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•A
THE
BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
FAY-COOPER COLE
FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY
VOLUME 46
Published by
CHICAGO NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM
APRIL 23, 1956
•••'' . '•'x * '''' . •.^^•'••'/10yi^'^'^^>jykV^?9'M^
FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY
A Continuation of the
ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES
of
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
VOLUME 46
CHICAGO NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM
CHICAGO, U.S.A.
1956
TnEUBRMnrOFTHF
MAY 7 1356
UMVOMHt fl^ lULUiOiS
Editors
PAUL S. MARTIN
Chief Curator, Department of Anthropology
LILLIAN A. ROSS
Associate Editor, Scientific Publications
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
THE
BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
FAY-COOPER COLE
Research Associate, Malaysian Ethnology
Professor Emerittis of Anthropology, The University of Chicago
FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY
VOLUME 46
Published by
CHICAGO NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM
APRIL 23, 1956
Printed with the Assistance of
The Marian and Adolph Lichtstern Fund
Jor Anthropological Research
Department of Anthropology
The University of Chicago
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
BY CHICAGO NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM PRESS
Preface
The material presented in this volume was gathered in the first seven
months of 1910, while I conducted the R. F. Cummings Philippine Ex-
pedition for Field Museum of Natural History (now Chicago Natural His-
tory Museum). During that period a detailed study was made of the every-
day life, customs and beliefs of the Bukidnon of north-central Mindanao
in the Philippines, and collections were made to illustrate that life in the
Museum.
These people usually refer to themselves as Higa6nan, "mountain
dwellers," but they are better known as Bukidnon, a name applied to the
mountain people by the coastal Bisayan. This latter appellation has caused
some confusion in the literature, since it also is applied by the coastal
dwellers to the interior peoples of Negros, Nueva Ecija and Panay. Span-
ish writers often used this term, or Monteses, for all highlanders (Mozo,
1763).
As this study was approaching completion, a situation was developing
in the Davao Gulf region of Southern Mindanao which made an immedi-
ate transfer to that area seem imperative. Several months were spent in
that district before a tropical illness necessitated my return to America. A
slow recovery, installation of the Philippine collections, publication of the
Davao Gulf material (Cole, 1913), and other duties led to the putting
aside of the Bukidnon material for later publication. Before that time ar-
rived World War I intervened. Later I returned to Malaysia to conduct
studies in Indonesia and The Malay States. In 1924 I became associated
with the University of Chicago, and my Mindanao materials remained, for
the most part, unpublished except for a brief summary (Cole, 1945b).
I had hoped that upon retirement I might return to the Bukidnon and
develop an acculturation study based on my early work. Unsettled condi-
tions after World War II made the accomplishment of the task so uncertain
that it has not been undertaken. However, the Rev. Ralph Lynch, S.J.,
has recently dealt with some of the changes in Bukidnon between my
stay and 1950 (see Lynch, 1955).
At the time of my visit to the Bukidnon, the American government was
constructing good trails into the interior, was forcing the natives into model
villages, and was supplying them with plows and other facilities for farm-
5
6 PREFACE
ing the grasslands. New crops were being introduced, schools were being
opened, and new ideas of government were being urged on the people.
Change was rapid in the area under control and was considerable in the
peripheral districts. It was evident that this was the last opportunity to see
these people in anything like the old life;' or to make a representative
collection.
Certain trends were even then evident. The newly established villages
were, for the most part, replicas of the less advanced settlements of the
Christianized Bisayan of the coast. The datos, or local headmen, were
being replaced by "elected" village officials, and in some towns the dress
was changing towards that of the civilized peoples.
Peripheral settlements, not under direct control, were also affected, but
here two lines of resistance were becoming apparent. The distinctive dress
of both men and women was being elaborated, and no small part of the
"wealth" was being spent for cloth and ornaments. A second line of with-
drawal into the old ways was in religion. The aggressive intervention in
daily affairs by the American governor — Frederick Lewis — was weakening
the political leadership of the datos or local headmen. Meanwhile the im-
portance of the baylans or mediums was increasing. The ceremonies,
which the mediums conducted, were assuming increasing importance to
the extent that they dominated the social and religious life. As other as-
pects of the old life weakened, interest in the spirit world increased.
Following the time of my visit, the Bukidnon Company, under the
leadership of former Commissioner Dean C. Worcester, established cattle
holdings in the area. Later the Del Monte Company introduced pineapple
culture, and with the advent of World War II the Japanese took control.
Since the war there has been a steady migration of coastal peoples into
the area, as well as settlers from other regions of the Philippines.
It is evident that the old life is largely gone. A few marginal settlements
retain part of the former customs, but only a part. Given the background,
the surviving Bukidnon should offer ideal material for an acculturation
study. It seems unlikely that I shall make that investigation, but I can
furnish rather an intimate picture of what the Bukidnon were in 1910 be-
fore the many disruptive forces mentioned came into play.
The material which follows is primarily descriptive. It is drawn from
notes long "cold," and is devoid of many lines of investigation which might
be employed today. Nevertheless it is a rather full description of a function-
ing native culture.
The procedure in the investigation was for us — the writer and his wife —
to settle in a community for several weeks, during which we sought to
participate in, and to observe and record, the daily life. Securing the
Museum collection was a major help, since each object was discussed in
\
PREFACE 7
detail with the owner. If it was a trap or lure we saw it in actual operation;
if it was an instrument employed in agriculture, weaving and the like, we
observed and photographed its use. Details of dress were studied and
household objects were recorded as used. Many hours of animated dis-
cussion dealt with the relative value of different kinds of traps and snares.
We hunted with the men, using only their devices, and later they went
with us while we demonstrated the use of guns. As friendships and con-
fidences were built up, we were invited and took part in all activities,
including the ceremonies. These were carefully recorded and photographed
and the meaning of various parts was discussed with several participants.
Subjects such as religion, warfare, slavery, and family relations were
taken up, first with the leaders and then with the average person. In all
cases, even in regard to items which seemed trivial and trite, information
was sought from more than one individual in each village. Village was
checked against village and discrepancies were studied and evaluated. It
is our belief that this volume furnishes as reliable a picture of native life
as was possible for an outsider to obtain in a few months.
In passing it should be noted that we contributed considerably to the
pleasures of the people. Our phonograph and the records we made of
their songs were major attractions. Our pneumatic mattresses were so
fascinating that they often had to be demonstrated to wondering visitors.
Our food and ways of eating, our dress — in fact, all our strange ways —
were as intriguing to them as theirs were to us. Our medicine kit was an
additional aid in establishing cordial relations. We never allowed it to
take the place of curative ceremonies but we added its magic to that of the
mediums. The success of an investigator in a functioning culture, it is our
belief, will be in direct ratio to the extent he participates in the daily life.
Beyer (1917, p. 42) and others have stated that the Bukidnon culture is
probably similar to that of the pre-Spanish Bisayan. Outside contact had
considerably modified the life and beliefs of the latter long prior to the
Spanish invasion. Such influences had filtered into the interior but in much
lesser amount. Later Spanish influence is evident even in remote settle-
ments.
The dialects spoken by Christians and pagans appear to be very similar.
Recent linguistic studies and surveys of Bukidnon Province tend to treat
all the dialects found there as variants of Manobo. Atherton calls the dia-
lect of Northern and Central Bukidnon by the term Binokid (Atherton,
1953). Abrams and Svelmoe (1953) say that the dialect spoken at Lum-
bayo, just east of Mailag, is Binokid, but that of nearby Tigwa is similar to
Manobo.
With two exceptions the method used in transcribing native terms is
that used by American linguists for Indian languages. When a capital E
8 PREFACE
appears in the body of the word it stands for e"; the symbol ii is a post
palatal nasal n.
Except for collecting representative word lists, we did not attempt a
study of the language during our stay. However, a Bisayan student from
Misamis, who accompanied us part of the time, insisted that the Bukidnon
dialects were very close to the language spoken on the North Coast.
Aside from instances of physical mixture with peripheral tribes, the
Bukidnon closely approximate the Christianized people. It is probable
that in many respects the Bukidnon do furnish us with a glimpse of old time
beliefs and customs which have, for the most part, vanished from the coast.
The narrative is written in the present tense, but unless otherwise
indicated, it refers to conditions existing in 1910.
I am indebted to Father Frank Lynch, S.J., for various comments on
the Bukidnon and their history. George Talbot prepared the drawings
for the text figures, and Phillip H. Lewis made the map.
FAY-COOPER COLE
Santa Barbara, California
May 30, 1954
\
Contents
PAGE
List of Illustrations 11
I. The Country and the People 13
Some General Observations 16
Physical Types 18
Dress and Ornament 23
Objects for Personal Use 31
Settlements 34
Household Inventory 43
II. Making a Living 45
Hunting and Trapping 45
Fishing 48
Agriculture and Its Rituals 51
Medicines 57
Household and Village Industries 57
Basketry 57
Weaving 61
Pottery 63
Carving and Decorative Art 63
III. The Life Cycle 68
Pregnancy and Birth 68
Naming 70
Child Life 71
Marriage and Divorce 72
Death, Burial and Inheritance 76
IV. Social and Political Organization 79
The Dato 79
Crime and Law 81
Warfare 81
Slavery _^ 86
V. The Spirit World 89
The Baylans 89
The Spirits 91
The Gimokod 91
The Alabydnon 93
The Kaliga-on 96
VI. The Ceremonies 99
Pangampo 99
Panalikot or Omaldgad 100
9
10 CONTENTS
PAGE
Pagilis or Pamltwas 102
Pamahdndi 103
Kasaboahdn 105
Pangolo-ambit 106
Kaliga-on 107
VII. The TuNGUD Movement 118
VIII. Music and Dancing 119
Dances 119
Musical Instruments 120
Songs 122
IX. Celestial Bodies and the Seasons 123
X. Stories and Legends 126
How Sumilao was Founded .126
The Lake Called Danao 126
The Great Drought and the Origin of the Moros 127
Origin of the Races 127
Adam and Eve 128
The Flood 128
Origin of Monkeys 1 29
Bulanawan 129
The Story of Domakalangan 129
The Lake near Sili 130
The Aguio Tales 130
XI. Conclusions 133
Bibliography 135
Index 137
\
List of Illustrations
Text Figures
PAGE
1. Bukidnon Province and adjacent territory 15
2. The Bukidnon Highlands 17
3. A deep canyon cutting through the Bukidnon Highlands 17
4. Bukidnon man showing Negrito mixture 19
5. Bukidnon man of coastal Malayan (Bisayan) type 20
6. Bukidnon woman of Bisayan type 21
7. Bukidnon man of "Caucasian" type 22
8. Bukidnon woman of "Caucasian" type 23
9. Bukidnon man of mixed type 24
10. Bukidnon woman's dress 25
1 1 . Bukidnon man's dress 25
12. Woman's dress showing embroidered shoulder cloth 26
13. Woman's dress showing embroidered cloth on back of head 27
14. Man's embroidered carrying bag 28
15. Detail of decoration on carrying bag 28
16. Man's embroidered turban 29
17. Man's dress showing method of wearing turban 30
18. Man's hat, upper and lower sides 31
19. Bamboo and palm bark hats 31
20. Mutilated teeth 32
21. Toothbrush, tweezers, stone used in filing teeth, and bead neckband 33
22. Hillside clearing 35
23. Gabi (taro) field 35
24. House under construction 37
25. Small house near the fields 37
26. Tree house on the Pulangi River 38
27. Interior of Bukidnon dwelling 38
28. House interior showing box-like cradle 39
29. Wooden chest inlaid with mother-of-pearl 39
30. Rattan wall hanger containing coconut shell cups 40
31. Rice mortar and pestle 41
32. Rice winnowers 41
33. Bukidnon woman grinding corn with stone corn-grinder 42
34. Torch holder 43
35. Bamboo water carrier 43
36. Small bow and arrow used by boys 47
37. Bukidnon spears 47
38. Torch holder used in hunting frogs 47
39. Deer and pig trap 48
11
12 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
40. Deadfall trap for deer- and pigs 49
41 . Slip-noose trap for wild chickens and lizards 50
42. Funnel fish trap 50
43. Cone fish trap 51
44. Rice knife ^ 54
45. Large carrying baskets 58
46. Large baskets used on horses or carabao 59
47. Trinket basket (L) and rice basket (R) 60
48. A group of small baskets 60
49. Rice bags 61
50. Stripping hemp 62
51. Details of hemp stripper 63
52. Firing pottery 64
53. "Guitars" or boat lutes 64
54. Circular shield showing front 65
55. Circular shield showing hand grip 65
55A. Designs in patchwork decoration 66
56. Armed warriors dancing at wedding 74
57. Drinking rice wine at a funeral 77
58. Warrior in battle dress 83
59. Warrior with padded coat and distinctive headdress 85
60. Protective bandolier called talian 87
61. Baylan and pupil 91
62. Sacrificing a fowl at the A'fl/e.ga-ow ceremony Ill
63. Making an offering at the Kaliga-on ceremony 112
64. Culmination of the Kaliga-on ceremony 113
65. Male dancers imitating the movements of hawks 120
66. Native violins with bows 121
67. Woman's musical instrument made from bamboo 121
\
L The Country and the People
The Province of Bukidnon lies in the north-central portion of Min-
danao. For the most part it consists of a high plain which rises abruptly to
a height of about 900 feet, just back of the coast of Cagayan, Misamis, now
known as Cagayan de Oro, Misamis Oriental. On the east a forested
mountain chain separates it from the broad valley of the Agusan River.
These mountains run from north to south until, as they approach the
southern end of the province, they turn toward the southwest to form the
northern limits of the Province of Davao. Some high mountains appear
there, but between them are low passes which afford access to the Gulf
of Davao. On the west of Bukidnon another range runs north and south,
forming the boundary with the Mohammedan-dominated Province of
Lanao (see map, fig. 1).
These mountain chains have afforded some protection from the more
warlike tribes to the east and south, as well as from the Moros. However,
passes have allowed hostile raids in search of victims and slaves, while from
time to time, renegade bands from Lake Lanao have taken refuge here. All
have left their imprint, especially in the peripheral areas.
From a distance Bukidnon appears to be a high, broad, unbroken plain
which rises gently toward the mountains. Actually its surface is cut by
many deep and narrow north and south canyons with precipitous walls
enclosing rushing streams. In places these canyons widen into valleys of
some size, but the dominating feature is the great grass plain cut by deep
gorges (figs. 2 and 3).
At one season the young cogon grass covers the tableland like a lawn.
Later, when the rank grass has reached its full height, it is crested with
white bloom. The natives with their simple tools are no match for the
sturdy grass, so the lands, for the most part, have been left undisturbed
save by wild pig and deer.
The province is cut nearly in half by the eighth parallel, which also
serves roughly as the water divide. The Pulangi River and its tributaries
start somewhat north of the line and flow to the south, but all other water
courses flow north. The Pulangi — lower down known as the Rio Grande
de Mindanao — is suitable for rafts throughout the area, but the only other
13
14 7 HE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
river of any considerable size, the Cagayan, has many rocky rapids which
limit its use for travel.
The abrupt escarpment which borders'the coast, poor trails, lack of
bridges over the many turbulent streams in the gorges, all have served to
keep the territory from being over-run by the Bisayan of Misamis but have
not been a protection against exploitation of the pagan Bukidnon by the
Christians.
At the time of the governorship of Don Narciso Claveria (1844-49)
settlements existed in the vicinity of Mount Balatocan, Cagayan Valley,
and the Plateau. Many of these were short-lived but some fifteen towns
of the Tagoloan Valley and Plateau districts were still flourishing in 1887
(Cartas, 1881, vol. 4, pp. 82-83; 1889, vol. 8, pp. 412-417; Pastells, 1916,
vol. 2, pp. 140-141).
During the 1880's Jesuit missionaries made numerous trips into the
interior and by the end of the decade were conducting a vigorous program
of resettlement and Christianization. They found the grass plains mostly
unsettled, while the people lived in scattered isolated villages along the
edge of the forest or in small settlements bordering the water courses.
Every inducement was used to persuade the people to estaljlish towns on
the plain. There they were assisted in building houses similar to those on
the coast; they were supplied with some tools and were taught the cultiva-
tion of coffee, cacao, corn and hemp. Churches were established and so
successful were the Jesuits that by 1893 they were able to report 6,600 con-
verts out of a population estimated at 13,000 (Blair and Robertson, 1903-9,
vol. 43, pp. 23, 27, 203, 209, 277, 289). The evident advantages of the
more settled life led some of those who had refused the protection of the
Church to establish compact villages on the periphery of the plain. How-
ever, nearly every family still kept its hillside clearing and at times the
villages were nearly deserted.
Ultimately a surplus of coffee, hemp and cacao led to increased trade
with the Bisayan city of Cagayan on the coast, and for a time it appeared
that the efforts of the Jesuits were resulting in the establishment of a self-
supporting community. Unfortunately these friendly, helpful efforts were
not shared in by certain well-to-do caciques of the coast or by the Chinese
merchants. Parties of Bukidnon, laden with produce, would go to Caga-
yan, where their innocence of trade and finance was taken advantage of.
Low prices for their products were paid in trade for over-valued objects
they desired. Many were induced to go into debt and signed papers which
led to virtual peonage. When they did not appear as scheduled with hemp
or other products, the leaders would secure a judgment and then would go
inland to collect.
Fig. 1. Bukidnon Province and adjacent territory.
15
16 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
While the missionaries remained they afforded some protection to the
villagers, but with the insurrection against Spain and the fall of Manila to
the Americans in 1898, the interior natives were left to the mercy of their
exploiters. As a result many of the villages were virtually deserted and most
Bukidnon reverted to the old life at the edge of the forest.
When American officials, acting under orders of Commissioner Worces-
ter, sought to establish contact with the Bukidnon, they were opposed
in every way possible by the caciques and traders of Cagayan. Even
though Bukidnon trade had dropped to a low point it still was too profit-
able to be lost. This attitude had the opposite effect to that intended.
Commissioner Worcester made Bukidnon a field of special attention and
appointed Frederick Lewis and Manuel Fortich as Governor and Lieuten-
ant-Governor, respectively, with orders to open up the country.
Under these energetic leaders, old villages were re-established, new
model towns were organized, grassland agriculture was assisted by the
introduction of plows and draft animals, schools were opened and local
governments set up. Good trails were built from the coast to Malay balay,
forty miles inland, and later these were extended to other areas. Covered
bridges were constructed over streams in the gorges. Where funds were
needed for such items as plows and steel girders they were supplied by the
government, but construction was done by Bukidnon under American
supervisors.
Trade to the coast was supervised, while the appearance of American
traders led to active competition and more suitable returns to the pro-
ducers (Worcester, 1914, vol. 2, pp. 610-29; Cole, 1913, p. 163). Today
trade in hemp, coffee, and corn continues with the Bisayan and Chinese
traders of Misamis; there is also some indirect trade for weapons and brass
boxes with the Moros of Lake Lanao and with the tribes of Davao Gulf.
This brief sketch indicates that so much acculturation had already
taken place by 1910 that the towns under direct control were not suitable
for the purposes of the investigation proposed. Hence the pagan villages
of Mambwaya, Langawan and Dagondalahon on the west, and Mailag
and Limbayao in the south-central area, were chosen. Other settlements
were visited for shorter periods. At the time of our visit Mailag was strongly
acculturated but still retained many old traits. Limbayao was little in-
fluenced either by the Americans or other Christianized peoples, but it
showed relatively few distinctive Bukidnon traits. It probably should be
classed as peripheral Manobo.
SOME GENERAL OBSERVATIONS
On the borders of Bukidnon territory and along the Pulangi River iso-
lated settlements made up of tree houses or dwellings placed high on piles
Fig. 2. The Bukidnon Highlands.
Fig. 3. A deep canyon cutting through the Bukidnon Highlands.
17
18 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
were occasionally seen. They were set in clearings in which crops were
raised and which also were of advantage to the occupants in case of an
enemy attack. In rare cases they were further protected by bamboo
palisades. These tree houses differ but little from the high field houses
near the larger settlements.
It is claimed that in former times each district had a petty ruler or dato
who lived in a large house raised high on stilts. Such dwellings did not
exist in 1910, but the descriptions indicate that they resembled those of
the Bagobo of the Davao Gulf region to the south (Cole, 1913, p. 66).
Here it should be noted that aside from the "long-house" of Borneo,
Sumatra, and a few other areas, the typical Malayan village was made up
of several individual family dwellings. Each village was under the guidance
of a local headman. Beyond this unit there was no higher authority until
Indian, and later Mohammedan, influences brought in the idea of a
ruler — dato or rajah — and the development of states (Cole, 1945a). The
tribes of the southern end of the islands had felt these influences to such an
extent that the chief dato of the Bagobo was the paramount ruler with
several subordinate datos below him (Cole, 1913, pp. 55, 95 ff.). Certain
other tribes had a similar but less well-defined organization. Also, the near-
by Moros of the Lanao district had well-developed ideas of the state and
powerful rulers.
It is to be suspected that whatever development along this line had
taken place in Bukidnon was due to ideas borrowed from their neighbors.
The term dato is used by the Bukidnon but it is applied to the headman
of a village. It is doubtful if these people ever had rulers with control over
more than one or two settlements.
Whatever the former power of the dato, he has been replaced, at least
in name, in most villages by the "presidente," supposedly chosen by popu-
lar vote, although the idea of headman is still strong. In earlier times the
headman would have been a warrior of renown entitled to wear distinctive
dress. Some of the older men still possess such garments, which they wear
on great occasions.
PHYSICAL TYPES
During the author's stay with these people physical measurements and
observations were made on about one hundred individuals. Unfortunate-
ly these are not now available. In the years which intervened, the measure-
ment sheets have been mislaid. Hence, the statements which follow are
drawn from field notes and the study of photographs without other veri-
fication. Physically the people represent gradations between three types.
The first exhibits strong evidences of Negrito (pygmy) mixture; the second
Fig. 4. Bukidnon man showing Negrito mixture.
19
20
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 5. Bukidnon man of coastal Malayan (Bisayan) type.
and largest group resembles the coast Bisayan; while the third has many
features approximating the Europeans (figs. 4-9).
Evidence of an early pygmy population is found in nearly every district
of Mindanao, but is particularly strong in the Ata, a small scattered group
in the mountains south and southeast of the Bukidnon territory. While
visiting settlements on the southern tributaries of the Pulangi River the
writer saw about fifty people called Tugauanum who had come over the
mountains to trade. Judging by the small stature of some, and the dark
skin, crisp, curly hair and broad to flat noses of many, the group appeared
to show considerable infusion of Negrito blood (Cole, 1913, ch. V). Mixture
with this early type has given to part of the Bukidnon the characteristics
of the little blacks.
The second — Bisayan-like — grouping presents a rather short, slightly
built, brachycephalic population with high heads. Zygomatic arches are
wide and outstanding; eye slits are often slanting, with the Mongolian
fold common. Most noses are relatively high, but broad flat noses with
concave bridges are frequent. Lips range from thin to medium; hair is
coarse, dark brown to black, and is inclined to be wavy; skin color ranges
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
21
Fig. 6. Bukidnon woman of Bisayan type.
from light yellowish to dark reddish brown. This dominant type fades into
the Southern Mongoloid classification.
A third, minority, division includes a considerable number of persons.
Here we often find high mesocephalic heads, vaulted foreheads, narrow
noses, rather thin lips and "strong" chins. The impression is distinctly
"European" except for color. This type might be accounted for by mixture
with early Indian, Arab, or Spanish invaders were it not for the fact that a
similar situation exists even in the most remote areas of Malaysia. As
22
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 7. Bukidnon man of "Caucasian" type.
Stated in an earlier publication (Cole, 1945a, p. 330): "We must postulate
an early Caucasoid element in southeastern Asia which has left its imprint
on the later proto- and true Malayan." \
These three elements do not form distinct groups; they freely inter-
marry and every gradation is found among them. Father Pablo Pastells
in a letter to Father Provincial Capell, S.J., states that the Monteses (Bu-
kidnon) consist of two groups adjacent to the Manobo of Agusan, whose
habits they approach. Father Clotet says they exist in three groups, one
of which is close to the Manobo of Agusan (Clotet, 1889, in Blair and
Robertson, vol. 43, p. 289).
THE COUxNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
23
^
Fig. 8. Bukidnon woman of "Caucasian" type.
The population in 1886-87 was estimated by the Governor of Misamis to
be 18,000, and by Beyer in 1916 as 48,500 (Pastells, 1916, vol. 2, p. 140;
Beyer, 1917, p. 41).
DRESS AND ORNAMENT
One of the marks of resistance to outside ideas is the distinctive dress of
the Bukidnon. In his recital of Bukidnon life Father Clotet describes the
24
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 9. Bukidnon man of mixed type.
\
dress in detail and then adds '"of all these vain things . . . they are de-
spoiled when they receive the health giving water of baptism." In return
they received medals, rosaries and scapularies (Blair and Robertson,
1903-9, vol. 43, pp. 272, 290 ff.). Thus dress became the mark of the true
Bukidnon, who wore it proudly and defiantly at nearly all times.
Seen in a group these people appear quite different from all other pagan
groups of the island, for the women resemble animated bed quilts, while
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
25
Fig. 10. Bukidnon woman's dress.
Fig. 1 1 . Bukidnon man's dress.
the men are only slightly less colorful. A few garments are made of hemp,
but the greater part are of cotton trade material from the coast. That this
is not a recent development is attested by the account of Father Clotet
mentioned above.
