, pigs' feet, etc., are for the harmful fowls and animals 
belonging to the Inkanio, a class of Alabydnon spirits, including tao salup, 
"man of the woods"; tao sa baliti, "man of the baliti tree"; taga dalama, 
"man of the cliffs"; Bulalakau, "man of the water"; and taga bato, "man of 
the stones." Unless this offering is made their enormous animals are sure to 
go up into the house and injure the people. 





. i ', 


WBl^ ™ • 









.. ^^^^^ 

Fig. 64. Culmination of the Kaliga-on ceremony. 

The baylans gathered around the platform and one of them set fire to a 
bundle of roots and each put his fingers into the smoke and then to his face 
"in order that they might have a good voice for singing." This part of the 
ceremony is known as Palina. The persons who were responsible for the 
ceremony then gathered just back of the platform and many girls in 
gorgeous clothes sat down nearby. Each baylan took a chicken in his hands 
and prayed, then cut its throat and allowed the Ijlood to run over the 
leaves on the dagingdn, golon-golon, and the image of Lantangdn. This was 
repeated until all the animals were slaughtered, the baylans meanwhile 
saying to the fowls and animals of the Kaliga-6n: "You animals of the 
Kaliga-6n who wish to suck the blood come now and get it and do not 
come to the house." Then one of the baylans threw three eggs into the air 
and called upon the fowls of the Kaliga-6n to come and eat. The eggs fell to 
the ground and were broken so it was known that the fowls had eaten and 
would not come to the house for food. One of the women who had been ill 
came forward and a baylan allowed the blood of a slaughtered animal to 
fall on her hands and wrist at the same time praying, "You Kaliga-6n who 


were angry and who made the woman sick, give back her health for she 
now celebrates the Kaliga-6n and this blood on her hands is a sign that she 
has done as she promised." 

The leaves which had been lying on the ground were planted beside the 
southwest pole of the platform and for a tinTc the girls and the baylan sang. 
The pigs and the chickens were carried away to be prepared for food. 
Each baylan pulled a leaf from the branches and stuck it into his head- 
band as a sign that they had gone "into the shade of the agbon,^' and in 
order that the fowls of the Alabydnon might recognize them as baylans and 
not injure them. For nearly an hour they sang there in spite of a driving 
rain, and at last they took the spirit offerings, dagingdn, and the rest, and 
went to the foot of the house ladder. 

One of the baylans asked in song: "Is this the house where the sick person 

One of the other baylans who had previously gone up asked: "Who are 
these people? Where do they come from? Perhaps they wish us ill and will 
make us sick." 

The baylan below (replying): "Do not be afraid — we do not come here 
to do you harm. We come here in order to see you keep the promise which 
you made to us." 

The baylan above: "Oh, if you are the Kaliga-6n whom we promised I 
want you to give us the sign that you are truly the right ones, so that we 
will not be afraid, and also the people in the house will not have fear." 

The baylan below: "If that is what you wish, I will give you the proof 
that we are the Kaliga-6n. Can you not see these things [he holds up 
dagingon and other objects] which I hold in my hands? You know that we 
cannot come to this town without an object." 

The baylan above: "If you are the Kaliga-6n who made the people sick 
and are the ones whom we promised and are expecting to come at this 
time, we are glad to see you when you are in the shade of this house. If 
you like our ladder you may come up, for you have not lost the way." 

The baylan below: "Now since you wish us to come up, we will do so, 
because this was our purpose, to see you, and we cannot go back home 
until the promise is kept." 

Singing, they all entered the house. The figure of Lantangon was placed 
beside the dapolan and the other spirit offerings were tied up above. Then 
two baylans sang aunt (when Masaubasau is one of the spirits present, this 
song must always be sung or he will be angry and cause more sickness). 

Two jars of agkEd were brought in and placed by LantangDn and the 
singing continued. Two dishes containing beads, needles, and rings, and 
two small bolos put on the mat, were for the baylans. Five dishes of tinalad 
were for the spirit Molin-olin, the patron of the baylans. 


Each one prayed: "Come and take this tinalad and help me while I sing 
and talk. Let me have ability to talk a long time and not become con- 

Addressing the other spirits, they said: "Do not be surprised that we 
are here, for we are now celebrating Kaliga-6n and even though we do not 
know well how to perform the ceremony, do not be angry with us, but let 
the sick persons become well and let the baylans keep well, and also the 
people here, and let nothing happen to our bodies. If we were the wisest 
living, then you would be glad, but now we know nothing; but there is no 
one here from whom the people can inquire, so we are forced to sing." 

Then all chewed the tinalad, and the baylans and girls sang, and the 
latter sometimes danced. For a while anyone was allowed to sing. 

Meanwhile, the food was being prepared in the various houses, and 
when all was ready bamboo poles were laid on the floor and mats were 
spread over them. The jars of agkEd were placed in the center, and the food 
wrapped in banana leaves was piled high on all sides. A little bamboo seat 
with a blanket over it was placed by the "table" for the Kaliga-6n to sit in, 
and a talapnay (round disks of wood slipped on a stick, serving as a stand for 
tinalad) was placed nearby for lMntang6n, the strongest spirit who visited the 

When all was ready, the baylans again prayed, offering the food to the 
spirits. Meat and the pig skulls were put in the goloh-golon for the spirit 
Awit. Many spirits other than the Kaliga-6n were invited to come and par- 
take of the feast. When all had been offered, the food was gathered up and 
divided into little piles, with an equal amount of rice and meat for each 
person in the village. Those who desired took their portions home, but the 
majority stayed and ate and drank together. At about 3:00 a.m. the 
baylans again began to sing and the girls assisted as before. 

This continued until about seven in the morning. At that time, every- 
thing was removed from the center of the room except the dapolan, the 
spirit offerings, and the figure of Lantangdn. One of the baylans sang for 
about an hour, then, taking some of the leaves which had been sprinkled 
with blood the day before, he waved them above the sick persons who were 
sitting in a line on the floor. 

The baylan sang: "Now you who have been made ill by Kaliga-6n will be 
well, and the sickness will disappear, for I am driving it away. Now it is 
late and I am going away, but before I go I will take the sickness with me." 

He took a coconut shell filled with water and baptized each of the 
patients, singing: "Now you who have been sick must be well, for I am 
putting this cold water on you so that your minds will be clear and you 
will not feel the sickness any more." (He explained to us, "The water 


washes away the sickness, just the same as it washes the dirt out of dirty 

Taking a comb, the haylan ran it a few times over the head of each one 
"so as to give them clear, good heads, with no more sickness." He con- 
tinued singing while he waved the bloody leaves over their heads. 

