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Full text of "Bulgaria and her people, with an account of the Balkan wars, Macedonia, and the Macedonian Bulgars"






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QUEEN ELEANOKA OF BULGARIA. 



lulgaria 

With an Account of the 

Balkan Wars, Macedonia, and the 

Macedonian Bulgars 



9tU &. IHonrot 

Author of "Turkey and the Turks," "In Viking 
Land," "Sicily, the Garden of the Mediter- 
ranean," " Bohemia and the Cechs," 
" Europe and Her People," etc. 



aiUuBlratfiJ 




THE PAGE COMPANY 

BOSTON ^ MDCCCCXIV 



Copyright, 1914, 
By The Pagk Company 

All rights reserved 



First. IinprossioD, September, 1914 



THE COLONIAL PRESS 
C. 11. SIMOfDS CO., BOSTON, V. P.. A. 



srlF 

MRU 






DEDICATED TO 

DR. LOUIS N. WILSON, 

CtuMlK OmVERSITY, 

WOKCEHTEH, MASS., 

U. 8. A. 



BULGARIA AND HER PEOPLE 



Works of 

PROFESSOR WILL S. MONROE 

Turkey and the Turks - - - - $3.00 
In Viking Land: Norway , Its Peo- 
ple, Its Fjords, and Its Fjelds - 3.00 
Sicily, the Garden of the Mediterra- 
nean - - 3.00 

Bohemia and the Cechs - - - - 3.00 

Bulgaria and Ber People - Net 3.00 

Carriage paid, 3-20 

0?<] 

THE PAGE COMPANY 

53 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass. 



FOREWORD 



This is the first general book of travel and de- 
scription, treating of the rejuvenated Bulgarian 
kingdom, to be published in the English language. 
Of all the peoples of the Balkan peninsula, the Bul- 
gars are least well known in Europe and America; 
and yet it is the universal testimony of the few 
foreigners who have learned to know them inti- 
mately that the inhabitants of ** the peasant state,'* 
although more recently liberated from the oppress- 
ive Turkish rule than the other races of the penin- 
sula, have outdistanced the Greeks, the Rumanians, 
the Servians, and the Montenegrins in most of the 
matters that make for social progress and civili- 
zation. Illiteracy, for example, is distinctly lower 
in Bulgaria than in the other Balkan states. The 
Bulgars spend twice as much per inhabitant on 
elementary education as the Servians, two and a 
half times as much as the Greeks, and three times 
as much as the Montenegrins. 

As this book is intended for the general reader, 
the author has stressed the human side of the sub- 
ject, and treated of a reasonably wide range of gen- 
eral topics, — geography, history, religion, educa- 
tion, ethnic types, agriculture, industry, commerce, 

vii 



VUl 



Foreword 



literature, painting, sculpture, music, — that throw 
light on and lend interest to the developing civili- 
zation of the new kingdom. 

Considerable space is devoted to the two recent 
Balkan wars and to the authoritative report of the 
Carnegie commission. The author was in Bulgaria 
during the second Balkan war, and his personal 
investigations into the nature of and the responsi- 
bility for the second Balkan war are in entire ac- 
cord with the findings of the Carnegie commission. 

Bulgaria was betrayed, attacked, and traduced 
by her treacherous allies. She accomplished most 
and lost most in the Balkan wars. The charges of 
atrocities against Bulgarian soldiers were in the 
main false. On the other hand, the barbarities com- 
mitted by the victorious Greeks and Servians, and 
notably by the former, — the torture of the wounded, 
the murder of prisoners of war, the firing on Red 
Cross and neutral flags, the violation of women, — 
have shocked humanity. The report of the Car- 
negie commission is a crushing indictment of the 
Greeks and the Serbs and their shameful beha- 
viour during the recent wars. 

The author is under a large debt of gratitude to 
a score of people in Bulgaria, who have aided him 
in the collection and tbe verification of the facts in 
his book; but they must be passed over with a 
blanket statement of thanks. Four friends, how- 
ever, must be named : Mr. Tvan A. Karastoyanoff, 
the artistic photographer at Sofia, for many of the 
illustrations used in this volume; the Reverend 
Elia K. Kutukchieff, of Haskovo, Bulgaria, who 



Foreword ix 

accompanied the author in his arduous travels in 
Bulgaria during the second Balkan war; and Pro- 
fessor Radoslav A. Tsanoff, formerly of Clark Uni- 
versity hut now of Rice Institute, Houston, Texas, 
and Professor Amos W. Farnham, late of the Os- 
wego Normal School, who submitted to the drudg- 
ery of reading the proof sheets. 

w. s. M. 
June 1, 1914. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I 

GEoGRArnY OF Bulgaria 

PAOB 

Physiography of the country — Nature of the Balkan mountaina 

— Diviflions of the Stara Planina — The mountains of southern 
liulgaria — The Kilos — The Rhodopes — Mountain streania 

— The Maritza river valley — Picturesque features of the 
southern Rhodopes — Lakelets and mineral springs — Climate 
of Bulgaria — Rainfall — Flora and fauna — Area and popu- 
lation of the country — Bulgarians in the United States 1 

CHAPTER II 
The Old Bulgarian Kingdom: 

Earliest inhabitants of Bulgaria — The ancient Thraco-Iliyrians 

— Reign of Philip of Maecdon — Arrival of the Bulgars — 
Their subjugation of the native Slavic tribas — The rule of As- 
paruh and Kruin — Prince Boris and the adoption of Chris- 
tianity — Reign of Simeon — The royal palace at Preslav — 
Golden age of Bulgarian literature — Conflicts with the By- 
zantine emperors — The Bogomil heresy — Their doctrines 
and persecution — Bulgaria a part of the Greek empire — 
The house of Asen — The new capital at Tirnovo — Tne fate 
of Baldwin, the Prankish emperor — Discord in Bulgaria — 
Conquest of the country by the Turks 12 

CILVPTER III 

Under the Turkish Yoke 

The Turkish conquest of Bulgaria — Dark ages of Bulgarian 
history — Turkish political oppression and Greek ecclesias- 
tical tyranny — The corrupt Phanariotes — Extinction of Bul- 
garian learning — \V\\y the movement for the Hcllcnization 
of the Bulgars failed — Origin of the Poinak republic — PJfforts 
of the Bulgars to throw oil the Turkish yoke — Influence of 
the literary and historical revival — Labours of the monk 
Paissy — The school at Kotel — Beginnings of revolutionary 
movements — Services of Venelin — The school at Gabrovo 



xii Contents 



— Re^atablishment of the Bulgarian national church — Turk- 
ish oppression following the Crimean war — Work of revolu- 
tionary committees in Rumania 20 



CHAPTER IV 

Liberation ok Bulgaiiia 

Beginning of the end of the Turkish rule — Massacres of the 
bashi-bozouks — Responsibility of England for conditions in 
Turkey — The Crimean war — Russia and the oppressed 
Bulgars — The Massacre at Batak — Mr. Gladstone on the 
Bulgarian " horrors " — Outbreak of the Russo-Turkish war 
of 1877-78 — Russian 3uccet)s(« — IIow the Bulgars cooper- 
ated with their liberators — The treaty of San Stcfano — 
Anger of England — The congress of Berlin — The cunning of 
Abdul-Hamid — Macedonia, Albania, and Thrace given back 
to Turkey — Creation of the principalities of Bidgaria and 
Eastern Rumelia 38 



CHAPTER V 

The New Bulgarian Kingdom 

Adminifltrative affairs of Bulgaria in the hands of Russians — 
The new constitution adopted at Timovo — Election of 
Prince Alexander of Battenberg aa ruler of Bulgaria — The 
Russophil party — The coup d'etat — Airognnce of the Rus- 
sian officials — Restoration of the suspended constitution — 
Departure of the Russian officials — Union of Eastern Rumelia 
with Bulgaria — Appearance of Stefan StambolofT — The war 
with Servia — Russian intrigues — Kidnapping of Prince 
Alexander — His return to Bulgaria — Abdication of the 
prince — Wbat Prince Alexander had done for Bulgaria . 50 



CHAPTER VI 

Bulgaria Under King Ferdinand 

Alienation of the Bulgarian sympathies by the intrigues of the 
Russians — Election of Prince Ferdinand by the national 
assembly — Refusal of the powers to recognize the election — 
Non-recognition a distinct advantage — Stamboloff and the 
friendly relations of Bulgaria with the governments of Europe 

— Intriguing Russophil ecclesiastics — How StambolofT dis- 
ciplined them — Birth of Prince Boris — Friction between 
Ferdinand and his great minister — The downfall of Stamboloff 

— Sinister Russian influences again in evidence — Dedication 
of the Russian chapel at Shipka pass — Independence of Bul- 
garia from Turkey — What King Ferdinand has accom- 
plished — Popularity of Prince Boris — His rebaptism to the 
faith of the national Orthodox church GO 



Contents xiii 



CHAPTER Vli 

Stamboloff vh. Russian Intrigues 

The early life of Stefan SfnmbolofT — His Russian experiences — 
Connection with the Bulgarian revolutionary committee — 
Leader of the upriBing at Stara Zagora — President of the 
national assembly — Ilis role m the union of the two Bulgarias 

— Prime minister to Prince Alexander — How he met the 
attacks of Russia against Bulgarian independence — The 
regency — Prime minister under Prince l'\'rdinand — Was hia 
rule despotic? — How he punished Macedonian brigands — 
His quarrels with the prince — Resignation from the ministry 

— Cruel persecution by the Russophil government — His mur- 
der — Pen picture of the great statesman — Estimates of his 
servioea — Connection of Russia with his downfall and murder 

— His faults and his virtues 73 



CHAPTER VIII 

The Balkan League 

Responsibility for Turkish misrule in Macedonia — Guiding 
principle of Ottoman statecraft — The revolutionary move- 
ment and its consequences — Turkish massacres — Attempts 
of Russia and Austria to inaugurate reforms — The Young 
Turk party — • Attempf.s to Ottomanize Macedonia — Why 
the Macedonians revolted against Turkish rule — Early at- 
tempts to form a Balkan league — Why StarabolofI rejected 
the ov(;rture^s of the Greeks — Venizelos and the Balkan 
league of 1912 — Provisions of the league for the reform of 
Macjxlonia — Bulgarian conventions with Greece, Servia, 
and Montenegro 87 



CHAPTER IX 
The First Balkan War 

Immediate causes of the war — Inefficiency of the great powers 

— Demands of the allies — Turkey's refusal — Declaration of 
war — Composition of the Bulgarian army — General Savoff 

— Kutincheff, Ivanoff, and Dimitrieff — General Fitchefl — 
The battle of Kirk Kliss^ — ■ Bulgarian successes at Lule 
Burgas and Bunar Hissur — Before the Tchatalja lines — 
Expediency of the attack — The siege of Adrianople — Armis- 
tice and peace conference — Resumption of hostilities — 
Capture of Adrianople — The part Bulgaria took in tlie first 
Balkan war — Tribute to the splenaid qualities of her 
soldiers 106 



xiv Contents 



CHAPTER X 

The Second Balkan War 

CauBes of the Becond Balkan war — Conduct of the Greek and 
Servian armies in Macedonia — Attempts to disintegrate 
Bulgarian social and national life — Maltreatment of Bul- 
garian biflhops and teachers — Secret understanding between 
Greece and Servia before the close of the first Balkan war — 
Vacillating policy of the prime minister of Servia — Violation 
of the conditions of the Balkan league by Greeks and Servians 

— Efforts of Russia to prevent war — GueahofT and Pachitch 
in conference — Outbreak of hostilities — Plan of General 
Savoff's campaign against the Servians — Greeks attack the 
Bulgarian garrison at Salonika — Retreat of General Ivanoff 

— Invasion of Bulgaria by Rumania — Turkey reconquers 
Thrace — The peace treaty of Bucharest — Why the Balkan 
question is not settled 116 



CHAPTER XI 

Alleged Bulgahian Atrocities 

The press campaign of King Constantine of Greece — Isolation 
of Bulgaria during the second Balkan war — Personal experi- 
ences of the author — Testimony of refugees — What he saw in 
the Rilo and the Rhodope mountains — Accounts of atrocities 
published in Le Temps and the retraction — Bishops report.ed 
killed by the Greeks found alive by the Carnegie commission 
— How the Greeks forged the signature of an American mis- 
sionary — Bulgaria demands the apjjointment of an interna- 
tional commission to investigate the atrocities of all the bel- 
ligerents — Action of the Hague tribunal — Report of the 
Carnegie commission — Its findings at Doxato, Seres, and 
Demir Hissar — Responsibility of the Greeks — Charges by 
the Greeks of mutilation of bodies by Bulgarian soldiers pro- 
nounced false by the commisflion 135 



CHAPTER XII 

Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 

Responsibility of the Greek press in inciting feelings of hatred 
against the Bulgars — The order of King Constantine for 
Greek reprisals antedated the alleged Bulgarian provocation 
— Sacking and burning Kukush by the Greeks — Tales of 
torture by Macedonian refugees — Catholic priests and Ar- 
menian doctors flogged for money — Attempts of Greek sol- 
diers to violate nuns — Damaging evidence of the letters 
found m the Razlog district of Macedonia — Greek soldiers 
boast of their cruelties — One hundred and sixty Bulgarian 
villages burned by the Greeks 162 



Contents xv 



CHAPTER XIII 

The Pkohlk ok Buloahia 

Ethnically the Bulgars of Finnic stock — Physical characteris- 
tics — Mental traits — Industry- and frugality — Peasant 
costumes — Standards of morality — The community home 

— Bulgarian language — Literacy of the people — Spirit of 
toleration — Jews in Bulgaria — Gypsies — Greeks — Their 
characteristic ethical defects — The Kutzo-Vlacks . . . 182 

CHAPTER XIV 

How Bulgaria Is Governed 

Fundamental principles of the Bulgarian constitution — Execu- 
tive powers — The national assembly — How constituted — A 
unique electoral law — Representation of minorities — Charges 
of unfair elections — The grand sobranje — Sources of rev- 
enue — Ix)cal government in Bulgaria — Municipal councils — 
The judiciary — Bulgaria a well governetl state — Political 
parties — Conservatives and liberals — Other parties . . 192 

CHAPTER XV 

Rklkjion and Monasteries 

The national Ort.hodox church of Bulgaria — A static religion — 
Dearth of intellectual life among its priests — Language of 
the service — Place of fasts — Nature of church services — 
The confessional — Celibacy required only of monks — Re- 
ligious toleration in Bulgaria — The Pomaka or Bulgarian 
Moslems — Moriasticism — -The famous Rilo monastery — 
Other monasteries — The Mohammedan church in Bulgaria — 
The Greek {)atriarchist church — Hebrews — Catholics and 
Uniates — 'I'he American Protestant movement in Bulgaria — 
Its educational influence — What Protestantism has uonc for 
the country 208 

CHAPTER XVI 

Education in Bulqahia 

Bulgarian culture effaced during the supremacy of the Greek 
Phanariotes — The revival of learning in Bulgaria — Educa- 
tion and the literary and historical renaissance — The second- 
ary school at Gabrovo — Opposition of the Greek ecclesiastics 

— Views of the American missionaries — Mission schools 
conducted by Americans — The national school system — 
How elementar>' schools are support.ed — Course of study — 
Education of girls — Norma! schools for the training of 
teachers — The university of Sofia — Special and technical 
schools — Rapid decrease in the percentage of illiteracy — 
Libraries 224 



xvi Contents 

PAOB 

CHAPTER XVII 

BULGAIUAN FoLJC - SoNQ AND MuBIC 

Rich folk-popt.ry nf the country — How theHO songs originated — 
EarHest efforts to collect the folk-songs of Bulgaria and Mace- 
donia — Opposition of the Greek ecclesiastics — Song of 
Liuben the haiduk — Resemblance of the measures to Long- 
fellow's Hiawatha — Ivan Popoff and the Fairy — Marko, the 
legendary hero — Mental traits of the lyrics — Relation of 

• the folk-songs to national dances — The hero — Musical in- 
struments used — Art music of Bulgaria — Works of modem 
composers — Musical societies 238 

CHAPTER XVIII 

Modern Buluaiuan Literature 

The literary revival and the movement for political liberty — 
Christo Boteff — Liuben KaravelofT — Zachary Stoyanoff — 
Petko R. Shiveikofl", the founder of modern Bulgarian litera- 
ture — His political and educational activities — Collections 
of folk-songs — Translation of the Bible — Ivan Vazoff, poet, 
dramatist, and novelist — Early life and training — Con- 
nection with the revolutionary movement — Early verses — 
Under the Yoke — Other romance*) — Dramas — Vlaikoff — 
Stoyan Michailovsky, satirist — Aleko Constantinoff, humour- 
ist — Success of Bai Ganio — Pencho Slaveikoff, the foremost 
Bulgarian writer — Pen-picture of the poet — His art work — 
Lyrical compositions — His great epic — Petko Todoroff, 
poet and dramatist — Author of the finest Bulgarian prose — 
Velitchkoff — Minor poets — Political and philosophical wri- 
ters 252 

CHAPTER XIX 

PAINTFNa AND ScOLPTDRB 

High rank of Bulgaria in painting — Earliest artists foreigners — 
Professor Ivan D. Mirkvicka — Wide range of his artistic 
activities — Studies of Bulgarian peasants — His historical 
paintings — Mural paintings in the Alexander Nevsky cathe- 
dral — Founder of the Academy of Fine Arts — Yaroslav 
Veshin — Pavlovitch and Dospevsky — Professor Anton 
Mitoff — Ivan Angeloff — Other painters — Sculpture — Col- 
lections of paintings — Art school at Sofia 277 

CHAPTER XX 

Farms and Forests 

Agriculture the mainstay — Peasant ownership — Common 
pasture lands — Cereal pnjducts — Cultivation of roses — 
Orchard fruits — Growth of tobacco — Rearing of live-stock 
— Bulgarian Agricultural Bank — Need of agricultural edu- 



Contents xvii 



cation — yocial life of the peasant farmers — i'oresta of Bul- 
garia — Government regulationa — The forests of the Rilo 
and the Rhodopo mountains 288 

CHAFl^ER XXI 

Industry and Trade 

Handicrafts — Decline in home industries — Textile industries 
at Sliven and Gabrovo — Silk-spinning at Timovo — Saw 
mills — Social and economical evils at the industrial centres 

— Legislative labour restrictions — Encouragement of indus- 
try by the national government — Special concessions — Min- 
eral resources and mining — Numerous mineral springs in Bul- 
garia — Commerce — Its rapid growth — Exports and im- 
ports — Chief trading towTis — Railways and highwaj's — 
System of measurements — The Bulgarian National Bank 300 

CHAPTER XXII 

QUEKN ElEANORA AND PuiLANTHROPT 

The Orthodox church not directly identified with philanthropic 
movements — Indifference of the clergy — Queen Eleanora 
at the heatl of philanthropic prnjerts — The Florence Night- 
ingale of the Russo-Turkish war — Her services in the two 
Balkan wars — Tribute of Miss Abbott — Pen picture by Pro- 
fessor Markham — The Clementine hospital and its needs — 
Dearth of orphanges in Bulgaria 313 

CHAPTER XXIII 

American Influence in Bulgaria 

Large influence of the United States in the intellectual develop- 
ment of the nation — Robert College — Work of Dr. Hamhn 

— Dr. Washburn and the college — ^Tiat it has done for Bul- 
garia — Bulgarian statesmen e<lucatcd at Robert College — 
Present condition of the college — Influence of the Am(!rican 
College for Women at Constantinople — Work of the Ameri- 
can missionaries — American Institute at Samokov — Ameri- 
can School for Girls — The influence it has exerted through its 
graduates 323 

CHAPTER XXIV 

Sofia, the Modern Capital 

The site of an ancient city — Sofia in the eighteenth century — 
Transformation since it ceased to be a Turkish town — 
The Djul-Dschamija mosque — The Bu^-uk Djamia — The 
Black Mosque — New Cathedral of Alexander Nevaky — 
Bulgarian National Theatre — Palace of the Holy Synod — 
Public ba'.h — Post-office — Statue of the Tsar Liberator — 
Public gardens — The suburbs of Sofia 341 



xviii Contents 



CHAPTER XXV 

Other Cities and Towns 

Philippopolifl, the capital of Eastern Rumelia — Principal quarters 
in the city — Nature of the population — Rustchuk — Tir- 
novo, the ancient capital — Historic church of the Forty 
Martyrs — Recent destruction of the city by an earthquake — 
Varna — Burgaa — Shumeu — Stara Zagora, Sliven, and 
Kazanhk — Dubnitza — Samokov — Rilo .... 349 

CHAPTER XXVI 

The Bulqabs of Macedonia 

Why Macedonia was given back to the Turks after the Russo- 
Turkish war — Revolt in the Struma valley — Organization 
of the komitadjis — Revolution of 1902 — How it was sup- 
pressed by the Turks — The wrecking of the bank at Salonika 

— Capture of Miss Stone — Economic conditions in Mace- 
donia — Methods of leasing the land — Physical and mental 
characteristics of the Bulgars of Macedonia .... 359 

CHAPTER XXVII 

Macedonia after the Balkan Wars 

Racial and religious elements of the population of Macedonia — 
Conditions of the province at the close of the first Balkan war 

— Disappearance of the population — The countrj' laid waste 
by the Greeks — Work of pillage and murder — Verdict of Mr. 
Wallis — Conditions in the part of Macedonia occupied by the 
Servians — Report of the Carnegie commission — Oppression 
of the Bulgarian population — Tyrannical order of Kmg Peter 

— Methods of coercion — The results 373 

Bibuography 397 

Index 401 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



PAOB 

Queen Eleanora of Bulgaria Frontispiece 

MAP OF BULGARIA 2 

Rilo MountainB — Rhodope Mountains 4 

The lekcr River 6 

Tiraovo, Capital of the Old Bulgarian Kingdom .... 12 

Prince Boris (852-884) 15 

The Monk Paissy 33 

Christo Boteff, Leader of the Revolt against Turkey ... 36 

Monument of the Tsar Liberator at Sofia 38 

Batak 42 

Shipka Pass 44 

Prince Alexander 51 

Royal Palace at Sofia, erected by Prince Alexander ... 57 

King Ferdinand 62 

Prince Borifl 71 

Stefan Stamboloff 74 

A Peasant Citizen 8q 

Macedonian Vlacks gg 

Ex-Prime Minister Gueshoff 100 

Father and Four Sons who fought in the First Balkan War . 106 

General Savoff 108 

First Balkan War: Burying the Dciid 114 

Second Balkan War: Troops Marching to the Front . .116 

Second Balkan War: Ox Train with War Materials . . .130 

xix 



XX List of Illustrations 

PAOB 

Macedonian Refugees in the Mount.aina near Ichtiraan 137 

Refugees from Seres 145 

Macedonians Fleeing Greek Atrocities 162 

Turkish Exiles from Macedonia 179 

A Bulgarian Family 182 

Typical Bulgarian Costumes 185 

A Bulgarian Peasant 186 

Group of Peasants 188 

The Sobranje or Parliament House 192 

The National Assembly (Sobranje) in Session 200 

A Monastery near Sofia 208 

Monastery of St. Peter and St. Paul 210 

Bird's-Eyc View of Rilo Monastery — Court, of Rilo Monastery . 217 

Primary School at Sofia 230 

Secondary School at Rustchuk — Agricultural School at Plevna . 234 

Public Library- at Shumen 237 

Bulgarian Musicians 240 

National Dance: The Horo 249 

Ivan VazofT 260 

Aleko Constantinoff 208 

Pencho Slaveikoflf — Petko Todoroff 272 

Ivan V. Mirkvicka 278 

" The Rhodope Wedding " 280 

Anton Mitoff 284 

Ploughing w-ith Water BufTalo 288 

Harvesting with Camels — Threshing \Vheat 290 

Factory at Gabrovo 301 

Queen Eleanora as a War Nurse 314 

Clementine Hospital, under the direction of Queen Eleanora . 321 

Dr. George Washburn, Educator of Bulgarian Statesmen . . 331 

Bulgarian Graduates of Robert. College and their Wives . . 336 

Samokov, Seat of American Schools 338 

Sofia, the Modem Capital 342 

Alexander Nevsky Cathedral — Bulgarian National Theatre . 346 

General View of Philippopolis 350 

Rustchuk — Varna 353 

The Captore of Miss Ellen M. Stone 364 



List of Illustrations xxi 

PAOB 

A Patriarchal B^amily 368 

A Macedonian Village after the Balkan Wars 374 

Macetlouiau Bulgars exiled by the Greeks 370 

Macedonian Bulgars driven into exile by the Servians . 382 



BULGARIA 
AND HER PEOPLE 



CHAPTER I 

GEOGRAPHY OF BULGARIA 

Physiography of the country' — Nature of the Balkan mountains — 
Divisionfl of the Stara Planina — The mountains of southern Bul- 
garia — The Rilofl — The Rhodopes — Mountain streams — The 
Maritza river valley — Picturesque features of the southern Rhodopes 
— LakeletH and mineral springs — Climate of Bulgaria — Rainfall — 
Flora and fauna — Area and population of the country — Bul- 
garians in the United States. 

The kingdom of Bulgaria forms a part of the 
mountainous Balkan peninsula. The physiography 
of the country presents a combination of mountain 
chains encircling broad and fertile mountain valleys. 
The average elevation of the kingdom is 1,411 feet 
above sea-level. The character of the country is 
determined by the mountain systems. Structurally 
four well defined sections may be noted : the Danu- 
bian table-land in the north, the long chain of the 
Balkan mountains extending west-east the entire 
length of the country, the high and elevated mass 
of the Rilo-Rhodope mountains in the south, and the 
elevated plains between these two great parallel 
mountain systems. 

The Balkan mountains, or Stara Planina as they 

1 



Bulgaria and Her People 



are called by the Riilgars, extend from the Timok 
river in the west to the Black sea in the east, a 
length of 375 miles, the average width being about 
20 miles. They are really a continuation of the 
Carpathian system. The Balkans have been formed 
by horizontal pressure from the south. They have 
neither abrupt projections nor rocky peaks, but 
many rounded domes which, for the most part, are 
the remains of ancient volcanic cones. The higher 
parts have a core of granite and metamorphic rock. 
The northern slopes of the Balkans present a suc- 
cession of terraces, which are so gentle that one may 
approach the crest from the Danube river without 
coming in sight of mountains. The southern slopes, 
on the other hand, are very abrupt, with numerous 
narrow and tortuous defiles. 

There are three well marked divisions of the Bal- 
kan, or Stara Planina, system. The western divi- 
sion, a continnation of the Carpathian mountains, 
extends from the Servian frontier to the gorge of 
the Isker river; the central division from the Isker 
to the Demir Kapia; and the eastern division from 
the Demir Kapia to the Black sea. 

The western Stara Planina is flanked north-south 
along its entire length by parallel lines of peaks 
abruptly cut into rough shapes. This is the most 
rugged part of the Balkans and is extremely diflRcult 
of access. It has only two passes — the Sveti 
Nicola (3,916 feet above the sea), through which 
leads the highway between Lom Palanka and the 
Danube regions to the Nishava valley in Servia, and 
the Ginci pass (4,737 feet elevation), with the high- 



Geography of Bulgaria 



way from Lorn Palanka to Sofia. The steepness of 
the slopes and the narrowness of the defiles through 
which the streams flow have combined to make rail- 
way and highway construction matters of costly 
engineering. 

The centra] Stara Planina also has a number of 
peaks north of the main ridge. The Isker river 
pierces through this section of the Balkans on its 
way to the Danube, forming the most picturesque 
gorge in the entire system. Two other passes serve 
as highways over the central section of the Stara 
Planina — the Baba Konak (3,200 feet), through 
which passes the road from Plevna to Sofia, and 
Shipka pass (4,300 feet), with a military road lead- 
ing from Gabrovo to Kazanlik. Yumrukchal (7,790 
feet), the highest peak in the Balkan system, is in 
the middle section of the Stara Planina. 

The eastern Stara Planina is composed of broken- 
down ridges, which gradually merge in the coastal 
plains on the shores of tlie Black sea. South of the 
Stara Planina, and extending parallel with it, is the 
Sredna Gora. The Ichtiman range connects the 
Sredna Gora with the Stara Planina, and is the 
watershed that separates the Tsker and the Maritza 
basins. The fertile plains of Zlatitza, Karlovo, 
Kazanlik, and Sliven are between the Balkans and 
the Sredna Gora. These are the famous rose val- 
leys of Bulgaria, with hundreds of great damask- 
rose gardens that produce the world's supply of 
attar of roses. 

The western section of the Stara Planina is con- 
nected with the Rilo mountains by the Verila Pla- 



Bulgaria and Her People 



nina and the Vitoslia, thus forming the watershed 
between the Isker and the Struma river systems. 
Between the high mountain ridges of western Bul- 
garia are numerous plains, such as Sofia, Samokov, 
Kustendil, Dubnitza, and Radomir, which are beds 
of extinct lakes. 

Southern Bulgaria is crossed by the Rilo-Rhodope 
mountains. They present a central mass with vari- 
ous branches stretching out in all directions and 
with huge cliffs cut by deep valleys. The jagged 
summits of the Rilo mountains contrast strikingly 
with the rounded summits of the Balkans. They 
have much of the character of the Swiss Alps. The 
Rilo mountains are the highest in Bulgaria. They 
contain the loftiest peak in the Balkan peninsula^ — 
Mt. Mussalla, whose altitude is 9,588 feet. They 
form the southern buttress of the Sofia plain ; their 
upper slopes are dotted with numerous lakes in- 
closed among rocky cliffs; and their lower slopes 
are well forested with pine, larch, and beech. The 
Rilo mountains do not have a continuous covering 
of snow, as the highest peaks do not reach above the 
snow-line; but recent investigations in the upper 
valley of the Isker and on the slopes of Mt. Mussalla 
have established the fact that the most southern 
point in Europe, where traces of the ice age have 
been found, is in the northern slopes of the Rilo 
mountains. 

The Rhodopes, a confused net-work of mountain 
groups, are a continuation of the Rilo mountains 
and extend through southern Bulgaria a distance of 
180 miles. They are highest in the west; in the 



Geography of Bulgaria 



east they are split up into several chains extending 
in different directions, which gradually sink into the 
shores of the ^gean sea. 

Many streams have their rise on the northern 
slopes of the Rhodopes and emerge from narrow 
valleys into the wide plain of the Maritza. The 
largest of these streams is the Arda, which has its 
rise in the central part of the range and flows be- 
tween two lines of hills, finally escaping through a 
narrow gorge to join the Maritza near Adrianople. 
The streams that rise on the southern slopes are for 
the most part small, the largest being the Jardimula, 
which traverses the wide cultivated plain east of 
Gumuljina. 

On the western side of the Rhodopes is the wide 
basin of the Mesta, which rises in the Kilo moun- 
tains. It flows through the deeply cut valley of the 
Razlog district and enters the plain of Nevrokop, 
but resumes the character of a mountain torrent 
before it reaches Drama on its way to the JEgcan. 
There are no peaks of striking grandeur in the 
Rhodopes, the two most important being the Ibar 
(8,747) and the Sivry Chal (8,671 feet). The chief 
beauty of these mountains consists of the pineclad 
summits and slopes, and the j)icturesque upland val- 
leys. The northern spurs of the Rhodopes termi- 
nate abruptly above the plain of the Maritza. 

Concerning the beauty of the scenery of the south- 
east slopes of the Rhodopc mountains, the Hon. 
James Bryce writes: " One part of the southeast 
Rhodopes, the part which lies between Xanthi and 
Drama, contains one of the most beautiful pieces of 



Bulgaria and Her People 



scenery I have ever seen. It is a valley something 
like thirty miles long, traversed by a river, where 
the railway has been run along the edge of the 
stream. Mountains rise from two to three thousand 
feet above the stream; they are in part richly 
wooded, and break in splendid crags down into an 
excessively narrow valley, along which there is no 
passage except the railway. The winding gorge, 
with its limestone crags towering above it, is won- 
derfully picturesque. There is hardly a more beau- 
tiful piece of railway scenery in Europe, or perhaps 
in America either, and it can be seen in perfect com- 
fort in travelling along the line." 

The most elevated and rugged part of the Rho- 
dopes is in the west. Here the formation is of old 
crystalline rocks, granite and gneiss, and the abrupt 
slopes of the mountains are richly forested. A fine 
carriage-road is being constructed by King Ferdi- 
nand over this section of the Rhodopes to Mace- 
donia. It crosses the ridge at an elevation of nearly 
eight thousand feet. 

The peculiar manner in which Bulgaria is broken 
up into mountain ranges makes it impossible for 
the streams to mingle, hence there are no conse- 
quential rivers in the country. Those draining to 
the north and joining the Danube are the Isker, 
the Lom, the Vid, the Ogosta, and the Yantra. All 
of them, excepting the Isker, have their rise in the 
Stara Planina, and are, therefore, short. The Isker 
rises in the Rilo mountains and breaks through the 
Stara Planina in a magnificent gorge. All these 
streams furnish excellent water-power. 



Geography of Bulgaria 



The Maritza river drains the great valley between 
the Balkans and the Rhodope mountains. It is 329 
miles long and its basin has an area of 20,790 square 
miles. It takes its rise in the Balkans and flows 
southeast to the ^gean sea. It is navigable for 
small boats to Adrianople, but beyond that point it 
is obstructed by rocks and sand-bars. It is an im- 
portant fertilizing agent to the plains of Philippo- 
polis. Its tributaries from the Stara Planina are 
swift and deep during the rainy season in winter 
and spring, but nearly dry during summer and au- 
tumn ; while the tributaries from the forest-covered 
Rhodope mountains on the south have nearly the 
same flow throughout the year. The two largest 
tributaries of the Maritza are the Tundja from the 
Stara Planina and the Arda from the Rhodopes. 
Both join the Maritza near Adrianople. The 
Struma, in southwestern Bulgaria, has its rise on the 
slopes of Vitosh, near Sofia, and flows west and then 
south to the ^gean. 

There are no large lakes in Bulgaria, although on 
the higher slopes of the Rilo and Rhodope moun- 
tains there arc more than one hundred small lake- 
lets very similar to the " sea eyes " in the Carpa- 
thian mountains. There are more than two hundred 
hot and mineral springs in the country. 

The climate of Bulgaria is relatively severe as 
compared with other parts of Europe in the same 
latitude, due in the main to the general physiogra- 
phy of the Balkan peninsula. North of the Balkan 
mountains the plain is exposed 1o the bitter north 
winds, and the thermometer sometimes falls as low 



8 Bulgaria and Her People 

as twenty-four degrees below zero (Fahrenheit). 
But the summer heat is less intense because the 
same range shuts out the hot winds from the south. 
The Sofia tableland, although covered with snow in 
winter, has a more equable climate than most other 
parts of the kingdom. The air is bracing, the sum- 
mer nights are cool, and the maximum temperature 
is seldom higher than eighty-six degrees or the min- 
imum lower than two degrees. The eastern part of 
the country, however, suffers from both the extremes 
of heat and cold. The Black sea sometimes freezes 
over at Varna, and the eastern coastal jjlain is ex- 
posed to violent winds. The sheltered plain of the 
Maritza has a comparatively mild winter, although 
the summers are hot. January is the coldest month 
in Bulgaria, and July is the hottest month. 

The heaviest rainfall is in the spring, and the 
mean annual rainfall for the country is about 
twenty-seven inches. In the less favoured regions 
on the shores of the Black sea the average is less 
than eighteen inches. Generally speaking Bulgaria 
is a healthful countiy, the only unhealthful regions 
being the marshes along the Danube and on the 
shores of the Black sea. 

The flora of Bulgaria is both rich and varied. On 
the broad and gentle northern plain of the Stara 
Planina the spring flowers are very like those found 
on the steppes of Russia — crocuses, orchids, irises, 
and tulips; and both the Rilo and the Rhodope 
mountain regions are rich in indigenous plants that 
are representative of the flora of the Alpine regions. 
The jasmine grows wild on the southern slopes of 



Geography of Bulgaria 9 

the Balkans, and the lilac through the Rilo and 
Rhodope mountains. Among the wild J3owers of the 
plain are the salvia, tlie pink campion, the ragged 
rohin, and the yellow hipin. 

The northern slopes of the Balkans are liberally 
wooded, but the southern slopes are comparatively 
bare. Portions of the Rilo and Rhodope mountains 
are forested. The principal trees are oak, beech, 
ash, pine, poplar, and juniper. The pines are simi- 
lar to those found in the Himalayas. The plains of 
the country are for the most part treeless, barring 
scrub oak, sumac, thorn, and elder. During the long 
period of Turkish misrule the forests of the moun- 
tains were largely destroyed. By a law of 1889 
deforestation is prohibited, and the forests of the 
kingdom have been placed under the supervision of 
state foresters. 

Wild animals are abundant in Bulgaria. Eagles, 
vultures, kites, owls, and smaller birds of prey are 
found in all parts of the kingdom; although song 
birds are less abundant. The principal song birds 
are the nightingales, the golden orioles, and the 
hoopoes. Wild geese, swans, pelicans, and herons 
haunt the marshes of the Danube and the lagoons 
of the shores of the Black sea. Woodcock, quail, 
and partridge are in the forests on the slopes of 
the Balkan and Rhodope mountains. The crane 
hibernates in the Maritza valley. The stork every- 
where in Bulgaria adds a picturesque feature to vil- 
lage life. Small browii bears are numerous in the 
Rhodope mountains. Roe deer and chamois range 
the forests of both the Rhodope and the Balkan 



10 Bulgaria and Her People 

mountains and lynx are in the Sredna Gora. Wild 
boar, badger, and otter inhabit the marshes. 

The area of the kingdom of Bulgaria, before the 
recent Balkan wars, was 36,188 square miles. By 
the conditions of the treaty of Bucharest, 2,969 
square miles in the Silistria-Baltchik district were 
ceded to Rumania, but she received 8,851 square 
miles in Macedonia and Thrace as her part of the 
former Turkish possessions, so that the present area 
of the kingdom is approximately 43,310 square 
miles. 

The population of Bulgaria before the recent wars 
was 4,329,108 people. There were 286,000 inhabit- 
ants in the district ceded to Rumania ; and, with the 
addition in the new territories, the present popula- 
tion of the kingdom is about 4,700,000. The coun- 
try is sparsely settled, there being only forty-five 
inhabitants to the square mile. 

The number of Bulgarians in the United States is 
not large. It probably does not exceed thirty-five 
thousand, including Bulgarians from Macedonia. 
Between twelve and fifteen thousand returned to the 
homeland during the Balkan wars, some of whom 
were killed and many wounded. The largest Bul- 
garian settlement is on the Illinois side of the Mis- 
sissippi river opposite the city of St. Louis. It in- 
cludes the towns of East St. Louis, Collinsville, 
Madison, and Granite City. These towns have alto- 
gether about seven thousand Bulgarians. They have 
their own churches, publish newspapers in the Bul- 
garian language, and possess other national insti- 
tutions. The Bulgarians are regarded as sober, in- 



Geography of Bulgaria 11 

dustrious, and law-abiding people. Elsewhere in 
the United States there are smaller Bulgarian com- 
munities. It is to be regretted that our Bulgarian 
immigrants so generally find their way to steel mills 
rather than to farms, since in their own country they 
make excellent agriculturalists. 



CHAPTEE II 

THE OLD BULGARIAN KINGDOM 

Earliest inhabitants of Bulgaria — Tho ancient 'I'hraco-Illyrian.s — Rci^iiU 
of Philip of Maccdon — Arrival of the Bulgars — Their subj\ip;a- 
tiou of the native Slavic tribes — The rule of Asparuh and Kruni — 
Prince Boris and the adoption of Christianity — ■ Reif^n of Simeon — 
The royal palace at Prcslav — Golden ape of Bulf^arian literature — 
Conflicts with the fiyzantine emperors — The Bogomil heresy — 
Their doctrines and persecution —..Bulgaria a part of the Greek 
empire — The house of Asen — The new caj)ital at Tiruovo — The 
fate of Baldwin, the Prankish emperor — Discord in Bulgaria — 
; Conquest of the country by the Turks. 

Little is definitely known concerning the early 
history of the Bulgars. The country that they oc- 
cupy to-day was inhabited at the dawn of tlie Chris- 
tian era by ancient Tbraco-Illyrian tribes. They 
were an agricultural people, governed by democratic 
local institutions, without national leaders or cen- 
tral organization, the political unit being the tribe. 
Herodotus wrote concerning them that ** if they 
were only ruled by one man, and could only agree 
among themselves, they would become the greatest 
of all nations." The ancient lllyrian speech is 
proI)ably represented to-day in Albania. 

Philip of Macedon brought the warring tribes of 
the Balkans under his control and federated them 
into the Macedonian empire. But the union was 
short-lived; and upon the death of Alexander the 
Great they " returned to the congenial business of 
flying at one another's throats." For a century the 

12 



The Old Bulgarian Kingdom 13 

Thracian and lUyrian warriors struggled with the 
Roman conquerors, but the country was jBnally 
brought under Roman influence. Shortly after the 
Roman conquest, hordes of wild and uncouth war- 
riors began to pour into the peninsula. The Goths 
first ravaged the country; the terrible Huns fol- 
lowed; and in many parts of the Balkans the entire 
native population perished at the hands of these 
barbarians. 

The Bulgars arrived in the seventh century. 
Their origin is a vexed question. Recent ethno- 
graphic and anthropological investigations suggest 
that the Bulgars originally belonged to the Turanian 
race and that ethnically they were related to the 
Tatars, the Finns, and the Huns. "We first hear of 
them as wild, fierce liorsemen occupying a tract of 
land between the Ural mountains and the Volga 
river. They cros.scd the Danube in the year 679; 
subjugated the Slavic tribes, and advanced to the 
gates of Constantinople. The Byzantine empire 
was forced to cede tliem large grants of land in the 
Balkan peninsula and to pay them an annual trib- 
ute. The Bulgars welded the scattered Slavic tribes 
into a compact and powerful state; they assimi- 
lated the language, customs, and institutions of the 
Sla^dc tribes which they concpicred, and in reality 
became themselves Slavs. For several centuries 
they played an important role in the historj^ of 
southwestern Europe, and on several occasions they 
threatened the very existence of the Byzantine em- 
pire. 

According to Bulgarian traditions, Asparuh was 



14 Bulgaria and Her People 

the first Bulgar warrior to leave the ancient home 
on the Volga, where the ruins of Bulgari, their 
former capital, are still pointed out to tlie traveller. 
He crossed the Dniester and the Dnieper, and set- 
tled at a place called Onklos between the Transyl- 
vanian Alps and the Danube. By the seventh cen- 
tury his followers had occupied the country that 
bears their name to-day and absorbed the native 
races. One of the earliest Bulgar rulers, concerning 
whom we have authentic information, is Krum, who, 
to borrow Gibbon's phrase, '* could boast the hon- 
our of having slain in battle one of the successors 
of Augustus and Constantino." He captured Sofia, 
the present capital of the coimtry, in the year 809, 
and occupied large parts of what are to-day the 
kingdoms of Servia and Rumania. The Byzantine 
emperor, in an attempt to drive Krum out of the 
Balkans, was himself killed and the entire imperial 
army was annihilated. The \nctorious Bulgars then 
marched into Thrace and laid siege to Constanti- 
nople. The Byzantine rulers made terms with 
Krum, offering him a largo yearly tribute, quanti- 
ties of fine clothing, and a fixed number of Greek 
maidens. Krum conquered the Struma valley, and 
when he died his rule extended from Adrianople to 
the Carpathian mountains. 

The next Bulgarian ruler concerning whom we 
have reliable information was Omortag. lie made 
an expedition against the Franks, his neighbours on 
the northwest, and conquered the Drave and the 
Save river valleys. An inscription on a pillar in the 
recently destroyed Church of the Forty Martyrs at 




I'ainted by Ivan \' Mirkvioka. 

PRINCE BORIS (852-884). 
Reprodu.-ed by permission of the artist. 



The Old Bulgarian Kingdom 15 

Tirnovo tells of his execution of Christian mission- 
aries and of his fruitless efforts to prevent the adop- 
tion of Christianity by his people. 

The Christian religion liad been spread through- 
out Bulgaria by the large number of captives, many 
of whom were priests and bishops, that Omortag 
and his successors had brought from the Byzantine 
empire. Bulgaria was, moreover, surrounded by 
nations that had been converted by the teachings of 
the two great Slavic missionaries and scholars, 
Kyril and Method; hence Prince Boris (852-884), 
for purely political reasons, decided to adopt the 
religion that had been proscribed by his predeces- 
sors. By a formal edict the Christian religion was 
adopted in Bulgaria in 9G4 and Prince Boris was 
baptized by the Byzantine emperor Michael III. 

Soon after the adoption of Christianity in Bul- 
garia, the great schism broke out between the east- 
ern and the western churches, and Boris wavered 
for a long time as to whicli branch of the church he 
would offer the allegiance of his country. But the 
refusal of tlie pope of Rome to recognize an inde- 
pendent national church in Bulgaria, led him to 
cast the lot of his country with the Greek patriarch. 
The independence of the Bulgarian national church 
was recognized; and this concession had special his- 
torical significance in the separation of the national 
church of Bulgaria from the Greek Orthodox churcli 
in our own day. ITe secured the rights of the Bul- 
garian primates to the title of patriarchs, whose 
sees were successively at Preslav, Sofia, Voden, 
Prespa, and Ochrida. Boris retired to a monastery 



16 Bulgaria and Her People 



in 888. He was succeeded first by his son Vladimir 
and later by his son Simeon. 

It was during the reign of Simeon (893-927), as 
Gibbon points out, that " Bulgaria assumed a rank 
among the civilized powers of the earth." This 
period was the golden age of Bulgarian history. 
The kingdom extended from the Adriatic to the 
Black sea, and from the Save river and the Carpa- 
thians to Thessaly. Simeon's title was ** tsar of all 
the Bulgars and the Greeks," and his title was rec- 
ognized by the pope of Rome. He had been care- 
fully educated at Constantinople and had studied 
" the masterpieces of ancient eloquence and philos- 
ophy with so much zeal that his comrades called him 
half Greek. But his acquaintance with Greek liter- 
ature did not dispose him to look with favour upon 
the Greek empire." He encouraged literature, art, 
and industry; and Preslav, his capital, rivalled 
Constantinople and its splendour excited universal 
admiration. John the Exarch, a contemporary of 
Simeon, gives this account of the palace at Preslav: 
" If a stranger coming from afar enters the outer 
court of the princely dwelling, he will be amazed, 
and ask many questions as he walks up to the gates ; 
and if he goes within, he will see on either side build- 
ings decorated with stone and wainscoted with wood 
of various colours. If he goes yet further into the 
courtyard, he will behold lofty palaces and churches 
decorated with marbles and frescoes without and 
with silver and gold within. If he perchance espy 
the prince sitting in robes covered with pearls, with 
chains of coin about his neck, bracelets on his wrists, 



The Old Bulgarian Kingdom 17 

girt about with a purple girdle and a sword of gold 
at his side, tlien will he say when he returns home 
* I know not how to describe it, for only thine owti 
eyes could comprehend such splendour.' " 

While Slavic literature had gradually developed 
since the days of Kyril and Method, the reign of 
Simeon is remembered as the golden age of Bulga- 
rian letters. He was himself an author of no mean 
ability and he gathered at his court, Preslav, the 
ablest writers and thinkers of his age. John the 
Exarch wrote a descriptive account of the creation 
of the world w]ii(3li he dedicated to Simeon. The 
orations of Athanasius were translated into the ver- 
nacular; Gregory, a Bulgarian monk, wrote a life 
of Alexander the Great and compiled a Bible his- 
tory; an encyclopajdia of contemporary learning 
was translated from Greek authors; and several 
notable treatises were composed on Slavonic phil- 
ology. 

Simeon was succeeded by his son Peter (927-969) 
whose long reign marked a decline in Bulgarian 
statesmanship. His marriage with the daughter of 
the Byzantine ruler brought hira under the evil influ- 
ence of the Greek court. The Magyars invaded his 
coimtry five times and caused great damage ; and his 
kingdom was menaced by an alliance witli Russia. 
Sviatoslav, a Russian chief, arrived with ten thou- 
sand men at the mouth of the Danube; Silistria was 
conquered, and an alliance with the Byzantine ruler 
averted the calamity of the capital of Bulgaria fall- 
ing into the liands of the Russians. While the coun- 
try was thus menaced, Servia, which had been added 



18 Bulgaria and Her People 

to Bulgaria during the reign of Simeon, regained 
her independence. 

The Bogomil heresy added to the dissensions that 
prevailed during the troubled reign of Peter. Sim- 
ilar heresies had appeared among the Waldensians 
and Albigenses of France, but the teachings of Bo- 
gomil, the author of a number of mystical books, 
found readier acceptance among the Bulgars than 
similar doctrines had hitherto found among other 
peoples in Europe; for the decadence of tlie coun- 
try, under Greek influence, had been as marked in 
religion as in letters and political affairs. The new 
religion was at bottom a protest against the immo- 
rality and autocracy of the Orthodox clergy. 

The Bogomiles denied the diWne birth of Christ. 
His miracles they interpreted in a spiritual, not a 
material sense. They likewise denied the validity 
of sacraments and ceremonies; baptism was re- 
served for adults only, and their church organiza- 
tion was purely congregational in character. They 
selected their ministers, women as well as men, from 
their own members, and ordination was conferred 
by the congregation. They declared Christ to be 
the son of God only through grace, like the other 
prophets. The bread and wine of the eucharist they 
held as merely symbolical, and not transformed into 
flesh and blood. Images of the cross they regarded 
as idols and they characterized the worship of saints 
as idolatry. They regarded bloodshed with horror ; 
forbade participation in warfare, and denounced 
capital punishment. The Orthodox church perse- 
cuted them with fire and sword, as the Roman church 



The Old Bulgarian Kingdom 19 

had persecuted the Waldensians and the Albigenses. 
The empress Theodora is said to have hanged or 
drowned more than one himdred thousand. The 
persecution oi' the church in Bulgaria was so great 
that many fled to Scrvia, where they continued to 
reside until expelled by King Stephen at the end of 
the twelfth century. Witli the coming of the Turks 
to the Balkan peninsula, their persecutions were at 
an end, and tiiey continued their individual exist- 
ence down to the middle of the seventeenth century, 
when the few survivors were taken into the Roman 
Catholic church. 

The political distractions and religious dissen- 
sions of the reign of teeter had resulted in a divi- 
sion of the Bulgarian kingdom. Shishman, a Bul- 
garian noblcTiian of Tirnovo, founded a western 
Bulgarian empire that included most of Macedonia 
and parts of Albania. His descendants continued 
to rule western Bulgaria for nearly half a century 
after the eastern kingdom had fallen under the 
Byzantine yoke. 

Boris II succeeded Peter as ruler of eastern Bul- 
garia. But the Greeks took advantage of an inva- 
sion of the Russians, and in 971 Boris was deposed. 
The westeni part of the kingdom under Sanmel 
(976-1014), however, rose to importance. He con- 
quered most of the Balkan i)eninsula and was undis- 
puted ruler from llio Danube to the Morea. Tlie 
Byzantine emperor, Basil IT, a ferocious tyrant who 
concealed the most detestable vices under the mask 
of rigid piety, and who had conquered the territory 
of Boris II, found in Samuel a foeman worth v of 



20 Bulgaria and Her People 

bis steel. A historian of this period writes of Basil 
II: " From his early years this heartless ascetic 
seemed to have but one desire, the complete subju- 
gation of the Bulgarian race. It took him forty 
years to accomplish his task, but at last he suc- 
ceeded, and is now chiefly Imown by the epithet of 
' the Bulgar slayer,' which his cruelties and his vic- 
tories won for him." 

Basil conducted two unsuccessful campaigns 
against Samuel. In a third campaign against the 
Bulgars he captured fifteen thousand soldiers and 
*' with a refinement of cruelty unparalleled even in 
the annals of that barbarous age, Basil had their 
eyes put out, allowing every hundredth man to re- 
tain one eye, in order that he might be able to guide 
his comrades to the headquarters of their sover- 
eign." l\nien Samuel beheld the atrocities of his 
protagonist, he fell into a swoon and died ten days 
later. His son Gabriel succeeded him and for a few 
years kept at bay the blood-thirsty Greek emperor; 
but he was murdered by his cousin in 1018, at the 
instigation of the emperor, and western Bulgaria 
became a dependency of the Byzantine empire. 

During the one hundred sLxty-eight years (1018- 
1186) that Bulgaria was an integral part of the 
Greek empire every effort was made to stifle the 
national feelings of the people. Although Basil 
proclaimed that he would maintain the rights of the 
conquered country, he divided it into provinces, over 
which he placed governors with civil and military 
authority. These officials rarely held office for more 
than a year ; and as they had paid dearly for their 



The Old Bulgarian Kingdom 21 

posts, tlicy had to recoup themselves promptly, with 
the result that " scarcely had one official been sati- 
ated than another hungry placeman appeared in his 
stead." William Miller quite truly remarks in this 
connection: " Under the Greek rule the Bulgarians 
had a foretaste of the coming Turkish domination. 
The men were different, but the methods were very 
much the same." 

The religious liberties of the Bulgars were also 
curtailed. Basil substituted the title of archbishop 
for that of patriarch of tlie national Bulgarian 
church; Greeks were appointed to fill this and all 
other important ecclesiastical posts; Bulgarian 
church books were burned, and, whenever possible, 
the Greek liturgy was substituted for the Slavic. 

The long misrule of the Greeks was brought to 
a close by the rapaciousness of the emperor Isaac 
Angelus. In order to meet the enormous expenses 
connected with the marriage of his daughter to the 
king of Hungary, and after extorting the last far- 
thing from the sullen J^ulgars, lie ordered their flocks 
and herds to be seized. This was tlie last straw. 
Under the leadership of Ivan and Peter Asen, who 
were descended from the Bulgarian king Shishman, 
an insurrection broke out; the Greek ofllcials were 
driven from the country, and with such grace as he 
could command, the feeble emperor was forced to 
recognize the independence of Bulgaria. Ivan Asen 
was crowned tsar of the Bulgarians and the Greeks, 
and Tirnovo was made his capital. 

The reign of Ivan Asen covered onl\' nine years 
(1186-1195). During his rei.ini tho boundaries of the 



22 Bulgaria and Her People 

rejuvenated kingdom were established; successive 
armies sent against him from Coustautinople were 
repulsed, and a period of prosperity was inaugu- 
rated. He fell at the hands of an assassin and was 
succeeded by his brother Peter, who had been asso- 
ciated with him in the insurrection that liberated his 
country from the oppressive Greek yoke. Peter also 
fell as Ivan had fallen, and the crown was seized by 
Kaloyan (1197-1207). He formed an alliance with 
the Greeks against the crusaders and won a great 
victory over Baldwin in a battle near Adrianople 
on the 15th of April, 1205. The Frank emperor was 
taken captive to Tirnovo and his fate is one of the 
mysteries of history. It is known that he was im- 
prisoned in a ruined castle there, and nothing more. 
Whether he met with a violent death or was treated 
kindly at the hands of his captor has never been 
established. Years after the battle a false Baldwin 
appeared in Flanders, although it was generally held 
that the Frankish emperor had long before this died. 
Upon the death of Kaloyan the throne was occupied 
by his nephew Boril, and after much internal dis- 
turbances he was deposed and Ivan Asen II (1218- 
1241), the greatest of the rulers of the Asen dynasty, 
succeeded him. His reign was one of peace, and a 
contemporary wrote of liim: "He has neither 
drawn his sword against his own countrymen, nor 
disgraced himself by the murder of Greeks, and all 
other nations loved him." He was a man of great 
enlightenment, and governed his country with jus- 
tice, wisdom, and moderation. Bulgaria attained 
an unprecedented degree of prosperity under his 



The Old Bulgarian Kingdom 23 

rule; literature, the arts, and commerce flourished; 
Tirnovo was enlarged and embellished ; many 
schools, churches, and monasteries were founded, 
and under his wise leadership Bulgaria became the 
first state in the Balkan peninsula. 

At his death in 1241 the crown of Ivan Asen II 
passed in rapid succession to his sons, mere lads, 
who died violent deaths. Then it passed to their 
cousin Kaliman II, who likewise died a violent death, 
and in default of a lineal descendant, the Bulgars 
elected Constantino of Servia as their ruler. His 
marriage with a Greek princess brought great dis- 
aster to the nation. Q'he Greek wives of Bulgarian 
rulers, notes an English historian, have left evil 
records behind them, but Constantino's consort was 
the worst of them all. ^* vShe made her husband's 
severe illness an excuse for seizing supreme power 
for herself in the name of her boy Michael. By 
intrigues she ' removed ' all the most dangerous of 
the Bulgarian nobles. Meanwhile the empire lay 
open to the attacks of the Tatars, who, after over- 
running Rumania, had begun to cross the Danube. 
In this extremity, with a disabled tsar and a design- 
ing woman on the throne, Bulgaria threw itself into 
the arms of a restless adventurer, named Ivajlo, 
who had abandoned the profession of a shepherd 
for the more congenial one of a brigand." 

Ivajlo told the Bulgars that the holy saints of 
their country had apj^eared to him in dreams and 
had prepared him for the great mission of driving 
the Tatars from the kingdom. The people flocked 
to his standard; he had remarkable success in his 



24 Bulgaria and Her People 

campaigiis against them, but Constantine was killed, 
and his crafty widow became the wife of the con- 
queror. A rival for the throne, however, appeared, 
George Tcrterii, who was sprung from an old Bul- 
garian family. His aristocratic connections led the 
Bulgars to prefer him to the humble shepherd with 
the scheming Greek consort. Ivajlo fled to the court 
of the chief of the Tatar horde. Terterii was not 
able to stem the tide of the Tatar invasion; with the 
death of his son the Bulgarian empire gradually 
went to pieces. Tlie Bulgars elected Michael, a de- 
scendant of the old Rumanian aristocracy, as their 
ruler in 1323. But conflicts with Servia and the 
appearance of the Turks soon caused the fall of the 
old Bulgarian kingdom. 

Stara Zagora and Philippopolis fell into the 
hands of the Turks in 1362; Sofia was soon cap- 
tured ; and with the fall of the kingdom of Servia 
on the plain of Kossovo, the 15th of June, 1389, the 
Balkan peninsula was doomed to five centuries of 
Turkish oppression. 

Concerning the factors involved in the fall of the 
old Bulgarian empire, Mr. William Miller, the Eng- 
lish historian of the Balkan states, writes: " The old 
Bulgarian system was concentrated in an aristoc- 
racy which, except under the iron hand of a strong 
tsar, was rarely united. The masses, degraded to 
the level of serfs and chained to the soil, had no 
common interests with their lords. The clergy, in- 
stead of striving to raise and influence the people, 
wasted their energies in hair-splitting theories or 
passed their lives in monkish seclusion. Their in- 



The Old Bulgarian Kingdom 25 

tolerance drove the Bogomiles of Bulgaria, as of 
Bosnia, into the arms of the Turks, who seemed to 
the persecuted lieretics more generous than their 
Christian oppressors. Morally, Bulgaria was slowly 
but surely undermined by its intercourse with the 
Byzantine empire. The nobles and the priesthood 
were most affected by this sinister influence, and it 
is noticeable that in the old as in the new Bulgaria 
the ablest men have usually sprung from the virgin 
soil of the peasantry."^ 

' The Balkans. By William Miller. New York, 1907, pp. 476. 



CHAPTER III 

UNDER THE TURKISH YOKE 

The Turkish conquest of Bulgaria — Dark ages of BulRarian history — 
Turkish political opprt's.sion and Greek ecclesiastical tyranny — 
The corrupt Fhanariotes — Extinction of Bulgarian learning — 
Why tiic movement for the Hellenization of the Bulbars failed — 
Griffin of the Pornak republic — Efforts of the Bulgars to throw off 
the Turkish yoke — Influence of the literary and historical revival 
— ■ Labours of the monk Paissy — • The school at Kotcl — Beginnings 
of revolutionary movements — Services of Venelin — The school 
at (iabrovo — Reestablish ment of the Bulgarian national church 
— • Turkish oppression following the Crimean war — Work of rev- 
olutionary committees in Rumania. 

Turkish troops ravaged the Maritza valley in 
1340; Thrace was occupied twenty-one years later; 
fchtiman, Samokov, and Kustendil were captured in 
1370; and Sofia fell in 1382. The battle of Kossovo 
in 1389 decided the fate of the "Bulgars, although 
Tirnovo, the capital of the country, did not capitu- 
late until the 17th of July, 1393. The fate of Ivan 
Shishman 111, the last of the Bulgarian tsars, is 
not known. Tradition represents him as perishing 
in the battle of Samokov. The occupation of Bul- 
garia by the Turks was completed by the expulsion 
of Ivan's half brother from Vidin in 1398. 

The five centuries that separate the fall of Tir- 
novo and the fall of Plevna have been aptly char- 
acterized as the dark ages of Bulgarian history. 
For five hundred years the Bulgars bore the double 
yoke of Turkish political oppression and Greek ec- 
clesiastical tyranny. The Turks carried fire and 

26 



Under the Turkish Yoke 27 

sword througliout the kingcJoin. They laid waste 
towns and villages. Churches and monasteries were 
sacked and burned. Fertile plains were converted 
into desolate wastes. Peasants fled to the moun- 
tains or crossed the Danube and found refuge in 
Russia. Some of tlie nobles embraced the Moslem 
religion and were rewarded with place and power 
for their apostas3^ Highways were neglected. 
Khans and caravanseries fell into ruin. The flower 
of Bulgarian youth was carried to Constantinople 
to be trained for the janissaries. The fairest of 
the maidens of the land were seized to grace the 
harems of their Turkish nuasters. Every Christian 
above the age of fourteen years had to pay a poll 
tax; there was a tax on every head of cattle, and a 
tenth of all the products of the soil was claimed 
by the Ottoman government. Regular payment of 
taxes was greatly augmented by the irregular ex- 
tortions of Turkish governors, who were allowed to 
recoup themselves for Ihe bribes they had paid for 
their jobs. And worst of all, the peasants were 
fixed to the soil and required to work a certain nnm- 
ber of days each week on the estates of their feudal 
lords. 

But the political and economic bondage of the 
Turks was scarcely less irksome than the religious 
and intellectual ])oudage of the Greeks. The entire 
spiritual government of the Bnlgars was turned 
over to the Greek Phanariotes of Constantinople, 
for handsome financial considerations, of course! 
Less than a year after the fall of Tii-?u)vo tlie ven- 
erable Patriarch Eumenius was expelled and the 



28 Bulgaria and Her People 

Bulgarian see was subordinated to the patriarch of 
Constantinople. Greek bishops displaced Bulgarian 
bishops. Bibles in the Slavic tongue were replaced 
by the Scriptures in Greek. All offices within the 
church were for sale, and we hear of Greek barbers 
and restaurant keepers holding posts as bishops; 
and the ecclesiastical rulers from Constantinople, 
like the political, having paid dearly for their offices, 
had to recoup themselves at the expense of their 
parishioners. " The art of extortion among Greek 
bishops and priests," wrote a contemporary Ger- 
man traveller in Bulgaria, " has been reduced to 
a system, so that between Greek ecclesiastics and 
Turkish governors the lot of the Bulgarian peasant 
is a hard one." The Greek liturgy replaced the 
Slavic throughout the country, and all Bulgarian 
books and manuscripts were committed to the flames. 
So late as the year 1823 the metropolitan Greek 
Phanariot Hilarion, in repairing the cathedral at 
Tirnovo, discovered a closed chamber that contained 
numerous relics and the ancient libraries of the 
Bulgarian patriarchs, including the library of Eu- 
menius. The relics he sold in Rumania, and the 
Bulgarian books and manuscripts he solemnly com- 
mitted to the flames.* Schools, such as existed in 
the country, were conducted by Greek priests; the 
Greek alphabet and Greek books were used, and the 
Kyrillic alphabet of the Bulgarians was entirely 
forgotten. " The Greek clergy ended what the 
Turks began," remarks Wniiam Miller, and he adds, 

' Histoire dc la BiUgarie. By R. P. Gu^rin Songeon. Paris, 1913, 
pp. 480. 



Under the Turkish Yoke 29 

" but the spiritual tyranny of the Phanariotes was 
even worse than the political tyranny of the Turks. 
For the Turks were not bigots, the Phanariotes 
were." 

The Hellenization of Bulgaria was never quite 
complete. Although tlie Slavic language was no 
longer taught, it continued to be spoken by the 
peasants. Mr. Brailsford in his authoritative work 
on the Races of Macedonia attributes this persist- 
ence of the Bulgarian language to the failure of 
the Greeks to make any sort of provision for the 
education of Bulgarian women. He writes concern- 
ing the growth of Greek influence after the advent 
of the Turks in Bulgaria: "It depended almost 
entirely upon the church, and it nuist have been 
immeasurably stronger in the Balkan peninsula 
after the coming of the Turks than ever before. It 
embraced not merely Macedonia, but Rumania, 
Bulgaria, and even Scrvia as well. The few Slavs 
in the interior who w^erc educated at all were taught 
to regard themselves as Greeks, and the very tra- 
dition of their origin was in danger of dying out. 
Two fatal errors alone wrecked what was nothing 
less than a scheme for Heilenizing the Balkan penin- 
sula. The women were not educated; and for all 
the Greek schools might do, every Slav child learned 
his own despised tongue at his mother's knee. The 
peasants also were neglected. The Greeks regarded 
them with the unmeasured and stupid contempt 
which a quick town-bred people instinctively feels 
for a race of cultivators. They were barbarians, 
beasts of burden, men only * in the catalogue' The 



30 Bulgaria and Her People 

Greeks denied the rights of men to tlie Slav peas- 
ants and refused to accept them as brethren. The 
consequence was that the i^easants never quite lost 
their sense of separation, and a certain dim con- 
sciousness of nation a hty remained, rooted in inju- 
ries and hatred. The nemesis came at the beginning 
of the nineteenth century."^ 

Many of tlie Bulgars who inhabited the wildest 
parts of the Rhodope mountains became converts 
to the Moslem religion during the reign of Moham- 
med IV (1648-1G87). They retained the habits, cus- 
toms, and language of the Bulgars, but were hence- 
forth known as Pomaks. The adoption of the creed 
of Islam made them a privileged class in the con- 
quered country. They received special concessions 
from the sultans and acquired a large measure of 
self-government. They were ruled by beys elected 
from their own ranks; had their own police and 
law courts; paid no taxes, and furnished no regular 
recruits to the Ottoman army. 

In return for these favours they furnished the 
government of the sultans with special contingents 
of soldiers during times of war. Thus there devel- 
oped what was known as the Pomak republic. Sev- 
eral sultans during the eighteenth century attempted 
to curtail the privileges of the Pomaks and force 
them to pay taxes, but with little success. " It was 
an evil day for any Turkish tax-collector," remarks 
Mr. Bourchier, " who ventured within the Pomak 
territor>^ for the highlanders were armed to the 

^ Races of Macedonia. By H. N. Brailsford. London, 1906, pp. 
340. 



Under the Turkish Yoke 31 

teeth, and tauglit the intruders a lesson wliich tbey 
were not likely to forget. It was thought prudent 
to overlook these acts of vigorous self-assertion, and 
so it came to pass that the little community of the 
Rhodope enjoyed the sweets of self-government un- 
molested and unhindered ; and though not recog- 
nized by diplomatists, they possessed all the priv- 
ileges of independent membership in the European 
family."' 

It was not until the middle of the nineteenth cen- 
tury that tlie Pomaks attracted the attention of 
western Europe. They were ruled at that time by 
Hassan Aga, who was the recognized chief of tliirty 
villages and twenty thousand people. He was suc- 
ceeded in 18G0 by his son Aclunet Aga, the leader 
of the terrible massacre of Christian villages in 
Bulgaria that precipitated the Russo-Turkisli war 
of 1877-78. Some ethnologists regard the Pomaks 
as the purest Bulgar stock, for the reason that their 
adoption of the Moslem religion prcser\^ed their 
women against the license of the Turkish con- 
querors. 

The acceptance of the Mohammedan religion did 
not prevent the?n from clinging to many of tlie 
religious customs of their Christian forefathers. 
Mr. Bourchier wrote of liis visit to the Pomaks in 
1893: *' They still celebrate some Christian holi- 
days; they still attend the consecration of a Chris- 
tian sanctuary; they will even invite the prayers 
of a Christian priest in cases of illness. Tlie women 

' Pomaks of Rhndnpc. Hv J. D. Bourchier. Forlnighlly Renew, 
Oct., 1893. Vol. m, pp. 50'.>-532. 



32 Bulgaria and Her People 

lament over tlie graves of their departed relatives, 
using the old Christian prayers muintis mutandis 
to suit their present creed. At the feast of Bairam 
the maidens dance the Bulgarian horo — unveiled 
this once; for it is then that the Pomak youths 
select their brides; the young men may not dance, 
but stand at a becoming distance and take stock of 
their future partners for life." 

With the aid of Michael of Wallachia, Aaron of 
Transylvania, and Sigismund of Hungary, the Bul- 
gars made an attempt to throw off the Turkish yoke, 
but the revolution of Tirnovo of 1595 ended in de- 
feat at Nicopolis. Beginning with the eighteenth 
century, and the period of marked decline of Otto- 
man power, the spirit of revolt became more appar- 
ent. Organized guerilla warfare was carried on 
against the Turks in the Balkan and Rhodope moun- 
tains by outlaws whose exploits have been idealized 
in the rich literature of Bulgarian folk-song. These 
brigand chiefs, like Robin Hood in the English 
ballads, were regarded as the protectors of the 
rights of the people against the aggressions of the 
Turks. 

Hellenized as they had been by the unscrupulous, 
rapacious, and corrupt Phanariot clergy; disheart- 
ened by ages of Turkish oppression; isolated from 
Christendom by their geographic position, and 
cowed by the proximity of Constantinople, the Bul- 
gars took no collective part in the revolutionary 
movements that ultimately resulted in the liberation 
of other parts of the Balkan peninsula. But the 
long dormant national spirit was at last awakened 



Under the Turkish Yoke 33 

in Bulgaria, as in Boliemia and other oppressed 
countries in Europe, by the influence of a literary 
and historical revival. 

This movement was inaugrirated by a monk in the 
monastery at Mount Athos, who, in 1762, published 
a history of the old Bulgarian kingdom. Father 
Paissy's book marks the beginning of a literary 
revival in Bulgaria that culminated a century later 
in the liberation of his country from the spiritual 
oppression of the Greeks and the political tyranny 
of the Turks. He was born at Samokov in 1720 
and educated in the monasteries at Hilandar and 
Mount Athos. In the preface of liis book he tells 
us that he had frequently been insulted by the asser- 
tions of Greeks and Servians that the Bulgars had 
no national history and that his country had never 
produced any political or spiritual leaders of con- 
sequence. He travelled widely in Bulgaria, Aus- 
tria, and Russia, and searched carefully all historical 
documents that he could find; and his TTistory of the 
Bulgarian People with Accounts of their Tsars and 
Saints, written in simple but graphic stjde, was the 
spark that roused the dormant patriotism of the 
Bulgars. 

The Bulgar whom Paissy's book most deeply in- 
fluenced was Stoiko Vladislavoff (1739-1815), better 
known as Bishop Sophroni. VladislavolT was twenty 
years in charge of a school for peasant boys at 
Kotel, where George Mamarlchoff and most of the 
other leaders in the revolutionary movement were 
trained. He later became bishop of Vratza, but his 
advocacy of the cause of the Bulgars aroused the 



34 Bulgaria and Her People 

hatred of both the Turkish officials and the Greek 
Phanariotes, and he was condemned to death. He 
fled to the mountains and subsequently escaped to 
Bucharest, where he devoted the closing years of 
his life to literary labours. His writings were 
among the first to be printed in the new Bulgarian 
language. He directed his patriotic efforts,- as he 
tells us in liis Memoirs (1804), chiefly to the peas- 
ants, since by virtue of their very ignorance they 
had been less influenced by Greek ideas and culture, 
and it was easier to interest them in the glorious 
past of their country than the Bulgars who had been 
tainted with cosmopolitan ideas. 

Another important writer in the movement that 
ultimately liberated the Bulgars was the Kuthenian 
historian Juri I. Venelin (1802-1839). His Bulgars 
of Former Times and To-day (1829) was a work of 
recognized historical scholarship and recalled not 
only to the Bulgars but to the historical students 
of Europe the splendid place which this race once 
occupied in the history of the Balkan peninsula. 
He also published numerous documents bearing on 
Bulgarian history; made a collection of folk-songs 
and legends, and published a Bulgarian grammar. 
In gratitude for his service to their nation the 
Bulgars have erected a tomb to Venelin at Odessa 
with this inscription: *' He recalled to memory 
the forgotten but once mighty Bulgarian na- 
tion. ' ' 

The work of Venelin inspired two Bulgarian mer- 
chants at Odessa to found a Bulgarian school at 
Gabrovo in 1835. Neophyte Rilski, a famous Slavic 




Painted by Ivan V. Mirkvicka. 

thp: monk paissy. 

Hepn)duccd with the artist's permission. 



Under the Turkish Yoke 35 

scholar in the monastery at Kilo, was chosen director 
of the school. This school and similar ones estab- 
lished at Karlovo, Svishtov, Koprivshtitza, and else- 
where, brought the national spirit squarely face to 
face with the spiritual domination of the Greek Pha- 
nariotes, and inaugurated the long and bitter strug- 
gle that ultimately resulted in the reestablishment 
of the national Orthodox church in Bulgaria. The 
literary movement was pushed with great vigour. 
School books, novels, plays, and popular songs in 
the vernacular were printed ; a translation of the 
New Testament was made, and in 1S44 there ap- 
peared at Smyrna the first newspaper published in 
the Bulgarian language. 