The voluminous skirts of the women are often strips of red, blue and
white cloth sewed together; or squares and rectangles of cloth may be out-
lined by white strips. A deep lower section of applique or embroidered
design may represent triangles, zigzag lines or realistic figures. Jackets,
which receive more attention, may be nearly covered with patchwork or
designs embroidered in colored yarns. Many of the patterns are realistic —
men, flowers and fruits — but others are conventional figures which make
the garment "look pretty." Embroidered cloths, usually red, are worn over
the shoulders, and decorated belts encircle the waists (figs. 10-13).
26
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 12. Woman's dress showing embroidered shoulder cloth
In addition to the body coverings the women wear large combs with
intricate designs inlaid in brass or mother-of-pearl. To the knots of hair
on the backs of their heads they add switches. These large rolls of hair are
then covered with embroidered cloths which fall to the sides of their heads
just back of the ears (fig. 13). Tassels of yellow yarn are suspended back
of the ears or are tied in holes pierced in the lobes or helices. Earrings and
ear plugs are commonly worn.
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
27
Fig. 1 3. Woman's dress showing embroidered cloth on back of head.
Not content with such ornamentation the women also possess necklaces
of beads and seeds, or necklaces skillfully made from boar's bristles. Brace-
lets of brass or shell often encircle the forearm, and finger rings which cover
the upper joints, toe rings, and heavy brass anklets are prized possessions
(see fig. 6). The latter are cast so as to leave a central groove in which
pellets are placed to form rattles. As the woman walks the rings and anklets
"make music wherever she goes." (Clotet, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 43,
p. 292.)
The dress of the man is nearly as colorful. Embroidered coats and long
trousers held up by decorated belt bands are the main garments. Since
these possess no pockets each man carries a carrying bag; this is suspended
against the left side by means of a shoulder strap which passes over the right
shoulder (figs. 11, 14, 15).
Personal possessions are carried in these bags or inside embroidered
turbans. Hats of Bisayan type are much worn. These are round, made of
be
28
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
29
Fig. 16. Man's embroidered turban.
bamboo or rattan, and have spreading bamboo headbands inside. These
bands also serve as receptacles for small prized objects. A few hats made of
palm bark or wood also appear (figs. 16-19).
This account of dress indicates that the Bukidnon are sharply differ-
entiated from the neighboring Manobo to the east, from the Mandaya
to the southeast, and from the Davao tribes to the south (see Garvan, 1931,
ch. VI; Cole, 1913).
Quite as important as dress is the proper treatment of the teeth. Adults
customarily have the incisors cut horizontally across, about midway of
their length, or bored through and inlaid with brass wire. All are
blackened and are further stained by the spittle of the betel nut (fig. 20).
Tattooing is not practiced.
30
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 17. Man's dress showing method of wearing turban.
N
Women wear bangs over the forehead but allow strands of hair to fall
in front of the ears. The remaining hair is combed straight back and is tied
in a large knot at the back of the head. Switches often are added. Most
women and unmarried boys shave the eyebrows (figs. 6 and 12). The
man's hair usually is cut rather short, but a few allow it to grow and wind
it around the head to be tied in a knot. This, they said, was formerly the
custom, and agrees with the account of Father Clotet (1889, m Blair and
Robertson, 1903-9, vol. 43, p. 293). Elaborate head cloths are worn like
turbans by most men, but distinguished warriors may wear pointed head-
dresses and other distinctive clothing (fig. 17).
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
31
Fig. 18. Man's hat, upper and lower sides.
Fig. 19. Bamboo and palm bark hats.
OBJECTS FOR PERSONAL USE
We now turn to those objects and materials which, while not dress, still
form a necessary part of a person's accouterments. Both men and women
chew the nut of the areca palm— betel nut — and the materials and objects
related to its use are necessities wherever the person may be. The quid
when ready for use is called tinalad. This is prepared by cutting buyo {Piper
betel L.) leaves into strips which are spread with a thin coating of lime.
A nut is then cut lengthwise, usually into four pieces, and these are
32
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 20. Mutilated teeth.
wrapped in the leaves. Tinalad when chewed produces a blood red spitde
which is freely expectorated. No portion is intentionally swallowed, but
enough is absorbed to give a slightly stimulating effect. Tobacco often is
added to the quid, which may be pushed up under the upper lip for a
time. Continued use of the tinalad discolors the teeth, but it also seems to
assist in the preservation of those which have been mutilated.
Connected with the betel nut chewing are certain necessary accessories,
first of all, the lime. This is secured by burning shells and dropping them
into cold water. They are then crushed between the fingers and when dried
produce a good grade of lime, which is carried in a small, incised bamboo
tube, one end of which is fitted with a sifter made of interwoven strips of
rattan. Betel leaf {Piper betel L.) often is carried in a double pouch, but
the usual device is a small brass box with compartments for nuts and
leaves. Some boxes are made locally, but fine containers of metal are ob-
tained in trade with the Moros. Lime containers are habitually carried in
the men's carrying bags or in the women's baskets.
Betel nut is second only to rice as a Bukidnon necessity. We shall find it
appearing constantly in dealings with the spirit world, as well as in the
more important ceremonial and social events. Old people who have lost
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
33
Fig. 21. Toothbrush, tweezers, stone used in fihng teeth, and bead neckband.
their teeth or those whose teeth have been so mutilated that they cannot
chew carry small mortars and pestles with which they crush and mix the
ingredients. Frequently a small brush made of boar's hairs is attached to
the owner's garment by a string of beads. It is worn like an ornament but
is in reality a toothbrush (fig. 21).
In this connection mutilation of the teeth is to be considered. When a
child is old enough to chew betel nut, that is, at about the age of 10, its
teeth should be cut and blackened. This is the style and a grown person
with white teeth would be laughed at and asked when he would be old
enough to chew tinalad. The usual method is to file the upper incisor teeth
across, about midway, and then to break them off (fig. 20). Another
method of ornamentation is to bore holes through the teeth and inlay
pieces of copper or brass wire. In addition to mutilation most teeth are
blackened although they are already somewhat discolored by the use of
betel nut. A cold knife is held in the flame and smoke of burning guava
bark, and the "sweat" which is deposited on the blade is rubbed on the
teeth several nights in succession. This must be repeated at intervals to
maintain the proper color.
34 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Another "ornament" worn by the man or carried in his bag is a pair
of iron tweezers which take the place of a razor. Facial hairs are few in
number and those which do appear are grasped tightly with the instru-
ment and pulled out (see fig. 21).
In each carrying bag or basket will be found a small pitch-covered or
water-tight bamboo container for flint and steel. This is the common fire-
making device, but in case of need a bamboo outfit is used. The latter is
made by splitting a section of bamboo and cutting a groove across the
convex side. The other piece is cut to an edge and this is rubbed rapidly in
the groove. The friction produces enough heat to ignite the shavings or a
bit of tree cotton placed beneath the groove. This method is known and
used throughout Malaysia. It has been stated by Clotet (1889, pp. 300-
301) that the fire syringe was once used in this area but none was seen
during our stay nor were we able to secure data concerning its use.
SETTLEMENTS
In an earlier paragraph we noted that in former times some settlements
along the border may have consisted of several dwellings erected near to
the long-house of a recognized leader — such as is found in the Davao Gulf
region. All had disappeared by 1910. At the time of the Jesuit entry into
Bukidnon few settlements existed on the grasslands. This is easily explained
by the fact that coarse cogon grass was an almost insuperable obstacle to
cultivation with the primitive tools available.
The easy and usual way to prepare a field is to choose a wooded valley
or hillside, girdle or cut down the trees, and, at the proper time, burn them.
The land thus cleared is suitable for a one-year crop of dry land rice,
abaca (hemp), or possibly tobacco, although this is grown only in limited
quantities. As the cogon grass begins to invade the open spaces, the field
is planted to camotes, gabi {[Colocasia esculentum (L.) Schott.] — a variety
of taro) or perhaps to a few banana trees. This can be continued for two or
three years, after which new clearings are made (figs. 22-23).
Such a procedure does not encourage construction of substantial houses.
In general a few upright saplings form the framework to which the sup-
ports for the bamboo floor are tied. Cross poles join the tops at a height of
about six feet. From the corners light poles make a A at each end and to
these a ridge pole is tied. Other light timbers run from the top to the upper
stringers to which the thatch roof is laid. Sides are of beaten bark or mats,
but a gap normally exists between them and the overhanging roof (figs.
24-25) (see also Garvan, 1931, p. 17). Nearly every family still possesses
such a dwelling near to the forest. They are within hailing distance of each
other, but do not make up a compact settlement. We may accept the
Fig. 22. Hillside clearing.
Fig. 23. Gabi (taro) field.
35
36 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
natives' statements that this was the early condition. A few tree houses are
still seen, set high above the ground. Long poles from the ground to the
sides or floor help to secure the structure. Entrance is by means of a ladder
which can be drawn up in case of need (fig. 26). Construction is much like
that just described.
Under the prompting of the Jesuits, and later of the American governor,
villages were established on the grasslands. In general these differed but
little from the Bisayan towns along the coast. Similar villages began to
appear in the peripheral areas but in these, houses are generally without
side walls. The type of construction is illustrated in figure 24.
Floors of the dwellings consist of broad bamboo strips on which grass
or rattan mats are laid. The latter are made by lacing cords around narrow
strips of rattan, much like the pattern of Venetian blinds (fig. 27). In case
of a driving rain these are used as siding. The more substantial town houses
may be occupied by two or more families, although the tendency is toward
single family occupancy. Entrance is by means of a ladder; doors are rare.
A knot of leaves or cogon grass tied to the ladder is a sign that the occu-
pants are away and the place is "taboo." Anyone violating such a sign,
either at a house or on a trail leading to a field, is considered an intruder
and is treated accordingly.
A raised seat or bed may occupy a sort of alcove near the entrance.
Chairs are lacking since the people normally sit on their heels or flat on the
floor. Mats serve as beds and tables. Each person has a long narrow pillow
filled with tree cotton, which usually is placed against the back or below
one leg. People retire fully clad, and if necessary, add a cotton blanket as
covering. Occasionally a rattan hammock swings in one corner and this
may serve as a bed.
An inventory of household eff'ects will be found in the following section,
but a good idea of the scanty furnishings is supplied in figures 27 and 28.
In passing we should note three stones set in triangular form in a bed of
ashes which serve as a fireplace. Fire burns between the stones on which a
pot of rice is placed until it starts to boil. It is then set in the ashes close
enough to the heat so that the cooking continues. Pottery jars and sections
of bamboo are used for cooking and as water containers. Coconut shell
cups may also serve as dishes, although large and small wooden plates are
also used. Rattan racks fastened to the wall take the place of cupboards.
Food is dipped from the jars with wooden spoons, or spoons with coconut
shell bowls, but it is normally conveyed to the mouth by the fingers.
Baskets of all sizes and types hang against the walls or sit on the floor.
Some are used for storage, others to carry produce from the fields, and
some are fish baskets. Figure 28 shows a simple box-like cradle suspended
i'ig. 24. House under construction.
Fig. 25. Small house near the fields.
37
i
Fig. 26. Tree house on the Pulangi River.
Fig. 27. Interior of Bukidnon dweUing.
38
Fig. 28. House interior showing box-like cradle.
K:^^;:|:. - ^ ^ - ^ ^ ,^ 4 4 ^ ^> ,j. ^>.t>^ ^ •:i>-4i:;^fH
■.>:!j- ;•.:■■%* 4- -^r 4* "^ =;' -^J' -^^ -^ 'y '^ ^1^ •***• •>• •'i* <- 4^ •*■ •"•UM^?^
» ■« »*# j' • :.•'<•* V» /.".a/AaA'. A >''. A. *.'««•*.. A aVa A ••*•*•***> a*V>a«Vaa.Vaa.Va4*Va a.V*a/»\ A • , 'titj.**-
Fig. 29. Wooden chest inlaid with mother-of-pearl.
39
I
Fig. 30. Rattan wall hanger containing coconut shell cups.
40
Fig. 31. Rice mortar and pestle.
Fig. 32. Rice winnowers.
41
42
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 33. Bukidnon woman grinding corn with stone corn-grinder.
from the wall. More commonly these cradles are attached to long bamboo »
poles which respond to the movements of the child, so that it jounces itself
to sleep.
Wooden chests and Chinese jars often stand against the wall. These
still are acquired through trade with the coast, but an occasional one may
be a valuable old piece which entered the islands many generations ago
(Cole, 1912). Among the chests are a few carefully made, fitted with
locks, and inlaid with mother-of-pearl in design (fig. 29). These are highly
prized and evidently are of some antiquity. They were described by Father
Clotet (1889, p. 299) as prized possessions.
Such dwellings appear as rather untidy, but seldom are actually dirty.
The floors are stained from the red spittle resulting from chewing betel
nut; the walls often are smoked from the open fire or torches, but refuse
is swept through the cracks of the floor and, if edible, is promptly consumed
by the pigs or the dogs.
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE
43
Fig. 34. Torch holder.
Fig. 35. Bamboo water carrier.
HOUSEHOLD INVENTORY
Mention already has been made of rattan and grass mats, of pottery
jars, wooden dishes and spoons, baskets of various sizes and uses, also of
the "stove," the cradle, wooden chests and Chinese jars. To this list should
be added:
(1) Large rattan wall hangers in which plates and coconut shell dishes
are kept (fig. 30).
(2) Wall hooks or hangers for garments.
(3) A few wooden seats or benches.
(4) Wooden mallets used to beat clothes in washing.
(5) Wooden meat blocks.
(6) Corn or camote shredders — usually a piece of tin punched full of
holes and put over a split stick. Green corn or sweet potatoes are drawn
over this under pressure.
44 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
(7) Rice mortar and pestle. The mortar is made from a hollowed out
log. Threshed rice is placed in this and pounded with a wooden pestle until
the husks are loosened. It is then placed on a rice winnower and tossed into
the air. The wind blows away the chaff while the heavier grains fall back
onto the winnower (figs. 31, 32).
(8) Winnower.
(9) Stone corn-grinder — probably a late introduction from the coast
(fig. 33).
(10) Torch holders. Blocks of wood or log sections with holes cut in
them hold torches which are made of resin wrapped in leaves (fig. 34).
Such torches are also suspended from hangers attached to the rafters. Light
is also obtained from wicks fitted into dishes filled with grease.
(11) Large gourds or sections of bamboo — often used to store cleaned
rice to protect it from rodents and insects.
(12) Bamboo tubes with inter-nodes removed are used to carry and
store water (fig. 35).
(13) Rattan hammocks — while not common they are widely dis-
tributed over the territory.
(14) Pillows — long narrow pillows filled with tree cotton are used with
the sleeping mats. One is placed under a leg or at the back.
(15) Articles of dress, also shields, spears and knives. Drums and other
musical instruments may hang on the walls — these are described in other
sections. Fish traps and nets often are found beneath the house.
IL Making a Living
Everyone takes some part in food gathering and agriculture. Men and
boys fish and hunt occasionally; women and girls gather shellfish and
jungle roots. Most women know how to make pottery but few are experts,
and the art is declining, due to trade substitutes. Mat- and basket-making
are important. Young girls start training by imitating their elders but soon
find such work an important part of their regular duties. A few women
weave hemp and cotton cloth. It is evident that this was formerly an im-
portant accomplishment but trade cloth from the coast has led to a sharp
decline in native work. On the other hand the great emphasis laid on
applique and embroidery of garments has made nearly every woman an
artist.
Several native forges were observed in various parts of the territory, and
it appears that the Bukidnon were once self-sufficient in the production of
such metal objects as spears and knives. Today nearly all such are secured
from the coast or from the Moros of Lake Lanao. The Bukidnon metal
working outfit is of the typical Malayan type, consisting of two cylinders
hollowed out of logs. In these cylinders plungers, made of wood with a
packing of feathers, are alternately raised and lowered, thus forcing the
air through bamboo tubes into a bed of charcoal. Knives and spearheads
are beaten out of pig iron obtained in trade, then are brought to a white
heat and held over a container filled with water. The operator watches
closely and when the cooling metal begins to turn a greenish yellow he
dashes it into the water. The result is steel. This method and its distribu-
tion have been discussed in detail in another volume (Cole, 1945a, pp. 167
-168). Brass casting by the wax mould process was once common but has
been replaced by trade articles to such an extent that the art has nearly
vanished. The Malayan forge is used for reducing the metal.
HUNTING AND TRAPPING
Game is plentiful but the men are not ardent sportsmen. The most
common method of hunting is for a party to surround a burned over plot
and to drive the game into the open. Dogs are employed and when an
animal is brought to bay, it is impaled with long shafted thrusting spears.
In some cases nets are spread at strategic points toward which the hunters
45
46 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
converge. Deer and pig are sometimes hunted from horseback, the rider
seeking to thrust a long spear into the victim. The head of the weapon is
detachable but is fastened to the shaft by means of a long cord. If the head
is well set in the animal, the shaft drags through the underbrush and thus
retards escape (fig. 37).
All members of a hunting party share equally in the kill. It is said that
any surplus will be cut up into strips and after being salted will be hung
in the sun to dry. It is doubtful if this often occurs. On several occasions
groups of natives accompanied the writer on night hunting trips. As many
as three deer were obtained in an evening, but all the meat was consumed
by the villagers within a few hours. Single hunters do not stalk the game, ;
neither do they use any decoys.
The bow and arrow appears as a toy, but its serious use is limited to
those areas close to the wilder tribes to the east and south. Small bows
fitted with rattan strings are used by boys to kill fish, birds, and frogs. The
arrows often have several points and shooting is far from accurate (fig. 36).
Two types of traps — slip noose and deadfall — are used for deer and pig.
The former consists of a long line with a slip noose at one end. The latter
consists of two light timbers set in triangle form over the runway of the
game. Two small posts rest against these at about the height of a deer's
antlers. Next the line is attached to a tree and is looped around the tops
of the timbers. Then the slip noose is spread open and is held by the posts.
An antlered animal passing between the timbers has its horns caught in
the noose, and is then easily speared. \
A deadfall constructed of logs (figs. 39, 40) is placed in the runway
with a release cord so situated that a passing animal will trip it and cause
the suspended log to fall. Stones or another heavy log resting on it give
sufficient weight to stun or kill a deer or pig.
A common trap is a slip noose variety used in capturing wild chickens
and lizards (fig. 41). An arch is made of a twig against which the top of a
trigger rests. The lower end of the trigger presses against a cross-piece.
Light strips of bamboo rest on the cross-piece and on the ground; on these
a slip noose is placed. The line, of which the slip noose is a part, is held
taut by passing between the trigger and the arch. From there it passes on
to be attached to a bent branch. The bait is placed on and beneath the
bamboo strips. The weight of an intruder releases the trigger and causes
the noose to be closed around its legs. It is claimed that similar, but larger,
devices are sometimes used for deer and pig, but none was seen. Small birds
caught in snares are often kept on perches in the houses as pets.
Chicken snares and carrying baskets, like those in use throughout the
Philippines, are common. Such a snare consists of a series of slip nooses
attached to a common band. This band is set in a square or circle and is
Fig. 36. Small bow and arrow used by boys.
mam
Fig. 37. Bukidnon spears.
Fig. 38. Torch holder used in hunting frogs.
47
48
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 39. Deer and pig trap.
held by sticks so that each noose Hes nearly flat. In the center of the
square a tame rooster is tied. The crowing of this fowl attracts the wild ^
birds, which come in to fight. As the intruder moves back and forth a leg
is soon caught and held in a noose.
Frogs are hunted at night by means of a torch and a many-pointed
bamboo spear. A shield is attached to the torch to protect the eyes of the
hunter (fig. 38). Apparently the frogs are blinded by the glare and are
easily taken. Young boys are quite adept at this sport. Parrots and small
birds are secured by placing "bird lime" where they congregate. The sap
of the breadfruit tree is spread on a stick which is then fastened at a likely
spot. Birds lighting on it are held like a fly on fly paper.
FISHING
Fish are secured in traps similar to those in use through Malaysia. As a
rule they are made out of bamboo, torpedo shaped with a funnel opening
at one end and a removable cap at the other (fig. 42). The funnel is made
of bamboo spikes set close together. A fish can push through these, with
ease, to enter the trap but cannot return. Such traps are set at the ends of
stone channels through which the water of a stream is diverted, or they
may be baited and placed in pools. A less common device, made like a
truncated cone with both ends open (fig. 43), is used in muddy water.
MAKING A LIVING
49
Fig. 40. Deadfall trap for deer and pigs.
The fisherman pushes this down to the bottom, then inserts his arm and
feels around for any fish which may have been trapped.
Small fish nets, used by women, consist of nets fastened to poles, one of
which is held in each hand. The operator holds the net down stream, then
with her feet she moves rocks under which fish may be hiding. These dart
down stream and into the net. Three or more men sometimes manipulate
a large hemp net weighted with stone sinkers. Two drag the extended net
slowly up stream toward the third man, who drives fish down by overturn-
ing rocks on the stream bottom.
An old method — fish poisoning — is used where conditions permit. Dried
berries called lagtang, probably Anamirta coccultis (L.) W. and A., are roasted
and crushed into a powder. This is placed in damp moss which is wrapped
around a stone and thrown into a quiet pool. Soon stupefied fish rise to the
surface. The method is effective but is of limited use due to the fact that
swiftly flowing streams off'er few favorable pools.
Eel traps — like those of widespread use — are found here. A long tube-
like basket has an outside spring made of a bent limb. This is held by means
of a trigger attached to a cap at the open end. The device is baited with a
frog, at the far end, which is also attached to the trigger. When an eel
enters and attempts to drag out the bait it releases the trigger and the
Fig. 41 . Slip nose trap for wild chickens and lizards.
Fig. 42. Funnel fish trap.
50
MAKING A LIVING
51
spring pulls the door shut. Some hooks and lines are used but doubtless
are of recent introduction. Much of the fishing and gathering of shellfish
is done by the women. When thus engaged they attach small covered
baskets to their belts and into them drop the catch.
VM«?'
Fig. 43. Cone fish trap.
Compared to most Philippine tribes the Bukidnon appear singularly
lacking in interest in hunting and fishing, and in all ceremonial connected
with them. The devices used are those commonly employed throughout
Malaysia.
AGRICULTURE AND ITS RITUALS
As already noted, most Bukidnon farms are clearings near streams or on
forested hillsides. A man selects a desirable plot and summons his neighbors
to assist him. Later he will return services in kind.
Before any work is done the prospective owner must square accounts
with the spirit world. It is well known that in the first times the earth was
like a person. If it was cut it would bleed, and the spirit would suffer.
Likewise the trees were like humans. To compensate and appease them
the owner and his friends go to the edge of the plot and build a little plat-
52 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
form. At the foot of this they tie live chickens, while rice, eggs and betel
nut prepared for chewing are placed on top. Then the owner addresses the
spirits of earth, stones, cliffs, baliti (Ficus spp.) trees and vines which are
on the land desired, in addition to the more powerful being, saying: "Do
not be angry with us who clean the land. Do not be offended for we now
offer chickens, rice, betel nut and drink. Let the seed bear good crops."
Then the chickens are killed, and while the women prepare food some of
the men start clearing the land.
Underbrush is slashed with working knives; small trees are cut and
larger ones girdled by means of adzes — iron blades set in wooden handles.
Then when certain constellations appear in the proper place in the sky
it is known that the time has arrived to set fire to the dry debris. A few
days later unburned portions are made into piles and are refired. Despite
this the fields usually appear rather disorderly, with large trunks lying
where they have fallen. It really is unnecessary to remove them for within
a few months they will have been eaten up by the anav or "white ants" —
termites (see fig. 22). When the food is ready the workers return to the
little platform. Again the spirits are summoned and after they have had an
opportunity to partake of the offerings they are besought to be satisfied
with their pay and not to cause injury to those who now would use the
land.
Before the planting begins a second ceremony must be made for
Ibabasd, the spirit who lives in and guards the field. (Clotet [1889, p. 294]
says that the god of the fields is known as Tagumbanua. The Kaliga cere-
mony is made for him. He mentions a powerful spirit Ibabasug as the one
invoked in childbirth.) A stick about two feet long is sharpened at one
end "like a planting stick" and with it a few holes are made in the soil.
This done, it is placed firmly in the ground within the field, and to it leaves
are tied. The device — now known as kalotan — is surrounded with the seed
rice and prepared betel nut is placed on a little table of bark. Next a
chicken is killed and as the bavlan addresses the spirits he sprinkles blood
on the kalotan and on the seed rice. His prayer, first addressed to the
superior spirits and then to Ibabaso is as follows: "Please now allow this rice
to thrive; keep animals from molesting or destroying it, for now we offer
blood to you." This done, the flesh of the fowl is cooked and eaten by the
workers, who also chew the betel nut.
Planting can now be undertaken unless a further ceremony connected
with Kaliga-6n (p. 107) is required. In Central Mindanao the Kaliga is a
ceremony made after harvest by all the people. Each owner of a field goes
there with friends who sing as they go. The owner carries two sticks under
his arms. A jar of liquor is placed in the house and all drink and sing from
afternoon to morning.
MAKING A LIVING 53
If a person falls sick before planting time a small ceremony is held to
determine if one of the spirits of Kaliga-6n is responsible. At that time the
baylan cuts off a bit of a chicken's comb and promises the spirit involved
that a little house will be erected for him in the field. This will be done at
once and must always be placed above the kaldtan just mentioned. Other
illnesses are met by promises of ceremonies "when harvest time is past."