Finally the baylan pulled off the leaves, giving one to each of the patients 
in order that they might take them home and keep them as a sign that the 
patients had fulfilled the promise. The girls gathered around the fire and 
sang while one baylan took down the spirit offerings. With these in his 
hands he stood beside the dapolan while a second baylan took a small chicken 
in his hands and knelt beside the fire. 

For a moment he prayed in silence. Then, taking hold of the upper and 
lower parts of the chicken's bill, he tore it in two, and rubbed the side of 
the dapolan with its fluttering body, saying: "The sickness of these persons 
must vanish because I put blood on this dapolan as a sign that we have kept 
the promise to the Kaliga-6n and the ceremony is finished." 

With his fingers, he tore the body nearly in two and spread it on the 
ashes of the fire as an offering to the spirits who live in the earth, as pay- 
ment for the soil which was in the dapolan, "so that they might have no 
cause for anger." 

All the things were then gathered up by the baylans and they and the 
girls sang as they went out of the house and to the edge of the town where 
they deposited the spirit offerings. 

Thus the ceremony ended. The baylans' final song was: "You people 
who have been sick do not fear any more, for I am taking the sickness away 
with me, for I am going home now — this is the time when I must go 

The following notes were added by the baylans: 

If the dagingdn is not thrown away but is fastened up in the house, it is a 
promise to the Kaliga-6n that the family will celebrate for them again the 
next year. 

The doll called Lantangon is meant to represent that spirit. "The spirits 
probably come to them — LantangDn, Dagingon — during the ceremony, but 
maybe they only watch and see them." 

Ibabaso is a neighbor of the Kaliga-6n. He has his own place but when the 
Kaliga-6n tell him to go somewhere and care for a field, he must go. 

The Kaliga-6n do not live in the sky or in the earth, but on hills or 
mountains which look like houses, especially volcanoes. 

The talapnay is made only for the five strongest of the Kaliga-6n. They are 
Lantangon, Tagalambon, HinolOban, GologSndo, and Linankdban. As Lantangon 
was the only one of these present at the ceremony only one talapnay was 


made, but had others visited, a talapnay would have been constructed for 
each one attending. 

During the ceremony, the baylans wear head-bands "because the Kaliga- 
6n are Bukidnon," but others may wear what they Uke. 

There are no restrictions or prohibitions on either baylans or the parti- 
cipants after the ceremony. 

VIL The Tungud Movement 

In 1908 a religious movement known as Tungud was started among the 
Manobo of the Rio Libaganon. It spread rapidly over the Manobo and 
Mandaya tribes of eastern Mindanao and eventually reached the borders 
of Bukidnon. The first evidences of the cult in this area came early in 1910 
when certain villages on the Manobo border were suddenly deserted. The 
American governor, Lewis, at first considered this to be a reaction against 
his attempts to locate all the Bukidnon in model villages. Soon, however, 
it became evident that this was part of a much wider movement. 

Since the Tungud did not spread far in this area, a brief account will suf- 
fice. Its origin and development have been treated in detail by Garvan for 
the Manobo, and by the writer for the Mandaya territory. (See Garvan, 
1931, ch. 29; and Cole, 1913, pp. 179-180.) A hitherto unimportant Mano- 
bo, named Mapakla, apparently had died of cholera and had been de- 
serted by his kinsmen. Three days later he suddenly appeared — a well man 
with a definite mission. 

He stated that the spirit Magbabdya had cured him and at the same time 
had commanded him to instruct the people concerning events to come. 
According to this spirit, the world was soon to be destroyed, hence there 
should be no more planting. Since animals would no longer be needed they 
should be slaughtered. A certain type of religious house was to be erected 
in each village, and "priests" chosen and instructed by Mapakla were to 
conduct ceremonies. At a given time they were to lead the faithful to the 
afterworld. All others were doomed to perish. 

The movement swept eastern Mindanao but had only minor influence 
in Bukidnon. A few peripheral villages were deserted and had not been 
re-occupied at the time this study was concluded, which suggests that the 
acculturational pressures were less in the Bukidnon region. 


VIIL Music and Dancing 


Dancing is the chief amusement at nearly every gathering, whether it be 
a ceremony or merely to have a good time. Many of the dances are mimetic 
— such as those imitating the movements of a hawk (fig. 65). The dancers 
may imitate men stealing, courting or having intercourse with a dummy. 
Some are very risque but are witnessed by women and children without 
any sense of impropriety. 

The most common dance is the sayau, in which one or more participants 
— male or female — hold cloths in their hands. They bend their wrists back- 
ward and forward; their extended arms go in circles, to and fro in slow 
graceful movements "like the hawk" whose flight the dance imitates. 
When the sayau is danced in the house the music is furnished by two or 
three women who beat on a mat with the palms of their hands. The beat is 
one heavy with the left hand and three light with the right. 

The sinakaysakay is a woman's dance. The participant holds a shield in 
each hand and raises and lowers it "as if flying." Meanwhile she circles, 
keeping time to the music, as in the sayau. 

Sa-o or Sa-ot (see fig. 56) was seen only in connection with a wedding. 
The groom's party is preceded by a man carrying a shield and long spear 
with a bell attached. He dances furiously, with rapid movement of the 
feet, but keeping time to a drum beat. He charges an imaginary enemy 
with spear held aloft and covers retreat with his shield. 

Two dances — the salumpi and lagoras — were witnessed in connection 
with ceremonies (see Kaliga-6n ceremony). The salumpi is a sort of clog 
dance done singly or by a group of boys holding hands. There is no music, 
yet they keep good time. Two girls usually dance the lagoras. They take 
hold of hands — right and left — and swing them forward and up, hold them 
an instant, then swing them back. Meanwhile, they circle right, then left. 
As they go to the right the left foot is slipped or drawn toward the right on 
the count of one. On beats two and three, the right foot keeps time, then 
on four slips to the right. This continues until the circle is complete, after 
which the movement is reversed. At one place in the Kaliga-6n ceremony 
the girls sing as they make a half circle around the ceremonial place called 




Fig. 65. Male dancers imitating the movements of hawks. 


Music for the dance is produced on drums made from hollowed out 
sections of small logs. Each end is covered with pigskin. Brass gongs, se- 
cured in trade, are frequently used and are beaten in unison with the 
drums. Another dance "instrument" is a mat on which women beat time 
with their hands. 

Aside from these, other instruments are for individual use. Men and 
boys play on bamboo flutes, on jew's-harps, or on native violins. The latter 
have a sounding-box made of bamboo covered with a leaf, piece of bark, or 
piece of skin. The neck is of bamboo and the strings of hemp. The bamboo 
bow is likewise fitted with hemp strings. Violin strings are tightened by 
slipping wooden sticks beneath them (fig. 66). 