The patriots that were trained under the influence 
of the new literary movement belicvefl that the 
safest and quickest way to political freedom was 
through the restoration of the national church, and 
a bitter struggle followed. The reeks, more far- 
sighlcd tlian tlie Turks, argued witli the Ottoman 
authorities that the reestablishment of an independ- 
ent Bulgarian church would uiKpiestionably lead to 
the awakening of the Bulgarian national spirit, and 
that Turkey would thus raise up for herself an 
enemy in her own Iiouse. But as the settled policy 
of the Sublime Porte was to create divisions among 
the Christian subjects, the struggle led to the rees- 
tablishment of an independent Bulgarian church in 
1870. 

The Bulgars sought more than deliverance from 
their spiritual oppressors. They desired political 
not less than religious autonomy. As early as 1836 



36 Bulgaria and Her People 

a revolutionary movement was inaugurated at Tir- 
novo under the leadership of George Mamartchoff, 
who was a pupil in the famous peasant school at 
Kotel that gave so many patriots to Bulgaria. The 
Greek metropolitan at Tirnovo learned of the or- 
ganization, informed the Turkish authorities, most 
of the leaders were executed, many sympathetic 
peasants were massacred, and many Bulgars fled 
to Bessarabia. 

After the Crimean war many thousands of Mos- 
lem Tatars and Circassians from the Crimea were 
settled on lands belonging to Bulgarian peasants, 
who were not duly compensated for the expropria- 
tion of their property. The new settlers were law- 
less and were the cause of renewed discontent among 
the Bulgarian peasants with the Turkish govern- 
ment. The discontent of the people found expres- 
sion in the revolutionary committees organized in 
Rumania during the dozen years that preceded the 
Eusso-Turkish war. The refusal of the sultan of 
Turkey to recognize Prince Charles as the rightful 
ruler of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia 
facilitated the activities of revolutionary bands of 
Bulgarian emigrants that crossed the Danube and 
tried to induce the Bulgarian peasants to revolt 
against the Turkish government. Such agitation, 
with the avowed object of complete emancipation 
and independence from Turkish rule, gradually ex- 
tended throughout Bulgaria. Many of the agitators 
were arrested and executed or sent to prisons in 
Asia Minor, but their places were promptly filled. 
The severities practised by the Turks in the sup- 




CKRISTO BOTEFF, LEADER OF THE REVOLT AGAINST TVUKEY. 



Under the Turkish Yoke 37 

pression of revolutionary movements did not in 
the least lessen the enthusiasm and spirit of 
emulation of the members of the revolutionary 
bands. 



CHAPTER IV 

LIBERATION OF BULGARIA 

Beginning of the end of the Turkish rule — Massacres of the baahi- 
bozouks — ReaponsibiHty of England for conditions in Turkey — 
The Crimean war — Russia and the oppressed Bulgars — The mas- 
sacre at Batak — Mr. Gladstone on the Bulgarian "horrors" — 
Outbreak of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78 — Russian suc- 
cesses — How the Bulgara cooperated with their liberators — The 
treaty of San Stefano — Anger of England — The congress of Berlin 
— The cunnmg of Abdul-Haniid — Macedonia, Albania, and Thrace 
given back to Turkey — Creation of the principalities of Bulgaria 
and Eastern Rumelia. 

The year of 1876 marks the beginning of the end 
of Turkish rule in Bulgaria. The activities of the 
patriots in agitating for governmental reforms in 
their country led the Turks to retaliate with the 
most oppressive measures. Whole villages were 
slaughtered; and the Ottoman government justified 
the action of its savage soldiers and the brutal bashi- 
bozouks on the pretext that they were simply put- 
ting down rebellion and restoring peace by armed 
force. The cruelties in the Balkan peninsula be- 
came so glaring that Russia asked England and the 
other members of the European concert to force 
Turkey to grant some of the reforms demanded by 
the revolutionists, and to compel her to cease the 
brutal massacre of innocent men, women, and chil- 
dren. 

The responsibility of England for conditions in 
the Balkans cannot be passed over in silence. As 
early as 1791 England grew conscious of the fact 

38 



Liberation of Bulgaria 39 

that Turkey was in the clutches of Russia. She 
formed a tripartite alliance with Holland and Prus- 
sia and tried to make Catherine disgorge some of 
her Turkish conquests, which the proud and self- 
sufficing empress refused to do. The House of Com- 
mons was asked to furnish the sinews of war to 
bring Catherine to terms, but tlic opposition of 
Burke and Fox defeated the measure. The over- 
weening power wliich Russia acquired by her share 
in the overthrow of Napoleon caused a popular feel- 
ing of dislike for her in Great Britain. '' For then 
came the new spirit breathed into our foreign policy 
by George Canning," remarks the Duke of Argyll, 
'' and especially our national and popular antipathy 
to the Holy Alliance. Russia was the head and front 
of that offending. That she should be allowed to 
seat herself on the throne of Constantinople — to 
make the whole Black sea a Russian lake, to com- 
mand the Bosjiorus and the Dardanelles, and to 
issue from them into the Mediterranean with fleets 
powerful in action and inaccessible in retreat — this 
would indeed be a menace and a danger to the west- 
ern world. To avert this danger, or at least to post- 
pone it, the easiest plan was to keep up the Turkish 
empire as long as possible."^ 

But it is not entirely fair, as some writers have 
done, to interpret the alliance of England with 
Turkey during the Crimean war as British approval 
of the oppression of Christian races in the Balkans. 
William E. Gladstone, the honest and sturdy cham- 

' Our Rcsponsibilihj for Turkey. By the Duke of Argyll (George 
Douglas Campbell). London, 1896, pp. 196. 



40 Bulgaria and Her People 

pion of national rights and personal liberty, was 
one of the English statesmen directly responsible 
for this alliance. The Duke of Argj^ll, who, with 
Gladstone, was a member of the Palmerston cabinet, 
wrote years afterwards in defence of the policy: 
" On my own behalf, and on behalf of colleagues who 
cannot now vindicate their own reputation — on be- 
half, too, of a whole generation of British people 
in whose name we acted — I emphatically deny that 
such was our conduct or our position in the war of 
1854-55, or in the treaty of 1856. For myself, in- 
deed, I never did believe in the regeneration of 
Turkey ; I doubt if any of my colleagues did — even 
Lord Palmerston. But we did hope that lier gov- 
ernment might at least be rendered tolerable for a 
time, if it could be made to feel its dependence on 
a united Europe instead of on Russia alone, and if 
some time were given it to initiate and carry into 
effect certain reforms which might be of a very 
simple character, but which, nevertheless, might be 
far reaching. I see now that it was a gross delusion 
to believe even this. But, at all events, this is the 
idea on which we did actually proceed, and which 
did underlie the whole policy both of the war and 
the treaty. We never did, even for a moment, enter- 
tain the iniquitous policy of strengthening a gov- 
ernment irredeemably vicious, corrupt, and cruel, 
without caring at all for the sufferings it would 
inflict on millions of subject populations." 

Fearing that Russia might carry out her threat 
to declare war against Turkey, a congress of the 
powers was called at Constantinople, which drew 



Liberation of Bulgaria 41 

up certain reform measures that tlie sultau was 
asked to put into operation in the rebellious prov- 
inces ; but Abdul-Hamid, sensible of the strong feel- 
ing in England against Russia, assumed that the 
government of the tsar would be held in check by 
the English, promptly consigned the recommenda- 
tions of the powers to the waste-basket. Bashi- 
bozouks, irregular Turkish soldiers, were let loose 
upon the helpless Christian population, and within 
two months from the time the congress had made 
its recommendations, fifty-eight villages in Bulgaria 
had been destroyed, five monasteries had been de- 
molished, and fifteen thousand people had been mas- 
sacred. 

Januarius A. MacGahan (1844-1878), an Ameri- 
can Irishman, who was correspondent of the London 
Daily News, visited Batak, one of the villages whose 
inhabitants had been massacred, and sent his news- 
paper a graphic account of what he saw. He re- 
ported that the bashi-bozouks, under the command 
of Achmet Aga, a regular Turkisli army officer, came 
to the village, and after a desultory struggle, the 
conmiander assured the inhabitants upon his word 
of honour that not a hair of their heads would be 
touclied if they would lay down their arms. They 
complied with his terms, " only to be butchered like 
sheep." Some took refuge in the church. The roof 
was torn off by the Turkish soldiers, who flung burn- 
ing pieces of wood and rags dipped in petroleum 
down upon the poor wretches within. Torture was 
applied to those who escaped death in order that 
they might reveal to the Turkish soldiers where 



42 Bulgaria and Her People 

their treasures were hidden. Out of a population 
of seven thousand, only two thousand survived; and 
Achmet Aga, the Pomak leader who directed these 
terrible orgies, was decorated by the sultan for 
bravery! 

MacGahan's description of the blood-bath at 
Batak came to the notice of William E. Gladstone. 
He demanded an immediate official inquiry on the 
part of England. An investigation conducted on 
the spot confirmed the terrible story that MacGahan 
had published in the London Daily Ncivs. The com- 
missioners reported that when they visited Batak, 
nearly two mouths after tlie massacre, they found 
the stench of the still unburied corpses overpower- 
ing. " Skulls \Wth grey hair still attached to them, 
dark tresses which had once adorned the heads of 
maidens, the mutilated trunks of men, the rotting 
limbs of children " — such were the scenes that met 
the eyes of the British commissioners. 

Mr. Gladstone wrote in his famous pamphlet on 
Bnlgarian Horrors: " There has been perpetrated, 
under the immediate authority of a government to 
which all the time we have been giving the strongest 
moral, and for part of the time even material sup- 
port, crimes and outrages so vast in scale as to 
exceed all modern examples, and so utterly vile -as 
well as fierce in character, that it passes the power 
of heart to conceive, and of tongue and pen ade- 
quately to describe them. These are the Bulgarian 
horrors. As an old servant of the crown and the 
state, T entreat my countrymen, upon whom far 
more than upon any other people in Europe it de- 



Liberation of Bulgaria 43 

pends, to require and to insist that onr government, 
wliicli has ])een working in one direction, shall work 
in the other, and sliall apply all its vigour to concur 
with the states of Europe in obtaining tlie extinction 
of the Turkish executive power in Bulgaria. Let 
the Turks now carrj- away their abuses in the only 
possible manner, namely, by carrying off themselves. 
This thorough riddance, this most blessed deliver- 
ance, is the only reparation we can make to the 
memory of those heaps on heaps of dead; to the 
violated purity alike of inatron, of maiden, of child; 
to the civilization that has been affronted and 
shamed ; to the laws of God or, if you like, of Allah ; 
to the moral sense of mankind at large." ^ 

The celebrated para])hlet of Mr. Gladstone pro* 
vided Russia with an excellent cause for aggression 
against Turkey, and on the 24th of April, 1877, she 
declared war. Abdul-Ilamid relied confidently upon 
the assistance of Fhigland in case of war, and but 
for the effect of Gladstone's pamphlet this assist- 
ance would have been forthcoming. The British 
government was forced to inform the sultan that 
"it had now become practically impossible — 
owing to the state of public feeling — for us to 
intervene." 

Russia formed an alliance with Rumania, the lat- 
ter declaring Jier independence of Turkey, and the 
Danubian provinces were invaded. Mukhtar Pasha 
retained Kars for a time against the siege of the 
Russians; but defeats soon began to come '* thick 

' BitUjarian Unrron^ mid the Question of the East. By William Kwart 
Gladstoiic. London, 1870, pp. M. 



44 Bulgaria and Her People 

and fast "; Lootsk was stormed by the Russians 
the 3rd of September, 1877; Niksic was won by the 
Montenegrins five days later; Plevna was stormed 
the 11th of September; Mukhtar Pasha suffered a 
severe defeat at Aladja Duga the 15th of October; 
Gurko, the leading Russian general, stormed Gorin 
Dubrik the 24th of October, and four days later he 
captured Telish; Kars was successfully stormed 
the 18th of November; the army of Osman Pasha 
was nearly annihilated and forced to surrender 
Plevna the 10th of December; and the same month 
Gurko crossed the Balkans to continue the war in 
central Bulgaria. 

The year 1878 opened with the capture of Sofia 
by Gurko on the 4th of January; an army com- 
posed of Russian and Bulgarian soldiers crossed 
Shipka pass the 7th of January and captured a large 
body of Turkish troops; Nish and Antivari sur- 
rendered the 10th of January; seven days later the 
army of Suleiman was completely routed near Phil- 
ippopolis ; and Adrianople fell the 20th of January. 
Within a week the Russian troops were marching 
towards the undefended Turkish capital. The sul- 
tan sued for peace ; an armistice was declared, and 
the treaty of San Stefano, signed the 3rd of March, • 
1878, brought the Russo-Turkish war to a close. 
Both sides had lost heavily; for, in the taking of 
Plevna alone, the Russians had sacrificed 50,000 men. 

Concerning the cooperation of the Bulgars with 
their liberators, Mr. William Miller, the English 
historian of the Balkans, writes: " Bulgaria, dis- 
organized by nearly five centuries of Turkish rule. 



Liberation of Bulgaria 45 

could do little but provide a theatre for the war. 
It was upon Bulgarian soil that the chief struggle 
took place, and the siege of Plevna and the occu- 
pation of Shipka pass attracted the eyes of the 
whole world to this remote comer of the map of 
Europe. To the best of their abilities the peasants 
helped the Russian forces; wherever the tsar's 
legions went the natives welcomed them; not be- 
cause they wished to exchange the Turkish for the 
Muscovites' domination, but because they regarded 
them as instruments for the liberation of their coun- 
try. Their local knowledge was placed at the dis- 
posal of the invaders; Bulgarian guides directed 
the Russian army through the mazes of the moun- 
tains ; Bulgarian boys carried water to the Russian 
soldiers in battle at the risk of their lives; volun- 
teer corps were formed to fight by the side of the 
Russian and the Rimianian regulars ; and five thou- 
sand Bulgarians accompanied General Gurko in his 
operations in the Balkans, and won the praise of 
their allies by their gallant defence of the Shipka 
pass, and by their conspicuous bravery at Stara 
Zagora, where four-fifths of the Bulgarian ex)m- 
batants were left dead upon the field." ^ 

The chief feature of the treaty of San Stefano 
was the rehabilitation of the old Bulgarian kingdom. 
The big Bulgaria that it created extended from the 
Danube to Thessaly and embraced most of Albania, 
Macedonia, and Thrace. Rumania received the re- 
gion of the Dobrutja; Servia was granted the dis- 

' The Dalkan.'^. (Stor>' of the Nations Series.) By William Miller. 
New York, 1907, pp. 476. 



46 Bulgaria and Her People 

trict southeast of Nisli; and Montenegro benefited 
by portions of Bosnia and Albania. The big Bul- 
garia created by the treaty of San Stefano was based 
essentially on ethnic lines. The people were chiefly 
Bulgars. Much of the bloodshed of the past thirty 
years in the Balkan i)eninsula might have been 
avoided if this treaty had been allowed to stand. 

England, influenced b}^ the dread which she enter- 
tained of the creation of a great Bulgaria that might 
become a powerful ally of Russia, was angered; 
thirty million dollars were voted for arrnanioiils; 
troops were ordered from India, and Eussia was 
informed that the treaty of San Stefano must be 
torn up, and that the whole matter nuist be sub- 
mitted to a congress of the great powers. Russia 
did not object to a congress, in spite of the fact that 
she had fought the war of lilieration of the Bulgars 
without the aid of any of the powers, and that it 
had cost her millions of dollars and the loss of the 
lives of many thousand of her soldiers. 

The congress of the powers met at Berlin the 8th 
of June, 1878, and a month later they announced the 
division of the big Bulgaria into five sections, one 
of which was to be given to Seiwia, one to Rumania, 
one given back to Turkey, and two created into 
autonomous provinces under the suzerainty of the 
sultan of Turkey. Of the two autonomous provinces 
that were created, one was to be known as Eastern 
Rumelia and the other as Bulgaria. ^' It was Eng- 
land especially that insisted upon this arrange- 
ment," writes Dr. Washburn, '' and also upon the 
right of Turkey to occupy and fortify the range of 



Liberation of Bulgaria 47 

the Balkans, all with the object of making it impos- 
sible for the Bulgarians to form a viable state, which 
might be friendly to Russia. The Englishmen who 
knew Bulgaria understood the folly and wickedness 
of this at the time, and all England has learned it 
since. Thus far [19091 1^^^ results have been the 
revolution of 1885, which resulted in the union of 
Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia, the M'ar with Servia, 
the insurrection in Macedonia and the province of 
Adriauo})le, and all the massacres and unspeakable 
horrors of the last twenty-nine years in Macedonia, 
to say nothing of what Bulgaria has suffered from 
the intrigues of foreign powers ever since the treaty 
of Berlin. The awful massacres and persecutions 
from which the Armenians have suffered since 1886 
have been equally the result of this treaty.'^ ^ 

Nine days before the meeting of the congress of 
Berlin England had concluded a secret treaty with 
Turkey in which she promised to maintain the integ- 
rity of the Ottoman empire in Asia, and in consid- 
eration for this service she was permitted to occupy 
the island of (yVjirus and hold the same in fee for 
the sultan. In the treaty of San Stefano Turkey 
had agreed to the maintenance of a Russian army 
in Armenia as a guarantee against the slaughter of 
Armenians by Moslem Kurds and Circassians; the 
retention of certain Asiatic provinces which she had 
wrested from Turkey by liard fighting, and the free 
access to the Black sea to all nations both in time of 
war and in time of peace. 

' Fifty Wars in C()7is((i7ttinn])le. By George Washburn. RoHtnn, 
1909, pp. 319. 



48 Bulgaria and Her People 

It delighted the cunning of Abdul-Hamid to make 
this deal with Lord Beaconsfield rather than permit 
Russia to protect his Christian subjects in Armenia. 
The Duke of Argyll remarks in this connection: 
" The Turk could see at a glance that, whilst it 
relieved him from the dangerous pressure of Rus- 
sia, it substituted no other pressure which his own 
infinite dexterity in delays could not make abortive. 
As for the unfortunate Armenians, the change was 
simply one which must tend to expose them to the 
increased enmity of their tyrants, whilst it damaged 
and discouraged the only protection which was pos- 
sible under the inexorable conditions of the physical 
geography of the country."^ The awful butchery 
of thousands — probably more than a hundred thou- 
sand — of innocent men, women, and children in 
Armenia, and the burning of more than forty Ar- 
menian towns and villages are some of the direct 
consequences of the substitution of the treaty of 
Berlin for the treaty of San Stefano. 

The treaty of Berlin provided for the small prin- 
cipality, that it had created, a Christian government 
subject to the sultan of Turkey. The prince was 
to be freely chosen by the Bulgarian people, with the 
approval of the sultan and the great powers. The 
treaty provided that differences of religious views 
should form no hindrance to the exercise of civil 
and political rights and the holding of public office. 
Commercial treaties that had been made by Turkey 
were binding on Bulgaria, and she was not per- 

1 Out RespoTixibililies for Turkey. By the Duke of Argyll (George 
Douglas Campbell). London, 1896, pp. 19G. 



Liberation of Bulgaria 49 

mitted to make any changes in the same without the 
consent of the power concerned. No transit duties 
could be charged on merchandise passing through 
Bulgaria; Bulgarians travelling in Turkey were 
subject to the Turkish authorities; Bulgaria was 
required to pay tribute to Turkey, and to take part 
in her debts. 

Such were the conditions linked with the half- 
hearted freedom that the great powers granted to 
the Bulgars after five centuries under the oppressive 
Ottoman yoke. A constitutional assembly met at 
Timovo on the 10th of February, 1879, and adopted 
a constitution for the kingdom, which, with slight 
modifications, is still in force. On the 29th of April, 
1879, the Bulgars unanimously elected Alexander of 
Battenberg prince of their country. 



CHAPTER V 

THE NEW BULGABTAN KINGDOM 

Administrative affairs of Bulgaria in the hands of RuRsians — The 
new constitution adopted at Tirnovo — Election of Prince Alex- 
ander of Battenberg as ruler of Bulgaria — The Russophii paity — 
The coup d'etat — Arrogance of the Russian oflieiaLs — Restoration 
of the suspended constitution — Departure of the Russian oflicials 
— Union of Eastern Rumelia with Bulgaria — ■ Appearance of Stefan 
Stamboloff — The war with Servia — Russian intrigues — Kid- 
napping of Prince Alexander — His return to Bulgaria — Abdica- 
tion of the prince — A\'hat Prince Alexander had done for Bulgaria. 

The congress of Berlin had made provision for 
the occupation of Bulgaria by an army of fifty thou- 
sand Russian soldiers and the administration of the 
country by an im])erial Russian commission until 
such time as a prince miglit be secured and a con- 
stitution adopted and ]nil into force. Prince Don- 
dukoff-Korsakoff was tlie Russian officer selected by 
the tsar to head the commission, and the administra- 
tive affairs of the country, both civil and military, 
were placed in the hands of Russians. 

A constitutional assembly met at Tirnovo the 10th 
of February, 1879, to pass upon the new constitu- 
tion that had been drawn np by Professor Gradov- 
sky and General Domontovitz, under the direction 
of tlie provisional Russian government. The assem- 
bly was composed of two hundred and thirty-one 
members, of whom one hundred and five were a]")- 
pointed from the Russian officials holding posts in 

50 




PRINCE ALKXANDER. 



The New Bulgarian Kingdom 51 

Bulgaria; eighty-nine, chiefly peasants, were elected 
by popular suffrage, at the rate of one member for 
every ten thousand male inhabitants; and twenty- 
one members represented the religious organiza- 
tions of the country, Orthodox, Moslem, and Je\vish. 
The constitution which was passed on the 16th of 
April, 1879, provided for a national assembly (so- 
branje) to consist of a single chamber, elected by 
manhood suffrage, to which any citizen who had 
reached the age of thirty and could read and write 
was eligible. The constitution provided that the 
members of the cabinet should be nominated by the 
ruler of the country and responsible to him only, 
regardless of opposing majorities in the sobranje. 
The civil list of the ruler was fixed at one hundred 
twenty thousand dollars a year and the princely dig- 
nity was made hereditary in the male line. Pro- 
vision was made for liberty of the press, universal 
conscription, and compulsory education. 

On the 29th of April, 1879, Prince Alexander of 
Battenberg, a cousin of Tsar Alexander of Russia, 
was elected the first ruler of the new kingdom of 
Bulgaria. He was twenty-two years old at the time 
of his election and occupied a subordinate post in 
the German army. He accepted, after some hesita- 
tion, the office, and took flie oath to the constitution 
at Tirnovo the 9(h of July, amid great entliusiasm 
and with the confidence of the European powers, 
and notably of Russia, whose nominee he iiad been. 

Concerning the qualifications of the young ruler 
for the difficult post that he had been selected to fill 
William Miller writes: '* The first prince of Bui- 



52 Bulgaria and Her People 

garia is one of the most romantic figures in the his- 
tory of our time. His career borders on the mar- 
vellous, his character has something of the heroic 
about it. His frank and open bearing, his social 
charms, and his military prowess on behalf of his 
adopted country on the field of Slivnitza, endeared 
him to the cold hearts of a people which is seldom 
enthusiastic. He was essentially a soldier, and was 
the best possible ruler of a country like Bulgaria in 
time of war. But he was lamentably deficient in the 
arts of a statesman. A diplomatist, who knew him 
intimately, has described to the writer the obsti- 
nacy and singular incapacity which he showed in 
matters of business, while he committed indiscre- 
tions of speech which proved that he had, like some 
other sovereigns, never mastered that aphorism of 
Metternich, that ' a monarch should never talk.' He 
had a singular knack of quarrelling with his advi- 
sers, which once drew upon him a sharp rebuke from 
the tsar. He was not a great administrator or a 
clever politician; but if he had had an old and ex- 
perienced statesman to guide him he might have 
succeeded. Unfortunately, he estranged first the 
liberals, who included all the ablest men in Bulgaria, 
and then the Russians, and when the latter desired 
his fall, befell." 

At the suggestion of the Russians, who had se- 
cured him his throne, Prince Alexander selected the 
members of his cabinet from the conservative, or 
Russophil, party, which represented a very small 
minority of the voters. As the first national assem- 
bly was overwhelmingly liberal in politics, a dead- 



The New Bulgarian Kingdom 53 



lock ensued, and the prince was forced to dismiss 
his Russophil cabinet and nominate Dragan Zankoif, 
then the chief antagonist of Russia in Bulgaria, as 
prime minister. A brief experience with the bel- 
ligerent government, convinced the prince that he 
could not work with the national assembly; he exe- 
cuted a coup d'etat, and on the 27th of xipril, 1881, 
he suspended the constitution. 

He made General Ernroth, a Russian, his prime 
minister, and threatened to resign the throne unless 
he was given absolute power for a period of seven 
years. The constitution was suspended, and the 
government was again turned over to the hands of 
Russians. So long as Tsar Alexander II lived the 
relations of Prince Alexander with Russia were 
most cordial; but Tsar Alexander III disliked his 
cousin heartily, and the Russian officials soon made 
it evident to the prince that they took their orders 
from St. Petersburg. 

Alexander chafed under the arbitrary rule of his 
Russian masters, who were not at pains to spare the 
feelings of the ostensible ruler of the country or the 
Bulgarian people. It has frequently been remarked 
by travellers that of all the races in the Balkans, 
tlie Bulgars are the most thrifty and economical 
and the most suspicious of foreigners. Yet the Rus- 
sian government not only monopolized such offices 
as president of the national assembly, minister of 
war, chief of police, governor of Sofia, and several 
hundred of the most lucrative posts in the army, but 
the officials that came from St. Petersburg w^ere 
** men who had proved either failures or firebrands 



54 Bulgaria and Her People 

wherever they had been employed, and spent money 
— the peasants' money — right and left." 

These conditions induced the prince to surrender 
the irresponsible power in 1883 ; he restored the 
constitution, and the Russians in indignation left 
the country. A plot to kidnap the prince was dis- 
covered, also proclamations announcing his expul- 
sion from Bulgaria, and the formation of a provi- 
sional government. Subsequent investigations im- 
plicated Generals Kaulbars and Soboleff and other 
Russian officials and established conclusively the 
complicity of Russia in the plot. The liberals re- 
turned to power and during: the next ten years Rus- 
sian influence in Bulgarian affairs was reduced to 
a minimum. 

In an earlier chapter attention was called to the 
creation of Eastern Rumelia by the congress of 
Berlin. The inhabitants of this province were al- 
most entirely Bulgars, and early in the reign of 
Prince Alexander they sent deputations to Sofia 
asking that they might be united w^ith that princi- 
pality. Russia had originally favoured this union, 
but the growth of an independent national spirit in 
the rejuvenated nation caused her to change her 
policy; and after the departure of the Russian of- 
ficials from Bulgaria she opposed the union vigor- 
ously. Alexander was not able, in consequence, to 
comply with the wishes of the inhabitants of East- 
ern Rumelia. 

In September, 1885, the liberals of Eastern Ru- 
melia took matters into their own hands. They took 
the governor of the province captive, and without 



The New Bulgarian Kingdom 55 

the loss of a droi"> of blood they proclaimed the union 
of Eastern Rumelia with Bulgaria. Even then 
Prince Alexander hesitated to further incur the hos- 
tility of Russia. Stefan Stamboloff, who was later 
to play such an important role in the history of the 
young principality, was president of the national 
assembly, and he is reported to have told Prince 
Alexander that he had reached the cross-roads in 
his career. '* One road," he said, '* leads to East- 
ern Rumelia and as much further as God may lead; 
but the other to the Danube and back to Darmstadt.** 
The prince chose the former, and on the 20th of 
September he issued a proclamation which declared 
the union of the two provinces. 

War with Turkey was apprehended, and it is well 
known that Russia advised the Porte to resist this 
act of alleged aggression. But Turkey was momen- 
tarily crippled ; and Sir William White, the British 
ambassador at Constantinople, strongly supported 
the Bulgarian cause. England and Russia had ex- 
changed places in their respective attitudes toward 
Bulgaria. Seven years earlier at the congress of 
Berlin Russia had favoured but England had op- 
posed the union of Eastern Rumelia with Bulgaria. 

Greece and Servia were both indignant because of 
this increase of territory by a sister state, but the 
former was prevented from declaring war by a 
naval demonstration of the powers. King Milan of 
Servia ordered the mobilization of the Servian 
army the day of the oflicial declaration of union of 
the two Bulgarias. His army of seventeen thousand 
soldiers crossed the Bulgarian frontier, where it 



56 Bulgaria and Her People 

met a Bulgarian force of eleven thousand and en- 
countered a most humiliating defeat. In spite of 
the fact that the Bulgarian army had only recently 
been deprived of all its chief officers by the exo- 
dus of the Russians, the courage of the prince and 
the skill of the Bulgar soldiers triumphed every- 
where against the Serbs; and Belgrade, the capital 
of Servia, would have been occupied but for the 
intervention of the Austrians. Austria informed 
Prince Alexander that if his army marched any 
further it would have to encounter an Austrian 
army allied with the Servian. 

The Bulgars were forced to yield to superior 
force; and through the machinations of Austria and 
Russia, Servia escaped unpunished for her war of 
aggression, for the Bulgars did not get an inch of 
land or a cent of war indemnity. Eastern Rumelia, 
however, was secured to her by the war. 

In spite of the honours showered upon Prince 
Alexander as the ** hero of Slivnitza," and the 
growing independence of the Bulgarian people, 
Russia continued her intrigues. Shortly after the 
close of the Servian war, a plot was discovered at 
Burgas to carry off the prince, or if necessary, to 
kill him. Another plot was soon hatched by the 
Russophil party in Bulgaria. In the early morning 
of the 21st of August, 1886, a party of conspirators 
forced entrance into the palace at Sofia and at the 
point of a revolver the prince was forced to abdi- 
cate and leave the country. The leading conspira- 
tors were Clement, the intriguing metropolitan of 
the Orthodox church, Bendereff, acting minister of 






.♦* 



•IH 



ir~ 



^^ipf^^^^^ " 



V^ 



The New Bulgarian Kingdom 57 

war, and Grueff, principal of the military academy. 
The prince with an armed military escort was 
hastily driven to the Danube, and from the Danube 
taken to Russia. 

The metropolitan Clement formed a cabinet of 
his Russian partisans and issued a proclamation 
assuring the people that order would promptly be 
restored and promising them the protection of the 
tsar of Russia! Stefan Stamboloff, as president of 
the national assembly, and Colonel Mutkuroff, as 
commander of the military forces in the newly ac- 
quired province of Eastern Rumelia, issued a coun- 
ter proclamation ; Clement and his colleagues were 
denounced as traitors, and the Bulgarian people 
were urged to rally in defence of the throne. The 
provisional government of Clement and his con- 
spirators was dissolved ; a regency was formed until 
the prince could be found and induced to return. 
The conspirators had taken him to Lemberg, where 
the Russian authorities had released him. The 
regency telegraphed him to return at once and re- 
sume his post as the rightful ruler of the principal- 
ity. The prince accepted the offer before the Rus- 
sian commissioner could forestall him. He returned 
to Rustchuk, where he was met by the local Russian 
consul. At the suggestion of the latter he sent a 
telegram to the tsar of Russia thanking him for 
having restored to him the throne of Bulgaria. The 
servile message read: ** Russia gave me my crown; 
I am ready to return it into the hands of her sover- 
eign." This caused the undoing of the prince. The 
tsar replied: " Cannot approve of your return to 



58 Bulgaria and Her People 

Bulgaria. I shall refrain from all interference with 
the sad state to which Bulgaria has been brought so 
long as you remain there." 

He was forced by Russia to abdicate. Stamboloff 
urged him in vain to remain and defy the threats 
of the tsar, but he declined to keep the throne 
against the wishes of the powerful Russian sover- 
eign, and he promised to abdicate provided Russia 
would consent to allow the Bui gars to elect his suc- 
cessor. To this Russia consented; and on the 7th 
of September, 1886, he made public his abdication, 
and the appointment of Stamboloff, Karaveloff, and 
Mutkurolf as regents until such time as the people 
might select a prince as his successor. 

*' The next day," notes a historian of the period, 
'* sadly and sorrowfully the prince bade farewell to 
Bulgaria for ever. He summoned the chief men of 
Sofia to the palace; told them how the welfare of 
his adopted country had been his sole desire, and 
confessed that he had failed because of the great 
opposition that he had met. And then he set out 
with Stamboloff, amidst the tears of his subjects, 
sorry to leave them, yet glad to be freed from the 
responsibilities of a Balkan throne. His memory 
lived, and still lives after his death, among the 
people of his adoption. Under the name of Count 
Hartenau, happily yet humbly married, he tried to 
bury the prince in the simple Austrian officer. But 
long after his departure there were men in Bulgaria 
who hoped for his return. His faults — and they 
were many — were forgotten; it was remembered 
that in seven brief years he had created an army, 



The New Bulgarian Kingdom 59 

led a nation to victory, and united the two Bulga- 
rias together. And when he died in 1893, many a 
peasant in liis humble cottage mourned for the 
soldier prince, the hero of Slivnitza."^ 

1 The Balkmis. By William Miller. New York, 1907, pp. 476. 



CHAPTER VI 

BULGAItIA UNDER KING FERDINAND 

Alienation of the Bulgarian sympathies by the intrigues of the Russians 
— Election of Prince Ferdinand by the national assembly — Re- 
fusal of the po\> ers to recognize tiie election — Non-recognition a 
distinct advantage — StambolufT and the friendly relations of Bul- 
garia with the governments of Europe — • intriguing Ilussophil ec- 
clesiastics — How ytainboloff disciplined them — • Birth of Prince 
Boris — Friction between Ferdinand and his great minister — The 
downfall of StambololT — Sinister Russian inlluences again in evi- 
dence — Dedication of the Russian chapel at Shipka pass — Inde- 
pendence of Bulgaria from Turkey — What Kmg Ferdinand has 
accomplished — Popularity of Pnnce Boris — His rebaptism to 
the faith of the national Orthodox church. 

The constitution of Bulgaria provided that in 
case tlie throne slioiild become vacant, elections to 
the grand sobranje for the choice of a successor 
should take place within one month from the date 
of such vacancy. Accordingly the regents made ar- 
rangements for a general election in accordance 
with constitutional requirement. The tsar of Rus- 
sia, Avith the avowed object of '' assisting the Bul- 
gars in their difficulties," sent General Kaulbars to 
Sofia. " To the action of this man more than to 
any other cajiise," writes William Miller, " may be 
attributed the antipathy of Russia which has grown 
up in the country which she helped to liberate." 

Kaulbars came to Bulgaria " with a knout in his 
hand." First he attempted to postpone the elec- 
tions to the grand sobranje, and failing in this 
he conducted an extremely indiscreet campaign 

60 



Bulgaria Under King Ferdinand 61 

throughout the country, in wliich by verj' question- 
able means he endeavoured to secure the election of 
an assembly with Russian sympathies. But Stam- 
boloff and the liberal party secured an enormous 
majority, and then Kaulbars attempted to nullify 
the returns by the allegation that violence had been 
used and that the verdict did not represent the will 
of the majority of the Bulgarian electors. Violence 
had been employed, but it was the violence incited 
by the Russian consular agents and the Russophil 
party. Disgusted with his humiliating defeat, Gen- 
eral Kaulbars, accompanied by all the Russian con- 
sular agents in Bulgaria, left the country and re- 
turned to Russia. 

The grand sobranje met at Tirnovo the 10th of 
November, 1886, and unanimously elected Prince 
Valdemar of Denmark as successor of Prince Alex- 
ander. Prince Valdemar was a son of the king of 
Denmark, brother of the princess of Wales and of 
the dowager empress of Russia. It was felt that 
the election of so near a relative of the tsar would 
not be opposed by Russia. But Tsar Alexander III 
refused to recognize the election as valid, and Prince 
Valdemar declined the crown. 

Europe was ransacked for a candidate, and it was 
not until the following summer that a royal cadet 
was found who was walling to accept the crown of 
the uncertain Bulgnrian ])rincipalit3^ The grand 
sobranje met at Tirnovo the 7th of July, 1887, and 
elected Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Cobnrg-Gotha as 
the sovereign of their country. He accepted the 
throne, and five weeks later (the 14th of August) 



62 Bulgaria and Her People 

took the oath of office at the ancient capital of the 
Bulgarian tsars. 

Prince Ferdinand was the youngest son of Prince 
Augustus of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and Princess Clem- 
entine of Bourbon-Orleans, a daughter of King 
Louis Philippe of France. He was bom the 26th 
of February, 1861. He married (first) the 20th of 
April, 1893, Princess Maria Louise, eldest daughter 
of the Duke of Parma. Four children were born to 
them: Prince Boris, boru the 20th of January, 
1894; Prince Kyril, bom the 17th of November, 
1895 ; Princess Eudoxia, born the 17th of January, 
1898, and Princess Nadejda, born the 30th of Jan- 
uary, 1899. The Princess Maria Louise died the 
31st of January, 1899, and Prince Ferdinand mar- 
ried (second) the 28th of February, 1908, Princess 
Eleanora of Eeuss-Kostritz. 

The hostile Russians hounded Prince Ferdinand 
and his government. The treaty of Berlin had 
stipulated that the election of the ruler of Bulgaria 
by the national assembly must be confirmed by the 
great powers. Russia refused her consent to the 
confirmation on the ground that the national as- 
sembly which selected Ferdinand had not been le- 
gally elected. Desirable as formal recognition may- 
have been to the sense of propriety of the prince, 
it did not matter a pinch of snuff to the Bulgarian 
people; and amid enthusiasm, the new sovereign 
assumed the responsibilities of his crown. '' Indi- 
rectly," writes an English historian, " the non- 
recognition of Prince Ferdinand had this advantage, 
that there was no Russian agent accredited to his 




KING FKRDINAND. 



Bulgaria Under King Ferdinand 03 

court, and consequently no Russian agency always 
at work to undermine bis throne." 

Stefan Stamboloff, whose conspicuous services to 
his country have been mentioned in a previous chap- 
ter, was chosen prime minister by Ferdinand, the 
1st of September, 1887, and this position he occu- 
pied without intermission till his fall the 31st of 
May, 1894. The first effort of the prime minister 
was to establish friendly relations with Turkey, 
which averted the interference of the Ottoman gov- 
ernment with tbe practical independence of Eastern 
Rumelia. To this friendly relation was due the 
establishment of two additional Bulgarian bishops 
in Macedonia and permission to organize a large 
number of Bulgarian schools in different parts of 
the Turkish empire where there were considerable 
colonies of Bulgars. 

Early in 1889 Clement, the metropolitan of the 
national Orthodox church at Sofia, preached a ser- 
mon at Tirnovo in which he attacked the prince and 
his government in violent terms. It was well known 
that the Russophil metropolitans had been plotting 
against the Roman Catholics in Bulgaria ; and it 
was rumoured that at a meeting of the Holy Synod 
to be held at Sofia an anathema was to bo pro- 
nounced against the prince, and this was to be the 
signal for a Russophil uprising against the liberal 
government. 

When the Holy Synod was convoked at Sofia only 
three of the five metropolitans attended — Clement, 
the notorious intriguer, who was a member of the 
brief provisional government that followed the coup 



64 Bulgaria and Her People 



d'etat, described above; Simeon, who had been sus- 
pended by the regency of Stamboloff a year for 
sedition, and Conslantine, whose connection with the 
Russian intriguers was notorious. Two of the met- 
ropolitans, who wore friendly to the government, 
did not attend the convocation. 

The prelates were invited to pay their respects 
to the prince, the prime minister, and the minister 
of public worship. This they refused to do on the 
ground that Ferdinand had encouraged the Roman 
Catholic religion to the detriment of the national 
Orthodox church, and that he and his ministers had 
repeatedly infringed on the canons of the state re- 
ligion. Stamboloff promptly informed them that 
the government could have no relations with them 
and they were ordered to return to their respective 
dioceses within three days. They regarded the 
order merely as a threat, assuming that no ministry 
would dare use violence against the heads of the 
established church. But they omitted the dogged 
nature of Stamboloff in their calculation. At the 
expiration of the three days the recalcitrant ecclesi- 
astics were waited upon by the police and accom- 
panied to their respective bishoprics. 

The sympathy of Orthodox fanaticism against the 
prince was enlisted; and some of the Russophil 
statesmen, who later played leading roles in the gov- 
ernment of King Ferdinand, petitioned the exarch 
at Constantinople to redress the indignity that had 
been heaped upon his metropolitans. But the 
shrewd exarch waste-basketed the petition. 

Cordial relations were also established with Ru- 



Bulgaria Under King Ferdinand 65 

mania and other European powers, and a needed 
loan on very favourable terms was secured from 
foreign financiers. The marriage of Prince Ferdi- 
nand presented a difficult political situation. The 
Duke of Parma insisted that a condition of the mar- 
riage of his daughter 'with the prince would be a 
promise to rear the children that might result from 
this union in the faith of the Roman Catholic church. 
The Bulgarian constitution specifically stated that 
the heir to the throne must belong to the Orthodox 
national church. For political reasons Stamboloff 
consented to the demands of the duke; the consti- 
tution was changed, and Boris, the first-born, was 
baptized a Roman Catholic. Two years later, and 
after the fall of Stamboloff, tlic prince was rebap- 
tized in the Orthodox national church. It was the 
belief of Prince Ferdinand that if the heir apparent 
to the Bulgarian throne should be converted to the 
faith of the Orthodox church, it would be the means 
of bringing about a reconciliation of his country 
with Russia; and more important, his legal recog- 
nition by the tsar. It was argued, and with reason, 
that the future ruler of the country should profess 
the same faith as the great majority of his subjects. 
The Holy See at Rome was petitioned to grant the 
change of the faith of the young prince; but, as the 
petition was denied, the conversion took place with- 
out the consent of the authorities of the Roman 
Catholic church. 

Friction between Ferdinand and his prime minis- 
ter developed shortly after the marriage of the 
prince and the birth of an heir, and on the 31st of 



m Bulgaria and Her People 

May, 1894, rrince Ferdinand dismissed Stamboloff 
from his counsels. In a subsequent chapter the sig- 
nificant services of Stamboloff in behalf of his coun- 
try will be pointed out. In this connection it is only 
necessary to indicate the justification of the prince 
in the dismissal of his prime minister. An English 
historian well states the cause of the rupture: 
'' Prince Ferdinand's marriage and the birth of an 
heir strengthened the djaiasty but weakened its 
great minister. From that date the sovereign be- 
came increasingly impatient of control, until at last 
on the 31st of May, 1894, the world learned with sur- 
prise that he had dismissed the ' Bismarck ' of Bul- 
garia from his counsels. His alliance with a Bour- 
bon princess had greatly increased his desire for 
recognition, and he regarded his minister as the 
chief obstacle in the way. There were intriguers 
at the prince's elbow, old colleagues whom Stam- 
boloff 's growing arrogance had alienated, who poi- 
soned their sovereign's mind against the premier. 
Relations between the two men became worse; con- 
versations at the palace were faithfully reported to 
the minister, who was not backward in telling his 
master to his face what he thought of his conduct. 
Stamboloff Uvice offered to resign; the prince de- 
clined to accept his resignation, fearing that the 
great popularity, which his minister had just gained 
by the appointment of the second batch of Bulgarian 
bishops in Macedonia, would make him even more 
dangerous in opposition than in office. A domestic 
scandal, in which one of Stamboloff 's most trusted 
colleagues was involved, gave the prince his oppor- 



Bulgaria Under King Ferdinand 67 

tunity. He pressed for the noniiiiation of a favour- 
ite of Ills own to the vacant portfolio, and carried 
his point by threatening to abdicate rather than 
yield. The presence of an enemy within his cab- 
inet embarrassed the premier and emboldened the 
prince and tlie opposition to further attacks." In 
a moment of rage Stamboloff wrote a hasty letter 
of resignation to his sovereign, which the prince 
promptly accepted. 

Dr. Stoiioff, an able law}^er w^ho had served as 
private secretary to the prince, became prime min- 
ister, and the policy of the new government was 
one of conciliation towards Russia. With the re- 
baptism of Prince Boris into the faith of the Ortho- 
dox national church, on the 14th of February, Rus- 
sian influence became more ay)parent at Sofia. Fi- 
nancial disorders caused the fall of the Stoiioff 
ministry. A new cabinet was organized with Gre- 
koff as premier, but his failure to secure a foreign 
loan frustrated his efforts to improve economic 
conditions. Ministries were formed and dismissed 
in rather rapid succession. The efforts of Karavel- 
off, who became prime minister for the third time 
in March, 1901, to improve financial conditions in 
the country, were abortive; and in June, 1902, a 
new cabinet under Dr. Daneff was formed. Russian 
influence now became predominant, and this influ- 
ence brought the kingdom to the verge of ruin in 
the second Balkan war. 

Late in the summer of 1902 the Russians dedi- 
cated a handsome chapel at the foot of Shipka pass 
in the Balkan mountains to the memory of the Rus- 



68 Bulgaria and Her People 

sian and Bulgarian soldiers who fell in the famous 
encounter at this place in the war of liberation. 
Many distinguished Russians were present; and 
with a Russophil-Bulgarian cabinet in power, it 
looked for a brief time as though the Bulgars 
liad quite forgotten the long years of Russian 
intrigue against the independence of their coun- 
try. 

The ardour of the Bulgars for Russia, however, 
was soon dampened. The interference of the tsar's 
government in Macedonia in an attempt to place a 
Servian prelate in a Bulgarian see, the efforts of 
the Russians to get control of the Bulgarian army, 
and the discovery of an alleged plot to make Burgas 
and Varna Russian ports caused a cabinet crisis 
in May, 1903; the Russophil ministry fell, and the 
Stambolovist, or liberal party, with General Pe- 
troff as the prime minister, came into power. 

On the 5th of October, 1908, Bulgaria declared her 
independence of the suzerainty of the sultan of 
Turkey, and Prince Ferdinand assumed the title 
that had been used by the rulers of the old kingdom 
of Bulgaria, that of tsar. The Porte protested to 
the powers, but Russia proposed to advance an 
indemnity, and the powers finally ratified the com- 
plete independence of the country. Barbarities 
committed by the Turks against the Bulgars in 
Macedonia brought the country to the brink of war 
with the Ottoman empire several times in recent 
years. These disturbances will be described in 
later chapters on Macedonia. 

Under the rule of King Ferdinand Bulgaria has 



Bulgaria Under King Ferdinand C9 

made enormous progress in matters of culture, in- 
dustry, trade, and agriculture. His services to his 
adopted country have been both varied and effect- 
ive. Writing of Ferdinand in 1891, Mr. J. D. Bour- 
chier, the veteran and distinguished correspondent 
of the Londo7i Times at Sofia, says: *' He had em- 
barked upon what seemed an ahiiost hopeless adven- 
ture; he was confronted with the hostility of a 
power (Russia) which knew no scruple in the pros- 
ecution of its designs; he had come into a country 
honeycombed with the workings of Oriental con- 
spiracy; he liad to deal witli an army tainted with 
mutiny, and uith a hierarchy that had sold itself 
to the enemies of Bulgarian freedom. All Europe 
stood aloof; even Austria-Hungary scarcely ven- 
tured to offer a word of encouragement; in England 
the undeserved misfortunes of Prince Alexander had 
excited a national indignation which seemed to ex- 
clude all sympathy with his successor," 

Against all these odds Mr. Bourchier wrote; 
" Prince Ferdinand has held his ground amidst the 
snares and pitfalls of political life in a distracted 
and still half-civ'ilized countr3^ He has learned 
and is still learning to accommodate himself to the 
peculiarities of Bulgarian character; he has mas- 
tered the Bulgarian tongue; he has found means 
of acting in harmony with a minister (StamboloiT) 
of autocratic disposition, whose great ability, cour- 
age, and patriotism render him indispensable to the 
national progress. He possesses not only diplo- 
matic tact in reconciling hostile elements, but ho 
also knows how to yield at a i)roper time — a lesson 



70 Bulgaria and Her People 

which all constitutional sovereigns must sooner or 
later learn; while his energ}^ and tenacity of char- 
acter enable him to grapple firmly with innumerable 
difficulties. 

'' Prince Ferdinand's devotion and self-sacrifice 
are beginning to meet with their reward. The inter- 
nal development of the country, its excellent finan- 
cial condition, the spread of education, the construc- 
tion of railways, the improvement of the capital, the 
negotiation of treaties of commerce with foreign 
powers, the practical recognition now^ accorded by 
the latter to the existing regime, the recent diplo- 
matic success with Turkey — all point to advance- 
ment at home as well as abroad; one by one the 
magnates of Europe have sounded the note of praise 
and last, but not least, the Man of Blood and Iron 
(Bismarck), who once so brutally expressed his 
indifference to the fate of the young principality, 
has uttered words of approbation and encourage- 
ment. There is no resisting the logic of facts. Bul- 
garia under Prince Ferdinand has been a suc- 
cess."^ 

Subsequent chapters will recite the development 
of education, industry, and the arts during the more 
than quarter-century reign of King Ferdinand, and 
Bulgarians are themselves cognizant of this ad- 
vancement and the large measure of credit that 
belongs to their sovereign. And if, as M, de Launay 
remarks, " the king is not popular in the ordinary 
sense of that term as the royal head of the nation, 

' Arrival of Ferdinand. Ry J. D. Bourchier. Fortnightly Retnctv, 
Jan., 1891. Vol. 55, pp. 82-101. 




HRINCE UOKIS. 



Bulgaria Under King Ferdinand 71 

certainly the j^ractical Bulgars appreciate bis value 
as tlie president of a crowned republic."^ 

Prince Boris, the heir apparent to the Bulgarian 
throne, is a young man of promise and is highly 
esteemed by his subjects. As already mentioned, 
the young Boris was originally baptized in the faith 
of the church of liis father and mother, in accord- 
ance witli tlie wishes of the latter and her father. 
Stamboloff, for reasons of state, secured an altera- 
tion of the constitution that these wishes might be 
carried out. But the Bulgarian people resented the 
change. After the reconciliation with Russia, Fer- 
dinand wrote Tsar Nicholas his determination to 
have the prince rebaptized. The tsar was much 
pleased with the decision. John MacDonald writes 
in this connection : '* Looked at as a clever move in 
the diplomatic game, the infant prince's conversion 
at this particular time was far more effective for 
the prince's conciliatory purpose than an Orthodox 
baptism at birth would have been. The early rite 
would have been universally regarded as a matter 
of course. Tt would have made no impression on 
the obdurate Tsar Alexander ITT. But the lost 
sheep's return to the fold — the lost lamb's — was 
an impressive event. . . . The 26th of February was 
the appointed day for the Orthodox rite. The place 
was the historic town of Tirnovo. The selection of 
the old capital was another manifestation of the 
prince's talent for mastership of the ceremonies. 
The scene was almost as imposing as Prince Fer- 

• La Ihdgaric d'hicr cl dc dcnuiin. By I^uis dc Launay. Paria, 1912, 
pp. 494. 



72 Bulgaria and Her People 



dinand's advent there niue years before to inau^- 
rate the rebuilding of the Bulgarian state. Great 
companies of country people, singing their old na- 
tional songs, displaying banners with patriotic mot- 
toes, filled the roads converging to the city. The 
house fronts of Tirnovo were decorated with tro- 
phies of Russian and Bulgarian flags combined. 
The streets resounded with the Russian and Bul- 
garian national hymns. It was a Russian festival 
as well as a national one." ^ 

> Czar Ferdinand and his People. By Jolrn MacDonald. New York, 
[1913], pp. 344. 



CHAPTER VIT 

STAMBOLOFF VS. RUSSIAN INTRIGUES 

The early life of Stefan Stamboloff -— His Russian experiences — Con- 
nection with the Bulgarian revohitionary committee — Leader of 
the uprising at Stara Zagora — President of the national assembly 
— His role in the union of the two Bulgarias — Prime minister to 
Prince Alexander — IIow ho met the attacks of Russia against Bul- 
garian independence — The regency — Prime minister under Prince 
Ferdinand — Was his rule despotic? — How he punished Mace- 
donian brigands — His quarrels with the prince — Resignation 
from the ministry — Cruel persecution by the Russophil govern- 
ment — His murder — Pen picture of the great statesman — Esti- 
mates of his services - Connection of Russia with his downfall 
and murder — His faults and his virtues. 

Stefan Stamboloff, who for eight years was the 
practical dictator of Bulgaria and who carried to a 
successful issue the long and bitter struggle that 
prevented the absorption of his country by the Rus- 
sian empire, was one of the half dozen greatest 
European statesmen of the last half of the nine- 
teenth century. And when it is recalled that he was 
murdered at the early age of forty-one years, the 
extraordinary career of this national patriot and 
statesman is little less than marvellous. *' He was 
a man who saw what he wanted done, and did it," 
remarks Henry Crust. '* He rescued an old coun- 
try, and made a new one. And he was destroyed by 
the very lowest and most monstrous thoughts, 
w^ords, and deeds of which human nature is capa- 
ble." 

73 



74 Bulgaria and Her People 



Stamboloff was born at Tirnovo the 31st of Jan- 
uary (old style), 1854. He attended an elementary 
school lip to the age of fourteen, when he was ap- 
prenticed to a tailor. Later, when Shishmanoff, a 
Bulgarian scholar who had studied at Paris, opened 
a commercial school at Tirnovo, Stamboloff resumed 
his studies. The pohtical and religious agitation in 
the late sixties over the reestablishment of the Bul- 
garian Orthodox church interested him keenly. He 
decided to study for the priestliood, and in June, 
1870, was granted a scholarship at Odessa that 
had been founded by the emperor of Russia. He 
spent two years in study at Odessa, but with keener 
interest in the nihilistic teachings of his fellow stu- 
dents than in the theological doctrines of his spiri- 
tual instructors. Of the two hundred students in 
the seminary at Odessa, he tells us, there were cer- 
tainly not more than thirty or forty who were free 
from the taint of nihilism. Not only Stamboloff 
but all the Bulgarian students at Odessa and else- 
where, '' panting for freedom and intoxicated with 
the breadth and grandeur of the new ideas, threw 
themselves into the arms of the Russian nihilists." 

The secret police of Odessa made a sudden raid 
on the seminary and the students were arrested en 
hloc. The Bulgars, as Turkish subjects, were given 
twenty-four hours in which to leave Russia. Stam- 
boloff made his way to Tirnovo. In August, 1874, 
he represented his native town at a general revo- 
lutionary conference held at Bucharest. During the 
following year he shared with Christo Boteff the 
leadership of the revolutionary committee. In the 




STEFAN STAMBOLOFF. 



I 



Stamboloff vs. Russian Intrigues 75 

capacity of a peddler he travelled about Bulgaria 
forining revolutionary committees. He organized 
and managed the uprising against Turkey at Stara 
Zagora in 1875 ; joined the Russian staff in the war 
of Servia against Turkey in 1876 ; and served with 
the Bulgarian irregulars in the Russo-Turkish war 
of 1877-78. 

After the liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish 
yoke, Stamboloff took up the practice of law at Tir- 
novo. He was elected to represent his native city 
in the first national assembly and was chosen vice- 
president. After the fall of the Zankoff ministry 
he was chosen president of the assembly and held 
this post during two critical years. It was entirely 
due to his tact and energ)^ that the two Bulgarias 
were united in 1885. To the indecision of Prince 
Alexander as to the advisability of recognizing the 
union of Eastern Rumelia with the principality of 
Bulgaria, Stamboloff is reported to have said: 
" Sire, the union is made — the revolt is an accom- 
plished fact past recall, and the time for hesitation 
has gone. Two roads lie before Your Highness — 
the one to Philippopolis and as much farther as 
God may lead; the other to the Danube and Darm- 
stadt. I advise you to take the crown the Bulgarian 
nation offers you." The prince replied: " I choose 
the road to Philippo])olis, and if God loves Bulgaria 
He will protect me and her." 

With characteristic courage and promptitude he 
restored Prince Alexander to his tlirone after the 
notorious conspiracy tlie 21st of August, 1886. He 
frustrated the conspiracy of General Kaulbars, men- 



76 Bulgaria and Her People 

tioned in a previous chapter; quelled a military 
conspiracy that had been hatched by Russia at Si- 
listria and Rustchuk, and secured the election of 
Prince Ferdinand to the Bulgarian throne against 
the unscrupulous opposition of Russia. The new 
prince selected him as prime minister, and for eight 
years he ruled Bulgaria with an iron hand; but 
he accomplished great things for his country. 

Without doubt Stamboloff's greatest service to 
Bulgaria was the preservation of its independence 
against the powerful and insidious influence of Rus- 
sia. After the treaty of Berlin, the Bulgars were 
given to understand that the primary cause of the 
■\^ar of 1877-78 was not the liberation of their coun- 
try against the oppressive Ottoman rule, but the 
establishment of a Russian advance post on the road 
to Constantinople; The pretensions of the Russians, 
that the liberation of the principality from Turkey 
constituted a claim to eternal gratitude and sub- 
mission, did not appeal to the hard-headed Bulgars, 
and least of all to StambolofF and the other liberal 
statesmen in the new country. The Bulgars have 
been charged with ingratitude towards their Rus- 
sian benefactors; but it should not be forgotten 
that it was the autocratic and brutal policy of the 
Russian officials sent to Bulgaria that estranged the 
people and aroused the opposition of the patriots. 
It was the thinly veiled intention of crushing out 
the national idea of independence and the policy of 
brutal interference with internal affairs that alien- 
ated the affections of the Bulgars for the Russians. 
And it was Stamboloff who saved the young state 



Stamboloff vs. Russian Intrigues 77 

from the menace of domination by Russia. Under 
his regime Russia had no representation at Sofia. 

He kept Prince Ferdinand on his throne against 
the active opposition of Russia, and he taught his 
half-hearted countrymen to believe in Bulgaria. His 
brief but stirring life was a living negation of the 
charge of the Russophil party in Bulgaria that '' we 
cannot live without the guidance and support of 
Russia." He shamed his countrymen out of the 
belief in this treacherous declaration. He estab- 
lished excellent relations with European powers — 
Russia excepted — and best of all, he saw the great 
political value of friendly relations with Turkey 
and Rumania. 

At home, as Henry Crust has remarked, " he 
planted and watered, and the increase came. Trea- 
ties of commerce, railways, education, and all that 
we call civilization, prospered apace. Europe was 
more than friendly; and if the powers failed by 
convention to recognize Ferdinand, they recognized 
Stamboloff, and they recognized Bulgaria."^ 

The charge has been made that the despotic rule 
of Stamboloff did not meet the approval of the Bul- 
garian nation, and that he held power by the pres- 
sure which the liberal party used at the polls. For- 
eign students who knew both Stamboloff and the 
character of the Bulgars of the first generation of 
independence pronounce this charge false. They 
assert that he was in complete s>Tnpathy with the 
Bulgarian people; that he shared their ideals and 

' Stamboloff. By Henry Crust. Eclectic Magazine, Oct., 1895. Vol. 
125, pp. 563-569. 



78 Bulgaria and Her People 



their prejudices; that lie was simple in hia tastes 
and mode of life; tliat he was accessible to every- 
body, aMd knew how to speak to his countrymen 
after their own fashion. '* He was an ideal ruler 
of a half-civilized community of small peasant farm- 
ers," remarks an English writer. 

A system of political assassination, which resulted 
in the murder of two of his ministers and the nu- 
merous attempts on his own life, forced liim to bathe 
his hands in blood in the punishment of his country- 
men who had been tempted by the intrigues of Rus- 
sia. One of the victims was Olympi Panoff, an old 
friend and one of the heroes of Slivnitza ; and in 
the enforcement of measures for the maintenance 
of order in the country and keejnng I^rince Ferdi- 
nand on his throne against the ill-will of Russia 
and the political activity of tlie Russophil party in 
Bulgaria, the closing years of his ministry amounted 
to little less than a reign of terror. 

He punished severely the brigands, many of whom 
were Panslavists in the service of Russia and were 
members of the Macedonian revolutionary bands. 
vSome of these brigands were refugees from Turkish 
oppression. Others were Bulgarians who could not 
shut their eyes and repress their sympathies for 
their kinsmen in Macedonia. It was the conviction 
of Stamboloff, however, that a revolution in Mace- 
donia would give Russia an opportunity to interfere 
with no disinterested motive; and he urged that 
patience and friendly relations with Turkey would 
in the end help Macedonia most. Many of the acts 
of brigandage were directed against wealthy for- 



Stamboloff vs. Russian Intrigues 79 

eigiiers; and by clearing Bulgaria of brigands lie 
certainly won the approbation of foreign countries, 
even though ho incurred the enmity of the Mace- 
donian brigands and their revolutionary friends. 

The ultimate downfall of Stamboloff was brought 
about by his tension with the prince, his severe pun- 
ishment of political opponents, whom he regarded as 
the tools of Russia, and the growing political im- 
portance of a group of statesmen with strong Rus- 
sophil and mild clerical ideals and aspirations. This 
group included Gueslioff, Madjaroff, Velitchkoff, 
Daneff, and Bobtcheff — men who were at the head 
of affairs in Bulgaria during the two decades that 
followed the fall of Stamboloff and the close of the 
fatal war of tiie allies. 

Attention has been called to the fact that after 
his marriage and the birth of an heir, Prince Ferdi- 
nand desired the recognition of the legal status of 
his election; but Stamboloff felt that this recogni- 
tion would mean disaffection and intrigue against 
the established order of things that would follow 
with the return of the Russian minister and the Rus- 
sian consuls. Non-recognition by the powers en- 
tailed constant slights and rebuffs; the prince felt, 
and rightly, that his desires were not unreasonable. 
Stamboloff, on the other liand, apprehended that 
recognition would bring calamity to Bulgaria. There 
grew up in consequence a divergence of policy be- 
tween the prince and his prime minister. The two 
men became incapable of understanding each other's 
point of view, and it is not easy for foreigners to 
disentangle the motives of their quarrels. That the 



80 Bulgaria and Her People 



prince bad long cbafod under the tutelage of his 
arrogant and pig-headed minister, and that the lat- 
ter had assumed a rough and insulting tone towards 
his sovereign are facts that the most partisan ad- 
mirers of Stamboloff admit; but they argue as an 
extenuating circumstance, bis great ability, courage, 
patriotism, and lasting service to his country in 
thwarting Russian aggressions. 

The incidents attending the final resignation of 
Stamboloff are too painful to recite in this connec- 
tion ; and the subsequent venomous attack on Prince 
Ferdinand, published as an interview in the Frank- 
furter Zeitung, was unworthy of the great states- 
man who for eight years had so ably steered the 
unsteady Bulgarian ship of state among uncertain 
whirlpools of Russian intrigue into reasonably 
smooth waters. Tn making this attack he committed 
the greatest blunder of his life. His English biog- 
rapher remarks in this connection: ** Stamboloff, 
by this outburst, committed what was worse than 
a crime — a mistake. There can be no real excuse 
made for it. It may be urged that he was smarting 
under great provocation, as he doubtless was, but 
how much worthier and more dignified it would 
have been to show himself superior to such petty 
revenge by silence." 

The subsequent persecution of Stamboloff by the 
party that came into power after his fall was equally 
unworthy; for, in spite of shameful attempts to 
pillory the sovereign of Bulgaria in a foreign news- 
paper, it must not be forgotten, as Mr. Beaman 
very properly insists, that it was Stamboloff who 




A PEASANT CITIZEN. 



Stamboloff vs. Russian Intrigues 81 

had consolidated the union of Eastern Rumelia with 
the principality; who had held the country single- 
handed against the kidnappers of Prince Alexander ; 
had ruled Bulgaria as regent in the teeth of Russia; 
had driven out the intriguing Russian commission- 
ers and consuls; had brought in a new prince and 
kept him on his throne through a series of plots and 
dangers from within and without; had reconciled 
the church and the state; and had closely drawn 
the ties between Bulgaria and her suzerain, the 
sultan. 

Political and personal enemies were not satisfied 
with his downfall ; they clamoured for his disgrace 
and punishment; and the responsible government 
tacitly sanctioned a cruel and unjust persecution 
that was certain to be attended with fatal conse- 
quences, lie was not only subjected to indignities 
and persecution; his property was confiscated, and 
he was denied a passport that he might visit Bo- 
hemia and recuperate his shattered health. It had 
repeatedly been asserted in government circles that 
so long as Stamboloff lived the desired reconcilia- 
tion with Russia and the recognition of the election 
of Prince Ferdinand were out of the question. He 
was brutally attacked and mutilated the evening of 
the 15th of July, 1895, and died three days later. 
To the lasting shame of a really fine people, it must 
be recorded that the Bulgarian government did abso- 
lutely nothing to ferret out the instigators of this 
appalling crime and to punish tliem. 

Mr. Beaman, in his admirable English life of 
Stamboloff, gives this pen picture of the great 



82 Bulgaria and Her People 

statesman: "His portrait gives some idea of his 
face, but it fails entirely to reproduce the character 
of the mouth and eyes. Looking at the photograph, 
you see a somewhat heavy, sleepy-looking counte- 
nance, giving no indication of the restless energy 
and indomitable spirit of the man. In repose these 
arc not so very marked, but as soon as he touches 
upon a subject of interest, Mr. Stamboloff's whole 
mien changes. The heavy brows arch or contract, 
and the drooj^ing lids lift under the searching flash 
of his eyes, w^hich glow like live coals. The thick full 
lips form themselves into kindly smiles or sarcastic 
twists with equal facility, and now and again they 
draw back into a grim thinness in front of the white 
teeth, while the close cropped hair bristles and 
stands stiff over the massive forehead. In stature 
he is sliort and thick-set, and in spite of continued 
bad health, and a ceaseless hacking cough, which 
scarcely gives him a moment's respite, he holds 
himself erect, and walks with a firm, decided tread. 
Ilis early life of hardship in the open-air has tough- 
ened his frame, and his fondness for outdoor exer- 
cise, particularly for shooting, has probably enabled 
him to withstand the attacks of insidious diseases 
aggravated by the intense mental strain which he 
has undergone," ^ 

Mr. Stoyan K. Vatralsky, a Bulgarian publicist, 
after the murder of Stamboloff, wrote in an 
American review concerning his great countrjmaan : 
" Built after the pattern and of the stuff of which 

' StmnholojJ. (Public Mfn nf To-day Seriea). By A. Hulme Bea- 
raan. London, 1S05, pp. 210. 



Stamboloff vs. Russian Intrigues 83 

■ 

nature builds greatness, his strength and his weak- 
ness, his virtues and his vices, were alike great. 
Judged by a high standard of Christian civilization 
he can indeed be condemned ; but compared with his 
antagonists he appears not only great, but noble 
and upright. True, he was arbitrary and fierce, 
but he plotted or committed nobody's murder. He 
had traitors shot without mercy, but only after they 
had been sentenced in an open court. He was no 
coward. He struck right from the shoulder, and 
stood in the light of day like a man ; the w^hole world 
knew where he stood and what he was about. The 
very reverse was the case of the Russophiles who 
opposed him. They skulked in the dark; with re- 
bellion in favour of a foreign power, fraud and 
assassination were their chief weapons. The fiend- 
ish temper of Russophilism, which he fought and 
held in check for so many years, is now well known 
by the exhibition it made of itself at Stamboloff 's 
murder. During {he hours lie was writhing, from 
the fifteen terrible wounds it had dealt him, Russo- 
philism broke forth with exultant rejoicing over 
his agony; when he died, it insulted his remains, 
and at his burial it danced around his grave." ^ 

Russia has never forgiven Bulgaria for the inde- 
pendence which she permitted Stamboloff to mani- 
fest during the years that he directed the ship of 
state. She was able to sip from the cup of revenge 
when Bulgaria was dismembered by treacherous 
allies during the second Balkan w^ar. The Nation, 

' Study of a Notable Man: Stawhnlnff. Bv Stoyan K. Vatralsky. 
Forum, Nov., 1895. Vol. 20, pp. ;]17-;;:5;;. 



84 Bulgaria and Her People 

the ably edited, and certainly the best informed 
English weekly journal on Balkan questions, said 
in a leader in its issue of the 19tli of July, 1913: 
" It is said that Bulgaria began this shameful and 
disastrous war. Technically, that is true. Morally, 
it is meanly false. The war was begun by Servia 
and Greece, who, as far back as May, concluded 
between themselves a treaty of alliance against Bul- 
garia, by which Servia secured Greek help for the 
seizure of regions which only a year before she had 
by a no less solemn treaty of alliance acknowledged 
as Bulgarian. 

'^ The Bulgar armies did, indeed, march upon 
these regions. It was the Servians who committed 
the real aggression by holding them. But the real 
reason for this shameful dismemberment is hardly 
concealed. Bulgaria has become too strong. Six 
months ago the whole of Europe was lost in admira- 
tion for the victories, more wonderful as moral than 
as physical achievements, which this peasant race 
was enabled to win by the self-discipline and labour 
of one generation of freedom. To-day, after her 
first misfortunes, all that is forgotten, and official 
persons talk solemnly about the balance of power. 
The jealousy of Servia, Greece, and Rumania is 
intelligible; each of them will gain directly by her 
dismemberment. 

" But the real author of this concerted crushing of 
Bulgaria is Russia. She it was who first encouraged 
Servian pretensions, and then failed, if, indeed, she 
sincerely tried, to impose her mediation. It is ad- 
mitted even by her apologists that she incited the 



Stamboloff vs. Russian Intrigues 85 

Rumanian invasion, and thereby tore up the settle- 
ment which she herself negotiated. It is even sus- 
pected that she has prompted the Turkish north- 
ward march, meanly backed by Bulgaria's allies in 
the work of emancipation. Bulgaria's real offence 
has been her habit of independence, her refusal to 
imitate Servia and Montenegro in grovelling defer- 
ence to the leading Slav power. This may be a rea- 
son why St. Petersburg should crush her." 

This painful chapter — the most painful in the 
whole history of the Bulgarian people, if we except 
the fratricidal war of 1913 — may fittingly close 
with a brief quotation from the pen of an English 
publicist who knew intimately the great statesman 
and the period of his country's existence when he 
achieved his extraordinary triumphs. Mr. Edward 
Dicey writes: ** In judging StambolofT's life, the 
western critic must take into consideration the sur- 
roundings amongst which he was bred and lived. 
If he ruled roughly, it was a rough people he had 
to deal with. He was a j^oung man, in almost abso- 
lute power over a young nation. At the age when 
most of our youths are wielding the oar and the 
cricket bat, he was a leader in the forlorn struggle 
of Bulgaria against Turkey. Taught in the hard 
school of want and adversity, his nature was rugged 
as the mountains which were his youthful home and 
refuge. He was blamed, when in power, for beha- 
ving with unnecessary rigour towards his opponents; 
but politics in Bulgaria is not what it is in western 
Europe. Political passions are so fierce that every 
party looks upon the other as an actual physical foe, 



86 Bulgaria and Her People 

to be dealt with in a manner to crij^plc it and disable 
it for ever. In Stamboloff we see the strong man 
defending his house. Amidst plots and conspiracies, 
surrounded by uncertain friends and open enemies, 
he was often obliged to strike swiftly. And when! 
he struck, his hand was undoubtedly heavy." ^ 

' The Slory of SlamboloJJ's Fall. By Edward Dicey. Fortnightly 
Review, September, 1895. Vol. 64, pp. 391-404. 



CHAPTER Vm 

THE BALKAN LEAGUE 

Responsibility for Turkish miflrule in Macedonia — Guidinp; principle 
of Ottoman Btatecraft — • The revolutionary movement and its con- 
eequences — Turkish massacres — Attempts of Russia and Aus- 
tria to inaugurate reforms — The Yoiing Turk party — Attempts 
to Ottomanize Macedonia — Why the Macedonians revolted against 
Turkish rule — Pearly attempts to form a Balkan league — ^V^ly 
Stamboloff rejected the overtures of the Greeks — Venizelos and 
the Balkan league of 1912 — Provisions of the league for the reform 
of Mace<ionia — Bulgarian conventions with Greece, Servia, and 
Montenegro. 

The revision of the treaty of San Stefano was 
the direct cause of the Balkan wars. By its terms 
Macedonia was included in the newly constituted 
state of Bulgaria. But largely because of the jeal- 
ousy of England that treaty was torn up. Disraeli, 
then premier of England, vigorously opposed the 
liberation of Macedonia from Turkish oppression 
because he feared that a great Bulgaria would 
strengthen Russia's power in the Balkan peninsula. 
The treaty of Berlin dismembered Bulgaria and 
gave Macedonia back to the Turks. " In the dev- 
ilish ingenuity with which the powers placed every 
obstacle in the path of racial unity," remarks Cyril 
Campbell, '' with which they traded on interstate 
jealousy and played off people against people, can 
be traced the cause of the sullen animosity so appar- 

87 



88 Bulgaria and Her People 

ent in the long discord of the next three decades, and 
for this the treaty of Berlin must be held respon- 
sible."^ 

The reforms promised to the Macedonians by the 
treaty of Berlin never materialized. Turkey devised 
a cunning system of decentralization that prevented 
the growth of locnl opinion and checked the develop- 
ment of ethnic consciousness. The guiding principal 
of Ottoman statecraft was the application of the 
divide et impera rule, which played off the Mace- 
donian races against each other. Throughout the 
reign of Abdul-Hamid (1876-1909) the use of the 
word Macedonia was forbidden. The province was 
divided into three administrative districts or vila- 
yets — Monastir, Uskub, and Salonika — which cor- 
responded to no natural division either racial or 
geographic. More than half the people in the three 
vilayets were Bulgars, a fifth were Turks, and the 
remainder were Greeks, Servians, Vlacks, Albani- 
ans, Jews, and gypsies; but the boundaries of the 
\41ayets were so drawn that no one race might attain 
undue prominence. The Bulgarians were strong in 
all three vilayets; there were vServians and Albani- 
ans in Uskub ; and the Greeks were well represented 
in Salonika. 

Any display of national aspirations on the part 
of any one of these races was punished by perse- 
cution and massacre, while special favours were 
bestowed upon its rivals. Thus, the Bulgarians 
were favoured by the creation of several new bish- 

> The Balkan War Drmna. By Cyril Campbell. New York, 1913, 
VP. 206. 