This agreement is also sealed by clipping off a bit of a chicken's comb.
Most of the planting is done by the women, although men may assist.
One or more persons carrying long sticks sharpened at one end move in
straight lines punching holes into the ground. Others follow, dropping the
seed rice into the holes and then pushing in earth with their feet. Inform-
ants named nine kinds of rice, none of which is grown in wet land plots.
In the grasslands where the government furnishes animal-drawn plows
for breaking the soil a line of eight or ten men use poles to punch holes into
which they drop the seed.
Villages like Limbayao, close to the Manobo, hold a two day ceremony
for the ancestors and other spirits just before the planting. A little altar is
erected to which pigs, chickens and liquor are brought. Through the first
night the people drink and sing; then next morning they slaughter and
offer the animals.
No great amount of care is given to the growing crop although the
women do some weeding. But as harvest time approaches the scene
changes. Unless they are prevented, monkeys, deer, and rice-birds will
secure the major part of the crop. To guard against them little houses are
set high on piles so as to overlook the growing grain. From these structures
bamboo or rattan lines radiate in all directions. These are attached to split
bamboo sticks which act as clappers. The operator in the shelter pulls the
cords from time to time. This makes a great clatter which frightens the
birds or causes larger intruders to beat a retreat. If the land is at a distance
from the settlement, the field house may be set in the branches of a tree
to give protection to the caretaker against raiders. In such cases the entire
family may reside there during the critical period of crop growth.
When the harvest time comes the owner goes alone to the kaldtan and
cuts enough rice to feed the family, their helpers and guests. This rice must
be cut with a small blade similar to that so widespread throughout
Malaysia (Cole, 1945a, p. 165). The blade is attached to a cylinder which
is held between the third and fourth fingers. This leaves the first finger free
to catch the stalk. The thumb then presses it against the metal (fig. 44).
When sufficient rice has been cut it is placed beside the kaldtan. This
breaks the taboo and others may then help. Women cook the new rice, a
chicken is prepared for food and betel nut is made ready for chewing.
54
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
The feast is spread on mats and the baylan addresses Ibabasd and other
spirits which had been summoned at planting time. To them he says:
"Now come here and eat. Here are chicken and rice and betel nut for
you to chew. Now I tell you that our rice is matured and I wish very much
to eat it, but I allow you to eat before we 'do." The spirits are given time
Fig. 44. Rice knife.
for their repast and then the baylan summons the people. When they have
finished eating they may begin the harvesting of the field, for the spirits
are now satisfied.
As the grain is cut it is tied into bundles and is placed in the sun to dry.
No granaries are provided so the rice is then removed from the straw,
beaten in mortars to loosen the chaff, winnowed and then stored in bam-
boo tubes or in bags.
After the harvest, when sufficient food is available, all the people who
have made pledges prepare to celebrate the Kaliga-6n ceremony. Rice,
chickens and in some cases pigs, drink and betel nut are made ready. The
first and second days are devoted chiefly to singing and dancing, with oc-
casional offerings of betel nut to the spirits. On the third morning the
baylans go to the fields accompanied by all who are under pledge to give
the ceremony. They go to the spirit houses, repair each one and then place
food and drink and live fowls nearby. The spirits who have been residing
in the structures and have cared for the fields are now invited to eat and
to chew betel nut with the mortals they have aided. A baylan cuts the throat
of a rooster and sprinkles blood on the spirit house and on the person giv-
ing the ceremony. The symbol of the spirit is removed from its place and
MAKING A LIVING 55
is carried to the edge of the town. There the group awaits parties coming
from other fields.
When al] have assembled they go to the center of the village and erect
a large platform to which they tie the animals to be sacrificed. On this
platform are placed rice, eggs and other off"erings. A spirit image now ap-
pears, whereupon the animals are slaughtered and blood is splashed over
the figure. All is silent except for the voices of the baylans calling to the
spirits to come to the village, to enter the houses and partake of food and
drink. In each dwelling involved ajar of liquor is opened; a mat is spread
on the floor and on it are placed off"erings of beads, needles, rings and the
like. Food is piled high on banana leaves and the spirits are urged to eat.
They are reminded that the people have kept their pledges, and that all
still ailing should be restored to health. When the spirits have had ample
time to finish their repast, the "remaining" food is divided into little piles
— one for each person. Most of it is eaten at once but any which is left will
be placed on banana leaves and be carried home. Drinking and singing
continue through that day and night.
The chief crop is rice, but corn and sugar cane are sometimes planted
in a new clearing. After one season the field will be given over to camotes,
Ipomoea batatas (L.) Poir. ; gabi, Colocasia esadentum (L.) Schott.; or hemp,
Musa textilis Nee. Small amounts of tobacco, cotton, and piper plants
are also raised. The procedure for clearing land is always the same, but
rice is the only crop associated with the ceremonies just mentioned. A few
betel nut and coconut palms or banana trees may appear close to the
houses or lining the streets of the model villages, but they are not produced
in quantity. In settlements once under control of the priests coffee and
other introduced trees and shrubs may still thrive.
While the amount of tobacco raised is limited it is important, for the
leaf is used by most people in connection with betel nut chewing. When
the leaves are mature they are stripped from stems and midribs and are
rolled into balls. These are placed between two boards which are tied
together and the leaves are then dried for four or five days. When removed
from the boards a number will be wrapped in a banana leaf and will be
hung above the fire until thoroughly cured. In no instance did we see
tobacco smoked, but Clotet, writing in 1889, says it was then smoked in
small clay, wood or horn pipes with bamboo mouth pieces (Clotet, 1889,
p. 301).
Reference has been made to a fermented drink known as agkEd or
pangasi. The first step in its production is to pound rice into a fine powder
and to soak it thoroughly. To this is added powdered pepper and ginger
and if available some sugar cane juice. The mixture, then known as tapay,
or ferment, is made into cakes which are sun dried. When all is ready one
56 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
or more cakes are mashed and are sprinkled over cooked rice. This is
wrapped in leaves and is put in a basket until it begins to ferment. It then
is transferred to a jar, and is kept tightly closed until nearly all of it has
become liquid. It is then ready to drink. Two long bamboo tubes are used
to suck it from the jar. The residue is eaten.
In addition to the foods mentioned, the following are raised and used
in minor quantities:
Two or three kinds of beans.
Onions.
Sugar cane.
A small red pepper called sili {Capsicum Jrutescens L.) for seasoning.
Ginger (Zingiber officinale Rose.) for seasoning.
Squash.
Eggplant.
Also an occasional pineapple, jack fruit and breadfruit.
To this list should be added fronds of young ferns, various bulbs, a
variety of young bamboo, the heart of the palma brava tree, mushrooms,
and other wild products, such as leaves and seed pods.
Domesticated and wild plants and trees furnish the major food supplies.
To these should be added chicken, eggs and pigs — especially at times of
ceremonies. Decrepit horses and carabao are also eaten. When slaughtered
the blood is saved and is cooked with the entrails; very little of such an
animal is discarded.
Most wild animals — such as deer, pigs, lizards — as well as wild chicken,
birds, doves, parrots and bats are utilized. Grasshoppers, frogs and some
snakes are eaten. Most prized among the latter is the boa constrictor. It is
roasted, cut into sections and further cooked with tomatoes, pepper leaves,
salt and coconut meat if available. Rats are seldom eaten, and crows are
refused "because they eat dead men."
Fourteen varieties of fish, all of which are eaten, were recorded. To
these should be added eels, shrimps, crabs and shellfish. The latter are
cooked in salt water and the meat removed with thin splints of
bamboo.
Note has already been made of the fermented rice wine called agkEd or
pangasi. A less common drink — sinobog or tuba — is made by adding peppers
and tungog to sugar cane juice. This is put into bamboo tubes and is al-
lowed to stand two or three days.
Coffee and cacao are raised in the Central Valley. Most of them is
sold to the coast but some is consumed locally. Both are roasted in a pot,
are mashed or pounded and hot water is added.
MAKING A LIVING 57
MEDICINES
Nearly all illnesses are considered to be caused by spirits or by magic.
Proper ceremonies are held to appease or counteract the unfavorable
conditions, but in addition to these a number of "medicines" are used.
The names of twenty-three of these were gathered and identified. For
stomach pains or headache certain leaves or slices of lemon are heated and
applied like a poultice. Another treatment is to chew the bark of the
yow-yow tree. Pains in the side or chest are treated by applying a powder
made from a plant like garlic or by scrapings of certain barks. Open sores
are treated by covering them with "green" cotton — just taken from the
pod — or by a sticky juice obtained from the root of the dungau plant.
A medicine "with great power" is the dried gall of the boa constrictor.
A little of this is made into a powder, put into water and drunk as a cure
for stomach ache.
During their menstrual periods the women wear leg bands made from
the cuticle of ferns, a sea grass and orchid stems wrapped around central
splints. These are also said to give strength to the wearer on long walks.
Similar bands are worn by men as a protection against threatened sickness.
Our medicine kit was held in great respect, and some of our "cures"
were little less than phenomenal. Quinine, castor oil and similar remedies
were really effective, but many cases were beyond our diagnosis or were
imaginary. For these we rolled brown bread pills in quinine and the
strongest tasting ingredients we possessed, and gave them to our patients.
Some, so ill that they were carried to us, made such rapid recovery that
they walked out. One woman who had been hooked by a carabao more
than a year before and had been sick ever since was so improved within
the hour that she was taking part in a dance. As our reputation grew our
patients increased. They loved castor oil and soon our stock was so
threatened that we had to change to Epsom salts, and we lost many cus-
tomers as a result.
HOUSEHOLD AND VILLAGE INDUSTRIES
Basketry
The woman is the basket maker, and in the manufacture of her wares
she employs chiefly three materials — bamboo, rattan and pandanus.
Not much attention is given to decoration, but such an effect is some-
times achieved by alternating the outer "enameled" strips with the dull
inner ones. In some cases colored bands of bamboo also are used. A perma-
nent black is achieved by applying juice of the banana blossom or of the
tuba-tuba (probably Jastropha curcas L.) to strips which are then held in
the smoke of burning resin.
1
58
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 45. Large carrying baskets.
Four weaves and their variants are used:
(1) Checkerwork: In this the warp and weft are of uniform size and
pHabiHty, and each element passes over one and under one of the other,
thus forming square or rectangular checks. A variant of this weave is found
in certain baskets in which the warp is crossed and the weft passes through
in regular order, so as to produce hexagonal openings.
(2) Diagonal or twilled: Two or more weft strands pass over two or
more warp elements, but not the same in adjoining rows; also the warp and
weft both run diagonally.
(3) Wickerwork: In this the warp is rigid; the smaller and more
flexible weft passes under one and over one of the former.
(4) Crossed weft: Here two sets of wefts cross each other at an angle
and interlace a rigid warp.
The woman is the usual carrier of field products. Her load is supported
by a band passing around her forehead and to the basket, which rests on
her back. When carried by a man the basket is fitted with bands which
pass over the shoulders, thus holding the receptacle close to his back (fig.
MAKING A LIVING
59
:^H93
Fig. 46. Large baskets used on horses or carabao.
45). For long trips a large basket is attached to the side of a horse or
carabao (fig. 46).
Large baskets or bark containers are set at convenient spots in the field
during harvest time; they also stand near the forges to hold charcoal.
Similar baskets are used for general storage in the houses. Small baskets of
pandanus are often attached to the women's belts to hold odds and ends.
Better made containers are regularly worn and take the place of pockets
(figs. 47, 48). Rice sacks of straw (fig. 49) are designed to hold clean rice.
When filled they may be used as units of exchange — "so many sacks of
rice."
The methods of mat-making and of constructing rice winnowers are
closely related to basketry. Mats are usually made of a wild grass although
rattan is also used. The grass is dried and is flattened by being drawn under
the edge of a knife. Coloring, when desired, is accomplished by placing the
strands in liquid vegetable dyes. The chief coloring materials are obtained
from talisay {Terminalia catappa L.) and tagom {Indigofera tinctoria L. or /.
teysmanni Miq.), or from the juice of the banana blossom which after being
applied is held in the smoke of burning resin.
Mats serve as beds, as seats for guests, as tables and even as musical
instruments, as well as wrapping for the dead. Crude mats of pandanus
are also used for drying grains, coff"ee and the like.
Fig. 47. Trinket basket (L) and rice basket (R).
Fig. 48. A group of small baskets.
60
MAKING A LIVING
61
Fig. 49. Rice bags.
Weaving
Hemp (Musa textilis Nee), which is raised in considerable quantity, is
the chief article of export. Apparently it was once used locally to a much
greater extent than at present. Today most of the product is carried to the
coast where it is sold or bartered for cotton cloth and other desired ma-
terials. The hemp plant closely resembles the banana, but is grown in
considerable acreage whereas bananas occur in groups of three or four
plants. When sufficient material is ready it is carried to the stripper. This
is a simple device (figs. 50, 51) consisting of an iron blade resting on a hard
wood block. The handle of the blade turns on a wooden pivot and one end
is attached to a bamboo spring. As the handle is drawn up the blade is
forced down. The operator raises the blade by means of a foot treadle,
which draws the handle down. He places a strip of hemp on the wooden
block, the foot pressure is removed and the knife descends. Grasping one
end of the strip the operator draws it toward him thus removing the pulp.
The fibre is hung in the sun to dry and then is tied into bundles and is
ready to be carried to the coast. The work is hard and a man seldom
strips hemp for more than a few days at a time.
Skirts and blankets of hemp formerly were made by the "tie and dye"
process so common in the Davao Gulf region (Cole, 1913, pp. 83-84). Only
Fig. 50. Stripping hemp.
Fig. 51. Details of hemp stripper.
62
MAKING A LIVING 63
a few of the women still do this type of work and soon it will be a lost art
in this tribe. The method employed is as follows: Warp threads are placed
on a long frame and the design is tied in by overwrapping all portions
which are to remain uncolored. When this is completed the warp is re-
moved from the frame and is placed in cold liquid dye. When thoroughly
soaked it is hung up to dry. The process is repeated until the desired color
is obtained. Ultimately the overwrapping is removed, revealing the un-
colored portions. The warp threads are then placed on a loom and the
weft is woven in.
Weaving in both cotton and hemp is done on a backstrap loom. For the
hemp all designs are tied into the warp, but the figures in cotton are ob-
tained by placing the threads on a frame (fig. 27) which has rods cor-
responding to the lease rods of the loom. Designs are obtained by the
manipulation of these rods, as the shuttle is run back and forth on the
loom.
Only a small amount of cotton is raised. Seeds are removed by a device
which operates on the principle of a clothes wringer. Spinning is equally
simple. A thread is twisted out of a wad of cotton and is attached to a
spindle. This is operated with the free hand. As the spindle turns it twists
out new thread from the cotton held in the left hand. When the spindle
stops the thread is wound up on the shaft and the process is repeated. This
is an old method found in most of the coastal areas of Malaysia.
Pottery
This art, like weaving, is disappearing as a result of trade but some
women still practice it. Clay is kneaded by hand and is placed on a dish
which sits on a rice winnower. Nearby is a coconut shell filled with water.
The clay is shaped with the fingers, is beaten and thinned with a paddle
applied to the outside over a stone held inside. Final shaping and smooth-
ing are achieved by applying a damp cloth to the surface as the dish is
turned slowly with the free hand. Scroll designs are incised or may be
added with a small stencil. Smooth stones are used to rub over the sur-
faces. Any designs are placed just below the rim. Firing is done by laying
bamboo sticks around the pot — in the manner of laying a rail fence. This
when fired makes a hot but even fire sufficient to bake the clay (fig. 52).
Carving and Decorative Art
A few very crude representations of human beings appear in the cere-
monies, but they consist of little more than the suggestion of a head cut
out of a pole, with indications of eyes, nose and mouth. Such figures serve
only once and are then discarded.
64
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 52. Firing pottery.
Fig. 53. "Guitars" or boat lutes.
Long, narrow "guitars" (fig. 53) frequently have the lower end carved
to represent one or two heads of crocodiles or birds, while the upper end
is the tail.
Shields (figs. 54, 55) may have elevated centers or be inlaid with beads
and surrounded with tufts of horse hair. The edges may also have a fringe
of hair. In addition, simple designs in straight or curved black lines may
be added to the front and back. In a few instances the handles or scab-
bards of knives may be carved to represent a star or may be inlaid with
white beads. Women's combs and a few of the earrings have incised designs
Fig. 54. Circular shield showing front.
Fig. 55. Circular shield showing hand grip.
65
\>M.^
0000
Fig. 55A. Designs in patchwork decoration.
66
MAKING A LIVING 67
on the surface. Frequently the bamboo containers used in connection with
betel nut chewing are incised with designs similar to those seen in the
garments.
Baskets rarely and mats usually have decorative effects produced in the
weaving. In the mats various colored straws are intentionally used "to
make the mats pretty." Old time weaving in hemp shows decorative ef-
fects produced by the "tie and dye" method, while simple designs are
woven into modern cotton blankets. All these efforts apply to a very small
percentage of articles in use, and the general effect is that of a very drab
material culture — except for clothing. Elaborate patchwork and em-
broidered designs are added to jackets, trousers, skirts, shoulder and head
cloths, and to men's cloth bags.
All patchwork decoration is known as ginontinan, "cut out with scissors."
Many designs have only pattern names which vary according to the way
they are applied. For example, a zigzag pattern which runs horizontally is
sinanbilian, but if vertical it is linongko. In the same manner a half-diamond
design sitting on a base line has one name, but if suspended from the line
it has another. Some designs are descriptive of the manner of application:
a circular design is "scissor work in a circle"; a red half-diamond applied
to a white field is "fits in." Embroidery in red and yellow is "colors of a
mat." Pattern designs predominate, but a considerable number are
realistic. Among these may be noted figures of men, women, and animals,
as well as of flowers and fruits.
The design elements in figure 55, A, were interpreted as follows: A,
clothing designs; B, man with bolo; C, lizard; D, pinola design (resembles
leaves o{ pinola tree); E, zigzag; F, a bird; G, leeches; H, flower of a
tree; I, embroidery design; J, design derived from back of playing cards;
K, zigzag; L, panel design from handkerchief.
IIL The Life Cycle
PREGNANCY AND BIRTH
Children are desired, but barrenness is not a ground for divorce since
the woman's inability to bear children is due to the acts of the spirits.
Sterility, apparently, is very rare and most women bear six or seven chil-
dren— most of which survive infancy. One Langawan woman had 15.
Some illicit affairs take place between unmarried boys and girls, and
even among married people. Public opinion, child betrothal and early
marriage tend to cut the number of extra-marital adventures. No cases of
prostitution — that is, where a woman exchanges her favors for gain — have
been discovered.
Children are by no means innocent and sexual matters and nudity are
freely discussed, despite the fact that this is one of the most completely
clothed groups in the islands. In this connection certain ideas of modesty
are interesting. In taking physical measurements there was no objection
to touching or measuring a woman's breasts. However, it would be
scandalous for any man not her husband to touch her elbow or heel. As a
result few arm measurements were made.
During her menses the woman does not prepare food or take part in
dances, but once her pregnancy is known she may enter into all village
activities. Circumcision, as practiced by the Moros, is known but all in-
sisted that it does not occur among the Bukidnon.
If pregnancy progresses normally the woman continues her regular
daily life but if she is ill or feels undue pain a midwife is summoned to rub
her abdomen and back. If this fails to relieve her it is evident that a female
spirit, Pdnglang, who lives in the mountains, is causing the trouble. This
spirit is the mistress of Mangonqyamo — patron of midwives and guardian of
pregnant women. She also consorts with a youth called Palilitan who looks
after new-born children. If necessary a ceremony is held in order to make
these spirits well disposed and to insure an easy delivery.
The first act for the husband is to fashion a miniature cradle from the
outer bark of a banana stalk. Next he catches a chicken and then hands
these to a baylan who in turn carries them to the pregnant woman. Standing
beside her he says: "Now Pdnglang, listen and look while I make this offer-
ing. Perhaps you have made this woman ill. If so I hope she may now be
68
THE LIFE CYCLE 69
well for I am about to make a ceremony for you, to Mangonoyamo, and
Palilitan.'''' He then fastens leaves and flowers to the little cradle. This done
he sacrifices the chicken and allows its blood to fall on the leaves. He pulls
out the wing feathers and puts them around the edge of the cradle, which
is now a fit dwelling place for the spirit Palilitan. The flowers are for him
to play with, for should they be lacking he will play with the baby so that
it will cry.
When the chicken and rice are cooked a small portion is put on banana
leaves and is placed in the cradle for Palilitan. The remainder is put in
dishes on a mat, along with betel nut. When all is ready the baylan ad-
dresses the spirits: "Now Pdnglang, Mangonoyamo, and Palilitan, look, for
I am now asking you to let the sick woman become well. Let the child
inside her have no trouble and when the delivery comes let it be easy.
You Pdnglang and you Mangonoyamo come and eat the food on the plates,
and you Palilitan come also, for your share is in the cradle." After an inter-
val the people may eat the food and chew the betel nut left on the plates,
but only the pregnant woman may eat the food in the cradle. Should any-
one else taste it the ceremony will be of no avail. When the ceremony is
over the little cradle is hung above the woman's mat and all should go well.
When the time comes for the delivery the midwife places the woman flat
on the floor of the living room and rubs her abdomen. As soon as the child
is born she cuts the navel cord and removes the afterbirth. This is wrapped,
first in a dirty cloth and then in a good clean cloth, "for it is the brother
of the baby." It is buried under the house ladder or beneath the stove
where no animals can get to it. Soon it becomes earth but its spirit returns
to the sky and becomes the Molin-olin of the child. If the birth is difficult the
midwife stands close by and calls the names of many things such as sky
and trees. When the right one is mentioned the child will appear. Thus
it is known which spirits are delaying the birth and offerings will be made
to them.
Only a small group of women know how to act as midwives. They are
called by the same name as their patron spirit — Mangonoyamo. The usual
pay for their services is one peso. Some neighbor who has a small child
will suckle the new-born baby until the mother's milk comes.
It is said that at the time of birth Magbabdya talks to the child and allows
it to choose how it will die. The people know that this is true, for one time
long ago a pregnant woman wzis lying asleep on her mat when her husband
returned from his work in the fields. As he was tired he lay down beside
her. Suddenly he heard a child crying, and then he discovered that the
voice came from the child in his wife's body. As he listened he heard a
voice say: "Do you wish to die in the water?" The crying continued. "Do
you wish a tree to fall on you and cause your death?" Still the child cried.
70 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
"Do you wish to fall from a cliff and die?" The child cried on. "Do you
wish to die by reason of a crocodile?" The crying ceased and the voice was
heard no more.
Soon the child was born and the father had such a great fear that it
might be the victim of the crocodiles that he gave orders that it should
never be taken to the river, and that the water for its bath must be boiled.
As the child grew the father's fear became so great that he moved his
family to a high hill far from the river. One day the boy lay asleep on the
floor beneath his father's talian-charmed sash. A crocodile's tooth which
was attached to the talian fell and struck the boy's chest. It made only a
slight wound but it bled until the boy was dead. "So it is clear that we
cannot escape the fate the Magbabaya gives us."
Should the child be ailing or should anything out of the ordinary occur
soon after its birth the infant is taken to friends and is given to them. The
new foster mother sacrifices a chicken and when it is ready to eat she calls
the gimokod (spirits) of the child, asking them to come and eat and to
observe that she is now the real mother. She sends a coin to the real mother
"to pay for her milk." The latter must now secure a brass betel nut box
or a coin necklace and must preserve it until the child is old enough to use
it. These acts should restore the child to normal, and later it may be re-
turned to its actual parents.
If a child appears to be stillborn the midwife chews betel nut and spits
the red juice into the child's mouth. Then she dips her hands in cold
water and places them on the child's face. If these acts fail the child is con-
sidered dead. In the Central Valley an attempt to revive a stillborn child
is made by striking on a piece of iron, placed near its ear, until the iron
rings.
Twins are considered "good fortune," but it is necessary to hold the
ceremony Pagalamo within three days or the children may become jealous
of each other. A child is nursed until it is quite large or until another child
is born to take its place.
NAMING
The father usually gives the child a name which may be suggested by
something he sees or hears at the time of its birth. A typical list of names
with their meanings follows.
MEN'S NAMES
Manantosin, "patient or willing" (a good worker).
Tampil, "can get" (will have a good fortune).
Manlafnsan, "double" (will win at games or may have two wives).
Manistahon, "can hold" (will keep possessions).
THE LIFE CYCLE 71
WOMEN'S NAMES
Tap-plahan, "good fortune comes like waves to her hand."
Loppidgan, "will become rich by the aid of spirits."
Karaga, "little frog."
DafAlay, "supple" (will be a good dancer).
Should a child cry a great deal it is a sign that it does not like its name,
and the name will be changed.
There is no restriction against a person telling his name, but when he
or she has a child it is customary to say ''^Amay ," father of ;
''''Inay ," mother of , using the name of the oldest child. This
custom is widespread in Malaysia. One may never mention the name of a
parent or of a father- or mother-in-law — the father-in-law is called yo-yo;
the mother-in-law is dya. An offender may fall from a cliff, or be bitten by
a snake, or become ill because "he fails to show proper respect for one who
should be sacred to him." The rule is so strictly followed that few children
know the original names of their parents.. None were found who could
name their grandparents.