An equally primitive instrument, widespread in Malaysia, is made by 
cutting narrow strips lengthwise of a bamboo tube. These are raised and 
made taut with wooden plugs. Women play them by picking the strings 
with their fingers (fig. 67). 

The most elaborate of Bukidnon instruments are the long "guitars," or 
boat lutes. These are usually carved to represent a mythical two-headed 
animal, a crocodile or a bird (fig. 53). Such instruments are well made of 
thin strips of wood. The tightening rods are of wood, and the frets are of 

Fig. 66. Native violins with bows. 

Fig. 67. Woman's musical instrument made from bamboo. 



beeswax with small bamboo guides set in each. The guitar has two strings, 
one of which is free; the other rests on the frets. When the strings are 
properly tuned the player plucks them with the fingers of the right hand 
while those of the left put proper pressure on the strings high on the neck. 
Shell trumpets may be employed by town officials to summon people to 
the general meeting place. 


Seven types of songs are recognized : 

(1) The idang-dang is sung when happy. 

(2) The sala is a love song, partially traditional, partially improvised. 

(3) The limbay is heard at times of sorrow. 

(4) The handaurau is a drinking song, and consists of improvised com- 

(5) The limboyau is also a drinking song. 

(6) The olaging is a bed-time chant in which a story teller sings about 
Aguio and other folk tale beings. 

(7) Ceremonial songs — such as those heard in connection with the 
Kaliga-Un ceremony — are usually sung by the bay Ian and a group of girls. 
The baylan knows the words of the traditional songs, part of which he 
teaches to the girls, and to these he adds some of his own. Many lines are 
archaic and not understood. In general these consist of a few words re- 
peated over and over — such as Hindog mayau so Kaliga-6n mandiay, "We 
stand because the Kaliga-6n who caused the sickness is here." When they 
sing the girls hold cloths in front of their faces to cover their mouths. 

At one stage of the Kaliga-Un ceremony different groups of girls take dif- 
ferent parts of the song simultaneously, while the baylan chants independ- 
ently, usually in a different time and key. 

Most of these songs were recorded on phonograph cylinders and for 
years were deposited in the Museum. More recently they were transferred 
to the Department of Anthropology, Indiana University, in the care of 
Dr. George Herzog. So far as is known these have not yet been transcribed. 

IX, Celestial Bodies and the Seasons 

Certain stars and constellations are well known to the Bukidnon. By 
their position in the sky it is known when it is time to prepare and to plant 
the fields. The presence of these celestial guides is accounted for by two 
tales. The first is as follows: 

In the first times the sky was close to the ground. There was a spinster 
who was pounding rice and every time she raised the pestle it struck the 
sky. When she began to work she had beads around her neck, but while she 
was working she took them off and hung them on the sky. She took the 
comb out of her hair and hung it also on the sky, for it was like a coral rock. 
When she began pounding again she struck the sky very hard with the 
pestle. Suddenly it went up high and she lost her ornaments. Her comb 
became the moon and her beads were the stars. 

The second and more important story relates the adventures of Mag- 
bangal and his wife. Magbangal was once a powerful man. One night he 
and his wife were talking about clearing the land, for it was the proper 
time. He said to her, "My wife, come near to me and I will tell you some- 
thing." She came near and he said, "Tomorrow I will go to our field and I 
want you to stay here." 

She replied, "Let me go with you for you have no companion." 

"No," said Magbangal, "I do not wish you to go. I want you to stay 
here." The wife agreed, and they went to sleep. 

In the early morning she prepared his food, but he said, "I do not want 
to eat for I will return in the afternoon." 

His wife insisted on preparing food, but he refused to eat it and gathered 
up his ten hatchets and tied them together. Then he went to the fields. 
He carried the bundle containing his hatchets and bolos and sharpening 
stone and also a tube made of bamboo for water. 

When he reached his land he put down his tools. He cut some trees and 
made them into a bench. When he had completed it he sat down and said 
to the bolos, "You bolos must be sharpened on the stone." Then the bolos 
sharpened themselves on the stone. 

When they had finished sharpening themselves, Magbangal said to the 
hatchets, "You hatchets must be sharpened also." At once they were 



When the sharpening was finished he said to them, "Now you bolos cut 
off the small grass under the trees, and you hatchets must cut the large 
trees." The hatchets and the bolos went to work, and Magbangal could see 
the grass being cut and the trees falling. 

His wife was in their house and when she heard the trees continually 
falling she was greatly surprised. About mid-day she said to herself, "Per- 
haps my husband has found many people to help him work. I will go to 
see him. When he left he was alone, but now I can hear the noise of many 
falling trees." 

Then she went with moving breasts and when she reached a spot near 
the field she walked slowly. She hid in a tree and looked toward the bench 
where her husband lay asleep. She saw the bolos cutting grass, but no one 
was using them. She saw the hatchets cutting the trees, but no hands were 
using them. She said, "How powerful Magbangal must be. I have never 
before seen bolos and hatchets working without hands. He has never told 
me of his power." 

Her husband jumped up suddenly for a bolo had just cut off one of his 
arms. Then he awoke and sat up, and said, "I think some people must be 
looking at me, for my arm is cut off. Perhaps it is my wife. If you — my 
wife^ — are looking at me, you must come here." 

She came as she was commanded and he said, "Why did you not stay 
at home as I told you to do? Now my arm is cut off." 

Then they went home, and she began to prepare something for him to 
eat. He said, "Do not cook anything for me. Eat if you wish, but I am going 
away. Now it is better for me to go to the sky and give the sign to the 
people so they will know when it is time to plant. You must go to the water 
and become a fish." 

Then he went to the sky and became the constellation we call Mag- 
bangal, and his remaining arm became Balokau. The jaw of one of the 
pigs he had killed became Baka, and the hill on which he had often hunted 
became Molopolo. His hatchets became Ta-on, his bolos Malala, and his 
pet lizard Tl-ok. 

The various constellations and stars mentioned in the tale were pointed 
out to me on February 4, 1910, at 7:00 p.m. 

A dipper-shaped group which appeared at an angle of about 45 
degrees — just south of east — was identified as Magbangal. The line of 
stars below is called Balokau and is the remaining arm of Magbangal. 

Higher and to the west was a triangular alignment called Baka, "for 
it is the jaw of one of the pigs killed by Magbangal." 

Still farther to the west, a little beyond the zenith, a small dipper was 
identified as Molopolo, the hill on which Magbangal hunted. 