The Balkan League 89 

oprics in Macedonia as a punishment to the Greeks 
for the war of 1897. But when the Bulgarians of 
Macedonia rose in rebellion against misrule in 1903, 
the Greeks, the Serbs, and the Vlacks were over- 
whelmed with official favours. " In this way," notes 
Cyril Campbell, ' ' the first impulse was given to the 
Greek campaign of proselytism and terrorism in the 
vilayets of Monastir, Kossovo, Salonika, and Adri- 
anople, which must remain as an indelible disgrace 
in Greek history, and which to the lasting dishon- 
our was aided and abetted or at least allowed to con- 
tinue by Ottoman officials." 

The Greeks were active and hostile, and in their 
warfare against the Bulgarians they used their 
familiar weapons — treachery aud bribery. Inter- 
nal conflicts followed; and, as the recent Carnegie 
commission well states, *' from this time there was 
no more security in Macedonia. Each of the rival 
nations — Bulgarian, Greek, Servian — counted its 
heroes and its victims, its captains and its recruits, 
in this national guerilla warfare, and the result for 
each was a long martyrology. By the beginning of 
1904 the number of political assassinations in Mace- 
donia had, according to the English Blue Book, 
reached an average of one hundred per month. The 
Bulgarians naturally were the strongest, their bands 
the most numerous, their wliole militant organiza- 
tion possessing the most extensive roots in tlie pop- 
ulation of the country. The government of the Bul- 
garian principality had presided at the origination 
of the Macedonian moveuK^nt in the time of Stefan 
Stamboloff. There was, however, always a diver- 



90 Bulgaria and Her People 



geiice between the views of official Bulgaria, which 
sought to use the movement as an instrument in its 
foreign policy, and those of the revolutionaries 
proper, most of them young people enamoured of 
independence and filled with a kind of cosmopolitan 
idealism. 

" The revolutionary movement in Macedonia has 
frequently been represented as a product of Bul- 
garian ambition and the Bulgarian government held 
directly responsible for it. As a matter of fact, how- 
ever, the hands of the government were always 
forced by the Macedonians, who relied on public 
opinion, violently excited by the press, and the direct 
propaganda of the leaders. There certainly was a 
' Central Committee ' at Sofia, whose president was 
generally some one who enjoyed the confidence 
of the prince. This committee, however, served 
chiefly as the representative of the movement in the 
eyes of the foreigner; in the eyes of the real lead- 
ers it was alwaj's suspected of too great eagerness 
to serve the dynastic ambitions of King Ferdinand. 
It was in Macedonia that the real revolutionary 
organization, uncompromising and jealous of its in- 
dependence, was to be found. For the origin of 
this internal organization we must go back to 1893, 
when, in the little village of Resna, a small group 
of young Bulgarian intellectuals founded a secret 
society with the clearly expressed intention of * pre- 
paring the Christian population for armed struggle 
against the Turkish regime in order to win personal 
security and guarantees for order and justice in 
the administration,* which may be translated as the 



The Balkan League 91 

political autonomy of Macedonia. The * internal 
organization ' did not aim at the annexation of 
Macedonia to Bulgaria; it called all nationalities 
dwelling in the three vilayets to join its ranks. No 
confidence was felt in Europe; hope was set on 
energetic action by the people. To procure arms, 
distribute them to the young people in the villages, 
and drill the latter in musketry and military evo-. 
lutions — such were the first endeavours of the con- 
spirators. All this was not long in coming to the 
notice of the Turks, who came by accident upon a 
depot of arms and bombs at Vinnitsa. This dis- 
covery gave the signal for Turkish acts of repres- 
sion and atrocities which counted more than two 
hundred victims. From that time on, there was no 
further halt in the struggle in Macedonia. The peo- 
ple, far from being discouraged by torture and mas- 
sacre, became more and more keenly interested in 
the organization. In a few years the country was 
ready for the struggle. The whole country had been 
divided into military districts, each with its cap- 
tain and militia staff. The central * organization,' 
gathering force ' everywhere and nowhere ' liad all 
the regular machinery of a revolutionary organiza- 
tion; an 'executive police,' a postal service, and 
even an espionage service to meet the blows of the 
enemy and punish ' traitors and spies.' Through- 
out this period of full expansion, the peoi)le turned 
voluntarily to the leaders, even in the settlement of 
their private affairs, instead of going before the 
Ottoman officials and judges, and gladly paid their 
contributions to the revolutionarv bodv. Self-confi- 



92 Bulgaria and Her People 

dence grew to such a point that offensive action 
began to be taken. The agricultural labourers tried 
striking against their Turkish masters for a rise in 
wages, to bring them up to the minimum laid down 
by the leaders of the * organization.' They grew 
bolder in risking open skirmishes with the Turkish 
troops ; and the official report of the ' organiza- 
tion ' records that as many as 132 (512 victims) 
took place in the period 1898-1902. At last Euro- 
pean diplomacy stirred. The first scheme of re- 
forms appeared, formulated by Russia and Austria 
in virtue of their entente of 1897. The Austro-Rus- 
sian note, of February, 1903, formulated demands 
too modest to be capable of solving the problem. 
The result was as usual; the Porte hastened to 
prevent European action by promising in January 
to inaugurate reforms. The Macedonian revolution- 
aries were in despair. A little group of extremists 
detached itself from the Committee to attempt vio- 
lent measures such as might stir Europe; in June 
bombs were thrown at Salonika. On July 20 (old 
style), the day of St. Elie (Ilinjah-den), a formal 
insurrection broke out: the rayas saw that they 
were strong enough to measure themselves against 
their old oppressors. 

" It was the climax of the ' internal organization ' 
and that of its fall. The heroism of the rebels broke 
itself against the superior force of the regular army. 
The fighting ratio was 1 to 13, 26,000 to 351,000; 
there were a thousand deaths and, in the final 
result, 200 villages ruined by Turkish vengeance, 
12,000 houses burned, 3,000 women outraged, 



The Balkan League 93 

4,700 inhabitants slain and 71,000 without a 
roof.'" 

The Macedonian uprising and the barbarities and 
tortures that followed reminded Europe of the 
promises made more than a quarter of a century 
before by the treaty of Berlin ; and the great pow- 
ers, however reluctantly, were compelled to inter- 
vene. England took the initiative and through Lord 
Lansdowne proposed the following reforms: (1) 
The nomination of a Christian governor for Mace- 
donia; (2) the nomination of European officers to 
reform the gendarmerie; (3) withdrawal of all 
bashi-bozouks from Macedonia; (4) each of the 
great powers to send six officers to accompany the 
Ottoman troops and thus exercise a restraining in- 
fluence and secure reliable information, and (5) the 
distribution of relief. 

Two selfish and interested members of the con- 
cert — Russia and Austria — were invested with 
power to devise and supervise reform measures in 
Macedonia. Their schemes were half-hearted and 
their reforms remained a dead letter. The great 
powers, largely from financial motives, were un- 
willing to put any pressure on Turkey, because no 
individual member of the concert was willing to 
prejudice its own interests or jeopardize future 
concessions by taking the initiative in the matter 
of Macedonian reform. The matter dragged on 
until the insurrection of the Young Turks in 1908. 



' Report of the Inlematinnal Commission (o Inquire into the Causes 
and BJ^ects of the Balkan Wars. PubliBhed by the CarncRir: Endow- 
ment for International peace. Washington, D. C., 1914. 



94 Bulgaria and Her People 

The overthrow of the autocratic rule of Abdul- 
Hamid was hailed by the {jowcrs as the rainbow 
of promise of Turkey's regeneration and the solu- 
tion of the Macedonian question. In the final over- 
throw of the sultan in April, 1909, and the revival 
of the Turkish constitution, which had been *' sus- 
pended " since the days of Midhat, races yesterday 
on terms of irreconcilable hostility, embraced one 
another as brothers. The Young Turks announced 
that they would entirely reconstruct the Ottoman 
empire. They promised the Macedonians to solve 
all difficulties and to pacify all hatreds; to substi- 
tute justice for arbitrarj^ rule; and to ensure com- 
plete equality among the different races. The Mace- 
donian revolutionists laid down their arms and re- 
turned from their hiding-places in the Rilo and 
Rhodope mountains to the towns. 

The dream of the Macedonians, that they could 
become good Ottoman patriots while still faithful 
to their national ambitions, was soon shattered. 
Far from satisfying the reawakened nationalism of 
the various races in Macedonia, remarks the report 
of the Carnegie commission, " the Young Turks set 
themselves a task to which the absolutism of the 
sultan had never ventured : to reconstruct the Tur- 
key of the Caliphate and transform it into a modern 
state, beginning by the complete abolition of the 
rights and privileges of the different ethnic groups. 
These rights and privileges, confirmed by firmans 
and guaranteed by European diplomacy, were the 
sole means by which the Christian nationalities 
could safeguard their language, their beliefs, their 



The Balkan League 95 

ancient civilizations. These barriers once down, 
they felt themselves threatened by Ottoman assimi- 
lation in a way that had never been threatened be- 
fore in the course of the ages since the capture of 
Constantinople by Mahomet 11. This assimila- 
tion, this ' Ottomanization, * was the avowed aim 
of the victor, the committee of ' Union and Prog- 
ress.' 

" Worse still: the assimilation of heterogeneous 
populations could only be effected slowly, however 
violent might be the measures threatening the future 
existence of the separate nationalities. The men of 
the Committee had not even confidence in the action 
of time. They wished to destroy their enemies 
forthwith, while they were still in power. Since 
national rivalries in Macedonia offered an ever- 
ready pretext for the intervention of the powers, 
they decided to make an end of the question with 
all possible celerity. They were sure — and fre- 
quently stated their assurance in the chamber — 
that the ancien regime was to blame for the power- 
lessness it had shown in Macedonia. They, on the 
other hand, with their new methods, would have 
made an end of it in a few months, or at most a 
few years. 

" Nevertheless it was the old methods tliat were 
employed. A beginning was made in 1909 by vio- 
lating the article of the constitution which pro- 
claimed the liberty of associations. The various 
ethnic groups, and especially the Bulgarians, had 
taken advantage of this article to found national 
clubs in Macedonia. As the 1908 pre-revolutionary 



96 Bulgaria and Her People 



organizations had been dissolved by their heads, in 
their capacity of loyal Ottoman citizens, they had 
been replaced by clubs which had served as the 
nucleus of an open national organization. Their 
objective was now electoral instead of armed con- 
flict; and while secretly arming there was neverthe- 
less a readiness to trust the Ottoman parliament, 
to leave it to time to accomplish the task of regen- 
eration and actual realization of constitutional prin- 
ciples. The Bulgarian revolutionaries had even con- 
cluded a formal agreement with the revolutionaries 
of the Committee of Union and Progress, according 
to which the return home of the insurgents was re- 
garded as conditional only, and the internal organi- 
zation only to be disbanded on condition that the 
constitution was really put in force. 

** The committee once in power saw the danger of 
these national political organizations and entered 
on a systematic conflict ^\ath its allies of yesterday. 
From the spring of 1909 onwards, the partisans of 
the Committee caused the assassination one after 
another of all those who had been at the head of 
revolutionary bands or committees under the pre- 
vious regime. In the autumn of 1909 the final blow 
was aimed at the open organizations. (The Union 
of Bulgarian constitutional clubs included at that 
moment sixty-seven branches in Macedonia.) In 
November, the chamber passed an Association law 
which forbade ' any organization based upon na- 
tional denomination.' An end was thus success- 
fully put to the legal existence of the clubs, but not 
to the clubs themselves. Revolutionary activity 



The Balkan League 97 

began again from the moment when open legal con- 
flict became impossible. 

" The Christian populations had good reasons for 
revolting against the new Turkish regime. Articles 
11 and 10 of the revised constitution infringed the 
rights and privileges of the religious communities 
and national schools. The Ottoman state claimed 
to extend the limits of its action under the pretext 
of ' protecting the exercise of all forms of wor- 
ship ' and ' watching over all public schools.' The 
principles might appear modern but in practice they 
were but new means for arriving at the same end — 
the ' Ottomanization ' of the empire. This policy 
aimed at both Greeks and Bulgarians. For the 
Greeks, the violent enemies of the Young Turkish 
movement from its beginning, it was the economic 
boycott declared by the Committee against all the 
Greeks of the empire in retaliation for the attempts 
of the Cretans to reunite themselves with the 
mother-country. It was forbidden for months that 
the good Ottomans should frequent shops or cafes 
kept by Greeks. Greek ships stopped coming into 
Ottoman ports, unable to find any labourers to han- 
dle their cargo. 

" Even more dangerous was the policy of Turki- 
zing Macedonia by means of systematic colonization, 
carried out by the mohadjirs — emigrants, Mos- 
lems from Bosnia and Herzegovina. This measure 
caused discontent with the new regime to penetrate 
down to the agricultural classes. They were almost 
universally Bulgarian tenant-farmers who had cul- 
tivated the tchifliks (farms) of the Turkish beys 



98 Bulgaria and Her People 

from time immemorial. In the course of the last 
few years they had begun to buy back the lands of 
their overlords, mainly with the money many of 
them brought home from America. All this was 
now at an end. Not only had the purchase of their 
holdings become impossible; the Turks began turn- 
ing the tenants out of their farms. The government 
bought up all the land for sale to establish mohadjirs 
(Moslem refugees from Bosnia) upon it. 

** This was the final stroke. The leaders of the 
disarmed bands could now return to their mountains, 
where they rejoined old companions in arms. The 
* internal organization ' again took up the direc- 
tion of the revolutionary movement. On October 31, 
1911, it ' declared publicly that it assumed respon- 
sibility for all the attacks on and encounters with 
the Turkish army by the insurgents in this and the 
previous year, and for all other revolutionary mani- 
festations.' The Young Turkish government had 
not waited for this declaration to gain cognizance 
of revolutionary activity and take action upon it. 
So early as November, 1909, it had replied by an 
iniquitous ' band ' law, making the regular author- 
ities of the villages, all the families where any mem- 
ber disappeared from his home, the whole popula- 
tion of any village harbouring a komitadji, respon- 
sible for all the deeds and words of the voluntary, 
irregular associations. In the summer of 1910 a 
systematic perquisition was instituted in Macedonia 
with the object of discovering arms hidden in the 
villagers' houses. The vexations, the tortures to 
which peaceful populations were thus subjected, can- 



The Balkan League 99 

not possibly be enumerated here. In November, 
1910, Mr. PavlofF, Bulgarian deputy, laid the facts 
before the Ottoman parliament. He had counted as 
many as 1,853 persons individually subjected to 
assault and ill treatment in the three Macedonian 
vilayets, leaving out of account the cases of persons 
executed en masse, arrested and assaulted, among 
whom were dozens killed or mutilated. Adding them 
in, Mr. Pavloff brought his total up to 4,913. To 
this number were still to be added 4,060 who had 
taken refuge in Bulgaria or fled among the moun- 
tains to escape from the Turkish authorities. 

" The year 1910 was decisive in the sense of af- 
fording definite proof that the regime established 
in 1908 was not tolerable. The regime had its chance 
of justifying itself in the eyes of Pjurope and 
strengthening its position in relation to its own 
subjects and to the neighbouring Balkan states; it 
let the chance go. From that time the fate of Tur- 
key in Europe was decided beyond appeal. 

*' This was also the end of the attempts at au- 
tonomy in Macedonia. To realize this autonomy two 
principal conditions were required: the indivisibil- 
ity of Turkey and a sincere desire on the part of 
the Turkish government to introduce radical re- 
forms based on decentralization. No idea was less 
acceptable to the ' Committee of Union and Prog- 
ress * than this of decentralization, since it was the 
watchword of the rival political organization. 
Thenceforward any hope of improving the condition 
of the Christian populations within the limits of the 
status quo became illusory. Those limits had to be 



100 Bulgaria and Her People 

transcended. Autonomy was no longer possible. 
Dismemberment and partition had to be faced." 

The idea of a Balkan league to drive the Turks 
out of Europe and divide the Ottoman possessions 
among the victors was suggested to Bulgaria by 
Trikoupis, prime minister of Greece, in 1893. But 
Stamboloff declined to become a party to such an 
alliance. He recognized that the raw and untrained 
peasant levies, which were all that the Balkan states 
would be able at the time to muster, would be no 
match for the trained soldiers of Turkey. He like- 
wise recognized that Bulgaria, as the nearest bel- 
ligerent, would have to bear the brunt of the con- 
flict. The Ottomanizing policy of the Young Turks 
already referred to finally brought the Bulgarian 
and the Greek to an understanding. 

Venizelos, prime minister of Greece, proposed to 
Malinoff, the prime minister of Bulgaria, in 1910, 
that the two governments should cooperate and 
bring pressure to bear on the Turkish government. 
But no agreement was reached, because of differ- 
ences with reference to the delimination of spheres 
of influence. The Bulgars were unwilling to hand 
over Kavala, Seres, Voden, Kastoria, and Lerin to 
the Greeks. After the fall of the Malinoff cabinet 
and the appointment of a Russophil ministry under 
Gueshoff, pourparlers between the responsible heads 
of the Bulgarian and the Greek governments on the 
question of a defensive alliance were resumed. A 
treaty between the two countries was signed at Sofia 
the 29th of May, 1912. Peace was declared to be 
the object of the alliance; but the document states 




EX-PRIME MI.NISTKR GUESHOf'F. 



The Balkan League 101 

that this object can be best attained by a defensive 
alliance, by the creation of political equality among 
the different nationalities in Turkey, and by the 
careful observation of treaty rights. To this end 
the contracting parties agreed to cooperate to pro- 
mote correct relations with the Ottoman government 
and to consolidate the good will already existing 
between Bulgarians and Greeks in Turkey. It was 
furthermore agreed that if either was attacked by 
Turkey, they woidd aid each other with their entire 
forces, and conclude peace only by reciprocal agree- 
ment. Both states were to use their influence to 
reconcile animosities with kindred populations in 
Macedonia, and to offer reciprocal assistance that 
they might conjointly impress on Turkey and the 
great powers the importance of the performance 
of treaty obligations. The treaty w^s to run three 
years, and for a fourth unless denounced six months 
in advance, and was to be kept absolutely secret 
between the two contracting parties. * 

Bulgaria had already (the 13th of March, 1912) 
concluded a treaty with Servia. The fundamental 
point of the treaty was '* the delimitation of the line 
of partition * beyond which ' Servia agreed ' to for- 
mulate no territorial claim.' A highly detailed map 
of this frontier was annexed to the treaty. Bul- 
garian diplomatists still wished to keep an open door 
for themselves. That is why they left the respon- 
sibility for the concessions demanded to the tsar of 



• For an interesting account of the Balkan league, see" the series of 
articles by J. D. Hourchier in the Ijondon Times for June 4th, 5th, Gth, 
nth, and 13th, 1913. 



102 Bulgaria and Her People 

Russia. ' Bulgaria agrees to accept tliis frontier,' 
they added, ' if the emperor of Russia, who shall 
be requested to act as final arbiter in this question, 
pronounces in favour of the line.* Their idea was 
that the emperor might still adjudge to them the 
' disputed zone ' they were in the act of ceding, be- 
tween the frontier marked on the map and Old 
Ser\da, properly so-called, ' to the north and west 
of Shar-Planina.' ' It goes without saying,' the 
treaty added, * that the two contracting parties un- 
dertake to accept as definitive the frontier line which 
the emperor of Russia may have found, within the 
limits indicated below, most consonant with the 
rights and interests of the two parties.' Evidently 
' within the limits indicated below ' meant between 
Shar-Planina and the line marked on the map, ' be- 
yond which Servia agreed to formulate no territorial 
claim.' That was the straightforward meaning of 
the treaty, afterwards contested by the Servians. 
The line of partition of which the treaty spoke cor- 
responded fully with the ethnographic conclusions 
of the learned geographer, Mr. Tsviyitch; conclu- 
sions which made a profound impression on the 
Tsar Ferdinand at the time of his interview with 
Mr. Tsviyitch. It was these conclusions probably 
which made the tsar decide to accept the compro- 
mise. Mr. Tsviyitch was also the first to communi- 
cate to the world, in his article of November, 1912, 
in the Review of Reviews, the frontier established 
by the treaty. The reason why Bulgarian diploma- 
tists decided on making a concession so little accep- 
table to public opinion is now clear. They did more. 



The Balkan League 103 

After deciding on eventual partition they reverted 
to the idea of autonomy and laid it down that par- 
tition was only to take place in case the organiza- 
tion of the conquered countries ' as a distinct au- 
tonomous province,' should be found ' impossible * 
in the ' established conviction ' of both parties. Up 
to the ' liquidation,' the occupied countries were to 
be regarded as * falling under common dominion — 
condominium.* Finally the treaty was to remain 
defensive purely, until the two parties ' find them- 
selves in agreement ' on * undertaking common mili- 
tary action.' This ' action ' was to ' be undertaken 
solely in the event of Russia's not opposing it,' and 
the consent of Russia was to be obligatory. Turkey 
had been expressly designated as the objective of 
' action ' in the cases forecast, but included was 
* any one among the Great Powers which should 
attempt to annex * * * any portion whatsoever of 
the territories of the peninsula.' Such were the 
precautions and provisions designed to guarantee 
Bulgarian diplomatists against abuse. All, how- 
ever, were to fall away at the first breath of real- 
ity. 

** The Bulgarian military convention, foreshad- 
owed by the treaty, was signed as early as May 12. 
Bulgaria undertook in case of war to mobilize 200,- 
000 men; Servia 150,000 — minimum figures, since 
there could be no thought of conquering Turkey with 
an army of 350,000 men. Of these 200,000 men, Bul- 
garia was to dispatch half to Macedonia, and half 
to Thrace. At the same time the convention took 
into account the possibility of Austria-Hungary's 



104 Bulgaria and Her People 

marching upon Servia, In that case Bulgaria un- 
dertook to send 200,000 men to Servia 's assistance. 
" The basis of the Graeco-Bulgarian military con- 
vention was different; it was concluded almost on 
the eve of general mobilization, October 5. Bul- 
garia promised, in case of war, an effective army 
360,000 strong; Greece, 120,000. Bulgaria under- 
took to take the offensive ' with an important part 
of its army ' in the three Macedonian vilayets ; but 
in case Servia should take part in the war with at 
least 120,000 men, * Bulgaria might employ the 
whole of its military forces in Thrace.' Now that 
real war was about to begin and the main Turkish 
force was directed hither, it was high time to con- 
template war in Thrace, which had been left, in the 
hypothetical agreements, to Russia's charge, as Mr. 
Bourchier assumes. This made it necessary to 
change, define and complete the militai'y agreement 
with Servia of May 12. The document was now 
more than once remodelled in consonance with new 
agreements arrived at between the heads of the gen- 
eral staff of the two armies — such agreements hav- 
ing been foreshadowed in Articles 4 and 13. The 
special arrangements of July 1 provides that the 
necessary number of troops agreed upon might be 
transported from the Vardar to the Maritza and 
vice versa, ' if the situation demands it.' On Sep- 
tember 5, the Bulgarians demand to have all their 
forces for disposition in Thrace, the Servians make 
objections and no agreement is reached. At last, 
three days after the Greek military convention (Sep- 
tember 28), an understanding was arrived at. ' The 



The Balkan League 105 

whole of the Bulgarian army will operate in the 
valley of the Maritza, leaving one division only in 
the first days on the Kustendil-Doupnitsa line.' But 
if the Ser\dan army repulsed the Turks on the 
Uskub line and advanced southward, the Bulgarians 
might recall their division to the theatre of the 
Maritza to reinforce their armies, leaving only the 
battalions of the territorial army in Macedonia. 
Later, as is known, it was the Servians who sent two 
divisions with siege artillery to Adrianople. The 
Servians were later to declare the arrangements 
made by the two general staffs forced and not bind- 
ing, and to use this as an argument for treaty re- 
vision." 

The Balkan alliance was completed by the inclu- 
sion of Montenegro. As early as 1888 King Nich- 
olas of Montenegro had memorialized Russia on the 
subject of such an alliance. The Montenegrins, it 
will bo recalled, took the initiative in declaring war. 
Mr. Bourchier writes in this connection: '' Monte- 
negro had been at peace for thirty-four years, a 
period unprecedented in its history. The moun- 
taineers were spoiling for a fight; their yatagans 
were rusting in their scabbards ; and the interven- 
tion of Europe, with a scheme of Macedonian re- 
form, threatened to deprive them of their heart's 
desire. The liberation of the Macedonian rayahs 
was only a secondary consideration from the Monte 
negrin point of view; the main object was to obtain 
a ' place in the sun,' and in order to achieve it, King 
Nicholas determined to force the hand of his allies." 



CHAPTER IX 

THE FIRST BALKAN WAK 

Immediate causes of the war — Inefiiciency of the great powers — 
Demands of the allies — Turkey's refusal — Declaration of war — 
Composition of the Bulgarian army — General Savoff — Kutin- 
cheff, Ivanoff, and Dimitrieff — General FitchefT — The battle of 
Kirk Kiliss^ — Bulgarian successes at Lule Burgas and Bunar Ilis- 
sar — Before the Tchataija lines — Expediency of the attack — 
The siege of Adrianople — ^ Armistice and peace conference — Re- 
sumption of hostilities — Capture of Adrianople — The part Bul- 
garia took in the first Balkan war — Tribute to the splendid quali- 
ties of her soldiers. 

The immediate causes of the first Balkan war 
were the weakened condition of the Turkish military 
forces due to the war with Italy; rivalry and dis- 
cord among the army leaders; the uprising in Al- 
bania; the powerlessness of Europe to impose on 
constitutional Turkey the reforms which she had 
attempted to introduce when Turkey was an abso- 
lute monarchy; and the consciousness of increased 
strength among the Balkan states which the alliance 
had given. But the concentration of the Turkish 
troops at Adrianople was the final cause of provo- 
cation. 

The thread-bare shibboleth of status quo of the 
great powers was displayed with pathetic ineffi- 
ciency. Montenegro, in defiance of the powers, de- 
clared war against Turkey the 8th of October, 1912. 
The army of the little mountain kingdom promptly 
captured Detchich, Tuzi, and Raganj. It entered 
the sanjak and took Byelopolyc. The other three 

106 




FATHER AND K()1;H SONS WUO KOUUHT I.N THE FIRST BALKAN WAlt 

(three of the sons were killed). 



The First Balkan War 107 

Balkan allies sent to Turkey the 13th of October an 
nitimatum in which they demanded (1) the adminis- 
trative autonomy of European Turkey; (2) the rec- 
ognition of ethnic principles in the determination of 
provincial boundaries; (3) the appointment of Swiss 
or Belgian provincial governors; (4) the reorgani- 
zation of the Ottoman gendarmerie; (5) freedom in 
the matter of organizing and supervising schools; 
(6) the application of reforms to be under the man- 
agement of a board to be composed equally of Chris- 
tians and Moslems, and the supervision of the re- 
forms to be under the control of the ambassadors 
of the great powers at Constantinople a7id the am- 
bassadors of the four Balkan states; and (7) the 
immediate demobilization of the Ottoman army. 

Turkey professed sublime contempt for the niti- 
matum, and four days later Bulgaria and Servia 
declared war. The Bulgars at once occupied Mus 
tapha pass, and the 24th of October they captured 
Kirk Kilisse. There were two separate theatres of 
war during the Balkan struggle — eastern Thrace 
and western Macedonia. The former was the chief 
centre from the very outset; here all the hard fight- 
ing was done, and the battles won by the Bulgars 
in Thrace decided the results of the war. 

The Bulgarian main army, with most of the troops 
from the first, second, and third military districts, 
won the victories in ^Phracc, The first army was 
under General Kutincheff; the second, under Gen- 
eral TvanofF, and the third, under General Dimi- 
trieff. Detachments from the sixth division were 
concentrated at Kustendil to cooperate with the Ser- 



108 Bulgaria and Her People 

vians. General Savoff, the military adviser of King 
Ferdinand, was the generalissimo of the Bulgarian 
forces. 

General Savoff, who played such an important role 
in the two Balkan wars, was born at Haskovo the 
14th of November, 1857. He studied in the military 
school at Sofia, where, upon the completion of his 
course, he received a commission as lieutenant in 
the artillery. He was stationed for a time in East- 
ern Rumelia, but subsequently pursued a course of 
training at the military academy at St. Petersburg 
and studied military matters in France and Austria. 
He served as captain in the Servian war of 1885 
and at its close was promoted to the rank of major. 
He became minister of war in the Stamboloff cab- 
inet, and applied himself with great zeal and effi- 
ciency to the reorganization and development of the 
Bulgarian army. After five years in the ministry, 
he spent several years in private life, devoted chiefly 
to travel in Europe. Upon his return he was ap- 
pointed principal of the military academy at Sofia, 
which he directed for eight years and made it one 
of the most effective schools of its type in Europe. 
He entered the cabinet of Petroff in 1903 as min- 
ister of war. Large expenditures for heavy^ artil- 
lery, shells, and other articles of war caused oppo- 
sition in the sobranje to his policy and he resigned 
in 1908. With the outbreak of the war with Turkey 
he was by common consent chosen as the adviser 
of the king to direct the Bulgarian forces. 

General Kutincheff was born at Rustchuk the 25th 
of March, 1857. He was graduated from the mill- 




GENERAL SAVOFF. 



The First Balkan War 109 

tary academy at Sofia; commanded a battalion in 
the Servian war, and distinguivshed himself at Sliv- 
nitza. He was in command of the first army in the 
Balkan war and rendered admirable service to Gen- 
eral Dimitrieff on his right flank. 

General Ivanoff was born at Kalofer the 18th of 
February, 1861; was graduated from the military 
academy at Sofia and received a sub-lieutenant's 
commission in 1879. He served in the Servian war ; 
distinguished himself for bravery, and was pro- 
moted to the rank of first lieutenant. He was min- 
ister of war in the Stoi'loff cabinet. 

General Radko Dimitrieff was born at Gradetz the 
24th of September, 1859; was educated in the mili- 
tary academy at Sofia ; studied at the military school 
at St. Petersburg; and was with the famous left 
wing that won the decisive battle against the Ser- 
vians at Slivnitza in 1885. He spent ten years in 
exile in Russia but returned to accept appointment 
under the StoVIoff government. 

General Fitchoff, joint officer with Savoff in the 
Bulgarian campaign in the Balkan war, is probably 
the ablest of the younger officers in the Bulgarian 
army. He w^as born at Tirnovo the 15th of April, 
1860; was educated in the secondary school at Tir- 
novo and at the military academy at Sofia; was 
made a lieutenant on the eve of the outbreak of the 
war with Servia, and showed great ability as a com- 
mander in the repulse of the Scrsaans at Vidin. 
He was sent to Italy to study in tlie military acad- 
emy at Turin. Upon his return he was appointed 
director of military education. He is a quiet, mod- 



110 Bulgaria and Her People 

est man of scholarly tastes and the author of two 
able works on military subjects — Theory of Moun- 
tain Warfare and The Siege of Vidin. Noel Buxton 
writes of him: " Fitcheif's bright eyes conceal a 
reserve impenetrable even for a Bulgar ; but on one 
subject he opens out — the wrongs of a people 
worthy of freedom." ^ 

The first signal success of the Bulgarian forces 
against the Turks was at Kirk Kilisse, Malko Tir- 
novo had fallen into the hands of the Bulgarians on 
their march from Mustapha Pasha. On the 23rd of 
October the Bulgars were in close contact with the 
Turkish forces at Kirk Kilisse. The town lies in 
a hollow and is commanded by two forts that stand 
on high ground. The Bulgarian infantry were 
launched on the 24th in a continuous and successful 
assault. The Turkish rear-guard was taken by a 
direct frontal attack. Mahmud Muklitar with sev- 
enty thousand Ottoman troops was defeated. Gen- 
eral Radko Dimitrieff was the leader of the victori- 
ous forces at Kirk Kilisse. It was not the most 
important battle of the war, but its moral signifi- 
cance was very great. 

Mr. Noel Buxton, who was with the Bulgarian 
staff, writes : '' It was a thrilling experience for one 
who had visited Kirk Kilisse in bygone years to 
enter it now with the victors. The superficial ap- 
pearance of the town, which I had visited in the 
Turkish epoch, was of itself sufficient to indicate the 
liberation that had taken place. Every man had 

1 Wilh the Bulgarian Staff. By Noel Buxton. New York, 1913, 
pp. 165. 



The First Balkan War ill 

discarded with delight the red badge of ser^atude 
and adopted a European hat. A well-known Chris- 
tian, who had been a member of the Turkish court 
of appeal, apologized suddenly, while talking to me, 
for wearing his hat. He had forgotten, he said, 
that it was a hat and not the irremovable fez. The 
streets wore quite a changed aspect in another way. 
They had never before been full of women and girls. 
One could not forget that for every good-looking 
woman, thanksgiving was due for the present free- 
dom from danger. It was not only happiness but 
virtue which suffered from Turkish rule; and this 
became more than ever evident when the Christians 
were free to show themselves and express their 
views. The licentious habits of the Turks, which 
have always degraded the general standard in re- 
gard to purity, meant at war time the rape and dis- 
appearance of girls on an unprecedented scale." ^ 

The first and third Bulgarian armies advanced 
from Kirk Kilisse to Lule Burgas, where they en- 
countered the main Turkish army with one hundred 
and fifty thousand soldiers under the command of 
Abdullah Pasha. The Bulgarian army made an 
extraordinary dash the 29t]i of October. The fight- 
ing was continuous for forty-eight hours. By noon 
of the 31st of October it was apparent that the Turks 
were no match for the Bulgars, and by evening re- 
tirement became general and degenerated into a 
rout. The Turks retreated in the direction of 
Tchorlu. Another engagement took place at Bunar 

> With the Bulgarian Staff. By Noel Buxton. New York, 1913, 
pp. 165. 



112 Bulgaria and Her People 

Hissar, which resulted in the complete defeat of the 
Turkish troops. Theu the Turks retreated behind 
the Tchatalja lines. In the fighting at Lule Burgas, 
Bunar Hissar, and Tchorlu the Turks had lost in 
killed forty thousand and the Bulgars about half 
that number. 

The entrenched lines of Tchatalja stretch from 
the Black sea to the sea of Marmora, a distance of 
about twenty-five miles. The actual front to be 
defended, however, is only fifteen miles, as lakes and 
arms of the sea that encroach upon the land reduce 
the distance about ten miles. The line follows a 
ridge and takes its name from the village of Tcha- 
talja, which lies in front of the main line of defence. 
The line is strongest in the central and southern 
sections and weakest in the northern wooded part. 
Behind these lines the Turkish troops were strongly 
intrenched, with abundant opportunities of bringing 
up food, ammunition, and troops from Constanti- 
nople. 

The expediency of the attack of the Tchatalja lines 
has been seriously questioned by military experts. 
Lieutenant Wagner of Austria, who was with the 
Bulgarian army, writes concerning this question : 
*' From the military point of view it might be said 
that even the most complete victory would give no 
further advantage than had already been won, for 
the positions already held by the Bulgarian army 
in front of the Tchatalja lines were amply sufficient 
for the military protection of the territory that had 
been conquered, and the retention of these positions 
by the army would entail no losses worth mention- 



The First Balkan War U3 

ing. But from a political point of view a victory 
over the Turkish army would undoubtedly break 
down the resistance of the Porte and compel the 
sultan's government to make peace on terms dic- 
tated by the Balkan states."^ 

The siege of Adrianople was one of the most 
dramatic chapters in the first Balkan war. The city 
had quite recently been strongly fortified, and the 
construction of new forts of concrete and armour 
plates had made it practically a defensible fortress. 
The Turkish forces of the city were commanded by 
Shukri Pasha, one of the ablest generals in the 
Ottoman army. General Ivan off was in charge of 
the Bulgarian forces. 

The Bulgarian army had crossed the Turkish 
frontier and occupied Kurt Kale the 18th of October. 
The Turkish troops were also driven from the Arda 
valley at Ortakeui and Seimenli. The bombardment 
of Adrianople was begun the 28th of October on the 
northwest front of the fortress. The southeast and 
southwest forts were invested the 8th of November. 
It was recognized that the capture of the fort would 
incur large losses of troops ; so, as the fortress was 
reported badly pro\'isionerl, it was determined to 
starve out the city by a close blockade. This deci- 
sion, however, did not diminish the fierceness of the 
fighting, which continued to the moment of the ar- 
mistice. 

Tl\o peace conference convonod at Tjondon the 16th 
of December, 1912 ; but the dilatory- tactics of the 

' With the Victorious Bulgarians. By Ilermenengild Wagner. Bos- 
ton, 1913, pp. 273. 



114 Bulgaria and Her People 

Turks caused the powers to send a note to thq. Otto- 
man government on the 17th of January, 1913, ad- 
vising the cession of Adrianople to the Balkan 
states. The council of the sultan's government 
accepted the suggestion; but Enver Bey, the hero 
of 1908, caused a revolution in Constantinople that 
overthrew the council. The Young Turk party re- 
turned to power and promptly repudiated the action 
of its predecessors. The Balkan states declared the 
negotiations at an end and the armistice terminated. 
The attack on Adrianople was resumed and the city 
fell into the hands of the Bulgars the 26tli of March, 
1913. This brought to a close the first Balkan war. 

Bulgaria had borne the brunt of the war. She 
had done practically all of the hard fighting. A 
nation of a little more than four million inhabitants 
had put into the field a total army strength (in- 
cluding line of communication) of a half million 
troops. Fifteen per cent, of the total population 
of the kingdom fought in the first Balkan war; a 
proportion never reached by any other nation, not 
even France during the reign of Napoleon. Lieu- 
tenant Wagner remarks in this connection: " Of 
the four allied Balkan states, Bulgaria was the one 
to whose lot fell the most serious task of all. She 
was to shatter the shield of the enemy and then deal 
liim the death stroke. And in the main, Bulgaria 
had to accomplish this task alone, and without direct 
support from any of the allies." 

Foreigners who were eye-witnesses of the fighting 
during the first Balkan war have borne abundant 
testimony to the fine qualities of the Bulgarian sol- 



The First Balkan War 115 

diers. '^ They were human beings of a fine type,'' 
wrote Noel Buxton, " jjeasants of pure blood, re- 
markably free from immoral diseases, of courage 
and endurance that has made them renowned as 
fighters throughout Europe, with qualities of mind 
and body unique among the peasants of the world." 
The same author calls attention to the entire ab- 
sence of love of show. There was no display of 
pride in the marvellous victories that they had won 
over the Turks. The quality of coolness, which 
the Bulgars possess in such large measure, is not 
a trait of the other races of the Balkan peninsula. 
Mr. Buxton remarks that at no time during and after 
the war did he see any sign of excitement. *' It is 
enough for a Bulgarian that he knows Avhat he has 
to do and is carrying it oait. He has no mannerisms ; 
deep feeling would not be expressed by noise; the 
whole instinct is towards reality. If a Bulgarian 
utters an emotional aphorism he does it with studied 
calm. ' ' 



CHAPTER X 

THE SECOND BALKAN WAR 

Causps of the second Balkan war — Conduct of the Greek and Servian 
armies in Macedonia — Attempts to disintegrate Bulgarian Bocial 
and national life — Maltreatment of Bulgarian bishops and teachers 
— Secret imderFttanding between Greece and Servia before the 
close of the first Balkan war — Vacillating policy of the prime minis- 
ter of Servia — Violation of the conditions of the Balkan league by 
Greeks and Servians — Efforts of Russia to prevent war — Gue- 
ehoff and Pachitch in conference — Outbreak of hostilities — Plan 
of General SavofT's campaign against the Servians — Greeks attack 
the Bulgarian garrison at Salonika — Retreat of General Ivanoff — 
Invasion of Bulgaria by Rumania — Turkey reconquers Thrace — 
The peace treaty of Bucharest — Why the Balkan question is not 
settled. 

The causes of the second Balkan war, the frat- 
ricidal war of 'Tilly, 1913, among the allies, are ex- 
tremely complex and little understood in America 
and Europe. The recent report of the Carnegie 
commission is so thorough and impartial in its dis- 
cussion of the factors that brought about the con- 
flict between the allies, that the author has thought 
best to give in resume the findings of the commis- 
sion. 

The report calls attention to the fact that *' there 
had long existed germs of discord among the Balkan 
nationalities which could not be stifled by treaties 
of alliance. Rather the texts of these treaties cre- 
ated fresh misunderstandings and afforded formal 
pretexts to cover the real reasons of conflict. There 
was but one means which could have effectually pre- 
vented the development of the germs — to maintain 

116 



The Second Balkan War 117 

the territorial status quo of Turkey and grant au- 
tonomy to the nationalities without a cliange of sov- 
ereignty. This could not have been, it is true, a 
definitive solution ; it could only be a delay, a stage, 
but a stage that would have bridged the transition. 
In default of an issue which Turkey rendered im- 
possible by its errors, Europe by its too protracted 
patience and the allies by their success, the change 
was too abrupt. 

" We find this struggle in Macedonia from the 
first days of the Servian and Greek occupation on- 
wards. At first there was general rejoicing and an 
outburst of popular gratitude towards the libera- 
tors. The Macedonian revolutionaries themselves 
had foreseen and encouraged this feeling. They 
said in their ' proclamation to our brothers,' pub- 
lished by the delegates of the twenty-five Macedo- 
nian confederacies on October 5, 1912, i. c, at the 
very beginning of the war: ' Brothers: — your suf- 
ferings and your pains have touched the heart of 
your kindred. Moved by the sacred duty of fra- 
ternal compassion, they come to your aid to free 
you from the Turkish yoke. In return for their 
sacrifice they desire nothing but to reestablish peace 
and order in the land of our birth. Come to meet 
these brave knights of freedom therefore with tri- 
umphal crowns. Cover the way before their feet 
with flowers and glory. And be magnanimous to 
those who yesterday were your masters. As true 
Christians, give them not evil for evil. Long live 
liberty! Long live the brave army of liberation! ' 
In fact the Servian army entered the north of Mace- 



118 Bulgaria and Her People 

donia, and the Greek army the south, amid cries of 
joy from the population. But this enthusiasm for 
the liberators soon gave place to doubt, then to 
disenchantment, and finally was converted to hatred 
and despair. The Bulgarian journal published at 
Salonika, Bulgarine, first records some discouraging 
cases, whose number was swollen by the presence of 
certain individuals, chauvinists of a peculiar turn, 
who gave offence to the national sentiment of the 
country by the risks they ran. ' It is the imperative 
duty of the powers in occupation,' said the journal, 
* to keep attentive watch over the behaviour of irre- 
sponsible persons.' Alas! five days later (Novem- 
ber 20) the journal had to lay it down, as a general 
condition of the stability of the alliance, that the 
powers in occupation should show toleration to all 
nationalities and refrain from treating some of them 
as enemies. Four days later the journal, instead 
of attacking the persons responsible, was denoun- 
cing the powers who ' in their blind chauvinism take 
no account of the national sentiments of the people 
temporarily subject to them.' They still, however, 
cherished the hope that the local authorities were 
acting without the knowledge of Belgrade. The next 
day the editor wrote his leader under a question 
addressed to the allied government : * 75 this a war 
of liberation or a war of conquest? * He knew the 
reply well enough; the Greek authorities forbade 
the existence of this Bulgarian paper in their town 
of Salonika. 

" The illusion of the inhabitants likewise disap- 
peared before the touch of reality. The Servian 



The Second Balkan War 119 

soldier, like the Greek, was firmly persuaded that 
in Macedonia he would find compatriots, men who 
could speak his language. He misunderstood or did 
not understand at all. The theory he had learned 
from youth of the existence of a Servian Macedonia 
and a Greek Macedonia naturally suffered ; but his 
patriotic conviction that Macedonia must become 
Greek or Servian, if not so already, remained unaf- 
fected. Doubtless Macedonia had been what he 
wanted it to become in those times of Dushan the 
Strong or the Byzantine emperors. It was only 
agitators and propagandist Bulgarians who instilled 
into the population the idea of being Bulgarian. 
The agitators must be driven out of the country, 
and it would again become what it had always been, 
Servian or Greek. Accordingly they acted on this 
basis. 

** Who were these agitators who had made the 
people forget the Greek and Servian tongues? 
First, they were the priests; then the schoolmas- 
ters; lastly the revolutionary elements who, under 
the ancient regime, had formed an ' organization '; 
heads of bands and their members, peasants who had 
supplied them with money or food, — in a word the 
whole of the nuile population, in so far as it was 
educated and informed. It was much easier for a 
Servian or a Greek to discover all these criminal 
patriots than it had been for the Turkish authori- 
ties, under the absolutist regime, to do so. The 
means of awakening the national conscience were 
much better known to Greeks and Servians, for one 
thing, since they were accustomed to use them for 



120 Bulgaria and Her People 

their own cause. Priests, schoolmasters, and bands 
existed among the Greeks and Servians, as well as 
among the Bulgarians. In Macedonia the differ- 
ence, as we know, lay in the fact that the school- 
master or priest, the Servian voyevoda or Greek 
antarte, addressed himself to the minority, and had 
to recruit his own following instead of finding them 
ready made. Isolated in the midst of a Bulgarian 
population, he made terms with Turkish power 
while the national Bulgarian ' organizations ' fought 
against it. Since the representative of the national 
minority lived side by side with his Bulgarian neigh- 
bours, and knew them far better than did the Turk- 
ish official or policeman, he could supply the latter 
with the exact information. He learned still more 
during the last few years of general truce between 
the Christian nationalities and the growing alliance 
against the Turk, Almost admitted to the plot, 
many secrets were known to him. It was but natural 
he should use this knowledge for the advantage of 
the compatriots who had appeared in the guise of 
liberators. On the arrival of his army, he was no 
longer solitary, isolated and despised; he became 
useful and necessary, and was proud of serving the 
national cause. With his aid, denunciation became 
an all-powerful weapon ; it penetrated to the re- 
cesses of local life and revived events of the past 
unknown to the Turkish authorities. These men, 
regarded by the population as leaders and venerated 
as heroes, were arrested and punished like mere 
vagabonds and brigands, while the dregs were raised 
to greatness. 



The Second Balkan War 121 

** This progressive disintegration of social and 
national life began in Macedonia witli the entry of 
the armies of occupation, and did not cease during 
the eight months which lie between the beginning 
of the first war and the beginning of the second. It 
could not fail to produce the most profound changes. 
The Bulgarian nation was decapitated. A beginning 
was made when it was easiest. The openly revolu- 
tionary elements were gotten rid of, — the komi- 
tadjis and all those who had been connected with 
the movement of insurrection against the Turkish 
rule or the conflict with the national minorities. 
This was the easier because in the chaos of Mace- 
donian law there was no clearly drawn line of de- 
marcation between political and ordinary crime. 

" To combat the Bulgarian schools was more dif- 
ficult. The time was already long past when the 
schoolmaster was necessarily a member of the ' in- 
terior organization.' The purely professional ele- 
ment had steadily displaced the apostles and mar- 
tyrs of preceding generations. But the conquerors 
saw things as they had been decades ago. For them 
the schoolmaster was always the conspirator, the 
dangerous man who must be gotten rid of, and the 
school, however strictly * professional,' was a cen- 
tre from which Bulgarian civilization emanated. 
This is why the school became the object of sys- 
tematic attack on the part of Servians and Greeks. 
Their first act on arriving in any place whatsoever 
was to close the schools and use them as quarters for 
the soldiery. Then the teachers of the village were 
collected together and told that their services were 



122 Bulgaria and Her People 

no longer required if tliey refused to teach in Greek 
or Servian. Those who continued to declare them- 
selves Bulgarians were exposed to a persecution 
whose severity varied with the length of their re- 
sistance. Even the most intransigent had to avow 
themselves beaten in the end; if not, they were 
sometimes allowed to depart for Bulgaria, but more 
usually sent to prison in Salonika or Uskub. 

** The most difficult people to subdue were the 
priests, and above all the bishops. They were first 
asked to change the language of divine service. En- 
deavours were made to subject them to the Servian 
or Greek ecclesiastical authorities, and they were 
compelled to mention their names in the liturgy. 
If the priest showed the smallest inclination to re- 
sist, his exarchist church was taken from him and 
handed over to the patriarchists; he was forbidden 
to hold any communication with his flock, and on the 
smallest disobedience was accused of political prop- 
agandism and treason. At first an open attack on 
the bishops was not ventured on. When Neophite, 
bishop of Veles, refused to separate the name of 
King Peter from the names of the other kings of 
the allies in his prayers, and used colours in his 
services which were suspected of being the Bul- 
garian national colours, Mr. Pachitch advised the 
military powers at Uskub (January, 1913) to treat 
him as equal to the Ser\ian bishop and with cor- 
reciitude. This ministerial order, however, did not 
prevent the local administrator of Veles, some weeks 
later, from forbidding Neophite to hold services and 
assemblies in his bishopric, to see priests outside of 



The Second Balkan War 123 

the church or to hold communication with the vil- 
lages. As the bishop refused to take the veiled hints 
given to him to depart for Bulgaria, an officer was 
finally sent to his house accompanied by soldiers, 
who took his abode for the army, after having beaten 
his secretary. In the same way Cosmas, bishop of 
Debra, was forced to abandon his seat and leave his 
town. It was even worse at Uskub, where the holder 
of the bishopric, the Archimandrite Methodius, was 
first driven out of his house, taken by force, shut 
up in a room and belaboured by four soldiers until 
he lost consciousness. Cast out into the street, Me- 
thodius escaped into a neighbouring house, in which 
a Frenchman dwelt, who told the story to Mr. Car- 
lier, French consul at Uskub. Under his protection, 
Methodius left for Salonika on April 13, whence he 
was sent to Sofia. The commission has in its pos- 
session a deposition signed by the foreign doctors 
of Salonika who saw and examined Methodius on 
April 15, and found his story ' entirely probable.' 
The Bulgarian leaders, intellectual and religious, of 
the revolutionary movement, having been removed, 
the population of the villages were directly ap- 
proached and urged to change their nationality and 
proclaim themselves Servian or Greek."' 

It will thus be seen that while the Bulgarian forces 
were still fighting at Tchatalja and Adrianople, the 
Greeks and Servians, who were merely holding 
Macedonia for the allies, had already determined to 



• Report of Ihc International Commission to Inquire into the Causes 
and Effects of the Balkan Wars. Puhliehed by the Carnegie Endow- 
ment for International Peace, Washington, D. C, 1914. 



124 Bulgaria and Her People 

retain permaneutly the territories they occupied, in 
entire disregard of treaty obligations. That there 
was a secret understanding between Servia and 
Greece, subsequent events clearly indicated. The 
Russophil Gucshoff and Daneff cabinets professed 
to believe in the sacredness of treaty obligations. 
But Servia and Greece cared very little about such 
obligations and when the time for arbitration came 
they openly denounced the treaty and made it clear 
to Bulgaria that they would retain with the sword 
what they held. The partition treaty had, accord- 
ingly, been violated months before General SavofF 
issued the order that is usually supposed to have 
been the direct cause of the second Balkan war. 

Another causal factor in the second Balkan war 
was tiie greed of Servia and the vacillating policy 
of Mr. Pachitch, her prime minister. The creation 
of an autonomous Albania was certainly a great 
disappointment to Servian ambition; and this dis- 
appointment, it has been generally supposed, was 
what led her to form an alliance with Greece against 
her Slav neighbour. But the recent report of the 
Carnegie commission shows that '* On September 
28, 1912, that is to say, six and a half months after 
the conclusion of the treaty, and twenty days beforie 
the beginning of the first Balkan war, Servia 's 
representative received a secret circular demanding 
the incorporation in * Old Servia,' beyond the agreed 
frontier, of the towns of Prilep, Kitchevo and 
Ochrida. With the victories of the Servian army, 
the list of concessions demanded rapidly lengthened. 
Mr. Pachitch was still only talking of Prilep, the 



The Second Balkan War 125 

town of the legendary hero, Marko Kralievitch, 
when the army was asking for Monastir. "\Mien ho 
asked for Monastir, the army insisted on a frontier 
coterminous with Greece. The government ended 
by accepting all the conditions laid down by the 
country, conditions that grew more and more exact- 
ing. The military party was powerful ; it was led 
by the hereditary prince; and it invariably suc- 
ceeded in overriding the first minister, always unde- 
cided, always temporizing and anxious to arrange 
everything pleasantly. The demands presented to 
the Bulgarians by Mr. Pachitch were as vague and 
indecisive as his home policy. He began in the au- 
tumn of 1912, by offering a revision of the treaty 
in the official organ. Then in December, in a private 
letter to his ambassador at Sofia, he informed Mr. 
Gueshoff, the head of the Bulgarian cabinet, that 
revision was necessary. In January his ideas as to 
the limits within which tlie said revision should take 
place, wore still undecided. In February he sub- 
mitted written proposals to the Bulgarian govern- 
ment, and suggested that revision might be under- 
taken * without rousing public opinion or allowing 
the great powers to mix theniselves up with the 
question of partition.' At this moment Mr. Pachitch 
could still fancy that he had the solution of the con- 
flict in his hand. He was to lose this illusion. His 
colleague was already writing his * Balcanicus ' pam- 
phlet, in whicli he took his stand on the clause 
pacta servanda sunt, with the reservation rehys sic 
stantibus, and pointing to the changes in the dispo- 
sition of the allied armies between the two theatres 



126 Bulgaria and Her People 

of war, as infractions of the treaty which must lead 
to revision. In his speech of May 29, Mr. Pachitch 
ended by accepting this reasoning. At the same 
time the military authorities in Macedonia had de- 
cided to hold on. On February 27, 1913 they told 
the population of Veles that the town would remain 
in Servia, On April 3rd Major Razsoukanoff, Bul- 
garian attache with the general staff of the Servian 
army at Uskub, told his government that his de- 
mands were not even answered with conditional 
phrases. ' This is provisional, until it has been 
decided to whom such and such a village belongs.' 
Major Kazsoukanoff learned that at the instance 
of the general staff the Belgrade government had 
decided on the rivers Zletovska, Bregalnitsa and 
Lakavitsa as the definite eastern limit of the occu- 
pation territory. The interesting correspondence 
published by Balcanicus in his pamphlet refers to 
the forced execution of this resolution in the dis- 
puted territories during the month of March. We 
have here, on the one hand, the Bulgarian komi- 
tadjis begging, according to the advice of the above 
letter, for the arrival of the Bulgarian force, and 
trying in its absence, to do its work, well or ill; on 
the other, the Servian army, setting up Serviati 
administration in the villages, closing the Bulgarian 
schools, driving out the komitadjis and ' reestablish- 
ing order.' Between the two parties, contending in 
a time of peace, stood the population, forced to side 
with one or the other and naturally inclining to the 
stronger." 

The Rumanian green book confirms the fact that 



The Second Balkan War 127 

- - ■ 

there was an agreement between Servia and Greece 
long before the outbreak of hostilities. As early 
as the 24th of March, 1913, the Servian ambassador 
at Bucharest proposed to Rumania a treaty of alli- 
ance against Bulgaria, and on the 2nd of May the 
Grreek ambassador made the same proposition. It 
is now known that Greece and Servia entered into 
an alliance against Bulgaria as early as the 9th of 
March, although the convention was not concluded 
until the IGth of May. In the meantime the Servian 
general staff employed the time in fortifying the 
central position at Ovtche-Pole; and the Greeks, 
after increasing their Macedonian army by the addi- 
tion of the regiments released by the capture of 
Janiiia, also tried to take up advanced positions in 
the area of the Bulgarian occupation at Pravichta 
and Nigrita. These steps were taken while the 
peace congress was still in session in London ! 

The Carnegie commission reports as follows con- 
cerning the next step taken by Servia: " On May 
25, Mr. Pachitch dually despatched to Sofia propo- 
sitions relative to the revision of tlie treaty. He 
justified the new Servian demands by two classes of 
reasons. First, the clauses of the treaty had been 
modified in application; secondly, external circum- 
stances not foreseen by the treaty had profoundly 
changed its tenor. The clauses of the treaty had 
been violated by the fact that the Bulgarians had 
not given the Servians military assistance, while the 
Servians for their part had aided the Bulgarians. 
The refusal to leave the Adriatic on the part of the 
Servians, and the occupations of Adrianople and 



128 Bulgaria and Her People 



Thrace by the Bulgarians, constituted two new vio- 
lations of the treaty. Servia then was entitled to 
territorial compensation; first, because the Bulga- 
rians had not rendered the promised aid; second, 
because Servda had assisted the Bulgarians; third, 
because Servia had lost the Adriatic littoral while 
Bulgaria had acquired Thrace. This time Mr. Pa- 
chitch was in accord with public opinion. This same 
public opinion had its influence on the Bulgarian 
government. Since the treaty of February 29 re- 
mained secret, the public could not follow the jurid- 
ical casuistry based on a commentary on this or that 
ambiguous phrase in the text. The public renounced 
the treaty en bloc and would have nothing to do with 
the ' contested zone.' If the Servians transgressed 
the terms of the treaty in their demands Bulgarian 
diplomatists greatly inclined to act in the same way. 
If the Servians demanded an outlet on the ^gean 
as a necessary condition of existence after the loss 
of their outlet on tlie Adriatic, and insisted on a 
coterminous frontier with Greece to secure it, M. 
Daneff left the allies and contravened the terms of 
the treaty when he laid before the powers in Lon- 
don a demand for a frontier coterminous with Al- 
bania in the Dobra region. At the same time Mr. 
Daneff went against his ministerial colleagues and 
followed the military authorities in refusing to hand 
over Salonika. Russia appeared to have promised 
it him, after promising the Vardar plain to Servia. 
Thus on the one hand complications and broils were 
being introduced by the perversion to megalomania 
of the National Ideal: on the other (this was the 



The Second Balkan War 129 

standpoint of Gueshoff and Theodoroff), there was 
the endeavour to safegnard the alliance. With Ser- 
via drawing near to Greece, Bulgaria had to join 
hands with Rumania if it were not to find itself 
isolated in the peninsula. This w^as what Austria- 
Hungary wanted, and it favoured the policy. Ru- 
mania accepted, but on condition of receiving the 
recompense assured it by a secret convention with 
Austria in the event of war with Bulgaria : an- 
nexation of the Tutrakan-Baltchik line. On these 
conditions Rumania would remain neutral ; it even 
promised military assistance against Turkey! But 
Turkey was defeated and the ministry pretended not 
to desire war with the allies. Why then sacrifice 
the richest bit of Bulgarian territory? Austria 'v-: 
effort broke against these hypocritical and formal 
— or too simple — arguments. At bottom war was 
believed to be inevitable and Russia, it was thought, 
would do the rest. Russia threatened Bulgaria with 
Rumanian invasion, if it came to war. By the end 
of May, Russian diplomacy made a final effort to 
avoid conflict. While agreeing to play the part of 
arbiter within the limits of the alliance, Russia gave 
counsels of prudence. Go beyond the Servian de- 
mands for compensation, they said: despite the 
implicit promise the Ser\-ians made you of demand- 
ing nothing beyond what the treaty gave them, agree 
to cede some towns outside the * contested zone,* 
* beyond ' the frontier which they had promised not 
to ' violate.' 

" This Russian solution, which could not satisfy 
the Servians, had not much chance of being accepted 



130 Bulgaria and Her People 

by the Bulgarians. The attitude taken by Russia 
filled the opposing parties with some doubts as to 
the impartiality of its arbitration. The Serv^ians 
were sure that Russia had not forgotten the Bul- 
garia of San Stefano and the Bulgarians could not 
use Macedonia as a medium of exchange on the 
international market. On both sides the conviction 
was reached that the issue must be sought in armed 
conflict. ' ' 

Russia supported the lead of Bulgaria in the Bal- 
kan league so long as she regarded the alliance as 
an instrument against Austria. She evidently ex- 
pected Turkey to win in the struggle; and then 
under the pretext of '' saving the Balkans," she 
could fix her price for the service. But the success 
of Bulgaria in the first Balkan war disappointed 
her, and she accordingly determined to crush the 
independent upstart. Russia and Austria were as 
one as to the undoing of the Balkan league. Russia 
crushed it by crushing its heart — Bulgaria. 

Gueshoff and Pachitch, the prime ministers of 
Bulgaria and Servia, at a meeting at Tsaribrod 
made one further effort to avert war; but nothing 
came of the conference. The tsar of Russia made 
a final effort to bring the two countries to a friendly 
solution of their difficulties. " On May 26, he sent 
a telegram to the kings of Servia and Bulgaria in 
which, while noting the suggested meeting at Salo- 
nika and its eventual continuation at St. Petersburg, 
he reminded them that they were bound to submit 
their findings to his arbitrament. He stated sol- 
emnly that * the state which begins the war will 



The Second Balkan War 131 



answer for its conduct to Slavism.' He reserved 
to himself entire freedom to decide what attitude 
Russia would take up in view of the ' possible con- 
sequences of this criminal strife.' The secret diplo- 
matic correspondence explains this threat. If Ser- 
via will not submit to Russian arbitration ' it will 
risk its existence.' If it is Bulgaria that resists, 
' it will be attacked, in the war with the allies, by 
Rumania and Turkey.' " 

Neither Servia nor Bulgaria really cared for the 
intervention of the tsar of Russia. He was dis- 
trusted by both of the contestants. Mr. Gueshoff 
had resigned as prime minister of Bulgaria the 17th 
of May; and while the DanelT ministry was still 
engaged in pourparlers with Russia and the ex- 
nllies, hostilities were precipitated by General Sa- 
voff by tlie provocation of the Servians. The mili- 
tary spirit was strong at both Sofia and Belgrade, 
and neither Mr. Danoff nor Mr. Pachitch possessed 
the qualities of which great statesmen arc made. 
They yielded to an irresistible public pressure that 
reopened the bloody strife. As the report of the 
Carnegie commission well remarks in this connec- 
tion: " A war of liberation became a war of con- 
quest for the satisfaction of personal ambition : but 
its causes, too, lay in strategic necessities ; in legit- 
imate tendencies implicit in the traditional national 
policy; in the auto-liypnosis of a people which had 
never experienced a reverse and was intoxicated by 
successes, justly recognized by all the world for 
their military glory; in a misjudgment of their 
opponents based on well known facts in the past and 



132 Bulgaria and Her People 

ignorance of the present; in a word in that pro- 
found belief in their cause and their star which is 
a part of the national character." 

General Savoff's plan of the second Balkan war 
was to surprise the Servians by throwing the prin- 
cipal weight of the Bulgarian army against the Ser- 
vian home territory by the passes leading from 
northwest Bulgaria through the Balkan mountains. 
His aim was to cut off Servian forces in Macedonia 
from their base. After the attack had been ordered, 
the Russian government tried to stop the movement 
of the armies ; and Daneff, in obedience to the wishes 
of St. Petersburg, ordered the retreat of the Bul- 
garian troops. The delay was fatal. Scrvia learned 
the direction of the Bulgarian march; hastily for- 
tified the passes, and effected a union with the Greek 
army in Macedonia. At first successful, the Bul- 
garian army was checked and then thrown back by 
the reenforcements that Servia was able to push 
forward by railways and highways. Bulgaria had 
only the use of rough mountain roads. The Bul- 
garian troops were thrown on the defensive, and 
the operations assumed the character of a station- 
ary holding contest, which prevented them from 
turning in force against the Greeks, the Rumanians, 
and the Turks. 

On the 1st of July the Greeks fell upon the Bul- 
garian garrison at Salonika, massacred some of the 
soldiers and took the others prisoners. General 
Ivanoff commanded the Bulgarian forces in the 
south against the Greeks. Ilis army was composed 
of thirty-three thousand soldiers, most of them un- 



The Second Balkan War 133 

trained local levies who had enrolled eight weeks 
before. He was compelled to face a Greek force 
of one hundred twenty thousand troops. Finding 
himself outnumbered by nearly four to one, he pre- 
pared to retire from his base, when he was attacked 
at Kukush the 2nd of July. He drew in his extended 
wings and made an orderly retreat. He was two 
hundred miles from the Bulgarian frontier and 
nearly three hundred miles from his base of sup- 
plies, with no prospects of reenforcements for a 
month. 

Seeing that matters were going badly with the 
Bulgars, Rumania decided to strike them in the 
back. She mobilized with great celerity the 5th of 
July, crossed the Danube on a bridge of boats and 
occupied Nikopol. Cholera and the rising of the 
river prevented her army from joining the forces 
of Servia, Greece, and Montenegro. The Bulgari- 
ans made no resistance to the invading Rumanian 
army. On the 12th of July the Turks took the of- 
fensive and began the rcconqueat of Thrace. Lule 
Burgas and Kirk Kilisse were taken the 21st of 
July and Adrianoplc recaptured the 22nd. 

It was apparent that Bulgaria could not meet suc- 
cessfully the combined armies of five nations — 
Greece, Servia, Montenegro, Rumania, and Turkey. 
King Ferdinand appealed first to Europe and then 
to the tsar of Russia to mediate. Mr. DanetT, who 
had brought the country to the brink of destruction, 
resigned. An armistice was declared and negotia- 
tions were opened at Bucharest the 30th of July. 
The peace of Bucharest, signed the 10th of August, 



134 Bulgaria and Her People 

brought to a close the war of" ikilgaria with Servia, 
Greece, Montenegro, and Eumania ; and peace with 
Turkey was concluded the 29th of September. 

By the conditions of the treaty of Bucharest, Bul- 
garia was forced to cede to Rumania 2,969 square 
miles of territory, containing 286,000 inhabitants, 
all but fifty thousand of whom are Bulgars. The 
wheat alone from this territory yields eight million 
dollars a year. Practically all of Macedonia was 
lost to Greece and Rervia; and the treaty which 
was signed a few weeks later with Turkey deprived 
ker of most of Thrace. The Bulgars were forced 
to accept these wicked and unjust treaties under 
force ?najeure, opposed as they were on all sides by 
enemies. But it must be the endeavour of the Bul- 
garian nation to annul at the earliest possible mo- 
ment the unfair and humiliating treaty her delegates 
were forced to sign at Bucharest. Had Servia 
yielded Kotchana, Tshtip, and Radovishta, and 
Greece Kavala, the Bulgars might have regarded 
the Balkan question as closed. But the extreme 
coveteousness betrayed by her former allies at Bu- 
charest makes reasonably certain a third Balkan 
war. For the moment the Bulgars accept their 
humiliation in grim silence, but they nurse with 
none the less determination a spirit of revenge for 
the manifest wrongs they have been forced to bear. 



CHAPTER XI 

ALLEGED BULGARIAN ATROCITIES 

The prcs3 campaign of King Constantinc of Greece — Isolation of 
Bulgaria during the second Balkan war — Personal experiences of 
the aut.hor — Testimony of refugees — What he saw in the Rilo 
and the Rhodopc mountains — Accounts of atrocities i)ubli8hcd 
in Le Temps and the retraction — Bishops report,ed killed by the 
(ireeks found alive by the Carnegie commission — How the Greeks 
forged the signature of an American missionary — Bulgaria de- 
mands the appointment of an international commission to inves- 
tigate the atrocities of all the belligerents — Action of the Hague 
tribunal — Report of the Carnegie commission — Its findings at 
Doxato, Seres, and Demir Hissar — Responsibility of the Greeks 
— Charges by the Greeks of mutilation of bodies by Bulgarian 
soldiers pronounced false by the commi8.sion. 

Early in Jul}', 1913, a few da3''s after the out- 
break of hostilities between the ]5iilgarians and their 
former allies — the Greeks, the Servians, and the 
Montenegrins — King Constantine of Greece took 
the press of the world into his confidence and made 
grave and specific charges of atrocities against the 
soldiers in the Bulgarian army. In a dispatch ad- 
dressed to the Greek legations in the capitals of 
Europe he threatened reprisals, and authorized his 
ministers to make his intentions known. During the 
month of fighting in the second Balkan war the ani- 
mosity of the Greek troops was kept at a fever heat 
by the belief that the population of certain Greek 
towns had been subjected to pillage, outrage, and 
massacre by the Bulgars. At the time these charges 
were made Bulgaria was isolated and her tele- 
graphic communications cut. 

135 



136 Bulgaria and Her People 

During the whole of the month of July Bulgaria 
was completely out of touch with the rest of the 
world. But from the 2nd of July the Greek press 
agents kept the newspapers of Europe and iVmerica 
supplied wdth letters and photographs that com- 
pletely alienated the sympathy of civilized nations 
for the Bulgars. Unlike the Bulgarians, the Greeks 
welcomed war correspondents and every resource of 
pubHcity was placed at their disposal. As has been 
shown by the retractions that certain European 
journals have been forced to make, the foreign cor- 
respondents were spared the trouble of gathering 
and writing the alleged charges of Bulgarian atroci- 
ties. Greek press agents generously did this work 
for them. 

It was not until after the termination of the sec- 
ond Balkan war that the Bulgars knew anything 
about the charges that the Greeks had made, as the 
five nations with whom they were at war — Greece, 
Servia, Montenegro, Rumania, and Turkey — cut 
off all postal communications. While there were 
practically no war correspondents in Bulgaria at 
the time, there happened to be a few Americans and 
Europeans who were spending the summer in the 
country. The author was one of these foreigners.' 
He had reached Bulgaria the week before the out- 
break of hostilities and he was one of the few non- 
combatants who succeeded in penetrating to the 
theatre of the war. He was with the Bulgarian army 
and was in sight of the Greek army; and both be- 
fore and after the armistice that terminated the sec- 
ond Balkan war he visited parts of Macedonia that 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 137 

had been occupied by both the Greek and Bulgarian 
forces. 

The author found that in those parts of Mace- 
donia through which the Greek army had marched 
the country was devastated. Grain-fields, vineyards, 
and all other sources of livelihood had been des- 
troyed. In his travels in Bulgaria and in excur- 
sions in the Rilo and Rhodope mountains he met 
thousands of refugees who told him they were flee- 
ing from the atrocities of the Greek army. Most 
of the refugees were women and children; they had 
walked througli the mountains for many days, some 
of them for twenty-five days ; most of them fled with 
only the clotliing on their backs. He met a party 
of refugees in the mountains near Ichtiman. It 
numbered one hundred and five persons when they 
started from Macedonia, but in a march of twelve 
days, twenty-five of the children and one old man 
had died. 

Bulgaria is separated from Macedonia by steep 
and rugged mountains that are crossed only by 
mountain trails and rude roads. This is a scene that 
the author was forced to witness practically every 
day that he spent in mountain travel during July 
and August : A party of refugees, old men, women, 
and children, pausing in their weary journey to put 
into the earth the body of a companion that had died 
of exhaustion; a trench a few feet deep was dug; 
tattered garments that could be spared by some 
members of the party served as shroud and casket; 
a few handfuls of earth covered the body; two twigs 
tied together with grass or roots provided the cross 



138 Bulgaria and Her People 

that was left to mark the grave, and the homeless 
pilgrims resumed the hard march towards Bulgaria. 
The author interviewed hundreds of these refu- 
gees. Their descriptions of atrocities committed by 
the Greeks were heartrending, and w^ould have been 
incredible, but for the overwhelming testimony on all 
sides. This is the gist of the stories they told the 
author: We were urged not to leave our homes, 
that the Greeks would do us no harm. But when 
we lingered until the Greek troops arrived, our vil- 
lages were surrounded, the cavalry in many places 
being employed for the purpose, and all those who 
attempted to escape were indiscriminately sabred, 
men, women, and diildren. In cases where seeming- 
friendly emissaries sent by the Greek army per- 
suaded the villagers to linger, no mercy was shown. 
The men were compelled to give up to the Greek 
soldiers any arms that they possessed, after which 
they were shot. The pillagers gave themselves up 
to orgies of rape, which were terminated by the mur- 
der of the Bulgarian women they had ravished. A 
few escaped to tell the fate of the villagers that 
trusted to the promised mercy of the Greek emis- 
saries. There was general agreement in their ac- 
counts of the fiendish conduct of the Greek soldiers. 
The narrators came from remote parts of Mace- 
donia. They had left their villages by different 
routes and had crossed by passes in the Rilo and 
Rhodope mountains that were miles apart. Un- 
thinkable as were the tales they told, collusion was 
even more unthinkable. The report of the commis- 
sion appointed by the Hague tribunal to examine 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 139 

the question of culpability for the atrocities com- 
mitted in tlie second Balkan war verifies the talcs 
told the author of this book by the hundreds of ref- 
ugees that he interviewed. 

Although the author had been in Bulgaria and 
Macedonia throughout the second Balkan war; had 
travelled freely about the country; and, as above 
related, had been told by eye-witnesses of outrages, 
tortures, and murders committed by the Greeks, his 
attention was first called to Greek charges of Bul- 
garian atrocities in August. He was visiting the 
Eoman Catholic bisliop at Rustcliuk. A copy of 
Le Temps of Paris had somehow come into the hands 
of the prelate. It related with horrible reality the 
torture and murder of the Greek bishop of Do'iran 
by the Bulgarian troops. The same journal gave 
an account of the murder of the Greek archbishop 
of Seres and of the terrible mutilation of the eccle- 
siastic. His ears and nose had been cut off; his eyes 
gouged out and other unmentionable mutilations had 
preceded his death. Oorresi)ondents of Le Temps 
stated that they personally participated in the mili- 
tary funerals that were given the two ecclesiastics 
by the Greek army; and that they had attended 
requiem masses said in repose of the souls of the 
bishop and the archbishop. L' Illustration of Paris 
reproduced photographs of the mutilated and mur- 
dered Greek prelates. 