CHILD LIFE
Children are fondled and cared for according to the best knowledge of
the group. If necessary, ceremonies will be made to insure their good
health, but otherwise they just grow up. They quickly begin to imitate
their elders, and by the middle teens they are recognized as full members
of the group. They are seldom punished, but they are laughed at if they
fail to conform to the customs of the group. This usually suffices to bring
the offenders into line.
Children may be betrothed as mere infants with the actual marriage
taking place even before puberty. From infancy they are usually clothed
in garments like their parents, but if a child appears naked no one pays
any attention. As a matter of fact they strip on occasion — to go swimming
or because they are hot.
Babies normally lie in the little cradle suspended from bamboo poles.
They are seldom carried about as is usual in most groups. When they can
walk they go around the village with their parents or with other children,
and when old enough accompany them to the woods and streams.
Education is by participation. A few very crude wooden dolls have
been seen but they are rare. Puppies are playfellows but the older dogs
are seldom treated as pets. Boys have tops which they spin — and they have
small bows and multiple-pointed arrows with which they hunt bats and
frogs. They also possess miniature blowguns fitted with small darts. Little
girls may have small rice mortars and pestles, winnowers and gathering
baskets. Both sexes have clappers made out of sections of bamboo which
72 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
are struck against the hand; both walk on bamboo stilts; and all race and
play in competitive games.
One of the few gambling games played by the older boys is called raya.
A large square marked off in the yard is divided into nine smaller squares.
About fifteen feet away is a lag line. A coin is tossed to see who plays first.
The starter takes all the coins — one for each player — goes to the line and
tosses the coins toward the squares. All that go in are his, all that touch
lines are thrown by the second player, and so on. In a variant called paki
each player places a coin inside the square. Then from the line they try, in
order, to strike as many coins as possible with a free coin. All that the first
player strikes are his; all struck by succeeding players are theirs. This con-
tinues until all the coins are taken.
When they are old enough to chew betel nut (that is, about the age of
puberty) both boys and girls have their teeth mutilated, and are then
considered mature. There is no other mutilation of any part of the body
at any time; neither are there ^ny initiatory rites. Mature boys — married
or unmarried — may make love to unpledged girls by singing improvised
songs. Dancing is important and an accomplished musician gains atten-
tion. Viewed from the standpoint of most pagan Philippine groups the
child life here is neither exciting nor productive of strong individual
characters.
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE
Child betrothal and marriage are often arranged by the parents, but in
the Central Valley these events are delayed until after puberty to allow
the young people to have a voice. Nevertheless the two weddings at-
tended by the writer in the latter area were: (1) that of a boy, Toltol,
about 15, and a girl, Dumlay, about 10, of Bayanga; and (2) a couple
from Langawan, a boy of five with a girl probably younger. In this case
both children remained with their parents. Usually marriage is in one's
own or a nearby village.
The general procedure is as follows: When the father of a boy thinks he
has found a suitable girl for his son, he makes a small ceremony. A chicken
is killed and its liver is examined; if it is enlarged or spotted the proposed
match is a bad one. The family eats the fowl and the matter is dropped. If,
however, the signs are favorable the father sends or carries a small gift
to the girl's people. If they keep this gift they indicate that they favor the
union and are ready to discuss the price the girl should bring. The standing
and wealth of the families make some diff"erence but the usual price is
about 50 pesos, in addition to incidental expenses.
It is not uncommon for relatives and friends to assist in the marriage
price, but this is considered a loan to be paid back later. The girl's parents
THE LIFE CYCLE 73
retain a part of the payment and the balance is distributed among their
near relatives. If a separation occurs as a result of the girl's acts the gifts
must be returned. Consequently her people keep watch for some time. We
were told of one case where the girl's parents set a price greater than the
boy's family could meet. No wedding took place but the young couple
openly lived together. Later the youth found a girl he could afford and
discarded the first. She is still unmarried and the price asked for her re-
mains the same. No great value is placed on chastity and an unmarried
girl with child is not considered a bad bargain, for in such a case no
marriage price is expected.
At the time a price is agreed upon a record of the transaction is estab-
lished by means of a bundle of sticks called kit-kit which serves as a tally.
A day is set for the wedding, and relatives and special guests are invited.
However invitations are generally not needed and most of the townspeo-
ple will attend. Prior to the wedding the groom's father will send a blouse,
skirt, and possibly a blanket to the bride. This is a fatherly act and the
objects are not considered a part of the marriage price.
On the morning of the day agreed upon part of the purchase price —
including a pig, rice and a jar of liquor — is sent to the girl's house. The
animal is slaughtered and food is prepared for all. At the wedding of Toltol
and Dumlay the guests had assembled by two o'clock. Neither bride nor
groom was in evidence — she was hidden behind a screen of blankets in
one corner of the room but the groom was not in the house.
The guests danced for a time and then most of them left to bring the
groom. Soon we heard the beating of a drum, and down the street came
the groom's party. Preceding them were two warriors (fig. 56) armed with
shields and long spears, at the upper ends of which were bell-like rattles.
They danced furiously, charging and retreating, while they plunged their
spears against an imaginary enemy. Following the dancers came the
groom's best man carrying a cloth which covered five Chinese plates. After
him was the boy's aunt, also carrying a bundle. Then came a group of
friends, and, finally, the groom and two companions. The party passed
the bride's place and went to a nearby house in front of which they paused
until a woman emerged and joined the dancing warriors.
Soon all returned and entered the bride's home. A mat was spread and
the principals for both parties sat down. Betel nut was passed and then the
marriage tally was placed on the mat, together with a little knife, the pur-
pose of which was not ascertained.
The best man laid down three coins amounting to 50 centavos and the
girl's father did likewise. The tally sticks were laid down in two lines. The
first consisted of ten large sticks, and the second of ten piles of two small
74
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 56. Armed warriors dancing at wedding.
Sticks each. It was announced that each large tally represented 3 pesos.
The best man took up a coin, pretended to spit on it, and then mumbled
a prayer to the ancestors of the couple urging them to be pleased with the
match, to keep the young couple and all the guests in good health, "for
this coin is your share." When he had finished he passed the coin to an-
other friend who repeated the act. Meanwhile the girl's representatives did
the same with a coin from their pile. This finished, betel nut was passed
and when all had chewed, the best man took the cloth from around the
Chinese plates. To these a peso was added and all were presented to the
girl's ancestors — particularly to the spirit of her grandfather. This gift
did not form a part of the marriage price. The plates might be used by the
girl's people, but they could not lend or sell them.
With the spirit world taken care of for the moment, the parties got down
to serious business. Skirts valued at a peso each were exchanged for part
of the sticks; a bolo worth 3 pesos and arm- rings of equal value were also
exchanged. Finally only 14 pesos of the tally sticks remained; four relatives
bound themselves to pay 7 pesos and the girl's father then waived further
payments. The final gift is known as "joined hands." The groom tied the
tallies together and retained them as a receipt. Again betel nut was passed
and then the bride was summoned from behind the blankets.
I
THE LIFE CYCLE 75
A small mat was spread for bride and groom. Lime, betel leaf and areca
nut were handed to the girl, who prepared it for chewing and gave it to
the boy. He did the same for her and the ceremony was complete. It is
said that rice often takes the place of betel nut in the Cagayan River
Valley. In the Central Valley it is used regularly. Each takes a handful of
cooked rice and squeezes it into a ball and then they exchange these with
each other. The use and exchange of rice or betel nut is found among
many tribes in Malaysia. (See Cole, 1913, p. 102; 1922, p. 280.)
The ceremony proper being over, friends spread banana leaves on the
floor; others brought in baskets of meat cut in squares and arranged it in
neat piles on the leaves. Rice and dishes of broth were put in front of each
guest. As a final act the bride distributed betel nut to all near her. Follow-
ing the meal jars of liquor were opened, and people drank freely, dancing
far into the night.
Two days after a wedding a small ceremony is held for the gimokod of
the ancestors. The flesh of a fowl and prepared betel nut are offered while
a baylan calls: "You gimokod, if you are here, this is for you. Care for the
boy and girl who will live together and do not let them become ill." After
the spirits have had time to eat, the family consumes the food. No outsiders
attend this event.
It is customary for the boy to serve his father-in-law for a few months,
in which case the couple lives with the bride's people for a time. This
service may not be exacted if the man has other wives, or if he has a suitable
house of his own. Recently the presidente of Mailag married a girl from
Sumilao. Being a headman he could not go to serve her people, so he
brought the bride's entire family to Mailag. The ultimate place of resi-
dence is optional, but is usually near the man's family.
Polygyny is allowed, but is not common even among the well-to-do.
The first spouse is head wife and apparently runs the family with little
friction. The procedure is the same for all marriages. Subsequent wives
and their children share equally in the estate, in case of the husband's
death. Certain unions are prohibited. Brothers and sisters, and cousins on
both paternal and maternal sides, are forbidden to marry. A man is also
prohibited from taking a daughter-in-law as his wife. He may, however,
marry a sister-in-law.
Should a wife desert her husband for another man, her relatives are re-
quired to return twice the amount of the marriage price. Killing an un-
faithful wife and her admirer is considered justified, but the husband sel-
dom if ever carries out such a penalty. Cases of infidelity are usually
referred to the presidente and council, who customarily demand the return
of the marriage price and in addition assess a fine of about 1 5 pesos. The
wife then is free.
76 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
The couple may separate if they do not get along well together, but
there is usually strong pressure from the girl's relatives to keep this from
happening. One reason for this is that if the woman is at fault the marriage
gifts must be returned. The presidente and elders discuss the case and
decide on the penalty, but they cannot prevent a separation if the couple
is determined. The wife may have property in her own name; if so she
takes it with her. The husband likewise controls what he possesses, but
both must help to provide for their children. Young children usually
remain with the mother, but later they are equally divided.
DEATH, BURIAL AND INHERITANCE
Immediately following a death the relatives are notified and the body
is prepared for burial. The corpse is bathed, its hair is oiled and combed,
and it is clothed in its best garments. If there are no children, it is proper
to place all of the dead person's garments with him, but as a rule one suit
suffices. In former times it was the custom to place a man's weapons in his
grave, or to leave a woman's beads and trinkets with her, but this is seldom
done now,
A bench known as lantay is constructed and when all is ready the body
is wrapped in a mat and is placed on it (fig. 57). Friends and relatives clad
in plain garments bring small presents of food. These are intended for the
mourners but if any is left it is later placed on the grave.
The usual period between death and interment is two days. This means
that the body remains in the house at least one night. This is an anxious
period during which no one is allowed to sleep. Most of the mourners will
put in periods of wailing, interspersed with occasional drinks from a jar of
liquor. During the period that the body is in the house, some of the
townspeople have been digging the grave. This is a rectangular crypt —
about four feet deep — not far from the town.
The lantay with the body stretched on it is carried from the house pre-
ceded by a man carrying a lighted torch. This is to prevent the gimokod
of the dead from returning to secure fire. The corpse is taken from the
lantay and is placed in the grave. Then split bamboo tubes are laid, tile
fashion, so that one end rests on the floor and the other against the side,
thus preventing any soil from touching the body. After the earth is filled
in, the lantay and torch are placed on the grave. It is said to be a good idea
to place sharpened bamboo spikes on it "to keep the busau away."
After the burial the people return to the house to eat and drink. Three
days later a ceremony known as Mag-kataposen is held for the gimokod of
the dead. The family gathers, and after cooking rice and a small chicken,
places this food at the top of the house ladder. One of the family, or a
baylan, begs the gimokod of the dead to come and eat for the last time, be-
THE LIFE CYCLE
77
Fig. 57. Drinking rice wine at a funeral.
fore it goes to the afterworld. After a time the family may eat the food
but the dishes used should be destroyed "as a sign that the spirit has really
gone."
If the dead person is an only wife, her husband wears a black cloth
around his head, but if it is a plural marriage he wears half black, half
white. Old garments should be worn for a year to show proper respect for
the departed. Restrictions on the wife are more severe. She wears old
clothes and cdlows her hair to fall free for about a month, or until relatives
of the dead think she has done enough. When that period is over she may
put on good, but not gay, garments. For her the period of mourning lasts
two years.
Finally a little ceremony called Paglognas is held. The blood of a small
chicken is sprinkled on the head of the bereaved "as a sign that the period
of sorrow is past." Rice and the flesh of the fowl are cooked and placed on
the mat. Then the Magbabaya are urged to look to the welfare of the spouse.
The gimokod or spirits of the person are not summoned. The similarity of
the death and mourning procedures to other Malayan areas is most strik-
ing. (See Cole, 1922, pp. 289 AT.; Cole, 1945a, pp. 118, 156-157, 267.)
Equally striking is the very diflferent treatment of the dead by the nearby
Manobo. (See Garvan, 1931, pp. 121-128.)
78 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
If at the end of mourning a brother of the dead man wishes to take the
widow, he may do so by paying the family 6 pesos "as a sign that she still
belongs to them." If a suitor appears, he must get the consent of the dead
husband's family and must pay them as much as was originally paid for
the widow. This would make it appear that she is the property of her
husband's family. To an extent this is true, but she need not marry an
outsider. If she is the only wife and there are no children, she inherits all
her husband's property. If there are children, she retains one-half the
estate and her children divide the balance. In case of a plural marriage
all wives share equally, unless one is judged to have been unworthy. Chil-
dren of all wives — boys and girls alike — share equally.
It is said that formerly, when a dato died, all the spirits were invited,
but a special message was sent to the spirit Tagalambon to come and share
in the food provided at the funeral. The spirits (gimokod) of a dato might
remain nearby to care for his people, but all others dwell on Mount
Balatocan.
IV* Social and Political Organization
THE DATO
Information concerning the former social and political organization is
conflicting. We were told by the people in Central Bukidnon that before
the coming of the Spaniards they had a principal ruler or dato who had the
same power as is now exercised by the American governor — "when he
gave orders all people obeyed." Each section also had its petty dato, who
had a large house near which the people built their homes and had their
fields. In this house lived a considerable number of retainers and fighting
men in addition to the family of the ruler. In times of danger or of cere-
mony all the people assembled there. They worked the lands of the dato,
but he afforded protection, and when they were assembled at his place,
they were fed from his stores. Such a situation recalls that of the Bagobo of
the Davao Gulf region (Cole, 1913, p. 95).
One account says that each petty dato showed his greatness by displaying
vases — probably Chinese jars — by the possession of ornamental boxes,
and by wearing the distinctive cloth crown with three upright points
(Clotet, 1889, pp. 288, 297-300, 304). This is evidently the headdress of a
distinguished warrior, but while it is probable that a dato would belong to
that group, the use of that sign of distinction was not confined to the rulers.
The accounts, however, do indicate that in the Central area the chief dato
may have had a distinctive headdress. The datos claimed the special protec-
tion of a group of spirits — Omaldgad, Pamahdndi, Tomanod, Molin-olin and
Ibabasd — who aided them in their duties. The datos were important func-
tionaries in the ceremonies and were judges in all matters of dispute. If the
case was a difficult one, the dato called in the headmen of the region and
discussed it with them, and it is said that at times the dispute might go to
the head dato. The procedure in a case is described as follows. The evidence
was heard and a penalty assessed. Then the culprit and the accuser were
directed to take hold of the ends of a piece of rattan, while the dato besought
the spirits to watch. Next he directed the accused person to cut through the
rattan with a single blow of his bolo (knife). If he failed it was a sign that he
still had an evil mind and was unrepentant and deserving of additional
punishment. If he succeeded, the accuser was directed to cut the rattan.
79
80 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Failure on his part indicated that he was not satisfied with the judgment
and ultimately would avenge himself.
When the datos were assured that justice had been done, they directed
the two parties to exchange head-cloths as a sign that they agreed with the
verdict. This done, the data took the rattan and holding it in his hands
addressed the Magbabdya, gimokod and other spirits, asking them to take
notice that the parties had accepted the judgment and invoking their aid in
punishing whichever one might break his promises.
Nearly all disputes were settled by fines of plates, Chinese jars, animals
or money, but the ordeal was invoked at times. It is said that in the Central
District thieves were sometimes clubbed to death, either by a data or at his
orders.
It frequently became necessary for a dato to send messages to other lo-
calities. To insure the safety of the messenger the dato lent him a long
spear — called ttap — with silver rings around the shaft. This sign of a
friendly mission was universally respected. (See also Clotet, 1889, p. 297.)
Some informants insisted that the office oidato was hereditary, but others
stated that it only tended to be so, and that a strong leader might be chosen
by the men, even though unrelated to the ruler. It does seem certain that in
the Central area the children of the dato were under the protection of par-
ticular spirits and made special offerings. Polygyny was allowed to all
Bukidnon but seldom practiced except by the datos. They also had more
slaves than others.
From what has been written it would appear that at least in the Central
District a chief dato was recognized. It is certain that each settlement or
area had its local dato. Those at a distance, as in the Cagayan Valley, were
virtually independent, yet there was in general a feeling of unity among the
Bukidnon. That the dato system was not deeply entrenched is indicated by
the ease with which the American governor was able to replace it with the
modern system.
Now (1910) each village has its presidente who is recognized by, and is
responsible to, the American provincial governor. He is chosen by all the
men, who whisper their choice to the vice presidente; he, in turn, an-
nounces the result. The presidente receives no pay, but he carries a cane as
the insigne of office, and he does have considerable prestige. He is assisted
by a vice presidente and a varying number of councillors, all of whom are
elected by popular vote. Each Bukidnon must declare some village as his
place of residence, and to it he owes a certain amount of civic labor — in
town improvement or in such road work as is demanded by the governor.
The idea of authority is strongly entrenched, and the presidente carries
out most of the duties and enjoys the privileges formerly belonging to the
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 81
dato. Even outside villages not yet directly under American control tend to
conform to the new pattern, although the dato may automatically take on
the title and duties of presidente.
Use of the ordeal to detect a guilty party has been mentioned. A needle
is put in a pot of boiling water, and the accused is ordered to take it out.
If he is innocent he will not be injured, but if guilty he will suffer burns.
One may suspect that the prospect of the ordeal might lead to confessions.
No such test was observed.
CRIME AND LAW
According to the old Bukidnon law code a brother might avenge the
death of a brother or sister without fear of punishment. Infidelity is said to
have been ample cause for the wronged husband to kill his wife or her ad-
mirer. This part of the code is not taken seriously today. It is common
knowledge that the wife of a leading man of Mambwaya has lived openly
at times with a man from another town, but she has neither been discarded
nor has trouble followed. Several other cases of infidelity and unlawful co-
habitation have come to the writer's notice but so far as can be learned
there are no prostitutes. An unchaste girl, even with child, has little dif-
ficulty in finding a husband. She is not an outcast in the group, but the
groom does not have to pay the usual marriage fee to her people.
Sexual freedom is prohibited to widows, but punishment comes from the
spirit world. A widow may remarry but her new husband must pay her
parents-in-law a sum approximately that given by them in the first place.
However, a brother-in-law may take her as wife with only token payment.
This clearly recognizes the family's claim, yet she is in no sense a slave or
servant. This custom of the levirate is not widely distributed in the Philip-
pines.
Land in and near to permanent settlements is owned by individuals and
families. The same is true of material objects and animals, but land once
abandoned can be taken up and used at will. Land offers no problem at
present since the sparse population can make use of but a fraction of the
land available.
When questions occur as to what is the law, they are answered by the
query, "What is the custom?"
WARFARE
The writer knows of no other pagan tribe in the Philippines which
today is so little interested in warfare, yet there is ample evidence that war-
riors were once held in high esteem. Some of the older men possess distinc-
tive garments and headdresses which proclaim them as men of valor.
82 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Stories told by these warriors indicate that from time to time they were
compelled to withstand raids from the Moros to the west and from the
Manobo and other tribes to the east and south. The Moros came in search
of slaves; the "wild men" came to kill and to gain distinction as well as to
secure loot and slaves. From these stories' one might assume that the
Bukidnon were always pacific and always victims of more aggressive tribes-
men. Ultimately one learns that the prestige accruing to a successful war-
rior, as well as the existence of a mild form of slavery, were incentives which
fostered war and raids by the Bukidnon until recent times. Even today dire
necessity sometimes results in serious fights, or at least in preparations for
trouble. Shortly after our stay in Dagondalahon that village was raided by
renegade Moros and several were killed.
Until recent years the warrior went into battle clad in a padded sleeve-
less coat, over which were wound several yards of closely woven, decorated
cloth. At the waist was a colored kilt or apron held by a woven belt, under
which a fighting knife and sheath were slipped so that the knife might be
quickly grasped with the right hand (fig. 58). The padded coat made of
hemp cloth was heavy enough to stop a spear, arrow, or knife. The sash
was both decorative and protective. It passed over the shoulders and en-
circled the body several times. The kilt was purely decorative.
There are still a few aged warriors who are permitted to wear three- or
five-pointed cloth headdresses covered with embroidery (fig. 59). These
signify that the owners have taken several human lives. Another distinctive
head cloth, called panditan, trimmed with white beads, was also the mark
of a successful warrior. Disaster would overtake any one who might wear
such a garment unworthily. Mangabok of Bankod has such a headdress in
his own right, but before the headman of Mailag, who inherited one, put
it on to have his picture taken, he had to sacrifice a chicken to the rightful
ancestral possessor. This custom of allowing distinctive dress for successful
warriors is found among the nearby Manobo and among the Bagobo and
Mandaya to the south. (See Garvan, 1931, p. 22; Cole, 1913, pp. 96, 167.)
A further protective device, worn as a part of the warrior's dress, is a
charmed bandolier called talian which hangs on the left side after passing
over the right shoulder. Figure 60 shows one taken from the dead body of a
warrior who challenged the power of constabulary bullets. It is made of
grass overwrapped with cloth and to it are attached shells, pigs' tusks, a
magic stone, a carved dog's head and an alligator's tooth. A similar device,
made largely of shells, is worn by the distinguished warrior shown in figure
59. Others which were examined contained a fungus growth and peculiar
bits of wood and stone. These bandoliers are supposed to protect the
wearers from the weapons of enemies. Similar charms are found among the
Fig. 58. Warrior in battle dress.
83
84 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Bagobo of Davao Gulf. (See Cole, 1913, p. 108.) Clotet (1889, p. 296) says
the talian is a little idol resembling a monkey seated on its haunches. It is
carried on the breast by a cord and may be used to detect the presence of
an enemy. If sick they submerge the idol in water and then drink it.
With the warrior properly clad we turn to his weapons. Each carries a
long spear which is thrown or thrust — preferably the latter. He also has a
fighting knife encased in a wooden sheath and he carries a shield. The
usual shields are relatively long and narrow (figs. 58, 59). They are made of
wood, are carried in the left hand, and are used to deflect the weapons of
enemies. The raised center allows space on the reverse side for the hand
grip. When not in use the shield is suspended from the shoulder by means
of a carrying band. Much attention is given to the decoration of these
arms. Nearly all show some carving and painting, or are inlaid with beads
or mother-of-pearl. They are made locally but are similar to those used by
the Moros of the Lake Lanao district.
Less common but more eflftcient is the round shield made of bamboo
sticks radiating out from a small wooden disk. These sticks form an in-
flexible warp; the weft is made up of slender rattan strips which pass under
one and over one of the warp elements until the shield is complete. A
woven rattan edge is finally added. On the back are two wooden loops.
The arm of the warrior slips under one while the hand grasps the other
(figs. 54, 55).
In a bark case usually attached to the shield is a package of sharpened
bamboo spikes. These are concealed in the trail with the intention of
piercing the feet of a pursuing enemy. They are also placed around a camp
when a party is forced to spend the night in dangerous territory. This type
of device is found throughout Malaysia.
Today the spirit of the warriors is broken. They talk of former prowess,
and do occasionally find it necessary to form defensive parties, but there is
no evidence of militant intention. This is reflected in their modern weapons
— few in number and usually poor in quality. Their forges turn out inferior
blades used in agriculture. Such spears and knives as are really good are
secured from the Moros. A few bows and arrows were seen in areas close
to the Manobo, but they are of little interest to the tribe as a whole.
There is no remembrance of head-hunting although it was customary to
cut off the arm of a slain foe as proof of a kill. The relatives of the victors
were permitted to strike the trophy with their knives, after which it was
hung up under the house until a ceremony could be made to Talabosau —
the spirit who looks after warriors and angry persons. A chicken or pig was
killed and its blood smeared on the talian. Following this off"ering the arm
was placed near the entrance of the village to recall the bravery of the
victor.
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
85
Fig. 59. Warrior with padded coat and distinctive headdress.
In the central and southern part of Bukidnon territory the writer was
told of a custom, formerly followed, which appears closely related to the
human sacrifice of the Davao Gulf region (Cole, 1913, p. 94; 1922, p. 372),
and to the blood feuds associated with head-hunting in Northern Luzon.
According to the accounts of several older men it was the custom after a
death of an adult to hold a ceremony known as Mag-kataposen, which con-
86 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
sisted primarily in offering food to the spirits. Following this event the wife
might not comb her hair nor could the bereaved husband wear a head
cloth until friends, relatives and other townspeople had gone to fight
against an enemy and secured at least one victim. The head was not taken
but a hand or limb would be brought back and would be hung up in a tree
near the home.
If an enemy was captured, he was taken to the house of the dead and
was tied to the lantay — the frame on which the dead had rested. The war-
riors then danced around the victim brandishing their spears. Finally a
male relative speared the victim to death. In the celebration which fol-
lowed, animals were slaughtered and much liquor was drunk. Old-time
Bukidnon warriors in the Cagayan Valley denied that they ever practiced
this sacrifice, but agreed that the others did.