Toward dawn of that night three groups of stars appeared which were 
explained as follows: The first one, which is L-shaped, is Ta-on, the 
hatchet of Magbangal. The second, a triangle, is Sogob-a-ton, the 
bamboo pole carried to the field. This was difficult to visualize. The 
third, a circle, is Ti-ok, the large pet lizard of Magbangal. 

The evening star is Taku ("thief), since it always runs away when 
other stars appear. 

By the position of these bodies in the sky the Bukidnon identify the sea- 
sons and arrange their field work. When Molopolo appears at an angle of 
about 45 degrees, it is time to plant bananas, sugar cane, and some 
varieties of rice — also some corn. When Magbangal appears at 45 degrees, 
it is time to clear all the lands for the yearly crops. When it is just west of 
the zenith it is time to burn the grass and dead trees. Planting should fol- 
low within a few days. If it is not possible to clear and plant according to 
these stars one should wait for Ta-on. When it rises at 45 degrees, the land 
should be cleared. When it comes up at 95 degrees (i.e., about one o'clock) 
and Ti-ok is at 55 degrees (i.e., eleven o'clock) it is time to burn the plants 
and brush. This planting should be finished within two or three days for it 
is then time for hard rains to begin. 

When all constellations rise west of the zenith, it is the rainy season. 
When they rise at the zenith it is the hot season. When they appear in the 
east it is the dry season. Some planters watch the kamil tree for signs. When 
it has no leaves it is good to clear the land. When the leaves begin to come 
it is time to burn and plant. 

Falling stars are "the filth of the stars." When one strikes the water it 
becomes fish. If it strikes the land it is transformed into a snake. The rain- 
bow — balogoto — is the road over which the Alabydnon spirits walk. 

It is customary to count by nights. Fifteen "bright nights" and fifteen 
"dark nights" make a month, but sometimes there are only fourteen 
"bright nights." The year is reckoned by crops: first is rice planting; then 
harvest; then comes corn, and it is a year. 

X, Stones and Legends 

Gathering stories and folk tales proved a difficult task. Occasionally 
someone would volunteer a story to account for the origin of a lake or 
town, or of different kinds of people. Again something like the antics of a 
monkey would lead to a tale explaining how they came to be or why they 
had certain characteristics — such as black fingernails. Various hero tales 
appeared as incidents rather than as connected stories. Among these the 
most important are those surrounding Aguio and Bulanawan. Usually 
these are chanted at bed time, after members of the family have spread 
their mats on the floor. The influence of Christian and Mohammedan 
neighbors is evident in several, as when Adam and Eve appear as charac- 

Even when the tales deal with well-known spirits they do not seem to be 
in any way related to the ceremonies, except the story of the "origin of the 
races," where one of the Magbabaya is killed to provide food for the people. 
It does not appear that there are recognized story tellers or that the tales 
recorded are taken very seriously. Several times there were hints of a well- 
defined series of tales, but eflforts to bring them into the open met with little 
success. The following are typical of what was heard. 


In the ancient days the Moros attacked the towns of Malambagohon 
(now Cagayan) and Mission Mana-ol (now Tagolan). The inhabitants 
were defeated and in their trouble called in Dalabahan, the brave de- 
fender of Bukidnon, to help them. They paid him 50 pesos a month for his 
services. With him as their leader, the Bukidnon were able to rout the 
Moros and to drive them as far as the present town of Mailag. Since that 
time the Moros have not returned, and the victors founded the town of 
Sumilao. The warriors with Dalabahan were few in number and badly 
armed. They had no guns and few weapons so many of them had to fight 
with stones. Their victory shows their great bravery. 


At Sumilao there is a lake called Danao. The edge is but a few feet from 
the edge of a canyon. A man once built his house there. One day he killed 



a bird and prepared it for the pot. Then the bird began to eat and they 
both laughed. No sooner had this happened than a great storm came and 
where the house had stood there was only a lake. The people neither. speak 
nor laugh when they pass this place. 


In the olden times there were many people in Mindanao, but there came 
a time when the rains ceased and the hot sun shone continually. The crops 
were killed and all the people died except Tibolon, Bala-ol, Manadgau, 
and Mampolompon. These four discussed their plight, for they had no 
food and no place to live. Tibolon wanted to live in Sumilao because he 
thought that thunder was there. Bala-ol chose Salog because he was sure 
that it was the place of thunder. For the same reason Manadgau chose to 
live in Tubala-on. Mampolompon was equally certain that Pulangi was 
the place. Bala-ol and Mampolompon were brothers and the other two 
were their friends. As they could not agree they separated and lived in the 
places they chose. Tibolon was married to a woman from Kay-yem-payri. 
Bala-ol also found a woman and Manadgau married Palina. Mampolom- 
pon also married. From these unions came the Bukidnon. 

Mampolompon had a clearing where he grew many things but when the 
famine came he could not grow anything. He tried planting everything 
good for food but nothing lived except one bamboo. This grew very high 
and during a high wind it was broken. Soon after this he saw a woman and 
a dog and he was greatly astonished. He went to the bamboo and examined 
it. In one joint he found hairs from a woman's head and in another were 
dog hairs. Then he was sure that the new arrivals had come out of the 
bamboo. He tried to talk with the woman but the dog bit him and he 
could not. He tried many times but always failed. At last the dog began to 
talk and soon he made Mampolompon his servant. The dog and the 
woman were married and soon had many children. These were the ances- 
tors of the Moros. 


The eight Magbabdya lived far from the world. When they first thought 
of making the world they looked about in their place. They found that 
they had iron, wood, and different kinds of trees. One Magbabdya took off 
his hair, tied it into a knot and when he had made a little ceremony he 
transformed it into an "eagle" (hawk). This eagle held a knot of leaves 
wrapped around with hair. Magbabdya made another ceremony and the 
world appeared. In that world were two persons, Salamanka ("Adam") 
and Sinokat ("Eve"). He put them in a fine place. He told them to eat 


anything they wished except the fruit of one tree. The people did not obey 
but began to eat that fruit. So Magbabaya drove them away from the good 

The eight Magbabaya then met together to discuss the people, for they 
were starving. It was agreed that one of ihcMagbabdya would allow him- 
self to be killed so that his body might be used as food for Salamanka and 
Sinokat. The other Magbabaya cut one of them into several pieces, and his 
blood which sank into the ground l^ecame wild pig and deer; the blood 
which fell on the trees became monkeys and birds; and the leaves on which 
it fell were buried and at once plants sprang up from them. Then the 
Magbabaya washed his hands in the rivers and the blood became fish. Then 
he told the people that they must live on the things which they had made, 
but from then on they must do hard work because they had disobeyed his 

Those two people married and had eight children, four boys and four 
girls. Four of these were white and four black. The parents wanted to 
marry the blacks with the whites, but one white boy refused and ran away 
with a white girl. They went across the ocean and now their children are 
the Spaniards, Americans and other white people. Two black children 
also ran far away and their children are the Negroes (Negritos and Ameri- 
can Negroes). Those who remained with their parents did as they wished 
and married. Their children were brown and are now the Bukidnon. 