Through the quick ^\'^t of King Constantine and 
his press agents these and like charges of atrocities 
against the soldiers in the Bulgarian army were tele- 
graphed to the leading newspapers not only of Paris, 



140 Bulgaria and Her People 

but of Rome, Berlin, Vienna, Brussels, London, 
New York and scores of other large cities in Europe 
and America. In September Le Temps was forced 
to publish a retraction. A mummery of the kind 
had really taken place for the benefit of its corre- 
spondents, but the ecclesiastics referred to in the 
published article in July were alive and well ! The 
recently published report of the Carnegie commis- 
sion says of the Greek bishop of Doiran: '' We saw 
him vigorous and apparently alive two months after- 
wards " (that is, after the reported murder and 
burial) ; and concerning the torture and murder of 
the archbishop of Seres, the report remarks: '* This 
distressing experience in no way caused this prelate 
to interrupt his duties, whicli he still performs." 
The murder of the bishop of Kavala was another 
tale of atrocity reported by the Greeks, and for the 
repose of whose soul requiem masses were cele- 
brated. The Carnegie commission report says of 
him: ** His flock welcomed him back to them while 
we were in Salonika." ^ 

The story of the archbishop of Seres, with a pho- 
tograph of a murdered Bulgar stripped and re- 
clothed with Greek ecclesiastical vestments, was 
sent to several papers in the United States. The 
name of the Reverend E. B. Haskell, an American 
missionary at Salonika, was appended to the account 
as an eye-witness of the atrocities at Seres. The 
Christian Herald of New York published the ac- 



' Repori of the International Commission to Inquire into the Cause 
and Effects of the Balkan Wars. Carnegie Endowment for International 
Peace. Washington, D. C, 1914. 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 141 

count. It was subsequently found that the signature 
of Mr. Haskell was a forgery. He had been induced 
by the Greeks to sign a petition for relief for the 
refugees, after which his signature was adroitly 
copied and appended to the article in question. 

When Bulgaria learned of the charges that had 
been made by King Constantine and the newspaper 
correspondents that were with the Greek army she 
asked for the appointment of an international com- 
mission to make investigations of all atrocities 
committed by the belligerents in the second Balkan 
war. The Hague tribunal offered to select such a 
commission and the Carnegie EndowTiient for Inter- 
national Peace to finance it. Baron d'Estournelles 
de Constant, senator of France and the French rep- 
resentative to the first and second Hague confer- 
ences, was selected as chairman of the commission 
of inquiry. His associates on the commission were 
Dr. Joseph Redlich, professor of jurisprudence in 
the University of Vienna; Dr. Walther Shucking, 
professor of law in the University of Marburg, Ger- 
many; Dr. Henry Noel Brailsford, editor of The 
Nation (London) and the best European authority 
on the races of Macedonia; Professor Paul Milou- 
kov, a member of the Russian duraa; Professor 
Samuel Train Dutton, of Teacliers' College, Colum- 
bia University, New York City, and Francis W. 
Hirst, editor of The Economist, of London. 

The report of the Carnegie commission has just 
been published (May, 1914). Herbert L. Bridgmau 
in an editorial in a leading American journal says 
of it: 



142 Bulgaria and Her People 

*' The report of the Carnegie Balkan Commission 
is masterly and convincing. For many reasons it will 
make a profound impression throughout the world 
and become historic. Bulgaria has waited long for 
her vindication ; but, at last, it has come and is em- 
phatic. Betrayed, attacked, isolated and traduced 
by her treacherous allies, she asked investigation 
and confidently awaited the verdict, which rests 
upon exhaustive inquiry and bears every evidence 
that it is both competent and impartial. It should 
be borne in mind, too, that the commission presents 
the first opportunity to see the endo\\Tnent in action, 
to witness the transmutation of ideas, theories and 
capital into actual results, and it may be frankly ad- 
mitted that the outcome more than justifies the most 
sanguine hopes of its founders and friends and gives 
promise of a new and powerful force in shaping 
future events and opinions. 

" Here again Bulgaria overplayed her enemies, 
and by taking the initiative in a line of action alto- 
gether new and which may become an important 
precedent, commands universal respect and interna- 
tional good will. Greece slammed its door in the face 
of the commission on the ground that it had no juris- 
diction. Servia gave it the ' frozen face ' of scantiest 
courtesy and only in Bulgaria was it welcomed, and 
evidence of all sorts, oflicial, secret and personal, 
placed at its command. Greek partisans and defend- 
ers, who have carried on in the press and capitals of 
Europe and America a campaign which for virulence 
and mendacity was a fit counterpart to the orgy of 
blood, lust, arson, and pillage in Macedonia, trans- 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 143 

gressing even outward courtesy concerning the visit 
of Queen Eleanora of Bulgaria to America, will now 
have something else to engage their attention, and 
it will be interesting to see whether they can resist 
light and truth as violently as they defend and pro- 
mulgate their opposites. 

*' Interest in the report centres on two points — 
responsibility for the war of June and July between 
the allies, and for its consequent reign of terror in 
Macedonia — and on these the testimony is full and 
conclusive. That Servia and Greece deliberately 
planned and negotiated to strike Bulgaria and to 
repudiate the treaties of 1912 is indisputable, and 
while Bulgaria did actually fire the first shot on the 
Bregalnitza, as did the Americans at Lexington, it 
has never been held against them that they brought 
on the Revolution. Tlie report is particularly clear 
and explicit on this point and its narrative of the 
negotiations, for the first time plainly and consecu- 
tively set forth, are a most valuable contribution to 
history. 

"As to the Macedonian horrors the report is 
impartial and emphatic. In Seres, Doxato, Doiran 
and other towns during the interval between the 
withdrawal of the Bulgarian regulars and the Greek 
occupation riot and lawlessness prevailed, but when 
the Greek troops came tlie reign of terror began. 
To those who followed the tale, as it was reported 
at the time, it is sufficient to say that the commission, 
after personal examination, accepts as genuine the 
letters captured from the Greek soldiers, boasting 
of their unspeakable atrocities by order of their 



144 Bulgaria and Her People 

officers, gives credence to the reports of barbarities 
to the wounded, ranrder of prisoners of war and bru- 
talities to others, of firing on Red Cross and neu- 
tral flags, and, in short, declares that all the crimes 
which shocked humanity and challenged the credu- 
lity of the world are established by indisputable 
evidence. Details are given in abundance, not for 
the sake of sensational effect, but to demonstrate 
the awful, repulsive truth, and it will be impos- 
sible to break the force of this crushing indict- 
ment. 

" But the work of the commission and its report 
are much broader and deeper than disposition of the 
two immediate propositions which called it into exist- 
ence. Balkan history, religions, politics, and social 
orders were all within its competent and impartial 
review; its report is a model of clear and logical 
discussion of these highly intricate and complex top- 
ics, and will at once take high nnd permanent rank 
as a masterpiece in this crowded field of Uterature. 
Besides its resume of the past and analysis of the 
present it throws light forward, suggesting a com- 
mission to compel observance by belligerents of arti- 
cles of war to which they have subscribed, repudi- 
ated and violated, as in the Balkan wars, and fore- 
shadows the path of peace and prosperity in under- 
standing and solidarity among nations antagonistic 
in race, religion, and social order. All these are vast 
and far-reaching questions, but the commission han- 
dles them with courage and sagacity, as men who 
are honestly striving to advance the day and estab- 
lish peace on earth and good wdll to men. It is not 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 145 

too much to say that the commission, the report and 
the endowment responsible for them have laid the 
world under large and lasting obligations."^ 

The Carnegie commission having shown that the 
charges made by King Constantine with reference 
to the torture and murder of the Greek bishops of 
Doiran and Kavala and the archbishop of Seres 
had no foundation in fact, it remains to ask what 
they found with reference to Greek charges of Bul- 
garian murder and pillage at Doxato, Seres, and 
Demir Hissar. For here, as in the charges with 
reference to the Greek prelates, names and dates 
are given; and as in the cases above examined, 
the charges are specific. It was the specific nature 
of the charges that led many Europeans and Amer- 
icans to entertain the idea that the Bulgars must 
have pillaged, murdered, and raped as the Greek 
accounts charged. 

The Carnegie commission made an exhaustive 
and impartial investigation with reference to al- 
leged atrocities committed by Bulgarians at Doxato, 
Seres, and Demir Hissar. It says: "In forming 
an opinion upon the series of excesses which marked 
the Bulgarian withdrawal from southeastern Mace- 
donia," it is necessary to recall the fact that the Bul- 
garians were here occupying a country w^hose pop- 
ulation is mainly Greek and Turkish. The Bulga- 
rian garrisons were small, and they found them- 
selves on the outbreak of the second war in a hostile 
countrj'. The Greek population of these regions is 
wealthy and intensely patriotic. In several Greek 

* Brooklyn Standard-Union, the 18th of May, 1914. 



146 Bulga ria and Her People 

centres insurgent organizations {andartes) existed. 
Arms had been collected, and some experienced 
guerilla chiefs were believed to be in hiding, and 
ready to lead the local population. All of this in 
existing conditions was creditable to Greek patri- 
otism; their race was at war with Bulgarians, and 
the more enterprising and courageous among them 
intended to take their share as auxiliaries of the 
Greek army in driving the Bulgarians from their 
country. From a nationalist standpoint, this was 
morally their right and some might even say their 
duty. But it is equally clear that the Bulgarians, 
wherever they found themselves opposed by the 
armed civil population, had also a right to take steps 
to protect themselves. The steps which they elected 
to take in some places grossly exceeded the limits 
of legitimate defence or allowable reprisal." 

With reference to the Doxato affair, the commis- 
sion finds that five hundred persons (not two thou- 
sand as stated in the Greek charges) were killed. 
The depositions obtained " leave no doubt in the 
mind of the Commission that the Greeks had organ- 
ized a formidable military movement among the 
local population ; that Doxato was one of its cen- 
tres; and that several hundreds of armed men were 
concentrated there. Provocation had been given not 
only by the wanton and barbarous slaughter by 
Greeks of Moslem non-combatants, but also by a suc- 
cessful attack at Doxato upon a Bulgarian convoy. 
There was, therefore, justification for the order 
given from the Bulgarian headquarters to attack the 
Greek insurgents concentrated in Doxato." 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 147 

There was no doubt in the minds of the investi- 
gators that the massacre was the work of the Turks, 
and that the charges made by the Greeks that the 
Bulgars had given the Tnrks orders to massacre the 
Greeks were baseless. " But some part of the re- 
sponsibility for the slaughter falls, none the less, 
upon the Bulgarian officers. They armed the Turks 
and left them in control of the village. They must 
have known what would follow. The employment of 
Turkish bashi-bozouks as allies against defenceless 
Christian villagers was an offence of which Greeks, 
Servians, and Bulgarians were all guilty upon occa- 
sion. No officer in the Balkans could take this step 
Avithout foreseeing that massacre must result from 
it. 

*' It is fair none Ihe less to note that the Bulgari- 
ans were in a difficult position. They could not oc- 
cupy the village permanently, for they were threat- 
ened by Greek columns marching from several quar- 
ters. To leave the Turks unarmed was to expose 
them to Greek excesses. To arm the Turks was, on 
the other hand, to condemn ihe Greek inhabitants to 
massacre. A culpable error of judgment was com- 
mitted in circumstances which admitted only of a 
choice of evils. "Wliile emphasizing the heavy re- 
sponsibility which falls on the Bulgarian officers for 
this catastrophe, wo do not hesitate to conclude thai 
the massacre at Doxato was a Turkish and not a 
Bulgarian atrocity." 

The findings of the commission with reference to 
the charges of Bulgarian atrocities at Seres are 
even more damaging to the Greeks. *' Seres is the 



148 Bulgaria and Her People 

largest town of the interior of eastern Macedonia. 
The tohacco trade had brought considerable wealth 
to its thirty thousand inhabitants ; and it possessed 
in its churches, schools and hospitals the outward 
signs of the public spirit of its Greek community. 
The villages around it are Bulgarian to the north 
and west, but a rural Greek population approaches 
it from the south and east. The town itself is pre- 
dominately Greek, with the usual Jewish and Turk- 
ish admixture. The Bulgarians formed but a small 
minority. From October to June the town was 
under a Bulgarian occupation; and, as the second 
war drew near, the relations of the garrison and the 
citizens became increasingly hostile. The Bulgarian 
authorities believed that the Greeks were arming 
secretly, that andartes (Greek insurgents) were con- 
cealed in the town, and that a revolt was in prepara- 
tion. Five notables of the town were arrested on 
July 1 with the idea of intimidating the population. 
On Friday, July 4, the defeat of the Bulgarian forces 
to the south of Seres rendered the position unten- 
able, and arrangements were made for the evacua- 
tion of the town. General Voulkoff, the governor 
of Macedonia, and his staff left on the evening of 
Saturday, July 5. The retirement was hastily 
planned and ill executed. There is evidence from 
Greeks and Turks, and from one of the American 
residents, Mr. Moore, that some of the troops found 
time to pillage before withdrawing. On the other 
hand, stores of Bulgarian munitions, including rifles, 
were abandoned in the town, and some of the ar- 
chives were also left behind. We gather that there 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 149 

was some conflict of authority among the superior 
Bulgarian officers. 

*' The plain fact is that at this central point the 
organization and discipline of the Bulgarian troops 
broke down. Some excesses, as one would expect, 
undoubtedly occurred, but the Greek evidence on this 
matter is untrustworthy. Commandant Moustakoff 
believes that the notables who had been arrested 
were released. We find, on the other hand, in the 
semi-official Greek pamphlet Atrocites Bulgares, the 
statement that the bodies of four Greek notables were 
found outside the town killed by bayonet thrusts; 
among them was the corpse of the director of the 
Orient bank. For this assertion the authority of the 
Italian and Austrian consuls general of Salonika is 
claimed. The member of our commisvsion who vis- 
ited Seres had the pleasure of meeting this gentle- 
man, Mr. Ghine, alive, well, and unharmed, and en- 
joyed his hospitality. Such discoveries as this are 
a warning that even official Greek statements re- 
garding these events must be subjected to careful 
scrutiny. 

" The main body of the Bulgarian garrison, with 
the headquarters, withdrew from Seres on Sat- 
urday, July 5. A panic followed, and a squadron 
of dismounted Bulgarian cavalry paraded the town 
to maintain order. The Greek irregulars and armed 
citizens were already under arms, and fired from 
some of the houses at this squadron. It camped that 
night outside the town, and entered it again on Sun- 
day, but apparently without attempting to maintain 
complete control. On Monday, July 7 (if not on 



150 Bulgaria and Her People 

Sunday), the effective authority passed into the 
liands of the local Greeks. The archbishop was 
recognized as governor of the town, and at his pal- 
ace there sat in permanence a commission of the 
local inhabitants. Thirty armed Greeks wearing the 
evzone (highlander) uniform, who were, however, 
probably irregulars (andartes), had arrived in 
Seres, and one witness states that they were under 
the command of Captain Doukas. A Russian doctor 
in the Bulgarian sanitary service, who was left in 
the town, heard on Monday a Greek priest summon- 
ing the inhabitants to the bishop's palace, where 
arms were distributed, first to the Greeks, and later 
to the Turks. From Monday morning to Thursday 
evening these Greek irregulars and the citizen mil- 
itia which they organized were in possession of the 
town. Tlirice they were threatened by small Bul- 
garian detachments, which returned and skirmished 
on the hills outside the town and at the distant rail- 
way station. But these Bulgarian scouts were not in 
sufficient force to enter the town. A telegram dis- 
patched on Thursday by the archbishop to King 
Constantine begs him to hasten to occupy the to\vn, 
which is, he says, defending itself successfully 
against the attacks of tlie Bulgarians. He mentions 
that he is governing the town, and states that it has 
been abandoned for a week by the Bulgarian author- 
ities. He fears, however, that the citizens' power of 
resistance may soon be exhausted. These rather 
aimless Bulgarian attacks must have contributed to 
excite the local Greeks, and to inflame a spirit of 
vengeance. 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 151 

'^ The main concern of the archbishop's Greek 
militia during this week was apparently to hunt down 
the Bulgarian population within the town and in 
some of the neighbouring villages. It is conceivable 
that this measure may have been dictated in the first 
instance by the fear that the small Bulgarian mi- 
nority inside Seres would cooperate with the enemy 
who attacked it from without. An armed Greek mob 
followed a few uniformed men from house to house, 
threatening the Bulgarians and all who should assist 
them to hide. Their houses were pillaged and their 
wives ill treated, while the men were arrested and 
taken singly or in batches to the bishop's palace; 
there they were brought before a commission of lay- 
men over whom a priest presided. Whatever money 
they possessed was taken from them by this priest, 
and the only question asked about them was, whether 
they were or were not Bulgarians. Tliis process was 
Avitnessed by Dr. Klugmann, and the testimony of 
this Russian doctor entirely confirms that of our 
Bulgarian peasant witnesses. From the bishopric 
the prisoners were taken to the neighbouring Greek 
girls' high school. In the school the}'' were closely 
confined in several rooms by fifties and sixties. 
Fresh batches arrived continuously from the town 
and from the villages, until the total number of 
impiisoned Bulgarians reached two hundred or two 
hundred and fifty. The gaolers were in part citizens 
of Seres, some of whom can be named, and in part 
uniformed irregulars. From the first they behaved 
with gross cruelty. The prisoners were tightly bound 
and beaten with the butt ends of rifles. The plan of 



152 Bulgaria and Her People 

■ ■ 

the gaolers was apparently to slaughter their pris- 
oners in batches, and they were led two by two to 
an upper room, where they were killed, usually by 
repeated wounds in the head and neck inflicted vdih 
a butcher's knife or a Martini bayonet. Each of 
the butchers aimed at accounting for fourteen men, 
which was apparently the number which each could 
bury during the night. The massacre went on in 
this leisurely way until Friday, the 11th. The pris- 
oners included a few captured Bulgarian soldiers, 
a few peasants taken with arms in their hands, and 
at least one local Bulgarian, Christo Dimitroff, who 
was known to be an active associate of the Bulgarian 
bands. The immense majority were, however, in- 
offensive tradesmen or peasants whose only offence 
was that they were Bulgarians. Among them were 
four women, who were killed with the rest. The 
only mitigating circumstance is that five lads were 
released in pity for their youth, after seeing their 
fathers killed before their eyes. We are unwilling 
to dwell on the detailed barbarities of this butchery, 
of which more than enough is recorded in the appen- 
dices. 

** We must here anticip.ate a part of the narrative 
to explain that in the early morning of Friday, July 
11, a Bulgarian regular force with cavalry and light 
artillery reached Seres, engaged the militia outside 
the town, defeated it, and began toward noon to pen- 
etrate into the town itself. There were still sixty or 
seventy of the Bulgarian prisoners alive, and their 
gaolers, alarmed by the sound of cannon in the dis- 
tance, resolved to finish their work rapidly. Two 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 153 

at least of the Bulgarian prisoners contrived to over- 
power the sentinels and escaped. Some of them, 
however, were bound and others were too enfeebled 
or too terrified to save themselves. They were led 
to the slaughter by fours and fives, but the killing 
this day was ineiTicient, and at least ten of the pris- 
oners fell among the heaps of corpses, severely 
wounded indeed, but still alive. They recovered 
consciousness in the early afternoon, to realize that 
their gaolers had fled, that the town was on fire, 
and that the Bulgarian troops were not far distant. 
Ten of them struggled out of the school, and eight 
had strength enough to reach safety and their coun- 
trymen. 

'' The commission saw three of these fugitives 
from the Seres massacre, who all bore the fresh 
scars of their wounds. These wounds, chiefly in the 
head and neck, could have been received only at close 
quarters. They were such wounds as a butcher 
would inflict, who was attempting to slaughter men 
as he would slaughter sheep. The e^adeuce of these 
three, given separately, was mutually consistent. 
We questioned a fourth witness, the lad Blagoi 
Petrov, who was released. We were also supplied 
with the written depositions, backed by photographs 
showing their injuries, of three other wounded sur- 
vivors of the massacre, who had found refuge in 
distant parts of Bulgaria which we were unable to 
visit. Among these was George Beleff, a Protestant, 
to whose honesty and high character the American 
missionaries of Samokov paid a liigh tribute. The 
written depositions of the two men who escaped by 



154 Bulgaria and Her People 

rushing the sentinels afforded another element of 
confirmation. Dr. Klugmann's evidence, given to 
us in person, is valuable as a description of the 
way in which the Bulgarian civilians of Seres were 
hunted down and arrested. The commission finds 
this evidence irresistible, and is forced to conclude 
that a massacre of Bulgarians to the number of 
about two hundred, most of them inoffensive and 
non-combatant civilians, was carried out in Seres 
by the Greek militia with revolting cruelt5^ The 
victims were arrested and imprisoned under the 
authority of the archbishop. It is possible that he 
may have been misled by his subordinates, and that 
they may have disobeyed his orders. But the fact 
that when he visited the prison on Thursday, he 
assured the survivors that their lives would be 
spared, suggests that he knew that they were in 
danger. 

*' The last stage of the episode of Seres began on 
Friday, the 11th. Partly because they had left large 
stores of munitions in the town, partly because 
rumours of the schoolhouse massacre had reached 
them, the Bulgarians were anxious to reoccupy the 
town. Their small detachments had been repulsed, 
and it was with a battalion and a half of infantry, 
a squadron of horse and four guns, that Command- 
ant Kirpikoff marched against Seres from Zernovo, 
and at da^vn approached the hills which command 
it. He overcame the resistance of the Greek militia 
posted to the number of about one thousand men 
on the hills, without much diflieulty. In attempting 
toward noon to penetrate into the town, his troops 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 155 

met with a heavy iire from several large houses held 
by the Greeks. Against these he finally used his 
guns. From noon onward the town was in flames 
at several points. The commandant does not admit 
that his shells caused the conflagration, but in this 
matter probability is against him. One witness, 
George Beleff, states that the schoolhouse was set 
on fire by a shell. The commandant states further 
that the Greeks themselves, who were as reckless 
as the Bulgarians, fired certain houses wdiich con- 
tained their own stores of munitions. Tt is probable 
that the Bulgarians also set on fire the buildings 
in which their own stores were housed. Both Greeks 
and Bulgarians state that a high wind was blowing 
during the afternoon. Seres was a crowded town, 
closely built in the Oriental fashion, with houses 
constructed mainly of wood. The summer had been 
hot and dry. Tt is not surprising that the town 
blazed. We must give due weight to the belief uni- 
versally held by the Greek inhabitants that the town 
was deliberately set on fire by the Bulgarian troops. 
The inhabitants for the most part had fled, and few 
of them saw what happened ; but one eye-witness 
states that the soldiers used ])etroleum and acted 
on a sj^stematic plan. This witness is a local Turk 
who had taken service under the Bulgarians as a 
police officer while they were still at war with his 
country. That is not a record wliich inspires con- 
fidence. On the other hand, Dr. Yankoff, a legal 
official who accompanied the Bulgarian troops, 
states that he personally made efforts to check the 
flames. 



156 Bulgaria and Her People 

' ' The general impression conveyed by all the evi- 
dence before us, and especially that of the Russian 
Dr. Laznev, is that the Bulgarian troops were hotly 
engaged throughout the afternoon, first with the 
Greek militia and then with the main Greek army. 
The Greek forces advanced in large numbers and 
with artillery from two directions to relieve the town, 
and compelled the Bulgarians to retreat before sun- 
down. Their shells also fell in the town. The Bulga- 
rians were not in undisturbed possession for so much 
as an hour, and it is difficult to believe that they can 
have had leisure for much systematic incendiarism. 
On the other hand, it is indisputable that some Bul- 
garian villagers who followed the troops did delib- 
erately burn houses, and that a mob comprised 
partly of Bulgarians and partly of Turks pillaged 
and burned while the troops were fighting. It is 
probable that some of the Bulgarian troops, who 
seem to have been, as at Doxato, a very mixed 
force which included some Pomak (Moslem) levies, 
joined in this work. The Bulgarians knew that the 
Greeks were burning their \nllages, and some of 
them had heard of the schoolhouse massacre. Any 
soldiers in the world would think of vengeance under 
these conditions. 

** To sum up, we must conclude that the Greek 
quarter of Seres was burned by the Bulgarians in 
the course of their attack on the town, but the evi- 
dence before us does not suffice to establish the Greek 
accusation, that the burning was a part of the plan 
conceived by the Bulgarian headquarters. But un- 
questionably the whole conduct both of the attack 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 157 

and of the defence contributed to bring about the 
conflagration, and some of the attacking force did un- 
doubtedly burn houses. There is, in short, no trust- 
worthy evidence of premeditated or oflficial incen- 
diarism, but the responsibility for the burning of 
Seres none the less falls mainly upon the Bulgarian 
army. The result was the destruction of four thou- 
sand out of six thousand houses, the impoverishment 
of a large population, and in all likelihood the pain- 
ful death of many of the aged and infirm, who could 
not make good their escape. The episode of Seres 
is deeply discreditable alike to Greeks and Bulga- 
rians." 

It remains to notice the charges of Bulgarian 
atrocities at Demir Hissar; and the finding of the 
Carnegie commission on this count is of special 
importance because Demir Ilissar was used as a 
pretext for the reprisals of the Greek army at the 
expense of the Bulgarian population in accordance 
with the order from King Constantine already 
quoted. An extremely damaging bit of evidence 
brought out in the commission's report is the fact 
that the Greek atrocities against defenceless Bulgars 
'^ began in and around Kukush some days before 
the Bulgarian provocation at Demir Hissar! " 

The commission concludes that excesses were 
committed by both Greeks and Bulgarians at Demir 
Hissar. " The Bulgarian army, beaten in the south, 
was fleeing in some disorder through Demir Ilissar 
to the narrow defile of the Struma above this little 
town. The Greeks of the town, seeing their con- 
fusion, determined to profit by it, took up arms and 



158 Bulgaria and Her People 

fell upon the Bulgarian wounded, the baggage trains, 
and the fugitive peasants. They rose too soon and 
exposed themselves to Bulgarian reprisals. When 
the Greek army at length marched in, it found a 
scene of carnage and horror. The Greek inhabitants 
had slaughtered defenceless Bulgarians, and the 
Bulgarian rear-guard had exacted vengeance. 

" The case of the bishop has naturally attracted 
attention. Of the four Greek bishops who were said 
to have been killed in Macedonia, he alone was in 
fact killed. There is nothing improbable in the Bul- 
garian statement that he was the leader of the Greek 
insurgents, nor even in the further allegation that 
he fired the first shot. The bishops of Macedonia, 
whether Greeks or Bulgarians, are always the rec- 
ognized jDolitical heads of their community; they 
are often in close touch with the rebel bands, and 
a young and energetic man will sometimes place 
himself openly at their head. The Bulgarians allege 
that the bishop, a man of forty years of age, fired 
from his window at their troops. The Greeks admit 
that he ' resisted ' arrest. If it is true that he was 
found with a revolver, from which some cartridges 
had been fired, there was technical justification for 
regarding him as a combatant. The hard law of 
war sanctions the execution of civilians taken with 
arms in their hands. There is no reason to reject 
the Greek statement that his body was mutilated, 
dead or alive. But the Greek assertion that this was 
done by a certain Captain Bostanov is adequately 
met by the Bulgarian denial that any such officer 
exists. 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 159 

" Some of the men in the Greek list of dead were 
presumably armed inhabitants who engaged in the 
street fighting. Nine are young men of twenty and 
thereabouts and some are manual labourers. Clearly 
these are not ' notables ' collected for a deliberate 
massacre. On the otlier hand, six are men of sixty 
years and upwards, who are not likely to have been 
combatants. These leaders of the Greek community 
were evidently arrested on suspicion of fomenting 
the outbreak and summarily ' executed.' It was a 
lawless proceeding without form of trial, and the 
killing was evidently done in the most brutal way. 
We are far from feeling any certainty regarding 
the course of events at Demir Hissar. There tvas 
clearly riot an unprovoked massacre as the Greeks 
allege. But there did follow on the cowardly ex- 
cesses of the Greek inhabitants against the Bulga- 
rian wounded and fugitives, indefensible acts of 
reprisal, and a lawless and brutal slaughter of men 
who may have deserved some more regular punish- 
ment. 

*' The events at Doxato and Demir Hissar, with 
the burning of Seres, form the chief counts in the 
Greek indictment of the Bulgarians. The other 
items refer mainly to single acts of violence charged 
against individuals in many places over a great 
range of territory. These minor charges we have 
not investigated, since they rarely involved an ac<;u- 
sation against the army as a whole or its superior 
officers. We regret that we were unable to visit 
Nigrita, a large village, which was bunied during 
the fighting which raged around it. Many of the 



160 Bulgaria and Her People 

inhabitants are said to Lave perished in the flames. 
We think it proper to place on record, without any; 
expression of opinion, the Greek belief that this 
place was deliberately burned by the Bulgarians. 
We note also the statement made by a Greek soldier 
in a captured letter that more than a thousand Bul- 
garian prisoners were slaughtered there by the 
Greek army. We have also before us the signed 
statement of a leading Moslem of the Nigrita district 
to the effect that after the second war the Greeks 
drove the Aloslems from the surrounding villages 
with gross violence, because they had been neutral 
in the conflict, and took possession of their lands 
and houses. 

** It remains to mention the charge repeatedly 
made by some of the diplomatic representatives of 
Greece in European capitals, that the fingers and 
ears of women were found in the pockets of captured 
Bulgarian soldiers. We need hardly insist on the 
inherent improbability of this vague story. Such 
relics would soon become a nauseous possession, and 
a soldier about to surrender would, one supposes, 
endeavour to throw away such damning evidence 
of his guilt. The only authority quoted for this 
accusation is a correspondent of the Times. We 
saw the gentleman in question at Salonika, a Greek 
journalist, who was acting as deputy for the Times 
correspondent. He had the story from Greek sol- 
fliers, and did not hitnself see the fingers and ears. 
The headquarters of the Greek army, which lost 
no opportunity of publishing facts likely to damage 
the Bulgarians, would presumably have published 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 161 

this accusation also, with the necessary details, had 
it been capable of verification. Until it is backed 
by further evidence, the story is unworthy of belief. 
** The case against the Bulgarians which remains 
after a critical examination of the evidence relating 
to Doxato, Seres, and Demir Hissar is sufficiently 
grave. In each case the Bulgarians acted under 
provocation, and in each case the accusation is 
grossly exaggerated, but their reprisals were none 
the less lawless and unmeasured. It is fair, how- 
ever, to point out that these three cases, even on the 
worst view which may be taken of them, are far 
from supporting the general statements of some 
Greek writers, that the Bulgarians, in their with- 
drawal from southern Macedonia and western 
Thrace, followed a general policy of devastation and 
massacre. They held five considerable Grjeco-Turk- 
ish towns in this area, and many smaller places — 
Drama, Kavala, Xanthi, Gumurjina, and Dedea- 
gatch. In none of these did the Bulgarians burn 
and massacre, though some acts of violence occurred. 
The wrong they did leaves a sinister blot upon their 
record, but it must be viewed in its just propor- 
tions." 



CHAPTER XIT 

GREEK ATROCITIES IN THE BALKAN WARS 

Responsibility of the Greek press in inciting feelings of hatred against 
the Bulga'rs — The order of King Constantine for Greek reprisals 
antedated the alleged Bulgarian provocation — Sacking and burn- 
ing Kukush by the Greeks — Tales of torture by Macedonian ref- 
iigeas — Catholic priests and Armenian doctors flogged for money — 
Attempts of Greek soldiers to violate nuns — Damaging evidence 
of the letters found in the Razlog district of Macedonia — Greek 
soldiers boaat of their cruelties — One hundred and sixty Bulgarian 
villages burned by the Greeks. 

The Greeks were quite willing that the atrocities 
of the Bulgarian soldiers should be investigated by 
the Carnegie commission; but it was quite other- 
wise when the commission sought to investigate the 
atrocities that had been committed by the defenders 
of Hellenism. '' It was a matter for wonder and 
for some reflection," writes Professor William M. 
Sloane of Columbia University, '* when there began 
to emanate from Greek sources long telegraphic dis- 
patches calling the attention of the civilized world 
to the atrocities permitted by Bulgaria. The ques- 
tion was, had the Greeks been practising the guile 
for which of old they were renowned, and taking a 
leaf from the Bulgarian book? The agents they 
dispatched with much publicity to investigate the 
shameful deeds of others about which there was no 
question, might possibly have been better employed 
in investigating their own kinsfolk and ending for 

162 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 163 

ever the activities of both the Greek and the Turkish 
koniitadjis along the frontiers of the northeast."^ 
In spite of the veiled opposition of the Greek 
government to the investigation by the Carnegie 
commission of the atrocities of its soldiers, such an 
investigation was, nevertheless, made, and the find- 
ings of the commission are embodied in the follow- 
ing paragraphs: *' It required no artificial incite- 
ment to produce the race-hatred which explains the 
excesses of the Christian allies, and more especially 
of the Bulgarians toward the Turks. Race, lan- 
guage, history, and religion have made a barrier 
which only the more tolerant minds of either creed 
are able wholly to surmount. It is less easy to 
explain the excesses of which Greeks and Bulgarians 
were guilty toward each other. The two races are 
sharply distinguished by temperament. A tradi- 
tional enmity has divided them from the daum of 
history, and this is aggravated in Macedonia by a 
certain social cleavage. But for a year the two races 
had been allies, united against a common enemy. 
When policy dictated a breach, it was necessary to 
prepare public opinion ; and the Greek press, as if 
by a common impulse, devoted itself to this work. 
To the rank and file of all three Balkan armies, the 
idea of a fratricidal war was at first repugnant and 
inexplicable. The passions of the Greek array were 
roused by a daily diet of violent articles. The Greek 
press had had little to say regarding the Bulgarian 
excesses against the Turks while the facts were still 

1 The Balkans: a Laboratory of Hiaiory. By William M. Sloane. 
New York, 1914, pp. 322. 



164 Bulgaria and Her People 

fresh, and indeed none of the allies had the right 
to be censorious, for none of their records were 
clean. Now everything was dragged into the light, 
and the record of the Bulgarian bands, deplorable 
in itsolf, lost nothing in the telling. Day after day 
the Bulgarians were represented as a race of mon- 
sters, and public feeling was roused to a pitch of 
chauvinism which made it inevitable that war, when 
it came, should be ruthless. In talk and in print 
one phrase summed up the general feeling of the 
Greeks toward the Bulgarians, * Dhen einai anthro- 
poi! ' (They are not human beings). In their ex- 
citement and indignation the Greeks came to think 
of themselves as the appointed avengers of civiliza- 
tion against a race which stood outside the pale of 
humanity. 

" When an excitable southern race, which has 
been schooled in Balkan conceptions of vengeance, 
begins to reason in this way, it is easy to predict 
the consequences. Deny that your enemies are men, 
and presently you will treat them as vermin. Only 
half realizing the full meaning of what he said, a 
Greek officer remarked to the writer, * Wlien you 
have to deal with barbarians, you must behave like 
a barbarian yourself. It is the only thing they un- 
derstand.' The Greek army went into the war, its 
mind inflamed with anger and contempt. A gaudily 
coloured print, which we saw in the streets of Sa- 
lonika and the Pinpus, eagerly bought by the Greek 
soldiers returning to their homes, reveals the depth 
of the brutality to which this race-hatred had sunk 
them. It shows a Greek evzone (highlander) hold- 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 165 

ing a living Bulgarian soldier with both hands, while 
he gnaws the face of his victim with his teeth, like 
some beast of prey. It is entitled the Bulgarophagos 
(Bulgar-eater), and is adorned with the following 
verses : 

The sea of fire which boils in my breast 
And calls for vengeance with the aavage waves of my sou!, 
Will be quenched when the monsters of Sofia are still,' 
And thy life blood extinguishes ray hate.' 

" Another popular battle picture shows a Greek 
soldier gouging out the eyes of a living Bulgarian. 
A third shows as an episode of a battle scene the 
exploit of the Bulgar-eater. 

"As an evidence of the feeling which animated 
the Greek army these things have their importance. 
They mean, in plain words, that Greek soldiers 
wished to believe that they and their comrades per- 
petrated bestial cruelties. A print seller who issued 
such pictures in a western country would be guilty 
of a gross libel on its army. 

*' The excesses of the Greek army began on July 
4 with the first conflict at Kukush (Kilkis). A few 
days later the excesses of the Bulgarians at Doxato 
(July 13), Seres (July 11), and Demir Hissar (July 
7) were known and still further inflamed the anger 
of the Greeks. On July 12 King Constantine an- 
nounced in a dispatch which reported the slaughter 
at Demir Hissar that he ' found himself obliged with 
profound regret to proceed to reprisals.' A com- 
parison of dates will show tlmt the Greek * re- 
prisals ' had begun some days before the Bulgarian 
' provocation.* 



166 Bulgaria and Her People 

" It was with the defeat of the little Bulgarian 
army at Kukush, after a stubborn three days' de- 
fence against a superior Greek force, that the Greek 
campaign assumed the character of a war of devas- 
tation. The Greek army entered the town of Ku- 
kush on July 4. We do not propose to lay stress 
on the evidence of Bulgarian witnesses regarding 
certain events which preceded their entry. Shells 
fell outside the town among groups of fugitive peas- 
ants from the villages, while within the town shells 
fell in the orphanage and hospital conducted by the 
French Catholic sisters under the protection of the 
French flag. It is possible and charitable to explain 
such incidents as the effect of an unlucky chance. 
The evidence of European eye-witnesses confirms 
the statements of the Bulgarian refugees on one 
crucial point. These shells caused no general con- 
flagration, and it is doubtful whether more than 
three or four houses were set on fire by them. When 
the Greek army entered Kukush it was still intact. 
It is to-day a heap of ruins — as a member of the 
commission reports, after a visit to which the Greek 
authorities opposed several obstacles. It was a 
prosperous town of thirteen thousand inhabitants, 
the centre of a purely Bulgarian district and the seat 
of several flourishing schools. The bent standards 
of its electric lamps still testify to the efforts which 
it had made to attain a level of material progress 
unusual in Turkey. That its destruction was delib- 
erate admits of no doubt. The great majority of the 
inhabitants fled before the arrival of the Greeks. 
About four hundred, chiefly old people and children, 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 167 

had found shelter in the Catholic orphanage, and 
were not molested. European eye-witnesses de- 
scribe the systematic entry of the Greek soldiers- into 
house after house. Any of the inhabitants who were 
found inside were first evicted, pillage followed, and 
then, usually after a slight explosion, the house burst 
into flames. Fugitives continued to arrive in the 
orphanage while the town was burning, and several 
women stated that they had been violated by Greek 
soldiers. In one case a soldier, more chivalrous than 
his comrades, brought a woman to the orphanage 
whom he had saved from violation. Some civilians 
were killed by the Greek cavalry as they rode in, 
and many lives were lost in the course of the sacking 
and burning of Kukush. We have received a de- 
tailed list from a Bulgarian source of seventy-four 
inhabitants who are believed to have been killed. 
Most of them are old women, and eleven are babies. 
*' The main fact on which we must insist is that 
the Greek army inaugurated the second war by the 
deliberate burning of a Bulgarian to\^Ti. A singular 
fact which has some bearing on Greek policy is that 
the refugees who took shelter in the French orphan- 
age were still, on September 6, long after the con- 
clusion of peace, closely confined as prisoners within 
it, though hardly a man among them is capable of 
bearing arms. A notice in Greek on its outer door 
states that they are forbidden to leave its precincts. 
Meanwhile, Greek (or rather * Grecoman ') refugees 
from Strumnitza were being installed on the sites of 
the houses which once belonged to Bulgarians, and 
in the few buildings (perhaps a dozen in number) 



168 Bulgaria and Her People 

which escaped the flames. The inference is irresist- 
ible. In conquering the Kukush district, the Greeks 
were resolved to have no Bulgarian subjects. 

'* The precedent of Kukush was only too faith- 
fully followed in the villages. In the caza (county) 
of Kukush alone no less than forty Bulgarian vil- 
lages were burned by the Greek army in its north- 
ward march. Detachments of cavalry went from 
village to village, and the work of the regulars was 
completed by bashi-bozouks. It was a part of the 
Greek plan of campaign to use the local Turkish 
population as an instrument in the work of devas- 
tation. In some cases they were armed and even 
provided with uniforms. In no instance, however, 
of which we have a record, were the Turks solely 
responsible for the burning of a village. They 
followed the Greek troops and acted under their 
protection. We have no means of ascertaining 
whether any general order w^as given which regu- 
lated the burning of the Bulgarian villages. A 
Greek sergeant among the prisoners of war in Sofia, 
stated in reply to a question which a member of the 
commission put to him, that he and his comrades 
burned the villages around Kukush because the in- 
habitants had fled. It is a fact that one mainly 
Catholic village (Todoraki), in which most of the in- 
habitants remained, was not burned, though it was 
thoroughly pillaged. But the fate of other villages, 
notably Akanjeli, in which the inhabitants not only 
remained, but even welcomed the Greek troops, dis- 
poses of this explanation. "Wliatever may have been 
the terms of the orders under which the Greek 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 155 

met with a heavy fire from several large liouses held 
by the Greeks. Against these he finally used his 
guns. From noon onward the town was in flames 
at several points. The commandant does not admit 
that his shells caused the conflagration, but in this 
matter probability is against him. One witness, 
George Beleff, states that the schoolhouse was set 
on fire by a shell. The commandant states further 
that the Greeks themselves, who were as reckless 
as the Bulgarians, fired certain houses which con- 
tained their own stores of munitions. It is probable 
that the Bulgarians also set on fire the buildings 
in which their own stores were housed. Both Greeks 
and Bulgarians state that a high wind was blowing 
during the afternoon. Seres was a crowded town, 
closely built in the Oriental fashion, with liouses 
constructed mainly of wood. The summer had been 
hot and dry. It is not surprising that the town 
blazed. We must give due weight to the belief uni- 
versally held by the Greek inhabitants that the town 
was deliberately set on fire by tlie Bulgarian troops. 
The inhabitants for the most part had fled, and few 
of them saw what happened ; but one eye-witness 
states that the soldiers used petroleum and acted 
on a systematic plan. This witness is a local Turk 
who had taken service under the Bulgarians as a 
police officer while they were still at war with his 
country. That is not a record which inspires con- 
fidence. On the other hand. Dr. Yankoff, a legal 
official who accompanied the Bulgarian troops, 
states that he personally made efforts to check the 
flames. 



156 Bulgaria and Her People 

** The general impression conveyed by all the evi- 
dence before us, and especially that of the Russian 
Dr. Laznev, is that the Bulgarian troops were hotly 
engaged throughout the afternoon, first with the 
Greek militia and then with the main Greek army. 
The Greek forces advanced in large numbers and 
with artillery from two directions to relieve the town, 
and compelled the Bulgarians to retreat before sun- 
down. Their shells also fell in the town. The Bulga- 
rians were not in undisturbed possession for so much 
as an hour, and it is difficult to believe that they can 
have had leisure for much systematic incendiarism. 
On the other hand, it is indisputable that some Bul- 
garian villagers who followed the troops did delib- 
erately burn houses, and that a mob comprised 
partly of Bulgarians and partly of Turks pillaged 
and burned while the troops were fighting. It is 
probable that some of the Bulgarian troops, who 
seem to have been, as at Doxato, a very mixed 
force which included some Pomak (Moslem) levies, 
joined in this work. The Bulgarians knew that the 
Greeks were burning their villages, and some of 
them had heard of the schoolhouse massacre. Any 
soldiers in the world would think of vengeance under 
these conditions. 

'' To sum up, we must conclude that the Greek 
quarter of Seres was burned by the Bulgarians in 
the course of their attack on the town, but the evi- 
dence before us does not suffice to establish the Greek 
accusation, that the burning was a part of the plan 
conceived by the Bulgarian headquarters. But un- 
questionably the whole conduct both of the attack 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 157 

and of the defence contributed to bring about the 
conflagration, and some of the attacking force did un- 
doubtedly burn houses. There is, in short, no trust- 
worthy evidence of premeditated or official incen- 
diarism, but the responsibility for the burning of 
Seres none the less falls mainly upon the Bulgarian 
army. The result was the destruction of four thou- 
sand out of six thousand houses, the impoverishment 
of a large population, and in all likelihood the pain- 
ful death of many of the aged and infirm, who could 
not make good their escape. The episode of Seres 
is deeply discreditable alike to Greeks and Bulga- 
rians." 

It remains to notice the charges of Bulgarian 
atrocities at Demir Hissar; and the finding of the 
Carnegie commission on this count is of special 
importance because Demir Ilissar was used as a 
pretext for the reprisals of the Greek army at the 
expense of the Bulgarian population in accordance 
with the order from King Constantine already 
quoted. An extremely damaging bit of evidence 
brought out in the commission's report is the fact 
that the Greek atrocities against defenceless Bulgars 
'* began in and around Kvkush some days before 
the Bulgarian provocation at Demir Hissarl " 

The commission concludes that excesses were 
committed by both Greeks and Bulgarians at Demir 
Hissar. " The Bulgarian army, beaten in the south, 
was fleeing in some disorder through Demir Ilissar 
to the narrow defile of the Struma above this little 
town. The Greeks of the town, seeing their con- 
fusion, determined to profit by it, took up arms and 



158 Bulgaria and Her People 

fell upon the Bulgarian wounded, the baggage trains, 
and the fugitive peasants. They rose too soon and 
exposed themselves to Bulgarian reprisals. When 
the Greek army at length marched in, it found a 
scene of carnage and horror. The Greek inhabitants 
had slaughtered defenceless Bulgarians, and the 
Bulgarian rear-guard had exacted vengeance. 

" The case of the bishop has naturally attracted 
attention. Of the four Greek bishops who were said 
to have been killed in Macedonia, he alone was in 
fact killed. There is nothing improbable in the Bul- 
garian statement that he was the leader of the Greek 
insurgents, nor even in the further allegation that 
he fired the first shot. The bishops of Macedonia, 
whether Greeks or Bulgarians, are always the rec- 
ognized political heads of their community; they 
are often in close touch with the rebel bands, and 
a young and energetic man will sometimes place 
himself openly at their head. The Bulgarians allege 
that the bishop, a man of forty years of age, fired 
from his window at their troops. The Greeks admit 
that he ' resisted ' arrest. If it is true that he was 
found with a revolver, from which some cartridges 
had been fired, there was technical justification for 
regarding him as a combatant. The hard law of 
war sanctions the execution of civilians taken with 
arms in their hands. There is no reason to reject 
the Greek statement that his body was mutilated, 
dead or alive. But the Greek assertion that this was 
done by a certain Captain Bostanov is adequately 
met by the Bulgarian denial that any such officer 
exists. 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 159 

" Some of the men in the Greek list of dead were 
presumably armed inhabitants who engaged in the 
street fighting. Nine are young men of twenty and 
thereabouts and some are manual labourers. Clearly 
these are not * notables ' collected for a deliberate 
massacre. On the other hand, six are men of sixty 
years and upwards, who are not likely to have been 
combatants. These leaders of the Greek community 
were evidently arrested on suspicion of fomenting 
the outbreak and summarily * executed.' It was a 
lawless proceeding without form of trial, and the 
killing was evidently done in the most brutal way. 
We are far from feeling any certainty regarding 
the course of events at Demir Ilissar. There ivas 
clearly 7iot an unprovoked massacre as the Greeks 
allege. But there did follow on the cowardly ex- 
cesses of the Greek inhabitants against the Bulga- 
rian wounded and fugitives, indefensible acts of 
reprisal, and a lawless and brutal slaughter of men 
who may have deserved some more regular punish- 
ment. 

" The events at Doxato and Demir Hissar, witli 
the burning of Seres, form the chief counts in the 
Greek indictment of tlie Bulgarians. The other 
items refer mainly to single acts of violence charged 
against individuals in many places over a great 
range of territory. These minor charges Ave have 
not investigated, since they rarely involved an ac<iu- 
sation against the army as a whole or its superior 
officers. We regret that we were unable to visit 
Nigrita, a large village, whic^h was bunied during 
the fighting which raged around it. Many of the 



160 Bulgaria and Her People 

inhabitants are said to have perished in the flames. 
We think it proper to place on record, without any; 
expression of opinion, the Greek belief that this 
place was deliberately burned by the Bulgarians. 
We note also the statement made by a Greek soldier 
in a captured letter that more than a thousand Bul- 
garian prisoners were slaughtered there by the 
Greek army. We have also before us the signed 
statement of a leading Moslem of the Nigrita district 
to the effect that after the second war the Greeks 
drove the Moslems from the surrounding villages 
with gross violence, because they had been neutral 
in the conflict, and took possession of their lands 
and houses. 

" It remains to mention the charge repeatedly 
made by some of the diplomatic representatives of 
Greece in European capitals, that the fingers and 
ears of women were found in the pockets of captured 
Bulgarian soldiers. We need hardly insist on the 
inherent improbability of this vague story. Such 
relics would soon become a nauseous possession, and 
a soldier about to surrender would, one supposes, 
endeavour to throw away such damning evidence 
of his guilt. The only authority quoted for this 
accusation is a correspondent of the Times. We 
saw the gentleman in question at Salonika, a Greek 
journalist, who was acting as deputy for the Times 
correspondent. He had the story from Greek sol- 
diers, and did not himself see the fingers and ears. 
The headquarters of the Greek army, which lost 
no opportunity of publishing facts likely to damage 
the Bulgarians, would presumably have published 



Alleged Bulgarian Atrocities 161 

this accusation also, with the necessary details, had 
it been capable of verification. Until it is backed 
by further evidence, the story is unworthy of belief. 
*' The case against the Bulgarians which remains 
after a critical examination of the evidence relating 
to Doxato, Seres, and Demir Hissar is sufficiently 
grave. In each case the Bulgarians acted under 
provocation, and in each case the accusation is 
grossly exaggerated, but their reprisals were none 
the less lawless and unmeasured. It is fair, how- 
ever, to point out that these three cases, even on the 
worst view which may be taken of them, are far 
from supporting the general statements of some 
Greek writers, that the Bulgarians, in their with- 
drawal from southern Macedonia and western 
Thrace, followed a general policy of devastation and 
massacre. They held five considerable Gr?Bco-Turk- 
ish towns in this area, and many smaller places — 
Drama, Kavala, Xanthi, Gumurjina, and Dedea- 
gatch. In none of these did the Bulgarians burn 
and massacre, though some acts of violence occurred. 
The wrong they did leaves a sinister blot upon their 
record, but it must be viewed in its just propor- 
tions." 



CHAPTER XII 

GREEK ATROCITIES IIN" THE BALKAN WABS 

Responsibility of the Greek press in inciting feelings of hatred against 
the Bulgars — The order of King Constantine for Greek reprisals 
antedated the alleged Bulgarian provocation — Sacking and burn- 
ing Kukush by the Greeks — Tales of torture by Macedonian ref- 
ugeas — Catholic priests and Armenian doctors fJogged for money — 
Attempts of Greek soldiers to violate nuns — Damaging evidence 
of the letters found in the Razlog district of Macedonia — Greek 
soldiers boast of their cruelties — One hundred and sixty Bulgarian 
villages burned by the Greeks. 

The Greeks were quite willing that the atrocities 
of the Bulgarian soldiers should be investigated by 
the Carnegie commission; but it was quite other- 
wise when the commission sought to investigate the 
atrocities that had been committed by the defenders 
of Hellenism. '* It was a matter for wonder and 
for some reflection," writes Professor William M. 
Sloane of Columbia University, " when there began 
to emanate from Greek sources long telegraphic dis- 
patches calling the attention of the civilized world 
to the atrocities permitted by Bulgaria. The ques- 
tion was, had the Greeks been practising the guile 
for which of old they were renowned, and taking a 
leaf from the Bulgarian book? The agents they 
dispatched with much publicity to investigate the 
shameful deeds of others about which there was no 
question, might possibly have been better employed 
in investigating their own kinsfolk and ending for 

162 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 163 

ever the activities of both the Greek and the Turkish 
komitadjis along the frontiers of the northeast."^ 
In spite of the veiled opposition of the Greek 
government to the investigation by the Carnegie 
commission of the atrocities of its soldiers, such an 
investigation was, nevertheless, made, and the find- 
ings of the commission are embodied in the follow- 
ing paragraphs: " It required no artificial incite- 
ment to produce the race-hatred which explains the 
excesses of the Christian allies, and more especially 
of the Bulgarians toward the Turks. Race, lan- 
guage, history, and religion have made a barrier 
which only tlie more tolerant minds of either creed 
are able wholly to surmount. It is less easy to 
explain the excesses of which Greeks and Bulgarians 
were guilty toward each other. The two races are 
sharply distinguished by temperament. A tradi- 
tional enmity has divided them from the d^vm of 
history, and this is aggravated in Macedonia by a 
certain social cleavage. But for a year the two races 
had been allies, united against a common enemy. 
When policy dictated a breach, it was necessary to 
prepare public opinion ; and the Greek press, as if 
by a common impulse, devoted itself to this work. 
To the rank and file of all three Balkan armies, the 
idea of a fratricidal war was at first repugnant and 
inexplicable. The passions of the Greek array were 
roused by a daily diet of violent articles. The Greek 
pre.ss had had little to say regarding the Bulgarian 
excesses against the Turks while the facts were still 

1 The Balkans: a Laboratory of Hiatory. By William M. Sloane. 
New York, 1914, pp. 322. 



164 Bulgaria and Her People 

fresh, and indeed none of the allies had the right 
to be censorious, for none of their records were 
clean. Now everything was dragged into the light, 
and the record of the Bulgarian bands, deplorable 
in itself, lost nothing in the telling. Day after day 
the Bulgarians were represented as a race of mon- 
sters, and public feeling was roused to a pitch of 
chauvinism which made it inevitable that war, when 
it came, should be ruthless. In talk and in print 
one phrase summed up the general feeling of the 
Greeks toward the Bulgarians, ' Dhen einai anihro- 
poi! ' (They are not human beings). In their ex- 
citement and indignation the Greeks came to think 
of themselves as the appointed avengers of civiliza- 
tion against a race which stood outside the pale of 
humanity. 

*' \\Tien an excitable southern race, which has 
been schooled in Balkan conceptions of vengeance, 
begins to reason in this way, it is easy to predict 
the consequences. Deny that your enemies are men, 
and presently you will treat them as vermin. Only 
half realizing the full meaning of what he said, a 
Greek officer remarked to the writer, ' Wlien you 
have to deal with barbarians, you must behave like 
a barbarian yourself. It is the only thing they un- 
derstand.' The Greek army went into the war, its 
mind inflamed with anger and contempt. A gaudily 
coloured print, which we saw in the streets of Sa- 
lonika and the Pinpus, eagerly bought by the Greek 
soldiers returning to their homes, reveals the depth 
of the brutality to which this race-hatred had sunk 
them. It shows a Greek evzone (highlander) hold- 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 165 

ing a living Bulgarian soldier with both hands, while 
he gnaws the face of his victim with his teeth, like 
some beast of prey. It is entitled the Bulgarophagos 
(Bulgar-eater), and is adorned with the follovNing 
verses : 

" ' The sea of fire which boils in my breast 

And calls for vengeance with the aavage waves of my sou!, 
Will be quenched when the raoustcra of Sofia are still,' 
And thy life blood extinguishes my hate.* 

'' Another popular battle picture shows a Greek 
soldier gouging out the eyes of a living Bulgarian. 
A third shows as an episode of a battle scene the 
exploit of the Bulgar-eater. 

"As an evidence of the feeling which animated 
the Greek army these things have their importance. 
They mean, in plain words, that Greek soldiers 
wished to believe that they and their comrades per- 
petrated bestial cruelties. A print seller who issued 
such pictures in a western country would be guilty 
of a gross libel on its army. 

*' The excesses of the Greek army began on July 
4 with the first conflict at Kukush (Kilkis). A few 
days later the excesses of the Bulgarians at Doxato 
(July 13), Seres (July 11), and Demir Hissar (July 
7) were known and still further inflamed the anger 
of the Greeks. On July 12 King Constantine an- 
nounced in a dispatch which reported the slaughter 
at Demir Hissar that he ' found himself obliged with 
profound regret to proceed to reprisals.' A com- 
parison of dates ivill shoiv tJmt the Greek ' re- 
prisals ' had begun some days before the Bulgarian 
' provocation.* 



166 Bulgaria and Her People 

" It was with the defeat of the little Bulgarian 
army at Kukush, after a stubborn three days' de- 
fence against a superior Greek force, that the Greek 
campaign assumed the character of a war of devas- 
tation. The Greek army entered the town of Ku- 
kush on July 4, We do not propose to lay stress 
on the evidence of Bulgarian witnesses regarding 
certain events which preceded their entry. Shells 
fell outside the town among groups of fugitive peas- 
ants from the villages, wiiile within the town shells 
fell in the orphanage and hospital conducted by the 
French Catholic sisters under the protection of the 
French flag. It is possible and charitable to explain 
such incidents as the effect of an unlucky chance. 
The evidence of European eye-witnesses confirms 
tbe statements of the Bulgarian refugees on one 
crucial point. These shells caused no general con- 
flagration, and it is doubtful whether more than 
three or four houses were set on fire by them. When 
the Greek army entered Kukush it was still intact. 
It is to-day a heap of ruins — as a member of the 
commission reports, after a visit to which the Greek 
authorities opposed several obstacles. It was a 
prosperous town of thirteen thousand inhabitants, 
the centre of a purely Bulgarian district and the seat 
of several flourishing schools. The bent standards 
of its electric lamps still testify to the efforts which 
it had made to attain a level of material progress 
unusual in Turkey. That its destruction was delib- 
erate admits of no doubt. The great rriajority of the 
inhabitants fled before the arrival of the Greeks. 
About four hundred, chiefly old people and children, 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 167 

had found shelter in the Catholic orphanage, and 
were not molested. European ej^e-witnesses de- 
scribe the systematic entry of the Greek soldiers- into 
house after house. Any of the inhabitants who were 
found inside were first evicted, pillage followed, and 
then, usually after a slight explosion, the house burst 
into flames. Fugitives continued to arrive in the 
orphanage while the to\vTi was burning, and several 
women stated that they had been violated by Greek 
soldiers. In one case a soldier, more chivalrous than 
his comrades, brought a woman to the orphanage 
whom he had saved from violation. Some civilians 
were killed by the Greek cavalrj'- as they rode in, 
and many lives were lost in the course of the sacking 
and burning of Kukush. We have received a de- 
tailed list from a Bulgarian source of seventy-four 
inhabitants who are believed to have been killed. 
Most of them are old women, and eleven are babies. 
*' The main fact on which we must insist is that 
the Greek army inaugurated the second war by the 
deliberate burning of a Bulgarian to\vTi. A singular 
fact which has some bearing on Greek policy is that 
the refugees who took shelter in the French orphan- 
age were still, on September 6, long after the con- 
clusion of peace, closely confined as prisoners within 
it, though hardly a man among them is capable of 
bearing arms. A notice in Greek on its outer door 
states that they are forbidden to leave its precincts. 
Meanwhile, Greek (or rather * Grecoman ') refugees 
from Strumnitza were being installed on the sites of 
the houses which once belonged to Bulgarians, and 
in the few buildings (perhaps a dozen in number) 



168 Bulgaria and Her People 



which escaped the flames. The inference is irresist- 
ible. In conquering the Kukush district, the Greeks 
were resolved to have no Bulgarian subjects. 

*' The precedent of Kukush was only too faith- 
fully followed in the villages. In the caza (county) 
of Kukush alone no less than forty Bulgarian vil- 
lages were burned by the Greek army in its north- 
ward march. Detachments of cavalry went from 
village to village, and the work of the regulars was 
completed by bashi-bozouks. It was a part of the 
Greek plan of campaign to use the local Turkish 
population as an instrument in the work of devas- 
tation. In some cases they were armed and even 
provided with uniforms. In no instance, however, 
of which we have a record, were the Turks solely 
responsible for the burning of a village. They 
followed the Greek troops and acted under their 
protection. We have no means of ascertaining 
whether any general order was given which regu- 
lated the burning of the Bulgarian villages. A 
Greek sergeant among the prisoners of war in Sofia, 
stated in reply to a question which a member of the 
commission put to him, that he and his comrades 
burned the villages around Kukush because the in- 
habitants had fled. It is a fact that one mainly 
Catholic village (Todoraki), in which most of the in- 
habitants remained, was not burned, though it was 
thoroughly pillaged. But the fate of other villages, 
notably Akanjeli, in which the inhabitants not only 
remained, but even welcomed the Greek troops, dis- 
poses of this explanation. Whatever may have been 
the terms of the orders under which the Greek 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 169 

troops acted, the effect was that the Bulgarian vil- 
lages were burned with few exceptions. 

" Refugees have described how, on the night of 
the fall of Kukush, the whole sky seemed to be 
aflame. It was a signal which the peasants under- 
stood. Few of them hesitated, and the general flight 
began which ended in massing the Bulgarian popu- 
lation of the districts through which the Greeks 
marched within the former frontiers of Bulgaria. 
We need not insist on the hardships of the flight. 
Old and young, women and children, walked some- 
times for two consecutive weeks by devious moun- 
tain paths. The weak fell by the wayside from hun- 
ger and exhaustion. Families were divided, and 
among the hundred thousand refugees scattered 
throughout Bulgaria, husbands are still looking for 
wives, and parents for children. Sometimes the 
stream of refugees crossed the path of the contend- 
ing armies, and the clatter of cavalry behind them 
would produce a panic, and a sauve qui pent in 
which mothers lost their children, and even aban- 
doned one in the hope of saving another. They 
arrived at the end of their flight with the knowledge 
that their flocks had been seized, their crops aban- 
doned, and their homes destroyed. In all this misery 
and loss there is more than the normal and inevitable 
wastage of war. The peasants abandoned every- 
thing and fled, because they would not trust the 
Greek army with their lives. It remains to inquire 
whether this was an unreasonable fear. 

'* The immense majority of the Macedonian refu- 
gees ill Bulgaria were never in contact with the 



170 Bulgaria and Her People 

Greek army and know nothing of it at first hand. 
They heard rumours of excesses in other villages; 
they knew that other villages had been burned ; they 
fled because every one was fleeing; at the worst they 
can say that from a distance they saw their own 
village in flames. It would be easy to ascribe their 
fears to prejudice or panic, were it not for the testi- 
mony of the few who were in direct touch with the 
Greek troops. In the appendices will be found a 
number of depositions which the commission took 
from refugees. It was impossible to doubt that 
these peasants were telling the truth. Most of them 
were villagers, simple, uneducated, and stunned by 
their sufferings, and quite incapable of invention. 
They told their tales with a dull, literal directness. 
In two of the more striking stories, we obtained 
ample corroboration in circumstances which ad- 
mitted of no collusion. Thus a refugee from Akan- 
jeli, who had fled to Salonika, told us a story of 
butchery and outrage which tallied in almost every 
detail with the story afterwards told by another 
fugitive from the same village who had fled to Sofia. 
While passing through Dubnitza we inquired from 
a group of refugees whether any one present came 
from Akan.ieli. A youth stepped forward, who 
once more told a story which agreed with the two 
others. The story of the boy Mito Koleff, told in 
Sofia, was similarly corroborated in an equally acci- 
dental way by two witnesses at Samokov, who 
stepped out of a crowd of refugees in response to 
our inquiry whether any one present came from the 
village in question (Gavaliantsi). We can feel no 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 171 

doubt about the truth of a story which reached us 
in tills way from wholly independent eye-witnesses. 
These two incidents are typical, and must be briefly 
summarized here. 

** Mito Koleff is an intelligent boy of fourteen, 
who comes from the Bulgarian village Gavaliantsi, 
in the Kukush district. He fled with most of his 
neighbours in the first alarm after the Bulgarian 
defeat at Kukush, but returned next day to fetch his 
mother, who had remained behind. Outside the vil- 
lage a Greek trooper fired at him but missed him. 
The lad had the wit to feign death. As he lay on 
the ground, his mother w^as shot and killed by the 
same cavalryman. He saw another lad killed, and 
the same trooper then went in pursuit of a crippled 
girl. Of her fate Mito, who clearly distinguished 
between what he saw and what he suspected, knew 
nothing, but another witness chanced to see the 
corpse of this girl. Mito's subsequent adventures 
were told very clearly and in groat detail. The 
essential points are (1) that he saw his village 
burned, and (2) that another Greek cavalr\'man 
whom he met later in the day all but killed him with 
a revolver shot and a sabre cut at close quarters, 
while he spared a by-stander who was able by his 
command of the language to pass himself off as a 
Greek. The material corroboration of this story is, 
that Mito still bore the marks of his wounds. A 
shot wound may be accidental, but a sabre wound 
can only be given deliberately and at close quarters. 
A trooper who wounds a boy with his sword cannot 
plead error. He must have been engaged in indis- 



172 Bulgaria and Her People 

criminate butchery. Of this particular squad of 
Greek cavalry, it is not too much to say that they 
were slaughtering Bulgarian peasants at sight, and 
that they spared neither women nor children. 

" The evidence regarding Akanjeli points to the 
same conclusion. In this Bulgarian village near the 
Lake of Doiran, refugees from many of the neigh- 
bouring villages, who are said to have numbered 
four thousand persons, had halted in their flight. A 
squadron of Greek cavalry, numbering about three 
hundred men, with officers at its head, arrived be- 
tween 3 and 4 p. m. on Sunday, July 6. The villagers 
with their priest went out to meet them with a white 
flag and the Greek colours. The officer, in conver- 
sation with the mayor, accepted their surrender and 
ordered them to give up any arms they possessed. 
The peasants brought bread and cheese, and thirty 
sheep were requisitioned and roasted for the troops. 
Some sixty of the men of the place were separated 
from the others and sent away to a wood. Of their 
fate nothing is known. The villagers believe that 
they were slaughtered, but we have reason to hope 
that they may have been sent as prisoners to Salo- 
nika. While the rifles were being collected the troop- 
ers began to demand money from both men and 
women. The women were searched with every cir- 
cumstance of indignity and indecency. One witness, 
a well to do inhabitant of Kukush, was bound to- 
gether with a refugee whose name he did not know. 
He gave up his watch and five piastres and his life 
was spared. His companion, who had no money, 
was killed at his side. While the arms were being 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 173 



collected, one which was loaded went off accidentally 
and wounded an officer, who was engaged in break- 
ing the rifles. Two youths who were standing near 
were then killed by the soldiers, presumably to 
avenge the officer's mishap. Toward evening the 
soldiers forced their way into the houses and began 
to violate the women. One witness stated that vio- 
lations were carried out quite publicly by the road- 
side and in the fields; he saw several cases. 

'* Another witness, the butcher who roasted the 
sheep for the troops, saw two young women, whom 
he named, violated by three soldiers beside his oven. 
Infantry arrived on Monday, and shortly afterwards 
the village was set on fire. During Sunday i}ight 
and on Monday morning many of the villagers were 
slaughtered. It is impossible to form an estimate 
of the number, for our witnesses were in hiding and 
each saw only a small part of what occurred. One 
of them estimated the number at fifty, but this was 
clearly only a guess. We have before us a list from 
a Bulgarian source of 356 persons from seven vil- 
lages who have disappeared and are believed to have 
been killed at Akanjeli. Turks from neighbouring 
villages joined in the pillage under the eyes of the 
Greek soldiers and their officers. The facts which 
emerge clearly from our depositions are (1) that 
the village submitted from the first; (2) that it was 
sacked and burned; (3) that the Greek troops gave 
themselves up openly and generally to a debauch 
of lust; (4) that many of the peasants were killed 
wantonly and without provocation. 

** It would serve no purpose to encumber this ac- 



174 Bulgaria and Her People 

count of the Greek march with further narratives. 
They all convey the same impression. Wherever 
the peasants ventured to await the arrival of the 
Greek troops in their villages, they had the same 
experience. The village was sacked and the women 
were violated before it was burned, and non-com- 
batants w^ere wantonly butchered, sometimes in twos 
or threes, sometimes in larger numbers. We would 
call attention particularly to two of these narratives 
— that of Anastasia Pavlova, an elderly woman of 
the middle class, who told her painful and dramatic 
story with more intelligence and feeling than most of 
the peasant witnesses. Like them, she suffered vio- 
lation; she was robbed, and beaten, and witnessed 
the dishonour of other women and the slaughter of 
non-combatant men. Her evidence relates in part to 
the taking of the town of Gevgheli. Gevgheli, which 
is a mixed town, was not burned, but a reliable Eu- 
ropean, well acquainted with the town, and kno\vn 
to one member of the commission as a man of hon- 
our and ability, stated that fully two hundred Bul- 
garian civilians were killed there on the entry of 
the Greek army. 

" Another deposition to which we would partic- 
ularly call attention is that of Athanas Ivanoff, who 
was an eye-witness of the violation of six women 
and the murder of nine men in the village of I^r- 
tchevo. His story is interesting because he states 
that one Greek soldier who protested against the 
brutality of his comrades was overruled by his ser- 
geant, and further that the order to kill the men 
was given by officers. It is probable that some hun- 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 175 

dreds of peasants were killed at Kirtchevo and Ger- 
man in a deliberate massacre, carried out with gross 
treachery and cruelty. For these depositions the 
commission assumes responsibility, in the sense that 
it believes that the witnesses told the truth; and, 
further, that it took every care to ascertain by ques- 
tioning them whether any obvious excuse, such as 
a disorderly resistance by irregulars in the neigh- 
bourhood, could be adduced. These depositions re- 
late to the conduct of the Greek troops in ten vil- 
lages. We should hesitate to generalize from this 
basis (save as to the fact that villages were almost 
everywhere burned), but we are able to add in the 
appendix a summary of a large number of deposi- 
tions taken from refugees by Professor Miletich of 
Sofia University. While it can not assume personal 
responsibility for this evidence, the commission has 
every confidence in the thoroughness with which 
Professor Miletich performed his task. 

" This great mass of evidence goes to show that 
there was nothing singular in the cases which the 
commission itself investigated. In one instance a 
number of liUropeans witnessed the brutal conduct 
of a detachment of Greek regulars under three of- 
ficers. Fifteen wounded Bulgarian soldiers took 
refuge in the Catholic convent of Paliortsi, near 
Gevgheli, and were nursed by the sisters. Father 
Alloati reported this fact to the Greek commandant, 
whereupon a detachment was sent to search the con- 
vent for a certain Bulgarian voivoda (chief of 
bands) named Arghyr, who was not there. In the 
course of the search a Bulgarian Catholic priest, 



176 Bulgaria and Her People 

Father Treptche, and the Armenian doctor of the 
convent were severely flogged in the presence of 
the Greek officers. A Greek soldier attempted to 
violate a nun, and during the search a sum of £T300 
was stolen. Five Bulgarian women and a young 
girl were put to the torture, and a large number of 
peasants carried off to prison for no good reason. 
The officer in command threatened to kill Father 
Alloatti on the spot and to burn down the convent. 
If such things could be done to Europeans in a build- 
ing under the protection of the French flag, it is not 
difficult to believe that Bulgarian peasants fared 
incomparably worse. 

'* The commission regrets that the attitude of the 
Greek government toward its work has prevented it 
from obtaining any official answer to the charges 
which emerge from this evidence. The broad fact 
that the whole of this Bulgarian region, for a dis- 
tance of about one hundred miles, was devastated 
and nearly every village burned, admits of no denial. 
Nor do we think that military necessity could be 
pleaded with any plausibility. The Greeks were 
numerically greatly superior to their enemy, and so 
far as we are aware, their flanks were not harassed, 
nor their communications threatened by guerillas, 
who might have found shelter in the villages. The 
Greeks did not wait for any provocation of this kind, 
but everywhere burned the villages, step by step 
with their advance. The slaughter of peasant men 
could be defended only if they had been taken in 
the act of resistance with arms in their hands. No 
such explanation will fit the cases on which we have 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 177 

particularly laid stress, nor have any of the war 
correspondents who followed the Greek army re 
ported conflicts along the main line of the Greek 
march with armed villagers. The violation of 
women admits of no excuse; it can only be denied. 
" Denial unfortunately is impossible. No verdict 
which could be based on the evidence collected by 
the commission could be more severe than that 
which Greek soldiers have pronounced upon them- 
selves. It happened that on the eve of the armistice 
(July 27) the Bulgarians captured the baggage of 
the nineteenth Greek infantry regiment at Dobri- 
nichte (Razlog). It included its post-bags, together 
with the file of its telegraphic orders, and some of 
its accounts. We were permitted to examine these 
documents at our leisure in the Foreign OfTice at 
Sofia. The file of telegrams and accounts presented 
no feature of interest. The soldiers' letters were 
written often in pencil on scraps of paper of every 
sort and size. Some were neatly folded without 
envelopes. Some were written on souvenir paper 
commemorating the war, and others on oflficial 
sheets. Most of them bore the regimental postal 
stamp. Four or five were on stamped business 
paper belonging to a Turkish firm in Seres, which 
some Greek soldier had presumably taken while 
looting the shop. The greater number of the letters 
were of no public interest, and simply informed the 
family at home that the writer was well, and that 
his friends were well or ill or wounded, as the case 
might be. Many of these letters still await exam- 
ination. We studied with particular care a series 



178 Bulgaria and Her People 

of twenty-five letters, wliicli contained defiinite avow- 
als by these Greek soldiers of the brutalities which 
they had practised. Two members of the commis- 
sion have some knowledge of modern Greek. We 
satisfied ourselves (1) that the letters (mostly illit- 
erate and ill written) had been carefully deciphered 
and honestly translated; (2) that the interesting 
portions of the letters were in the same handwriting 
as the addresses on the envelopes (which bore the 
official stamp) and the portions which related only 
fjersonal news; (3) that no tampering with the 
manuscripts had been practised. Some minor errors 
and inaccuracies are interesting, as an evidence of 
authenticity. Another letter is dated by error July 
15 (old style), though the post-bags were captured 
on the 14th (27th). "We noted, moreover, that more 
than one slip (including an error of grammar) had 
been made by the Bulgarian secretary in transcri- 
bing the addresses of the letters from Greek into 
Latin script — a proof that he did not know enough 
Greek to invent them. But it is unnecessary to 
dwell on these minor evidences of authenticity. The 
letters have been published in facsimile. The ad- 
dresses and the signatures are those of real people. 
If they had been wronged by some incredibly inge- 
nious forger, the Greek government would long ago 
have brought these soldiers before some impartial 
tribunal to prove by specimens of their genuine 
handwriting that they did not write these letters. 
The commission, in short, is satisfied that the letters 
are genuine. 