In a preceding paragraph mention was made of Talabosau, the patron of
the warriors. He also cares for those who are seized with a frenzy and run
amuck. This type of hysteria follows a typical pattern and is not uncom-
mon. During our stay in Bukidnon a man in the neighboring village was
lying on the floor, with his head in his wife's lap, while she loused him.
Suddenly he sprang up, seized his knife and killed her. Her father hearing
the commotion ran in and he likewise was killed. Neighbors seized the
frenzied man and threw him to the floor. Then a live chicken was torn
apart and the bloody flesh and feathers were forced into his mouth. With
this he fell asleep. When he awoke he explained that the spirit had pos-
sessed him and directed his actions. He said he loved his wife and had no
grudge against his father-in-law.
Several other rather recent cases were recalled, but the one with the
most impressive results took place not far from the new Provincial capital,
Malaybalay. A man in frenzy met and killed two boys on the trail. His
explanation of possession satisfied the Bukidnon but not the American
governor, who had him jailed until the next session of court. When the
killer was brought before the judge from the coast, the latter started to
speak to him. As he did so he pointed his finger at the prisoner and the
latter dropped dead. The account of this event was given to the writer by
Governor Lewis, who stated that "running amuck" had dropped to zero
since this display of judicial power or magic.
SLAVERY
Discussion of warfare leads to the subject of slavery, for this and the
death observances appear to have been responsible for most of the hostile
raids. Women and children from distant towns were captured and were
either incorporated into the family circle or were sold. A good strong boy
brought about 30 pesos. A child thus secured served for life and passed as
Fig. 60. Protective bandolier called talian.
87
88 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
property upon the death of his master. He could marry and custom decreed
that his master must provide a mate. The children of such a union were
free. Often a female slave was accepted as a member of her owner's family.
If she bore him children both she and the offspring were free. A master who
mistreated his slaves would find himself in iH repute and public opinion is
strong. This mild form of servitude resulted in the incorporation of foreign
elements into the population and probably accounts for the considerable
amount of negroid blood observed.
Although this section is written in the past tense servitude still continues
to a limited extent. Two cases were brought to the attention of the writer
while he was living in the village of Mambwaya.
V» The Spirit World
I
Any attempt to understand or to describe the spirit world results in great
confusion. The investigator learns of a spirit — its name, attributes, place of
residence and other details — then suddenly it may appear to be several
spirits. The account which follows is, I believe, an accurate picture of
what the average Bukidnon believes and understands. The special knowl-
edge of the baylans is noted in each instance where it exceeds or contradicts
the usual pattern of belief.
The Bukidnon recognizes three classes of spirits. First to be noted are the
gimokod — the spirits of all men living or dead. Second are the Alabydnon — a
division which includes most of the powerful spirits. Finally come the
Kaliga-6n, sixteen powerful beings which are represented at certain cere-
monies by well-known symbols. They keep watch over the affairs of men
and warn offenders by sending illness. The harvest ceremony is held in
their honor, although other spirits appear at that time. In addition to these
three classes, the baylans sometimes mention a fourth, made up of unfriend-
ly spirits called busau or bal-bal. Actually it seems that they should be in-
cluded under the Inkanto, the second group of Alabydnon.
THE BAYLANS
Most traffic with the spirit world is through or with the aid of the baylans
— a group of men or women who claim the ability to discover the cause of
sickness. They also know how to conduct ceremonies acceptable to the
spirits. It is said that the first baylan was taught by Molin-olin, the spirit of
his afterbirth brother (see p. 69), who for this reason is considered a pa-
tron and guide. Two other spirits, Ongli and Domalondon, also appear to the
baylan and usually assist in determining the cause of the trouble. The
baylans do not form a priesthood, although they are a definite group. Should
one of them be visiting in a village where a ceremony is in progress he or
she assists as a matter of course.
A person becomes a baylan as a matter of choice, and not because he is
called or warned by the spirit world. He goes to a recognized baylan and
acts as his understudy for several months, during which time he receives
other special training. The writer watched a teacher and pupil over a con-
siderable period of time. The baylan (fig. 61) would spread a mat and on it
89
90 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
place kernels of corn in a row. These represented spirits whose names and
attributes were repeated many times until the pupil had memorized them
perfectly. Next the instructor described the ceremonies and the things to be
done in each. Then followed the songs, many of which contain obsolete
words.
It is said that some baylans possess special gifts or powers, such as the
ability to go to the sky and talk with the spirits there, but in general the
content of their training and their competence is similar. The field notes
which contain data from a number of baylans in various parts of the
Bukidnon area show a surprising agreement in names and duties for a be-
wildering number of spirits. Likewise the ceremonies vary but little from
town to town.
A pupil pays for his instruction. For example, the ranking baylan of the
village of Langawan claims to have paid his teacher nine pesos, eight
chickens, one Chinese plate and a small knife.
The baylans must conduct the Kaliga-6n ceremony and they usually
officiate at all major events where the spirits are summoned. (However,
minor offerings may be made by anyone "who knows how to talk to the
spirits.") Payment for their services is small and varies, according to the
spirits summoned, from a few pennies to a peso. In addition they receive
six packages of cooked rice, half of a pledged chicken {ipo), and all the
rings and beads used in the ceremony.
The customary way of ascertaining the cause of trouble or the name of
the spirit responsible for illness is for the baylan to measure a spear. He
holds the weapon horizontally in front of him and measures the span of his
arms on it. This is marked by tying a cord on the shaft which is then stuck
into the floor. Betel nut is prepared for chewing and is placed on the floor.
The baylan seats himself before it and addresses the proper spirit. (This dif-
fers according to the ceremony.) The substance of the prayer is an appeal
for the speedy recovery of the patient, and for power to determine the
cause of the illness. Finally he pleads, "If the sickness is caused by so-and-
so I ask you to let the measurement on the spear be extended." He rises
and again measures the span of his arms. If it is the same as before, the
spirit named is not responsible, but if it has increased it is a sign that the
right spirit has been found. In any case the measuring is continued until
the cause is determined.
The various activities of the baylan appear in connection with the discus-
sion of the spirit world and description of the ceremonies. It is important to
note that the baylans are not "mediums" in the sense that is usual among
Malayan peoples. They carry out many of the duties of the mediums, but
their bodies are not possessed by the superior beings. They do not appear
to be unstable characters as is so common among the mediums of the
THE SPIRIT WORLD
91
Fig. 61 . Baylan and pupil.
nearby Manobo or of Malaysia in general. (See Garvan, 1931, p. 29; and
Cole, 1945a, index entries.)
The number of baylans in the towns varies greatly. In the village of
Langawan there are six, namely: Mangontawal, Amaydolona, Amaylania,
Amaydayano, Salilo and Sampayan.
THE SPIRITS
The Gimokod
In our discussion of spirits we deal first with the individual Bukidnon.
Each person has seven spirits called gimokod: one jumps on the cliff; one
swims in the water; one puts its hands into snake holes; one sits under a
tree; one is always walking around; one is awake in the day; one is awake
in the night. If all are in his (or her) body at the same time, he is well and
strong, but if one or more are wandering or get into trouble, the owner
becomes ill. Should all the gimokod leave the body at one time death re-
sults.
This idea of multiple spirits leads to several unusual practices, among
which "soul catching" is of special importance. (For a full discussion of
this idea among other tribes of Malaysia, see Cole, 1913, p. 105; and
1945a, pp. 190-191.) When a person becomes thin or ailing with no appar-
ent reason, it is evident that at least one of his gimokod is wandering. It then
becomes necessary to hold the Pagalono (Pag-gimokod) ceremony, to cause
92 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
its speedy return — otherwise it may meet with disaster, and its owner will
fall sick or die, or at least become disabled.
A small chicken is killed and prepared for food, but its legs and feet are
removed, for those might encourage the gimokod to wander. It is then
placed on a dish of cooked rice. A mat is spread near the patient and on it
are placed the food, prepared betel nut and a betel nut box. The baylan
addresses the spirits: "Now I call you, gimokod of this man which is walking
about; and you gimokod which sits under a large tree; and you gimokod
which jumps on the cliff; and you gimokod which swims in the water; come
here and eat, you are hungry. Return now to the body of this man. Now
enter the betel box." Suddenly he snaps the lid of the box, as he cries,
"This is the sign that I will not let you go, for I fear you may be frightened
by falling trees or rolling stones." The people eat the food and chew the
betel nut, but the spirit is left imprisoned until next morning. At that time
the baylan places the betel box on the patient's head and says, ''^Gimokod of
this man, I want you to return so that he may become well again. Do not
walk any more. Let him become fat."
When a man dies his seven gimokod merge into one which, after the
Mag-kataposen ceremony, goes to live on Mount Balatocan. "We know that
this is what happens, for our ancestors have taught us to call only one
gimokod of the dead, so that must be all there are." In this new home the
gimokod are under the care of the spirit GomogOnal (see under Alabyanon,
p. 95). There they have houses, plant crops, and live much as they did on
earth. The home of the gimokod is said to be a happy place where there is no
trouble, and people have clear minds. Despite this promise of a happy
hereafter, every effort is made to delay entrance to the land of the dead.
The dead do not die again, neither do they return to earth in any other
form. However, they do visit the living although they may not be seen.
They have power to injure the living so it is always a good idea to offer
them food and to pray to them at the time of ceremonies. In some in-
stances they cause illness. When this occurs the victim can see the gimokod.
Such offerings raise the question of ancestor worship. Regard is paid to
the gimokod of the dead, as just noted. The ancestors are also called upon at
the time of a wedding, but such attentions are on a minor scale. In only one
area — close to the Manobo — is a major ceremony held in their honor.
(See planting time at Limbayao, p. 53.)
Related to the person, but not one of his gimokod, is the Molin-olin, the
spirit of the afterbirth. It is said by some that if a person has been very bad
while on earth the spirit GomogOnal may put him in a burning hill, called
Dildilosan, where he is consumed. It may be suspected that this idea has
come about through contact with the Bisayan.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 93
The Ala by anon
The second and in many respects the most important class of spirits is
known as Alabydnon. This is at once subdivided into the Magbabdya and
"natural spirits," the latter including the spirits which live in trees, cliffs,
water and the like. Here also appear the spirit owners of animals and cer-
tain guardians or patrons. These are again divided so that those of the
immediate locality have individual names.
Ranking above all others are six powerful Magbabdya, while a few other
Alabydnon are ranked as lesser members of that group. So powerful are
these beings and so great is the awe of them that even the baylans fear to
mention their names without making an offering, and even then the name
is given only in a whisper. In general they are addressed in honorific terms,
which makes their identity even more difficult for the investigator to dis-
cover.
Standing high above all others is Magbabdya nang-gomo tilokan nanilampu,
''^Magbabdya most powerful of all; destroyer of all competitors." He usually
is identified as Migloginsal or Agobinsal, the creator of the earth. He is also
addressed as Lintowangan nanlimlag diwata nangaroyan balos sa nanggantian,
"the spirit who made trees, stones and people," or simply as Diwata
Magbabdya or Apo, "Sir." This all-powerful spirit lives in a house made of
coins, high in the sky. There are no windows in his home, for should men
or stones or trees see him they would at once dissolve into water. His name
is never used in conversation and is only taught to the new baylan after a
long period of probation. When questioned about this spirit one old
woman baylan became very ill. She showed great distress, vomited and
appeared near collapse. Only the application of "powerful medicine" by
the writer brought her out of the spell, but she could not be induced to con-
tinue the discussion. The ranking baylan of Langawan, named Amaydo-
lona, was finally persuaded that all the facts about this spirit should be
recorded. In evident fear he addressed the spirit, asking his pardon. He
then gave his name in a voice only a little above a whisper. Soon he also
developed stomach pains and had to be treated. This attempt to learn the
details about the spirits was not made until we had been with the Bukidnon
some time and had obtained their confidence. It is probable that an early
inquiry would have stopped the work completely.
The second Magbabdya, only slightly inferior to the first, is known as
Magbabdya tomindpay or Diwata na-ndpay tomas a nipirau, "the spirit who lives
under the earth and supports it with his hands."
Next in power are the Magbabdya at the four cardinal points. The earth
is shaped like a saucer, and the sky is the same in form, but its concavity is
toward the earth. These Magbabdya live at the points where earth and sky
94 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
meet. The spirit in the east is Magbabdya imbaiu, "spirit of the sun." He is
not the sun, but there is a hazy idea that the sun is a male spirit who serves
the Magbabdya. The spirit in the west is Magbabdya Lindon-an, "spirit of the
place where the sun hides." In the south is Magbabdya Pagosan, "spirit of
the place whence the waters come." Nearly all the rivers in this section
flow from the south — "so the water lives in the south and goes to the
north." Finally comes the spirit of the north — Magbabdya Tiponan — "spirit
of the place where the waters unite," i.e., the ocean.
Clotet (1889, p. 294) gives the four gods at the cardinal points as Do-
malongdog, Ongli, Tagalambong and Magbabdya. The first two, according to
our information, are the patrons of the baylans. He calls Magbabdya "The
All Powerful One."
In Langawan the baylans also recognize as very powerful Magbabdva
minumsob togdwa nangalangan, "the spirit who protects people and who fore-
sees events." He lives straight above in "the sky easily visible." He is the
grandfather of Malibotan, the spirit of the Kasaboahdn ceremony. It is said
that the Magbabdya live in houses like those of the Bukidnon except that
they are made of silver.
A second group of Alabydnon is known as Pamahdndi. In general the
Pamahdndi are spoken of and are addressed as a single individual. He is
said to be the spirit who cares for horses and carabao and who sends good
fortune. In such a capacity he is often recognized as one of the lesser
Magbabdya. Closer acquaintance with this being reveals that he is not one
but ten — each with a definite name and specific duties. Their names
are Pamahdndi putt, Pamahdndi lansion, Pamahdndi biohon, Pamahdndi slgolon,
Pamahdndi hagsdlan, Pamahdndi bonau, Pamahdndi opos, Pamahdndi logdangon,
Pamahdndi komagasgas, Pamahdndi somdgda. Not all of these names are recog-
nized in the Central Valley, but there is agreement as to the number and
duties. As protectors of the horses and carabao and as senders of good for-
tune, they are much respected and some time during each year each family
will make a ceremony to obtain their good will. Despite their good quali-
ties, however, they may cause trouble and send sickness, such as earache or
consumption.
Another multiple spirit, often ranked as a lesser Magbabdya, is Bulaldkau,
the spirit or spirits of the water. They have their home in the center of the
sea but they also frequent springs, streams and rivers. They are sometimes
spoken of collectively as Talawahig, "dwellers in the water." One of these
spirits is responsible for drowning. He pulls a person down, takes out his
spirit, and throws the body to the surface. "We know that this is true for
when the body is recovered the spirit is gone." Bulaldkau properly belongs
to the group of nature spirits known as Inkanto, and he is often addressed
with others in that division.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 95
Particular spirits, classified as Alabydnon but not easily fitted into regular
groups, are: First, Molin-olin, the spirit of the afterbirth. When a child is
born a spirit "brother" is likewise born. When its body is buried and be-
comes earth the spirit goes to the sky, where it lives and watches over its
living brother. It never dies. "We do not know how it lives, but its home is
straight above and it swings, maybe in a cradle — for the prayer taught us
by our ancestors and used by the datos when they act as judges starts with
'Now my Molin-olin who is swinging high up in the sky.' " Spirits two and
three, Domalon-don and Ongli, are patron spirits of the baylans and of datos
who act as judges. They should be asked to give "a clear mind." Four and
five are Panglang and her servant Mangonoyamo. These are female spirits who
care for mid wives, pregnant women, and unborn children. (See Panglang
ceremony, pp. 68-9.) Number six is Palilitan, a young male spirit for whom
the miniature cradle is hung over a new-born child. It is his duty to protect
the infant from sickness and danger. He is a servant of Panglang, but is not
recognized by the baylans of the Central Valley. Number seven, GomogOnal,
is the spirit of a man who lived in the "first times." He now has his home
on Mount Balatocan where he looks after the spirits (gimokod) of the dead.
He is regarded as a true member of the Alabydnon. Number eight, Tala-
bosau, is the patron of the warriors and of people who run amuck. Nine, ten
and eleven consist of Omaldgad, patron of the hunters and their dogs. (In
the Panalikot ceremony he is recognized as chief of the spirits of the rocks,
cliff's and trees. It is said that he is as powerful as Bulaldkau.) With him is
his aid, Magomdnay, who lives in the high mountains. He is the real owner
of the deer and wild hogs. (Here we find a conflict among the baylans, some
of whom insist that the latter spirit belongs to the Inkanto division, and that
he is one of two spirits which live in the baliti trees.) The third spirit as-
sociated with Omaldgad is Dumarahol. The name SalikEt is often applied to
all three. Number twelve is Amimisol, who cares for the chickens. Should
the fowls of a village be ailing a hen is made ipo, that is, pledged, to this
spirit. If this fails to make things right some of the eggs or one of the chick-
ens of the ipo bird are destroyed. In the Central Valley this spirit is thought
to care for domestic pigs as well as fowls. Thirteen, an important spirit in
the Cagayan Valley but not recognized in the Central area, is Malibotan.
He is said to be the grandchild of Magbabdya minumsob. Together with his
grandfather he oversees married couples. For them each family holds a
yearly ceremony known as Kasaboahdn, "union." Number fourteen, the
final spirit in this category, is Aguio. Once a man famed for his bravery as
a warrior, he is now a spirit who lives on earth and sometimes attends the
Kaliga-dn ceremony. He also appears in the folk talesL
A group of seven Alabydnon appear as servants to the Kaliga-6n. Their
names are given to clarify their place when and if they are called during
96 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
the ceremony. These are Holldon or Holoyodon; DEgbason; Pamogya-on;
Lumolumbak kobaybay, data malabidaya, "the pilot when the Kaliga-6n make
trips"; Mayakl lioban; Mayaki batdsan or kompdsan; and Mayaki lombdran.
The "nature spirits" are lesser Alabydnon. Among them Bulaldkau is
listed although he is usually considered as a lesser Magbabdya. General
names such as Tagabogta, "lives in or on the earth," or Tagumbanua, for
those living near a town, are often applied. It is said that their chief lives
on a mountain called Babonan but the others live everywhere. Among
them is Tao sa salup, "man of the forest."
A more specific name for these nature spirits is Inkanto but the term
busau is also used. It is said that the Inkanto have only half a face; the body
is complete but many of them walk on their hands with their heads hanging
down and their feet up. Some have fur on their bodies but the hairs are
sharp like needles.
Of great importance among the Inkanto are the Tagahtlum, "dwellers in
silence," and Magomdnay, "spirits which live in the baliti trees," and per-
haps all other large trees. These are their homes and if they are cut down
the spirits must move. Such spirits are important in the ceremonies and in
the everyday life of the people, as well. Close to them are the Lalawag,
spirits who live in groves and who own deer and bees. Tagadaldma are
spirits living in the cliffs. Some are poor, and when men fall and are killed
they steal their clothing. Tagabato (or tao sa bato) are the possessors of all
large stones.
Listed with the "nature spirits" are the Ibabaso, the spirits who live in
the fields and care for the crops. A yearly ceremony is made for them and
they are also closely identified with the Kaliga-6n. They appear to be more
powerful than any of the Inkanto just mentioned, and are held in great
reverence. They probably stand apart from that grouping.
Clotet (1889, p. 294) mentions a spirit Ibabasug who is invoked in child-
birth. According to him Tagumbanua is god of the fields to whom the
Kaliga ceremony is dedicated.
Finally we come to the local spirits. Every cliff", strange stone, spring and
brook has its resident spirit. Each has its name which is known to the vil-
lagers. A partial list was compiled for each village, but these appear to
have no significance beyond demonstrating the multiplicity of locally-
known spirit beings.
The Kaliga-on
The third and last class of spirits is the Kaliga-6n, made up of sixteen
powerful spirits who dwell in high hills or mountains, particularly in vol-
canoes. The sixteen are: (1) DagingOn, (2) Korongon, (3) Liga-6n, (4) Bontld-
lon, (5) SEgkaron, (6) Laulau-on, (7) SapawEn, (8) Linankdban, (9) Masauba-
THE SPIRIT WORLD 97
sau, (10) Tagalambon, (11) Htnoldban, (12) Sayobdnban, (13) Moyoii-boyon,
(14) Gologondo, (15) Lantangon, (16) TambolOn. All are powerful but Go/o-
^owfl'o and Tagalambon appear to lead the others, with Lantangdn and
Hinoldban following.
Certain objects which belong to, or represent, these beings must always
be used in the ceremonies they attend.
Two or three sticks tied horizontally and called dagingdn belong to the
first six named. Four sticks tied in the same manner are also called by this
term, but this number is reserved for SapawEn.
Basket-like receptacles made of tiny bamboo tubes are filled with leaves
and contain part of a pig's skull. These are known as golon-golon and are for
spirits nine to fourteen inclusive.
Lantangdn is represented by a small carved figure, while a single bamboo
tube is reserved for Tambolon.
A "table" made of wooden disks sHpped on a salaban stick is prepared
for the four strongest spirits. The detailed use of these devices is given in
connection with the Kaliga-6n ceremony.
The term diwata is often applied to the Magbabdya and Kaliga-6n, but
never to the lesser Alabydnon, or to the spirits of the dead. A tide, tomittma,
"lives," which may be applied to any spirit is frequently heard in the
ceremonies.
Clotet (1889, p. 295) describes a stone idol called tighas which he says
descended from the sky and is possessed only by datos. Today a few pe-
culiar stones, called tigbas a ktlat, "teeth of the lightning," are in the pos-
session of the Bukidnon. These stones are said to have fallen where light-
ning has struck. They are powerful in stopping violent storms, for if one is
laid outside, the rain will cease. No other objects by this name could be
found. The same writer (p. 296) also describes wooden figures of monkeys
called talian. That name is now given to the charmed bandolier worn by
noted warriors, which may contain various objects.
Fowls and animals belonging to the spirits are sometimes referred to in
the ceremonies, and occasionally offerings consisting of refuse are put out
for them, but they are not considered to be spirits. On several occasions the
writer was told that the earth rests on two huge serpents, male and female,
called Intombangol, who lie so as to form a cross. Their mouths are below the
water at the point where earth and sky meet. When they move they cause
earthquakes; when they breathe they cause the winds; if they pant they
cause violent storms. They do not fall for they are held up by Magbabdya
tominapay. There seems to be no general agreement about these beings, but
some baylans think they should be classed as lesser Alabydnon.
In an earlier section mention was made of the spirits of the baliti (Ficus
sp.) trees. These trees are held in reverence by nearly all Mindanao tribes,
98 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
partially because of their size and partially because they "bleed" when cut,
and also because nothing grows beneath them. If a piece of land is to be
cleared and it becomes necessary to cut down one of these trees, the owner
of the field will go alone and cut a sapling. He strips off the bark and leaves
and leans the pole against the haliti tree. Then he addresses the spirits as
follows: "If there is a man living in this tree, here is wood for you to use as
a sign. If you are unwilling that I cut this tree, throw this wood away. If
it pleases you to have this tree cut down, then leave this pole where it is."
He then goes home. Next day he returns and if the stick has fallen or has
disappeared it signifies that the spirit is unwilling. If the stick is still in
place, the spirit gives consent. Then the owner says, "Now I am going to
cut the baliti tree right away. If the owner is still here, please go to that
other tree." Often he prepares betel nut for the spirit and places it at the
foot of the tree as he says, "You man of this tree, go away, for we are going
to cut it down so that we can clear our field. You must not be angry with
us when we destroy your house for here is your payment. Come and chew
and do not be angry."
Closely related to the acts just cited is a minor ceremony called Magi-
habaso. At the time a clearing is to be made in the forest the owner goes to
the chosen spot accompanied by several friends. They carry rice, chicken
eggs, betel nut and liquor. A seat is constructed and the chickens are tied
beneath it. Betel nut prepared for chewing is placed on it and the owner
of the field addresses the spirits of the stones, baliti trees, vines, cliffs, and of
any holes that may be in the field. He also calls on Maghabdya and Ibabaso:
"Now do not be angry with me because we are about to clear this land; do
not be surprised or offended for we are going to kill some chickens and let
you eat rice, drink agkEd, and eat meat. When we go to plant, let the seed
bear a good crop." All the people present blow upon the chickens and then
kill them.
While the food is being prepared some of the people begin the clearing
of the land while others build a baldbag. When all is ready food is placed on
the seat and the workers are summoned. Again the owner summons the
spirits. He invites them to eat, and having done so, to be satisfied and not
injure those who would use the land.
VL The Ceremonies
It will have been observed that offerings and minor ceremonies are of
such regular occurrence that it becomes purely arbitrary when certain
observances are singled out for discussion under "ceremonies."
Many acts are performed in connection with agriculture, and others at
various times in the life cycle, which clearly are ceremonies. Even the
building of a house or the cutting of certain trees requires the services of one
or more bavlans who make offerings to members of the spirit world.
The following somewhat special ceremonies were witnessed one or more
times during the months spent in Bukidnon. (Among other important ob-
servances are Pagalono or Pag-gimokod, Mag-kataposen and Pagalogas.) It is
possible that others take place but that is doubtful, for the baylans had
become anxious to have even the most minute details recorded for the
book "which their grandchildren might read and come to know the
customs of their ancestors."