The Magbabaya made Adam and Eve and put them in the world. Soon 
they had a son and as they did not want him, they slew him and burned 
his body in the fire. A second son was born, and they killed him also and 
threw him into the river. Not long after, the Magbabaya came, and when he 
found what they had done he was very angry. He gathered up the bones of 
the dead boys and made them alive again. The first boy went far away and 
became "the holder of the smallpox." Sometimes he returns to visit his 
brothers and great sickness follows. Magbabaya asked the second boy if he 
wished to live with his parents again, but he said no, for they wished to kill 
him. So he chose to live in the water and became the spirit Bulalakau. 
Sometimes he visits his brothers, and then someone is drowned. 


The earth was once all covered with water "because a large crab corked 
up the navel of the sea so that the water could not get out, and it rose up 
over the land." (The balance of the story shows strong European influ- 
ence.) About one moon before the flood came, a man warned the people 
and told them to build a big raft. They did so and made it of three layers 


of big trees. To this they tied a long rattan cord and fastened it to a big pole 
in the earth. When the flood came, white water came out of the mountains 
and the sea rose and covered the highest mountains. The people and ani- 
mals on the raft were saved and when the water went down again, they 
were near their old homes, for the rattan had held firmly, 


A mother took her two children with her when she went to color cloth. 
She took the cloth, some pots and a shell spoon and carried them to a mud 
hole. She put the cloth into the mud and then put some water and the 
leaves used for coloring into the pot and placed it over the fire. When the 
water began to boil some of it got on the woman's hand so that she jumped 
up quickly and called out. The children began to laugh, and when they did 
so, they were changed into monkeys. The spoons became tails. You can see 
that the monkey's fingernails are still black where the children had helped 
to dye the cloth. 


The wife of Lang-gona had twin boys named Aguio and Bulanawan. 
When they were two years old, the mother took Bulanawan with her when 
she went to the field to pick cotton. She put the cotton near the baby to 
dry. Suddenly a great wind came and wound the cotton around the baby 
and carried him far away to a distant land. In that place he became a 
famous warrior. 


Once there was a very large man named Domakalangan who lived 
alone. A dato came to him with all his people, for an enemy had threatened 
to destroy their town. They were allowed to stay in his house where they 
were safe, for all the world knew that Domakalangan was a strong, brave 
man. Because he had protected them, the dato wished to give him his 
daughter in marriage. Domakalangan did not take her. He explained that 
he ate only once a month, but that he then consumed a cavan of pounded 
rice, ten chickens, and a large hog. Despite this the dato insisted that he 
should receive his daughter. At last Domakalangan became weary, and 
having prepared provisions, he went away. On his way he saw a large 
house filled with people all of whom were very quiet. When he asked the 
reason he learned that one of the men was dead. He looked at the dead 
man and then asked permission to sleep with the corpse in order that he 
might revive it. The people gave their permission, but that night the people 
mistook him for the dead man and rubbed his body. He Ijecame very 
angry and cut down the house posts; then he killed all the people and went 


on his way. He traveled until he saw a house in which only one old woman 
lived. He told her that he wished to live with her for he was tired of wan- 
dering. She agreed at once, for she desired his protection. For many years 
she supported him. Finally he became homesick and took her with him to 
visit his town. When they approached thf- place they found the path 
grown up with high grass. His house was burned and nothing remained of 
his people except their bones. He brought them to life again by making a 
ceremony and then he inquired concerning the trouble. They said that as 
soon as he left enemies had come and killed them all. He went at once and 
killed all those enemies and then he returned to his town. Again the dato 
insisted that he should marry his daughter. He refused many times, but at 
last he consented. Then he went to sleep and did not wake up for many 
days. They found that he was not sleeping but was dead, so they buried 


A family lived in a place called Apo. They had no children, but they 
kept two dogs which were great hunters. One time the man took the dogs 
and went to hunt in the forest. He killed a large deer and a big wild hog. 
They were so heavy that he could not carry them both at the same time. 
So he carried one a short way and left it, then returned and brought up the 
other. Finally he reached a spring and stopped there to clean the game. It 
was a very hot day and the dogs were so tired that they did not stop at the 
spring, but hurried home to rest. When the dogs reached the house the 
woman asked them many times where their master was and what success 
he had. After she had repeated her questions many times, the male dog was 
forced to answer, "If I talk to you there will be great trouble." At these 
words a great wind began to blow. When the husband saw the sky grow 
dark he hurried home with the deer. Just as he arrived there the house 
vanished into a small lake. 


There were four brothers named Pomolau, Banklak, Aguio, and Lunak. 
They were great warriors who often went to other towns and killed many 
people just to show their bravery. The children of these towns they brought 
home and made their slaves. One time they decided to fight against 
Baklayan. So they sent a messenger to tell the people of that town that they 
were coming to fight. The challenge was accepted and the people of 
Baklayan prepared thousands for battle. Their leader was Suminung-gud. 
The four brothers and their followers conquered all the small towns on the 
way and caused such fear that many towns were opened to them. At last 
they arrived at Baklayan where a great battle took place. After a long fight 


the brothers were defeated and were taken prisoners. When Imbakalak, 
the son of Banklak, who was born in the sky and was called "Heaven 
Son," heard that his father and uncles were captives, he gathered his people 
and went to Baklayan. When he arrived there he killed all the people in 
the town and set the four brothers free. 

When Aguio was a little boy he refused to let his father fondle him, so 
his father drove him from home. He wandered about and became a famous 
warrior. Finally he was killed by his brother whom he did not know. His 
wife chewed tinalad and spit on him and he became alive again. 

Bulanawan and his wife were walking along the sea shore when he be- 
came sleepy and lay down on a large flat rock. While he was sleeping 
Aguio came toward them in his war dress and with his knife. When he 
saw the woman he wished to steal her but he only asked her to give him 
some of her husband's betel nut. When she refused Aguio went toward her 
husband to fight him. The wife awakened Bulanawan and he sprang up 
ready to fight. He seized his wife and put her in his taklobo (the cuff" of his 
sleeve) — for he had power. Aguio was very angry and they began to fight 
so furiously that their weapons were broken and the earth trembled. When 
the earth began to shake the brothers of the rivals were astonished and 
fearing that their brothers were in trouble they ran to find them. Aguio's 
brother, who was on the mountain, ran to look for him. Bulanawan's 
brother, who was in a far land, set out in a boat. They met at the place 
where the fight was going on and at once began to fight each other. Now 
the trembling of the earth increased until Lang-gona, father of Aguio, 
came and tried to make peace. The fighters did not wish to stop and when 
he insisted they all fell upon him. So great was the disturbance that the 
world was in danger of falling to pieces. At last Langoba-on, the father of 
Lang-gona, came and settled the trouble. Then he learned that the rivals 
were his grandsons. 