'' The letters require no commentary. Some of 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 179 

the writers boast of the cruelties practised by the 
Greek army. Others deplore them. The statements 
of fact are simple, brutal, and direct, and always 
to the same effect. These soldiers all state that they 
everywhere burned the Bulgarian villages. Two 
boast of the massacre of prisoners of war. One 
remarks that all the girls they met with were vio- 
lated. Most of the letters dwell on the slaughter 
of non-combatants, including women and children. 
These few extracts, each from a separate letter, may 
suffice to convey their general tenor: 

*' * By order of the king we are setting fire to 
all the Bulgarian villages, because the Bulgarians 
burned the beautiful town of Seres, Nigrita, and 
several Greek villages. We have shown ourselves 
far more cruel than the Bulgarians. We have vio- 
lated all the young girls whom we met. * * * » 

" ' Here we are burning the villages and killing 
the Bulgarians, both women and children. * * * ' 

*' ' We took only a few [prisoners], and these we 
killed, for such are the orders we have received.' 

'* ' We have to burn the villages — such is the 
order — slaugliter the young people and spare only 
the old people and the children. * * * ' 

'^ * What is done to the Bulgarians is indescriba- 
ble ; also to the Bulgarian peasants. It was a 
butchery. There is not a Bulgarian town or village 
but is burned.' 

" * We massacre all the Bulgarians who fall into 
our hands and burn the villages.' 

" * Of the twelve hundred prisoners we took at 
Nigrita, only forty-one remain in the prisons, and 



180 Bulgaria and Her People 

everywhere we have been we have not left a single 
root of this race' 

" * We picked out their eyes [five Bulgarian pris- 
oners] while they were still alive.' 

** * The Greek army sets fire to all the villages 
where there are Bulgarians and massacres all it 
meets. * * * God knows where this will end.' 

" These letters relieve us of the task of summing 
up the evidence. From Kukush to the Bulgarian 
frontier the Greek army devastated the villages, 
violated the women, and slaughtered the non-com- 
batant men. The order to carry out reprisals was 
evidently obeyed. We repeat, however, that these 
reprisals began before the Bulgarian provocation. 
A list of Bulgarian villages burned by the Greek 
army conveys some measure of this ruthless dev- 
astation. At Seres the Bulgarians destroyed four 
thousand houses in the conflagration which followed 
the fighting in the streets. The ruin of this con- 
siderable town has impressed the imagination of the 
civilized world. Systematically and in cold blood 
the Greeks burned one hundred and sixty Bulgarian 
villages and destroyed at least sLxteen thousand Bul- 
garian homes. The figures need no commentary." 

With reference to the Greek letters found in the 
Razlog district, it may be noted that some of the 
Greek journals pronounced them forgeries and de- 
clared that there were no persons in Greece with 
the names of the writers of the letters and no Greeks 
bearing the names of the persons to whom they were 
addressed. The Carnegie commission made a care- 
ful examination of the letters and pronounced them 



Greek Atrocities in the Balkan Wars 181 

authentic. Since the publication of the report, an 
investigation made in the United States with refer- 
ence to the names and addresses given in three of 
the letters have been verified. These letters were 
to friends or relatives in New York, Wisconsin, and 
Minnesota. An investigation has located the Greeks 
bearing tlie names and living at the addresses given 
in the three letters in question. 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE PEOPLE OP BULGAKIA 

Ethnically the Bulgars of Finnic stock — Physical characteristics — 
Mental traits — Industry and frugality — Peasant costumes — 
Standards of morality — The community home — Bulgarian lan- 
guage — Literacy of the people — Spirit of toleration — Jews in 
Bulgaria — Gypsies — Greeks — Their characteristic ethical de- 
fects — The Kutzo-Vlacks. 

Although the Bulgars are usually classed as 
Slavs, the original ethnic stock came from the Fin- 
nic group of the Sibiric branch of the Turanian race 
in Asia. The forebears of the Bulgarians were kin 
to the Tatars, Finns, and Huns. We first hear of 
them in the fifth and sixth centuries, when they 
occupied tracts of land between the Ural mountains 
and the Volga river. In the seventh century they 
crossed the Danube, subjugated the Slavic tribes in 
the Balkan peninsula, and took over the language, 
customs, and institutions of the conquered Slavs. 

Outwardly the Bulgars are not an attractive peo- 
ple, for the Turanian element in the physiognomy 
is too pronounced to be beautiful. They are some- 
what below the medium in stature, broad-shouldered, 
wide-chested, strongly built, and have admirably 
developed legs. The face is round, the nose straight 
or slightly curved, the hair dark blond or black, 
the complexion muddy, the eyes slightly slanting, 
the eyebrows thick, and the cheek-bones and chin 

182 



The People of Bulgaria 183 

well developed. The expression of the face is seri- 
ous and energetic. Vazoff's characterization of 
Marko in Under the Yoke, *' he had a serious and 
somewhat stem expression even when he smiled," 
might be applied to the Bulgars in general. 

The Bulgars are thrifty agriculturists and labori- 
ous husbandmen. They are practical and stolid and 
have inexhaustible powers of silence and self-re- 
straint. They are hard-working and economical 
peasants " with all the peasant's meannesses and 
prejudices, but also with all the peasant's virtues 
of frugality and industry." 

While uncommunicative and cautious, and inclined 
to be suspicious, the Bulgars are not boasters or 
agitators, and " they do not claim an imagined 
superiority or flaunt their nationality " like some 
of the other Balkan races. They fulfill their duties 
in life quietly and understandingly. While sensi- 
tive to foreign criticism, the author has always 
found them willing to discuss defects of the national 
character and institutions with characteristic frank- 
ness. 

Professor Jiricek, the distinguished Bohemian 
historian, who lived in the country for many years, 
writes: " Tlic Bulgarian is sober in every respect, 
careful in his expenditures, and hard-working. The 
energy he displays in the cultivation of the soil is 
remarkable. Under the exterior of peasant cunning 
and suspiciousness, the Bulgar conceals a shrewd 
and observant mind. Being both docile and con- 
scientious, whether as student, soldier, artisan or 
trader, he identifies himself completely with the 



184 Bulgaria and Her People 

work he undertakes. The whole mode of life of the 
people is simple and frugal." ' 

Foreigners who best know the Bulgar character 
credit it with patience, perseverance, and great 
power of physical endurance. An English author 
says of the race : ' ' The Bulgarian is truly a son of 
the soil, wedded to the uncompromising earth whose 
very qualities he seems to have drawn into his being. 
Unequalled obstinacy and tenacity of purpose, com- 
bined with the most practical point of view, prom- 
ise great things for his race. Frugal and taciturn, 
he has none of the thoughtless cheeriness of the 
Rumanian, the expansiveness of the Serb, or the 
dreamy unpractical idealism of the Russian. He 
resembles rather the Lowland Scot, and carries his 
many admirable qualities beneath an exterior which 
is not every one's good fortune to penetrate." 

William Miller makes this contrast between the 
Montenegrin and the Bulgar: " Put the two in a 
drawing-room, and the Montenegrin, who has never 
bowed his neck to a foreign master, will look and 
behave like a gentleman, while the Bulgar will look 
and behave like a peasant. But put the two upon 
a waste plot of ground, the Bulgar will convert it 
into a garden of roses, while the Montenegrin will 
look on." This is not to say that there are not many 
highly educated and refined people in Bulgaria. 
But taken as a whole, they are a nation of peasants. 

There are neither rich people nor paupers in the 



1 Das Furslenlhum Bulqarien: seine Bodengestnltung , Nalur, Bevdl- 
kcrung, W irthsrhaftlirhe Zustande, gcistige Cultur, SUjatst'crfassung iind 
neuesie Gcschichte. Von Constantine J. Jiricek. Prague, 1891, pp. 573. 




TYI'ICAL, UULUAKIAN COSTIIMK 



The People of Bulgaria 185 

country, and the peasant farmers have few wants 
that they themselves cannot satisfy. Even among 
those engaged in trade and commerce, life is simple. 
Luxuries scarcely exist. The people are temperate 
in both eating and drinking. There is no horse- 
racing and little card-playing. While markedly less 
emotional than the other races of the Balkan penin- 
sula, the Bulgars are kindly, hospitable, and chiv- 
alrous. 

Mrs. Stobart, who directed the Woman's Convoy 
Corps of England during the first Balkan war (her 
entire corps of physicians, surgeons, nurses, etc., 
being composed of women), pays this tribute to the 
Bulgarian peasant soldiers: " I was prepared for 
the possibility of annoyance from men who, in a 
Turkish environment, would be unaccustomed to 
seeing such work conducted solely by women. But 
Bulgarian men of all classes could give lessons to 
the men of most of the nations of Europe in their 
attitude towards women. Our doctors and nurses 
corroborated to their last day in the hospital the 
impressions gained at the first — that in qualities 
of courtesy, respect, and gratitude, no patients could 
surpass these Bulgarian peasant soldiers."* 

Bulgaria is essentially a peasant state and the 
peasant costumes continue to be more generally worn 
than in the other countries of Europe. Embroidery 
is an important feature of the dress of the women, 
and most of it is highly artistic. The garments of 
the women hang loosely from the shoulders and they 

» War and Women. By Mrs. St. Clair Stobart. London, 1913, pp. 
239. 



186 Bulgaria and Her People 

are unfettered by corsets or belts. The skirts are 
narrow and short, and underneath there is a long 
white petticoat which reaches to the ankles, and 
which has beautiful insertion trimmings exposed 
below the skirt line. Colour plays an important part 
in the jackets and aprons, but the colours vary in 
different provinces. Coloured handkerchiefs are 
twisted into the plaits of hair that fall down the 
back. Gold and silver ornaments and strings of 
coins are worn about the neck. 

The men in the district of Sofia wear white serge 
trousers braided in black, and less baggy than those 
worn in other parts of the country. The white shirts 
are embroidered with red, as is also the black jacket 
that comes to the waist and has a sort of a flap fall- 
ing over behind. A red sash is worn about the waist 
and the outer coat is of sheepskin. The fez, so long 
worn by the men, has been abandoned for the kal- 
pak or lambskin cap. Sheepskins and home-made 
woollen, linen, and cotton cloth provide the materials 
for the dress of the peasants. 

Missionaries and other foreigners familiar with 
social conditions in the Balkans have repeatedly 
assured the author that the standard of sexual mo- 
rality is higher in Bulgaria than in the other states 
of the peninsula. Illegitimacy is very rare. Mar- 
riage occurs early in life and families are very large. 

The community home formerly occupied a prom- 
inent place in the family life of Bulgaria. The home 
community {zadruga) is a patriarchal institution 
that dates back to early times. Related family 
groups, sometimes ten or a dozen in number, dwell 




A lUHi.MUAN ri;\S\Nl', 



The People of Bulgaria 187 

together on a farm and observe communistic prin- 
ciples. The property descends from generation to 
generation to the family gronp. The association is 
ruled by a house-father and a house-mother, who 
assign to tlie different members tlieir respective 
tasks. Community groups are usually composed of 
grandparents with their married children and 
grandchildren. The recent adoption of a law of 
succession has tended to reduce the number of com- 
munity homes by dividing the property among the 
various members of the family. 

With the disappearance of the community home 
there has been marked development of cooperative 
associations. In 1900 there were only six coopera- 
tive societies in Bulgaria ; to-day there are nine 
hundred thirty-one. 

The language of the Bulgars belongs to the east- 
em branch of the Slavic family of tongues, but it 
has undergone more modifications than any other 
Slavic speech. The highly synthetic character of 
the Slavic languages is only slightlj^ apparent in 
the Bulgar. It is the only Slavic language that has 
articles wliich are attached to the terminations of 
nouns and adjectives, and it is the only Slavic lan- 
guage that makes use of the infinitive. Cases have 
disappeared, and instead of declining the nouns, 
prepositions are used, as in English. Some of the 
dialects of remote sections, as well as a few of the 
old ballads, show traces of the inflection of nouns, 
thus proving the antiquity of the language. After 
the fall of the old Bulgarian empire, Greek was sub- 
stituted for the literary language of the people, and 



188 Bulgaria and Her People 

for nearly five centuries the native language was 
used only as an oral speech by the peasants. The 
Kyrillic characters are used in the written language, 
and the thirty-three letters of this alphabet make 
ampler provision for the representation of sounds 
than is the case with the Latin alphabet. 

Although a nation of peasants, and more recently 
liberated from Turkish rule than the other Balkan 
states, education is more wide-spread in Bulgaria 
and the percentage of illiteracy is lower than in 
Rumania, Servia, Montenegro, or Greece. Educa- 
tion was practically denied the peasants during the 
five centuries of Turkish rule; and when they ac- 
quired independence thirty-six years ago, illiteracy 
was general. In 1880 the percentage of illiteracy 
among army recruits was 90 ; in 1910 it was 10 per 
cent., and in 1913 it was only 5 per cent. While 
an industrious and provident people, the keen sense 
of what is practical has given them a correct notion 
of the value of mental training, and they have vol- 
untarily made large financial sacrifices for the 
speedy establishment of an efficient educational ma- 
chinery. 

Bulgars constitute four-fifths of the population 
of the kingdom. The non-Bulgar fifth is composed 
of Turks, gypsies, Greeks, Albanians, Vlacks, Arme- 
nians, and Jews; and the Turks comprise one- 
fourth of the non-Bulgar fifth of the population. 
The spirit of racial and religious toleration, which 
is a marked characteristic of the Bulgarian peo- 
ple, has averted the exodus of the Ottoman pop- 
ulation that has taken place in all the other lost 




(iUori' Ol' I'KASANTS. 



The People of Bulgaria 189 

provinces of the Turk. The Moslems and the Jews 
in Bulgaria have known nothing of the bitter race 
antagonisms that their compatriots in the other 
Balkan states have had to face. Jews and Turks are 
not only represented in the national assembly, but 
they occupy posts of honour in the civil service of 
the country. 

Jews claim to have resided in Bulgaria since the 
days of Roman rule under Trajan. Krum, one of 
the earliest Bulgar rulers, is said to have brought 
large numbers of Jewish prisoners from Thessaly 
in the year 811. Many Byzantine Jews established 
themselves at Nicopolis, Sofia, Vidin and Silistria 
during the tenth century; and during the Asen dy- 
nasty a large number of Jewish merchants from 
Ragusa, Venice, and Geneva became identified with 
the business affairs of the country. During the cen- 
turies that the Turks were masters of the peninsula, 
the Jews were less persecuted than in any country 
in Europe. 

With the organization of the rehabilitated Bul- 
garian principality the Jews were accorded full civil 
rights. They enjoy the privilege of suffrage; are 
eligible to all the elective offices in the country; are 
subject to military service; and enjoy the right of 
military promotion. Each Jewish community is 
governed by a special synagogical committee in all 
matters touching religion, and the national govern- 
ment makes special grants for the maintenance of 
the Hebrew clergy. The cities in which Jews are 
found in considerable numbers are Sofia, Rustchuk, 
Philippopolis, and Vidin. 



190 Bulgaria and Her People 

Gypsies constitute about two per cent, of the pop- 
ulation of the kingdom. They are scattered through- 
out the country, but have more settled abodes in 
Bulgaria than in the other countries of eastern Eu- 
rope. The men are engaged in such occupations as 
black-smithing, horse-breeding, and horse hire. Pov- 
erty is less in e^ddence than among the members of 
their race in the other Balkan states. The men are 
tall, handsome fellows, and many of them are the 
finest physical types to be seen in the country. They 
wear long flowing trousers held at the waist by a 
sash, and the conventional Turkish fez. So far as 
they profess any creed at all, it is that of the Mo- 
hammedan church. The Bulgarian government has 
made strenuous efforts to bring the gypsy children 
within the pale of the compulsory education law, 
but with little success. Gypsy children are taught 
by their parents to beg as soon as they can walk, 
and when they groAv older they are disciplined in 
the art of theft. 

The Greeks of Bulgaria are found almost entirely 
in the larger cities of the interior and the maritime 
towns on the Black sea. They have strong aptitude 
for trade and possess great subtlety in monetary 
transactions, although they are regarded as 
markedly deficient in practical ethics as compared 
with the other races of the kingdom. " The cun- 
ning of the Greek," remarks a foreign writer in 
this connection, " comes very near fraud, and he 
lies in the most impudent manner. He is noisy, 
blustering, and obsequious. He has never been able 
to cure himself of cheating. If he is a sharp, intelli- 



The People of Bulgaria 191 

gent mercliant, that is not to say he is an honest 
one. 



j> 1 



There are several villages of Vlacks in the prov- 
ince of Vidin and numerous Kutzo- Vlacks in the 
Khodope mountains. The latter are a pastoral peo- 
ple with a shy preference for mountain dwellings. 
Their speech is a Latin tongue that has been cut off 
from Latin culture, and the enrichment of the lan- 
guage that has come to the other Romance tongues 
through direct study of the classical Latin literature. 
The Vlacks of Bulgaria are an unlettered folk ; and, 
so far as their isolated and migratory life has per- 
mitted them to acquire any culture, it has been from 
the Orthodox church and the Greek literature. They 
are a timid people, living apart from the other races ; 
and although professing the same religion as the 
Bulgars, they seldom intermarry with them. By 
occupation they are shepherds, inn-keepers, and car- 
riers in the mountainous districts, 

» The Evil of the East. By Keanin Bey. London, 1888, pp. 327. 



CHAPTER XIV 

HOW BULGARIA IS GOVEBNED 

Fundamental principles of the Bulgarian constitution — Executive 
powers — The national assembly — How constituted — A unique 
electoral law — Representation of minorities — Charges of unfair 
elections — The grand sobranje — Sources of revenue — Local 
government in Bulgaria — Municipal councils — The judiciary — 
Bulgaria a wftll governed state — Political parties — Conservatives 
and liberals — Other parties. 

Bulgaria was created by the treaty of Berlin the 
13th of July, 1878. It constituted the country an 
autonomous and tributary principality under the 
suzerainty of the sultan of Turkey with a Christian 
governor and a national militia. The treaty pro- 
vided that the prince should be freely elected by the 
people and confirmed by the SuWime Porte with the 
consent of the great powers. It further stipulated 
that no member of the reigning houses of the great 
powers should be eligible to the post. Bulgaria 
declared her independence from Turkey the 5th of 
October, 1908. 

The fundamental principles of the Bulgarian con- 
stitution are (1) separation of governmental au- 
thorities into legislative, executive, and judicial; 
(2) perfect equality oi citizens as regards civil and 
political rights; (3) inviolability of person, resi- 
dence, property, and correspondence; (4) liberty 
of conscience, press, and public meetings; (5) di- 
rect and secret universal manhood suffrage, and (6) 

192 



How Bulgaria Is Governed 193 

local self-government. The constitution consists of 
one hundred sixty-nine clauses, grouped into twenty- 
two chapters.^ It follows in the main the consti- 
tution of Belgium. 

Bulgaria is a constitutional monarchy. Heredity 
descends in the direct male line. The king must 
profess the national Orthodox faith, only the first 
and second rulers being released from this obliga- 
tion. Legislative power is vested in the king in 
conjunction with the national assembly (sobranje). 
The king of Bulgaria possesses larger powers than 
those exercised by most of the constitutional sov- 
ereigns of Europe. He appoints and dismisses the 
members of the ministry' but he cannot retain per- 
manently a cabinet which is not in harmony with 
the national assembly. He is the supreme head of 
the army, supervises the executive power, and rep- 
resents the nation in its foreign relations. 

The executive power is vested in a ministry of 
ten members, representing the following portfolios: 
Foreign Affairs and Public Worship, Interior and 
Public Health, Public Instruction, Finance, Justice, 
"War, Commerce and Industry, Agriculture, Public 
Works and Communications, and Railways, Posts, 
and Telegraph. The cabinet is responsible only to 
the king. 

The national assembly is composed of two hun- 
dred forty-five members elected by manhood suffrage 
in the proportion of one to twenty thousand of the 



' For the English version of the riulgarian constitution, see Consti- 
tution nf the Principality of Bulgaria. Parliament Sessional Papers for 
187S-79. Vol. 80. London, 1879. 



194 Bulgaria and Her People 



popuUitioii of the country. Candidates to the na- 
tional assembly must be thirty years old and able 
to read and write. The compensation to members 
of the assembly from the city where it holds its ses- 
sions is three dollars a day; to the other members 
four dollars a day, including holidays and Sundays. 
Travellinfi^ expenses are also paid. 

The following classes of male citizens are ineli- 
gible to membership in the national assembly: all 
those engaged in actual military service; members 
of the clergy ; individuals having contracts with the 
government and those having pecuniary interest in 
such contracts; and all public officials (members of 
the cabinet excepted), mayors and assistant mayors, 
and other persons occupying public posts. 

The electoral law of Bulgaria is unique. It pro- 
vides for the representation of minorities in the 
national assembly, which makes the assembly truly 
representative of the political sentiments of the 
nation. The country is divided into electoral dis- 
tricts, but a candidate may stand for election in 
any one district in the kingdom, upon the petition 
of ten voters in that district. The ballots are on 
coloured papers, each party having its own colour, 
and the party colours are duly registered. The 
ballots contain the names of the candidates of a 
particular party. There are, however, blank spaces 
on the ticket, so that a voter may cross out the names 
of such candidates on the ticket of his party for 
whom he may not care to vote, and may add names 
from the tickets of other parties. These coloured 
ballots are placed in envelopes and deposited in the 



How Bulgaria Is Governed 195 

election box. Bulgarians claim that their system 
makes easier the counting of the votes and more 
difficult efforts to tamper with the results. 

The new election law of 1912 (amending article 
120 of the election law of 1911) provides that within 
five days from the date of the election the district 
electoral colleges shall in public session tabulate the 
votes cast in their respective electoral districts. 
This tabulation shall include (1) the number of all 
voters registered in the district, (2) the number of 
votes actually cast at this particular election, (3) 
the number of valid ballots, (4) the number of 
spoiled or void ballots, (5) the number of votes cast 
for the ticket of each political party, and (6) the 
number of votes received by each individual can- 
didate. 

Upon the basis of the results, the respective elec- 
toral colleges determine the election of the candi- 
dates to the national assembly in the following man- 
ner: The total number of valid ballots cast is di- 
vided by the number of representatives to be sent 
from the respective electoral districts, plus one. If, 
for example, a given electoral district has a popu- 
lation of 425,000 inhabitants, it will be entitled to 
send twenty-one representatives to the national as- 
sembly, the basis of representation being one assem- 
blyman for twenty thousand of the population. The 
electoral divisor being obtained by dividing the num- 
ber of representatives from the district plus one by 
the total number of votes cast. Each party ticket 
sends as many of its candidates to the national as- 
sembly as that divisor is contained times in the total 



196 Bulgaria and Her People 

number of votes cast for that particular party's 
ticket. If, after such distribution, one or more rep- 
resentatives should remain unallotted, then the first 
undistributed representative is given to the party 
receiving the highest average number of votes. In 
the same way any other undistributed representa- 
tives that may remain are apportioned. In case two 
tickets should have the same number of votes, the 
choice is determined by lot. 

Perhaps the workings of the law may be made 
a bit clearer by the following example. Electoral 
district A, with a population of 425,000 inhabitants, 
is entitled to twenty-one representatives in the na- 
tional assembly. In a given election there are seven 
tickets in the field, and each ticket, let us say, re- 
ceives the following votes: liberals, 26,181; agra- 
rians, 7,226; nationalists, 5,226; socialists, 4,985; 
democrats, 4,976 ; national liberals, 2,575, and young 
liberals, 2,041, with a total of 53,317 votes for the 
seven parties in the electoral district. Dividing 
53,317 by 22 (21 plus 1) gives 2,423, which becomes 
the electoral divisor for this particular election. 
Since the young liberals received less votes than 
the electoral divisor, this party gets no representa- 
tion from electoral district A in the national assem- 
bly. Dividing consecutively the number of votes 
cast for each of the other tickets by 2,423, the allot- 
ment of representatives stands as follows : liberals, 
10 representatives; agrarians, 2; nationalists, 2; 
socialists, 2; democrats, 2; and national liberals, 2. 

It will thus be seen that nineteen of the twenty- 
one representatives from electoral district A have 



How Bulgaria Is Governed 197 

been allotted. The two remaining places are given 
to the parties having cast the highest average vote ; 
and this average is determined by adding one to the 
number of assignments to each party for a divisor. 
The liberals had a total of 26,181 votes; dividing 
this number by 11, their average is 2,380. The agra- 
rians received 7,22G votes ; dividing this number by 
3, the average is 2,408. Tlie nationalists had 5,333 
votes; dividing their allotment by 3 gives 1,177. 
The socialists received 4,985 votes; dividing again 
by three, their average is found to be 1,1G6. The 
democrats received 4,976 votes, and this number 
divided by two gives 1,658. It will thus be seen that 
the agrarians had the highest average, and the lib- 
erals the second highest average, and these two par- 
ties in consequence get each an additional represen- 
tative. 

The selection is made from the candidates who 
have received the largest number of votes. Thus, 
if in electoral district A the liberals had sixteen 
names on their party ticket the eleven receiving the 
largest number of votes are declared elected, and 
so with the other tickets that are entitled to repre- 
sentation in the national assembly. The system 
makes possible the representation of minorities in 
the sobranje, and these minorities often contain the 
ablest men in the countr>\ Some of the really able 
statesmen in recent national assemblies have been 
chosen by insignificant parties. When, for example, 
Alexander Malinoff became prime minister his party 
numbered one other member in the sobranje besides 
himself. 



198 Bulgaria and Her People 

If one should accept without examination the 
charges of corruption and violence at the polls, it 
would be easy to conclude that an absolutely free 
election had never been held in Bulgaria. The highly 
amusing account given by the Bulgarian humourist 
Aleko ConstantinofY in Ins Bdi Ganio * tends to 
confirm this suspicion. The pressure brought to 
bear on the elections by the government party in 
power may have been considerable in the days of 
the rule of Stamboloff and the corrupting influences 
of Russia. But in recent years elections have been 
quiet and the party in power has probably influenced 
very slightly the results of the returns. Even in 
Stamboloff's days, charges of governmental pres- 
sure were probably grossly exaggerated by the vio- 
lent and rancorous Russophil press. Mr. Reaman, 
the English biographer of Stamboloff, remarks in 
this connection: " After every election the oppo- 
sition invariably produces a long list of cases of 
maltreatment, and the government as regularly piats 
in a solemn and formal declaration that no force 
was ever used. It is, however, a part of the pro- 
gram in the elections, which everybody understands 
perfectly well, that some heads should be broken, 
and the complaints and lamentations of the defeated 
are never treated seriously. The main returns are 
not actually very much interfered with by these 
amenities, as it is only in particular strongholds of 
the opposition, as a rule, that the government inter- 



* This chapter has been translated into English by Natalie D. Son- 
nichsen. See The Independent (New York) for Jan. 2, 1913. Vol. 74, 
pp. 31-35, 



How Bulgaria Is G-overned 199 

feres ; and in the rest of the cases the majority bully 
the minority, because they are the majority, and 
therefore would elect their candidate, even without 
violence."' Recent elections, it should be said to 
the credit of the political intelligence of Bulgarian 
electors, have been conducted "uith quiet, and few 
charges of irregularity have been made. 

The duration of the national assembly is four 
years. It may be dissolved at any time by the king, 
but new elections must take phice within two months 
from the date of dissolution. All legislative and 
financial matters must first be discussed and voted 
by the sobranje and sanctioned by the king. 
Through his ministers the king may initiate legis- 
lative measures, and he may issue regulations having 
the obligatory force of laws whenever the state is 
threatened wdth immediate internal or external dan- 
ger. Such measures, however, must be adopted by 
the cabinet since they entail the collective responsi- 
bility of all the ministers; and they must be ap- 
proved by the national assembly at its earliest ses- 
sion. 

The national assembly chooses its own officers, 
consisting of a president, two vice-presidents, and 
secretaries. Debates and voting are public, but the 
chamber may decide to sit with closed doors. Any 
member of the assembly has the right to introduce 
bills if he is supported by one-fourth the members 
present. Bulgarian citizens have the right to peti- 
tion the national assembly. 

The national assembly consists of only one cham- 

» Stamboloff. By A. Ilulmc Bcaman. Ix)ndon, 1895, pp. 240. 



200 Bulgaria and Her People 

ber. There is, however, a grand national assembly 
that meets by special convocation to decide on mat- 
ters touching the revision of the constitution, acqui- 
sition of territory, election of a ruler, appointment 
of a regency, and authorization of the sovereign to 
accept the government of another state. Its mem- 
bers are elected in precisely the same way as the 
members of the national assembly, save that the 
electoral unit for twenty thousand inhabitants is 
two instead of one. 

The state budget must be submitted annually for 
the approval of the national assembly, but it may 
not strike out or modify any feature of the budget 
without explaining the reasons which have deter- 
mined its action. State loans may be contracted 
only with the consent of the sobranje. 

The main source of revenue is a direct land tax 
of one-tenth the gross value of the products of any 
farm, calculated on the average yield of the four 
preceding years; tax levied on goats, sheep, and 
pigs, at the rate of twenty cents a head for goats 
and ten cents a head for sheep and pigs; and also 
direct tax on tobacco, spirits, and playing-cards. 
The indirect taxes come from import and export 
duties. There are also excise duties upon all to- 
bacco grown in the country, and upon the manufac- 
ture of spirits and cigarette paper and the produc- 
tion of salt. The imposts are made up of fees 
charged for registration, legal certificates, pass- 
ports, licenses to carry arms, fines levied by the 
courts, and profits from state railways, posts, tele- 
graphs, and telephones. 



How Bulgaria Is Governed 201 

Local government in Bulgaria is under tlie control 
of the ministry of the interior. The kingdom is 
divided into administrative departments. At the 
head of each department there is a prefect appointed 
by royal decree upon the recommendation of the 
minister of the interior. He is the representative 
of the central government, and as such represents 
the executive authority of the kingdom. Pie is en- 
trusted with the control of the towns and villages 
in his department. He is assisted by a departmental 
council, which meets in regular session one month 
each year to assess taxes in the towns and villages 
in the department, revise the accounts of the differ- 
ent institutions under its control, and consult on all 
matters relating to proposed construction of rail- 
ways, roads, etc., in the department. Besides the 
departmental council there is also a medical council 
that superintends the sanitary conditions and public 
hygiene in the department, and an educational coun- 
cil that administers and supervises the schools in 
the department. 

The departments are again subdivided into dis- 
tricts administered by sub-prefects, who act as ju- 
diciary police and are held responsible for the public 
safety of the district. Some of the more important 
centres, such as vSofia, Philippopolis, Rustchuk, and 
Varna, have in addition city prefects, who exercise 
within the limits of their respective cities the func- 
tions of chief of police. 

Town government is the smallest unit in the ad- 
ministrative organization of the country. Every 
Bulgarian subject must belong to a comnmne and 



202 Bulgaria and Her People 

figure in its registers, the laws of the country not 
tolerating the state of vagrancy. This law has had 
the effect of forcing upon the gypsies settled abodes. 
The administrative bodies in the cities, towns, and 
rural communities are the municipal councils. The 
members of the municipal councils are elected by 
universal suffrage in the same way and subject to 
the same regulations as the members of the national 
assembly. All members of the commune who are at 
least thirty years of age and can read and write are 
eligible to membership in the municipal council. 
Those electors who have completed a secondary 
school course may be elected at the age of twenty- 
five. 

The term of service in the town municipal coun- 
cils is three years and in the rural communities, two 
years. The council elects from its own members a 
mayor and two assistant mayors. The mayor rep- 
resents the community in its relations with the other 
public departments of the government. In -the city 
of Sofia the municipal council numbers thirty mem- 
bers, all elected at one time. The council controls 
the water system, electric lights, electric railways, 
public health, parks and recreation centres, public 
charities, elementary education, baths, and markets. 

The judiciary power of Bulgaria is vested in law 
courts and magistrates who act in the name of the 
king. The civil and penal codes of the country are 
largely based on Ottoman law. The lowest civil and 
criminal court is that of the justice of the peace. 
Such courts are found in all towns of any conse- 
quence, and in Sofia there is a number distributed 



How Bulgaria Is G-overned 203 

between the various quarters of the capital. The 
justice of the peace may try cases involving ci\nl 
and commercial disputes up to two hundred dollars, 
and criminal cases involving infractions and misde- 
meanours entailing an imprisonment up to six 
months and fines not exceeding one hundred dollars. 

Departmental tribunals, or courts of the first in- 
stance, are found in the chief towns of the different 
departments. These courts have large powers; they 
may pass sentence of death, penal servitude, and 
deprivation of civil rights. In specified criminal 
cases the departmental tribunals are assisted by a 
jury of three persons chosen by lot from a panel of 
forty-eight citizens. The duty of serving on the 
jury is honorary and obligatory on all Bulgarian 
subjects with a secondary education who know the 
official language and pay at least one hundred dollars 
a year in direct taxes. 

The verdict of the jury, when unanimous, is final, 
the only recourse being to the court of appeal, which 
examines afresh the whole affair and decides the 
case without the aid of a jury. The decision of the 
court of appeal is final unless taken to the supreme 
court of the kingdom. There are three courts of 
appeal in Bulgaria — at Sofia, Philippopolis, and 
Rustchuk. 

The supreme court, or court of cassation, has its 
seat at Sofia. It has the power to reverse the judg- 
ments of all the other courts of the land on points 
of law or procedure. It is comi)osed of a president 
judge, two vice-president, and nine other judges. 

The judiciary is open to all Bulgarian male sub- 



204 Bulgaria and Her People 

jects twenty-six years old, who have completed a 
full legal course of instruction, know the official lan- 
guage of the country, and have practised law in a 
departmental court for at least six months. No 
judge may at the same time practise law, serve as a 
member of the national assembly, or pursue such 
vocations as teaching, trade, or editor of a political 
newspaper. Judges in Bulgaria are poorly paid; 
and, as they may be removed by the government, 
changes are frequent and sometimes for inadequate 
causes. 

In addition to the law courts, there are in the 
kingdom certain special tribunals. Matters touching 
marriage, divorce, and inheritance are under the 
direction of the Orthodox, the Mohammedan, the 
Jewish, and other religious organizations. There 
are consular courts that deal with all civil and com- 
mercial disputes arising between foreign subjects 
and not involving landed property in Bulgaria. Mil- 
itary courts pass upon all criminal cases involving 
persons in active service in the army. 

In spite of the fact that Bulgaria officials received 
their political education in the two worst schools of 
political pedagogy in Europe — Turkey and Russia 
— it is the opinion of competent foreign critics that 
the country has been better governed than any of 
the other Balkan states. Frequent newspaper 
charges of graft and corruption of public officials 
carry little weight when one recalls the violence of 
the Sofia press and its rancorous abuse of political 
opponents. The officials who administer the affairs 
of state have sometimes blundered and blundered 



How Bulgaria Is Governed 205 

grievously; but when one recalls the difficulties 
which they have had to face during the brief period 
of national existence, the marvel is that they have 
done so well in governmental matters. Mr. AVilliara 
Miller, an English writer, w^ell voices the sentiments 
of the author in the statement: " With all their 
faults, and in spite of all their trials and tempta- 
tions, the peasant statesmen have achieved great 
triumphs during the comparatively brief period of 
their country's existence as a practicall}^ independ- 
ent state." ^ 

It is not easy for a foreigner to comprehend the 
principles upon which the political parties are 
founded, and for the obvious reason that most of 
them have been founded upon personalities. One 
hears, for example, much more often of the G-ueshoff 
party, the Radosavoff party or of the Zankoif party 
than of the national party, the liberal party, or the 
progressive liberal party. During the first years of 
the principality there w^ere two political parties. 
This division took place at the first constitutional 
convention at Tirnovo. The Dondukoff-Korsakoff 
project of a constitution for the Bulgarian people 
gave rise to warm discussions and the participants 
were ranged as conser\'atives and liberals. The 
conservatives were aristocrats and numerically in 
the minority. They followed the lead of Russia. 
Their leaders were Marko BalabanotT and BurmofF. 
The motto of the liberals was " Bulgaria for the 
Bulgarians." They opposed the autocratic rule of 
Russia, and sought to give expression to the will of 

^ The Balkans. By William MjJler. New York, 1907. pp. 476. 



206 Bulgaria and Her People 

the people. Their leadcrvS were Petko Karaveloff 
and Dragan ZankofF, and later the great statesman, 
Stefan Stamboloff. 

In Eastern Rumelia there were also two par- 
ties — the conservative " unionists " (Russophiles) 
and the radicals, scornfully called by their oppo- 
nents kazionni, or treasure-hunters. Both parties 
in Eastern Rumelia favoured union with Bulgaria ; 
but when Russia, after Bogoridi's removal, turned 
against the union, the conservatives became anti- 
unionists. The radicals, however, under Zachary 
Stoyanoff, effected at Philippopolis the union of 
the two Bulgarias. After the union, the conserv- 
atives from Eastern Rumelia joined forces with 
those in Bulgaria ; and as a result of the combina- 
tion wo have to-day what is known as the nationalist 
(narodniak) party under the leadership of Ma- 
djaroff, Velitchkoff, Ivan Vazoff, the Bobtcheffs, 
Todoroff, and Gueshoff. The nationalist party is 
mildly clerical and strongly Russophil. 

Following the alienation of Prince Alexander 
from Russia in 1885, Dragan Zankoff, hitherto a 
leader in the liberal party, turned against the prince 
and cast his lot with Russia. This was the ori- 
gin of the liberal Russoj^hil or Zankovist party, 
which is to-day represented by Daneff and Luds^ 
kanoff under the name of the progressive liberal 
party. The traitorous conduct of Petko Karaveloff 
during the coup d'etat of 1886 and the regency that 
followed caused the breach with Stamboloff and the 
formation of a new liberal party that is represented 
to-day by the democratic party under the leadership 



How Bulgaria Is Governed 207 

of Malinoff and Takeff. When Dr. Radoslavoff, the 
present prime minister, became active in Bulgarian 
politics, differences between the other liberal lead- 
ers and himself caused a division in the party 
into liberals (Radoslavists) and national liberals 
(Stambolovists), the latter now led by Dr. Ghuena- 
dieff. Tontcheff later withdrew from the Eados- 
lavist party and established the young liberal party. 
Recently the more radical members of the old 
Karavelist (democratic) party, together with men 
from other parties, have formed a party called the 
radical democratic. It will thus be seen that most 
of the political parties in Bulgaria are the result 
of splits in the liberal party. There are two sec- 
tions of the socialist party in Bulgaria — the broad 
socialist party (shiroki), led by Sakuzoff, and the 
strict socialist party (tessni), under the leadership 
of Blagoeff. The most recent political party is the 
agrarian, organized in consequence of an agitation 
among the peasant farmers, and under the leader- 
ship of Stamboliski and Dragieff. 



CHAPTER XV 

RELIGION AND MONASTERIES 

The national Orthodox church of Bulgaria — A static religion — 
Dearth of intellectual life among its priest^s — Language of the serv- 
ice — Place of fasts — Nature of church services — The confes- 
Hional — Celibacy required only of monks — Religious toleration 
in Bulgaria — The PomaLs or Bulgarian Moslems — Monasticism 
— The famous Rilo monastery — Other monasteries — The Mo- 
hammedan church in Bulgaria — The Greek patriarchist church — 
Hebrews — Catholics and ITniatos — The American Protestant 
movement in Bulgaria — Its educational influence — \\Tiat Prot- 
estantism has done for the country'. 

The national church of Bulgaria is the Orthodox, 
sometimes called the Greek Orthodox, because Chris- 
tianity arose in the east and Greek was the language 
of the Scriptures and of the early services of the 
church. To-day, however, the Orthodox church in- 
cludes nine independent branches, one of the less 
important branches being the Hellenic church of 
modern Greece. Eussia, Servia, Rumania, Monte- 
negro, and Bulgaria all have independent state or- 
ganizations and employ the old Slavonic as the lan- 
guage of the service. 

It will be recalled that in the time of Constantine 
the Christian church was divided into dioceses, over 
which a bishop ruled in ecclesiastical matters. Later 
the bishop in the chief city of a diocese rose to pre- 
eminence and received the title of exarch. In time 
the most distinguished exarchs received the title of 
patriarch. AVhen the empire was divided there were 

208 




^-' 



Religion and Monasteries 209 

three patriarchs : one at Rome, one at Antioch, and 
one at Alexandria. Constantinople and Jerusalem 
were later made patriarchates in the eastern church. 
It thus happened that with four heads the Orthodox 
church never became a despotic monarchy governed 
from one centre. It beciime what it is to-day, an 
oligarchy of patriarchs. Each patriarch is within 
his own diocese what the pope is in the western 
church. He is not amenable to his brother patri- 
archs, but like them, he is within the jurisdiction of 
ecumenical synods. 

" The attachment of the Bulgarian peasant for the 
national Orthodox church," remarks Mr. Henry N. 
Brailsford, the most competent European authority 
on etlmic problems in the Balkan peninsula, *' is not 
so much due to the religious instincts of the peasant 
as to his political conditions, which explain his pas- 
sionate attachment to his church and the great part 
which it plays in his existence. His fidelity to his 
church has been through five centuries one contin- 
uous martyrdom. He has remained true to it not 
merely from a reasoned or traditional faith in its 
tenets, but simply because apostasy involved a fore- 
swearing of his nationality and a treason to the 
cause of his own race." ^ 

It is never easy for a foreigner to pass judgment 
upon the worth and influence of an alien religion. 
One may, however, as Mr. Brailsford has remarked 
concerning the Orthodox church, draw some reason- 
ably sure inference from certain glaring and quite 

' Macedonia: its Rarcx ami Ihcir Future. By Henry Noel Brails- 
ford. London, 190G, pp. 340. 



210 Bulgaria and Her People 

obvious facts. '* Nothing could be more remark- 
able," he says, " than the total absence of heresy 
among the Christians of Turkey and the Balkan 
states. The active speculation of the Greek mind 
and its preoccupation with religion produced an 
endless succession of more or less interesting here- 
sies during the Middle Ages. With the Turkish 
conquest they abruptly ceased. A patriarch who had 
been educated in Germany played a little with Prot- 
estantism in the seventeenth century. I believe there 
is no other instance of any deviation from the monot- 
onous path of official orthodoxy. There has been 
schism, it is true, but always on political and never 
on theological grounds. The explanation lies, I am 
afraid, on the surface. There is no heresy in the 
eastern church because there is no interest in relig- 
ion. Turkish rule has crushed out every form of 
intellectual life, and in the feud of conqueror and 
conquered, Christianity has become no more than 
a sort of mental uniform in which one party has 
inarched in a long and doubtful defensive warfare. 
The conquest did, in fact, destroy a peculiarly inter- 
esting heresy which flourished under the name of 
Bogomilism among the Slavs of Macedonia and Bos- 
nia and also in Albania. It seems to have been Uni- 
tarian in its theolog>% Manichean in its metaphysics, 
and so stubbornly idealist, so certain that all matter 
and therefore all external forms are evil, that it 
rejected the sacraments. The little one knows of it 
suggests an affinity with some of the most spiritual 
of the Russian peasant heresies. But the modern 
Balkan peasant has neither the leisure nor the ease 



Religion and Monasteries 211 

of mind to approach religion with any fresh and 
original insight. And here the Christianity of the 
eastern church compares unfavourahly with Islam, 
which proves its vitality by not a little unorthodox 
speculation, . . . Indeed the Cross in the east has 
become so much a mere symbol of warfare that it 
is a little difTicult to define Orthodox Christianity 
in any but negative terms. I doubt if it has any 
important bearing on conduct, and certainly in its 
traditions there is no longer a trace of that human- 
itarian spirit of mercy and love which the modern 
mind tends more and more to read into religion. 
The Moslem at least has a theory that he may atone 
for many sins by giving bread to the pariah dogs 
of the streets. There is no such sentiment as this 
among the Christians, and as little recognition of 
any duty to the poor and the sick." 

The Orthodox church has no creed in the sense 
in which the word is used in Roman Catholic and 
Protestant countries. But the doctrines of the 
church are found in the confessions of faith. Old 
Slavonic is the language used in the Orthodox 
churches in Bulgaria. It differs from the modern 
Bulgarian language about as much as the Anglo- 
Saxon of Chaucer differs from modern English. 

Fasts in the Orthodox church are frequent and 
severe. Besides Wednesday and Friday, which are 
fast days, there are four fasting seasons during the 
year — Lent, Pentecost to Saints Peter and Paul, 
Feast of the Sleep of Theotoxos (the 1st to the 15th 
of August), and the six weeks' fast preceding Christ- 
mas. Indulgences are not recognized. The Virgin 



212 Bulgaria and Her People 

receives homage, but the dogma of her immaculate 
conception is not admitted. 

Apart from the ikons of the saints and the cru- 
cifix, there are no " graven images " in the Ortho- 
dox churches. Singing plays an important part in 
the service, but there is no instrumental music. 
Prayers are offered standing, vpith the face towards 
the east. At Pentecost, however, the worshippers 
kneel. The celebration of the Eucharist is an elab- 
orate symbolical representation of the Passion. 
Consecrated bread is broken into the wine and both 
elements are given in a spoon. 

The confessional, which is still nominally an in- 
stitution of the Orthodox church, is rapidly falling 
into disuse. Mr. Brailsford attributes this tendency 
to ** the ignorance and degradation of the secular 
clergy. To go for ethical guidance to the average 
village priest would indeed be too ridiculous. The 
married priests outside the larger towns are for 
the most part totally uneducated, and lead the life 
of peasants, only adding the fees paid by their flock 
for marriages, baptisms, and funerals to the rev- 
enues of their fields. They can read enough to mum- 
ble through the ritual, and write sufficiently well 
to keep the parish registers; but there their superi- 
ority to the average peasant ends. Preaching is 
practically unknown. Their function is not that of 
the pastor or the teacher. They are simply petty 
officials who perform the rites appropriate to the 
crossing of the frontier between this world and the 
next. They bury and baptize for a consideration, 
much in the spirit of a customs' officer who takes 



Religion and Monasteries 213 

toll on the border of him who enters and of him who 
leaves." 

The clergy of the Orthodox church are divided 
into priests and monks. Priests must marry but 
monts are required to remain celibates. Only 
monks are eligible to appointment to bishoprics and 
the highest offices in the church. The clergy are 
paid by the state; they also receive fees for mar- 
riages, burials, etc. The compensation, however, 
is ridiculously small. Parish priests have very little 
education, and they are esteemed with indifference 
by their parishioners. The ignorance of the clergy 
is the weak spot in the Orthodox church. Roman 
Catholic priests and Protestant pastors in Bulgaria 
are distinctly superior to the Orthodox clergy in 
education, intelligence, and moral ideals. 

The governing body of the Orthodox church of 
Bulgaria is the Holy Synod, which consists of four 
metropolitan bishops chosen for life by secret bal- 
lot of all the bishops. Laymen take part in these 
elections on the same footing as members of the 
clergy. The Holy Synod is presided over by the 
exarch, who is the nominal head of the national 
church. More than three-fourths of the people of 
Bulgaria are adherents of the Orthodox church. 

No other country in the Balkan peninsula gives 
so large a measure of religious freedom as Bulgaria. 
The Servian goverament prohibits by law all prose- 
lytizing. The Greeks, although they welcomed the 
aid of Protestants of England and America in their 
war of liberation, have since enacted laws which 
make the labours of Protestant missionaries and 



214 Bulgaria and Her People 

teachers in Hellas quite impossible. Mr. Ilerrick, 
an American missionary, remarks in this connec- 
tion: ** The circulation of the Bible in Greece in 
the language of the country is forbidden, and in 
Servia intolerance of missionary work is even more 
rigid than in Greece. ' ' ^ 

Tlie tolerance in Bulgaria, however, has been due 
to enlightened statesmanship rather than to any 
spirit of forbearance on the part of the clergy of 
the Orthodox church. It may well be doubted 
whether the priests of the national church are less 
bigoted than tlieir unenlightened confreres in 
Greece, Servia, and Rumania. On the few occasions 
when the Orthodox clergy of Bulgaria have had 
the chance to assert authority, it has not been in 
the dit-ection of tolerance towards Moslems, Roman 
Catholics, and Protestants. Their attitude towards 
the Pomaks in the Rhodope mountains is a point in 
question. In the spring of 1913, after the Turks 
had lost this region in the Balkan war, Orthodox 
priests visited the Pomak villages and forcibly 
" converted " the inhabitants to the religion of the 
national church. After the recent war among the 
allies, upon the strong representation of the Mos- 
lem inhabitaiits of Bulgaria and Turkey, the Bul- 
garian government was compelled to repudiate the 
action of the Orthodox priests, and to forbid any 
further attempts by force to reconvert the Pomaks 
to the faith of the national church. 

This stupid blunder is responsible for the charge 

^ Peace an Ike World Givcth. By George F. Herrick. Missionary 
Review of Ike World, June, 1913. 



Religion and Monasteries 215 

of intolerance against the Bulgarians. Rather it 
should be credited to the clerical Russophil Gue- 
shoff-Daneff ministries and to certain leading ec- 
clesiastics in the Bulgarian Orthodox church. Lib- 
eral-minded Bulgars denounced the efforts to forci- 
bly reconvert the Pomaks to the faith of the national 
church as an outrage on humanity and a grave po- 
litical error. Witness this published protest from 
the pen of Anton Strashimiroff, one of the leading 
Bulgarian men of letters: " Those who stand for 
the thought and the honour of our country ought to 
know that our authorities have, in the countries on 
the frontier inhabited by the Pomaks and recently 
liberated, acted in a way which is a disgrace to their 
country and to humanity. One aim alone was kept 
in sight — that of personal enrichment. Conversion 
was only a pretext. It did not save the poor Pomaks 
from atrocious treatment except where the priests 
with whom they had to deal were conscientious men. 
Such cases, however, were rare. The ecclesiastical 
mission was beneath criticism. High rewards were 
paid, but the priests sent to carry out thjs task in 
the Pomak villages were drunkards and criminals 
who could not be kept in Bulgaria. The behaviour 
of the police was monstrous. In Bulgaria no one 
has and no one can have any idea of the atrocities 
committed by prefects, heads of police, and priests. 
The device of the Pomaks now runs — ' Let any one 
take us, only not the '* Pisse hukiminfe Bulgnr " 
(the dirty Bulgarian government).' Yet at first 
these Pomaks showed the most absolute submission 
to our army. In the last two decades they had con- 



216 Bulgaria and Her People 

ceived a hatred for Turkism. Tlieir principal griev- 
ance was the defective condition of their mountain 
roads and the burden of annual duties. They knew 
that this state of things had been largely remedied 
in Bulgaria, and they held to the idea that the Bul- 
garian government would at least give them roads. 
At Dary-deri a Pomak, an officer in the reserve of 
the Turkish army, came before the authorities and 
had himself baptized because he was fired by the 
idea that the Bulgarians brought nothing but good 
with them. He was at last disillusioned, and he 
and his children were massacred by their neigh- 
bours. 

" Nevertheless the Bulgarian government is not 
ignorant as to the steps which should be taken to 
satisfy the population of the annexed region and 
secure their gratitude. It has itself declared in a 
manifesto addressed * to the inhabitants of the newly 
liberated region, published the day after the con- 
clusion of the treaty with Turkey, September 29, 
1913.' — most formal orders are given to the Bul- 
garian civil and military authorities to display the 
greatest kindness to the inhabitants of the annexed 
territories, to respect their- faith and their nation- 
ality, to refrain from any attack on their personal 
liberty, and to maintain the inviolability of their 
houses and their property. The citizens of new Bul- 
garia are to enjoy, without distinction of religion 
or nationality, the same rights which are secured 
by the constitution of the kingdom to all its citizens. 
Respect for religious freedom and for education is 
enjoined, and also respect for the religious beliefs 




BIRD 3-EYE VIEW OF UILO MONASTERY. 




COURT OF KILO MONASTKRY. 



Religion and Monasteries 217 

and usages, the mosques, cemeteries, and other holy 
places of all citizens alike." 

Monasticism is an important feature of the relig- 
ion of the Orthodox church. There are seventy- 
eight monasteries for men and forty for women in 
Bulgaria. Among the well knowii monastic insti- 
tutions of the kingdom are St. John of Rilo in the 
Rilo mountains, St. Nicholas near Shipka pass, and 
Tseherepish at the northern end of the Isker gorge. 
The monastery of St. John is located in a gloomy 
ravine hetween the lofty ridges of the richly forest- 
clad Rilo mountains. Stupendous rocky summits 
surround and protect the monastery. The steep 
slopes of the mountains are covered with a prime- 
val forest, and a foaming torrent dashes through the 
narrow gorge in which the gi'eat national sanctuary 
is situated. 

Rilo monastery is to the Bulgars, as Professor 
Jiricek has well remarked, what St. Michael in Nor- 
mandy and Grande Chartreuse in Dauphiny were 
so long to the French — the central point and focus 
of not only the national religion, but also of the 
national sentiment and aspiration. The monastery 
was founded by St. John of Rilo (Ivan Rilsky). 
He was born in 876; and after leading a holy life 
in trees and caves for many years he selected this 
wild and almost inaccessible spot in the Rilo moun- 
tains as the permanent place of his devotions. His 
great piety brought him great fame. Tt soon became 
known that he possessed unusual power of exor- 
cising demons and curing bodily maladies. Pour 
times a year devout pilgrims come to the monastery, 



218 Bulgaria and Her People 

sometimes as many as fifteen thousand, to commem- 
orate tlie life of the saint, offer thanksgivings, and 
seek fresh blessings. 

Among other well-known monasteries in Bulgaria 
are the monastery of the Transfiguration, overlook- 
ing the narrow valley of the Yantra river; the Po- 
ganovsk}^ monastery, near the Servian frontier, at 
the gateway of the "wild gorge of the Jerma river; 
and the monastery of the Seven Altars, hidden in 
the heart of wooded hills. In earlier times the mon- 
asteries were the homes of the Slavic tongue and 
preserved some of the remnants of the old literature 
from complete destruction by the intolerant Greeks. 
During the revolutionary period patriots and lead- 
ers met at the monasteries to discuss plans and form 
organizations. To-day, however, they exercise very 
little political or intellectual influence in Bulgaria. 
Peasants still reverence them as places where mira- 
cles are worked, and where diseased souls and bod- 
ies may be made healthy. The monks for the most 
part are unlettered. They cultivate their vineyards, 
care for stock and flocks, distil spirits from fruits, 
and say perfunctory prayers. The monasteries own 
vast tracts of land, and the Bulgarian government 
has always respected their property. 

The Mohammedan church ranks first in number 
of communicants among the non-conformist relig- 
ious bodies of Bulgaria. It has about a fifth as 
many adherents as the national Orthodox church. 
The Moslem population of the kingdom is organized 
into religious communities which are administered 
by muftis, whose duties are entirely spiritual. The 



Religion and Monasteries 219 

muftis are freely chosen by the followers of the 
Prophet, and are confirmed by the government. 
Like the clergy of other denominations in Bulgaria 
they are paid by the state. There are thirty-six 
Mohammedan churches in Bulgaria, and they are 
administered by forty-two muftis. The mufti of 
Soiia is the head of the organization in the coun- 
try. 

The mufti at the head of each Mohammedan com- 
munity is assisted by one or more secretaries (whose 
salaries are paid by the Bulgarian government) and 
an administrative council, the members of which are 
chosen by the Mohammedan population of the par- 
ish. The mufti deals with all questions touching 
divorce, property inheritance of his parishioners, 
care of mosques and other religious establishments; 
he also deals with the matter of taxes on all landed 
properties that have been bequeathed by Moham- 
medans for purposes of charity and for the needs 
of the Moslem churches. Most of the Mohammedans 
of Bulgaria reside in the northern and eastern prov- 
inces of the country. 

The Greek church of Bulgaria is independent of 
the national Orthodox church. It is under the di- 
rect supervision of the patriai'ch of Constantinople. 
The membership of the Greek church is about sixty 
thousand. The religious communities are organized 
in the same way as the communities of tlie other 
faiths. The bishop is assisted by a council freely 
chosen by the Greek population to administer the 
affairs of the community and to decide on matters 
touching marriage, divorce, and parochial education. 



220 Bulgaria and Her People 

The Greek bishoprics of Bulgaria are at Varna, 
Philippopolis, Sozopol, Anchialo, and Messemvria. 

There are about thirty-eight thousand adherents 
of the Hebrew faith in Bulgaria. The spiritual 
chief of the Jews is the grand rabbi of Sofia. He is 
assisted in the direction of affairs touching religion 
by a synagogical committee. There are similar 
committees under the direction of rabbis in the 
towns w^th Jewish congregations. There are about 
fifteen thousand Gregorian Armenians in Bulgaria, 
with a bishop at Rustchuk. While the organization 
of the Armenian church is in a comparatively rudi- 
mentary state, its priests receive the same ecclesi- 
astical rights and aid as the other denominations in 
the country. 

The Roman Catholic church of Bulgaria numbers 
about thirty thousand communicants, who, for the 
most part, are descended from the Bogomiles, an 
heretical sect that endured the persecutions of the 
Orthodox church for several centuries. A writer 
4n the CatJwlic Times calls attention to the large 
liberties enjoyed by Roman Catholics in Bulgaria 
as compared with those in Greece and in other states 
of the Balkans. " In Greece," he says, '' Catholics 
are everywhere detested and considered rebels and 
hostile to the institutions of the country.'* 

The diocese of Nieopolis, with the bishop's resi- 
dence at Rustchuk, contains about thirteen thousand 
Latin Catholics, divided into fourteen parishes. 
There are parish schools for both boys and girls, 
as well as religious houses of the Passionist, Marist, 
and Assumptionist orders. The apostolic vicar of 



Religion and Monasteries 221 

Philippopolis contains about fifteen thousand Latin 
Catholics in thirteen parishes. There is a Catholic 
college at Philippopolis under the order of the As- 
sumptionists, and numerous elementary and second- 
ary schools under the direction of the Brothers of 
the Christian Schools and other Catholic teaching 
orders. The intellectual status of the Roman Cath- 
olic priests of Bulgaria is distinctly superior to that 
of the priests of the Orthodox church. 

An interesting ecclesiastical development in the 
Balkan peninsula is the Catholic Uniate church. It 
uses the language and liturgy of the Orthodox 
church; its clergy marry and wear the garb of the 
Orthodox priests, and in dogma as well as in ritual, 
it is practically indistinguishable from the Orthodox 
faith. But it recognizes the authority of the church 
of Rome. There are about thirteen thousand Cath- 
olic Uniates in Bulgaria, chiefly in districts that 
formerly were parts of Thrace and Macedonia. 
They are under the immediate jurisdiction of two 
Bulgarian bishops appointed by the Holy See at 
Rome. 

The Protestant movement in Bulgaria is entirely 
due to the religious and educational labours of 
American missionaries. In 1857 the Methodist Epis- 
copal church of the United States took as the field 
of its labours that part of Bulgaria that lies between 
the Danube river and the Balkan mountains. The 
work was carried on amid difficulties and was t>^ace 
practically suspended ; but in 1905, the Reverend 
Elmer E. Count, an able American Methodist clergy- 
man, was sent to the field as resident superintendent 



222 Bulgaria and Her People 

of the Methodist Episcopal churches in Bulgaria. 
Since that date the church has made remarkable 
progress and has to-day congregations at Plevna, 
Sofia, Eustchuk, Varna, Lom, Lovetch, Vidin, Tir- 
novo, Shumen, Voyvodevo, and nine other towns in 
the kingdom. The Methodists maintain a secondary 
school for Bulgarian girls at Lovetch, and publish 
a paper, llie Christian World, at Sofia. 

The Congregational churches of the United States 
occupied the territory between the Balkan mountains 
and the ^gean sea. Their first missionaries were 
sent to what was then European Turkey in 1858. 
They located at Adrianople. During the next dozen 
years iVmerican missionaries were sent to Stara Za- 
gora, Philippopolis, Sofia, and Samokov. The Ban- 
sko church in the Razlog district was organized in 
1871. This has become one of the chief centres of 
Protestantism in Bulgaria. Bansko is the birthplace 
of the Reverend Marko N. Popoff, who, for nineteen 
years, administered so efliciently the large Protes- 
tant church at Sofia, the "Reverent D. N. Fornajiefif, 
the present pastor of the Protestant church of Sofia, 
and other leaders of the Protestant movement. 

The American Board of Foreign Missions of the 
Congregational church has been especially active 
in establishing churches and preaching stations in 
Macedonia. Beginning with 1873, stations were es- 
tablished at Monastir, Resen, Prilep, Veles, Skopie, 
Radovish, Doi'ran, Drama, Kuknsh, and at many 
other points in Macedonia. 

Besides the religious work of the missions, many 
elementary schools were organized in Macedonia 



Religion and Monasteries 223 

and in what is to-day Bulgaria. At Samokov in 
Bulgaria there have been maintained for more than 
half a century Bulgarian secondary schools for girls 
and boys; and connected with the latter a theolog- 
ical institute for the training of clergymen for the 
work of pastors. Through the agency of the mis- 
sions the Bible was translated into Bulgarian. 
More than six hundred hymns and sacred songs 
have been translated into the vernacular. Zornitza, 
the weekly journal published in Bulgarian by the 
Protestant churches of the kingdom, is the oldest 
newspaper published in Bulgaria. 

There are about six thousand Protestants in Bul- 
garia, and the conspicuous part they have played in 
the public life of the nation is altogether out of pro- 
portion to their numerical strength. " If the Amer- 
ican missionaries have not made hirge numbers of 
converts to Protestantism," remarks Mr. Brails- 
ford, *' they have made relatively well-educated 
men, who found the stagnation and oppression of 
the Turkish east completely unendurable. Their 
colleges and secondary schools were so largely fre- 
quented by native Christian lads that the eastern 
churches were compelled in self-defence to imitate 
them." 



CHAPTER XVI 

EDUCATION IN BULGARIA 

Bulgarian culture effaced during the supremacy of tht- Greek ^'li^.- 
nariotes — The revival of learning in Bulgaria — Education and 
the literarj' and historical renaissance — The secondary school at 
Gabrovo — Opposition of the Greek eccleHiaatics - — Views of the 
American missionaries — Mission schools conducted by Americans 
— The national school system — How elementary schools are sup- 
ported — Course of study — Education of girls — Normal schools 
for the training of teachers — The university of Sofia — Special 
and technical schools — Rapid decrease in the percentage of illit- 
eracy — Libraries. 

During the dark ages of Bulgarian history, the 
period when the Bulgars were under the spiritual 
supremacy of the Greek church, schools in the ver- 
nacular never entirely disappeared. The bigoted 
Phanariotes did everything in their power to com- 
pletely efface the native culture ; and although their 
work at times seemed to have completely stamped 
out the old Slavic language, here and there the stub- 
born villagers maintained at their own expense pri- 
mary schools where the mother tongue was the me- 
dium of instruction. 

With the destruction of the Byzantine empire by 
the Turks and the assumption of temporal sover- 
eignty of Bulgaria by the sultans, spiritual authority 
over the conquered Slavs was vested in the Greek 
patriarchate. " The patriarchate," remarks quite 
truly Mr. Brailsford, " was sold at frequent inter- 
vals and at a steadily rising price to any Greek 
adventurer who could buy his nomination. He re- 

224 



Education in Bulgaria 225 

couped himself by selling the consecration of bish- 
ops, and they in turn, regarding this outlay as a 
legitimate investment of capital, proceeded to farm 
their dioceses. Out of this system there grew up 
a Greek aristocracy in Constantinople, grouped 
round the Phanar — as the patriarch's seat was 
called. The lay members enjoyed the confidence of 
the Porte, and bought offices of much profit and 
power. ' ' 

The Phanariotes exploited the church, and set be- 
fore themselves the task of crushing the Slavs of 
Bulgaria with the authority of the Ottoman goveni- 
ment behind them. They extinguished the Bulga- 
rian patriarchate, closed the higher Bulgarian 
schools, and burned the books in the Slavic language. 
The Greek language, both as a literary and a church 
language, was forced on the Bulgars. With Greek 
churches, Greek priests, and Greek cloister schools 
in their midst, it was impossible for the Bulgars to 
retain the spiritual power necessary to successfully 
resist the constant pressure of foreign supremacy, 
both material and spiritual. 

Do-^Ti to the opening years of the nineteenth cen- 
tury culture in Bulgaria was a close preserve for 
the Greeks. A few monks of the Slavic race pre- 
served by discretion and dissimulation the mem- 
ories of the days when Bulgaria was the most im- 
portant kingdom in the Balkan peninsula. These 
monks were the real foiM^'unners of the Bulgarian 
renaissance that made possible ultimate freedom 
from the intolerant and corrupt patriarchate and 
the oppressive and tyrannical sultans. 



226 Bulgaria and Her People 

As related in a pre\nL0us historical chapter, it 
was the Monk Pai'ssy who started the literary re- 
vival that was to bring about the national independ- 
ence. In 1762 he published his History of the Bul- 
garian People, " a work with no pretensions to sci- 
entific accuracy, but which aroused the dormant 
patriotism of the people where a coldly critical and 
impartial narrative would have failed." His pupil, 
Stoiko Vladislavoff (1739-1815), afterwards Bishop 
Sophroni, was the teacher in the school at Kotel that 
trained most of the leaders in the movement that led 
to the reestablishment of the national Bulgarian 
church and tlic rehabilitation of the empire of the 
old Bulgarian tsars. 

In the spring of 1834, Vassil Apriloff, a merchant 
at Gabrovo, visited Constantinople and secured from 
the Turkish government permission to open a sec- 
ondary school in his native town, in which the lan- 
guage of instruction should be Bulgarian. He made 
appeals to his compatriots in Russia and Rumania, 
and received pledges of several hundred dollars 
towards the support of the school. Neophyt Rilsky, 
who had been connected with the monastic institution 
at Rilo from 1816 to 1828, was secured as principal 
teacher. He spent some months at Bucharest pre- 
paring text-books and plans for the school. He com- 
posed a Bulgarian grammar; translated from the 
Russian an arithmetic; secured copies of Boron's 
reading book; and returning to Bulgaria, opened 
a school at Gabrovo the 14th of January, 1835 — 
** the first Bulga7-ian secondary school," observes 
a historian, " and one that was destined to be- 



Education in Bulgaria 227 

come the nurseiy of the new Bulgarian educa- 
tion." The school was patterned after the moni- 
torial system of Bell and Lancaster. The system 
was both cheap and (comparatively) effective; only 
bare rooms were required ; few teachers were needed 
for large numbers of pupils; and the cost of main- 
tenance was reduced to a minimum. 

The school at Gabrovo is one of the milestones in 
the history of Bulgarian education. AVithin ten 
years similar schools were organized at Sofia, Kotel, 
Eustchuk, Stara Zagora, Plevna, Kazanlik, Pana- 
gurishte, Shumen, and ten other to\vns in the coun- 
try. The Greek priests strongly opposed the schools, 
but their opposition served rather to increase the 
zeal of the Bulgarians. Young men, at their own 
expense, or aided by benevolent persons, went 
abroad to prepare themselves for the work of teach- 
ing. The national spirit awakened with the educa- 
tion of the people and the struggle for religious 
emancipation from the tyranny of the corrupt Pha- 
nariotes began. Tlie Greeks charged the Bulgars 
with being revolutionists and of attempting to throw 
off the Ottoman yoke. Turkey, as a result of the 
sinister charges of the Greeks, imprisoned many 
of the Bulgarian teachers and sent others into exile 
in Asia Minor. 

The fate of the Miladinoff brothers was the fate 
of many Bulgarian schoolmasters at tliis period. 
Dimiter and Constantine Miladinoff were Bulgarian 
teachers, and the former was an ardent folk-lorist. 
Through the generosity of the bishop of Djakovo, 
they were able to publish their studies in Bulgarian. 



228 Bulgaria and Her People 

This roused the indignation of the Greek metro- 
politan. Dimiter was denounced to the Turkish 
officials as a revolutionist; he was arrested and 
taken to Constantinople, where he was thrust into 
prison. His brother Constantine, in the hope that 
he might secure his release, made haste to follow 
his brother; " but no sooner had he reached the 
Turkish capital than he too was cast into prison, 
and one fine day a couple of corpses were thrown 
out into the sunlight. Joachim, the Greek patriarch, 
whose acquaintance Dimiter had made when he at- 
tended the Greek college at Janina, being anxious 
that Heaven should not grieve for the lack of two 
righteous souls, managed to procure for them the 
cup of Socrates. They sleep in an unknown grave, 
for the solitary witness of their burial, a fellow 
countryman, was the next day compelled to die. 
The brothers Miladinoff have their place in the roll 
of Bulgarian martyrs."^ 

A^Hien Dr. Elias Riggs, an American missionary, 
made a tour of Bulgaria, in 1859, he was surprised 
to find so many Bulgarian schools that had sprung 
up in spite of the opposition of the powerful Greek 
church and the hostility of the Turkish government. 
He tells of a visit to a school at Sofia attended by 
four hundred boys and another for girls with an 
attendance of one hundred and twenty. '' "V^Tien 
we remember that we are in Turkey," he writes, 
"it is an interesting fact to notice that the Bulga- 
rians do not limit their laudable endeavours for 
education to boys alone. This is a striking indica- 

* Shade of the Balkans. By Pencho Slaveikoff, et al. London, 1^4. 



Education in Bulgaria 229 

tion that they are training themselves to give the 
right place to women even at the ver^^ beginning 
of their educational system." At Stara Zagora he 
found a boys' school with eight hundred pupils and 
a girls' school with one hundred thirty-five; and 
lie remarks that there are several schools in the 
neighbouring villages. He pays a high compliment 
to the Bulgarian teachers. He found them " men 
with gentlemanly manners, making great self-sac- 
rifices, and working without hope of financial re- 
turns." 

Dr. Byington, another American missionary, 
writing to the Missionary Herald from Bulgaria in 
1862, says: ''It is an encouraging fact that Bul- 
garian schools are found not only in the cities, but 
in many of the villages that I have visited, so that 
the nation in a short time will be able to rank as 
a nation that can read and write. The more intel- 
ligent Bulgarians simply make an idol of learning. 
T have heard them say that learning is the one thing 
of which they have need and that it will transform 
life and purify the heart." 

The schools organized by the American mission- 
aries in Bulgaria have also played an important 
role in the educational history of the country. In 
1860 a collegiate and theological institute was 
opened at Philippopolis by the American Board 
(Congregational) of Foreign Missions. Ten years 
later the school was removed to Samokov. Up to 
June, 1910, when the school celebrated its fiftieth 
anniversary, eight hundred young men had been 
enrolled as students. Most of the pastors connected 



230 Bulgaria and Her People 

with the Protestant missions in Bulgaria and Mace- 
donia received their training, in whole or in part, 
at the Samokov school; and manj^ of the former 
students occupy responsible positions in both the 
public and private life of the nation. 

The high school for girls at Samokov, organized 
by the American Board in 1863, has also rendered 
admirable service in the promotion of the higher 
education of Bulgarian women. The Methodist 
Episcopal church of the United States has main- 
tained an excellent high school for girls at Lovetch 
for many years. The very great influence of Robert 
College and the American College in Turkey on the 
development of education in Bulgaria will be dis- 
cussed at length in a subsequent chapter. 

The constitution of 1878 recognized primary edu- 
cation as an essential factor of the state, but it made 
no provision for the support of schools. The law 
of 1881 left the matter of primary instruction en- 
tirely in the hands of the individual communities, 
only in the case of very poor communes was the 
state authorized to aid in the maintenance of schools. 
When Ferdinand came to the throne the keen inter- 
est which he took in the matter of public education 
resulted in considerable augmentation in the matter 
of state expenditures for schools. 

It was not until the organic law of 1891 was 
passed, however, that the state acquired supreme 
control of the schools of Bulgaria. Since that date, 
the growth of the national system of public schools 
has been remarkable. There is a ministry of public 
instruction in the king's cabinet that has entire 



Education in Bulgaria 231 

control of the educational affairs of the country. 
Associated with the minister of public instruction 
are two directors — one of primary education and 
one of iSecondary education. There is also a corps 
of general inspectors who are the representatives 
of the ministry in their respective departments. 

There are departmental councils of education, 
which exercise advisory and judicial functions ; also 
local school committees that have direct charge of 
the schools, select the sites for buildings, and nom- 
inate the teachers, who must, however, be approved 
by the minister of public instruction. Women, pro- 
vided they have completed a course in a secondary 
school, are eligible to membership on the local com- 
mittees. 

Two-thirds of the funds required for the support 
of the schools are supplied by the national govern- 
ment, and the other one-third by the local communi- 
ties. Qualifications of teachers, courses of study, 
and school inspection are entirely in the hands of 
the state. The compulsory school period is from 
the ages of eight years to twelve. In country dis- 
tricts the school is in session six months and in the 
towns ten months. Many of the elementary schools 
are coeducational, and nearly two-thirds of the 
teachers in these schools are men. 

The studios in the elementary schools include 
religion and morals, the mother tongue, arithmetic 
and geometry, geography, history, nature study, 
drawing, singing, and g}^mnastics. Religion gets 
two periods a week throughout the four years of the 
compulsory period. During the first and second 



232 Bulgaria and Her People 

school years the children learn prayers and church 
ceremonies, and have stories concerning the life of 
Jesus and the saints ; the Old Testament forms the 
basis of instruction in the third school year and the 
New Testament the fourth year. Families are en- 
tirely relieved of the religious education of their 
children. 

There are higher elementary schools that continue 
the studies of the primary schools with the addition 
of French, old Slavic, phj^sics, chemistry, and nat- 
ural history. These schools supplement the educa- 
tion of those pupils who cannot take a complete sec- 
ondary course. 

The course of study in the secondary schools of 
Bulgaria covers five years. It is generally divided 
into three sections — modern language course, half 
classical course, and classical course. The differ- 
ence in the courses is largely a matter of the number 
of foreign languages studied. In the modern course, 
for instance, French or German and Russian are 
studied; Latin is added to the half classical course, 
and Greek to the classical course. The Bulgars, 
however, are a very practical people, and they do 
not esteem highly the classical languages. Most of 
the students, therefore, in the secondary schools are 
found in the modern course. There are in Bulgaria 
seventeen secondary schools for boys and ten for 
girls. 