PANGAMPO
This is a community affair held when an epidemic, such as cholera or
smallpox, threatens; or when locusts invade the area or other disasters seem
imminent. The headman {dato or presidente) summons all the people to a
general meeting. The danger is stated and a day is set when all will as-
semble, each bearing gifts for the spirits whose help is sought. On the ap-
pointed day packages of cooked rice tied in fresh banana leaves are placed
in a pile near a large mat. Chickens are tied to stakes nearby to await the
time of sacrifice. On the mat are betel nuts, leaves and lime ready for
chewing.
All the people of the village gather around while the baylans call first to
the gimokod of the dead, then to the Magbabdya and the Alabydnon and
especially to the Bulaldkau, god of the water.
The gimokod are urged to assist them in addressing the Magbabdya so that
they will avert the threatened danger and be pleased to grant good crops.
Each animal which is to be slaughtered is passed from hand to hand so that
everyone may blow on it. Meanwhile the baylans beseech the Magbabdya to
watch and listen to their pleas and to keep the pests away. The Alabydnon
99
100 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
are urged to "form a wall about them" (i.e., surround them) and persuade
those who carry illness not to approach the town. When finally they have
made a special plea to Bulaldkau the killing of animals begins.
Preparations have been started early in the day but it is nightfall before
all the food is ready to be spread on mats in the center of a large house. A
jar of liquor (agkEd, fermented rice wine) is placed in the center and
around this fresh banana leaves are laid to serve as plates. The packages of
cooked rice previously prepared are opened and meat is placed on each.
The spirits like decorations, so a cord is stretched along each side of the
room and on it good clothes and blankets are hung. These are not gifts.
All is ready and at this juncture everyone addresses the spirits, "Now
you gimokod, Magbabaya and Alabydnon, approach for it is time to eat what
we have prepared. We ask you to help us in averting this trouble. You can
drive it from this town. We also wish to ask that no other trouble may
come to us and that we may have successful lives. You now surround this
town, so do not let anything strange come to us." The prayer or its sub-
stance is repeated many times. Finally the leader bids each person to put
his food into the large baskets so that it may be re-divided. Equal shares
are given to every person there, including visitors. Most of them eat at
once, but they may carry their portions home if they wish.
PANALIKOT OR OMALAGAD
When a person is ill and the cause has not been determined a baylan is
called. His actions are similar to those described under the Kaliga-6n cere-
mony, but since it differs in part it is given as witnessed.
A baylan came, and after placing the spear on the floor, he put tinalad
beside it and prayed to the Magbabaya, "Please help me to ask the spirit
who holds the babala-on [spear]. Let the spirits of the old baylans come and
watch my work for this is a sick man here whom I am going to bala-on
[i.e., learn the cause of his sickness]. What kind of illness has the man?"
Then addressing the spear, the baylan said, "You spear, I want you now to
tell me the truth; you must not lie. Let me know what sickness this man
has." He measured one span of his arms on the spear and then stuck it into
the floor after having marked the distance on the shaft. Then he said,
"Now perhaps the man has been made ill by the Salikot, or some other
spirits [the Salikot are not spirits but are the articles owned by certain
spirits as described on p. 101]. If that is true, let the measurement be ex-
tended." He again measured and found that he was able to increase his
span. As the Salikot had been mentioned, it was decided that they caused
the sickness. Then addressing the spirit, he said, "Whey! If it is true that
the Salikot has caused the sickness I want that the man now be well, for
now I will cut the comb of a chicken [ipo]. Here is a red chicken and a dog
THE CEREMONIES 101
which I am going to ipo [i.e., pledge] so that this man may be well. To-
morrow he should be all right for I will prepare the things necessary for the
ceremony." He then cut a small piece out of the comb of the rooster and
poured a little water on the dog while he said, "Let the sick man be well
for I ipo the dog. Now I want the Omaldgad to come here and listen to me
for I will ipo the dog." (If this takes place before harvest time, the ceremony
will not be held until after the crops are gathered, otherwise it will be held
as soon as the things can be prepared.) Liquor was prepared and chickens
and rice were reserved for the celebration which followed.
On the morning of February 3 (1910) all the people of the town who
were under promise to make this ceremony and a few of their friends went
to a large baliti tree in the forest. (Anyone who desires may go with them
but no one may return to the town for three days; neither may anyone go
to the place where the ceremony is held after it is begun. All trails leading
to the place are closed — i.e., long grass with a knot tied near the end is
placed along the trail and should anyone pass the warnings, and approach
the forbidden spot, a spear is immediately hurled at him, and should it
result in injury or death the person who threw it is not considered at fault
and may not be punished. In the old times, even fighting parties would
respect this sign. (Recently, it is said, a relative of the sick man approached
after the ceremony had begun, and a spear was hurled at his feet, "not to
kill him, but to observe the old custom.") All the necessary things were put
at the foot of the tree and while the women prepared and cooked the rice,
the men made a little platform (banko) against the trunk of the tree. During
the ceremony, the participants never call the baliti tree by its name, but
speak of it as la-kog, because that is the name by which it is known to the
spirit Omaldgad. A little ladder is placed against the banko so that it leads
from it up to the leaves of the tree, where the spirit of the tree lives. This
ladder must be placed bottom up "because it will then be right for the
spirit who is coming down." The horns of a buck deer are joined with boar
tusks and about them is wrapped any strange vine, as for instance one
found growing through a hole in a tree or one tying itself in a knot. At any
time other than the ceremony, those objects are known as salikot but during
the ceremony they are known as osig.
The baylan then addressed the spirits, "Now Omaldgad [a spirit whose
home is unknown; he is a powerful Alabjdnon who is chief of the spirits of
rocks, cliffs, and trees, and by some said to be the patron of the hunters
who cares for the dogs. His power is equal to that of the chief Bulaldkati],
Magbabdya and all the Alabjdnon, come and see me while I am killing these
chickens." He put the blood of the chicken on the ipo dog and on the osig,
saying, "Perhaps the man was sick because he was injured by those pig
102 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
tusks; I want him to be all right because now I put blood on them. Now
I am putting blood on the vine, because it winds, for maybe the vine has
made him sick. If these horns have caused the illness, I want the man to be
well for I am putting the blood here." A balabag (p. 98) was built and
the feathers and entrails of the fowls put oft- it. The rice when cooked was
covered with banana leaves and the cooked chicken was placed in a dish.
All of this together with liquor and prepared betel nut was placed on the
banko. The packages of rice were opened and some meat placed on them.
A spear was placed beside the banko, leaning against the tree, and the osig
hung beside it. Then the spirits were again summoned, first Magbabdya,
second Mago-manay — a spirit subject to Omaldgad, owner of the deer and
wild hogs — third Omaldgad, and finally a general invitation was given to
all Alabydnon to come and eat. When time had been given for the spirits to
finish the people ate. When they had finished, the man who had been ill
fastened the osig over his shoulder, canteen fashion, and accompanied by
all the men and boys and the ipo dog, started out to hunt. The girls and
women remained under the baliti tree. The men may not return until they
have captured a pig or deer or until the end of three days. During their
absence the women may not sleep, for if they do the dogs will lose all inter-
est in the chase. If they play the dogs will also play and be worthless. They
can speak only in low tones for the spirit of the baliti tree — tagahilum,
"dweller in silence" — is angered by loud noises or harsh sounds. In this
particular ceremony the men failed to secure any game.
When the hunters are successful, they return to the tree, and after
singeing the game, remove the intestines and cut up the animal. The head
is hung on the tree and the rest of the meat is prepared for food. Tinalad
(prepared betel nut) is added to the food and all is off'ered to the same
spirits as before. "Now Omaldgad you must come because we have here a
wild pig [or deer]. Look at this dog and let him always get the wild pig [or
deer]. When you have eaten, chew the tinalad." After the spirits have fin-
ished, the people divide the food and eat; none of it can be carried home,
except the head, which may be taken at the end of the ceremony. They
remain quietly at the tree until the customary three days have passed,
after which they return to their homes.
The ipo dog is not killed, for it now belongs to Omaldgad. The former
owner cares for it but cannot sell it. Should anyone injure the dog, he will
become ill in the same region in which the dog was injured.
PAGlLIS OR PAMLlWAS
This ceremony was witnessed several times. There were minor varia-
tions yet all were so similar that a detailed account of one held in the vil-
THE CEREMONIES 103
lage of Manigi (on February 16, 1910) gives the essential details. A man
who had a severe attack of fever failed to recover his strength so a baylan,
an old woman, was called to conduct the Pagtlis ceremony. Two chickens
were caught (a pig is often used) and tied; then tinalad was prepared and
put beside them, and the baylan summoned many spirits (calling them by
name) to come and see what they were about to do. She cut the throats of
the chickens and allowed the blood to fall on the leaves in a dish. These she
took to the sick man, and while two girls held a cloth over his head, she
poured water on the dish of bloody leaves. These leaves were later put up
in the house, for as they continue to grow so will the man have a long life.
The chickens were then scalded and picked; the feathers and entrails
and some cooked rice were carried outside and put on a little platform as
an offering to the fowls and animals belonging to the spirits, "so that they
will not enter the house and disturb the people." The baylan prayed for
some time calling on the spirits to send their animals, and then she ad-
dressed the animals themselves, bidding them to take the offering and be
satisfied.
Returning to the house, she took the rice and meat which had been
cooked and put them in two dishes; she also took a coconut shell filled with
water, a betel nut box, and tinalad. All of these were spread on a mat in the
center of the floor, and the old woman squatted before them. The wife of
the sick man put ten cents on the mat for the baylan, who then began to
pray to the spirits, "Now you spirits when you have finished eating, go back
home and take with you the odor of our rice and meat. Now we hope that
the sick man will be well for we have offered these things to you. If you are
the ones who have made him sick, please pardon, but if you are not the
ones who did cause the sickness, please tell the right one, for this man has
done no harm." Taking up the shell cup, she poured the water through the
cracks of the bamboo floor, still praying; then taking up the coin, she
prayed over it.
When she had finished her prayer, she went to the sick man and pre-
tended to spit on his forehead; then making a funnel of her hand, she blew
on his forehead while she whispered, "Now you will be all right: this betel
nut which we have here is the witness."
This finished, all present chewed the tinalad, after which they ate the
prepared food. While the old woman baylan talked to the spirits, her son
talked to the gimokod — spirits of the dead.
The total pay of the baylan was 25 centavos.
PAMAHANDI
The spirits listed under Pamahandi are given on page 94. They belong
to the Alabyanon division and are generally regarded as being friendly.
104 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
They bring material prosperity, particularly in regard to horses and cara-
bao. However, they may send illness, such as earache or consumption, if
offended. In their capacity as senders of good fortune they are so much
respected that each family will hold a yearly ceremony in their honor.
The following ceremony was given byibur families in the village of
Langawan (February 11, 1910). Two families who had suffered illness
caused by the Pamahdndi puti and Pamahdndi slgolon were making good their
promise to celebrate for them. The other families were petitioning for good
fortune.
At the time that the sickness occurred, the baylan had pretended to spit
on the head of the sick person and had said, "Now if it is true that the
Pamahdndi cause this sickness, let it vanish for I will ipo [pledge] a chicken —
a white one — and when we have gathered the necessary things we will
make a ceremony." A chicken had been secured, water was poured on it,
and a piece cut out of its comb, while the baylan said, "Now I pour water on
the chicken for the Pamahdndi as a sign that when I am ready I will cele-
brate the Pamahdndi ceremony."
On February 11, 1910, about twenty-five people gathered in a small
house. Ten chickens were brought and placed before the baylan who be-
sought the spirits, "Whey! I pray the gimokod of my old ancestors to help
me to talk to the Pamahdndi as I do not know how to address them; so I will
ask you to talk for me, and also to address the Magbabdya who looks after
us. It is good if they look at me now for I am blowing on the chicken and
am making the Pamahdndi [ceremony]." Then addressing the Pamahdndi,
he said, "It is better for you to look here at this ipo chicken for I am going to
kill it for you and I ask you that the persons who have been ill may be well
and also that all of us may have plenty of horses and carabao and enough
to eat." A general invitation was extended to all the other Alabydnon to
come and eat, after which the ten chickens were killed. Their blood was
saved in a dish and later was sprinkled on the dalaga-6n leaves; then the
fowls were cleaned and prepared for food. Rice had been previously
cooked and wrapped in banana leaves. During the two hours consumed in
the preparation of the chickens, the people talked or slept.
When all was ready, mats were spread on the floor and an oil can filled
with liquor was put in the center. A blanket was wrapped around it and
three coin necklaces laid on top. Around this were placed packages of rice,
part of which were opened and the meat laid on top; also three dishes of
water were placed nearby. Tinalad was put on the mat and the people
gathered around — most of them praying — while the baylan addressed the
spirits, "Now you gimokod and you Pamahdndi [calling each by name], I
called you before to see me kill the chickens, now I ask you to come and
THE CEREMONIES 105
eat and drink the agkEd and chew this tinalad. This is for you and now let
the sick persons be well and let us all have good fortunes so that we may
not lack anything all our lives." When he stopped, each person who had
been ill came forward and held his hand over the food as a sign that he had
kept his promise. The food was then divided into piles equal to the number
of guests and the balance of the night was spent in eating and drinking.
Only those who are giving the ceremony should eat of the ipo chickens,
or the spirits will not grant their request. The bay Ian who acts at this cere-
mony should not give away anything for three days. If he does the people
who made the ceremony will lose in any trade made during that time.
kasaboahAj^
The baylans often use this name as if it were a spirit or a set of spirits, yet
it is only the name of a ceremony signifying "union" or "assembly" which
is held for Maltbotan and his grandfather, Magbabdya minumsob. These
spirits make one or both of a bridal pair ill unless a ceremony is made for
them each year. Consequently each married couple celebrates the Kasa-
boahdn. If one becomes ill soon after the marriage, the cause is known al-
most to a certainty, but to make sure the baylan takes his spear and having
measured the span of his arms on it, he sticks it into the floor, places
tinalad beside it and calls Magbabdya minumsob togdwa nangalangan — one of
the more powerful of Magbabdyas who lives straight above and looks after
people and is also able to foretell events — and the gimokod: "Now I want
you to come and chew this tinalad, for I want to inquire concerning this
sick person. Let me know without error how the sickness was caused when
I measure this spear. What kind of sickness is this? Is it Kasaboahdn?'" He
measures again on the spear and if the span has increased it is a sure sign
that the spirit of Kasaboahdn — Maltbotan — has caused the illness. Going to
the sick man he spits on his forehead. "Whey! If it is true that Kasaboahdn
has caused the illness I hope that it will now cease, for I promise that I will
make a ceremony when he is well."
A small box hanger, called sagakad, is constructed and a chicken se-
cured. These are carried to the sick man and the baylan, after blowing on
the fowl, says: "Whey! The Kasaboahdn must hear me; the chicken is here
and I will kill it for him and then he should allow the man to be well
again." The chicken is killed and its blood rubbed on the sagakad after
which the meat and some rice are cooked. When prepared the food is car-
ried to the sick man and placed on a mat. Fresh banana leaves are put in
the sagakad and rice and meat laid on them. This done, the baylan addresses
the same spirit as before, "Come and eat this food and chew tinalad, and I
beg that the Kasaboahdn /will let this sick man be well." He then raises the
dishes of food and says, "Here Kasaboahdn is your food in the dish, and for
106 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
you, grandfather of Kasaboahdn {Magbabdya minumsob), I have put this food
in the sagakad." He offers them tinalad to chew and pours out water so they
may wash their fingers, and the ceremony is ended.
The people eat the food, except that in the sagakad, which is eaten by the
patient and his wife. The baylan who officiates receives 50 centavos if he has
summoned both Malibotan and his grandfather, but 25 centavos if only the
first. After the ceremony, the sagakad is hung up in the house as a sign that
the ceremony has been held.
PANGOLO-AMBIT
This ceremony was witnessed only once, when the presidente of
Mambwaya took a widow for his second wife. Lacking the money neces-
sary to pay for the woman, the presidente agreed to pay the amount after
the coming harvest.
A mat was spread on the floor and tinalad and four betel nut boxes were
placed on it. The first box was for the gimokod of the widow's first husband;
the second, for the gimokod of the presidente, the widow, and the presi-
dente's first wife; the third was for the Magbabdya; and the fourth, which
was empty, was also for the gimokod of the widow's first husband and was
his "pay" for the woman. Having received this, he should be satisfied and
not cause any trouble for the newly-married pair. The old woman baylan
sat on one side of the mat, the presidente on the other, and the presidente's
first wife and the widow at one end.
The baylan first called Magbabdya to come and be a witness of the cere-
mony, to care for the gimokod of the widow's husband, and to give the
couple a good living, and not to scold them. "You have power to regulate
their lives. Look and see that the presidente did not steal this woman, but
secured her according to our custom. It is right for this widow to remarry
now for this is the custom of widows." The baylan then turned a betel box
around and addressed the gimokod of the widow's husband: "Now I turn
this box around so that if you are here you must depart at once without
looking back." Raising another box in her hand, she said, "This is a sign
that the woman must not sink in sickness and poverty but must float like a
boat on good fortune and at last reach success."
She then summoned the eight Naglimbag, the eight Gilimbagen, and the
eight Magbabdya. She could not explain the first two sets of spirits, other
than to say that she had been instructed to call these spirits when doing
this ceremony. Tagalambon (probably Domaloftdon) was then called "be-
cause he is the patron of the datos and the presidente is a dato."
The baylan chewed betel nut alone and expectorated through the slits in
the bamboo floor "so that all evil may be gone." Then she stood up,
turned towards the wall and rubbed her hand on one of the house supports
THE CEREMONIES 107
"so that the couple will grow like a tree and will have long life." Finally
she reached out further and rubbed her hand on the bamboo wall "so that
they will have good fortune and be like the bamboo for at first it is only one
or two sprouts but later it spreads out into a large clump."
Again seating herself, she gave tinalad to the presidente and the widow
and then caused them to exchange the pieces and chew them. She did
likewise with the presidente and his first wife "so that she may have no
cause to complain." After this, all chewed tinalad and the ceremony was
complete. Three days after the ceremony the presidente became ill with
dysentery. The spirits were considered as the cause, and two days later the
ceremony Kasaboahan was celebrated (see p. 105).
KALIGA-6N
The powerful group of Kaliga-6n spirits noted above is closely associated
with the rice harvest, but its members also keep watch over humans and
warn or scold them, when necessary, by sending sickness.
If a person has a serious illness which refuses to yield to other remedies,
a baylan is called to determine if the Kaliga-6n are responsible. This pre-
liminary step is called Pagbdla and consists of measuring a spear, as men-
tioned in other ceremonies.
Betel nut is offered by the baylan who then addresses the Magbabdva.
The substance of the prayer is an appeal for a speedy recovery and for abil-
ity to learn the cause of the illness. He calls, "If the sickness is caused by
the Kaliga-6n let the measurement on this spear be extended." If it is in-
creased, he names the individual spirits of this group. After each name he
measures until the right one is known. A person whose illness is diagnosed
in this manner is called ayawan, or "scolded."
Should the patient be passing blood, or if he has a wound which refuses
to heal, it is not necessary to measure for it is already certain that the
spirit named Masanbasau is responsible.
The Kaliga-6n (see pp. 96-7) have certain objects which belong to or rep-
resent them. Two or three sticks tied horizontally are known as dagingdn
and belong to the spirits Dagingdn, Korongon, Liga-Sn, Bontidlon, SEgkardn,
and Laulaii-6n. Four sticks tied in the same way are known by the same
name but are for the spirit SapawEn. A wooden doll represents Lantangdn
and a single bamboo tube is for Tamboldn. For Masaubasau, Tagalambon,
Hinoldban, and GologSndo little basket-like affairs of bamboo tubes which arc
known as golon-golon are made. Should one of the spirits for whom the
dagingdn is made cause a person to be ill before the planting time, the
baylan will take a chicken and cut a small piece off" its comb. These chickens
are called ipo — "pledged" — and should anyone kill them, the patient will
108 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
be sick or die. The baylan prays, "Make the sick person well and when the
time for planting comes, these people will make a dagingbn and put it into
the fields for you."
When the fields are ready the baylan makes the promised object and
accompanied by the family and the friends" -of the sick person, goes to the
field. A round piece of bark is cut and a stick is stuck through the center so
as to form a sort of table called kaldtan. On this are placed a number of
pieces of betel nut ready for chewing, and the baylan sits before it and
prays, "You DagingOn must care for these plants and everything we have in
the field and I promise that when the crops are harvested, we will celebrate
the Kaliga-On." The object called dagingdn is actually the home of IbabasO, a
servant of the Kaliga-6n. All those present chew betel nut while the baylan
and the girls sing the kaliga.
Certain types of songs and set words belong to this ceremony. To these
the baylan adds some of his own. Many of the words of the set songs are very
old and are understood by few, if any, of the people. The girls sing only a
few words, but these are repeated over and over: Hindog mayau so Kaliga-6n
mandiay ("We stand because the Kaliga-On who caused the sickness is
here"). When they have sung for an hour or more, they put the dagingdn
in a little house made of two forked sticks with cross pole and roof, and
return home. The dagingdn and the little house, called lawig, built for it
must always be placed above the kalOtan. Nothing further is done until the
time for Kaliga-6n. This ceremony is called Pagbltay.
Should sickness occur after planting time, the dagingdn is not made until
the day of Kaliga-6n and no ceremony takes place in the fields. However,
the comb of the chicken is cut and the promise to celebrate the Kaliga-6n
is made.
When it is found that the sickness is caused by one of the spirits for whom
the golon-golon is made, the baylan pretends to spit on the forehead of the
patient and says, "Whey! If it is true that you, so-and-so, are making this
man sick, I beg of you that he will be made well at once, for tomorrow
I will cut the comb of a chicken and we will sing kaliga, and I will promise
the chicken for the Kaliga-6n." The following night they will make a round
box of bark and fill it with dirt and ashes on which they will build a fire.
This is known as the dapolan and is always made when kaliga is sung in the
house. Close by the dapolan the promised chicken is tied and betel nut is
spread out. The baylan then addresses the spirit: "Now we are here. Now I
am close by the dapolan and I have tinalad here for you. Take it and chew it
and if you have made the sickness, let the man get well, and I promise that
I will celebrate the Kaliga-on for you and offer the chicken to you when the
harvest time is past." After the prayer the baylan cuts the comb of the
THE CEREMONIES 109
chicken, the people chew the tinalad and the baylan and the girls sing the
kaliga for an hour or two. For the Kaliga-6n, red or colored chickens are
used.
When the harvest time has passed and the people have sufficient food
accumulated, they prepare for the Kaliga-6n. Usually all those people in the
town who are under promise to celebrate will combine to make it at the
same time, but should one not be prepared when the others are ready, he
or she will celebrate it alone.
When the time for the ceremony is near, each family prepares a jar of
agkEd (fermented rice-wine) and reserves about two measures of rice, some
chickens, and perhaps a pig. Each family is also expected to supply its share
of wood, water, and banana leaves. When the drinking has started and the
other preparations are in process, the workers will sing the kaliga.
On the night of February 1 , eight families of Langawan and their friends
gathered at one house, where it had been agreed to celebrate Kaliga-6n.
A dapolan (round fire-box) had been made and on it a fire was kindled;
then tinalad was prepared and placed beside it. The four baylans of the
town squatted before the offering and prayed to the spirits, "You Kaliga-6n
must come and take this tinalad and chew it, for we now tell you that to-
morrow night will be Ipasakdy ["the notifying"]. We want you to tell your
companions and parents and other spirits that tomorrow night will be
Ipasakdy y
Before the baylans call any other spirits, they must always address
Molin-olin, for it is he who is the patron of all baylans. He taught the first
baylan and he still aids the others. The prayer to him is usually a request for
a clear mind so that the baylan may not forget the words of his song or the
things he is to do. When the prayer was finished the people chewed the
tinalad and one of the baylans took his place on one side of the dapolan and
began to sing the kaliga, meanwhile slowly circling the fire while four girls
formed a half-circle on the other side and moved slowly around, singing at
intervals. The words of the song (previously given) are always the same and
are repeated time and again. Often two groups will be singing different
parts at the same time, while the baylan is carrying his song in quite a dif-
ferent time and key. When singing, the girls always hold a cloth before
their faces, for they are "ashamed to have people see their mouths open
when singing."
At times during the evening, some boys danced a sort of clog dance
(salumpi) and the girls danced the lagoras, used only at this time. Two girls
hold hands, right and left, and as they dance, they swing them forward and
up, hold them an instant in the air, and then swing them back. They circle
to right or left as they dance. In going to the right, the step is as follows:
110 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
the left foot is slipped or drawn along the floor towards the right on count
one and the right foot then makes the beats 2, 3, 4, the first two in one
place, the third towards the right; this continues until the circle has been
completed. When dancing toward the left^ the movement of the feet is
reversed, the right foot making the first count and the left 2, 3, and 4. The
singing and dancing continued until daybreak. The baylans say that the
dance has no meaning, but is used whenever the people feel sleepy to keep
them awake.
The night of February 2, the people again assembled to celebrate the
Ipasakay, i.e., they sang and danced all night in order to notify the Kaliga-6n
that the real ceremony would begin the next day. The dapolan was again
put in the middle of the floor and tinalad was placed beside it. The baylans
sat before these and each prayed, first to their patron Molin-olin, asking for
help in remembering the songs they must sing for the Kaliga-On; and then
to Magbabdya: 'T hope that you will hear what I am saying and asking for,
so that I may not forget the words I must sing, for tonight I must talk to the
Kaliga-6n and I must not forget the words of my song." Then addressing the
Kaliga-6n, they said, "You Kaliga-onI It will be much better if you will
come near to us. You must come and take this tinalad so that you may know
that at this time you are Ipasakay ["notified"] and that tomorrow the
Kaliga-6n will be held." When all the baylans had prayed, the people
chewed the tinalad and then one of the baylans began to sing. At first his
song was addressed to Magbabdya but soon it was shifted to the Kaliga-6n.