Aguio once went to another land. When he had traveled several years 
he found himself out of provisions. To add to his troubles his enemies had 
united to defeat him. They wished to raid his town and to make the chil- 
dren slaves after the men were dead. He met his enemies and in several 
hours of fighting he succeeded in killing many of them. But at last he was 
so exhausted that he would have been killed had not his brothers come to 
his aid and turned defeat into victory. 

While Aguio was wandering in another land he decided that he would 
stop fighting for he had already killed and captured many people. On his 


way home he passed the town of Malonghau where he saw many boats 
made of gold and silver. He stopped a while to watch but the people paid 
no attention to him. He saw there his brother Lunak, who was kept in 
prison. He saw women preparing betel nut and the men making shields. 
The people said they were preparing to fight*against Aguio's native town, 
for they did not want it to be stronger than their own. Aguio asked them 
about their prisoner and they replied that he would be starved to death. 
Aguio represented himself as a man of peace and tried to purchase his 
brother for a servant. The people refused, for they feared that he might 
return and avenge himself on them. Aguio told them that if they refused 
his request he would wish to have their children and wives. The men re- 
plied that they would not give them up for they loved them "as you love 
your parents." Aguio performed a ceremony and suddenly the wives and 
children vanished from sight. Then he went to the place where Lunak was 
imprisoned and set him free. After that the brothers fought against the 
men of the town and killed them all. Again Aguio made a ceremony and 
restored them to life, after which he made them his slaves. They served 
him for several years but finally he set them free and they became members 
of his town. 

Once Aguio wandered along the sea coast until he was far from his own 
land. When he had walked a long way from his town he reached Bakalod 
on the plain of Gihobonan. There he saw the bones of people who had died 
because of the heat of the sun. He wandered on until he passed a plain 
called Oranan. So fierce was the heat of the sun that the lower part of his 
body became black. At that time rain was falling. Its drops were as large 
as big jars. He became very hungry and seeing a tower he went up into it. 
Upstairs there was a beautiful woman whose husband was not there. 
Aguio asked her for betel nut as a sign that he wished to marry her. She 
refused as she was already married. Because he was very tired Aguio went 
to sleep on the woman's leg. Soon her husband, Mansalgyom, came home 
and asked what ailed the man. His wife told him of Aguio's request, 
whereupon the husband became angry and tried to kill Aguio with his 
sword. He tried again and again but his sword bent double on Aguio's 
thick, tough skin. At last he took Aguio's own sword and plunged it into 
Aguio's breast and killed him. 

XL Conclusions 

In any attempt to account for the peopling of Central and Southern 
Mindanao one natural route would seem to be northward from the Celebes 
and Halmahera into the channel afforded by Davao Gulf. Should this 
prove to be the main line of contact we might then expect such tribes as the 
Bagobo and Mandaya to present many similarities to the peoples of the 
islands as far south as Soembawa, Sumba, and Flores as well as to Celebes, 
Boeroe, Ternate, and Halmahera. 

From the Gulf low mountain passes would afford access to Central 
Mindanao and thus would allow a flow of cultural materials as well as of 

The most pertinent data (Kennedy, 1953; Keers, 1948; Lamster, 1929; 
the Sarasins, 1905) relating to the former Dutch Islands indicates a primi- 
tive aboriginal Negrito population. Following them came the Proto- 
Malays and finally the more typical Malayan peoples. 

The Proto-Malays appear to have been carriers of a megalithic cult, 
suggesting a background related to Nias and the Batak of Sumatra. In 
Sadang in the Celebes, for instance, we encounter the village surrounding a 
plaza, with great memorial slabs raised in honor of the dead. The painted 
houses with saddle roofs, as described by Kennedy and Keers, are much 
like those of the Batak, while the hillsides are dotted with stone circles 
which, at ceremonial times, are sacrificial centers where buffaloes arc of- 
fered. The use of golden ornaments by the nobles, coffin burials in caves, 
strong class distinctions — ranging from nobility to distinguished families, 
to freemen, to slaves — again suggest the customs on Nias and in Sumatra. 

These early arriving Proto-Malays, such as the Sadang and Toradja, 
have been slowly driven back by the later comers — the more Mongoloid 
true Malayans. Here we find such groups as the Buginese and Makassarese 
with highly developed political organization — with radja at the top and 
graded officers down to the kapala kampong, or village head. Here we often 
find strong suggestions of an early influence such as Menangkabau of 
Sumatra overlaid by Indian-type kingdoms, and ultimately by Madjapa- 
hit. These influences — physical, social and economic — weaken as we ap- 
proach New Guinea. To the coastal people have come Islam and Chris- 
tianity. All show the effects of Dutch overlordship and of Chinese traders. 



In all the southern groups we find widespread traits of Malayan and 
Proto-Malayan culture, such as head-hunting, human sacrifice, the idea of 
multiple souls, mediumship and soul catching, the cutting of the umbilical 
cord with a bamboo knife, tooth filing, bride price and the Malayan forge. 
Certain traits and industries, shared by this ai*ea with parts of Borneo and 
Southern Mindanao, such as ikat or overtying of the warp thread before 
dyeing, the decorative elements of such work, the tie and dye (bandana), 
and the use of waste moulds in metal casting, give evidence of widespread 

Resemblances are many but when we isolate the distinctive characteris- 
tics of Proto-Malays and Malays of the southern islands and compare them 
with Java, Sumatra and Nias on one hand, and with Southern Mindanao 
on the other, it appears that their closest relationships are with Indonesia 
(Cole, 1913; 1945a). It seems unlikely that they contributed significantly 
either in population or culture to Mindanao. Likewise a comparison of the 
Davao Gulf tribes or the Bukidnon with available data on such tribes as the 
Kayan, Iban or Dusun of Borneo (Hose and McDougall, 1912; Evans, 
1923, 1953; Cole, 1945a) does not lead us to consider them as the immedi- 
ate sources of Central and Southern Mindanao cultures. 