The education of girls in Bulgaria is still behind 
that of boys; but it is far in advance of the edu- 
cation of girls in the other Balkan states. During 
the period of Turkish rule, such education as was 



Education in Bulgaria 233 

available to girls was obtained at the convents, no- 
tably at Kalofer and Samokov. Constantine Fo- 
tinoff (1780-1858), founder of the first Bulgarian 
newspaper, was an ardent advocate of the education 
of women. The first public schools for girls were 
opened at Stara Zagora in' 1852 and at Gabrovo in 
1862. Recently the Bulgarian government has given 
special attention to the subject, and there are now 
ten secondary schools for girls in the country with 
an attendance of 3,200. 

Normal schools have been established for the 
training of teachers. There are four such schools 
for women and five for men. The course of instruc- 
tion in the normal school covers four years and in- 
cludes religion, Bulgarian language and literature, 
pedagogy and psychology, geography and history, 
mathematics, French or German, Russian, physiol- 
ogy and hygiene, natural history, agriculture, man- 
ual training, drawing, and singing. The remunera- 
tion of teachers in Bulgaria is still very low. In 
the Turkish days the teachers in the village {kylien) 
schools got from $40 to $60 a year; in 1887 the 
average annual salary was only $120; to-day it 
ranges from $250 to $400 a year. There has been 
marked improveiuent in the qualifications of ele- 
mentary teachers and the quality of the instruction. 

The university of Sofia represents the higher 
educational interests of the country. It was organ- 
ized with a faculty of philology and history in 
1888; faculties in matliematics and physical science 
were added in 1889, and the faculty of law in 1902. 
Medical students receive their education in the uni- 



234 Bulgaria and Her People 

versities of foreign countries, and theological stu- 
dents are provided for in denominational semi- 
naries. Nearly sixteen hundred students are en- 
rolled each year in the university of Sofia, about 
half of whom are in the law faculty. About a fifth 
of the students are women. 

The university has some excellently equipped lab- 
oratories, but it does not have suitable permanent 
quarters. Many years ago a Bulgarian patriot left 
two and one-third million dollars for the erection of 
university buildings. The money was, however, to 
draw interest for a definite period before it was 
available for the erection of buildings. The fund 
has drawn more than $120,000 a year interest for 
fifteen years and is now available. In the near fu- 
ture Bulgaria will have at Sofia a fine new home for 
its highest institution of learning. 

Among the special educational institutions of the 
country may be named the excellent art and indus- 
trial schools at Sofia. The art academy, organized 
by Professor Ivan Mirkvicka, has departments of 
painting, sculpture, and ceramics. It has an able 
corps of instructors and has already trained a num- 
ber of men who are making their mark as creative 
artists. There is also a conservatory of music at 
the capital, which up to 1910 was a private insti- 
tution with a grant from the state ; but since that 
date it has been taken over by the government as 
a national institution. 

An institute of technology has recently been 
opened at Sofia; agricultural and horticultural 
schools have been organized at Sadovo and Plevna ; 




SECONDARY scilool, AT lU'sTriniK. 




AGRICULTURAL SCHOOL AT PLEVNA. 



Education in Bulgaria 235 

and there is an excellent military academy at Sofia. 
Hitherto Bulgarian students in very large numbers 
have attended the universities, institutes of tech- 
nology, and art schools of Germany, Russia, Swit- 
zerland, France, and Belgium. With the organiza- 
tion of special schools and the extension of facilities 
for advanced study at home, this number is already 
diminishing. 

The expenditure for educational purposes during 
the year 1912 reached five million dollars. Bulgaria 
far exceeds the other Balkan states in the matter 
of national and municipal expenditures for the edu- 
cation of children. The amount spent for educa- 
tional purposes in 1912 averaged $1.20 per inhabit- 
ant. For Servia during the same period it was sixty 
cents per inhabitant; Greece, fifty cents; Monte- 
negro, forty cents, and Turkey, twenty cents. 

The most remarkable achievement in the history 
of Bulgarian education is the rapidity with which 
the percentage of illiteracy has been reduced. In 
1887 the percentage of illiteracy in the kingdom was 
89, and in 1905 it was 72. These figures, however, 
include more than six hundred thousand Moslem 
Turks, Tatars, and gypsies, among whom the per- 
centage of illiteracy is 97. These people are in 
Bulgaria what the Indians and negroes are in the 
United States. The government has made heroic 
efforts to educate them, but with very indifferent 
success. 

In order to measure the efiiciency of the Bulgarian 
school system in terms of literacy, we must exclude 
the Moslem population and all Bulgars over thirty- 



236 Bulgaria and Her People 

five years of age, since the country was not liberated 
until 1878, and the people beyond this age had no 
opportunity under the Turkish rule to learn to read 
and write. With these exclusions, the percentage 
of illiteracy for the year 1905 is 33 for both sexes, 
22 per cent, for men and 43 per cent, for women. 

The military statistics of the country probably 
give the best index of the decrease in illiteracy. In 
1878, when the army was organized, 90 per cent, of 
the recruits were illiterate; in 1888 the percentage 
of illiteracy was 70 per cent. ; * in 1910 it was 10 
per cent.,- and in 1913, only 5 per cent.^ When these 
figures are compared with the statistics of the older 
Balkan states, the result is even more striking. In 
Greece 30 per cent, of the army recruits are illit- 
erate, and in Rumania 41 per cent. (Statesman's 
Year-Booh for 1913.) The statistics for the army 
recruits of Servia are not available; but of the 
entire Servian population, 83 per cent, are illiterate. 
It should be noted in this connection that Bulgaria 
has a Moslem Turk and gypsy population of over 
600,000; Servia, 14,000; Rumania, 40,000, and 
Greece practically none. Greece and Servia have 
been liberated from Ottoman rule more than four 
score years; Rumania more than half a century, 
and Bulgaria only thirty-six years. 

There are national libraries at Sofia and Philip- 
popolis, a university library at Sofia, and municipal 



' Das Bulgarische BUdungswesen. Von W. Nikoltschoff. Leipzig, 
1910. 

^ Dictionnaire de. PMagogie. Par. F. Buis.son. Paris, 1911. 

^ Bulgaria's Defence. By M. Momtchilofl. New York Times An- 
nalist, January 12, 1914. 



Education in Bulgaria 237 

libraries at Varna, Rustchuk, Shumen, and several 
other places. The national library at Sofia contains 
about fifty thousand volumes, and the one at Philip- 
popolis about thirty-six thousand. Both arc open 
to the public. Bulgaria, however, is much in need 
of public libraries, liberally administered, and made 
readily accessible to all the people. The Bulgars 
are serious-minded ; and with the great increase of 
literacy among the peasants, libraries might be 
made a very valuable feature of the national edu- 
cational system. Reading-rooms are found in many 
towns, but they contain little besides newspapers; 
and, as is elsewhere remarked, the Bulgarian news- 
papers have very slight literary value. 



CHAPTER XVII 

BULGARIAN FOLK - SONG AND MUSIC 

Rich folk-poetry of the country — How these songa originated — 
EarHest efforts to collect the folk-songs of Bulgaria and Macedonia 
— ■ Opposition of the Greek ecclesiastics — Song of Liuben the hai- 
duk — Resemblance of the measures to Longfellow's Hiawatha — 
Ivan PopolT and the Fairy — Marko, the legendary hero — Mental 
traits of the lyrics — Relation of the folk-songs to national dances — 
The horo — Musical instruments used — Art music of Bulgaria — 
Works of modern composers — Musical societies. 

After the conquest of the Balkan peninsula by the 
Turks, many of the Bulgars took to the mountains 
and left the plains to be occupied by the conquerors 
and such of their kinsmen as had embraced the faith 
of Islam. It was among the mountain people that 
the national traditions, language, and customs were 
preserved ; and it was here that the rich literature 
of folk-song had its birth. 

Pencho Slaveikoff, the foremost poet of Bulgaria, 
has given this account of the circumstances of the 
birth and development of the folk-poetry of his coun- 
try : *' Those things which were dear to the hearts of 
the people were preserved among such of the Bul- 
gars as had taken to the mountains. Their lives were 
spent in the narrow circle of the family, conducted 
after the somnolent patriarchal fashion, so that they 
concerned themselves almost exclusively with the 
politics of a domestic world, as is faithfully and fas- 
cinatingly depicted for us in their songs. In that 
simple life of theirs it is not often that an event 

238 



Bulgarian Folk-Song and Music 239 

occurs which is beyond the dull round of every day; 
there can, indeed, be nothing but what is coloured 
by their condition of servitude. The solitary gleams 
of light are the undying memories of the days of 
freedom — tales and dark legends of a time that has 
faded into hearsay, legends and tales that have long 
been meaningless, but are still remembered by the 
people because of the poetry that is in them. 

" The Bulgar did not look merely into himself; 
he went with open eyes and ears to make acquaint- 
ance with surrounding nature, felt that she was 
united organically with himself, and, being some- 
what heathenishly inclined, he gave to her a cata- 
logue of manners that were strange, original, and 
full of a marvellous poetry. He celebrated her as 
the sister of his grief and happiness, while in a sim- 
ilar way he listened to the mournful rustling of the 
woods around him, and of that everlasting sadness 
made the sadness of his songs. 

'* These, in truth, are always with him through 
the changes of life, from the cradle to the grave. 
If he plows or if he sows or gathers in the harvest, 
there is no helpmate like a song; it is the royal com- 
rade of his journey; when he lies on the bed of sick- 
ness it consoles him. The song usually lives in the 
voice of the singer; although at times one meets 
with the strange trio of \nolin, clarinet, and drum, 
while banquets and dances are made delightful with 
flute and fiddle and bagpipe. Only two of these in- 
struments, the bagpipe and the flute, accompany the 
Bulgar at his work — when he guards his flocks in 
the pastures and when he traverses the bleak and 



240 Bulgaria and Her People 

lonely plain, plodding on behind his caravan. Of 
these instruments, it is the flute which he loves the 
best, for it will sing to him more truly than all of 
them what the melodies contain of softness and of 
oriental sorrow." ^ 

One of the earliest attempts to collect and pre- 
serve the folk-songs of Bulgaria was made by the 
Miladinoff brothers — Dimiter and Constantine. 
They published a volume of six hundred songs at 
Agram in 1861. ^ Constantine tells us in the intro- 
duction that the printed volume represents scarcely 
a tithe of the material collected. From one young 
girl he got one hundred fifty beautiful songs. The 
authors found Bulgarians who could neither read 
nor write but who could recite from memory hun- 
dreds of folk-songs, ballads, and proverbs. 

The melancholy fate of the authors of this volume 
has been referred to elsewhere in this work. Be- 
cause they had the temerity to publish their book 
in the Bulgarian alphabet rather than the Greek, 
they were accused of treason by the Greek authori- 
ties and thrown into Turkish prisons. Upon the 
representations of the Austrian and Russian consuls 
that the men had been falsely accused, the Ottoman 
government ordered their release. But when the 
order sanctioning their liberation reached Constan- 
tinople, both the brothers were dead. They had 
been killed by the intriguing Greek ecclesiastics. 
Constantine was under thirty and Dimiter a few 

» The Shade of (he Balkans. By Pencho Slaveikoff, et al. London, 
1904, pp. 328. 

2 Bulgarski Narodni Pessni (Bulgarian National Songa). By Dimi- 
ter and Constantine Miladinoff. Agram, 1861, pp. 542. 



Bulgarian Folk-Song and Music 241 



years older. Such was the miserable fate of two 
really fine Bulgarian scholars and patriots. Hellen- 
ism forced them to drink the cup of Socrates for 
no other reason than the laudable purpose of pre- 
serving the folk-literature of their people.* 

Stefan K. Verkovitch, a clergyman from Bosnia, 
was another early student of Bulgarian folk-songs. 
His labours were largely confined to the Bulgarian 
peasants in Macedonia. His book was published in 
Servian, but a Bulgarian-Servian vocabulary was 
added. He relates that a woman in Macedonia re- 
cited to him two hundred seventy folk-songs, show- 
ing how many of the old songs were orally preserved 
by the people in a country where books did not exist. 
His collection contains some of the finest specimens 
of the Bulgarian folk-poetry. Verkovitch subse- 
quently tarnished his fame by the fabrication of the 
Veda Slovena. 

Among other early collections of Bulgarian folk- 
songs M^ere those by Cholakoff ^ and Dozon.' A few 
of the poems in Cholakoff's collection had already 
appeared; but Dozon's collection, published at Paris 
in 1875, was entirely new. Another ardent worker 
in this field was Petko R. Slaveikoff, who made a 
collection of 17,441 proverbs, which contain " the 
most certain record of the independence of the soul 
of the people and of the philosophy which they cul- 
tivated. In these proverbs there is mirrored more 

*■ For an excellent account of the life and labours of the Miladinoff 
brothers, see Casopis Ccsktho Musea (Bohemian Literary Journal) 
for 1866. 

^ Bulgarski Narodni Sbornik (Bulgarian National Miscellany). Bel- 
grade, 1873. 

' ChansoTis populaires Bulgares. By August Dozon. Paris, 1876. 



242 Bulgaria and Her People 

clearly than elsewhere that extreme individualism 
which so sharply differentiates the Bulgar from his 
neighbours." 

Many of the Bulgarian folk-songs refer to the 
haiduks, brigands of the Kobin Hood sort, whose 
exploits were idealized by the common people. Some 
of these songs, as Dozon has remarked, take a really 
high note and show something more than the coarse 
materialism of a life of thieving. The following is 
a literal translation of the haiduk Liuben: 

" Liuben, the younp; hero, cried out 
Of the summit of the old mountain. 
Liuben bade adieu to the forest, 
To the forest and mountain he spoke: 
' Oh, wood! oh, green wood, 
And oh, cool spring, 

Dost thou know, forest, and dost thou remember 
How often I have wandered over thee, 
Have led my younp; heroes. 
Have carried my red standards? 
I have made many mothers weep, 
Deprived many brides of their homes. 
Even more have I made of little orphans. 
So that they weep, forest, they curse me. 
Farewell, forest, farewell. 
For I shall go homo. 
So that my mother may betroth me 
To the daughter of the priest, 
The priest Nicholas.' 
The forest never spake to any one. 
And yet it spake to Liuben : 
' Liuben, thou hero, Liuben! 
Enough hast thou wandered over me, 
Led thy chosen youth 
And carried thy red standard 
On the mountain, on the old mountain, 
By the cool thick shade of the trees, 



Bulgarian Folk-Song and Music 243 

By the dew>' green grass. 

Thou hast, made many mothers weep, 

Thou hast deprived many brides of their homes, 

Thou hast left many little children orphans, 

So that they weep, Liuben, they curse 

Me, voivode, on thy account. 

Till this time, Liuhcn, 

The old mountain was thy mother. 

The green forest was thy bride, 

The grass gave thee a bed. 

The leaves of tlie forest covered thee, 

The clear brooklet gave thee drink, 

The forest birds sang to thee; 

For thee, Liuben, they spoke. 

Rejoice, yoimg hero, with thy comrades, 

For the mountain is glad 

And bidd'st thee adieu to the mountain. 

For thou dost desire to go home 

That thy mother may betroth tliee, 

May betroth thee and marry thee 

To the daughter of the priest, 

Of the priest Nicholas.' " 

This is one of the many really fine ballads in the 
rieh Bulgarian folk literature. Surely, as an English 
writer remarks, ''never were the sympathies be- 
tween nature and man more beautifully expressed 
than in this delightful song, which has all the fresh- 
ness of its native woods and mountains upon it. If 
we could only do away with the savage accessories, 
the cruel stories about widows and oi*phans, it might 
be taken as one of Wordsworth's pantheistic pic- 
tures. Something of the spirit of ' The Excursion ' 
is in it and of that exquisite sonnet of sonnets, ' The 
Brook '; and even more forcibly it reminds us of 
some of the fine lines of Emerson." 

Many of the selections in the collection by the 



244 Bulgaria and Her People 

Miladinoff brothers resemble strikingly the style 
and composition of Longfellow's Hiawatha. There 
is the same measure, the absence of rhyme, the repe- 
tition of words from the close of one line to the be- 
ginning of the next, and the repetition of entire lines 
in a question and its answer. The following lines 
from the Bulgarian folk-ballad Ivan Popo/f and the 
Fairy suggests this resemblance: 



' Out he started, Ivan Popoff, 
To go off on Easter Sunday, 
Easter Sunday to his plowing; 
He had gotten only half way 
When there issued out a fairy, 
A wild fairy of the mountains, 
And she stopped the path before him. 
' Turn you, tm-n you, Ivan Popoff, 
Don't go forth on Easter Sunday, 
Easter Sunday to your plowing.' 
Ivan handsomely made answer: 
' Get away, be gone, you fairy. 
Or I'll down from off my courser. 
By your flaxen hair I'll catch you, 
And I'll tie you to my courser, 
To the tail of my swift courser. 
And ril drag you like a harrow.' 
Then the fairy she was angry, 
And her flaxen hair she loosened, 
And she tripped up his swift courser, 
Longing his black eyes to swallow. 
Then was angry Ivan Popoff, 
And he caught the wily fairy. 
By her flaxen hair he caught her, 
And he tied her to his courser, 
To the tail of his swift courser, 
And he dragged her like a harrow, 
Swiftly to his home he dragged her. 
From afar he called his mother : 



Bulgarian Folk-Song and Music 245 

' Oh, come out, my dearest mother. 

For a bride to you I'm bringing, 

For a bride I bring a fairy, 

To reheve you, dearest mother, 

Wash the linen of my father, 

Comb the hair of little brother, 

Plait the tresses of my sister.' 

Then he locked up her right pinion, 

Locked her in a coloured casket. 

For three years his bride lived with him, 

And a little son she bore him. 

Then they called a worthy sponsor 

And the little son they christened. 

Said the sponsor to the fairy : 

' Fairy bride, now dance a little, 

Let us see a fairy dancer.' 

Thus replied to her the fairy : 

* Let but Ivan Popoff give me, 
Let him give me my right pinion, 
Then I'll dance for you with pleasure.' 

* Ah, but fairy bride, we doubt you.' 
' If you doubt me, Ivan Popoff, 

If you fear that I'll escape you, 
Then the door securcl}' fasten. 
Fasten, too, the gate securely, 
Then I'll dance for you with pleasure.' 
So the door secure they fastened. 
Fastened, too, the gate securely. 
But as she began her dancing 
Quickly she flew up the chimney." 

The chief legendary hero in Bulgarian folk-song 
is Marko, an adventurer to whom nature gave great 
intellectual and physical powers, as well as frailties 
of character. He was, as Pencho Slaveikoff has well 
said, a national god created by the people in their 
own image. His castle was supposed to be near 
Prilep, but his activities were shrouded in mystery. 
He was always accompanied in his exploits by his 



246 Bulgaria and Her People 

faithful horse Sharko, " blue-grey with dark spots." 
He is usually represented in the songs as the cham- 
pion of the oppressed Christians against the Turks. 
The follo^ving song which tells of the death of Marko 
is taken from Slaveikoff's collection:^ 

" There in the castle at the lofty battlement, 
With his friend of friends sat the king's son Marko, 
With his friend of friends, Philip the Hungarian, 
And the wnfe of Marlto, the fair young wife attended them, 
Filling their cups with the noble wine. 
Then it was they gazed o'er the plain of Prilep, 
And unto Marko spoke Philip the Himgarian: 

' Knowest thou what has befallen in the world? 
Never dost thou sally forth beyond the threshold, 
As if the world had nought save the beauty of thy wife. 
And what befalls, of that thou knowest nothing. 
There is invented a death machine 
And inside it there is a little ball. 
Out it flies and strikes a man, and out flies his soul.' 
Then laughed Marko at the word of Philip, 
Marko laughed and his wife was smihng, 
And these were the words of the great-hearted hero : 
' Widely, forsooth, my friend, hast thou travelled, 
Too well thou knowest what happens in the world, 
Yet have I fears for thy understanding. 
How can a ball kill a noble hero? ' 
Philip the Hungarian raised his voice and shouted, 
Shouted with his voice o'er Prilep's plain: 
' Shepherd, come hither, leave the sheep grazing, 
Young shepherd, come hither with your little gun.'' 
Then Marko laughed till the castle quivered: 

' Now we shall see, now we shall be instructed.' 
When the shepherd came, Marko seized his gun. 
Throwing it about as if it were a feather. 
' And that you say can "send a hero into darkness? 
Take your foolish gun, there is my hand for you. 

' Shade of the Balkans. By Pencho Slaveikoff, cl al. London, 1904, 
pp. 328. 



Bulgarian Folk-Song and Music 247 

Let the ball fly forth and I will catch it.' 
The ball flew forth and bored through Marko's hand. 
Then he grew pale, the old great-hearted hero, 
Sitting there in silence with his arms upon the table, 
And at nightfall he went forth but returned no more. 

" There is a story told by the people 
That Marko hides between the lofty mountains, 
Near to the chasm of Demir-Kapia, 
Where the river Vardar winds like a serpent. 
There in a cave he lies hidden. 
There the hero slumbers through the ages. 
In the earth before it he has plunged his lance 
And against the lance his horse is fastened 
Ever ready for the gallant Marko 
When he rides again in pursuit of exploits. 
Beyond the chasm winds a mountain path. 
When the people go there they turn round and shout: 
' Do you live, do you still Hve, father Marko? ' 
And it is to them as though they heard this answer: 
' He lives, he still lives, the people's father Marko.' "' 



Many of the lyrical pieces treat of human affec- 
tions with considerable evidence of tenderness and 
not without elegance. Some of the songs relate to 
the Samovilas, mysterious beings who play an im- 
portant role in Slavic mythology. The Samovilas 
of the Bulgarian folk-song are the sisters of heroes 
whom they are always prepared to help in times of 
need. They are beautiful maidens, with fair hair 
and blue eyes, and they wear white silken robes that 
are so long that their feet are not visible. Their 
habitat is in the deep forest or on the shores of 
mountain lakes. 

In the ballad of the fair Strana and Samovila, 
Strana is represented as a beautiful young girl 



248 Bulgaria and Her People 

dressing for the church service on the morning of 
Easter Sunday. Her mother warns her not to go 
to church before other people have arrived for fear 
that the young priest might make love to her. She 
is offended by the caution of her mother and goes 
to the garden to pout. There she meets a Samovila, 
who tears out her beautiful black eyes with the re- 
mark: 

" This is the way, fair Strana, 
For thee to go to the Easter festival, 
The Easter festival, the lucky day." 

One of the lays in Slaveikoff's collection tells how 
a Samovila built her castle " not in the sky, nor in 
the heaven, nor upon the hanging sky, but in the 
dark clouds." The materials used in its construc- 
tion were not stones and timbers, but brave warriors 
and fair maidens. For the foundation stones she 
took " only warriors newly married " and for mor- 
tar ** maidens with a face of whiteness." 

Dragons and serpents also figure in the Bulgarian 
folk-songs. Dragons fall in love with peasant girls 
and carry them off to the clouds. Birds likewise 
play an important role, and notably the falcon 
(sokol), which is regarded by the Bulgarians as 
the bird of heroes. One ballad tells of the trans- 
formation of a young wife into a swallow. After 
a severe punishment administered by her mother- 
in-law, she prayed that she might be transformed 
into a bird. The next day the old woman attempted 
to punish her with a pair of scissors, and instantly 
she was changed to a swallow and flew up the chim- 



Bul garian Folk-Song and Music 249 

ney, but the scissors struck ber before her escape, 
as may be seen by the shape of the tail of the 
swallow. 

Many of these songs are sung in connection with 
the horo or national dance. An unlimited number 
of persons can participate in the horo. Each dancer 
places her hand either in that of her neighbour or 
upon the latter 's shoulder. A step is taken sideways 
to the left and then three steps to the right. As 
the dancers move, they assume the form of a serpent, 
which coils and uncoils. There are several forms 
of the horo. The form most generally found is 
danced slowly, the music moving in two-quarter 
measure. Another form calls for great agility of 
leg movements. It is in quick tempo in the three- 
eighth measure. A third form moves in two meas- 
ures and is not unlike the tempo of the gallop. The 
vocal music that goes with the horo is composed in 
plain motives without any variations or modula- 
tions, and the tunes in minor chords are expressive 
of the cries of an oppressed people. 

The native musical instruments include the gaida, 
the gadulka, and the kaval. The gaVda is not unlik(> 
the Scotch bagpipe. The gadulka is the Bulgarian 
violin. It is onion-shaped and strung with three 
horizontal strings. The fiddler plays the melody 
on one of the strings and the other two sound as 
a double cadenza. The gadulka reposes not under- 
neath the chin of the performer but on his chest. 
The kaval is the national flute and is much used by 
shepherds. It is made of a hollow piece of wood 
twelve or fifteen inches long and consists of three 



250 Bulgaria and Her People 

parts, of which the middle part has six holes and 
the other two parts one hole each. 

The songs sometimes have a religious character, 
or they tell of the exploits of saints with monsters 
who inhabit the pools and tlie mountains. Most of 
the songs are in minor chords and express forcibly 
the wretched captivity in which the country so long 
groaned. Slaveikoff calls attention to the fact that 
among the thousands of Bulgarian folk-songs there 
exist only five or six in which the motif is con- 
sciously humourous. 

With the inexhaustible treasures of folk-songs, 
the tone artists of Bulgaria have a wealth of orig- 
inal motives upon which to build a fine art music. 
Little has been done in this field. Dobrey Kristoff 
(born at Varna the 14th of December, 1875) is the 
composer of several musical works based upon folk- 
songs. His Songs of the Balkans is said to be a 
work of considerable promise and he is the composer 
of a music drama based on the first Balkan war that 
has been cordially received. Dimiter Hadji-Georgi- 
eff is the author of several notable operas and can- 
tatas, as well as meritorious orchestral composi- 
tions. George Atanasoff has an opera based on one 
of the dramas of Ivan Vazoff, as well as several 
operettas dealing with fairy stories. Petko Naumoff 
has composed for the violin and the piano and is 
the author of a rhapsody that has been well received 
in Germany and other musical countries. Panyot 
Pipoff has composed a number of child operas and 
other compositions. 

The Bulgarian National Theatre at Sofia produces 



Bulgarian Folk- Song and Music 251 

the music dramas of native composers, as well as 
tlie operas by Bohemians, Bussians, and other for- 
eign tone artists. There is a good orchestra at Sofia 
and a national school of music has recently been 
organized at the capital. The Rodna Pessen is the 
leading musical society at Sofia. It gives symphonic, 
choral, and chamber music concerts and aims to pop- 
ularize art music. There are flourishing music soci- 
eties at Philippopolis and in several other large 
towns in the kingdom. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

MODERN BULGARIAN LITERATURE 

1'he literary revival and the movement for political liberty — Chriato 
Boteff — Liuben Karaveloff — Zachary Stoyanoff — Petko R. Sla- 
voikoff. the founder of modern Bulgarian literature — His political 
and educational activities — Collections of folk-songs — Transla- 
tion of the Bible — Ivan Vazoff, poet, dramatist, and novelist — 
Early life ami training — Connection with the revolutionary move- 
inent — Early verses — Under the Yoke — Other romances — 
Dramas — Vlaikoff — Stoyau Michailovsky, satirist — Aloko^ Con- 
Btantmoff, humourist — Success of Bai Ganio — Pencho Slave!- 
koff , the foremost Bulgarian writer — Pen-picture of the poet — 
His art work — Lyrical compositions — Mis great epic — Petko 
Todoroff, poet and dramatist — Author of the finest Bulgarian 
proge — VelitchkofT — Minor poets — Political and philosophical 
writers. 

Attention has been called in previous chapters 
to the tenacity with which the Bulgars retained for 
centuries feelings of nationality in the face of the 
double yoke they were forced to bear — the political 
yoke imposed upon them by the Turks and the ec- 
clesiastical and educational yoke imposed by the 
Greek church. The modern literature of Bulgaria 
had its birth in the Cidturlmw.pf that raged for a 
quarter of a century about the reestablishment of 
the national church. The patriots who were the 
leaders of the movement against the corrupt Pha- 
nariot bishops in the struggle for the revival of the 
national church were the founders of the new school 
of Bulgarian letters. 

The movement for ecclesiastical emancipation had 
nationalistic aims, and it ultimately led to the organ- 

252 



Modem Bulgarian Literature 253 

ization in Kumania of revolutionary bands of Bul- 
garian emigrants who advocated complete emanci- 
pation and independence. The dormant patriotism 
of the nation was aroused by the lyrics, ballads, 
pamphlets, collections of folk-songs, and romances 
of Christo Boteff, Liuben Karaveloff, Zachary Stoy- 
anoff, and Petko E. Slaveikoff. Professor Alfred 
Jensen, the Swedish literary critic, remarks that, 
" while the liberators of the Serbs were nothing 
but warriors, the Bulgarian liberators were both 
warriors and poets; and they aroused their country- 
men from their letharg}^ bj^ their patriotic songs 
quite as much as by their patriotic acts." 

The influence of Christo Boteff (1847-1876) on the 
younger writers of Bulgaria was veiy great indeed ; 
and this influence has been considerable on the later 
verse-writers of the country. There was artistic 
intensity in his lyrics and ballads. *' Of all the poets 
of the ])ast," writes Pencho Slaveikoff, Bulgaria's 
greatest poet, *' Boteff is the dearest to us; he comes 
nearest to our souls, because ho never separated 
poetry from the life and feeling of the people." 

Professor Kadoslav A. Tsanoff characterizes Bo- 
teff as the Bulgarian Marlowe. " A torrential soul 
who perished at Marlowe's own age at the head of 
a band of patriotic desperadoes, who flung reason 
to the winds, and crossed the Danube to shatter tlie 
Ottoman empire." Again lie remarks: ''Boteff 
was a poet of Marlowe's intensity, if not of the 
hitter's sweep of imagination — a genius that miglit 
have done wonders lind he lived, judging from the 
handful of lyrics he left behind him." 



254 Bulgaria and Her People 

Boteff with less than three hundred followers fell 
in the battle near Vratza in 1876. His head, remark- 
able for its beauty, was displayed by the Turks on 
a pole as a warning to insurgent Bulgarians. Hadji 
Dimiter, a revolutionary leader, had been slain not 
long before and his army shattered. Boteff' s best 
poem is entitled The Death of Hadji Dimiter. It 
is full of fine poetic feeling and choice imagery. 
In this poem, as the English translator remarks, 
Boteff unconsciously foreshadowed his own death, 
so similar in all respects to that of the hero he 
brooded over with such intense affection. An Eng- 
lish version of the poem by Lucy C. Ball will be 
found in the World's Best Literature.^ 

Liuben Karaveloff (1837-1879) was poet, novel- 
ist, journalist, and statesman. He played an im- 
portant role in the movement that culminated in 
the emancipation of the Bulgarian church and na- 
tion. For Karaveloff literature was chiefly a means 
of arousing the national consciousness of his coun- 
trymen ; nevertheless, some of his character sketches 
— and notably his sketches dealing with Greek 
treachery and depravity and the descriptions of 
the peasant customs in his native village of Ko- 
privshtitza ■ — will long occupy an important place 
in the short story literature of Bulgaria. His work 
as a journalist and editor was also important in 
connection with Liberty, Independence, Knowledge, 
and Banner. Some of these publications he edited 
in collaboration with Christo Boteff. 

» World's Best Literature. Edited by Charles Dudley Warner. Vol. 
24. New York, 1897. 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 255 

Zachary Stoyanoff (1850-1889) was another mem- 
ber of the revolutionary band that precipitated the 
insurrections that were the prelude to the libera- 
tion of the Bulgars from the rule of the Turks. His 
Autobiography ,^ an excellent English version of 
which has lately appeared, gives perhaps the best 
account of the spirit of emulation and enthusiasm of 
the activities of the central revolutionary commit- 
tee at Bucharest and the sub-committees in Bul- 
garia. 

Stoyanoff, in his Autohiography, describes his 
early life at Kotel, and gives an account of his 
peasant home, of his first occupation as a shepherd, 
and of his ardent desire for an education. He 
joined the revolutionary movement at Rustchuk; 
took part in the revolts of 1875 and 1876; was 
captured by the Turks, but escaped condemnation. 
After the emancipation he was associated with 
Stefan Stamboloff as the editor of Svohoda (Lib- 
erty). He held several official posts, one of which 
was that of president of the national assembly. Be- 
sides the Autobiography, he was the author of nu- 
merous works, most of which deal with the insur- 
rectionary period. Mr. Potter, his English trans- 
lator, says of his literary work: '\His remarkable 
command of language and his great facility in de- 
scribing humourously the events which he had wit- 
nessed lend to all his writings a peculiar cliarm." 

The real founder of modern Bulgarian literature, 
however, was Petko R. Slaveikoff (1827-1895). He 

1 Pages from the Aulobioyraphy of o Bulgarian hisurgent. By Zach- 
ary Stoyanoff. Translated by M. W. Potter. London", 1913, pp. 316. 



256 Bulgaria and Her People 

was the son of an illiterate but musical copper- 
smith; and, after a brief course in the Turkish and 
Bulgarian schools, he was apprenticed to his fa- 
ther's trade. It was subsequently decided that he 
should prepare for the priesthood, and with this in 
view he studied for a time in a Greek school. He 
engaged instead in teaching and laboured for many 
years in different Bulgarian villages and towns. 
This was the period when the Bulgars were attempt- 
ing to restore tlieir ancient language by the organ- 
ization of national elementary schools. The work 
of Slaveikoff brought him into active opposition 
with the Greeks, then the spiritual rulers of Bul- 
garia. 

Slaveikoff was active in the movement that se- 
cured the emancipation of the Bulgarian Orthodox 
church from the domination of the Greek Phanari- 
otes; he participated in the revolutions that ulti- 
mately freed his country from Turkish rule; he 
fought in the Turko-Russian war of 1877-78, and 
the Servian war of 1885; he was active in political 
life; served for a number of years as a member of 
the national assembly; and was twice a member of 
the cabinet — once as minister of public instruction 
and once as minister of the interior. 

His son Pencho Slaveikoff, the leading man of 
letters in Bulgaria, writes of his father: " His life, 
the life of a man of the Bulgarian renaissance, is 
of itself a legend. I need only mention that in the 
course of his variegated career he was relentlessly 
pursued by Turks and Greeks, was arrested by them 
some thirty times, and more than once b}^ the gov- 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 257 

ernment of his liberated fatherland. But iK^ver did 
his lucky star desert him ; once indeed it saved his 
life when he was standing with his hands manacled 
upon the scaffold. His exploits and his services for 
the national awakening made him th(^ most popuhir 
personage in Bulgaria, so that tlie people conferred 
upon him the title of ' Grandfather,' which the 
Bulgars are accustomed to bestow upon the men 
whom they most deeply reverence. It is not easy 
to measure the debt whicli literary Bulgaria owes 
to him, especially with regard to the language, the 
present literary language — seeing that he is to all 
intents its creator. ]n spite of the close personal 
attention which he gave to his profession and to 
the political movements of the day, there was ap- 
parently^ no lack of time for a great mass of literary 
work, which included the collection of folk-lore and 
of material for histories. It was only a small por- 
tion of the latter which saw the light, all the rest 
having been destroyed by the Turks in 1S77. He 
is considered as the best among our poets — having 
been also the first among them to lay down laws for 
the technical side of Bulgarian verse." ^ 

Slaveikoff 's greatest service to the modern litera- 
ture of Bulgaria was the reestablishment of the 
vernacular as a literary language. Greek had held 
the national literary spirit in fetters for more than 
four hundred years. He clearly saw that the surest 
road to the use of the Bulgarian as a literary lan- 
guage was to publish in the vernacular the proverbs 

' The Shade of Ihc Balknnf^. liv IVnolio Slavoikoff, cl al. London, 
1904, pp. 328. 



258 Bulgaria and Her People 

and folk-songs which had been handed down orally 
for many generations. One of his first literary 
tasks was the collection of proverbs that were cur- 
rent among the peasants. This collection includes 
17,441 saws and maxims that contain the soul of 
the people and the philosophy which they cultivated 
during the five centuries that they were under the 
political bondage of the Turks and the ecclesiastical 
bondage of the Greeks. " There is more clearly 
mirrored in these proverbs than anjru^here else," 
remarks Slaveikoff, *' that extreme individualism 
w^hich so sharply differentiates the Bulgar from his 
neighbours." 

He was indefatigable in his efforts to secure the 
representative folk-songs of the Bulgarian peasants, 
many of which he printed ; but after his death there 
was found among his papers an enormous number 
of unprintcd folk-songs, many of which have since 
been published by Dozon, Rakovsky, and Bezsonoff. 
Most of the fragments of folk-songs given elsewhere 
in this volume are from his unpublished collection. 
He was the first to write down the old Bulgarian 
epics of Krali Marko, which the Russian Academy 
of Sciences published in 1855. 

The excellent literaiy quality of the modern Bul- 
garian translation of the Bible, which was published 
by the American Bible Society, must be credited to 
the cooperation of Slaveikoff. The publication of 
the Scriptures in Bulgarian has had an enormous 
influence in determining the character of the written 
language. During the centuries that the Bulgarian 
was used only as a spoken language among the peas- 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 259 

ants, numerous dialects appeared ; and many of the 
earlier writers of the modern renaissance made use 
of these dialects. Dr. Albert Long, an Amqrican 
missionary in Bulgaria, and later a professor in 
Robert College, wrote of Slaveikoff at the time of 
his death: " A grateful nation will cherish his name 
as connected with some of the sweetest songs, most 
attractive stories, vigorous polemics, earnest pa- 
triotic appeals, and valuable folk-lore contributions 
made by any writer during the renaissance period 
of Bulgarian literature. But foremost among his 
literary contributions and his influence upon the 
language and the moral development of the nation, 
will ever stand his work upon the Bulgarian Bible." 

Certainly the most popular author in Bulgaria 
to-day is Ivan Vazoff, poet, dramatist, and novelist. 
Vazoff was born at Sopot the 9th of July, 1850. 
Professor Radoslav A. Tsanoff writes of him: " His 
father was a prominent local merchant, an honest 
old style tradesman of devout orthodoxy and un- 
flinching honesty. To his mother's literary taste 
Vazoff owes his early book culture. Old Vazoff 
wanted his son to master Turkish and modem 
Greek, the two dialects necessary for a merchant of 
that day. Ivan learned French and Russian, the 
two languages indispensable for a poet revolution- 
ist."^ 

The revolutionary movement of the early sev- 
enties forced most of the educated Bulgars to reside 
in foreign countries. Vazoff took up his residence 

• Ivan Vazoff, Balkan Poet and Novelist. By Radoslav A. TsanofT. 
Poet Lore, 1908. Vol. 19, pp. 98-110. 



2G0 Bulgaria and Her People 

in Rumania and contributed to the Periodic Revieiv, 
published at Braila, ^' that first tender leaf of the 
budding Bulgarian literary spirit." He was a mem- 
ber of the revolutionary committee tliat directed 
the insurrectionary movements against the Turks in 
1875 and 1876. He returned to Bulgaria in 1877 to 
accept a government post at Svishtov under Prince 
Tcherkasky after that town had been captured by 
the Russians. It was there that he learned the sad 
fate of Sopot — the complete destruction of the 
town and the murder of his father by the Turks. 

During his years of exile he published three vol- 
umes of patriotic lyrics — Sorrmvs of Bulgaria, 
Banner and Lyre, and The Deliverance. In the first 
he voices the sorrows of his oppressed countrymen, 
and in the last their joys of deliverance from a long 
and oppressive yoke. After the independence of 
the country he was elected to the national assembly 
of Eastern Rumelia. He settled at Philippopolis, 
where he published his earliest prose works — Not 
Long Ago, Mitrofan, Hadji Akhil, and The Out- 
casts. To the same period belongs Mikhalaki, his 
first dramatic work. He published two collections 
of verses in 1883 — Gusla and Fields and Woods — 
and the next year Italy, in which, as Professor 
Krsteff remarks, he struck a deeper and truer poetic 
note. " This work was the first book of poems in 
Bulgarian in which a native poet revealed to his 
countrj'men the inmost recesses of his soul." 

Vazoff was in the Servian war of 1885; and on 
the battle-fields of Slivnitza, Tsaribrod, and Pirot, 
amidst dying soldiers and "vvithin sound of the roar 




-I r^>*f^ 



IVAN VAZOKl'. 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 20 1 

of cannon, he sang the valour of his countrymen in 
dithyrambic strains in Slivnitza (1885). Some of 
the verses in this volume are of high merit and 
establish his clahn to artistic rank as a poet. 

Following the downfall of the Russian party in 
Bulgaria, Vazoff spent three years in exile at 
Odessa. Professor Tsanoff writes in this connec- 
tion : " Vazoff has from the very first been a devout 
Russophil. His poetic adoration for the Tsar Lib- 
erator shut his eyes to the vile hypocrisy of the St. 
Petersburg diplomats. He could see nothing w^rong 
coming from Russia. The word of the Great A\nute 
Tsar had been the gospel of his father; it was a 
sacred truth to him. While others were paid for 
their services, Vazoff considered it a mere act of 
patriotism to ' stand pat ' by Russia. But there 
was a man in Bulgaria, Stefan Stamboloff, the Bis- 
marck of the Balkans, who succeeded in setting Rus- 
sia's plotting to nought. Wliile being himself a 
poet and respecting everything literary, Stamboloff 
was before all else a statesman. Vazoff was a friend 
of Russia, therefore, in the statesman's eyes, an 
enemy of the people. The bard of Sopot was ex- 
iled." 

AATiile in exile at Odessa he wrote Pod Igofo 
{Under the Yoke), the novel that was to make him 
famous. Upon his return to Bulgaria in 1889 it 
appeared serially in Sbornik, a literary review pub- 
lished under the auspices of the ministry of public 
instruction. This novel has been tmnslated into 
all the languages of Europe and two of the lan- 
guages of Asia. There is an excellent English ver- 



262 Bulgaria and Her People 

sion, with a graceful introduction by Edmund 
Gosse.^ 

In Under the Yoke, as Mr. Edmund Gosse has 
pointed out, Vazoff has concentrated in riper form 
than elsewhere the peculiar gifts of his mind and 
style. *' The first quality tliat strikes the critic in 
reading this v€ry remarkable book is its freshness. 
It is not difficult to realize that in its original form, 
this must be the earliest work of genius written 
in an unexhausted language. Nor, if Vazoff should 
live eighty years, and should write with unbated 
zeal and volume, is it very likely that he will ever 
recapture this first fine careless rapture. Under 
the Yoke is a historical romance, not constructed 
by an antiquary or imagined by a poet out of vague 
and insufficient materials accidentally saved from 
a distant past, but recorded by one who lived and 
fought and suffered through the scenes that he sets 
himself to chronicle. It is like seeing Old Mortality 
written by Morton or finding the autobiography of 
Ivanhoe. It is a history seen through a powerful 
telescope, with mediaeval figures crossing and re- 
crossing the seventies of our own discoloured nine- 
teenth century. When the passion which animates 
it is taken into consideration, the moderate and 
artistic tone of Under the Yoke is worthy of great 
praise. In the episode out of the epic of an intox- 
icated nation, great extravagance, great violence 
might have been expected and excused. But this 
tale of forlorn Bulgarian patriotism is constructed 

1 Under the Yoke: a Romance of Bulgarian Liberty. By Ivan Vazoff. 
With an Introduction by Edmund Gosse. New and Revised Edition. 
London, 1912, pp. 301. First English edition, 1893. 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 263 

with delicate consideration, and passes nowhere into 
bombast. The author writes out of his heart things 
which he has seen and felt, but the moment of frenzy- 
has gone by, and his pulse as an observer has recov- 
ered its precision. The passion is there still, the 
intense conviction of intolerable wrongs, scarcely 
to be wiped out with blood. The strenuous political 
fervour of this romance is relieved by a multi- 
tude of delicate, touching, and humourous epi- 
sodes." 

The later romances of Vazoff include New Coun- 
try (1896) and The Queen of Kazalar (1902), in 
which he has given a picture of the social life of 
his country since its liberation. But he has not 
reached the high mark of merit attained in Under 
the Yoke. Vazoff possesses remarkable powers of 
observation; but, as the Swedish critic, Professor 
Jensen, has remarked, " He knows little or nothing 
about racial psychology, and probably cares little 
about it." Vazoff has also tried his hand at drama. 
Vagabonds (1894), his most popular dramatic work, 
deals with the life and activities of the Bulgarian 
exiles in Rumania just before the liberation. Over 
the Abyss, a later drama, based upon ancient Bul- 
garian history, strikes a higher note and indicates 
better workmanship. Ivdilo (1913), Vazoff 's most 
recent dramatic piece, deals with the second half of 
the thirteenth century, just after the close of the 
glorious reign of Ivan Asen TI in Bulgaria. Like 
his other dramatic compositions it makes a strong 
patriotic appeal. TTis dramas have received cordial 
reception at the National Theatre at Sofia; and it 



264 Bulgaria and Her People 

is the opinion of capable critics that they are certain 
to hold a prominent place in the theatres of Bulgaria 
because of their effective situations. 

The melodious character of Vazoff 's lyrics makes 
him the favourite poet witli children; the school 
readers of the country contain many of his poems, 
and he enjoys more popularity with the masses of 
his countrymen than any other Bulgarian writer. 
His poems have been translated into Russian, Slo- 
venian, Servian, and Bohemian. The translation 
into Bohemian by Voracek (Prague, 1891) is said 
to be one of the best of the foreign versions. The 
Pine Tree appears in an English version, by Lucy 
C. Bull, in the World's Best Literature. Concern- 
ing the Epic of the Forgotten Ones Professor Tsa- 
noff writes: '* It appealed to the very noblest senti- 
ments of a dauntless race. In a series of fire-breath- 
ing odes, swinging in a wildly torrential rhythm, 
Vazoff sings the glories of the fallen heroes. The 
language is steeped in passion. Eulogies of brave 
champions intermingle with almost savage anathe- 
mas at the tyrant Turks and the maliciously jealous 
Phanariotes." vSome of Vazoff 's latest publica- 
tions are A Wanderer's Songs, Under Our Shy, All 
Sorts of People, and Things Seen and Heard. The 
first and second are volumes of verses, and the last 
two stories and sketches. 

A novelist wdio has not reached the popularity 
of Vazoff, but who gave early promise of becoming 
a worthy competitor of the author of Under the 
Yoke, is Theodore Vlai'koff (born in 1865). His 
material is drawn from the life of the Bulgarian 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 265 

peasants, and his romances are adroitly constructed 
on psychological problems. Slavtcho's Grand- 
daughter (1887) is a charming idyl of village life. 
Riciier in human content and more acute in psy- 
chological analysis is The Servant (1892). In this 
story he describes the cares and sufferings that fol- 
lowed the disappearance of the frugal habits and 
patriarchal customs of earlier days. The interest 
of the story is directed not so much upon artistic 
effects as upon the thoughts and feelings of the 
characters. Probably his most effective novel was 
The Officer's Servant (189G), in which he describes 
the new life of his country. Exceptionally well 
drawn are the officer, his old mother, and his serv- 
ant. The great artistic merit of this work aroused 
hopes for the future literary superiority of Vlaikoff 
that have not been realized. Shortly after its ap- 
pearance, he renounced letters for politics, and his 
later years have been entirely occupied with social, 
economic, and political matters. 

Stoyan Michailovsky, satirist and polemist, was 
born at Elena in 185G; he studied in the French 
lycee at Constantinople, and later pursued courses 
in jurisprudence at the university of Aix in France. 
He became active in the literature of political jour- 
nalism after his return to Bulgaria, and for some 
years he was professor in the university at Sofia. 
His first important publication was a dramatic poem 
entitled The Song of Evil (1882). Tt was a rather 
obscure work that dealt with the fall of man. A 
more significant work was Susjnria de profundis 
(1883), a mystical composition that deals witli the 



266 Bulgaria and Her People 

sorrows of the Slavs in the ages past and the rain- 
bow of promise in the future. His most important 
work, a satirical poem, is The Book for the Bulga- 
rian People (1897). It purports to deal with polit- 
ical affairs in Asia, but in reality it is a veiled 
attack on the early years of the reign of King Fer- 
dinand and the government of Stamboloff. 

Among the other writings of Michailovsky are 
Novissima Verba, Lamentations and Tears, Philo- 
sophical and Satirical Sonnets, The Diary of a Lone- 
some Man, and Concealed Thoughts. *' These 
works," remarks Professor Krsteff, a candid but 
thoroughly judicious critic of Bulgarian literature, 
** bespeak a profound and contradictory character 
to whom the riddle of existence does not remain 
concealed. Michailovsky called hi7nself a lonesome 
man and the statement is quite true. lie has always 
been a poet among politicians and a politician among 
poets, and he has never l)een entirely at home in 
either camp. He has continued to be more or less 
a stranger in his own time and country. In his 
ideas and language, as in tlic artistic forms in which 
he has chosen to give expression to his political 
and social woes, he has clung rather closely to 
French models." 

Most of the writings of Michailovsky have a com- 
mon character. They abound with epigrams, aph- 
orisms, and meditations inspired by love, duty, and 
the struggle of life, and are tinged with a gloomy 
religious mysticism that gives the tone feeling to 
so many of the creations of Slavic poets. In his 
satires he assails graft and corruption and boodle 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 207 

in political life, and vice and hypocrisy and unbelief 
in social life. Pessimism is the dominant note ; but 
it is not the pessimism of the sentimentalist, but 
the prearliment of the social and political reformer. 
His prose writings are polemic, even vehement, full 
of invective and biltor harangue. 

Aleko Constantinoff (1863-1897), a refined hu- 
mourist, was an author of the first rank. He was 
born at Svishtov the 1st of January, 1863. He 
studied in the elementary school at Svishtov, and 
at the age of eleven entered the secondary school at 
Gabrovo. After the w^ar of 1877-1878, he was sent 
to Russia to complete his education. During the 
seven years spent abroad in study, he wrote several 
small pieces for the theatre, a comic poem published 
in 1882, and published in collaboration with several 
friends a humourous review. He returned to Bul- 
garia in 1885 and received an official appointment 
as judge in the district court of Sofia. This post 
he soon lost, however, *' through the most miserable 
of political motives." 

He then took up the practice of law, and while 
Avaiting for clients turned his attention to literature. 
Ho made translations of tlie poeins of Pushkin, Ler- 
montoff, Nekrassoff, Francois Coppee, and Moliere, 
and wrote literary criticisms for the papers of Sofia. 
He visited America in 189.3, and upon his return 
to Bulgaria publisluMl his first l)ook, To Chicago and 
Back. It was a nolable book of travel and gave 
him a place of disiiiiction among the wnters of his 
country. 

It was, however, i]]o Ihii (uuiio, the Bulgarian 



268 Bulgaria and Her People 

Tartarin, that established his fame. In this work he 
gives an account of the visit of a typical Bulgarian 
peasant to Bohemia. All the weak points in the 
character of the peasant citizen are laid bare; but 
merciless as was the veracity of the story, its hu- 
mour w^as so calm and irresistible that even the Bul- 
garian peasants enjoyed it. Bai Ganio is one of 
the finest contributions to the literature of modern 
European humour, and it is to be regretted that 
it has never been translated into English. There 
is, however, a very satisfactory French ver- 
sion.^ 

In 1894 he joined the ranks of the young demo- 
cratic party under the leadership of Karaveloff and 
began the publication of a series of feuilletons in 
the newspapers of Sofia, which he continued up to 
the moment of his untimely death. " For these 
feuilletons/' remarks Professor Krsteff, '' he chose 
the simplest possible themes, but his language was 
so powerful, his style so forceful, and, withal, so 
charming, that they acted like war songs on the peo- 
ple. He controlled the literary world of Bulgaria 
and kept the people in breathless expectancy until 
his death in 1897." 2 

While carriage-riding in the mountains between 
Bulgaria and Macedonia, and accompanied by Mr. 
Takeff, minister of the interior in the Malinoff cab- 
inet, Constantinoff received revolver bullets that 

' Bal Ganio. Par Aleko ConstantinofT. Traduit du Bulgare par 
Matel Gueorguiev et Jean Jagerschmidt. Paris, 1911, pp. 245. 

^ Die neue bulgarische Litteraiur. Von K. Kreteff-Miroljuboff. In- 
ternationale Wochenschrift fur Wissenschaft Kunst und Technik, 23rd 
January, 1909. 




ALEKO CONSTANTINOFF. 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 269 

were intended for liis companion, and died almost 
instantl}'. At the spot where he fell there has been 
erected a monument to his memory which hears this 
inscription: " Travellers, tell to future generations 
that at this spot Aleko Constantinoff, poet-author, 
was assassinated by hired murderers, the 11th of 
May, 1897." A collection of his works, with an 
appreciative sketch by Pencho Slavei'koff, was pub- 
lished after liis death. (Sofia, 1901.) 

There is, so far as the author knows, practical 
unifonnity of judgment among competent European 
students of Bulgarian literature with reference to 
the name that stands at the head of the list of men 
of letters in the peasant state. Pencho vSlaveikoff 
(1866-1912), son of Petko Slaveikoff, the father of 
modern Bulgarian literature, struck a higher intel- 
lectual note, employed more refined literary canons, 
and projected himself more effectively into the fu- 
ture than any of his contemporaries. Professor 
Jensen of Sweden says of him: '* He brought the 
new poetry of Bulgaria into living relationship with 
European culture, while at the same time he jeal- 
ously preserved its unique national characteristics. 
No Bulgarian poet has sung more effectively than 
he in honour of the martyr pioneers; yet no artist 
has more ruthlessly lashed the political and social 
shortcomings of the Bulgarian people than Pencho 
Slaveikoff." 

An English literary critic, who knew Slavo'iknff 
personally, gives this account of him: " He is the 
caged lion of Sofia. Great massive shoulders, a 
massive head, swarthy, \vith beard of black and 



270 Bulgaria and Her People 

silvor, a brow that sets one tliinking, and eyes — 
eyes weary with the world's troubles, eyes of the 
twilit woods, then of a woodland faun, eyes that 
lure you and dance away from you, eyes that laugh 
at you and their owner, unbearable eyes. Slavei'koff 
is the figure of revolt. As he walks painfully 
through the town — for his feet are unwilling trav- 
ellers — he longs with a fierce desire to be where 
no man knows him. The passion of revolt is in his 
l)lood; it burns in the poems he wrote in Germany, 
whither the spirit of Nietzsche summoned him. In 
that series of remarkable poems he celebrates Bee- 
thoven, Lenau, Shelley, Nietzsche, Michael Angelo 
— men who wrong great things out of anguish." 

Pencho Slavei'koff was the first Bulgarian poet 
who placed special emphasis both on the form and 
the content of his creations. His predecessors and 
contemi^oraries had been concerned primarily with 
the spiritual life of the people; but Slavei'koff rec- 
ognized that the poet must be an artist, and that his 
songs must be cast in forms that will bear the test 
of the highest canons of poetic art. The magical 
perfection of his phrasing, the classical purity of 
his language, and the appropriateness of his im- 
agery may well serve as models for the younger 
poets of Bulgaria. 

His first really great lyrical composition was the 
poetical cycle, the Kaledari, so named in honour of 
the wandering folk-bards who at Christmas time 
went from place to place singing songs of well- 
wishing, for which they were paid with small gifts. 
Here, as in his other works, the diction is of a rich 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 271 

and permanent texture; and the thrill of the prop- 
erly chosen word, which gratifies at once the ear, the 
imagination, and the understanding, is more marked 
than in any other Bulgarian poet. 

A melancholy note pervades Epic Songs (1890- 
1897), and Dreams (1898), A Dream of Happiness 
(1908), and Island of the Blessed (1910). They are 
brilliantly coloured shadows in a brilliantly coloured 
shadowland ; and there is behind these songs, as 
Henry Bernard has remarked, '' a living back- 
ground of Bulgarian nature — the tawnj'-coloured 
plains, the vast pine-clad Eilo mountains, the cele- 
brated rose-fields of Rumelia. Straggling hamlets 
of grey and yellow and at intervals a Turkish case- 
ment; dark, active-looking men, despite their bulg- 
ing pantaloons; girls in gauzy robes of blue with 
ancient belts of silver-work, with coins and red and 
yellow flowers twined among their strands of hair; 
children, whose garment is often the sunlight, con- 
gregating in the dust of villages or about the little 
river which disports itself between the cobblestones 
of the tortuous main street — no phase of rural life 
which is unknown to our poet." 

Slaveikoff's masterpiece is Kurvava Pessen (A 
Bloody Song). It is a great epic, which was unfin- 
ished at the time of the death of the poet. Its cen- 
tral figure is no human being, but the genius of the 
Bulgarian race is personified by Father Balkan — 
the spirit of the vast chain of mountains that is 
inseparably connected with the life of the nation. 
The story of the sufferings of the Bulgarian people 
under the Turks and their deliverance by the Kus- 



272 Bulgaria and Her People 

sians is unfolded in the epic manner with large 
inset episodes. In intellectual comprehension, 
moral sublimity, and rich description it takes high 
rank among the epics of modern European litera- 
ture. It has an admirable Swedish version; and, 
but for the untimely death of the poet, would have 
secured him the Nobel prize. 

Professor Krsteff, one of the most discriminating 
of Bulgarian critics, writes concerning the work of 
Pencho Slavei'koff : " His poetical development was 
determined in part by the Russian novelists and in 
part by the German lyric poets. He united the ten- 
der and dreamy soul of the Slav with the thoughtful 
and artistic mind of the Teuton. He was the first 
Bulgarian poet who combined lofty standards of 
form with virile content." He took the spiritual 
life of the Bulgarian people, as embodied in folk- 
song, and gave it new poetic energy and beauty. 
Wliile Bulgarian literature is still in a state of trans- 
ition, which makes it difficult for the foreign critic 
to pronounce with any finality what is better and 
what is best, there can be but one judgment with 
reference to the work of Pencho Slavei'koff: It is 
increasingly recognized that he reached the highest 
point which the authors of Bulgaria have attained 
in the field of letters. For Slavei'koff was more 
than a Bulgarian imet; he was a poet. 

Petko Todoroff (born 1879), author of ballads, 
dramas, and essays, is probably the most significant 
of the younger living authors of Bulgaria. He is 
the most modern of the poets and approximates 
most nearly the high rank attained by Pencho Slave- 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 273 

i'koff. Inconstant, Bewitched, Shadows, and The 
Marriage of the Sun (all of which have been excel- 
lently translated into German by Dr. G. Adam) por- 
tray Bulgarian peasant life in all the freshness of 
its beauty and simplicity. 

His dramas likewise are notable creations. In 
The Masons he describes the slow awakening of the 
national Bulgarian consciousness, with which he 
has admirably blended the religious feelings of the 
peasant folk. This is one of the popular pieces in 
the National Theatre at Sofia. The First Ones, a 
social drama, deals with the period of intellectual 
emancipation from Greek culture. 

Todoroff's greatest dramatic achievement is The 
Mountain Fairy, in which the poet has attained a 
degree of poetic perfection not hitherto reached by 
other Bulgarian authors in the field of dramatic lit- 
erature. It is a work of genuine poetic inspiration, 
as well as fine artistry in construction, and is cer- 
tain sooner or later to find its way into the reper- 
toire of European and American theatres. 

All of Todoroff's writings display unusual imag- 
ination and suggest the idealistic philosophy that 
mirrors the author's fine personality. His sketches 
of folk-life and his prose writings are probably the 
finest that have been produced by any Bulgarian 
author. 

Constantino VelitchkofP (1857-1897) is one of the 
minor poets of Bulgaria. He was bom at Tatar 
Pazardjik ; studied in the French lycee at Constan- 
tinople, and participated in the revolutionary move- 
ment against Turkey that preceded the war of 



274 Bulgaria and Her People 

1877-78. He was captured and imprisoned by the 
Turks, and has since publislied In Prison, in which 
he gives his experiences during- that stirring and 
dangerous period. After the liberation of Bul- 
garia he became Tuinister of public instruction in 
the province of Eastern Kumelia. lie has been a 
careful translator of many foreign poems into the 
Bulgarian — Macheth of Shakespeare, Inferno of 
Dante, and Misanthrope of Moliere. In 1889 he 
published a volume of sonnets, most of them in a 
melancholy vein, but all of them indicating poetic 
talent of no mean order. In his prose works, as 
in Letters from Borne (1895), he shows marked 
power of description and keen sense of appreciation 
of natural beauty. 

Another minor poet is Kyril Ghristoff (born in 
1875). He is the author of patriotic verses, erotic 
songs, and dramas. He was early in life a devotee 
of Italian x)oetry, and some of his poems of passion 
show unmistakable Italian influences. In a more 
recent volume, Na Kriistopid (At the Parting of the 
Ways), he has shown finer feeling and a higher 
order of poetic genius. His Selected Poems (1904) 
show mastery of lyric verse forms. He has shown 
keen interest in working over folk-song motives and 
folk-ballads. He has achieved no marked success in 
dramatic literature, but his dramas h;ive unmistaka- 
ble elements of promise; and as he is a compara- 
tively young writer, his best work in this field may 
lie in the future. 

Payo Yavoroff (born 1877) is a lyric poet of rec- 
ognized al)ility. His Poems (1901) showed the un- 



Modern Bulgarian Literature 275 

mistakablc influence of the revolutionary versifiers, 
and notably of Christo Boteff; but in a later vol- 
ume, Sleeplessness (1907), there is independence of 
thought and marked growth in poetic power. He 
was a volunteer in the Macedonian revolutionary 
movement; and his recent volume of haiduk songs 
(1909) has both beauty of form and fine lyric senti- 
ment. Many of the choice lyrics of this collection 
are richly coloured by the racial psychology of the 
Bulgarian people. Yavoroff's mastery of verse 
technique is remarkable. lie has shown, as no one 
else, the rare flexibility of Bulgarian, both in rhytlmi 
and rhyme. 

Anton Strashimiroff (born 1875), a symbolical 
and mystical writer, is the author of a number of 
novels and dramas that deal with the life of the Bul- 
garian peasants. A significant work of fiction by 
Strashimiroff is the novel Troubled Times (1899), 
which deals with political events in Bulgaria fol- 
lowing the coup d'ftat of 18Sn. His later novels. 
An Autumn Day (1901) anrl The Crossroad (1904), 
deal with the social and political y)roblems of sturdy 
village folks who have grown up in close touch with 
nature. His most important dramatic composition 
is The Unmarked Grave (1900). 

The writer who knows most intimately the life 
of the Bulgarian peasant is Elin-Pelin (Demeter 
Ivanoff), a child of the common people, whose short 
stories are delightful genre pieces. His best knowTi 
romance, Guerachs, portrays the hard realities of 
peasant existence during the period of transition; 
but the grim life of the obstinate old Guerach is 



276 Bulgaria and Her People 

relieved by the penetrating humour and the keen 
observation of the peasant-author. 

Eeference should also be made to Tsanko Tser- 
kovsky, born at Bela Tservka in 1869, the peasant 
poet par excellence of Bulgaria. He is a peasant 
poet not only in his choice of subjects, but in his 
point of view. He has tried to do with the Bulgarian 
folk-song what few others have done in Bulgaria: 
not modernize it, but catch its spirit, and in its spirit 
express the joys and sorrows of the present peasant 
life. 

Among modern political writers may be named 
Simeon Eadeff, journalist, historian, and essayist, 
author of the Builders of Bulgaria, and probably 
the ablest journalist in the country; St. Daneff, 
politician and lawyer, and author of works on juris- 
prudence and political science; Stephen S. Bob- 
tcheff, diplomat and politician, and writer on legal 
and political subjects; and Vasil Zlatarsky, the his- 
torian. 

In the field of literary criticism should be named 
A. Balabanoff, Ivan Shishmanoff, Boyan Penneff, 
and Constantine Krsteff. Authors in the field of 
philology and folk-lore include Jordan Ivanoff, 
Benu Tsoneff, Lubomir Miletitch, and A. Arnaou- 
doif ; Peter Neukoff and Ivan Georgoff are the two 
leading writers on pedagogy and psychology; a 
really forceful and original writer in the field of 
philosophy is Dimiter Michaltscheff, and among 
notable scientific writers may be mentioned George 
Zlastarsky, Stephen Petkoff, and George Boncheff. 



CHAPTER XIX 

PAINTING AND SCULPTURE 

High rank of Bulgaria in painting — Earliest artists foreigners — 
Professor Ivan D. Mirkvicka — Wide range of his artistic activ- 
ities — Studies of Bulgarian peasants — His historical paintings — 
Mural paintings in the Alexander Nevsky cathedral — Founder of 
the Academy of Fine Arts — Yaroslav Veshin — Pavlovitch and 
Dospevsky — Professor Anton' MitofT — Ivan AngelolT — Other 
painters — Sculpture — Collections of paintings — Art school at 
Sofia. 

When it is recalled that for a period of five hun- 
dred years the Bulgars were subjected to the mis- 
rule of the Turks, and that they have enjoyed free- 
dom from the Ottoman yoke for less than thirty-six 
years, it will surprise even well informed people 
to hear that Bulgaria is already taking an honour- 
able place among the culture-nations of modern 
Europe. The political and literary activity of the 
rejuvenated nation has reacted favourably on the 
art movement of the country, and already the young 
kingdom has a very satisfactory list of paintings 
and painters to her credit account. 

The artist who has done most to win distinction 
for Bulgaria in the field of painting is Professor 
Ivan V. Mirkvicka, a Bohemian by birth but a Bul- 
gar in spirit. After the freedom of Bulgaria from 
Turkish rule, a dozen artists flocked to the new 
country from Germany, Bohemia, Russia, and 
France; but most of them soon became discouraged 

277 



278 Bulgaria and Her People 

with the unfavourable couditions they had to face, 
and left the country. The conditions for art work 
were most adverse ; there were no galleries or art 
collections or exliibits; even art materials and mod- 
els were obtained with great difficulty. 

But Mirkvicka became acclimated; the life of the 
young nation interested him. Writing in later life 
of his early experiences in Bulgaria he says: " At 
the school I tried my best to inspire my pupils with 
artistic taste and a love of art. As for myself I 
lived a very quiet life. The splendid scenery around 
me, and the characteristic faces I met at every step, 
aroused the artist within me, and made me long to 
put all these things on canvas. I devoted myself 
to the study of Bulgarian nature and to the national 
ethnic types, and in doing so derived great pleasure. 
Nowhere can one find such varied types and such 
interesting costumes as are to be found here. Things 
have kept the natural imprint, and neither the bar- 
bers nor the fashion papers have succeeded in giv- 
ing the same appearance to every one. The homme 
du peuple has preserved his manner of wearing his 
clothes, of putting on his fur cap and belt, and of 
leaving his chest bare. All this has something in- 
dividual about it." 

Mirkvicka is an astonishingly productive artist. 
There is scarcely any branch of painting — genre 
pieces, landscapes, portraits, historical composi- 
tions, icons, mural paintings — at which he has not 
tried bis hand and in which he has not attained 
extraordinary results. But it is the Bulgarian peas- 
ants that supply the groundwork of his best paint- 




IVAN V. .M1KK\ICKA. 



Painting and Sculpture 270 

ings. It is in genre pieces that he reaches the ripest 
maturity of his genius. And his Bulgarian peasants 
are full of dignity and beauty. He does not paint 
them " as darkened by the pall of an unremediable 
fatality, but as strong men and women fronting with 
strength the vicissitudes of their existence." 

No other artist has given such a sympatlietic and 
varied survey of the inhabitants of the peasant 
state. His genre pieces have grown out of and into 
the circumstances of peasant life iii Bulgaria and 
Macedonia. They represent all the traits of a hardy 
peasant folk, the characteristic gestures, the heavi- 
ness of the motley dress, and an extravagance of 
colour that sometimes offends the western eye un- 
familiar with life in the Balkans; but tliere is a 
beautiful humanity in all the paintings that tell the 
story of Bulgar life, and it is the humanity of the 
Bulgar nature. 

A good example of this kind of work b}^ Mir- 
kvicka is " The horo in a Bulgarian khan." The 
horo is the national dance of the country, danced 
on holidays by the peasants attired in all their 
finery. There is a comprehension of details in this 
painting, as complete as that of the Dutch masters. 
You see the Turkish coffee-pot on the wall, the Bul- 
gars in their highly coloured costumes, with the 
characteristic sandals, and lacings running up the 
home-spun woollen stockings. You feel as you look 
at the painting the absorption of Ihe artist in the 
emotions of the dancers and liis desire to give the 
whole affair faithful reproduction. This phase of 
Mirkvicka's work will have lasting value; for these 



280 Bulgaria and Her People 

peasant types and customs are certain to pass away 
with time, and his pictures will come to have large 
historical significance. 

Another interesting example of his genre work 
is " All Souls' Day in a Country Churchyard." 
Peasants have come to the graves of their departed 
kin with dishes of boiled wheat, baskets of bread 
and cake, flasks of oil and honey, and bunches of 
flowers. Black robed priests bless the food which 
the mourners place on the graves, at the same time 
chanting dirges which recount the virtues of the 
departed. It is a scene of exquisite refreshment 
to the spirit. *' Burning of a Macedonian Village," 
"The Pursuit," and ''The Rhodope Wedding" 
are other notable examples that deal wdth the life 
of the common people. '* The Rhodope Wedding," 
owned by Mr. Charles R. Crane of Chicago, is big 
in life and art. The simple faith and habits of 
mountain peasants are represented with noble seri- 
ousness and a tenderness that is irresistibly appeal- 
ing. 

Mirkvicka has also achieved notable results as a 
portrait painter. In all his portraits there is an 
amazing suggestion of actuality. His painting of 
the Princess Maria Louisa, first wife of King Ferdi- 
nand of Bulgaria, is executed in the old mosaic style 
and represents the princess as the founder of the 
new Bulgarian dynasty. She is seated on an an- 
tique throne and is garbed in the beautiful costume 
of media?.val Bulgarian queens. His portrait of 
King Ferdinand, also in the antique style, gives one 
a good notion of the artist's delicate schemes of 







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Painting and Sculpture 281 

colour and the excellent adjustment of their values. 
Another interesting portrait is his conception of 
Paissy, the monk and scholar of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. 

His historical paintings are full of tragic horror, 
but they give the actuality of the terrible events 
which always seizes his imagination, and one is 
pretty certain to discover in these historical paint- 
ings the fundamental note of humanity beneath his 
tragic actors. 

The new Alexander Nevsky cathedral at Sofia 
contains some of Professor Mirkvicka's latest work. 
The cathedral was built, at a cost of more than one 
million dollars, as a token to Russia for the libera- 
tion of the Bulgarian people from the Turkish yoke. 
These mural paintings represent a rather wide 
range of historical and religious subjects, such as 
''Christ in the Temple," ''The Seven Saints to 
the Slavs," "Holy Zlata," 'Mohn the Baptist," 
'' Salome and Herod," and " Moses and Aaron." 
These mural paintings show breadth of pinturesque 
style and a refined pictorial sense. They are ad- 
justed with wonderful skill to the architectural 
spaces embellished. 

Professor Mirkvicka was the founder of the Acad- 
emy of Fine Arts at Sofia and its first president; 
he organized the first art exhibit held in Bulgaria, 
and has been the teacher of most of the men who are 
doing distinguished work in art in the country. His 
paintings were exhibited at Paris in 1900, at St. 
Louis in 1904, at Liege in 1905, and at Brussels in 
1910. Most of his pictures are in the palaces and 



282 Bulgaria and Her People 

public and priviito buildings in Bulgaria and Servia, 
although several adorn the home of that well-known 
Amerieau friend of Slavic art, Mr. Charles R. Crane 
of Chicago. 

Yaroslav Veshin, also a Bohemian by birth, is 
another foreigner who has contributed to the devel- 
opment of the art life of the young kingdom. 
Veshin had studied in the art academies at Prague 
and Munich, and had acquired considerable repu- 
tation as a painter before he came to Bulgaria. He 
taught for a time in secondary schools and the art 
academy after coming to the country, and was later 
connected with the war department as official 
painter. His most important paintings take as 
subjects winter landscapes, hunting scenes, and old 
Turkish villages. " Tn his c/enre pictures," writes 
Protitch, " especially in his paintings of peasants, 
gypsies, and Turks, he introduces a sense of humour 
quite personal to himself. With his well-established 
style Veshin has exercised a profound influence on 
all his pupils."^ Mihoff and Petroff, two of the 
Bulgarian artists who have attained distinction, 
were trained by Veshin. 

The Polish artist Piotrovsky, who came to Bul- 
garia as correspondent and artist for various jour- 
nals in 1885, jjainted a number of important war 
pieces. His most important work was " The Mas- 
sacre in Batak." Protitch says of this historical 
painting: ^' It displays great mastery in individu- 
alizing crowds and in rendering events in a simple 
and easily comprehensible form: to the right, the 

' Fine Art in Bulgaria. 15y Audrey Protitch. London, 1907, pp. 37. 



Painting and Sculpture 283 

burning village of Batak; to the left, mutilated, 
dying Bulgarians and the victors covered with tlieir 
cheap glory — Circassians, baslii-bozouks, Turkish 
women, and gypsies revelling in the dreadful spec- 
tacle presented by the burning village." 

Among native Bulgarians the first to attain dis- 
tinction in art were Nicholas Pavlovitch and Vladi- 
slav Dospevsky. Pavlovitch was born at Svishtov 
in 1835; studied in the art academies at Munich 
and Vienna, and travelled in Russia. He returned 
to Bulgaria in 1861 and endeavoured by means of 
paintings and lithographs dealing with the ancient 
history of the country to stimulate the patriotism 
and intellectual life of his compatriots. He also 
endeavoured to reform ilie icon ])aiutings for the 
Orthodox church, but without appreciable results. 
He made two unsuccessful attempts to organize a 
school of painting. In 1867 he illustrated for the 
Turkish pasha at Kustcluik a history of the janis- 
saries. After the liberation of Bulgaria from Turk- 
ish rule he sensed for seven years as an inspector 
of schools (1878-1885). 