In the song he besought the spirits to let the people be well for they have,
promised to make the ceremony. At intervals the girls sang and danced
and this continued until morning.
In the morning, the baylans went to the fields where the dagingOn had
been placed the first day. Each baylan was accompanied by the person for
whom the dagingOn had been made and a number of girls and other friends,
one of whom carried the promised chicken. When they arrived at the field,
they prepared tinalad and then went to the little house in which the
dagingOn had been hung. Below the dagingOn was the kalOtan. The roof of
the spirit house was torn off", and two kinds of fresh leaves were put on the
dagingOn. The tinalad and a can of liquor were placed beneath and the
rooster tied nearby. This done, the baylan prayed, "You Kaliga-On must not
be surprised, for I am taking the dagingOn to the house where we are to
celebrate Kaliga-On; and you spirits who have cared for the dagingOn here in
the field, you must come here and take the tinalad and chew it, for I must
take this dagingon to the house where we celebrate." When the prayer was
finished, all present chewed the tinalad and ate the fermented rice from the
agkEd, after which the baylan and the girls sang.
THE CEREMONIES
111
Fig. 62. Sacrificing a towl at the haliga-on ceremony.
At one point in the song, a baylan cut the throat of the rooster and put its
blood on the dagingdn and the kaldtan below it. Again the baylan prayed and
the girls sang (figs. 62, 63). At the command of the baylan, a girl who had
been ill came to him and he dipped a feather into the blood and drew it
slowly across the palm of her left hand, meanwhile praying, "May the girl
be well now and not be sick any more for the chicken which she promised
is now killed and we are making the ceremony." Taking his stand on one
side of the little house, he slowly walked around it singing, the girls doing
likewise. The song informed the dagingdn that it was about to be taken to
the town and to the place where the Kaliga-6n was being celebrated, and it
was necessary that it should accompany them. Still singing, he took the
dagingdn from the house and, accompanied by all those present, now in
line, returned to the town all singing continually.
At the edge of the town, a messenger notified them that the baylans who
had gone to the other fields for the dagingdn placed there had not returned,
so the dagingdn carried by this party was fastened to a tree to await the
return of the other baylans. The groups returning from the fields brought
plants for use in the ceremony. These are all called dalaga-6n and are to be
put with the dagingdn. Meanwhile in the town, other baylans had been busy
112
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 63. Making an offering at the Kaliga-on ceremony.
preparing dagingdn for those persons who had been ill after planting and so
had no lawig in the fields; they also made the necessary golon-golon, lan-
tangon, and tambolon.
By three in the afternoon, the other baylans had returned and all was in
readiness for the ceremony. Four small poles about five feet high were sunk
into the earth and a platform put on top of them. On top were placed
offerings of rice, eggs, agkEd, dried roots and tinalad, while at the foot fifteen
chickens and two pigs were tied. Later the golon-golon, dagingdn, tambolOn,
and lantangon, symbols for the spirits, were brought. All but the last were
attached to the platform, but the figure of Lantangdn was dressed in white, a
red head-band was placed on his head and he was put on a little bamboo
seat (fig. 64). The offerings put on the platform at this time and also the
waste such as feathers, pigs' feet, etc., are for the harmful fowls and animals
belonging to the Inkanio, a class of Alabydnon spirits, including tao salup,
"man of the woods"; tao sa baliti, "man of the baliti tree"; taga dalama,
"man of the cliffs"; Bulalakau, "man of the water"; and taga bato, "man of
the stones." Unless this offering is made their enormous animals are sure to
go up into the house and injure the people.
THE CEREMONIES
113
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Fig. 64. Culmination of the Kaliga-on ceremony.
The baylans gathered around the platform and one of them set fire to a
bundle of roots and each put his fingers into the smoke and then to his face
"in order that they might have a good voice for singing." This part of the
ceremony is known as Palina. The persons who were responsible for the
ceremony then gathered just back of the platform and many girls in
gorgeous clothes sat down nearby. Each baylan took a chicken in his hands
and prayed, then cut its throat and allowed the Ijlood to run over the
leaves on the dagingdn, golon-golon, and the image of Lantangdn. This was
repeated until all the animals were slaughtered, the baylans meanwhile
saying to the fowls and animals of the Kaliga-6n: "You animals of the
Kaliga-6n who wish to suck the blood come now and get it and do not
come to the house." Then one of the baylans threw three eggs into the air
and called upon the fowls of the Kaliga-6n to come and eat. The eggs fell to
the ground and were broken so it was known that the fowls had eaten and
would not come to the house for food. One of the women who had been ill
came forward and a baylan allowed the blood of a slaughtered animal to
fall on her hands and wrist at the same time praying, "You Kaliga-6n who
114 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
were angry and who made the woman sick, give back her health for she
now celebrates the Kaliga-6n and this blood on her hands is a sign that she
has done as she promised."
The leaves which had been lying on the ground were planted beside the
southwest pole of the platform and for a tinTc the girls and the baylan sang.
The pigs and the chickens were carried away to be prepared for food.
Each baylan pulled a leaf from the branches and stuck it into his head-
band as a sign that they had gone "into the shade of the agbon,^' and in
order that the fowls of the Alabydnon might recognize them as baylans and
not injure them. For nearly an hour they sang there in spite of a driving
rain, and at last they took the spirit offerings, dagingdn, and the rest, and
went to the foot of the house ladder.
One of the baylans asked in song: "Is this the house where the sick person
lives?"
One of the other baylans who had previously gone up asked: "Who are
these people? Where do they come from? Perhaps they wish us ill and will
make us sick."
The baylan below (replying): "Do not be afraid — we do not come here
to do you harm. We come here in order to see you keep the promise which
you made to us."
The baylan above: "Oh, if you are the Kaliga-6n whom we promised I
want you to give us the sign that you are truly the right ones, so that we
will not be afraid, and also the people in the house will not have fear."
The baylan below: "If that is what you wish, I will give you the proof
that we are the Kaliga-6n. Can you not see these things [he holds up
dagingon and other objects] which I hold in my hands? You know that we
cannot come to this town without an object."
The baylan above: "If you are the Kaliga-6n who made the people sick
and are the ones whom we promised and are expecting to come at this
time, we are glad to see you when you are in the shade of this house. If
you like our ladder you may come up, for you have not lost the way."
The baylan below: "Now since you wish us to come up, we will do so,
because this was our purpose, to see you, and we cannot go back home
until the promise is kept."
Singing, they all entered the house. The figure of Lantangon was placed
beside the dapolan and the other spirit offerings were tied up above. Then
two baylans sang aunt (when Masaubasau is one of the spirits present, this
song must always be sung or he will be angry and cause more sickness).
Two jars of agkEd were brought in and placed by LantangDn and the
singing continued. Two dishes containing beads, needles, and rings, and
two small bolos put on the mat, were for the baylans. Five dishes of tinalad
were for the spirit Molin-olin, the patron of the baylans.
THE CEREMONIES 115
Each one prayed: "Come and take this tinalad and help me while I sing
and talk. Let me have ability to talk a long time and not become con-
fused."
Addressing the other spirits, they said: "Do not be surprised that we
are here, for we are now celebrating Kaliga-6n and even though we do not
know well how to perform the ceremony, do not be angry with us, but let
the sick persons become well and let the baylans keep well, and also the
people here, and let nothing happen to our bodies. If we were the wisest
living, then you would be glad, but now we know nothing; but there is no
one here from whom the people can inquire, so we are forced to sing."
Then all chewed the tinalad, and the baylans and girls sang, and the
latter sometimes danced. For a while anyone was allowed to sing.
Meanwhile, the food was being prepared in the various houses, and
when all was ready bamboo poles were laid on the floor and mats were
spread over them. The jars of agkEd were placed in the center, and the food
wrapped in banana leaves was piled high on all sides. A little bamboo seat
with a blanket over it was placed by the "table" for the Kaliga-6n to sit in,
and a talapnay (round disks of wood slipped on a stick, serving as a stand for
tinalad) was placed nearby for lMntang6n, the strongest spirit who visited the
ceremony.
When all was ready, the baylans again prayed, offering the food to the
spirits. Meat and the pig skulls were put in the goloh-golon for the spirit
Awit. Many spirits other than the Kaliga-6n were invited to come and par-
take of the feast. When all had been offered, the food was gathered up and
divided into little piles, with an equal amount of rice and meat for each
person in the village. Those who desired took their portions home, but the
majority stayed and ate and drank together. At about 3:00 a.m. the
baylans again began to sing and the girls assisted as before.
This continued until about seven in the morning. At that time, every-
thing was removed from the center of the room except the dapolan, the
spirit offerings, and the figure of Lantangdn. One of the baylans sang for
about an hour, then, taking some of the leaves which had been sprinkled
with blood the day before, he waved them above the sick persons who were
sitting in a line on the floor.
The baylan sang: "Now you who have been made ill by Kaliga-6n will be
well, and the sickness will disappear, for I am driving it away. Now it is
late and I am going away, but before I go I will take the sickness with me."
He took a coconut shell filled with water and baptized each of the
patients, singing: "Now you who have been sick must be well, for I am
putting this cold water on you so that your minds will be clear and you
will not feel the sickness any more." (He explained to us, "The water
116 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
washes away the sickness, just the same as it washes the dirt out of dirty
things.")
Taking a comb, the haylan ran it a few times over the head of each one
"so as to give them clear, good heads, with no more sickness." He con-
tinued singing while he waved the bloody leaves over their heads.
Finally the baylan pulled off the leaves, giving one to each of the patients
in order that they might take them home and keep them as a sign that the
patients had fulfilled the promise. The girls gathered around the fire and
sang while one baylan took down the spirit offerings. With these in his
hands he stood beside the dapolan while a second baylan took a small chicken
in his hands and knelt beside the fire.
For a moment he prayed in silence. Then, taking hold of the upper and
lower parts of the chicken's bill, he tore it in two, and rubbed the side of
the dapolan with its fluttering body, saying: "The sickness of these persons
must vanish because I put blood on this dapolan as a sign that we have kept
the promise to the Kaliga-6n and the ceremony is finished."
With his fingers, he tore the body nearly in two and spread it on the
ashes of the fire as an offering to the spirits who live in the earth, as pay-
ment for the soil which was in the dapolan, "so that they might have no
cause for anger."
All the things were then gathered up by the baylans and they and the
girls sang as they went out of the house and to the edge of the town where
they deposited the spirit offerings.
Thus the ceremony ended. The baylans' final song was: "You people
who have been sick do not fear any more, for I am taking the sickness away
with me, for I am going home now — this is the time when I must go
home."
The following notes were added by the baylans:
If the dagingdn is not thrown away but is fastened up in the house, it is a
promise to the Kaliga-6n that the family will celebrate for them again the
next year.
The doll called Lantangon is meant to represent that spirit. "The spirits
probably come to them — LantangDn, Dagingon — during the ceremony, but
maybe they only watch and see them."
Ibabaso is a neighbor of the Kaliga-6n. He has his own place but when the
Kaliga-6n tell him to go somewhere and care for a field, he must go.
The Kaliga-6n do not live in the sky or in the earth, but on hills or
mountains which look like houses, especially volcanoes.
The talapnay is made only for the five strongest of the Kaliga-6n. They are
Lantangon, Tagalambon, HinolOban, GologSndo, and Linankdban. As Lantangon
was the only one of these present at the ceremony only one talapnay was
THE CEREMONIES 117
made, but had others visited, a talapnay would have been constructed for
each one attending.
During the ceremony, the baylans wear head-bands "because the Kaliga-
6n are Bukidnon," but others may wear what they Uke.
There are no restrictions or prohibitions on either baylans or the parti-
cipants after the ceremony.
VIL The Tungud Movement
In 1908 a religious movement known as Tungud was started among the
Manobo of the Rio Libaganon. It spread rapidly over the Manobo and
Mandaya tribes of eastern Mindanao and eventually reached the borders
of Bukidnon. The first evidences of the cult in this area came early in 1910
when certain villages on the Manobo border were suddenly deserted. The
American governor, Lewis, at first considered this to be a reaction against
his attempts to locate all the Bukidnon in model villages. Soon, however,
it became evident that this was part of a much wider movement.
Since the Tungud did not spread far in this area, a brief account will suf-
fice. Its origin and development have been treated in detail by Garvan for
the Manobo, and by the writer for the Mandaya territory. (See Garvan,
1931, ch. 29; and Cole, 1913, pp. 179-180.) A hitherto unimportant Mano-
bo, named Mapakla, apparently had died of cholera and had been de-
serted by his kinsmen. Three days later he suddenly appeared — a well man
with a definite mission.
He stated that the spirit Magbabdya had cured him and at the same time
had commanded him to instruct the people concerning events to come.
According to this spirit, the world was soon to be destroyed, hence there
should be no more planting. Since animals would no longer be needed they
should be slaughtered. A certain type of religious house was to be erected
in each village, and "priests" chosen and instructed by Mapakla were to
conduct ceremonies. At a given time they were to lead the faithful to the
afterworld. All others were doomed to perish.
The movement swept eastern Mindanao but had only minor influence
in Bukidnon. A few peripheral villages were deserted and had not been
re-occupied at the time this study was concluded, which suggests that the
acculturational pressures were less in the Bukidnon region.
118
VIIL Music and Dancing
DANCES
Dancing is the chief amusement at nearly every gathering, whether it be
a ceremony or merely to have a good time. Many of the dances are mimetic
— such as those imitating the movements of a hawk (fig. 65). The dancers
may imitate men stealing, courting or having intercourse with a dummy.
Some are very risque but are witnessed by women and children without
any sense of impropriety.
The most common dance is the sayau, in which one or more participants
— male or female — hold cloths in their hands. They bend their wrists back-
ward and forward; their extended arms go in circles, to and fro in slow
graceful movements "like the hawk" whose flight the dance imitates.
When the sayau is danced in the house the music is furnished by two or
three women who beat on a mat with the palms of their hands. The beat is
one heavy with the left hand and three light with the right.
The sinakaysakay is a woman's dance. The participant holds a shield in
each hand and raises and lowers it "as if flying." Meanwhile she circles,
keeping time to the music, as in the sayau.
Sa-o or Sa-ot (see fig. 56) was seen only in connection with a wedding.
The groom's party is preceded by a man carrying a shield and long spear
with a bell attached. He dances furiously, with rapid movement of the
feet, but keeping time to a drum beat. He charges an imaginary enemy
with spear held aloft and covers retreat with his shield.
Two dances — the salumpi and lagoras — were witnessed in connection
with ceremonies (see Kaliga-6n ceremony). The salumpi is a sort of clog
dance done singly or by a group of boys holding hands. There is no music,
yet they keep good time. Two girls usually dance the lagoras. They take
hold of hands — right and left — and swing them forward and up, hold them
an instant, then swing them back. Meanwhile, they circle right, then left.
As they go to the right the left foot is slipped or drawn toward the right on
the count of one. On beats two and three, the right foot keeps time, then
on four slips to the right. This continues until the circle is complete, after
which the movement is reversed. At one place in the Kaliga-6n ceremony
the girls sing as they make a half circle around the ceremonial place called
dapolan.
119
120
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Fig. 65. Male dancers imitating the movements of hawks.
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
Music for the dance is produced on drums made from hollowed out
sections of small logs. Each end is covered with pigskin. Brass gongs, se-
cured in trade, are frequently used and are beaten in unison with the
drums. Another dance "instrument" is a mat on which women beat time
with their hands.
Aside from these, other instruments are for individual use. Men and
boys play on bamboo flutes, on jew's-harps, or on native violins. The latter
have a sounding-box made of bamboo covered with a leaf, piece of bark, or
piece of skin. The neck is of bamboo and the strings of hemp. The bamboo
bow is likewise fitted with hemp strings. Violin strings are tightened by
slipping wooden sticks beneath them (fig. 66).
An equally primitive instrument, widespread in Malaysia, is made by
cutting narrow strips lengthwise of a bamboo tube. These are raised and
made taut with wooden plugs. Women play them by picking the strings
with their fingers (fig. 67).
The most elaborate of Bukidnon instruments are the long "guitars," or
boat lutes. These are usually carved to represent a mythical two-headed
animal, a crocodile or a bird (fig. 53). Such instruments are well made of
thin strips of wood. The tightening rods are of wood, and the frets are of
Fig. 66. Native violins with bows.
Fig. 67. Woman's musical instrument made from bamboo.
121
122 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
beeswax with small bamboo guides set in each. The guitar has two strings,
one of which is free; the other rests on the frets. When the strings are
properly tuned the player plucks them with the fingers of the right hand
while those of the left put proper pressure on the strings high on the neck.
Shell trumpets may be employed by town officials to summon people to
the general meeting place.
SONGS
Seven types of songs are recognized :
(1) The idang-dang is sung when happy.
(2) The sala is a love song, partially traditional, partially improvised.
(3) The limbay is heard at times of sorrow.
(4) The handaurau is a drinking song, and consists of improvised com-
pliments.
(5) The limboyau is also a drinking song.
(6) The olaging is a bed-time chant in which a story teller sings about
Aguio and other folk tale beings.
(7) Ceremonial songs — such as those heard in connection with the
Kaliga-Un ceremony — are usually sung by the bay Ian and a group of girls.
The baylan knows the words of the traditional songs, part of which he
teaches to the girls, and to these he adds some of his own. Many lines are
archaic and not understood. In general these consist of a few words re-
peated over and over — such as Hindog mayau so Kaliga-6n mandiay, "We
stand because the Kaliga-6n who caused the sickness is here." When they
sing the girls hold cloths in front of their faces to cover their mouths.
At one stage of the Kaliga-Un ceremony different groups of girls take dif-
ferent parts of the song simultaneously, while the baylan chants independ-
ently, usually in a different time and key.
Most of these songs were recorded on phonograph cylinders and for
years were deposited in the Museum. More recently they were transferred
to the Department of Anthropology, Indiana University, in the care of
Dr. George Herzog. So far as is known these have not yet been transcribed.
IX, Celestial Bodies and the Seasons
Certain stars and constellations are well known to the Bukidnon. By
their position in the sky it is known when it is time to prepare and to plant
the fields. The presence of these celestial guides is accounted for by two
tales. The first is as follows:
In the first times the sky was close to the ground. There was a spinster
who was pounding rice and every time she raised the pestle it struck the
sky. When she began to work she had beads around her neck, but while she
was working she took them off and hung them on the sky. She took the
comb out of her hair and hung it also on the sky, for it was like a coral rock.
When she began pounding again she struck the sky very hard with the
pestle. Suddenly it went up high and she lost her ornaments. Her comb
became the moon and her beads were the stars.
The second and more important story relates the adventures of Mag-
bangal and his wife. Magbangal was once a powerful man. One night he
and his wife were talking about clearing the land, for it was the proper
time. He said to her, "My wife, come near to me and I will tell you some-
thing." She came near and he said, "Tomorrow I will go to our field and I
want you to stay here."
She replied, "Let me go with you for you have no companion."
"No," said Magbangal, "I do not wish you to go. I want you to stay
here." The wife agreed, and they went to sleep.
In the early morning she prepared his food, but he said, "I do not want
to eat for I will return in the afternoon."
His wife insisted on preparing food, but he refused to eat it and gathered
up his ten hatchets and tied them together. Then he went to the fields.
He carried the bundle containing his hatchets and bolos and sharpening
stone and also a tube made of bamboo for water.
When he reached his land he put down his tools. He cut some trees and
made them into a bench. When he had completed it he sat down and said
to the bolos, "You bolos must be sharpened on the stone." Then the bolos
sharpened themselves on the stone.
When they had finished sharpening themselves, Magbangal said to the
hatchets, "You hatchets must be sharpened also." At once they were
sharpened.
123
124 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
When the sharpening was finished he said to them, "Now you bolos cut
off the small grass under the trees, and you hatchets must cut the large
trees." The hatchets and the bolos went to work, and Magbangal could see
the grass being cut and the trees falling.
His wife was in their house and when she heard the trees continually
falling she was greatly surprised. About mid-day she said to herself, "Per-
haps my husband has found many people to help him work. I will go to
see him. When he left he was alone, but now I can hear the noise of many
falling trees."
Then she went with moving breasts and when she reached a spot near
the field she walked slowly. She hid in a tree and looked toward the bench
where her husband lay asleep. She saw the bolos cutting grass, but no one
was using them. She saw the hatchets cutting the trees, but no hands were
using them. She said, "How powerful Magbangal must be. I have never
before seen bolos and hatchets working without hands. He has never told
me of his power."
Her husband jumped up suddenly for a bolo had just cut off one of his
arms. Then he awoke and sat up, and said, "I think some people must be
looking at me, for my arm is cut off. Perhaps it is my wife. If you — my
wife^ — are looking at me, you must come here."
She came as she was commanded and he said, "Why did you not stay
at home as I told you to do? Now my arm is cut off."
Then they went home, and she began to prepare something for him to
eat. He said, "Do not cook anything for me. Eat if you wish, but I am going
away. Now it is better for me to go to the sky and give the sign to the
people so they will know when it is time to plant. You must go to the water
and become a fish."
Then he went to the sky and became the constellation we call Mag-
bangal, and his remaining arm became Balokau. The jaw of one of the
pigs he had killed became Baka, and the hill on which he had often hunted
became Molopolo. His hatchets became Ta-on, his bolos Malala, and his
pet lizard Tl-ok.
The various constellations and stars mentioned in the tale were pointed
out to me on February 4, 1910, at 7:00 p.m.
A dipper-shaped group which appeared at an angle of about 45
degrees — just south of east — was identified as Magbangal. The line of
stars below is called Balokau and is the remaining arm of Magbangal.
Higher and to the west was a triangular alignment called Baka, "for
it is the jaw of one of the pigs killed by Magbangal."
Still farther to the west, a little beyond the zenith, a small dipper was
identified as Molopolo, the hill on which Magbangal hunted.
CELESTIAL BODIES AND THE SEASONS 125
Toward dawn of that night three groups of stars appeared which were
explained as follows: The first one, which is L-shaped, is Ta-on, the
hatchet of Magbangal. The second, a triangle, is Sogob-a-ton, the
bamboo pole carried to the field. This was difficult to visualize. The
third, a circle, is Ti-ok, the large pet lizard of Magbangal.
The evening star is Taku ("thief), since it always runs away when
other stars appear.
By the position of these bodies in the sky the Bukidnon identify the sea-
sons and arrange their field work. When Molopolo appears at an angle of
about 45 degrees, it is time to plant bananas, sugar cane, and some
varieties of rice — also some corn. When Magbangal appears at 45 degrees,
it is time to clear all the lands for the yearly crops. When it is just west of
the zenith it is time to burn the grass and dead trees. Planting should fol-
low within a few days. If it is not possible to clear and plant according to
these stars one should wait for Ta-on. When it rises at 45 degrees, the land
should be cleared. When it comes up at 95 degrees (i.e., about one o'clock)
and Ti-ok is at 55 degrees (i.e., eleven o'clock) it is time to burn the plants
and brush. This planting should be finished within two or three days for it
is then time for hard rains to begin.
When all constellations rise west of the zenith, it is the rainy season.
When they rise at the zenith it is the hot season. When they appear in the
east it is the dry season. Some planters watch the kamil tree for signs. When
it has no leaves it is good to clear the land. When the leaves begin to come
it is time to burn and plant.
Falling stars are "the filth of the stars." When one strikes the water it
becomes fish. If it strikes the land it is transformed into a snake. The rain-
bow— balogoto — is the road over which the Alabydnon spirits walk.
It is customary to count by nights. Fifteen "bright nights" and fifteen
"dark nights" make a month, but sometimes there are only fourteen
"bright nights." The year is reckoned by crops: first is rice planting; then
harvest; then comes corn, and it is a year.
X, Stones and Legends
Gathering stories and folk tales proved a difficult task. Occasionally
someone would volunteer a story to account for the origin of a lake or
town, or of different kinds of people. Again something like the antics of a
monkey would lead to a tale explaining how they came to be or why they
had certain characteristics — such as black fingernails. Various hero tales
appeared as incidents rather than as connected stories. Among these the
most important are those surrounding Aguio and Bulanawan. Usually
these are chanted at bed time, after members of the family have spread
their mats on the floor. The influence of Christian and Mohammedan
neighbors is evident in several, as when Adam and Eve appear as charac-
ters.
Even when the tales deal with well-known spirits they do not seem to be
in any way related to the ceremonies, except the story of the "origin of the
races," where one of the Magbabaya is killed to provide food for the people.
It does not appear that there are recognized story tellers or that the tales
recorded are taken very seriously. Several times there were hints of a well-
defined series of tales, but eflforts to bring them into the open met with little
success. The following are typical of what was heard.
HOW SUMILAO WAS FOUNDED
In the ancient days the Moros attacked the towns of Malambagohon
(now Cagayan) and Mission Mana-ol (now Tagolan). The inhabitants
were defeated and in their trouble called in Dalabahan, the brave de-
fender of Bukidnon, to help them. They paid him 50 pesos a month for his
services. With him as their leader, the Bukidnon were able to rout the
Moros and to drive them as far as the present town of Mailag. Since that
time the Moros have not returned, and the victors founded the town of
Sumilao. The warriors with Dalabahan were few in number and badly
armed. They had no guns and few weapons so many of them had to fight
with stones. Their victory shows their great bravery.