Turning now to a comparison of the Bukidnon with Garvan's account 
(Garvan, 1931) of the Manobo we again find likenesses of a general kind — 
those of the widespread Malayan pattern — but specifically the two peoples 
appear quite separate. Among the pagan tribes in Mindanao the closest 
ties appear to be with those of Davao Gulf. Even here the Bukidnon are 
quite distinctive. First and most striking is their dress. This is now a char- 
acteristic mark proclaiming adherence to Bukidnon traditions. The spirit 
world is within the Malayan tradition yet in its bewildering complexity is 
a decided variant. The baylans in most of their acts conform to the wide- 
spread idea of mediums, yet in no instance did we learn of spirit possession. 
Magic, while present, is of lesser importance than in most surrounding 
tribes. There are a few hints of human sacrifice and of head-hunting but 
these are not conclusive. When consideration is given to the ceremonies, 
to the priesthood, to multiple souls, soul wandering and capture, and to 
spirits of trees and plants, or when we give attention to rice culture, to 
metal working or to social organization, the Bukidnon ties seem closer to 
the late waves of Malayan invaders represented by such tribes as the 
Tinguian of Abra and the coastal Christianized peoples of the Philippines. 
It appears to us that in the Bukidnon we have many glimpses of a culture 
which once flourished along the northern coast of Mindanao among the 
people now known as Bisayan. 



1953. A brief field trip among the Bukidnon Tigwa people. Summer Institute 
of Linguistics. University of North Dakota. Typescript. 


1953. Binokid phonemes. Summer Institute of Linguistics. University of North 
Dakota. Typescript. 


1917. Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916. Philippine Education Co., 
Inc. Manila. 

BLAIR, E. H., and ROBERTSON, J. A. {Editors) 

1903-1909. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. 55 volumes. Arthur H. Clark, 

Cartas de los Padres de la Compania de Jesus de la Misi6n de Filipinas. 10 vols., 
Manila, 1877-95 (copy in the Newberry Library). 


1889. Letter from Father Jose Maria Clotet, Talisayan, May 11, 1889. (Trans- 
lated in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, vol. 43, pp. 
288-309, from Cartas de los PP. de la Compania de Jesus . . . Manila, 1891, IX, 
pp. 170-184 (copy in Library of Congress). 


1912. Chinese pottery in the Philippines. Field Museum of Natural History, 
Anthropological Series, vol. 12, no. 1. 

1913. The wild tribes of Davao district, Mindanao. Field Museum of Natural 
History, Anthropological Series, vol. 12, no. 2. 

1922. The Tinguian: social, religious and economic life of a Philippine tribe. 
Field Museum of Natural History, AnthropxDlogical Series, vol. 14, no. 2. 

1945a. The peoples of Malaysia. D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc. New York. 
1945b. Central Mindanao: The country and its people. The Far Eastern Quar- 
terly, vol. 4, no. 2. 


1923. Studies in religion, folklore and custom in British North Borneo and the 
Malay Peninsula. The University Press, Cambridge, England. 

1953. The religion of the Tempasuk Dusuns of North Borneo. The University 
Press, Cambridge, England. 


1931. The Manobos of Mindanao. National Academy of Science, Memoirs, vol. 
23, no. 1. Washington, D.C. 


1912. Pagan tribes of Borneo. 2 vols. Macmillan & Co., Ltd., London. 




1948. An anthropological survey of the eastern Little Sunda Islands: The Proto- 
Malay of the Netherlands East-Indies. Koninglijke Vereeniging Indisch Institut, 
Mededeeling, vol. LXXIV, no. 26. Amsterdam. 


1953. Field notes on Indonesia: South Celebes. Behavior Science Monograph, 
Human Relations Area Files. New Haven, Conn. 


1929. Indie. Haarlem. 


1955. Some changes in Bukidnon between 1910 and 1950. Anthropological 
Quarterly, vol. 28 (new series, vol. 3), no. 3. 


1763. Later Augustinian and Dominican missions, Madrid, 1763, as translated 
in part in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, vol. 48, pp. 
59-136, from Noticio Historico Natural, Madrid, 1763, and a rare pamphlet 
(no title given) by Bernardo Ustariz (copies of both in Library of Congress). 


1916. Mision de la Compafiia de Jesus de Filipinas en el Siglo XIX, 3 vols. 


1905. Reisen in Celebes ausgefiihrt in den Jahren 1893-1896 und 1902-1903. 
Kreidels Verlag, Wiesbaden. 


1914. The Philippines past and present. 2 vols. The Macmillan Company, 
New York. 


Acculturation, 6-7 

Adam and Eve, 128 

Adoption, 70 

Afterbirth, 69, 92 

Afterworld, 92 

Agriculture, 45, 51-57; clearing land, 52; 
rituals, 51-57 

Aguio, 129; tales, 130-132 

Agusan River, 13 

Alabdynon, 89, 93, 96, 99-102, 112, 114 

Americans, 16; acculturation, 16; offi- 
cials, 16 

Ancestors, 75; worship, 92 

Anklets, 27 

Art, decorative, 63 

At4, 20 

Awit, 115 

Bagobo, 18, 79, 84, 133 

Baldbag, 98 

Baliti tree, 97, 98, 101, 102 

Bamboo spikes, 84 

Bandolier, 82 

Barrenness, 68 

Basketry, 36, 57-60, 67; weaves, 58 

Batak, 133 

Battle, 82 

Baylan, 54, 89-91, 93, 99, 101, 103, 105, 

106, 110-117, 134 
Betel nut, 29, 31-32, 72, 75 
Betrothal, child, 72 
Beyer, 7 
Binokid, 7 
Bird lime, 48 
Birth, 68-70 

Bisayan, 5, 6, 7, 14, 20, 92, 134 
Blankets, 61 
Blowguns, 71 
Boa constrictor, 56 
Borneo, 134 
Bow and arrow, 46, 84 

Bracelets, 27 

Bride service, 75 

Bukidnon Province, 13-16; geography, 

13-14; location, 13 
Bulaldkau, 94-96, 99-101, 112 
Bulanawan, 129 
Burial, 76 

Cacao, 56 

Cagayan River, 14 

Calendar, 125 

Camotes, 55 

Carabao, 56 

Cardinal points, 93, 94 

Carving, 63 

Caucasoid, early, 22 

Ceremony, 53, 57, 68, 75, 77, 99-117, 119 

Chests, wooden, 42 

Chicken, 56 

Children, life of, 71-72 

Christianity, 133 

Christianization, 14 

Circumcision, 68 

Coffee, 56 

Combs, 26 

Constellations, 123-125 

Corn, 55; -grinder, 44 

Cotton, 55, 63 

Cradle, 36, 42, 68-69, 71 

Crocodiles, 70 

Crops, minor, 56 

Custom, 81 

Dagingon, 97, 108, 110, 111, 1 13 
Dance, 109, 119 
Dapolan, 108, 110 
Dato, 6, 18, 78, 80, 81, 99, 129 
Davao, province of, 1 3 
Davao Gulf, 5, 16, 134 
Deadfall, 46 
Death, 76 