Vladislav Dospevsky studied in Russia and was 
largely interested in church paintings. He joined 
with Pavlovitch in an effort to modernize church 
painting in accordance with the requirements of 
modern artistic technique, but without much success. 

Professor Anton Mitoff, an associate of Professor 
Mirkvicka in the Academy of Pine Arts at Sofia, 
is also a ])ainter of high mei-it. Mitoff is a Bulgar; 
he was born at Stara Zagora the 31st of March, 
1862; graduated at the art academy at Florence, 



284 Bulgaria and Her People 

and has passed his active life as a teacher and 
painter. He has exhibited at Rome, Venice, St. 
Louis, and Liege, and his pictures are to he found 
chiefly in public and private collections in Sofia and 
Belgrade. 

There is a note of unmistakable force and inde- 
pendence in all of Mitoff's work, and it is some- 
times tempered with fine poetic feeling. His pic- 
torial sense is one of the sources of greatness in 
his art, and his best paintings represent the life of 
his people. *' Market Scene at Sofia," " Lemonade 
Vendor at Stara Zagora," " Washing by the Brook 
at Plevna," and " Death of the Patriarch Eftimi " 
are full of significant suggestion. 

Mitoff is also liberally represented in the new 
cathedral of Alexander Nevsky at Sofia. There is 
piquancy and virility in his conception of St. 
Method, St. Kyril, and King Boris; and fine feeling 
in the altar-piece, '' Christ and the Virgin." The 
mosaics of the king's altar in the cathedral are from 
drawings by Mitoff. The superb decorations of the 
walls and ceiling of the council chamber of the Bul- 
garian Agricultural Bank at Sofia are the joint la- 
bours of Mitoff and Mirkvicka. 

Ivan Angeloff, who studied at Rome and Munich, 
is a Bulgarian artist of the Millet scliooL He has 
caught the spirit of the Bulgarian peasant, and his 
discrimination of light values links his art with 
that of the impressionists. His most notable paint- 
ing is '* Peasants Taking the Oath." Nicholas 
Petroff is a water-colour painter who shows unusual 
comprehension of the subtle qualities of rural life 




AN'TON MI TOFF. 



Painting and Sculpture 285 

in his scenes on the banks of the Danube in the neigh- 
bourhood of Vidin. 

Stefan Ivanoff, the most distinguished icon 
painter in Bulgaria, has done some creditable work 
with the methods of the impressionists. Marin 
Georgieff, a student of Mirkvicka, has some pleas- 
ing paintings of ancient church ruins; Alexander 
Moutafoff, some interesting melancholy subjects; 
Christo Berberoff, some fine bits of landscape; 
Nicholas Mihailoff, some excellent portraits; and 
Krali Marko suggests an artist's dream of atmos- 
phere and colour in his representations from Bul- 
garian folk-lore. 

Alexander Bojinoff, who is reasonably well kno^Ti 
in Europe as a caricaturist, has a number of ad- 
mirable symbolical landscape works in water colours 
and pastel. But his caricatures of village life in 
Bulgaria represent his best work, 

Bulgaria has made less notable contributions to 
sculpture than to painting. Andrey Protitch is 
authority for the statement that this backwardness 
is due to the puritanical attitude of the Bulgarian 
people towards undraped figures. Andrea Niko- 
loff has made creditable busts of the artists Mir- 
kvicka and Mitoff and the poet Vazoff, as well as 
heads of children. The historical monument at 
Kustendil is by him. There is an interesting group 
of miners in the national museum at Sofia by Alex- 
ander Andraeff ; Marin VassileiT has a creditable 
bust of Alexander of Battenberg, and several pieces 
by Yetcho Spiridonoff have artistic worth. The 
workers in ceramics by young artists connected with 



286 Bulgaria and Her People 

the school of painting at Sofia have done some alto- 
gether noteworthy pictorial work on vases. 

The most important collections of paintings in 
Bulgaria are found in the royal palaces at Sofia, 
Varna, Philippopolis, Tcham-Koria, and Gorubli- 
nay. The Bulgarian Agricultural Bank at Sofia 
contains a number of mural paintings by Mirkvicka 
and Mitoff. The walls of the national assembly 
at the capital contain portraits of the Tsar Libera- 
tor (Alexander II of Russia), Prince Alexander of 
Battenberg, King Ferdinand, Princess Maria Lou- 
isa, and Prince Boris by Nicholas Mihailoff. The 
new cathedral of Alexander Nevsky and the palace 
of the Holy Synod, described elsewhere, also con- 
tain rich collections of paintings by modern Bul- 
garian artists. The national government has made 
a beginning in the matter of a collection of paint- 
ings representative of the art life of the nation. 
But this meagre collection, badly housed in the 
national museum at Sofia, gives a very inadequate 
idea of the present state of art in Bulgaria. 

Several art exhibitions have been held in Bulgaria 
and Bulgarian artists h^ve exhibited at most of 
the recent European expositions. Two societies of 
artists have been formed — ' ' The Society of Bul- 
garian Artists " and " The Modern Art Society." 

In 1895 the national government organized a state 
scliool of art at Sofia for the training of students 
of plastic and fine arts ; teachers of painting, draw- 
ing, and manual arts in the secondary and technical 
schools; and artists for the various art industries, 
such as icon painting, wood carving, goldsmiths' 



Painting and Sculpture 287 

work, and ceramics. Most of the leading artists 

of the country are or have been members of the 

faculty, and practically all of the younger artists 
have studied in the school. 



CHAPTER XX 

FAEMS AND FORESTS 

Agriculture the mainstay — Peasant ownership — Common pasture 
lands — Cereal products — Cultivation of rosea — Orchard fruits 
— Growth of tobacco — Rearing of live-stock — Bulgarian Agri- 
cultural Bank — Need of agricultural education — Social life of 
the peasant farmers — Forests of Bulgaria — Government regula- 
tions — The forests of the Ililo and the Rhodope mountains. 

Agriculture is the mainstay of Bulgaria. Three- 
fourths of the people are farmers, and products of 
the soil are the chief source of wealth. The pop- 
ulation of the country is sparse ; capital is not abun- 
dant; the peasants are conservative, and agi'icul- 
tural methods are primitive. Fertilizers are not 
generally used ; rotation of crops is little practised, 
and modern farming implements are rather rare. 
Water buffalo and oxen are the chief beasts of bur- 
den, although camels are still used to a slight ex- 
tent in the northeastern part of the kingdom. The 
water buffalo are strong and patient animals, but 
they require much care. There are few horses in 
the country, but the Bulgarian horse, although small, 
is hardy and intelligent. 

Peasant proprietorship is general. Farms are 
small, the average being about eighteen acres. To 
except the lands owned by the monasteries, there 

288 



Farms and Forests 289 

are no large estates in Bulgaria. Very few people 
in the agricultural districts work for wages. Each 
farmer cultivates his own small holding and depends 
for his livelihood upon the products of his own 
hands. The method of inheritance, adopted after 
the liberation from the Turkish yoke, has tended 
to make the holdings smaller and smaller. There 
are one hundred thousand farmers in Bulgaria with 
farms of two and one-half acres, and less than one 
hundred farmers with more than seven hundred 
acres. 

The Bulgarian farmers as a class live roughly, 
even sordidly. They enjoy very few rude comforts, 
but they are independent and contented. Their 
industry is proverbial. Their power of endurance 
is remarkable. Poverty, in the sense in which the 
word is used in Europe and America, is simply 
unknown in Bulgaria; for the peasant farmers are 
not only industrious: they add to the capacity for 
hard work the virtues of temperance and frugal- 

ity. 

In addition to their farms, the peasants have cer- 
tain pasture lands that are held in perpetuitj^ by 
the communities. Farmers have the right of pas- 
turing their domestic animals on these communal 
meadows. Certain forest lands are also held in 
common, from which wood for fuel may be taken. 
No taxes are paid on the lands held by communities. 
The house-community was until very recent times 
an important institution of farm life. Family 
groups lived together in patriarchal fashion. Some- 
times as many as ten or a dozen families lived to- 



290 Bulgaria and Her People 

gether on a large farm and observed communistic 
principles. 

About forty-six per cent, of the area of Bulgaria 
is susceptible of cultivation. Three-fourths of the 
products of the soil are cereals ; wheat, maize, bar- 
ley, oats, and rye being the chief cereal products. 
The best wheat and maize lands are on the plains 
that border the Danube. From the Dobrudja region, 
which Bulgaria was forced to cede to Rumania as 
a result of the last war, the yield of wheat alone 
exceeded eight million dollars annually. The adop- 
tion of modern methods of agriculture would greatly 
augment the yield of cereals. The primitive wooden 
plough of Biblical days is still generally used. It 
does scarcely more than scratch the soil. Harrows 
are seldom used. The Bulgarian farmer makes lit- 
tle use of manures in his cultivation of cereals. 
Rape and hemp are also grown; the former for 
exportation and the latter for its fibre, which is 
made into rope in the large rope factories near 
Sofia. 

The cultivation of roses is the chief occupation 
of one hundred fifty villages in a sheltered valley 
between the Balkan mountains and the Sredna Gora. 
The valley is eighty miles long and thirty miles 
wide, with an area of eighteen thousand acres de- 
voted to the cultivation of roses. The world's sup- 
ply of that expensive luxury known as attar of roses 
comes from this valley. The attar is obtained by 
the distillation of the rose petals. Damask roses 
are chiefly cultivated. The rose-fields are cultivated 
after the manner of vineyards. The petals are gath- 




HAHVESTINti WITH CAMELS. 




^^i£.' 



THHESHINC wiii;\r 



Farms and Forests 291 



ered at the end of May or the beginning of June. 
They are taken from the rose-bnshes in the early 
morning while the half-opened buds are still wet 
with dew, the rose being broken off just below the 
calyx. A wax-like substance sticks to the hands of 
the girls and women who gather the roses. This 
is scraped off from time to time and manufactured 
into a substance that is used for coating metal neck- 
laces. 

An acre of land will produce about four thousand 
pounds of roses, but it takes two hundred pounds 
of petals to produce a single ounce of rose oil. 
After the petals have been gathered they are taken 
to the distillery. In the process of distillation, the 
tiny yellow globules of oil come to the surface and 
are skimmed off with a feather. Kazanlik, Karlova, 
and Klissura are the chief distilling centres of the 
attar of roses. 

The orchard fruits cultivated are plums, apples, 
peaches, and apricots. Figs and pomegranates are 
grown in abundance in Eastern Rumelia. The most 
productive orchard lands arc the plains of Kusten- 
dil and Gabrovo. Quantities of nuts are grown, 
including walnuts, almonds, and hazel nuts. Anise, 
sesame, and colza seeds are produced in the south- 
ern parts of the country. 

Tobacco is an important agricultural product. 
The tobacco regions are in the districts of Xanthi, 
Kustendil, Philippopolis, and Haskovo. Before the 
Balkan wars, the yield of tobacco exceeded eight 
thousand pounds a year. The tobacco lands in the 
Silistria district, however, have been ceded to Ku- 



292 Bulgaria and Her People 

■ — 

mania; but Bulgaria has acquired tlie rich tobacco 
lands in the Xanthi district, where the finest quality 
of Turkish tobacco has long been grown. With the 
acquisition of new tobacco districts in Thrace and 
Macedonia the acreage devoted to tobacco culture 
will be doubled, and the yield will probably reach 
twenty million pounds a year. The Bulgarian gov- 
ernment encourages the growth of tobacco by dis- 
tributing seed of a good quality free of cost to the 
planters, by placing a bounty on the tobacco ex- 
ported, and by authorizing the Bulgarian National 
Bank to grant loans to the planters on surety cer- 
tificates until they are able to dispose of their crops 
advantageously. 

The cultivation of beet-root has recently been 
introduced in the country, chiefly in the province 
of Sofia, and there has been established in the 
suburbs of the capital a sugar refinery that utilizes 
the whole crop. There are vineyards on the slopes 
of the Balkans, the Srcdna Gora, and the Rhodopes, 
and the yield of wine is considerable. Rice is grown 
in the provinces of Philippopolis and Kustendil, 
and beans are grown in considerable quantities in 
many parts of the kingdom. Some cotton is grown 
in the lower Maritza valley. 

The rearing of live-stock constitutes an important 
branch of rural economy in Bulgaria. With the 
rapid agricultural development of the country that 
began twenty-five years ago, many of the pasture 
lands were brought under cultivation and the forage 
ranges of the shepherds accordingly greatly de- 
creased. The government has attempted to help 



Farms and Forests 293 

the goat and sheep herders increase the quantity 
of food supply for their flocks by supplying them 
without cost lucern and vetch seed, and by exempt- 
ing such pasture lands from taxation. There has 
been in consequence very great increase in the num- 
ber of sheep and some increase in the number of 
goats and cattle. Poultry-raising and dairying are 
growing in importance, as are bee-culture and the 
growth of silk-worms. A beginning has been made 
in the matter of agricultural education. This is the 
imperative need of tlie hour. 

The Bulgarian Agricultural Bank is an important 
adjunct of the farm interests of the country. It is 
located at Sofia and has eighty-five branches in 
cities and towns, and seventy-six agencies in vil- 
lages. It is administered by a council which con- 
sists of a governor and four administrators ap- 
pointed by the king. The capital amounts to $8,000,- 
000. The bank accepts deposits; advances loans 
guaranteed by mortgages or securities ; lends farm- 
ers money for bujang cattle, seed, or farming im- 
plements; opens uncovered accounts with farmers 
and cooperative societies; makes loans guaranteed 
by cattle and agricultural produce; buys farming 
implements, cattle, and seed for farmers; advances 
loans to departments and villages, when such loans 
are destined for public improvements; transfers 
and collects commercial bills. Agricultural banks 
pay 5 per cent, on deposits for five years; 4 per 
cent, for three years, and 3 per cent, for one year. 
One per cent, is paid on deposits left for unlimited 
l)oriods. Six per cent, is charged on loans guar- 



294 Bulgaria and Her People 

anteed by the deposit of securities, 7 per cent. 
on mortgage loans, and 8 per cent, on personal 
guarantees.^ 

The greatest need of the Bulgarian farmer to-day 
is agricultural education. The national government 
has made a beginning. There are state schools of 
agriculture at Sadovo and Rustchuk, with model 
farms connected with, each, and a school of horti- 
culture and viticulture at Plevna ; but the immediate 
need could be met by the organization of brief 
courses in agriculture in the elementary rural 
schools. A beginning has been made in this direc- 
tion in a few villages, and the subject of agriculture 
is now required in the state normal school. There 
is a national agricultural society; a journal is pub- 
lished devoted to the interests of the farm, and an 
attempt has been made to publish a few books, treat- 
ing in a popular and elementary style practical agri- 
cultural subjects. 

In spite of the mountainous nature of the coun- 
try, there are many fine tracts of farming land in 
Bulgaria, and the peasants make excellent farmers. 
They are attached to the soil ; they have enormous 
capacity for hard work, and are frugal and temper- 
ate in their habits. The rapidity with which illit- 
eracy has diminished since the country was freed 
from the Turkish yoke indicates their desire for 
education and their capacity for training. In all 
these qualities they are unmistakably superior to 
the same class of workers in Greece, Rumania, and 

' Banque Agricole de Bulgarie (Sofia, 1907) and Compte-Rendu de 
la Danque Agricole de Bulgarie (Sofia, 1912). 



Farms and Forests 295 

Servia. Already one of the most important agri- 
cultural countries in the Balkans, with the right sort 
of agricultural education, of an elementary and sec- 
ondary sort, Bulgaria would soon outdistance all the 
other states in the peninsula. 

An American, who knows rather intimately the 
life of the peasant farmer, writes: *' Bulgaria is 
a nation constituted almost entirely of peasants, and 
while these peasants are faithful to their wives, they 
do not show them affectionate esteem or chivalrous 
regard. At a youthful age they marry the women 
selected by their parents, and without compunction 
permit them to engage in the roughest, coarsest, 
most disagreeable out-door work. Under such cir- 
cumstances the men of Bulgaria have come to look 
with no little disdain on ' woman's work.' More- 
over, the peasant of Bulgaria is extremely unap- 
preciative, or if he does appreciate the efforts of 
others he is marvellously successful in concealing 
it. Again he, like the people in many rural commu- 
nities, lives in a small world and is largely engaged 
in looking after his sheep, making his butter and 
cheese, tending his crops, and, in short, in fashion- 
ing him a dry and comfortable place — T have not 
said a soft and easy one — under his own vine and 
fig-tree. He spends no money for books or stere- 
oscopic views, and reads the newspaper only once or 
twice a week. His tastes are sim])le and his aspi- 
rations limited. The young village belles would not 
know a corset from a coat of mail, and the yoimg 
men feel much more fittingly bedecked when their 
abdomen is copiously encompassed by a bright red 



296 Bulgaria and Her People 

belt two feet wide and twelve feet long than they 
would if an immaculate boiled shirt reflected the 
resplendent rays of shiny stones from their bosom. 
And one who had seen the human species bedecked 
in both habiliments would rather hesitate to con- 
demn their judgment. 

** I by no means wish to belittle the worth of the 
Bulgarian peasants. They are farmers with the 
somewhat magnified defects of farmers. They have 
also in a magnified degree the virtues of farmers.. 
They are healthy, strong, industrious, peaceable, 
reliable, and with a fortitude and endurance beyond 
all belief. They are literate, patriotic, ready to 
learn, and are more and more coming in touch with 
the great movements of the world. They own their 
own farms, live in their own houses, and the new 
machinery which they are continually buying be- 
longs to them. Their youth are capable and ambi- 
tious, eager, indeed passionate, for an education, 
and very progressive. Still the great bulk of the 
Bulgarian nation lives in little uncouth villages more 
or less out of touch with the trend of events, and 
is altogether disinclined to support Sunday supple- 
ments or a swarm of illustrated magazines." 

The forests of Bulgaria occupy nearly one-third 
of the area of the country. The state owns one- 
third of the forests, communities one-half, and re- 
ligious organizations and private individuals the 
remainder. Bulgaria possesses a great variety of 
deciduous and evergreen trees, those in the former 
class being the most abundant : oak, beech, common 
ash, elm, plane-tree, lime, mhIIow, and poplar are 



Farms and Forests 297 

among the most important deciduous trees, and the 
pines and firs the chief evergreen trees. 

When Turkey conquered Bulgaria more than five 
hundred years ago, the country was covered with 
virgin forests; but during the five centuries of 
Ottoman rule no control was exercised over the 
destruction of the forests, and no measures were 
taken for their preservation. Entire liberty was 
granted to the people to pasture their flocks and 
herds in the forests, and the right to cut wood upon 
the payment of a tax liastened the deforestation of 
the country. When Bulgaria won her freedom in 
1878 tlie forests had largely disappeared. 

One of the earliest enactments of the new govern- 
ment (1878) had for its object the protection of the 
forests. The measure provided for foresters, pro- 
hibition of the export of wood, and regulations with 
reference to forest areas that might be felled. But 
the measure met with obstinate resistance on the 
part of the peasants. Subsequent forestry legis- 
lation by the national assembly did not prove very 
efficacious. 

It was not until 1890 that the government was 
able to secure the passage of laws that were really 
effective in preventing the deforestation of the coun- 
try. A survey was made of the forest lands in the 
kingdom; nurseries for the growth of young trees 
were started, and a course of instruction provided 
for the education of foresters. Since that date great 
progress has been made in the matter of preserving 
the forests already in existence and in planting vast 
areas of waste land with young trees. 



298 Bulgaria and Her People 

Tlie superiuteiidciice of the forests of the king- 
dom is in the hands of the ministry of agriculture. 
The country is divided into forest districts under 
the control of expert foresters. The state fells the 
trees in its own forests and those belonging to the 
communities, and regulates the conditions under 
which private forests may be felled. The right of 
felling is disposed of by auction or sold in the form 
of a concession. The proceeds go to the national 
government, but all the revenues from the forests 
of villages are used for the development of the for- 
estry interests of the particular communities from 
which the revenues come. 

Communities situated in forests are obliged to 
afforest forty-five per cent, of their land; villages 
near forests, twenty-five i3er cent., and those in the 
open country, six per cent. Many communities fall- 
ing short of these requirements have been active in 
recent years in the work of tree-planting. The fact 
that the soil of the country is rich in vegetable mat- 
ter, young trees take root easily and grow vigor- 
ously. The forests are patrolled by special officials, 
those in state and parish forests being paid by the 
national government, but owners of private forests 
are required to pay their own keepers. In spite of 
the vigilance of the keepers, much damage is done 
to the forests by sheep and cattle, by fires, and by 
the theft of the peasants. 

The finest forests of large trees are on the most 
inaccessible heights of the Rilo, the Rhodopes, the 
Sredna Gora, and the Stara Planina (Balkans). 
The forests belonging to the Kilo monastery are 



Farms and Forests 299 

especially valuable, and include the most valuable 
coniferous areas in the kingdom. The best beech 
forests are in the region of Berkovitza, Vratza, 
Teteven, Klissura, and Staro Novo Selo. The best 
ash and elm forests are found along the Kamtchia 
river from Longosa to the Black sea. Bulgarian 
wood is distinguished by its numerous annual rings, 
its bright colours, and its relative flexibility. 

Bulgaria exports considerable quantities of hard 
wood and imports soft wood. Wliile the export 
trade has steadily increased since the government 
took charge of tlie matter of the forests, there has 
been a marked decrease in the import trade. The 
export of forest products is chiefly to Turkey, and 
the imports come from Austria-Bohemia-Hungary. 



CHAPTER XXI 

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 

Handicrafts — Decline in home industries — Textile industries at 
Sliven and Gabrovo — ■ Silk-spinning at Tirnovo — Saw mills — 
Social and economical evils at the industrial centres — Legislative 
labour restrictions — Encouragement of industry by the national 
government — Special concessions — Mineral resources and mi- 
ning — Numerous mineral springs in Bulgaria — Commerce — 
Its rapid growth — Exports and imports — Chief trading towns — 
Railways and highways — System of measurements — The Bul- 
garian National Bank. 

Up to the time of emancipation from Turkish rule, 
the industries of Bulgaria were limited to handi- 
crafts, most of which were carried on in the homes. 
Weaving is the oldest of the home industries, and 
from the earliest times down to 1878 it was widely 
spread in the country. Quantities of wool were 
produced and woven into coarse cloth, carpets, 
braids, and the like. Bulgarian woollen cloth was 
held in high esteem and was in constant demand not 
only in the Turkish empire but in Crreece, Austria, 
and other countries. The cloth for the uniforms of 
the Ottoman army was entirely woven in Bulgaria. 
There were 2,500 weaving-sheds for coarse cloth at 
Stara Zagora and 700 at Pirdop at the time of eman- 
cipation. 

Since 1878 there has been marked decline in the 
home industries of the country; and they retain 
their original character only in the more remote 
villages. With the freedom from Turkish rule large 

300 



Industry and Trade 301 

estates were divided and the large patriarchal 
homes began to disappear. The population for- 
merly was in villages and small towns. In recent 
years there has been marked growth in the popu- 
lation of large towns and cities. Before 1878 there 
were no railways and few public roads; and, in 
consequence, little or no commercial intercourse. In 
conformity with the spirit of the constitution of 
the rejuvenated kingdom, Bulgaria was declared 
open for trading purposes with foreign countries, 
railways were constructed, and the foreign products 
brought to the country modified markedly both the 
social and the industrial life of the people. 

The textile industries are largely concentrated in 
Sliven and Gabrovo. Less important centres are 
Samokov, Karlovo, Kazanlik, and Kotel. Besides 
the fifty-seven large textile factories in Bulgaria, 
there are seventy-nine factories engaged in the prep- 
aration of food and drinks ; twenty factories en- 
gaged with the manufacture of leather and leather 
products; fourteen chemical plants; nine devoted 
to the manufacture of wood and furniture; seven 
to metal wares; and various other industries are 
followed. The industrial development has been 
most rapid in the northeastern part of the country. 

Silk-spinning has recently become an important 
industry at Tirnovo; work in leather at Shumen; 
brewing and distilling liquor from plums at Slivo- 
vitsa; sugar at Sofia; copper wares at Stara Za- 
gora; and pottery and porcelain at Rustchuk and 
Trn. An excellent beginning has been made in 
native ceramics of a high order of artistic merit in 



302 Bulgaria and Her People 



tlic art school of Sofia. This is an industry that 
might yield large returns to the country if encour- 
aged hj the national government. 

There are many saw-mills in the central section 
of the Rhodope mountains. Primitive machinery is 
worked by water-power. The boards and planks are 
transported on the backs of mules to the coast ports. 
One of the interesting sights of mountain travel is 
the caravan of mules laden with lumber slowly \vend- 
ing down the steep and tortuous mountain trails. 
The finest logs are found in the forests at the source 
of the Metsa river. The chief timbers are Scotch 
firs, oak, birch, larch, and juniper. The firs are 
chiefly manufactured into railway ties, and a resin 
is extracted from the waste parts of the trees. 

The decline in handicrafts, with the rapid increase 
in taxation for the development of the new govern- 
ment, brought distress to the peasant artisans and 
farmers. They found it quite impossible to compete 
with the cheap machine-made goods imported from 
Austria-Hungary. The government attempted by 
means of tariff measures to protect the peasant 
industries, but such artificial measures proved un- 
availing. 

It was soon discovered that the industries of the 
country could no longer be carried on in a primitive 
fashion, and that the hand lal)our must in a large 
measure be replaced by machines. In consequence 
the old industrial regime has gradually been trans- 
formed during the past twenty years. New methods 
of production have been introduced ; the mountain 
streams have been utilized for powder purposes; 



Industry and Trade 303 

industries have been centralized in the towns ; and 
foreign capital has been brought to the country. 

Tlie new industrial development, however, has 
brought in its train not a few social and economic 
evnls. The working hours have been lengthened and 
the wages of the workmen decreased; large num- 
bers of women and children have entered into com- 
petition with men as wage-earners. In the days of 
the peasant industries the workers spent a part of 
the year in the fields; to-day they live in towns and 
are confined to the direction of machines in factories 
that leave much to be desired from the standpoint 
of sanitation. 

Since 1905 the government has seen the necessity 
of making some legislative restrictions to meet the 
growing social ills of the new industrial develop- 
ment. Laws have been passed regulating the em- 
ployment of women and cliildren, making provision 
for the inspection of sanitary conditions in factories, 
and the establishment of funds for the insurance of 
factory workers. Children under twelve years of 
age cannot be employed in factories and workshops; 
children under fifteen and women under twenty-one 
cannot be employed in mines, quarries, or other 
subterranean industries. Workers of either sex 
under the age of eighteen are not allowed in fac- 
tories "where the work is specially deleterious to 
health. The woi'king day for children under the 
age of fifteen is eight hoiu's, and for women, ten 
hours. WomoTi and children must be given a period 
for rest after five consecutive working hours. 
Niirht work is foi'bidden to women and to children 



304 Bulgaria and Her People 

under fifteen, and they are not allowed to work more 
than six days a week. This law, however, does not 
include the workers in home industries. 

With a view to the encouragement of local indus- 
tries and the attraction of foreign capital, the law 
of 1905 grants the following general privileges to 
all industrial enterprises : The use of water-power 
without payment, where this is not on private prop- 
erty; exemption from customs duties for such ma- 
chines and parts of machines needful for the install- 
ation of industrial plants; exemption from customs 
duties for raw material, when it is imported in order 
to be exported again, after having been worked up; 
free grant of land belonging to the state or local 
community for the erection of factories, the land 
granted to be determined by the needs of the enter- 
prise, but in no case to exceed nine acres ; machin- 
ery, tools, and fuel to be carried by the state rail- 
ways at a rate 35 per cent, below the lowest usual 
charge for such commodities. Public institutions 
are compelled to buy from home manufacturers, 
even though native commodities may be dearer (up 
to 15 per cent.) than similar articles manufactured 
abroad. 

The enjoyment of special privileges is reserved 
for certain enterprises of at least five horse-power, 
employing at least fifteen workers for not less than 
six months a year, and with an investment in indus- 
trial plant of not less than $4,000. The specially 
favoured enterprises are sugar and sugar products ; 
the spinning and weaving of wool, cotton, silk, hemp, 
and jute; manufacture of pottery, water-pipes, and 



Industry and Trade 305 

brick ; construction of vehicles ; mining and cutting 
of marble, granite, and metals ; milling of flour and 
preparation of foods ; wood, paper, iron, glass, and 
chemical industries ; tanneries and dye works ; beer- 
brewing and the distillation of alcohol; silk- worm 
culture, and the installation of electric plants for 
motor-power. The special privileges enjoyed by 
these favoured industrial enterprises include ex- 
emption from customs duties for raw or partially 
wrought material, if such material cannot be ob- 
tained in the country; exemption from land tax, 
patent duties, and stamp taxes; coal needed for 
such enterprises may be obtained from the state 
mines at reduced rates; free use of state land to 
obtain stone, sand, gravel, clay, and other materials 
for purposes of building and manufacture, and the 
transportation of raw materials, things needed for 
the construction and equipment of factories, and 
manufactured products over state railways at a 
reduction of 35 per cent, of the usual tariff. 

Formerly the government gave exclusive rights 
of manufacture of certain commodities in definite 
districts for periods of thirty years; but such con- 
cessions are now rarely made. In recent years the 
national government has attempted to regulate 
trade organizations and professional associations. 
No one can practise a trade without possessing a 
certificate granted by the syndic of his guild, after 
he has given proof of knowledge of and training 
in the trade he proposes to follow. One of the 
avowed objects of this law is the improvement in 
handicrafts by the foundation of vocational schools, 



306 Bulgaria and Her People 

tbc establisliment of industrial museums, and the or- 
ganization of exhibits. The government has estab- 
lished a vocational school at Trn for training in 
the manufacture of Oriental rugs and carpets, and 
schools for training in woodwork at Koprivitza and 
Etropole. 

Very little has been done as yet to develop the 
mineral resources of the country. While the mines 
of Bulgaria were of considerable consequence in 
ancient times, they were largely abandoned after the 
Turkish occupation. Eccent researches in the re- 
gion of Vratza, Sliven, and Burgas have brought 
to light pits, galleries, slag and other evidences of 
the mining of copper, lead, and zinc by the Romans. 

To except the mines at Samokov, no mining op- 
erations were carried on after the coming of the 
Turks. At Samokov iron was obtained from mag- 
netite ore found in the Vitosh mountains and smelted 
in charcoal furnaces. The industry survived the 
five centuries of Ottoman rule; but with the fall in 
the price of iron, due to tlie development of railways, 
it was not found profitable to continue the iron in- 
dustry at Samokov. 

In 1879 the government opened a coal mine at 
Moehino which yields a moderate quality of brown 
coal (lignite). Twelve years later another coal mine 
was opened at Pernik, and more recently coal has 
been discovered in the districts of Gabrovo, Stara 
Zagora, Sliven, and Lom. All the coal mines are 
the property of the state. 

Copper is being mined in the provinces of Vratza 
and Burgas, manganese in the districts about Varna 



Industry and Trade 307 

and Yamboli, and lead in the provinces of Trn and 
Kustendil. Excellent potter's clay is found at Tor- 
lak, lime-stone at Lovotch, and litlio^rapliic stone 
at Ncgoclievo. Several kinds of granite occur in 
quantities at Dubnitza and Kustendil, marble in 
the districts of Kazanlik and Vratza, brown build- 
iiig-stone in the districts about Kustchuk and Vratza, 
and a beautiful serpentine comes from the neigh- 
bourhood of Philippopolis. 

Bulgaria has more than two hundred mineral 
springs. A few of them arc operated by the state 
and a few by municipalities, but most of them are 
undeveloped. The mational government has taken 
charge of the hot mineral springs at Meritschleri, 
Banki, Varshetz, and Ilissar. Buildings have been 
erected and attempts have been made to convert 
these places into pleasure and health resorts. There 
are twenty-three hot mineral sjjrings in the innnedi- 
ate vicinity of Sofia. Over the one in the heart of 
the capital the municiy)al government has erected a 
handsome public bath at a cost of one million five 
hundred thousand dollars. The water as it comes 
from the earth has a temperature of 84 degrees 
Fahrenheit. At Dolnia Bania, in the vicinity of 
Sofia, the temperature of the water is 110 degrees 
Fahrenheit. The baths at Ilissar, near Philippop- 
olis, are celebrated through the East. There arc 
several hot mineral springs in the heart of the Kho- 
dope mountains. The waters of the hot springs at 
Meritschleri have many of the reputed medicinal 
virtues of the famous Karlsbad waters in Bohemia. 
The hottest spring in Bulgaria is at Bania, near 



308 Bulgaria and Her People 

Dubnitza. Tlie temperature of the water is 148 
degrees Fahrenheit. With the development of rail- 
way ajid hotel facilities, the hot mineral springs of 
Bulgaria might easily attract large numbers of tour- 
ists from western Europe and America. 

There has been enormous growth in the volume 
of the commerce of Bulgaria during the last dozen 
years. Two years after emancipation (1880) the 
combined imports and exports amounted to $16,- 
268,368; in 1912 they reached $65,397,800. The 
chief imports are cotton and cotton cloth, iron, ma- 
chinery and farming implements, lumber and build- 
ing materials, hides, skins^ and leather. Bulgaria 
imports more from Austria-Bohemia-Hungary than 
from any other country. The other nations that 
rank high in the matter of imports are, in the order 
of importance, Germany, Great Britain, France, 
Turkey, and Belgium. From 1900 to 1908 the value 
of the exports exceeded the imports, but since that 
date the imports have been in excess of the exports. 

Thirty-seven per cent, of the imports enter the 
country through the seaports at Varna and Burgas, 
the former being much in the lead. Many of the 
imports that entered the country by rail from Sa- 
lonika, when that port was in the hands of the Turks, 
wuU now enter by the new Bulgarian seaports on 
the ^gean sea at Dede Agatch and Porto Lagos. 
Twenty-seven per cent, of the imports enter the 
country through river ports on the Danube. The 
important river ports are Rustchuk, Svishtov, Sa- 
movit, Vidin, and Orehovo, the first being the most 
important. Importation by land and railway is 



Industry and Trade 309 

principally made through the customs houses at 
Sofia, Philippopolis, and Harmanly. 

The chief articles of export are wheat, maize, live- 
stock, silk cocoons, hides, attar of roses, tobacco, 
and fruit. Belgium is the largest purchaser of Bul- 
garian products; Turkey ranks second; Great Brit- 
ain, third; Germany, fourth; Greece, fifth; and 
France, sixth. Forty-six per cent, of the exports 
are by sea and twenty-seven per cent, each by lan'l 
and river ports. 

Bulgaria has twelve hundred miles of railway 
constructed by the state at a cost of fifty million 
dollars. Two hundred miles of railway are now 
in course of construction. A new line, one hundred 
ten miles in length, is soon to be constructed from 
the Maritza valley to Porto Lagos on the ^-Egean 
sea. The line will start at Kayadjik in the district 
of Philippopolis, pass near Ilaskovo, and cross the 
Rhodope mountains to the valley of the Arda. It 
will cost five million dollars, and about four years 
will be required for its construction. 

In addition to the main railway line that connects 
Sofia with Europe and Turkey, there is another line 
that traverses the entire length of the country from 
Kustendil to Varna, which also passes through the 
capital. There are a half-dozen branches that con- 
nect Danube river ports with the latter line; also 
a branch from Philippopolis through Stara Zagora, 
Tirnovo, and Rustchuk, connecting this line with the 
transcontinental line. Rustchuk is connected with 
Varna on the Black sea, and there is a line from 
Stara Zagora that connects with Burgas, the other 



310 Bulgaria and Her People 

Black sea port. The recently completed line be- 
tween Stara Zagora and Tirnovo through the Bal- 
kan mountains was constructed at enormous cost 
and required great engineering skill. A line is con- 
templated from Sofia to Sliven that will pass 
through Karlovo and Kazanlik and the numerous 
villages in the rose valleys between the Balkan 
mountains and the Sredna Gora. The railway lines 
of Bulgaria are government property and are op- 
erated by the state. In spite of the enormous cost 
of construction and the relatively large cost of 
operation, the state railways of Bulgaria yield a 
net annual revenue of about two and one-fourth 
per cent. 

The construction and maintenance of railways and 
public highways are under the direction of the min- 
istry of public works, roads, and communications. 
There has been great development in the matter of 
public roads as w^ell as railways during the past 
twentj-five years. As the country is very mountain- 
ous, the roads crossing the Balkans and the Rho- 
dopes have been constructed at enormous cost. The 
new highway that crosses the Rilo mountains near 
Samokov is one of the finest and best built mountain 
roads in Europe. 

The metric system has been officially adopted for 
Bulgaria, although the old Turkish measures are 
still considerably used in local trade. The Bulgarian 
monetary system is based on the double standard 
of gold and silver. The unit is the lev, nominally 
of the value of a franc (twenty cents in American 
money), with its multiple of one hundred stotiuki 



Industry and Trade 311 

to a lev. For some years after the creation of tlio 
Idngdom the government tolerated the circulation 
of foreign money, but the country was flooded with 
foreign coins; and in 18S7 a law w^as passed pro- 
hibiting the circulation of Servian, Rumanian, and 
Russian coins. The coinage of Bulgarian money 
is in nickel, copper, silver, and gold, there being 
very little of the latter. The gold coins comprise 
pieces of one hundred, twenty, and ten levs; the 
silver of five, two, and one lev ; and the copper and 
nickel pieces of twenty, ten, five, two, and one sto- 
tinka. The gold coins of the Latin monetary union 
are received at their nominal value. 

The Bulgarian National Bank is a state institu- 
tion. It enjoys the exclusive privilege of issuing 
bank notes, up to the triple of its capital and reserve 
fund, provided it has in its vaults bullion at least 
one-third of the value of the bank notes in circula- 
tion. Sev(Mi series of bank notes are in circulation, 
five, ten, twenty, and one hundred lev notes in gold, 
and five, ten, and fifty lev notes in silver. 

The Bulgarian National Bank is located at Sofia, 
with branches at Rustchuk, Varna, Philippopolis, 
Tirnovo, and Burgas, rtnd agencies at Vidin, Plevna, 
Svishtov, and Sliven. Branches of the Bulgarian 
Agricultural Bank act as correspondents of the Bul- 
garian National Bank in the smaller towns. The 
administration of the National Bank is vested in a 
council appointed by the king, and consists of a 
governor and four administrators. The manage- 
ment of the branches is in the hands of boards of 
directors appointed by the king. 



312 Bulgaria and Her People 

The Bulgarian National Bank accepts deposits 
from public institutions and private persons; it 
advances loans secured by mortgages to individuals, 
provinces, and communities ; grants loans on goods 
and bills of lading; discounts and collects commer- 
cial bills; handles letters of credit; accepts on 
deposit all kinds of securities; receives the state 
revenues; and etfects governmental payments to 
the extent of these revenues. The profits are dis- 
tributed as follows: ten per cent, to the reserve 
fund, three per cent, as premiums to the bank offi- 
cials, and eighty-seven per cent, to the national gov- 
ernment. The bank pays interest on deposits. 



CHAPTER XXII 

QUEEN ELEANORA AND PHILANTHROPY 

The Orthodox church not directly identified with philanthropic move- 
ments — Indifference of the clerpiy — Queen Eieanora at the head 
of philanthropic projects — The Florence Nightingale of the Russo- 
Turkish war — Her services in the two Balkan wars — Tribute 
of Miss Abbott — Pen picture by Professor Markham — The Clem- 
entine hospital and its needs — Dearth of orphanages in Bulgaria. 

In the chapter on religion in Bulgaria attention 
is called to the fact that the Orthodox church does 
not concern itself with humanitarian movements 
which form such important features of the activities 
of the Protestant and Roman Catholic churches in 
America and Europe. The spirit of mercy and love, 
if it ever formed a part of eastern Christianity has 
very largely, if not quite entirely, disappeared. 
There is in consequence little or no recognition of 
any duty to the poor and the sick and other unfor- 
tunate classes of society. 

Europeans who have worked in the hospitals in 
the Balkan peninsula have noted the manifest in- 
difference of the Orthodox clergy towards the sick 
and the wounded. A foreigner who serv(^l as a 
nurse in one of the Balkan wars related to the au- 
thor the fact that there was an Orthodox priest 
connected with his contingent of the army, but that 
he never visited the suffering soldiers unless called 
upon to render official service. If patients wished 
to confess, he was always ready to hear their con- 

313 



314 Bulgaria and Her People 

fessions. If they died, he was on hand to conduct 
the burial service. But he seldom, if ever, visited 
the hospital voluntarily to offer religious consola- 
tion or render humanitarian aid. 

Mr. Brailsford, who was in active service in Mace- 
donia in connection with the British Relief Fund 
after the massacres of 1903-1904, writes in the same 
strain: " Both at Ochrida and Castoria we made 
several vain attempts to induce the Bulgarian clergy 
tO' visit tlie sick and wounded in our hospitals, to 
bring them some spiritual consolation, to read aloud 
to them, and at all events to cheer them with a kindly 
human word. But evidently ministrations of this 
sort do not enter into the eastern ideals of Chris- 
tianity. The only concern the clergy displayed in 
our patients was a very keen anxiety lest we should 
encourage these miserable creatures, in need of 
every attention and nourishment, to break the ter- 
ribly severe fasts which the Orthodox church im- 
poses for thirty days before Christmas as well as 
during Lent." ^ 

Philanthropic movements, so far as they exist at 
all in Bulgaria are connected with the state, munic- 
ipal organizations of a lay character, the missions 
of the Protestant and Catholic churches, and the 
royal family. Queen Eleanora is really the moving 
spirit in most of that which is best in the national 
philanthropy. She is at the head of the Red Cross 
movement in Bulgaria; she has been the leader in 
the movement for the reorganization of hospitals; 

' Macedonia: itn Races and their Future. By Henry Noel Brails- 
ford. London, 19()G, pp. 340. 




Ul I'.KN ELKA.NOliA AS A W A K M li.sE. 



Queen Eleanora and Philanthropy 315 

she has taken the initiative in the matter of the 
organization of special schools for defective, de- 
pendent, and delinqnent children, and most of the 
other agencies in tlie kingdom tliat represent awa- 
kened social consciousness and rational cooperation. 
Queen Eleanora is of the German house of Reuss- 
Kostritz; she is a Protestant; she served as a 
nurse in the Russo-Japanese war, and was acclaimed 
a Florence Nightingale on the blood-stained plains 
of Manchuria. Iler marriage with King Ferdinand 
took place the 28th of February, 1908. Miss Inez L. 
Abbott, principal of the American School for Girls 
at Samokov, writes of the queen: " Her Majesty, 
Queen Eleanora of Bulgaria, the royal nurse of 
Europe, is one of tlie world's great philanthropists. 
That she has a heart of tender sympathy that goes 
out in a most practical way to every form of suffer- 
ing known to her, there has been abundant evidence 
throughout lier life. In her girlhood days near 
Vienna she received instruction in the rudiments of 
medicine-making from an old priest, and with the 
knowledge thus acquired she relieved the sufferings 
of many sick people wlio came to her from miles 
around. A little later the establishing of a hospital 
in the woods near Vienna for children wdio were the 
victims of rickets ; the opening of day nurseries for 
the care of the babies of working women, and the 
formation of an organization for nurses — all these 
philanthropic agencies were the result of the initia- 
tive of the queen. These organizations are still 
in existence and they are still maintained by her 
majesty. 



316 Bulgaria and Her People 

*' The regular training course for nurses, wliich. 
slic took in her young womanhood, fitted her to be- 
come the Florence Nightingale of the Russo-Japan- 
ese war. It followed naturalh^ that in 1908, when she 
became the first lady of Bulgaria, that the kind of 
work to which her life had been devoted should con- 
tinue to be lier supreme interest. Tlie erection of 
a new building for the blind and deaf in Sofia ; the 
establishment of a brush factory in the same city 
where these unfortunates may find employment; the 
founding of a sanitarium for tubercular children on 
the shores of the Black sea; the reorganization of 
the hospitals, and the organization of the Good 
Samaritan Society, under whose direction nearly 
five hundred women have received a six months' 
training course in first aid to the injured, indicate 
the line of her majesty's activities in the land of 
her ado])tion. 

^' It was, however, during the Balkan wars that 
the queen has done the best work of lier life. The 
establishment and direction of military hospitals at 
her own expense; the services of competent sur- 
geons and nurses that she was able to secure; vis- 
itation of the wounded on the fields of battle; ex- 
penditure of money for the relief of needy women 
in poor mountain districts, whose husbands were in 
the wars; personal care of thousands of refugees 
from Macedonia ; and a thousand and one other 
ministrations of mercy have filled to overflowing the 
hours of Eleanora the Good and justly won for her 
first rank among the world's great philanthropists." 
The author bears mlling witness to the tribute 



Queen Eleanora and Philanthropy 317 

of Miss Abbott. The enTicient and continuous serv- 
ice of the queen during the second Balkan war was 
a matter of surprise to every foreign resident in the 
kingdom. She gave evidence of not only great 
energ}^ but remarkable knowledge and skill in the 
matter of hospital work and the care of sick and 
wounded soldiers. Professor Markham, who is con- 
nected with llie American Institute at Samokov, 
writes of Queen Eleanora: " Ilcr manners are full 
of grace and elegance, and her general attitude is 
very dignified and serious; yet she never fails to 
put those about her at tlieir ease, to charm them 
with her genial spirit, her simplicity, her extreme 
freedom from ostentation, and her interest in com- 
mon things and common people. No one for a 
moment would venture to encroach upon her dig- 
nity, and yet one feels that if she were his neigh- 
bour he really wouldn't hesitate to ask her what 
to do when the baby got sick or to seek her opinion 
as to which gown would be most suitable to wear 
at the president's reception. When one has the 
honour of meeting her he rejoices that Bulgaria has 
such a handsome, shapely, aud stately queen; but 
a still stronger emotion is his wish that he might 
have for a friend and counsellor just such a wise, 
thoughtful, and sjanpathetic person as she is. Her 
majesty combines to an unusual degree those two 
qualities which we so much admire in our American 
women, seriousness and unimpeachable dignity on 
the one hand, together with simplicity, sympathy, 
spontancousness and a spirit of democracy on the 
other. 



318 Bulgaria and Her People 

" It is a common sajang in Bulgaria, and unfor- 
tunately one well substantiated by facts, that a 
^ second mother ' is a cause of pain and trouble. 
Queen Eleanora is a most pleasing exception to this 
rule. She is a second mother to four vigorous and 
promising children and to a whole nation of strange 
people, yet she is esteemed and loved by them all. 
Her majesty is a woman of extraordinary ability 
and the highest culture. She speaks English, Ger- 
man, French, Russian, and Bulgarian fluently. Her 
tastes whether in clothes or scenery or in the dec- 
orating of a house invariably reveal most excellent 
judgment. She dresses simply but most becomingly. 
Her appearance on all public occasions is stately 
and impressive. Her powers of conversation, of 
expressing herself in incisive original sentences, 
are brilliant. She is fond of horses and enjoys out- 
of-door life. Through the latest books and the 
standard magazines in three chief languages of 
Europe she keeps in close touch with the modern 
world. 

" During the years of her young womanhood she 
spent a great deal of time in Russia, where she has 
not a few relatives with royal connections. "While 
there she took a course of training in the nursing 
of surgical and infectious diseases, at the end of 
which she received a diploma as a trained nurse. 
Wlien the Japanese war broke out she offered her 
services and was placed in charge of a hospital train, 
where she often had to look after as many as five 
hundred wounded soldiers. Besides this she directed 
a field ambulance attached to the army of General 



Queen Eleanora and Philanthropy 319 

Kuropatkin. The staff of helpers which she had 
under her consisted of no less than one hundred 
nurses. During her faithful and arduous service in 
this war, besides enduring daily hardships, she was 
sometimes placed in acute danger, being more than 
once actually under the fire of the enemies' guns. 

'* Some time after this experience she entered 
Bulgaria as her princess, for in 1908 Bulgaria was 
not yet a kingdom. The fact, however, that she had 
become the first lady of a wliole nation did not 
change in the least her interests and pursuits of 
former years. Her heart and mind were still with 
the unfortunate and the suffering. She at once 
became interested in an institution for the blind 
and deaf in Sofia, and herself secured money for 
a new building for the unfortunates sheltered there. 
She also lent her support to some four hospitals in 
four of the large cities of Bulgaria, and one of these 
she is having rebuilt. Besides all this she has her- 
self founded and now oversees a beautiful and spa- 
cious seaside sanitarium for children afflicted with 
tuberculosis. Besides these institutions which she 
supports in part or maintains in full from her own 
limited resources, she organized a few years ago 
a * Good Samaritan Society,' through which she 
succeeded in giving a six months' course of train- 
ing in ' first aid to the injured ' to not less than 
450 young women. It was these * good Samaritans ' 
who did by far the greater part of the nursing 
during the recent wars in which Bulgaria has en- 
gaged. 

" Perhaps, however, the greatest service which 



320 Bulgaria and Her People 

Queen Eleanora has rendered to Bulgaria was given 
during the recent wars. Her activities for almost 
a year after the outbreak of the war with Turkey 
were incessant. Surely very few generals in his 
majestj^'s service worked more indefatigahly than 
did Queen Eleanora. She established and directed 
hospitals of her own and interested herself in not 
a few otliers besides. Nor did she by any means 
direct her operations from Sofia. The general staff 
safely protected itself in the heart of Bulgaria or 
on the secure border of the newly conquered terri- 
tory, while her majesty was working untiringly in 
the very heart of Thrace. She oversaw hospitals, 
gave directions to Avorkers, and even bound up the 
wounds of grimy, uncouth soldiers with her own 
hands. And in her treatment of her helpers and 
patients her thoughtfulness and good-will were re- 
markable. Every worthy helper felt that the queen 
was his particular friend, and hundreds of rude, 
brave peasants throughout Bulgaria will bequeath 
to their children the gracious words and the ex- 
quisite little presents given to them by her majesty 
while they were suffering for their fatherland in 
the war against Turkey. Her activities during the 
war with the allies were even more unwearying; 
her days in the palace in Sofia were still less. 

'' To this her adopted people has Queen Eleanora 
devoted her life. Amid the turmoil and suffering, 
the hatred and ignorance, the uncertainty and in- 
security of the Balkans, this brilliant woman of pure 
manners, rich culture, and broad interests scatters 
cheer and health and culture among a simple, worthy 



Queen Eleanora and Philanthropy 321 

people. Political parties may rage, cabinets may 
rise and fall, Bulgaria's enemies may form every 
kind of a plot against her, but in the midst of it 
all her majesty, Queen Eleanora, offers hope to 
the blind, makes the deaf to rejoice, binds up the 
wounds of the maimed, gives health to the sick, pro- 
vides sustenance for the widow and orphan, and 
with her life preaches the gospel of love, sympathy, 
and service to the whole nation." 

The Clementine hospital at Sofia, which is under 
the immediate supervision of Queen Eleanora, is 
an international institution and one in which the 
American and English people should have a very 
direct interest. This hospital is under Red Cross 
management and is the only liospital in Bulgaria 
where foreigners may be received and get the kind 
of service found in the countries of western Europe 
and in America. The needs of the hospital are 
great, and generous people in Great Britain and 
Ireland and the United States should come to the 
aid of Bulgaria's philanthropic queen and provide 
her with the means to make improvements and the 
additions that are so urgently demanded. 

The recent Balkan wars made painfully api)arent 
not only the need of better hospital facilities, but 
the dearth of institutions for the care of orphans. 
The Protestant and Catholic church organizations 
in Bulgaria have done what they could to meet this 
situation; but they have been able to care for rela- 
tively few of the thousands of homeless orphans. 
Funds have been contributed by generous Amer- 
icans through the agency of the Christian Uerald 



322 Bulgaria and Her People 

of New York thai will care for a few of the children 
who were orphaned by the recent wars or by the 
barbarities of the Greek armies in Macedonia. Of 
the many thousands of Bwlgars in Macedonia, who 
were forced to flee from the atrocities of the Greek 
soldiers during the second Balkan war, most of them 
were women and children, the husbands and fathers 
having been massacred by the Greeks or met death 
as soldiers in the war. The false and malicious 
charges of atrocities made by King Constantine and 
the press agents in the service of the Greek govern- 
ment served to dam the springs of charity. Char- 
itably disposed persons in Europe and America, 
who otherwise would have contributed to the care 
of the orphans, have responded half-heartedly to 
the appeals for aid in behalf of worthy Bulgarian 
philanthropic enterprises. Now that the report of 
the Carnegie commission of the causes and effects 
of the Balkan wars has vindicated the Bulgars, and 
has made clear the enormous extent of atrocities 
committed by the Greeks, it is to be hoped that 
sympathy of a practical sort may be forthcoming 
in the near future. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN BULGARIA 

Larpe influonco of tho United Slates in tho intellectual development 
of the nation — Robert Colh^^e — -Work of Dr. Hamlin ^ — Dr. 
Washburn and the college — ■ What it ha»s done for Bulgaria — 
Bulgarian Rtatesjncn educated at Robert College — Present condi- 
tion of the college — Influence of the American College for Women 
at Constantinople — Work of the American missionaries — Amer- 
ican Institute at Samokov — American School for Girla — The 
inlluence it has exerted through iti^ graduates. 

Bulgaria is tlio only country in Europe in wliich 
the United Stntes lias played an important role in 
the development of a state; hut in Bulgaria Amer- 
ican influence has been considerable, and the Bul- 
gars gratefully recognize their obligation. In pre- 
vious chapters attention has been called to the move- 
ment to check the Ilellenization of Bulgaria, a move- 
ment that ultimately resulted in throwing off the 
ecclesiastical yoke of the Greek church. It was at 
this period that Americans found themselves in po- 
sition to help a people struggling for religious lib- 
erty. 

It was at the time of the conflict between zealous 
Bulgarian patriots and the intolerant and corrupt 
Phanariotes that American missionaries settled in 
the country. The Methodist Episcopal church of 
the United States sent its first missionaries to Euro- 
pean Turkey in 1857 and the American Board (Con- 

323 



324 Bulgaria and Her People 

grcgational church) a year later. The former was 
to confine its labours to the region lying between the 
Danube and the Stara Planina (Balkans) ; and the 
latter, from this geographic line south to the ^gean 
sea. This was the beginning of the missionary work 
in what to-day is Bulgaria. 

About the same time there was planned the open- 
ing of a non-sectarian Christian college in Turkey 
under the auspices of Americans interested in mis- 
sion work. Hitherto the only work of the mission- 
ary had been to preach the Gospel. But the time 
had come when some at least of the missionaries 
saw the necessity of a new departure. Mr. Chris- 
topher Robert, an American business man who had 
for many years been identified with the American 
Home Missionary Society, was the first man of 
means in America to sec and appreciate this need. 

The idea of founding in Turkey an institution 
after the pattern of American colleges was sug- 
gested to Mr. Robert in 1857 by James and William 
Dwight, graduates of Yale University and sons of 
an American missionary in Turkey. Funds were 
not forthcoming and the plan was abandoned. Mr. 
Robert had visited Constantinople during the Cri- 
mean war and was keenly impressed with the need 
of such an institution. In 1859 he wrote to the Rev- 
erend Cyrus Hamlin, then engaged in educational 
work in connection with the American Board of For- 
eign Missions, and proposed that he should join him 
in an effort to raise funds to establish a college at 
Constantinople, which should offer to young men, 
without distinction of race or creed, the opportunity 



American Influence in Bulgaria 325 

to secure a tlioroiigli education, equivalent to that 
obtainable in a first-class American college and 
based on the same principles. 

Dr. Hamlin came to America during the summer 
of 1860; but it was not a favourable time to raise 
money for such a project. The country was ab- 
sorbed in the conflict between the free and the slave 
states. The presidential election and the subse- 
quent outbreak of civil war made it impossible to 
awaken interest and secure funds, and Mr. Robert 
and Dr. Ilanilin were accordingly left to undertake 
the work alone. Dr. Hamlin returned to Turkey 
in June, 1861, to make such arrangements as might 
be possible for the erection of a building and the 
organization of the college. 

There were delays in securing the necessary au- 
thorization from the Ottoman government, but these 
delays, according to Dr. Washburn, did not orig- 
inate witli the Turks. '' If left to themselves," he 
writes, *' they would probably have regarded it as 
a matter of very little importance in any way. The 
powers that he (Dr. Hamlin) had to contend with 
were France, Russia, and the Roman Catholic 
church. Their influence was pushed to the utmost to 
prevent the establishment of a college which would 
promote and extend the use of the English language 
and the influence of Protestant, English and Amer- 
ican, ideas. They were formidable enemies because 
at that time our friends were weak. America, en- 
gaged in a great civil war, had little influence here; 
Prussia and Holland were friendly, but without 
much influence ; England at the close of the Crimean 



326 Bulgaria and Her People 

war had lost her dominant position at Constanti- 
nople." ^ 

With these forces arrayed against the college it 
was not possible to secure at this time the necessary 
permission to erect a college building. It was ac- 
cordingly decided to begin work in a rented house at 
Bebek on the Bosporus, near Constantinople. Two 
American professors — H. A. Schauffler and G. A. 
Perkins — and four native tutors were appointed, 
and the institution was formally opened the 16th 
of September, 1803. The first class was graduated 
in 1868. It included an Armenian and a Bulgar: 
Hagopos Djedjizan, who has ever since been asso- 
ciated with the college as professor of the Armenian 
language and literature, and Petko Gorbanoff, who, 
up to his death in 1909, was in constant public serv- 
ice in his country after its liberation from Turkey. 
He was a member of the national Bulgarian assem- 
bly, and was for some time its vice-president; he 
served on the administrative council for the con- 
struction of the international railway; was general 
secretar}^ to the Bulgarian minister of justice; and 
was assistant mayor of the city of Sofia. 

There were six graduates in the class of 1869, all 
of them Bulgarians, and. all of them have filled im- 
portant posts in the government of Bulgaria. The- 
odor J. Djabaroff taught at Shumen and was prefect 
at Svishtov, Plevna, Varna, and Razgrad ; he served 
as secretary of the commission of the state railways ; 
was director of the Varna, Kustchuk, and Burgas 

• Fifty Years in Conslanlinojde and Recollections of Robert College. 
By George Washburn. Boston, 1911, pp. 319. 



American Influence in Bulgaria 327 

railway; member of the commission in the minis- 
try of public works; and director of the national 
printing establishment. Jordan J. Economoff 
taught in a secondary school at Varna; studied 
theology at the Drew Theological Seminary in 
America, and engaged in the work of the Protestant 
ministry. Peter M. Mattheoff served as postmaster 
at Sofia ; secretary to the governor-general of East- 
ern Rumelia ; member of the Bulgarian national 
assembly; inspector of administration of the min- 
istry of the interior; director general of Bulgarian 
posts and telegraphs; chief commissioner of the 
Bulgarian section of the St. Louis exposition; and 
Bulgarian diplomatic agent to Greece. Naiden 
Nicoloff has been administrator of the Bulgarian 
National Bank and held other posts of trust. Stefan 
Thomoff taught at Yambol; studied theology at 
Drew Theological Seminary; and engaged in the 
work of the Protestant ministry. 

Only one person graduated in the class of 1870, 
and he w^as an Armenian. The graduating class of 
1871 numbered five, all Bulgars, and all have held 
important positions in their country. Ivan E. Gue- 
shoff, recently prime minister of Bulgaria, was a 
member of this class. He has served as mayor of 
Philippopolis; been a member of the national as- 
sembly; has been the representative of the Bul- 
garian government at Paris, Constantinople, and 
Vienna. Stefan Panareto ff has served as a special 
envoy of the Bulgarian government, and for many 
years he has been professor of the Bulgarian laji- 
guage and literature at Pobert College. Ivan Slave- 



328 Bulgaria and Her People 

ikoff was an instructor at Robert College and later 
at Pliilippopolis, Slivcn, and Sofia ; he was secretary 
of the Bulgarian legation at Bucharest ; member of 
the national assembly; mayor of Sofia, and minister 
of public instruction of Bulgaria. Constantine 
StoVloff was a member of the court of appeals at 
Pliilippopolis ; president of the court of appeals at 
Sofia; member of the national assembly; minister 
of foreign affairs and prime minister of Bulgaria. 
Petko Taptchileshtoif was secretary of the Bulga- 
rian cabinet and became merchant and banker. It 
will thus be seen that the class of 1871 furnished 
Bulgaria with two mayors, three ambassadors, four 
members of the national assembly, and three cabinet 
members, two of whom were prime ministers! 

Of the eight graduates in the class of 1872, six 
were Bulgars. Oonstantine Caltchoff was a member 
of the national assembly ; served as an envoy to 
the great powers; was vice-director of finance in 
Eastern Rumelia, and engaged in banking. Stefan 
M. Cambouroff was a lieutenant in the Bulgarian 
army and died ten years after graduation. Peter 
Dimitroff was first a teacher and later prefect at 
Philippopolis ; served in the Bulgarian diplomatic 
service at Belgrade, Bucharest, Constantinople and 
Athens; was chief Bulgarian commissioner at the 
Paris exposition; and has served as secretary gen- 
eral to the ministry of foreign affairs. Dimiter 
Economoff was sub-prefect at Tulcea and Nicopol, 
and prefect at Varna and Shumen. Ivan D. Gue- 
shoff was secretary of the Bulgarian diplomatic 
service at Belgrade and Constantinople; charge 



American Influence in Bulgaria 329 

d'affaires at Belgrade; member of the national 
assembly; and until quite recently mayor of the 
city of Sofia. 

There was only one graduate in the class of 1873 
and he was a Bulgar, John J. Sitchanoff, who taught 
in the American school at Samokov; was pastor of 
Protestant churches at Bansko and Panagurishte, 
and is now the editor of a religious paper published 
at Sofia. All the members of the class of 1874 were 
Bulgarians. Ivan Bradinoff was chief engineer for 
the district of Sofia and principal of the Polytechnic 
School at Sofia. Dossi Economoff was chief of the 
section of the ministry of justice ; vice-president of 
the court of appeal, and president of the high judi- 
cial administrative committee of the ministry of 
public works. Peter Gobranoff was teacher at Shu- 
men; prefect at Rustchuk, Tirnovo, and Philippop- 
olis; and mayor of Elena. Peter Tcherneff was 
under-secretaiy of the ministry of foreign affairs; 
diplomatic representative at Bucharest; member of 
the national assembly; and mayor of Sofia. 

This list of the graduates during the first ten 
years of the work of the college gives some notion 
of the splendid service that the institution has ren- 
dered for the new Balkan state. The reader must 
have observed the preponderance of Bulgars among 
those completing the four years' course in the col- 
lege. Dr. Washburn remarks in tliis connection: 
'' For twenty years the great majorit}' of the grad- 
uates were of this nationality. During the previous 
decade the Bulgarians had awakened from the sleep 
of centuries. They had thro\vn off the yoke of the 



330 Bulgaria and Her People 

Greek patriarch of Constantinople and bad begun 
to dream of escaping from that of the Turk. It was 
a nation of peasants, held in ignorance by a double 
bondage. "Wlien they began to seek for enlighten- 
ment , their attention was first directed to Robert 
College by Dr. Long, then an American missionaiy 
in Bulgaria and later a professor in the college. 
Although Dr. Hamlin had interested himself in the 
Bulgarians in 1856 and used his influence to have 
missions established in Bulgaria, it does not appear 
from their correspondence that either he or Mr. Rob- 
ert had ever thought of them as possible students 
in the college; and Mr. Robert died without know- 
ing that he had played an important part in found- 
ing a new state in Europe." 

It is interesting likewise to note the positions 
occupied by the Bulgarian students after their grad- 
uation from Robert College. Their records for pub- 
lic service are remarkable. Dr. Washburn, for so 
many years the distinguished president of the col- 
lege, in the work from which the above quotation 
was made, mentions the fact that in the class of 
1881 there were nine Bulgars, two Armenians, and 
one Greek. All of the Bulgars engaged in some form 
of public service — teaching, consular or diplomatic 
service, or as members of the national assembl}^ or 
municipal government. One of the Armenians en- 
gaged in teaching, and the other took up the prac- 
tice of medicine. The Greek engaged in business. 

Robert College has furnished men for hundreds 
of important and responsible posts in Bulgaria — 
cabinet officers and members of the national assem- 




DK. GEORGE WASHBURN, EDUCATOR OF BULGARIAN STATESMEN. 



American Influence in Bulgaria 331 

bly, ambassadors and consuls, mayors of cities and 
judges of courts, educators, physicians, clergymen, 
lawyers, librarians, journalists, army officers, and 
bankers. These men came in contact with the finest 
type of American manhood, educators of the fine 
quality of Dr. Hamlin and Dr. Washburn, the first 
presidents of the college, during their four years 
at the institution. They were instructed by pro- 
fessors with good training and high ideals from 
American institutions like Amherst, Bowdoin, Will- 
iams, Dartmouth, and Oberlin. And they have car- 
ried back to the fatherland a large measure of the 
spirit of service for which Robert College has al- 
ways been so conspicuous. 

As already noted, the college began its work at 
Bebek. It was removed to Rumeli Ilissar in 1871. 
Dr. Hamlin continued president of the college until 
1878, when he was succeeded by Dr. George Wash- 
burn. Dr. Washburn had graduated at Amherst 
College; taken a theological course at the Andover 
Theological Seminary, and had been a missionary 
in Turkey from 1858 to 1862. In 1862 he became 
one of the professors of Robert College; and from 
1870 to 1878 he was acting president of the college. 
Upon the resignation of Dr. Hamlin in 1878 he was 
chosen president of the college, and this position 
he held until 190.'^, when he resigned and was made 
president emeritus. Dr. C. Frank Gates is now 
president of the college. 

Under the presidency of Dr. Washburn, Robert 
College rose to recognized rank among the higher 
institutions of Europe, It is everywhere in the near 



332 Bulgaria and Her People 

east regarded as a model Christian college; and 
in tlie development of manliness and the spirit 
of social service among its students, it probably 
stands in a class by itself among collegiate insti- 
tutions in Europe, ^^lile its special eminence has 
been in the matter of the development of the finest 
social and spiritual qualities of its students, it has 
likewise taken high rank in the matter of scholar- 
ship, and many of its graduates occupy posts of 
honour in European and American colleges and uni- 
versities. 

The college occupies a beautiful site of fifty acres 
at Rumeli Hissar on the Bosporus, a few miles from 
Constantinople. Through the generosity of Amer- 
ican philanthropists, seven handsome college build- 
ings and thirteen residences for professors have 
been erected on the grounds. The faculty includes 
thirty professors and thirty-six instructors. Six 
hundred students, representing nineteen nationali- 
ties, are at present enrolled in the college. There 
are about a hundred Turks, the same number of Bul- 
garians, and a considerable number of Armenians, 
Albanians, Greeks, Persians, and Jews. Through 
the generosity of Mr. Charles R. Crane of Chicago, 
six scholarships have been established for Albanian 
students. 

Dr, Washburn writes concerning the unique serv- 
ice rendered Bulgaria by Robert College: " In our 
college work we did nothing for the Bulgarians 
which we did not do for other nationalities or which 
we might not have done for the Turks if any num- 
ber of them had come to the college. It was not our 



American Influence in Bulgaria 333 

purpose to denationalize our students, to make 
Americans of them or cosmopolitans. We were cos- 
mopolitan in the fifteen nationalities represented in 
the college, and we did our best to teach them mu- 
tual respect and good-will, but our purpose was to 
train each one to be a worthy member and a wise 
leader of his own nationality. It is true that English 
was the language of the college, but this was made 
necessary because we must have a common language 
where the students of many mother-tongues could 
meet on equal tcrins and because this language 
opened to them the learning and the literature of 
the world. At the same time we spared no pains 
to make them masters of their o\\m language, litera- 
ture, and history. Our curriculum was adapted as 
far as possible to their conditions. 

** It was in this way that Eobert College became, 
as King Ferdinand has called it, a nursery of Bul- 
garian statesmen. Through the long, hopeless 
years before the dawn of independence, young Bul- 
garians were fitting themselves there under Chris- 
tian and American influence to be leaders of tlieir 
people out of ilio bondage of serfdom into the free- 
dom of self-government. "Wben the opportunity 
came they were ready for it. Graduates of other 
nationalities might have done as well, if a similar 
opportunity had come to them. 

*' Another and quite unexpected line of influence 
was opened to Bobert College by the fact that its 
establishment in Constantinople had attracted tlie 
attention of all the great powers of Europe and led 
to a long conflict between those who opposed and 



334 Bulgaria and Her People 

those who favoured it. It brought us into specially 
intimate relations with England, with statesmen of 
both parties, the press and the embassy. It was 
a unique position. AVe had no favours to ask for 
ourselves, and we were believed to have a better 
knowledge of what was going on in Turkey than 
any one else. On the other side our relations with 
the people were such that they had confidence in 
our wisdom and our devotion to their interests. 
Both parties sought our advice and aid. They did 
not always follow our advice, but in the case of the 
Bulgarians we were able to be of great service to 
them in some of the most critical periods of their 
history. We came into actual conflict with the Eng- 
lish government only once. That was when Dis- 
raeli was prime minister, and the Turks were mas- 
sacring the Bulgarians. It is too long a story to 
be told here, but having first appealed privately to 
England in vain, we appealed to the world, and Mr. 
Disraeli denounced our statements in parliament 
as * coffee-house babble.' It was then that Horace 
Maynard, our ambassador, came to the rescue and 
sent Consul General Schuyler to Bulgaria to inves- 
tigate. It was Mr. Schuyler's report which first 
moved Mr. Gladstone to enter upon the campaign 
which roused the indignation of Europe and led to 
the conference of Constantinople, the Russo-Turk- 
isii war, and the independence of Bulgaria. As our 
graduates came to the front in the organization and 
development of the country it was natural for them 
to seek our advice and aid. One of them, Mr. Stoi- 
loff, was the private secretary and most intimate 



American Influence in Bulgaria 335 

friend of Prince Alexander. Another, Mr. Dimi- 
troff, occupied a similar position in Eastern Ku- 
melia, before the union of that province with Bul- 
garia. Others occupied important positions in the 
ministry and the national assemblies. Our confi- 
dential relations with them and with the English 
government, which was then dominant at Constan- 
tinople, enabled us to aid them in many ways, spe- 
cially during the years when Russia, under Alex- 
ander III, was an active enemy of Bulgaria. The 
Russian newspapers at that time accused us of hav- 
ing spent half a million pounds of English money 
to overthrow their influence. It is an interesting 
fact that the Turkish government never accused us 
of plotting against it, and never complained of our 
relations with Bulgaria. T suppose that our well- 
known relations with the British embassy satisfied 
them that we had never in any way encouraged any 
revolutionary movements, which was true. 

** The Bulgarians arc a grateful people and they 
never fail to count us among the founders of the 
kingdom. It will be seen that American influence 
in Bulgaria was chiefly moral and only incidentally 
political, but I think that it is true that without this 
influence Bulgaria would have been dominated by 
Russian ideals rather than American, and would 
never have been the free state which she is to-day. 
A small state, with a liomogeneous population, un- 
trammelled by traditions, she has made more prog- 
ress during the last thirty years tliau any other 
country in tlio world." 

Another American institution tliat has exercised 



336 Bulgaria and Her People 

large infiuenco in Bulgaria is tlie American College 
for Women at Constantinople. It was established 
by the American Board of Foreign Missions in 1871 
as a secondary scliool for girls. The aim of the 
school was to offer facilities for the higher educa- 
tion of women in a part of Europe where such op- 
portunities did not exist. The school was first es- 
tablished at Scutari, a suburb of Constantinople, on 
the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus. The institution 
was raised to the rank of a college in 1890 ; and in 
1912 it was moved to its beautiful new quarters near 
Robert College and re-christened Constantinople 
College. It has a faculty of twenty-five professors 
and instructors in the collegiate department; fifteen 
instructors in the secondary department; and eight 
instructors in the school of music. Dr. Mary Mills 
Patrick, an American woman of recognized scholar- 
ship and administrative ability, has been president 
of the college for many years. 

Like Robert College it has drawn its students 
from the numerous nationalities of the near east; 
and, like Robert College, Bulgaria has been most 
largely represented in its student body, and the Bul- 
garian graduates have exerted the largest measure 
of influence. About twenty-six per cent, of the total 
number of alumnae have been Bulgars ; and many 
other Bulgarian women have pursued courses in the 
college and taken the course in the secondary school. 
All these women have exerted a strong influence 
among their people. Bulgarian girls in large num- 
bers entered the American school after the Russo- 
Turkish war. Ellenka Dimitrieva (now Mrs. Peter 



American Influence in Bulgaria 337 



Yencheff) was the first Bulgarian woman to grad- 
uate. Two of her daughters have recently been 
graduated from the college. The college graduated 
a class of twenty-three in 1912, eleven of whom were 
Bulgars. Through the munificence of Mr. Charles 
R. Crane of Chicago six scholarships have been es- 
tablished for Albanian girls. The Bulgarian women 
who have studied at the Constantinople College 
have rendered most efficient social service in their 
country, as teachers, nurses, and social workers. 
Many of them have married prominent statesmen 
and publicists. The Constantinople College has 
been well characterized by Bulgarians as '* the 
institution that trains the mothers of our states- 
men and leaders." 

Besides the influence of these two splendid Amer- 
ican educational institutions, is that of the mission- 
aries sent out by the Protestant churches of the 
United States. As already mentioned, the work of 
missionaries during the past half-century has not 
been confined to *' the oral utterance of the Gospel 
in public or in private." Missionaries have engaged 
heartily in educational work in diverse forms. Be- 
sides the elementary and secondary schools that they 
established, the missionaries were instrumental in 
sending large numbers of young men to the United 
States to pursue courses in colleges and technical 
schools, and practically all such students returned 
to the fatherland and became men of mark in public 
and private life. 