THE LAKE CALLED DANAO
At Sumilao there is a lake called Danao. The edge is but a few feet from
the edge of a canyon. A man once built his house there. One day he killed
126
STORIES AND LEGENDS 127
a bird and prepared it for the pot. Then the bird began to eat and they
both laughed. No sooner had this happened than a great storm came and
where the house had stood there was only a lake. The people neither. speak
nor laugh when they pass this place.
THE GREAT DROUGHT AND THE ORIGIN
OF THE MOROS
In the olden times there were many people in Mindanao, but there came
a time when the rains ceased and the hot sun shone continually. The crops
were killed and all the people died except Tibolon, Bala-ol, Manadgau,
and Mampolompon. These four discussed their plight, for they had no
food and no place to live. Tibolon wanted to live in Sumilao because he
thought that thunder was there. Bala-ol chose Salog because he was sure
that it was the place of thunder. For the same reason Manadgau chose to
live in Tubala-on. Mampolompon was equally certain that Pulangi was
the place. Bala-ol and Mampolompon were brothers and the other two
were their friends. As they could not agree they separated and lived in the
places they chose. Tibolon was married to a woman from Kay-yem-payri.
Bala-ol also found a woman and Manadgau married Palina. Mampolom-
pon also married. From these unions came the Bukidnon.
Mampolompon had a clearing where he grew many things but when the
famine came he could not grow anything. He tried planting everything
good for food but nothing lived except one bamboo. This grew very high
and during a high wind it was broken. Soon after this he saw a woman and
a dog and he was greatly astonished. He went to the bamboo and examined
it. In one joint he found hairs from a woman's head and in another were
dog hairs. Then he was sure that the new arrivals had come out of the
bamboo. He tried to talk with the woman but the dog bit him and he
could not. He tried many times but always failed. At last the dog began to
talk and soon he made Mampolompon his servant. The dog and the
woman were married and soon had many children. These were the ances-
tors of the Moros.
ORIGIN OF THE RACES
The eight Magbabdya lived far from the world. When they first thought
of making the world they looked about in their place. They found that
they had iron, wood, and different kinds of trees. One Magbabdya took off
his hair, tied it into a knot and when he had made a little ceremony he
transformed it into an "eagle" (hawk). This eagle held a knot of leaves
wrapped around with hair. Magbabdya made another ceremony and the
world appeared. In that world were two persons, Salamanka ("Adam")
and Sinokat ("Eve"). He put them in a fine place. He told them to eat
128 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
anything they wished except the fruit of one tree. The people did not obey
but began to eat that fruit. So Magbabaya drove them away from the good
place.
The eight Magbabaya then met together to discuss the people, for they
were starving. It was agreed that one of ihcMagbabdya would allow him-
self to be killed so that his body might be used as food for Salamanka and
Sinokat. The other Magbabaya cut one of them into several pieces, and his
blood which sank into the ground l^ecame wild pig and deer; the blood
which fell on the trees became monkeys and birds; and the leaves on which
it fell were buried and at once plants sprang up from them. Then the
Magbabaya washed his hands in the rivers and the blood became fish. Then
he told the people that they must live on the things which they had made,
but from then on they must do hard work because they had disobeyed his
command.
Those two people married and had eight children, four boys and four
girls. Four of these were white and four black. The parents wanted to
marry the blacks with the whites, but one white boy refused and ran away
with a white girl. They went across the ocean and now their children are
the Spaniards, Americans and other white people. Two black children
also ran far away and their children are the Negroes (Negritos and Ameri-
can Negroes). Those who remained with their parents did as they wished
and married. Their children were brown and are now the Bukidnon.
ADAM AND EVE
The Magbabaya made Adam and Eve and put them in the world. Soon
they had a son and as they did not want him, they slew him and burned
his body in the fire. A second son was born, and they killed him also and
threw him into the river. Not long after, the Magbabaya came, and when he
found what they had done he was very angry. He gathered up the bones of
the dead boys and made them alive again. The first boy went far away and
became "the holder of the smallpox." Sometimes he returns to visit his
brothers and great sickness follows. Magbabaya asked the second boy if he
wished to live with his parents again, but he said no, for they wished to kill
him. So he chose to live in the water and became the spirit Bulalakau.
Sometimes he visits his brothers, and then someone is drowned.
THE FLOOD
The earth was once all covered with water "because a large crab corked
up the navel of the sea so that the water could not get out, and it rose up
over the land." (The balance of the story shows strong European influ-
ence.) About one moon before the flood came, a man warned the people
and told them to build a big raft. They did so and made it of three layers
STORIES AND LEGENDS 129
of big trees. To this they tied a long rattan cord and fastened it to a big pole
in the earth. When the flood came, white water came out of the mountains
and the sea rose and covered the highest mountains. The people and ani-
mals on the raft were saved and when the water went down again, they
were near their old homes, for the rattan had held firmly,
ORIGIN OF MONKEYS
A mother took her two children with her when she went to color cloth.
She took the cloth, some pots and a shell spoon and carried them to a mud
hole. She put the cloth into the mud and then put some water and the
leaves used for coloring into the pot and placed it over the fire. When the
water began to boil some of it got on the woman's hand so that she jumped
up quickly and called out. The children began to laugh, and when they did
so, they were changed into monkeys. The spoons became tails. You can see
that the monkey's fingernails are still black where the children had helped
to dye the cloth.
BULANAWAN
The wife of Lang-gona had twin boys named Aguio and Bulanawan.
When they were two years old, the mother took Bulanawan with her when
she went to the field to pick cotton. She put the cotton near the baby to
dry. Suddenly a great wind came and wound the cotton around the baby
and carried him far away to a distant land. In that place he became a
famous warrior.
THE STORY OF DOMAKALANGAN
Once there was a very large man named Domakalangan who lived
alone. A dato came to him with all his people, for an enemy had threatened
to destroy their town. They were allowed to stay in his house where they
were safe, for all the world knew that Domakalangan was a strong, brave
man. Because he had protected them, the dato wished to give him his
daughter in marriage. Domakalangan did not take her. He explained that
he ate only once a month, but that he then consumed a cavan of pounded
rice, ten chickens, and a large hog. Despite this the dato insisted that he
should receive his daughter. At last Domakalangan became weary, and
having prepared provisions, he went away. On his way he saw a large
house filled with people all of whom were very quiet. When he asked the
reason he learned that one of the men was dead. He looked at the dead
man and then asked permission to sleep with the corpse in order that he
might revive it. The people gave their permission, but that night the people
mistook him for the dead man and rubbed his body. He Ijecame very
angry and cut down the house posts; then he killed all the people and went
130 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
on his way. He traveled until he saw a house in which only one old woman
lived. He told her that he wished to live with her for he was tired of wan-
dering. She agreed at once, for she desired his protection. For many years
she supported him. Finally he became homesick and took her with him to
visit his town. When they approached thf- place they found the path
grown up with high grass. His house was burned and nothing remained of
his people except their bones. He brought them to life again by making a
ceremony and then he inquired concerning the trouble. They said that as
soon as he left enemies had come and killed them all. He went at once and
killed all those enemies and then he returned to his town. Again the dato
insisted that he should marry his daughter. He refused many times, but at
last he consented. Then he went to sleep and did not wake up for many
days. They found that he was not sleeping but was dead, so they buried
him.
THE LAKE NEAR SILI
A family lived in a place called Apo. They had no children, but they
kept two dogs which were great hunters. One time the man took the dogs
and went to hunt in the forest. He killed a large deer and a big wild hog.
They were so heavy that he could not carry them both at the same time.
So he carried one a short way and left it, then returned and brought up the
other. Finally he reached a spring and stopped there to clean the game. It
was a very hot day and the dogs were so tired that they did not stop at the
spring, but hurried home to rest. When the dogs reached the house the
woman asked them many times where their master was and what success
he had. After she had repeated her questions many times, the male dog was
forced to answer, "If I talk to you there will be great trouble." At these
words a great wind began to blow. When the husband saw the sky grow
dark he hurried home with the deer. Just as he arrived there the house
vanished into a small lake.
THE AGUIO TALES
There were four brothers named Pomolau, Banklak, Aguio, and Lunak.
They were great warriors who often went to other towns and killed many
people just to show their bravery. The children of these towns they brought
home and made their slaves. One time they decided to fight against
Baklayan. So they sent a messenger to tell the people of that town that they
were coming to fight. The challenge was accepted and the people of
Baklayan prepared thousands for battle. Their leader was Suminung-gud.
The four brothers and their followers conquered all the small towns on the
way and caused such fear that many towns were opened to them. At last
they arrived at Baklayan where a great battle took place. After a long fight
STORIES AND LEGENDS 131
the brothers were defeated and were taken prisoners. When Imbakalak,
the son of Banklak, who was born in the sky and was called "Heaven
Son," heard that his father and uncles were captives, he gathered his people
and went to Baklayan. When he arrived there he killed all the people in
the town and set the four brothers free.
When Aguio was a little boy he refused to let his father fondle him, so
his father drove him from home. He wandered about and became a famous
warrior. Finally he was killed by his brother whom he did not know. His
wife chewed tinalad and spit on him and he became alive again.
Bulanawan and his wife were walking along the sea shore when he be-
came sleepy and lay down on a large flat rock. While he was sleeping
Aguio came toward them in his war dress and with his knife. When he
saw the woman he wished to steal her but he only asked her to give him
some of her husband's betel nut. When she refused Aguio went toward her
husband to fight him. The wife awakened Bulanawan and he sprang up
ready to fight. He seized his wife and put her in his taklobo (the cuff" of his
sleeve) — for he had power. Aguio was very angry and they began to fight
so furiously that their weapons were broken and the earth trembled. When
the earth began to shake the brothers of the rivals were astonished and
fearing that their brothers were in trouble they ran to find them. Aguio's
brother, who was on the mountain, ran to look for him. Bulanawan's
brother, who was in a far land, set out in a boat. They met at the place
where the fight was going on and at once began to fight each other. Now
the trembling of the earth increased until Lang-gona, father of Aguio,
came and tried to make peace. The fighters did not wish to stop and when
he insisted they all fell upon him. So great was the disturbance that the
world was in danger of falling to pieces. At last Langoba-on, the father of
Lang-gona, came and settled the trouble. Then he learned that the rivals
were his grandsons.
Aguio once went to another land. When he had traveled several years
he found himself out of provisions. To add to his troubles his enemies had
united to defeat him. They wished to raid his town and to make the chil-
dren slaves after the men were dead. He met his enemies and in several
hours of fighting he succeeded in killing many of them. But at last he was
so exhausted that he would have been killed had not his brothers come to
his aid and turned defeat into victory.
While Aguio was wandering in another land he decided that he would
stop fighting for he had already killed and captured many people. On his
132 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
way home he passed the town of Malonghau where he saw many boats
made of gold and silver. He stopped a while to watch but the people paid
no attention to him. He saw there his brother Lunak, who was kept in
prison. He saw women preparing betel nut and the men making shields.
The people said they were preparing to fight*against Aguio's native town,
for they did not want it to be stronger than their own. Aguio asked them
about their prisoner and they replied that he would be starved to death.
Aguio represented himself as a man of peace and tried to purchase his
brother for a servant. The people refused, for they feared that he might
return and avenge himself on them. Aguio told them that if they refused
his request he would wish to have their children and wives. The men re-
plied that they would not give them up for they loved them "as you love
your parents." Aguio performed a ceremony and suddenly the wives and
children vanished from sight. Then he went to the place where Lunak was
imprisoned and set him free. After that the brothers fought against the
men of the town and killed them all. Again Aguio made a ceremony and
restored them to life, after which he made them his slaves. They served
him for several years but finally he set them free and they became members
of his town.
Once Aguio wandered along the sea coast until he was far from his own
land. When he had walked a long way from his town he reached Bakalod
on the plain of Gihobonan. There he saw the bones of people who had died
because of the heat of the sun. He wandered on until he passed a plain
called Oranan. So fierce was the heat of the sun that the lower part of his
body became black. At that time rain was falling. Its drops were as large
as big jars. He became very hungry and seeing a tower he went up into it.
Upstairs there was a beautiful woman whose husband was not there.
Aguio asked her for betel nut as a sign that he wished to marry her. She
refused as she was already married. Because he was very tired Aguio went
to sleep on the woman's leg. Soon her husband, Mansalgyom, came home
and asked what ailed the man. His wife told him of Aguio's request,
whereupon the husband became angry and tried to kill Aguio with his
sword. He tried again and again but his sword bent double on Aguio's
thick, tough skin. At last he took Aguio's own sword and plunged it into
Aguio's breast and killed him.
XL Conclusions
In any attempt to account for the peopling of Central and Southern
Mindanao one natural route would seem to be northward from the Celebes
and Halmahera into the channel afforded by Davao Gulf. Should this
prove to be the main line of contact we might then expect such tribes as the
Bagobo and Mandaya to present many similarities to the peoples of the
islands as far south as Soembawa, Sumba, and Flores as well as to Celebes,
Boeroe, Ternate, and Halmahera.
From the Gulf low mountain passes would afford access to Central
Mindanao and thus would allow a flow of cultural materials as well as of
population.
The most pertinent data (Kennedy, 1953; Keers, 1948; Lamster, 1929;
the Sarasins, 1905) relating to the former Dutch Islands indicates a primi-
tive aboriginal Negrito population. Following them came the Proto-
Malays and finally the more typical Malayan peoples.
The Proto-Malays appear to have been carriers of a megalithic cult,
suggesting a background related to Nias and the Batak of Sumatra. In
Sadang in the Celebes, for instance, we encounter the village surrounding a
plaza, with great memorial slabs raised in honor of the dead. The painted
houses with saddle roofs, as described by Kennedy and Keers, are much
like those of the Batak, while the hillsides are dotted with stone circles
which, at ceremonial times, are sacrificial centers where buffaloes arc of-
fered. The use of golden ornaments by the nobles, coffin burials in caves,
strong class distinctions — ranging from nobility to distinguished families,
to freemen, to slaves — again suggest the customs on Nias and in Sumatra.
These early arriving Proto-Malays, such as the Sadang and Toradja,
have been slowly driven back by the later comers — the more Mongoloid
true Malayans. Here we find such groups as the Buginese and Makassarese
with highly developed political organization — with radja at the top and
graded officers down to the kapala kampong, or village head. Here we often
find strong suggestions of an early influence such as Menangkabau of
Sumatra overlaid by Indian-type kingdoms, and ultimately by Madjapa-
hit. These influences — physical, social and economic — weaken as we ap-
proach New Guinea. To the coastal people have come Islam and Chris-
tianity. All show the effects of Dutch overlordship and of Chinese traders.
133
134 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
In all the southern groups we find widespread traits of Malayan and
Proto-Malayan culture, such as head-hunting, human sacrifice, the idea of
multiple souls, mediumship and soul catching, the cutting of the umbilical
cord with a bamboo knife, tooth filing, bride price and the Malayan forge.
Certain traits and industries, shared by this ai*ea with parts of Borneo and
Southern Mindanao, such as ikat or overtying of the warp thread before
dyeing, the decorative elements of such work, the tie and dye (bandana),
and the use of waste moulds in metal casting, give evidence of widespread
diff"usion.
Resemblances are many but when we isolate the distinctive characteris-
tics of Proto-Malays and Malays of the southern islands and compare them
with Java, Sumatra and Nias on one hand, and with Southern Mindanao
on the other, it appears that their closest relationships are with Indonesia
(Cole, 1913; 1945a). It seems unlikely that they contributed significantly
either in population or culture to Mindanao. Likewise a comparison of the
Davao Gulf tribes or the Bukidnon with available data on such tribes as the
Kayan, Iban or Dusun of Borneo (Hose and McDougall, 1912; Evans,
1923, 1953; Cole, 1945a) does not lead us to consider them as the immedi-
ate sources of Central and Southern Mindanao cultures.
Turning now to a comparison of the Bukidnon with Garvan's account
(Garvan, 1931) of the Manobo we again find likenesses of a general kind —
those of the widespread Malayan pattern — but specifically the two peoples
appear quite separate. Among the pagan tribes in Mindanao the closest
ties appear to be with those of Davao Gulf. Even here the Bukidnon are
quite distinctive. First and most striking is their dress. This is now a char-
acteristic mark proclaiming adherence to Bukidnon traditions. The spirit
world is within the Malayan tradition yet in its bewildering complexity is
a decided variant. The baylans in most of their acts conform to the wide-
spread idea of mediums, yet in no instance did we learn of spirit possession.
Magic, while present, is of lesser importance than in most surrounding
tribes. There are a few hints of human sacrifice and of head-hunting but
these are not conclusive. When consideration is given to the ceremonies,
to the priesthood, to multiple souls, soul wandering and capture, and to
spirits of trees and plants, or when we give attention to rice culture, to
metal working or to social organization, the Bukidnon ties seem closer to
the late waves of Malayan invaders represented by such tribes as the
Tinguian of Abra and the coastal Christianized peoples of the Philippines.
It appears to us that in the Bukidnon we have many glimpses of a culture
which once flourished along the northern coast of Mindanao among the
people now known as Bisayan.
Bibliography
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of Linguistics. University of North Dakota. Typescript.
ATHERTON, WILLIAM
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Dakota. Typescript.
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136 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
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Index
Acculturation, 6-7
Adam and Eve, 128
Adoption, 70
Afterbirth, 69, 92
Afterworld, 92
Agriculture, 45, 51-57; clearing land, 52;
rituals, 51-57
Aguio, 129; tales, 130-132
Agusan River, 13
Alabdynon, 89, 93, 96, 99-102, 112, 114
Americans, 16; acculturation, 16; offi-
cials, 16
Ancestors, 75; worship, 92
Anklets, 27
Art, decorative, 63
At4, 20
Awit, 115
Bagobo, 18, 79, 84, 133
Baldbag, 98
Baliti tree, 97, 98, 101, 102
Bamboo spikes, 84
Bandolier, 82
Barrenness, 68
Basketry, 36, 57-60, 67; weaves, 58
Batak, 133
Battle, 82
Baylan, 54, 89-91, 93, 99, 101, 103, 105,
106, 110-117, 134
Betel nut, 29, 31-32, 72, 75
Betrothal, child, 72
Beyer, 7
Binokid, 7
Bird lime, 48
Birth, 68-70
Bisayan, 5, 6, 7, 14, 20, 92, 134
Blankets, 61
Blowguns, 71
Boa constrictor, 56
Borneo, 134
Bow and arrow, 46, 84
Bracelets, 27
Bride service, 75
Bukidnon Province, 13-16; geography,
13-14; location, 13
Bulaldkau, 94-96, 99-101, 112
Bulanawan, 129
Burial, 76
Cacao, 56
Cagayan River, 14
Calendar, 125
Camotes, 55
Carabao, 56
Cardinal points, 93, 94
Carving, 63
Caucasoid, early, 22
Ceremony, 53, 57, 68, 75, 77, 99-117, 119
Chests, wooden, 42
Chicken, 56
Children, life of, 71-72
Christianity, 133
Christianization, 14
Circumcision, 68
Coffee, 56
Combs, 26
Constellations, 123-125
Corn, 55; -grinder, 44
Cotton, 55, 63
Cradle, 36, 42, 68-69, 71
Crocodiles, 70
Crops, minor, 56
Custom, 81
Dagingon, 97, 108, 110, 111, 1 13
Dance, 109, 119
Dapolan, 108, 110
Dato, 6, 18, 78, 80, 81, 99, 129
Davao, province of, 1 3
Davao Gulf, 5, 16, 134
Deadfall, 46
Death, 76
137
138
THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Decoration, patchwork, 67
Deer, 56
Delivery, 69
Designs, weaving, 63
Dialects, 7
Disputes, 80
Divination, 90, 100, 107
Divorce, 76
Diwata, 97
Dogs, 45
Domakalangan, 129
Domaloh-doh, 95
Dress, 6, 23-30; man, 27
Drought, great, 127
Drums, 120
Earrings, 26
Earth, 93
Education, 71
Eel traps, 49
Epidemic, 99
Exchange, units of, 59
Field, preparation of, 34
Fines, 80
Fire-hox, 109
Fire-making, 34
Fire syringe, 34
Fish, 48, 56
Fishing, 48-51
Flood, the, 128
Flutes, 120
Forge, 45, 84; Malayan, 45
Fortich, Manuel, 16
Gabi, 55
Games, gambling, 72
Gimokod, 77, 91, 92, 95, 99, 100, 103, 104,
106
Gomogonal, 95
Gong, brass, 120
Granaries, 54
Grave, 76
Guitar, 64, 120, 122
Harvest, 53
Hats, 27, 29
Head-bands, 117
Head cloths, 30
Headdresses, 82
Headhunting, 84
Headman, 18
Hemp, 25, 45, 55, 61; stripper, 61-62
Higaonan, 5
Household, effects, 36; inventory, 43-44
Houses, 34, 36
Hunting, 45-48
Ibabaso, 54, 96, 98, 116
Idol, 84
Incest regulations, 75
Infidelity, 75, 81
Inheritance, 78
Inkanlo, 89, 94-96, 112
Ipasakdy, 110
Iron, 45
Islam, 133
Jars, Chinese, 42, 79
Jesuits, 36; missionaries, 14
Jew's-harp, 120
Judges, 79
Kaliga-on, 52, 95-97, 119; ceremony, 54,
95, 100, 107-117, 122; spirits of, 53
Kalotan, 108, 111
Kasaboahdn, 95, 107; ceremony, 105
Lanao, province of, 13
Land, 81
Language, 8
Lantangon, 107, 112-116
Law, 81
Levirate, 75, 78, 81
Lewis, Frederick, 6, 16, 118
Lizards, 56
Locusts, 99
Loom, backstrap, 63
Madjapahit, 133
Magbabdya, 69, 77, 93, 94, 96, 98-102,
104-107, 118, 127, 128
Magic, 134
Mag-kataposen, ceremony, 92, 99
Malayan, 133
Malaybalay, 16
Malibotan, 95, 105
Mandaya, 118, 133
Manobo, 7, 16, 22, 82, 92, 118, 134
Marriage, 71, 72; price, 72
INDEX
139
Masaubasau, 107, 114
Mat-making, 59
Medicine, 57
Mediums, 90
Megalithic cult, 133
Menangkabau, 133
Methods, field, 6-7
Midwife, 68-70
Molin-olin, 89, 92, 95, 109, 114
Mongoloid, southern, 21
Monkeys, origin of, 129
Month, 125
Moon, 123
Moros, 13, 16, 18, 45, 68, 82, 84, 126;
origin of, 127
Mortar and pestle, 44
Mount Balatocan, 78, 92
Mourning, 76-77, 86
Music, 120-122
Myths, 123-124
Naming, 70-71
Nativistic movements, 118
Necklaces, 27
Negrito, 18, 20, 133
Nets, 45; fish, 49
Omaldgad, 95, 101, 102
Ongli, 95
Ordeal, 80, 81
Origins, legends of, 126-130
Pagalogas, 99
Pagalono, 99
Pa^i/iV ceremony, 102-103
Paglognas, 77
Palilitan, 95
Pamahdndi, 94; ceremony, 103-105
Panalikot ceremony, 95, 100
Pangampo ceremony, 99
Pangolo-Ambit ceremony, 106-107
Panglang, 95
Parent-in-law avoidance, 71
Physical types, 18-22
Pigs, 56
Pillows, 44
Piper, plants, 55
Pipes, 55
Planting, 52, 53; time, 125
Pledge, 101, 107
Poisoning, fish, 49
Polygyny, 75, 80
Population, 23
Pottery, 45, 63
Pregnancy, 68-70
Presidente, 18, 80
Prostitution, 68
Proto-Malays, 133; culture, 134
Provincial governor, 80
Pulangi River, 13, 16
Races, origin of, 127-128
Religion, 6
Resettlement, 14
Rice, 53-55, 75; knife, 53, 54; seed, 52;
wine, 56, 100, 109
Rings, 27
Running amuck, 86
Sacrifice, human, 85, 86
Sadang, 133
Seasons, 125
Serpents, 97
Settlements, 34
Shellfish, 51, 56
Shields, 64, 84
Skirts, 61
Sky, 93, 123, 124
Slavery, 86-88
Snares, 46
Songs, 108, 122; ceremonial, 122
Souls, multiple, 91 ; "soul catching," 91
Spear, 84
Spinning, 63
Spirits, 53-55, 57, 89, 90; houses, 54;
local, 96; "natural," 93; world, 89
Stars, 123; falling, 125
Story tellers, 126
Sugar cane, 55
Talabosau, 86
Talapnay, 116
Tales, folk, 126; of heroes, 126
Tapay, 55
Tattooing, 29
Teeth, mutilation of, 33; treatment of, 29
Teknonymy, 71
"Tie and dye," 61, 67
Tinguian, 134
Tobacco, 55
140 THE BUKIDNON OF MINDANAO
Tops, 71 Villages, 5, 36
Toradja, 133 Violins, 120
'^"'■^^''^^ , ,, Warfare, 81-86
Trade, 14, 16, 45 ^^T ■ oa
Warriors, 84
Traps, 46, 48 ^^^ mould process, 45
Tree houses, 16, 18, 36 Weaving, 45, 63
Trumpets, 122 Wedding, 73
Tungud movement, 118 Weeding, 53
Turbans, 30 Widow, 81
Tweezers, 34 Worcester, Dean C, 6, 16
Twins, 70
Year, 125
Publication 792
1
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