Decoration, patchwork, 67 

Deer, 56 

Delivery, 69 

Designs, weaving, 63 

Dialects, 7 

Disputes, 80 

Divination, 90, 100, 107 

Divorce, 76 

Diwata, 97 

Dogs, 45 

Domakalangan, 129 

Domaloh-doh, 95 

Dress, 6, 23-30; man, 27 

Drought, great, 127 

Drums, 120 

Earrings, 26 
Earth, 93 
Education, 71 
Eel traps, 49 
Epidemic, 99 
Exchange, units of, 59 

Field, preparation of, 34 

Fines, 80 

Fire-hox, 109 

Fire-making, 34 

Fire syringe, 34 

Fish, 48, 56 

Fishing, 48-51 

Flood, the, 128 

Flutes, 120 

Forge, 45, 84; Malayan, 45 

Fortich, Manuel, 16 

Gabi, 55 

Games, gambling, 72 

Gimokod, 77, 91, 92, 95, 99, 100, 103, 104, 

Gomogonal, 95 
Gong, brass, 120 
Granaries, 54 
Grave, 76 
Guitar, 64, 120, 122 

Harvest, 53 
Hats, 27, 29 
Head-bands, 117 
Head cloths, 30 
Headdresses, 82 

Headhunting, 84 

Headman, 18 

Hemp, 25, 45, 55, 61; stripper, 61-62 

Higaonan, 5 

Household, effects, 36; inventory, 43-44 

Houses, 34, 36 

Hunting, 45-48 

Ibabaso, 54, 96, 98, 116 
Idol, 84 

Incest regulations, 75 
Infidelity, 75, 81 
Inheritance, 78 
Inkanlo, 89, 94-96, 112 
Ipasakdy, 110 
Iron, 45 
Islam, 133 

Jars, Chinese, 42, 79 
Jesuits, 36; missionaries, 14 
Jew's-harp, 120 
Judges, 79 

Kaliga-on, 52, 95-97, 119; ceremony, 54, 

95, 100, 107-117, 122; spirits of, 53 
Kalotan, 108, 111 
Kasaboahdn, 95, 107; ceremony, 105 

Lanao, province of, 13 

Land, 81 

Language, 8 

Lantangon, 107, 112-116 

Law, 81 

Levirate, 75, 78, 81 

Lewis, Frederick, 6, 16, 118 

Lizards, 56 

Locusts, 99 

Loom, backstrap, 63 

Madjapahit, 133 

Magbabdya, 69, 77, 93, 94, 96, 98-102, 

104-107, 118, 127, 128 
Magic, 134 

Mag-kataposen, ceremony, 92, 99 
Malayan, 133 
Malaybalay, 16 
Malibotan, 95, 105 
Mandaya, 118, 133 
Manobo, 7, 16, 22, 82, 92, 118, 134 
Marriage, 71, 72; price, 72 



Masaubasau, 107, 114 

Mat-making, 59 

Medicine, 57 

Mediums, 90 

Megalithic cult, 133 

Menangkabau, 133 

Methods, field, 6-7 

Midwife, 68-70 

Molin-olin, 89, 92, 95, 109, 114 

Mongoloid, southern, 21 

Monkeys, origin of, 129 

Month, 125 

Moon, 123 

Moros, 13, 16, 18, 45, 68, 82, 84, 126; 

origin of, 127 
Mortar and pestle, 44 
Mount Balatocan, 78, 92 
Mourning, 76-77, 86 
Music, 120-122 
Myths, 123-124 

Naming, 70-71 
Nativistic movements, 118 
Necklaces, 27 
Negrito, 18, 20, 133 
Nets, 45; fish, 49 

Omaldgad, 95, 101, 102 

Ongli, 95 

Ordeal, 80, 81 

Origins, legends of, 126-130 

Pagalogas, 99 

Pagalono, 99 

Pa^i/iV ceremony, 102-103 

Paglognas, 77 

Palilitan, 95 

Pamahdndi, 94; ceremony, 103-105 

Panalikot ceremony, 95, 100 

Pangampo ceremony, 99 

Pangolo-Ambit ceremony, 106-107 

Panglang, 95 

Parent-in-law avoidance, 71 

Physical types, 18-22 

Pigs, 56 

Pillows, 44 

Piper, plants, 55 

Pipes, 55 

Planting, 52, 53; time, 125 

Pledge, 101, 107 

Poisoning, fish, 49 
Polygyny, 75, 80 
Population, 23 
Pottery, 45, 63 
Pregnancy, 68-70 
Presidente, 18, 80 
Prostitution, 68 

Proto-Malays, 133; culture, 134 
Provincial governor, 80 
Pulangi River, 13, 16 

Races, origin of, 127-128 

Religion, 6 

Resettlement, 14 

Rice, 53-55, 75; knife, 53, 54; seed, 52; 

wine, 56, 100, 109 
Rings, 27 
Running amuck, 86 

Sacrifice, human, 85, 86 

Sadang, 133 

Seasons, 125 

Serpents, 97 

Settlements, 34 

Shellfish, 51, 56 

Shields, 64, 84 

Skirts, 61 

Sky, 93, 123, 124 

Slavery, 86-88 

Snares, 46 

Songs, 108, 122; ceremonial, 122 

Souls, multiple, 91 ; "soul catching," 91 

Spear, 84 

Spinning, 63 

Spirits, 53-55, 57, 89, 90; houses, 54; 

local, 96; "natural," 93; world, 89 
Stars, 123; falling, 125 
Story tellers, 126 
Sugar cane, 55 

Talabosau, 86 

Talapnay, 116 

Tales, folk, 126; of heroes, 126 

Tapay, 55 

Tattooing, 29 

Teeth, mutilation of, 33; treatment of, 29 

Teknonymy, 71 

"Tie and dye," 61, 67 

Tinguian, 134 

Tobacco, 55 


Tops, 71 Villages, 5, 36 

Toradja, 133 Violins, 120 

'^"'■^^''^^ , ,, Warfare, 81-86 

Trade, 14, 16, 45 ^^T ■ oa 

Warriors, 84 

Traps, 46, 48 ^^^ mould process, 45 

Tree houses, 16, 18, 36 Weaving, 45, 63 

Trumpets, 122 Wedding, 73 

Tungud movement, 118 Weeding, 53 

Turbans, 30 Widow, 81 

Tweezers, 34 Worcester, Dean C, 6, 16 

Twins, 70 

Year, 125 

Publication 792