Dr. A. S. TsanolT, the veteran editor of Zorniiza, 
the oldest journal published in the Bulgarian Ian- 



338 Bulgaria and Her People 

guage, was educated at Amherst College forty years 
ago; the Reverend Marko N. Popoff, who for 
nineteen years was the pastor of the Protestant 
community at Sofia and made that church a self- 
supporting and highly effective religious organiza- 
tion, was graduated from Hamilton College; Stoyan 
K. Vatralsky, a publicist and writer, was graduated 
from Harvard University; Constantine Stepha- 
nove, at the head of the department of the English 
language and literature in the University of Sofia 
and the author of the standard English-Bulgarian 
dictionary, was graduated from Yale University; 
the Reverend D. N. Furnajieff, pastor of the Prot- 
estant church at Sofia, was graduated from Prince- 
ton University. Scores of men in public life in 
Bulgaria — lawyers, judges, physicians, teachers, 
journalists, preachers, engineers — have been edu- 
cated in American institutions. And these men, 
like the graduates of Robert College, have been 
active exponents of American ideals and culture. 
Americans of superior character like Elias Riggs, 
Albert N. Long, George D. Marsh, J. F. Clarke, and 
J. W. Baird have spent their entire lives in the 
mission work in Bulgaria. These men went directly 
after graduation from college to the Balkans, where 
they laboured with a disinterested zeal that is found 
among no other class of workers. 

The American Institute at Samokov, a secondary 
school for boys, organized fifty-throe years ago by 
the American Board of Foreign Missions, has given 
an excellent secondary education to nearly a thou- 
sand Bulgarian youths. Nearly all the pastors and 



American Influence in Bulgaria 339 

preachers connected with the Protestant mission 
work in Bulgaria and Macedonia have received their 
training in this school; and many of the Bulgars 
who have come to America for collegiate courses 
were prepared for college at Samokov. A consid- 
erable number of former students of the American 
Institute occupy responsible positions in the public 
and private life of Bulgaria. A Bulgarian writer 
pays this tribute to the work of the American Insti- 
tute: '' Through the example and instruction of its 
teachers, an unconscious influence is exerted for the 
building of character. Spiritual culture is more 
ideal and more solid at Samokov than anywhere 
else among us." The principal of the school is the 
Reverend L. F, Ostrander. The annual enrollment 
varies from seventy-five to a hundred students. A 
theological seminary, with a course covering two 
years, is affiliated with the institute. Graduates of 
the institute, who wish to engage in the work of the 
Protestant ministry, may receive their training 
here. 

The American School for Girls at Samokov is 
another institution that has exerted large influence 
in Bulgaria. It was opened at Stara Zagora in 1863 
and was the first school of its rank for the education 
of girls opened in the country. Eight years later, 
chiefly because of the more favourable climate, the 
school was moved to Samokov, a mountain town of 
ten thousand inhabitants near the Macedonian fron- 
tier. The scliool has been directed from the first by 
the finest type of American collpge women. Miss 
Esther Tappan Maltbic, of Oberlin College, was the 



340 Bulgaria and Her People 

principal of the school from 1870 to 1906, and Miss 
Inez L. Abbott, of the University of Michigan, and 
later of the school for classical studies at Rome, has 
been principal since 1907. Miss Ellen M. Stone, 
Miss Mary M. Haskell, and Miss Agnes M. Baird 
have also rendered admirable service for the school. 
More than eight hundred Bulgarian women have 
been students at the school, and the graduates occupy 
important posts as teachers in the national schools, 
nurses, and religious and social workers. The wives 
of most of the Protestant pastors of Bulgaria and 
Macedonia have been educated at the Samokov 
school. Throughout the kingdom Samokov gradu- 
ates are distinguished for social service. Several 
graduates have taken up professional and business 
callings. The proprietor of the leading book-store 
at Sofia, for example, is a graduate of the American 
school at Samokov. It has also served as a fitting 
school for Bulgarian girls who have taken courses 
at the American College at Constantinople and vari- 
ous collegiate institutions in the United States. It 
is the testimony of competent Bulgarian critics that 
the school has rendered significant service to the 
nation not only in preparing teachers of superior 
character, but in fitting Bulgarian women to become 
home-makers, housekeepers, and intelligent mothers. 
For the splendid work the school has done during 
the last fifty years and the large field before it for 
equally useful work in the future, it certainly merits 
the hearty support of philanthropic Americans. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

SOFIA, THE MODERN CAPITAL 

The Bite of an ancient city — Sofia in the eighteenth century — Trans- 
formation since it ceased to be a Turkish town — The Djul-Dscha- 
mija mosque — The Buyuk Djamia — The Black Mosque — New 
cathedral of Alexander Nevsky — Bulgarian National Theatre — 
Palace of the Holy Synod — Public bath — Post-office — Statue 
of the Tsar Liberator — Public gardens — The suburbs of Sofia. 

Sofia, the handsome capital of the new kingdom, 
was an important towTi in pre-Roman days. The 
Shop tribes of peasants who live in the mountains 
near by may be the descendants of the ancient Da- 
cians who occupied the town when Diocletian made 
it the capital of Lower Dacia. It was a prosperous 
town when it was captured by Krum and his Bulgars 
in 809. He made it the capital of his kingdom. It 
was occupied by the Turks in 1383 and remained in 
their hands, save for a brief period when it was 
occupied by the Hungarians under John Hunyady 
in 1443, until they were driven out by General 
Gurko in 1878. 

Lady Montagu of England tarried in Sofia a few 
days on her way from London to Constantinople in 
1717. She tells us that Sofia is one of the most beau- 
tiful towns in the Turkish empire. Under Turkish 
rule Sofia was the residence of an Ottoman governor, 
and for many years it was an important centre for 
trade with Ragusa. It was the headquarters of 
Mustafa Pasha during the Turko-Russian campaign 

841 



342 Bulgaria and Her People 

of 1829. An English traveller who visited the city 
in 1860 calls it " a miserably poor place. ' ' The same 
traveller in 1890 writes: '' Of all the cities of the 
east, Sofia has made the greatest improvement." 

On the eve of liberation Sofia is described as '* a 
concourse of mean, red-tiled little houses and cab- 
ins of wood and plaster. Its crooked, narrow lanes, 
leading nowhere in particular, were unpaved. In 
rainy weather they were no better than sewers. In 
Turkish Sofia no Christian woman dared venture out 
of the house after dark, or far from it in the day- 
time. There were no street lamps. No man went 
out of doors in the night-time without a lantern," 

When the author visited Sofia for the first time 
fourteen years ago, it still retained the character of 
a Turkish town. But a great transformation has 
taken place during the last dozen years. A beauti- 
ful city has been created upon the ruins of the old 
squalid Turkisli town. Handsome public buildings 
and private residences, broad and well-paved streets, 
tramways and electric lights, and all the appurte- 
nances of a modern city are now found at the mod- 
ern capital, which is the social and intellectual as 
well as the political centre of the new national life. 

The process of transformation was begun under 
the reign of Prince Alexander of Battenberg. He 
built the royal palace and had constructed a number 
of public buildings. The royal palace is a solid 
rectangular edifice surrounded by high drab-col- 
oured walls. The entrance to the palace is through 
massive iron gates. It can scarcely be called a hand- 
some building. 



Sofia, the Modern Capital 343 

When King Ferdinand got firmly seated on his 
throne he took np the matter of transforming his 
capital into a thoroughly modern city. Large parts 
of the old Turkish town were pulled down. Five- 
story houses, chiefly of brick encased in stucco, re- 
placed the hovels of wood and mud. Narrow, dirty 
alleys were widened into broad thoroughfares and 
paved with macadam. The work of building the 
new city was interrupted by the Balkan wars, but 
it has been actively resumed during recent months. 

The Djul-Dschamija, with its slender minaret, is 
one of the few reminders of the evil Turkish days. 
Parts of the mosque are said to have been erected 
by Trajan as a heathen temple in the Roman days. 
Constantine the Great consecrated it as a Christian 
church and dedicated it to Saint George. The Turks 
five hundred years ago transformed it into a mosque 
and added the minaret. It is still used as a house 
of worship by the Moslem residents of Sofia. 

The Buyuk Djamia, with its nine metal cupolas, 
was the most important sanctuary during the days 
of Turkish occupation. To-day it houses the Bul- 
garian National Museum. The museum contains the 
beginning of a collection that will ultimately rep- 
resent the historical development of the country 
from earliest Dacian times to the present day. A 
considerable number of monuments belonging to 
pre-historic times, as well as numbers of relics be- 
longing to the Roman and Byzantine periods of 
Macedonia and Bulgaria, have been secured. Many 
of the old Slavic inscriptions in stone have great 
historical value. The museum has notable coUec- 



344 Bulgaria and Her People 

tions of bas-reliefs, bronzes, and coins. Here also 
is found the beginnings of a national gallery of 
painting and sculpture. Such works of art as have 
been purchased by the national government are 
displayed in the museum. Bulgaria also has an 
interesting ethnographic collection at present housed 
in a private building. An ethnographic museum 
building is shortly to be erected at Sofia. 

The Tscherna Djamia, or Black Mosque, is now 
used as a place of worship by the Orthodox church. 
The most significant religious monument in the city 
is the ruin of the church of St. Sofia, a basilica with 
three naves that dates from the year 1329. The 
cathedral or church of Sveti Krai, with three cupo- 
las, is one of the least attractive public buildings in 
the city. It is a modem structure and is the chief 
place of worship of the state religion. It contains 
the remains of the Servian king Stefan Uros II. 

The new cathedral of Alexander Nevsky, just com- 
pleted at a cost of one and one-fourth million dol- 
lars, is the most important building in the city. It 
was erected as a memorial to Russian valour in the 
war of liberation. It is built in the Russian-By- 
zantine style. The general details of the church, such 
as the large central dome and many of the smaller 
bulbous domes, are distinctly Russian. The domes 
arc gilded and produce a rather fierce and dazzling 
effect. The facade is of local white stone, and the 
marbles used in the interior decorations were 
brought from Italy, Brazil, and Africa. Quantities 
of Mexican onyx were also used in the decoration 
of the anterior. 



Sofia, the Modern Capital 345 

A Russian, Professor Pomerantzeff, was the chief 
architect, and the interior decorations were en- 
trusted to Russian and Bulgarian artists. The walls 
and domes of the interior are covered with paint- 
ings of Scriptural and historical subjects and the 
chapels are ornate with mosaics and paintings. The 
thrones for the bishop and the king are especially 
rich in ornaments. One feels, however, a lack of 
intimate relation behind the forces that produced 
the great and costly cathedral — architect, artists, 
decorators, and building commission. Divided re- 
sponsibility must account for some of the ill-ad- 
justed relations. Instead of farming out the inte- 
rior decorations to a considerable number of Bul- 
garian and Russian artists, it probably would have 
been better to have placed the matter in the hands 
of one artist and held him responsible for the har- 
monizing of details. 

The paintings by Bulgarian artists are the best 
in the cathedral. There are some notable paintings 
by Mirkvicka, such as " The seven saints to the 
Slavs," " The Virgin and Child," " The prophets 
Moses and Aaron," '' The contest of Christ and the 
devil," ** God the Father," and '' Christ in the Tem- 
ple." Mi toff also has done some highly creditable 
work in the new cathedral. Among his paintings 
are Saints Kyril, Method, and Boris, the Patri- 
arch Eftmi, '' Ivan Rilsky," and '* Maria and the 
Child." The frescoes over the right altar are by 
Mitoff, and the mosaics of the king's throne were 
made from his drawings. " Christ with the Poor," 
** St. George," and several other saints are the work 



346 Bulgaria and Her People 

of Stefan Ivanoff. There is an interesting series 
of holy men by Malinoff, Petroff, Berberoff, and 
Mihailoff. 

The Bulgarian National Theatre, the home of 
opera and drama, is a handsome modern structure 
erected at a cost of four hundred thousand dollars. 
It has a competent corps of actors and singers and 
produces standard works by native and foreign 
dramatic and music composers. The theatre re- 
ceives an annual appropriation from the national 
government. 

Two other recent public buildings are the palace 
of the Holy Synod and the public bath, both the 
work of the Bulgarian architect Momtchiloff. All 
the decorations in the Holy Synod are the work of 
Bulgarian artists — Mirkvicka, Mitoff, and Iva- 
noff. Besides the paintings, there are some fine 
wood carvings and tapestries in the palace of the 
Holy Synod by native artisans. 

The new public bath at Sofia is the finest insti- 
tution of its land in the world. It was erected at a 
cost of six hundred thousand dollars over a hot 
spring that has been famed for its mineral prop- 
erties since the days of the Romans. The tempera- 
ture of the water as it comes from the ground is 
117 degrees Fahrenheit. The bath is not only a 
handsome structure in the Byzantine style of archi- 
tecture, but its equipment is modern and commodi- 
ous. 

The new post-office is the work of the Bulgarian 
architect Jordan Malinoff, who has also planned 
many of the fine private residences of Sofia. He 




ALEXA>fDER NBVSKY CATHEDRAL. 




lUJUiAlllAN NATIONAL TUEATUK. 



Sofia, the Modern Capital 347 

was the president of the commission that had charge 
of the cathedral of Alexander Nevsky. The cham- 
ber of commerce is the work of the Bulgarian archi- 
tect Fingoff. The Bulgarian Agricultural Bank is 
an attractive modern huilding. It has interesting 
mural paintings in the council chamber by Mir- 
kvicka and Mitoff. Tlie sobranje, or parliament 
house, is one of the older buildings of the capital, 
but it produces a good effect. The academy of arts 
when completed will be one of the striking public 
buildings of the capital, and costly new university 
buildings are shortly to be erected. 

In the public square in front of the sobranje is 
the handsome equestrian statue of the Tsar Lib- 
erator, Alexander II of Eussia, to whom Bulgaria 
pays willing homage. Among other monuments at 
the capital is one erected in memory of Vassil Lev- 
sky, a Bulgarian patriot, executed by the Turks in 
1873, and another commemorating the services of 
the physicians and surgeons who fell in the Russo- 
Turkish war of 1877-78. 

There is a small but attractive public garden in 
the heart of the city, and a larger public garden in 
the suburbs, with its fine acacias, its fountain, and 
its miniature lake. The lion's bridge spanning the 
river that flows through the city is an interesting 
piece of work. The city is well drained; it has an 
excellent water supply that is brouglit from Mount 
Vitosha; there are several broad and attractive 
avenues, and all the thoroughfares are well lighted. 

Sofia is situated on a rolling upland plain that 
is encompassed in every direction by lofty mountain 



348 Bulgaria and Her People 

ranges. Its elevation is 1,700 feet above the level 
of the sea. The plateau on which the city is built 
extends for miles in all directions, thus affording 
infinite space for expansion. The dilapidated Turk- 
ish town of twenty-five thousand inhabitants has 
grown in a quarter of a century' to a handsome city 
of one hundred five thousand inhabitants. In the 
suburbs of the cit)^ are breweries, sugar-refineries, 
and cotton mills and silk mills. The climate of the 
city is healthful; and, overlooking the plain on 
which it is located, is the superb peak of Mount 
Vitosha. 



CHAPTER XXV 

OTHER CITIES AND TOWNS 

Philippopolia, the capital of Eastern Rumelia — Principal quarters 
in the citj' — Nature of the population — Rustchuk — Tirnovo, 
the ancient capital — Historic church of the Forty Martyrs — 
Recent destruction of the city by an earthquake — Varna — Bur- 
gas — Shumen — Stara Zagora, Sliven, and Kazanlik — Dubnitza 
— Samokov — Rilo. 

PniLippopoLis (Plovdiv), the capital of Eastern 
Rumelia before the two Bulgarias were united, is 
the second city of importance in the kingdom. It 
is situated in the valley of the Maritza in the midst 
of a vast fertile plain that stretches between the 
Balkans and the Rhodope mountains. Isolated 
crags emerge from the plain to the south of the 
city. Here and there the monotony of the plain is 
broken by the mammoth mounds scattered through 
the valley that mark the burial-places of ancient 
warriors. 

The city is built on three granite eminences on 
the right bank of the Maritza. There are many 
comfortable homes on the hills built at all angles on 
the rocks. It is a very old city, having been cap- 
tured and re-christened by Philip of Macedon in 
842 B. c. The Franks held it from 1204 to 1235. It 
was occupied by the Turks in 1363; was destroyed 
by an earthquake in 1818 and suffered by a fire in 
1846. It enjoyed a brief period of independent ex- 
istence from 1878 to 1885. 

349 



350 Bulgaria and Her People 

The principal quarters of the city nestle between 
two crags, and from this centre it stretches in all 
directions into the plain. There are many well- 
built houses in the older part of the city. The great 
mosque at the foot of the hill is the centre of the 
industrial life. The broad avenue that leads from 
the railway station to the town is lined with sub- 
stantial residences. The old national assembly 
house has been converted into a public library. It 
has a collection of forty thousand books. The city 
has an excellent water system, the water being 
brought from the Rhodope mountains, ten miles 
distant. 

An exhibition park was laid out in 1892. Near by 
is the fine Djumaja mosque. On one of the hills 
is a monument erected by the Russians in com- 
memoration of the war of 1877-78, and one of the 
other hills is crowned with a clock tower. There are 
numerous churches, schools, and colleges. The city 
has forty-eight thousand inhabitants, most of whom 
are Bulgarians. There are, however, small colonies 
of Greeks, Turks, Armenians, Jews, and gypsies in 
the city. There are about four thousand Catholics 
at Philippopolis. They are under the charge of 
parish priests. There is a Catholic college that is 
conducted by a French teaching order, and a hospital 
under the direction of the Sisters of Mercy of 
Agram. The orchards of Dermendere are near by, 
and not very distant is the ancient Orthodox mon- 
astery of Bachkovo. 

Rustchuk, on the Danube, is the largest city in 
northern Bulgaria. It has forty-six thousand in- 



other Cities and Towns 351 

habitants and is growing rapidl3\ In the Turkish 
days it was a squalid village with a small European 
quarter facing the river. It is to-day a handsome 
city and teems with commercial activity. It has 
broad and well-paved streets that are lined with 
shops, banks, schools, and public buildings. It has 
factories for the manufacture of tobacco, soap, 
spirits, and pottery, and it is the chief wheat market 
in the country. Besides being the chief Danube 
river port, it is an important centre for traffic by 
rail. 

Rustchuk was a city in Roman days. It was des- 
troyed by the barbarians in the seventh century. 
The Russians occupied it twice before it was finally 
recovered from the Turks — in the Russo-Turkish 
wars of 1828-29 and 1853-54. It was a fortified city 
down to 1878. 

Tirnovo is the capital of the old Bulgarian king- 
dom. It is situated on the Yantra river as it leaves 
the mountains and winds through an amphitheatre 
of steep bluffs on which the city is built. During 
the Asen dynasty Tirnovo was one of the chief cities 
of Europe. No other place in Bulgaria is so inti- 
mately associated with the life of the nation. Leg- 
ends tell us that it was built by the hands of giants. 
For several centuries it rivalled Constantinople. 
" It witnessed the rise of Shislnnan and his doughty 
line. Within its walls Asen received the crown from 
the hands of the people ; and in its modest inn the 
ill-starred Stamboloff, the ablest modern Bulgarian 
statesman, first saw the light. Here were the palace 
of the tsars and the residence of the head of the 



352 Bulgaria and Her People 

Bulgarian church ; here too was the great cathedral, 
long since gone." 

The historic church of the Forty Martyrs, des- 
troyed the 24th of June, 1913, by a terrible earth- 
quake, was the burial-place of the tsars. The church 
was built by Tsar Ivan Asen II in 1230. An inscrip- 
tion in the church gives this chronicle of the found- 
er's conquests: " In the year 1230, I, Ivan Asen, 
Tsar and Autocrat of the Bulgarians, obedient to 
God in Christ, son of the old Asen, have built this 
most worthy church from its foundations, and com- 
pletely decked it with paintings in honour of the 
forty holy martyrs, by whose help, in the 12th year 
of my reign, when the church had just been painted, 
I set out to Rumania to the war and smote the Greek 
army and took captive the Emperor Theodore Kora- 
nenus with all his nobles. I have conquered all the 
land from Adrianople to Durazzo, the Greek, the 
Albanian, and the Servian lands. Only the towns 
round Constantinople and that city did the Franks 
hold; but these too bowed themselves beneath the 
hand of my sovereignty, for they had no other tsar 
but me, and prolonged their days according to my 
will, as God so ordained. For without Him no word 
or work is accomplished. To Him be honour for 
ever." 

Tirnovo was the capital of Bulgaria from 1186 
until it was captured by the Turks the 17th of July, 
1394. It was occupied by the Russians in 1877. All 
the sessions of the grand sobranje have been held 
here. Here King Ferdinand was crowned and here 
Prince Boris was initiated into the faith of the na- 




RUSTCHUK. 



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other Cities and Towns 353 

tional Orthodox cliiircli. Here Count Baldwin, who 
was elected to the imperial throne of Constantinople 
by the crusaders, was imprisoned in 1205 by the 
Bulgarian ruler Kaloyan. He was imprisoned in 
one of the towers of the city that is still known as 
Baldwin's tower, but the fate of the Frank emperor 
is one of the mysteries of history. 

There are numerous ancient remains, many of 
which were badly damaged by the recent earthquake, 
which completely destroyed parts of the cities of 
Tirnovo, Gornia-Orechovitza, and Lcskovetz. Be- 
sides the destruction of many of the most important 
ancient and modern buildings in the old capital, two 
hundred persons were killed and six hundred 
wounded. The greatest loss was the church of the 
Forty Martyrs. It contained the most ancient and 
valuable historical relics relating to the origin and 
rise of the Bulgarian people. 

Bulgaria has two seaports on the Black sea — 
Varna and Burgas. "While the transformation of 
Varna has been less rapid than at Bustchuk, there 
have been many improvements during the last fif- 
teen years. The government has built at consider- 
able cost a breakwater that permits vessels to lie at 
anchor within the bay with safety. Quays have also 
been constructed so that ships of large burden may 
load and unload without employing lighters. 

The city has a large export trade in wheat, cattle, 
dairy products, and lumber. The vineyards in the 
neighbourhood produce considerable wine, and there 
are tanneries, breweries, and cloth factories in the 
city and suburbs. 



354 Bulgaria and Her People 

Near by is the chateau of Euxinograd, one of the 
residences of King Ferdinand. The chateau itself 
possesses little architectural interest; but it is sit- 
uated on a siglitly cliff overlooking the Black sea 
and is surrounded by parks and gardens constructed 
after the models of those at Versailles and St. Cloud 
in France. The chateau contains a considerable 
collection of paintings. An immense aviary is one 
of the features of the grounds. 

Burgas is at the head of a gulf with the same 
name. It is built on a low foreland between lagoons. 
It has a fine harbour five fathoms deep, and large 
vessels may enter without difficulty. Behind the 
town is Sozopolis, the ancient Appolonia, perched 
high on a picturesque rock and encircled by undu- 
lating downs. The seaport is surrounded by vil- 
lages, vineyards, and fertile plains. 

Shumcn, fifty miles west of Varna, is built in a 
rugged ravine within a cluster of hills. A broad 
street and a rivulet divide the upper and the lower 
quarters of the towTi. In the upper part is the mag- 
nificent mausoleum of the Turkish pasha, Jezairli- 
Hassan, wlio enlarged the fortifications during the 
eighteenth century. Silks, embroideries, and copper 
and tin wares are manufactured in the town. There 
is also a large trade in wine and grain. Shumen 
was burned by the Emperor Nicephorus in the year 
811 ; it was besieged by Alexius I in 1087 and sur- 
rendered to the Turks in 1388. 

Stara Zagora, Sliven, and Kazanlik are also grow- 
ing towns. Plevna, on the banks of the Tutchinitza, 
a branch of the Vid, is situated in a plain that is 



other Cities and Towns 355 

surrounded by a series of hills a few hundred feet 
in elevation. At the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish 
war the town was occupied by sixty thousand Otto- 
man troops. It was besieged for five months and 
surrendered the 10th of December, 1877; but fifty 
thousand Russian troops were sacrificed in its cap- 
ture. Plevna has many handsome modem buildings, 
including a town hall, schools, and a memorial 
church built with materials captured from the con- 
quered Turks. In the suburbs is the Skobeleff park 
and public gardens. 

Dubnitza is a town of ten thousand inhabitants. 
It is the birthplace of Yani Sandansky, the Mace- 
donian brigand who captured Miss Stone, an Amer- 
ican missionary, and held her for a ransom of sixty 
thousand dollars. It is a picturesque town, many 
of the buildings being made of lathes that are filled 
in and covered over with mud, after which they are 
given a coat of blue or pink whitewash. It has an 
imposing Orthodox church surrounded by granite 
pillars, and the ruins of a mosque that was destroyed 
in the Russo-Turkish war. The gypsy quarter is 
composed of one-roomed huts, but the brown-skinned 
nomads lend colour to the squalor of the hovels. 
Dubnitza is in the centre of a rich tobacco dis- 
trict. 

Samokov, a town of ten thousand inhabitants, is 
located on the slopes of the Rilo mountains near the 
headwaters of the Isker river at an elevation of 
3,075 feet above the level of the sea. In ancient 
times it was the centre of the iron industry, but the 
mines are no longer worked. Here are located the 



356 Bulgaria and Her People 

schools and missions that direct the educational and 
religious activities of the American Board of For- 
eign Missions of the Congregational Church. An 
account of these schools is given elsewhere in this 
work. 

A mountain trail leads from Samokov to the Rilo 
monastery, which is perched high in the mountains 
in a narrow gorge that is guarded by a natural gate- 
way of rocks. The monastery is half palace and 
half fortress. The building is an irregular penta- 
gon with a number of galleries that extend around 
it and open into a great court. The corridors are 
supported by stone arches which rise tier upon tier 
and form a series of picturesque arcades. The top- 
most gallery forms a veranda beneath a projecting 
roof resting on great oak beams. The masonry of 
the buildings is white and red. In the centre of the 
court is the gaudy Byzantine church, the most bril- 
liant and variegated of the buildings. Its alcoves 
are filled with gorgeous frescoes. Near the church 
is an ancient and majestic tower, the oldest existing 
part of the monastery. 

The interior of the church contains the body of 
St. John of Kilo (Ivan Rilsky), the founder of the 
monastery. The body is encased in gold leaf. One 
arm of the saint is visible for the adoration of de- 
vout pilgrims. The crude and weird frescoes that 
adorn the walls of the church represent gruesome 
scenes that depict the terrors of hell in truly Ortho- 
dox fervour. One of the frescoes represents the day 
of judgment. At the top sits God the Father with 
Christ and the Virgin. Groups of saints stand on 



other Cities and Towns 357 

the clouds that are lloating tlirough the air. Heaven 
is represented as a court-yard, and the twelve 
apostles stand at the gate, Peter opening the portal 
with his great key. On another wall one gets a good 
notion of culture and ethics in the Balkans during 
the middle ages. Bulgarian rulers and saints are 
surrounded by angels, and below them the damned 
are suffering all the torments of hell. Brigands, im- 
postors, law-breakers, fraudulent shopkeepers, dis- 
honest millers, and the unchaste are suffering pun- 
ishments appropriate to their transgressions. 

In the ancient tower mass is celebrated once a 
month; and down in its dark dungeons the rings 
to which the insane were chained may still be seen. 
Here, in the dark ages of the history of lunacy, these 
unfortunates were allowed to beat out their brains. 
The library of the monaster^' is rich in ecclesias- 
tical manuscripts, books, and relics. Ten thousand 
pilgrims may be entertained in the rooms of the vast 
dormitories tliat surround the court. The stables 
will accommodate a thousand horses, and there are 
outbuildings for the various crafts essential to the 
life of tlie monastery. 

There is a grotto in the rocks near the monastery 
that is pointed out as the site of the original chapel 
of the founder. Through this narrow grotto i)ious 
pilgrims make their way. It is a difficult feat, even 
for those with slender bodies; but it is the belief of 
the devout that only sinners get caught in the crev- 
ice. The monastery suffered greatly during the cen- 
turies of Turkish rule. It stood innumerable sieges. 
Several times it was almost completely destroyed 



358 Bulgaria and Her People 



by fire. It was often captured by brigands, who 
exacted heavy ransoms from the monks. As the 
home of Slavic culture it suffered frightful perse- 
cution at the hands of the intolerant Greek church. 



CHAPTER XXVI 

THE BULGARS OF MACEDONIA 

Why Macedonia waa given back to the Turks after the Rusao-Turkish 
war — Revolt in the Struma valley — Organization of the komi- 
tadjis — Revolution of 1902 — How it was suppressed by the Turks 

— The wrecking of the bank at Salonika — Capture of Miss Stone 

— Economic conditions in Macedonia — Methods of leasing the 
land — Physical and mental characteristics of the Bulgars of Mace- 
donia. 

It was the fear of England that Bulgaria would 
be a mere vassal of Russia that tore up the treaty 
of San Stefano and brought to an end the momen- 
tary and elusive hope of the Macedonian people that 
they were to be liberated from centuries of Turkish 
oppression. The treaty of Berlin decreed that they 
must return to the Ottoman yoke. '' There is no 
reason in the history or nature of things," remarks 
Mr. Brailsford in his authoritative work on Mace- 
donia, " why these two regions should have been 
subjected to such different fates. In both the pop- 
ulation is predominantly Slavic, and in both there 
is a minority of Turks and Greeks. Both took up 
arms to cooperate with the liberating Russian in- 
vader. Both had revolted from the Greek form of 
Orthodoxy and freely joined the Bulgarian exar- 
chist church." * 

In the Struma valley the people revolted and 
seized the mountain passes. But Europe had given 

' Maccdnnin: its Rnccs'and their Future Bv Hcnrv N. Brailsford. 
London, 190G, pp. 340. 

359 



360 Bulgaria and Her People 



its decision. The Macedonian Bulgars must con- 
tinue to endure the oppression of their Turkish mas- 
ters. The revolting Macedonians were forced to 
submit to the decrees of the great powers. But they 
endured their fate sullenly. They turned their at- 
tention to education and sought to solve the prob- 
lem of political servitude by intellectual develop- 
ment. Education made them even more conscious 
of the evils of the Ottoman political system and 
its enfeebling and crushing social organism. 

Fifteen years after the signing of the Berlin 
treaty there was initiated by the Macedonia komi- 
tadjis a revolutionary movement with the ultimate 
object of the freedom of the country from Turkish 
rule. From this date down to the formation of the 
Balkan league (1912), the komitadjis waged a jSerce 
guerilla warfare with knife, revolver, and bomb. 
Students, teachers, college professors, lawyers, phy- 
sicians, and merchants to the number of twelve thou- 
sand were enrolled in the ranks of the komitadjis 
during the twenty years of its active operations. 
Major Panitza, who distinguished himself in the 
Servian war; General NikolaieflP, who later served 
in the Bulgarian cabinet in the Malinoff ministry; 
Traiko Kikantscheff, a gifted man of letters; Da- 
mian Grueff and Yani Sandansky, distinguished 
schoolmasters ; Christo Tatarcheff, a leading physi- 
cian, and other men of eminence were leaders in 
the revolutionary movement.^ 

^ For an excellent popular account of the work of the komitadjis, 
see Confessions of a Macedonian Bandit by Albert Sonnichsen (New 
York, 1909). Mr. Sonnichsen is an American man of letters who was 
connected with the work of the komitadjis for several years. 



The Bulgars of Macedonia 361 

The great powers of Europe had obligated them- 
selves by the conditions of the treaty of Berlin to 
protect the Christian races in Macedonia; but the 
scores of piteous appeals sent to them met with no 
response. In the autumn of 1902 General Tzoncheff, 
at the head of one branch of the Macedonian komi- 
tadjis, proclaimed a general uprising against Tur- 
key. With a force of about four hundred men he 
carried on a gallant guerilla campaign for a month 
in the region of Djumaia and the Raslog. The 
enterprise did not receive the sanction of the united 
revolutionary committee and had to be given up. 
General Tzoncheff and his band returned to Bul- 
garia, and the peasants, who had taken little part 
in the uprising, were left to bear the brunt of Turk- 
ish vengeance. 

Mr. Henry N. Brailsford, who visited the region 
shortly afterwards to distribute relief among the 
victims of Ottoman vengeance for the adventure, 
says that there was wholesale beating of the peas- 
ants, some torture, some violation of women, and 
some burning of houses. The terror that the Turks 
established in the district was general enough and 
serious enough to drive three thousand peasants 
in the rigour of a Balkan winter across the moun- 
tains of the frontier into the kindly refuge of Bul- 
garia. Mr. Brailsford writes: " Although the in- 
ternal organization (of the komitadjis) had no share 
in these events, and tried to frustrate General Tzon- 
cheff 's wild enterprise, the Turks made no nice dis- 
tinctions, and all over Macedonia the burden of the 
Turkish yoke grew heavier. Villages were searched 



362 Bulgaria and Her People 

for arms, which means that all the peasants were 
beaten and tortured until they produced them, and 
if they really possessed no rifle they were often 
constrained to buy one m order to surrender it to 
the Turks." 

The uprising in the Djumaia and Easlog districts 
had the effect of calling the attention of the great 
powers to the serious nature of the Macedonian 
question. The powers, however, took the fatal step 
of allowing two interested members of the concert 
— Austria and Russia — to manage the affair as 
they pleased. The sultan of Turkey, anticipating 
intervention on the part of the powers, announced 
reforms of his own. But the reform measures of 
both Austria and Russia and of the sultan of Tur- 
key remained dead letters. Their sole effect, writes 
Mr. Brailsford, '' was to convince the Bulgarians 
that Europe would do nothing without some power- 
ful stimulus, some bloody and sensational object- 
lesson, which would convince her that the misman- 
agement of Macedonia is an evil which calls for 
drastic remedy. But what form should that object- 
lesson take? Petitions, deputations, notes of pro- 
test and appeal from the friendly Bulgarian govern- 
ment attract no attention whatever. Partial revolts 
and brutal repressions result in nothing more than 
futile remonstrance and feeble counsels of reform. 
Europe acts with energy only when the lives and 
property of her own subjects are endangered. Then 
indeed the ironclads move, and the spectacle of 
cleared decks induces the sultan to yield to superior 
force. The younger men among the Macedonian 



The Bulgars of Macedonia 363 

extremists were full of this idea, and wild plans for 
attacking the railways and the consulates were in 
the air. It was thought that if the insurgents could 
create a state of anarchy dangerous to European 
capital the concert would intervene." 

Two episodes in the plans of the extremist wing 
of the komitadjis may be mentioned in this connec- 
tion — the effort to destroy the Ottoman bank at 
Salonika and the capture of Miss Ellen M. Stone, 
an American missionary. The Ottoman bank at 
Salonika represented European capital. The rev- 
olutionists opened a small grocer's shop beside the 
bank. Steadily but secretly they mined under the 
bank for weeks, carrying away the earth from the 
tunnel in paper bags. The Turks had been warned 
of what was going on, but " nothing could induce 
them to interfere, and the inference is either that 
they were bribed or that they were clear-sighted 
enough and Machiavellian enough to allow the Bul- 
garians to discredit themselves in the eyes of Eu- 
rope." 

The bank was blowm up in April, 1903. Salonika 
was plunged into panic and bombs were thrown at 
a number of public buildings without success. A 
French steamer in the bay was wrecked. Most of 
the revolutionists were killed, either in resisting 
arrest or by their own bombs. A massacre was 
averted by the energy of the Turkish vali, who man- 
aged to utilize and control his troops before more 
than sixty Christians had been done to death. This 
outrage shocked Europe and alienated the sympa- 
thies of the great powers, who were directly re- 



364 Bulgaria and Her People 

sponsible for the conditions that made possible the 
acts of the terrorists. It was a grim commentary 
on the indifference of Europe. The measures which 
the Turkish officials adopted to suppress the komi- 
tadjis were drastic and wholesale. All the notables 
in the Bulgarian towns of Macedonia were thrown 
into prison. Schools were closed because the teach- 
ers that had not been herded into filthy Turkish 
jails had fled to escape arrest. Practically all the 
educated Bulgars in Macedonia were placed under 
arrest. Towns were in a state of siege, Turkish 
soldiers patrolled the streets, and the Bulgarian 
inhabitants were forbidden to stir abroad after sun- 
down. The entire male Moslem popidation were 
called to the colours, reenforced by ragged Ottoman 
regiments from Asia Minor and undisciplined levies 
from Albania. 

The author visited during the summer of 1913 
Yani Sandansky, the Macedonian brigand and rev- 
olutionary, who was responsible for the capture of 
Miss Stone, the American missionary. Sandansky 
was a school-teacher before he joined the brigands. 
He had been condemned to death by the courts of 
Bulgaria. The revolutionary band with which San- 
dansky was connected was greatly in need of money 
to carry on its work. It was felt, moreover, that 
the capture of a prominent European would call 
attention to the conditions that existed in Mace- 
donia. *' Here were Turkish regular soldiers and 
irregular bashi-bozouks," said Sandansky to the 
author, " carrying off our wives and daughters 
daily; and although we had acquainted the great 



The Bulgars of Macedonia 365 

powers of the outrages again and again, a deaf ear 
was turned to our appeals. We thought we would 
see just how Europe might take the matter if we 
carried off one of your women." Miss Stone was 
captured at Bansko by Yani Sandansky, Christo 
Tchenopaeff, and Krusty Bulgarias. With a com- 
panion, Mrs. Gregory M. Tsilka, she was held in 
captivity in the mountains for six months. The 
original ransom demanded by her captors was one 
hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars. She was 
finally released for sixty thousand dollars, a sum 
that had been raised by American friends of mission 
work. It was the belief of Sandansky and his 
colleagues that the Turkish government would 
promptly pay the ransom to avoid complications 
with the United States and the great powers of 
Europe.^ 

Economic as well as political matters grew worse 
rather than better after the treaty of Berlin ; for 
the hand of the Turk was always raised against the 
intellectuals in Macedonia ; and the social and eco- 
nomic conditions of the Christian farmers steadily 
deteriorated. The economic servitude of the Chris- 
tians as conquered peoples had always been an 
axiom of the Turkish mind. The administrative 
efforts after 1878 tended to make the Christian races 
feel the weight of this servitude, and all the officers 
of the Ottoman government, from the highest func- 
tionaries to the humblest \dllage policemen, worked 



^ For Mis8 Stone's account of her captivity, see her series of articles 
entitled " Six Months Among Brigands " in McClure's Magazine, 
June to October, 1902, Vol. 19. 



366 Bulgaria and Her People 

towards that end. The means might vary, but the 
result was always the same — the impoverishment 
of the Christians. It was a regular system, skil- 
fully planned and skilfully executed. 

The economic state of the Christian races in 
Macedonia at the outbreak of the first Balkan war 
is one of the darkest pages in the Ottoman political 
organization. It condemned to a life of wretched- 
ness a thrifty and industrious race like the Bulgars 
of Macedonia. The excessive labour of the farmer 
failed to ensure him a modest subsistence. The 
efforts of several generations, the toil shared by all 
the members of the family, children and adults, 
procured nothing but a shelter exposed to every 
act of violence and spoliation. This condition of 
affairs arose from two circumstances: (1) from the 
absence of government officials capable of restrain- 
ing crying abuses and (2) from the social and eco- 
nomic relations of the dominant Mussulman minor- 
ity with the unfortunate Christian serfs. 

Agriculture is almost the sole means of livelihood 
for the Christian races of Macedonia, and partic- 
ularly of the Bulgars who occupy the inland dis- 
tricts. Cattle-breeding is rare, as an exclusive 
means of subsistence, except in the regions of Priz- 
rend, Guiliani, Fiorina, and Kastoria. In the eyes 
of the Ottoman law the Macedonian cultivators were 
classed as landowners, farmers sharing in the prod- 
uce (tschiftchis), and labourers or farm servants. 
The landowners were the Mussulman beys. They 
were the masters of the Christian villagers, who 
worked their farms and shared the produce. The 



The Bulgars of Macedonia 367 

farm servants also were Christians. There were a 
few Christian proprietors, but their estates were 
small. Christian farmers were largely represented 
by Greeks in the districts of Seres, Drama, and 
Salonika. 

The system of leasing land at half profits was 
in operation over three-fourths of all the arable 
land of Macedonia. But this system was directly 
responsible for the frightful wretchedness of the 
Christian population of the villages. It made pos- 
sible the permanent tyranny and abuses of the beys. 
Theoretically, the beys gave the farmers land, ac- 
cording to the size of the families. Free dwellings 
and seeds were furnished by the beys. The profits, 
after deducting the tithes, were divided into equal 
parts between the landlord and the labourer. This 
division brought the landlord an annual profit of 
from eighteen to twenty-five per cent, on his cap- 
ital. But he was rarely satisfied with this profit; 
and as absolute master of the fate of the Christian 
farmer, whose work he exploited according to his 
own wishes, he generally succeeded in wresting froni 
the farmer the better part of his earnings. 

The farmer was further obliged to convey the 
bey's share of the produce to whatever point ho 
might indicate. It often happened that the bey 
found it most profitable to sell his share of the 
produce in towns fifty or sixty miles away. The 
farmer must deliver it at its destination. The beasts 
of burden and the wagons the farmer was compelled 
to provide at his own expense. Each farmer was 
compelled to furnish his landlord with four cart- 



368 Bulgaria and Her People 

loads of firewood a year. The farmer was obliged 
to work for ten days a year in fields reserved by 
the bey, no matter how distant these fields might 
be. If the bey owned a mill, as was usually the case, 
the operation and the maintenance of the mill fell 
to the farmer, in return for the right to grind his 
own grain. Rural policemen, with whose aid the 
beys terrorized the Christian farmers, were almost 
always paid by the farmers. There were other 
obligations which the caprice of a bey might impose 
upon the farmers. 

Here for example is the substance of a contract 
imposed by a bey who enjoyed the reputation of 
being one of the best landlords in his district. The 
head of the family is a Bulgarian named Blajo. 
Sixteen members of the family are registered in the 
contract : Blajo, the head, fifty years old ; his wife, 
Doitza, forty-eight years old ; a son Christo, twenty- 
five years old ; his wife, Stephana, twenty-five years 
old; their son Mitra, one year old; a second son 
of the head of the family, Anghel, twenty-two years 
old; his wife, Bira, twenty years old; their son 
Constantine, one year old; a third son of Blajo, 
named Christo, ten years old; a daughter Helena, 
eight years old ; a nephew of the head of the family, 
Vassil by name, thirty years old; his wife, Sirma, 
twenty-eight years old ; their son, Spasso, ten years 
old ; another son, Pietro, one year old ; a daughter, 
Stoi'na, eight years old, and another daughter, 
Draga, one year old. 

The contract provides that Blajo and all the mem- 
bers of the family must work for the bey. The 



The Bulgars of Macedonia 369 

entire family must work one day a week in the pri- 
vate fields of the bey — plow, dig, reap, carry wood, 
and convey the produce of the bey to such places 
as he ma}^ care to sell it. The house which serves 
as a dwelling-place for the family is built of sun- 
dried bricks, with a roof of tiles, and resting on a 
foundation of wood two and a half feet from the 
ground. The walls are of mixed earth and straw. 
The sleeping-rooms are about four by three feet, 
and from four to five persons occupy a room. The 
house includes an entry, a cellar for provisions, and 
a corridor. The whole building forms a quadrilat- 
eral in a court one hundred and thirty feet broad 
by three hundred and thirty feet long. In this court 
there is a small bread oven and two storehouses. 
There is a kitchen near the house ; a small vegetable 
garden; and a fruit orchard. The average annual 
yield to this family of sixteen persons in chiniks is 
as follows: wheat, 150; barley, 80; oats, 80; rye, 
50; maize, 50, and buckw^ieat, 100. 

As elsewhere noted, the Bulgarians far outnumber 
all the other races in Macedonia. While racially 
they are of close kin to the people of Bulgaria, they 
represent a lower class intellectually because they 
have not had the same facilities for education as 
their kinsmen in the kingdom north of the moun- 
tains. Mr. Brailsford says of them : " A traveller's 
first impressions of the Bulgarians of Macedonia 
are rarely favourable. Tt is a race with few ex- 
ternal attractions; and it seldom troubles to sue 
for s}Tnpathy, or assist the process of mutual under- 
standing. It is neither hospitable nor articulate. 



370 Bulgaria and Her People 

The Slav peasant has no password to the foreign- 
er's heart. He cannot point, like the Greek, to a 
great past ; he cannot boast that his forebears have 
been your tutors in civilization. He leaves you to 
form what opinion of him you please, and shows 
himself only in the drab of his daily costume of 
commonplace. He will not call on you unbidden at 
your hotel, or invite you to his schools, or insist that 
you shall visit his churches. And, perforce, you 
study him from the outside. You find him dull, 
reserved, and unfriendly, for experience has taught 
him to see in every member of an ahen race a prob- 
able enemy. He lacks the plausibility, the grace, 
the quick intelligence of the Greek. He has noth- 
ing of the dignified courtesy, the defiant independ- 
ence, the mediasval chivalry of the Albanian. Nor 
has he physical graces to recommend him ; and even 
the women are unprepossessing. He has no sense 
for externals, no instinct for display. If he is 
wealthy he hoards his wealth. If he is poor he lives 
in squalor and dirt. His national costumes are 
rarely picturesque, Ms national dances monotonous, 
his national songs unmusical. You may learn to 
respect his industry, his vast capacity for uninter- 
esting work; but it is all the toil of the labourer, 
and the spirit of the artist and the craftsman is not 
in him." 

And yet, as Mr. Brailsford admits, time and acci- 
dent bring the clue to a different reading of his 
character. " The more one learned to know of the 
Bulgarians of Macedonia, the more one came to 
respect their patriotism and courage. These are no 



The Bulgars of Macedonia 371 

flamboyant or picturesque virtues ; they have grown 
up in the soil of serfdom among a reserved and 
unimaginative race. They are consistent with com- 
promise and prudence. There is something almost 
furtive in their manifestations. And yet when the 
Bulgarian seems most an opportunist and a time- 
server, he still cherishes his faith in the future of 
his people, and still works for its realization. He 
has no great past to boast of, no glorious present 
to give him courage. He does not flaunt his nation- 
ality like the Greek, or claim an imagined superi- 
ority. He will risk no needless persecution for the 
pure joy of calling himself by the name of his ances- 
tors. . . . And yet these men, when the occasion 
comes to throw away their lives for any definite 
purpose, are capable of an utterly reckless heroism. 
The komitadjis never found a difficulty in obtaining 
volunteers for such work as mining, bridge-wreck- 
ing, or bomb-throwing, which involved almost cer- 
tain death. Education among the Bulgarians, so 
far from weakening the primitive tribal instinct of 
self-sacrifice, seems only to intensify it, instead of 
softening it with humanitarian scruples. . . . The 
Bulgarians of Macedonia are to be judged not by 
the standard of morality and civilization which in 
fact they have attained, but by their courage and 
their determination in striving for better things. 
The history of their ten years' struggle is their 
title to our s^Tiipatliy. If they lack some of the 
dignified and gracious virtues which their Albanian 
neighbours possess, let us remember that the honour 
of the Albanian stands rooted in unfaithfulness. He 



372 Bulgaria and Her People 

renounced his religion, and received as his reward 
the right to bear himself erect, to carry weapons 
and to hector it, an overman amid a race of serfs. 
The Bulgarian held to the faith which the centuries 
had bequeathed to him, bowed himself to his daily 
task and his habitual sufferings, learned to lie be- 
fore men that he might be true to God, and acquired 
the vices of a slave that he might keep the virtues 
of a martyr." ^ 

' Macedonia: its Rncrs and their Future. By Henrj' Noel Brailflford. 
London, 1906, pp. 340. 



CHAPTER XXVII 

MACEDONIA AFTER THE BALKAN WARS 

Racial and religious elements of the population of Macedonia — Con- 
ditions of the province at the close of the first Balkan war — Dis- 
appearance of the poj)ulation — The country laid waste by the 
Greeks — Work of f)illage and uuirdcr — Verdict of Mr. Wallis — 
Conditions in the part of Macedonia occupied by the Servians — 
Report of the Carnegie conunission — Oppression of the Bulgarian 
population — Tyrannical order of King Peter — Methods of coer- 
cion — The results. 

The majority of the iuhabitants of Macedonia are 
Bulgarians. Greeks largely inhabit the southern 
coast, and there are Turks, Vlakhs, Albanians, and 
Servians in various parts of the province. The 
population of Macedonia is about two million and 
a quarter. Of this number about eight hundred 
thousand profess the Mohammedan religion, sev- 
enty-five thousand the Hebrew, three thousand six 
hundred the Roman Catholic, two thousand the 
Protestant, and the remainder the Orthodox relig- 
ion. Some of the Orthodox are affiliated with the 
Bulgarian national church and some with the Greek 
branch. 

The story of the partition of Macedonia after the 
Balkan wars has been recounted in previous chap- 
ters in this work. It remains to note the manner 
in which heirs of Turkey treated their inheritance. 
Through the machinations of the Greeks and the 
Servians, the portion of Macedonia that fell to Bul- 

373 



374 Bulgaria and Her People 

garia was very small. Greece got the lion's share, 
although a considerable portion became the posses- 
sion of Servia. 

The conditions of eastern Macedonia (now New 
Greece) as they were last June before the second 
Balkan war, and as they are to-day, are carefully 
treated in a recent article by Mr. H. M. Wallis 
published in the Quarterly Review for April, 1914.^ 
Mr. Wallis spent six months in the Balkans in the 
winter of 1912-1913, distributing relief on behalf of 
the Society of Friends of England to the victims of 
the first Balkan war. He has recently made a study 
of the region devastated by the Greeks during the 
second Balkan war. He expresses the conviction 
that Macedonia is one of the most beautiful and 
fruitful parts of Europe. It is the seat of one of 
the most ancient civilizations but little known to- 
day. For five centuries it was vilely governed by 
the Turks. Since 1887 it has been the cockpit of 
rival sectaries, patriarchist Greeks and Bulgarian 
exarcists. It was traversed by the Turkish army 
in the first Balkan war, but it suffered surprisingly 
little. It was ruled by the Bulgars for six months 
(to June, 1913). The conquerors paid for what they 
took ; discipline was rigid ; no looting was allowed. 
There was some local friction, due to fanatical Greek 
ecclesiastics. The skirmishes at Pangaion and Ni- 
grita were the consequences of Greek troops in- 
truding upon districts under Bulgarian adm.inistra- 
tion. 

' The Devastation of Macedonia. Bj' H. M. Wallia. Quarterly Re- 
view, April, 1914. Vol. 220, pp. 506—523. 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 375 

The population of eastern Macedonia was not 
homogeneous. The most important city in the prov- 
ince was predominantly Hebrew. The Ohalkidic 
peninsula, the coast-line, and the trading towns were 
largely Greek, The rural population was solidly 
Bulgarian in the northern half of the territory and 
largely so to within a few miles of the -^gean 
sea. There were considerable Turkish districts and 
smaller settlements of Kutzo-Vlakhs and gypsies. 
But the mass of the population from the Rhodope 
mountains to the sea were Bulgarians, speaking the 
Bulgarian language and worshipping according to 
the rites of the Bulgarian exarchist church. The 
people were consciously and ardontlj' attached to 
their brothers in the kingdom of Bulgaria. They 
were courteous, industrious, and virile. They lived 
for the most part upon their own properties and 
produced wine, silk, cotton, tobacco, leather, and 
foodstuffs. Despite much discouragement from 
their former Turkish masters, they had educated 
themselves. The schoolhouse was a conspicuous 
object in a ma.iorit}^ of the villages, and in all the 
towns the school-teacher was the leading man. Such 
was the condition of the Bulgarians in eastern Mace- 
donia in Juno, 1913. 

Where are these Macedonian Bulgars to-day? 
Mr. Wallis says they have disappeared. '' So far 
as human agency can effect it, they have been ob- 
literated. By shot, shell, and bayonet, by torture 
and fire, by proscription, imprisonment, and forci- 
ble exile, the whole non-Greek element has been des- 
troyed or chased out. Nor have destruction and 



376 Bulgaria and Her People 

proscription stopped at Bulgarians. Roman Cath- 
olics and Protestants, and a mixed multitude of 
Turks, Kutzo-Vlaklis, and Jews have been impar- 
tially maltreated, robbed, and expelled at the point 
of the bayonet. 

*' Whither^ Into Bulgaria. At the present mo- 
ment more than one hundred villages and several 
towns which were in June last as peaceable and 
prosperous as any in the Balkans, and in point of 
good order and education would have compared 
favourably with a similar number in the kingdom 
of Greece, lie wasted, roofless, and without inhab- 
itants. This devastation, by whomsoever effected, 
was done during or immediately after the harvest, 
and with extreme severity. It appears that it was 
no part of the destroyer's plan that the population 
should escape. Efforts were made to intercept es- 
cape, in many cases successful efforts. Those who 
saved themselves (and many thousands did so) 
fled at a moment's notice, carrying children upon 
their backs, and dragging others by the hand. 
These fugitives, two-thirds of whom were w^omen, 
were questioned by Englishmen and Americans as 
they entered Bulgarian territory. Most of them 
brought away nothing but the working summer 
clothes in which they stood at the moment, and in 
these garments, long since reduced to filthy rags, 
an enormous number are at this hour enduring the 
rigours of a Bulgarian winter. I believe that of 
approximately 180,000 refugees, who are now King 
Ferdinand's guests, and are fed by his bounty and 
the bounty of the Bulgarians, there are about 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 377 

100,000 whos(3 liomes were in what is now New 
Greece. 

" These are admitted facts upon which I ask 
judgment. Neither Greeks nor Bulgars deny that 
New Greece lies waste, or that this abominable and 
wholesale ruin was wrought within the space of 
about four months. Who did it and why? The 
Greeks lay it at the door of the Bulgarians; these 
accuse the Greeks. 

** First let us decide whether it was an act of 
war and can be defended as such. A hard-pressed 
force may plead justification for setting fire to the 
villages and towns through which it retreats. Noth- 
ing delays pursuit like this. The beaten Turks 
wasted Thrace as they fell back from Losengrad to 
Lule Burgas. The Times war correspondent held 
that ninety per cent, of the destruction visible south 
of Adrianople was their doing. The Bulgarians 
have never claimed this excuse for what they did 
or did not do. In the first place their retreat from 
Kilkis (Kukush) to the mountains was a leisurely 
movement. They covered about six-and-a-quarter 
miles a day, and except for a few hours on one day 
were never pressed; they had therefore no need 
to destroy the country behind them. They deny 
having done so; it belonged to their own people; 
nor will they admit for a moment having perpe- 
trated massacres and compelled wholesale emigra- 
tions. Nor do the refugees accuse them; with one 
voice they accuse the Greeks. Is it reasonable to 
suppose that from party feeling, or any other con- 
ceivable impulse, an enormous multitude of women 



378 Bulgaria and Her People 

and children, without means of collusion and iso- 
lated in widely-separated harbours of refuge, should 
all invent and adhere to the same mendacity? 

** Observe, too, the circumstances under which 
their stories were first told. The depositions of 
very many were taken (for the most part at vari- 
ous points along the frontier, and before they had 
any opportunity of contact with Bulgarian officials, 
or others) by impartial foreigners, whoso good faith 
cannot be doubted, who speak Bulgarian, questioned 
the refugees directly witliout the aid of interpreters, 
and took notes in common.^ 

** How then shall I treat the mass of evidence 
which encumbers my desk? How make selection 
from Bulgarian official publications, private mem- 
oranda placed at my disposal, notes of conversations 
with eye-witnesses, letters from personal friends'? 
I cannot deal with one per cent, of it. The merest 
catalogue of villages sacked and burnt, men flogged 
to death, women raped and mothers ripped, wounded 
slaughtered in hospital, prisoners of war tied to 
trees with telegraph-wire and burned alive, or 
buried to the neck and left, would occupy a score 
of pages. The advance of the Greek army has been 
held up to the admiration of military men as a 
miracle of speed. Its slowness is the fact which calls 
for explanation ; two furlongs per hour is no Mara- 
thon race, but it is all King Constantino was able to 
exact from a force outnumbering its opponents by 

1 The author was one of the foreigners who took the depositions of 
hundreds of the refugees at various {)hices along the frontier between 
Bulgaria and Macedonia. With one accord they aecused the P-eeks 
of the abominable and wholesale desolation of their grainfields, viiiages, 
and towns. 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 379 

four or five to one. Why? Because his gallant boys 
had something else to do. From almost the first 
contact with the enemy, desertion became epidemic. 
The Greek, making away witli his uniform, donned 
clothes looted from countrymen, and forewent the 
joy of battle and the crowded hour of glorious life 
to revert to liis congenial, and shall we say ancestral, 
calling of thief. Regiments dejDleted, or encumbered 
with heterogeneous loot, make slow marchers and 
timid fighters. What went oti beliind the line of 
Greek advance no pen may tell. The maltreatment 
of Bulgarian women seems to have been a specialty 
of these dastards, who during their month of ' fight- 
ing * could never, as General Ivanoff assures me, 
be got to charge with the bayonet. 

*' Wliat emerges plainly from this mass of evi- 
dence is a systematic plan. The Greek method was 
to send ahead of their army seeming-friendly emis- 
saries, often wearing Bulgarian dress, who warn the 
country people to remain in their villages. Next 
day the cavalry arrive; a cordon is draw^n around 
the doomed hamlet or town; the men are summoned 
to surrender their arms, then rounded up and shot; 
search for money and valuables follows; then the 
pillagers give themselves up to an orgy of rape. 
Last comes an indiscriminate killing of women, chil- 
dren and elders. This was common form, not in 
one valley, or in the path of this or that regiment, 
but over the entire area of the war from a little 
north of Salonika to Petrich on the Bulgarian march. 
It w^as extended to districts outside the line of fight- 
ing. It was meted out to non-Bulgarian races. The 



380 Bulgaria and Her People 

Kutzo-Vlakhs are a docile, wooden-faced, slow- 
spoken breed, hereditary herdsmen, and of no par- 
ticular politics. But they are not Greeks! These 
thrifty, harmless folk were scattered sporadically 
in groups of little hamlets among the mountains. 
Uproot them ! burn ! kill I was the word ; and whole 
settlements w^ere obliterated with torch and sabre. 
Four villages at Oshen and Oshani went up in flame ; 
the smoke of their burning was visible for many 
a mile, and was testified to by Bulgarians of another 
valley. The survivors tell of returning next day to 
find wife, child, stock and cottage lost, gone, or des- 
troyed. 

" Such were the methods; what was the object? 
The extermination of the non-Hellenic elements in 
the population of New Greece. In certain instances 
this object was fully attained. In preparing the 
lists of voters for the recent elections, the Bulgarian 
authorities found that from some of the villages all 
the males had disappeared except some old men and 
children. The aim is openly avowed in the inter- 
cepted letters, from which we take the following 
as typical examples. Pericles Soumblis writes to 
his father, G. P. Soumblis, Megali Anastasova, Ala- 
gonia, Calamas: * We have taken no prisoners, for 
such are our orders. Ev^erj'Avhere we burn the Bul- 
garian villages, so that that dirty race may never 
be able to recover itself. I embrace you, etc' ' By 
order of the king, we set on fire all the Bulgarian 
villages.' ' We burn all the villages here and kill 
the Bulgarians, women and children.' ' Our orders 
are to burn the villages and massacre the young. 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 381 

sparing only the old men and children.' ' What we 
are doing to the Bulgarians is indescribable, as also 
to the Bulgarian villages — a butchery — there is 
not a Bulgarian town or village which has not been 
burnt.' ' Need I tell you, brother, that all the Bul- 
garians we take — and there are a good many — 
are put to death? ' ' Of the 1200 jHisoners we took 
at Nigrita only forty-one remain in the prisons, and 
wherever we have passed we have left no root of this 
race.' ' We burn all the Bulgarian villages that we 
occupy and kill all the Bulgarians who fall into our 
hands.' ' Not a cat escapes us.' ' We shoot them 
like sparrows.' But enough of these horrors. In- 
augurated with a shriek for vengeance, the brief 
campaign was a pandemonium of lust, loot and 
blood, deliberately organized for political ends. 

" King Oonstantine had a singular opportunity of 
proving to Europe the capacity, ci\dlization and 
magnanimity of himself and his people. He pre- 
ferred to play the role of Tamerlane; he has made 
a desert and calls it ' Greece.' " 

So much for the part of Macedonia that the Bu- 
charest conference awarded to Greece. But what 
about Servian Macedonia? Here the author prefers 
to let the Carnegie commission tell the present con- 
dition of affairs. The report remarks that the king- 
dom of Servia suddenly doubled its area by the addi- 
tion of peoples described as '' Slav-Macedonian — 
a euphemism designed to conceal the existence of 
Bulgarians in Macedonia. And their acquisitions 
under the treaty of Bucharest went beyond their 
most extravagant pretensions. They took advan- 



382 Bulgaria and Her People 

tage of the Bulgarians' need to conclude peace at 
any price to deprive them of territories to the east 
of the Vardar, for example, Chtipe and Radoviche, 
where Bulgarian patriotism glowed most vividly 
and where the sacrifices accepted by Bulgarian pa- 
triots for the sake of freeing Macedonia, had always 
been exceptionally great. This was adding insult 
to injury. 

'' Mr. Skerlits, a Servian deputy and member of 
the opposition, closed his speech in the skuptchina 
on October 18, 1913, with these memorable words: 
' We do not regard territorial results as everything. 
Enlarged Servia does not spell, for us, a country in 
which the number of policemen, tax-collectors, and 
controllers has been doubled. New Servia, greater 
Servia, must be a land of greater liberty, greater 
.iustice, greater general well being. May Servia, 
twice as great as she was, be not twice as weak but 
twice as strong.' 

" Unfortunately these generous words are but pia 
desideria. For some time the government hesitated. 
Nevertheless, Mr. Pachitch must have understood 
that the question whether Servia 's acquisitions 
were to make her twice as weak or twice as strong 
depended on the pohcy pursued in Macedonia. Dur- 
ing the days spent by the Commission at Belgrade 
the question was debated. There were two antag- 
onistic views. One, represented by Mr. Pachitch 
himself, wanted a * liberal ' regime in Macedonia 
and the avoidance, at any price, of a * military dic- 
tatorship.' The population of the new territories 
was to be left to express its loyalty spontaneously; 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 383 

to wait ' until it realized that its uew lot was sweeter 
than the old.' Military circles, however, did not 
share this view. They were for a military adminis- 
tration, since a civil administration, in their view, 

* must be incapable of repressing the propagandism 
sure to be carried on by the Bulgarians.' True, the 

* liberal ' regime as projected by Mr. Pachitch was 
not so liberal as the Bulgarian manifesto to the 
inhabitants of the annexed countries had hoped. 
The new citizens were not to possess the franchise 
for fear lest a new ' Macedonian ' party should thus 
be brought into the skuptchina to upset all the rela- 
tions between the contending parties in the kingdom 
and form the mark of common jealousy. Some sort 
of local franchise or self-government was consid- 
ered. A kind of compromise was suggested in the 
shape of military administration with a civil annex 
and representatives of the departments at Belgrade, 
on the familiar plan employed in Bosnia and Herze- 
govina before the 1908 annexation. In any case, the 
question of the administration to be erected in Mace- 
donia displayed so wide a divergence between the 
views of Mr. Pachitch and his colleagues, apart from 
the military group, that Mr. Pachitch 's resignation 
was talked of. 

" Mr. Pachitch neither resigned nor insisted on 
his own standpoint. Silence fell on such isolated 
voices as that of the president of the skuptchina, 
Mr. Andre Nicolits, who protested in the foreign 
press against the exceptional regime in Macedonia 
and asked for constitutional guarantees. The Pie- 
mont, the organ of the military parly, declared that 



384 Bulgaria and Her People 

such notions were ' opposed to the interests of the 
state,' and assured the Servian public that ' the pop- 
ulation of Macedonia had never for a moment 
thought of elections, or communal self-government,' 
etc. ; that ' nothing save a military regime could be 
entirely just, humanely severe and sufficiently firm 
to break the will of individuals or groups hostile to 
the state.' 

'' Such was the spirit in which the Servian gov- 
ernment on September 21 issued a decree on * public 
security ' in the recently acquired territories, which 
amounted to the establishment of a military dicta- 
torship, and called forth cries of horror in the for- 
eign press. The document is so characteristic and 
so important that, despite its length, we quote it 
in extenso. 

*' Article 1. The police authorities are author- 
ized, in case of a deficiency in the regular organiza- 
tion for securing the liberty and security of persons 
and property, to ask the Military Commander for the 
troops necessary for the maintenance of order and 
tranquillity. The Military Commander is bound to 
comply immediately with these demands, and the 
police is bound to inform the Minister of the Interior 
of them. 

'* Article 2. Any attempt at rebellion against the 
public poivers is pimishable by five years petml serv- 
itude. The decision of the police authorities, pub- 
lished in the respective communes , is suficient proof 
of the commission of crime. If the rebel refuses to 
give himself up as prisoner ivithin ten days from' 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 385 

such publication, he may he put to death by any pub- 
lic or military officer. 

" Article 3. Any person accused of rebellion in 
terms of the police decision and who commits any 
crime shall be punished with death. If the accused 
person himself gives himself up as a prisoner into 
the hands of the authorities, the death penalty shall 
be commuted to penal servitude for ten or twenty 
years, always provided that the commutation is ap- 
proved by the tribunal. 

" Article 4. Where several cases of rebellion 
occur in a commune and the rebels do not return 
to their homes within ten days from the police notice, 
the authorities have the right of deporting their 
families whithersoever they may find conveyiient. 
Likewise the inhabitants of the houses in which 
armed persons or criminals in general are found 
concealed, shall be deported. The heads of the po- 
lice shall transmit to the Prefecture a report on the 
deportation procedure, which is to be put in force 
immediately. The Minister of the Interior shall, if 
he think desirable, rescind deportation measures. 

" Article 5. Any person deported by an order 
of the Prefecture who shall return to his original 
domicile without the authorization of the Minister 
of the Interior shall be punished by three years' 
imprisonment. 

" Article 6. If in any commune or any canton 
the maintenance of security demands the sending 
of troops, the maintenance of the latter shall be 
charged to the commune or the canton. In such a 
case the Prefect is to be notified. If order is re- 



386 Bulgaria and Her People 

stored after a brief interval and the culprits taken, 
the Minister of the Interior may refund such ex- 
penses to the canton or the commune. The Minister 
may act in this way as often as he may think desir- 
able. 

" Article 7. Any person found carrying arms 
who has not in his possession a permit from the 
police or from the Prefect, or who shall hide arms 
in his house or elsewhere, shall be condemned to a 
penalty varying from three months' imprisonment 
to five years' penal servitude. Any one selling arms 
or ammunition without a police permit shall be liable 
to the same penalty. 

" Article 8. Any person using any kind of ex- 
plosives, knowing that such use is dangerous to the 
life and good of others, shall be punished Avith 
twenty years' penal servitude. 

*' Article 9. Any one who shall prepare explo- 
sives or direct their preparation or who knows of 
the existence of explosives intended for the commis- 
sion of a crime shall, subject to Article 8, be pun- 
ished by ten years' penal servitude. 

'* Article 10. Any person receiving, keeping or 
transporting explosives intended for a criminal pur- 
pose shall be punished by five years' penal servitude, 
except where he does so with the intention of pre- 
venting the commission of a crime. 

" Article 11. Any person who uses an explosive 
without any evil intent, shall be punished by five 
years' penal servitude. 

" Article 12. (1) Any one deliberately harming 
the roads, streets or squares in such a way as to 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 387 

endanger life or public health, shall be punished by 
fifteen years' penal servitude. If the delinquency 
be unintentional the penalty shall be five years. (2) 
If the author of the crime cited above causes danger 
to the life or health of numerous persons, or if his 
action results in the death of several individuals 
(and this could be foreseen), he shall be punished 
by death or twenty years' penal servitude. If the 
crime be unpremeditated the punishment shall be 
ten years. 

" Article 13. Any attempt at damaging the rail- 
way lines or navigation, shall be punished by twenty 
years' penal servitude. If the attempt is not pre- 
meditated the punishment shall be for ten years. If 
the author of sucli attempt has endangered the life 
of several individuals, or if his action results in 
death or wounds to several persons, he shall be pun- 
ished by death or twenty years' penal servitude. 

"• Article 14. Any person injuring the means of 
telegraphic or telephonic communication shall be 
punished by fifteen years' penal servitude. If the 
act is not premeditated the penalty shall be five 
j^ears. 

" Article 15. Generally speal<ing the conceal- 
ment of armed or guilty persons shall be punished 
by ten years' penal servitude. 

" Article 1G. Any one who knows a malefactor 
and does not denounce him to the Authorities shall 
he 'punished by five years* penal servitude. 

" Article 17. Those instigating to disobedience 
against the established powers, the laws and the 
regulations with the force of law; rebels against the 



388 Bulgaria and Her People 

authorities or public or coimuunal oiricers; shall be 
punished by twenty-one months' imprisonment up 
to ten years' penal servitude. If such acts produce 
no effects, the penalty may be reduced to three 
months. 

" Article 18. Any act of aggression and any re- 
sistance either hy word or force, offered to a public 
or communal officer charged with putting in force 
a decision of the tribunal, or an order of the com- 
munal or police public authority, during the exer- 
cise of his duties, may be punished by ten years* 
penal servitude or at least six months' imprison- 
ment, however insignificant he the magnitude of the 
crime. Any aggression against those helping the 
public officer, or experts specially called in, may be 
punished by the same penalty. If the aggression 
offered to the public officer takes place outside the 
exercise of his official duties the penalty shall be 
two years' imprisonment. 

*' Article 19. Where the crimes here enumerated 
are perpetrated by an associated group of persons, 
the penalty shall be fifteen years' penal servitude. 
The accomplices of those who committed the above 
mentioned misdeeds against public officials shall be 
punished by the maximum penalty, and, if this is 
thought insufficient, they may be condemned to penal 
servitude for a period amounting to twenty years. 

" Article 20. Those who recruit bands against 
the State, or with a view to offering resistance to 
public authorities shall be liable to a penalty of 
twenty years' penal servitude. 

" Article 21. Accomplices of rebels or of bands 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 389 

offering armed resistance to Servian troops or the 
public or communal officers shall be punished by 
death or by at least ten years' penal servitude. 

'* Article 22. Persons taking part in seditious 
meetings which do not disperse when ordered to do 
so by the administrative or communal authorities 
are liable to terms of imprisonment up to two years. 

" Article 23. In the case of the construction of 
roads, or, generally speaking, of public works of 
all kinds, agitators who incite workmen to strike or 
who are unwilling to work or who seek to work else- 
where or in anotlier manner, from that in wliicli they 
are told and who persist in such insubordination, 
after notification by the authorities shall be pun- 
ished by imprisonment from three months up to two 
years. 

*' Article 24. Any soldier or citizen called to 
the colours who does not follow the call, or who 
refuses in the army to obey his superiors, shall be 
condemned to a penalty varying from three months' 
imprisonment to five years' penal servitude. Sol- 
diers who assist any one to desert from the army 
or who desert themselves, and those who make en- 
deavours to attract Servian subjects to serve with 
foreign troops, shall be y)unislied by ten years' penal 
servitude. In time of mobilization or war the pen- 
alty for this delincjuency is death. 

" Article 25. Any one releasing an individual 
under surveillance or under the guard of officials or 
public employees for surveillance, guard or escort, 
or setting such person at liberty, sliall be condemned 
to penal servitude for a maximum period of five 



390 Bulgaria and Her People 

years. Where such delinquency is the work of an 
organized group of individuals, each accomplice 
shall be liable to a penalty of between three and five 
years' penal servitude. 

^' Article 26. The Prefects have the right to 
prescribe in their name police measures to safeguard 
the life and property of those subject to their ad- 
ministration. They shall fix penalties applicable to 
those who refuse to submit to such measures. The 
penalty shall consist of a maximum period of three 
years' imprisonment or of a pecuniary fine up to a 
mousand dinars. The edicts of the Prefects shall 
come into force immediately, but the Prefects are 
bound to communicate them at once to the Minister 
of the Interior. 

'' Article 27. The crime set forth in the present 
regulations are to have precedence of all other suits 
before the judicial tribunals and judgment upon 
them is to be executed with the briefest possible 
delay. Persons indicted of such offences shall be 
subject to preventive detention until final judgment 
is passed on their case. Within a three days' delay 
the tribunal shall send its findings to the High Court, 
and the latter shall proceed immediately to the ex- 
amination of this decision. 

" Article 28. The law of July 12, 1895, as to the 
pursuit and destruction of brigands, which came into 
force on August 18, 1913, is applicable to the an- 
nexed territories, in so far as it is not modified by 
the present regulations. 

" Article 29. Paragraphs 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 
302b, 302 c, 303 d (so far as concerns paragraphs b 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 391 

and c), 304, 306, and 360, and Section III of the penal 
code which do not agree with the present regulation, 
are null and void. 

** Article 30. The present regnlation does not 
abolish the provisions of paragraph 34 of the penal 
military code, in connection with paragraph 4 of the 
same code, paragraphs 52 and 69 of the penal mili- 
tary code and paragraph 4 of the same, which are 
not applicable to civil persons. 

** Article 31. The present regulation is in force 
from the day of its signature by the King and its 
publication in the Servian press. 

*' We order our Council of Ministers to make the 
present regulation public and to see that it is car- 
ried into effect : we order the public authorities to 
act in conformity with it, and we order each and 
all to submit to it. 

'' Executed at Belgrade, September 21, 1913. 

Peter. ' ' 

** In the wiords of the socialist Servian paper 
Radnitchke Novine, ' If the liberation of these ter- 
ritories is a fact, why then is this exceptional regime 
established there? If the inhabitants are Servians 
why are they not made the equals of all the Servi- 
ans; why is the constitutional rule not put in opera- 
tion according to which '* all Servians are equal 
before the law "? If the object of the wars was 
unification, why is not this unification effectively 
recognized, and why are these exceptional ordi- 
nances created, such as can only be imposed upon 
conquered countries by conquerors? Moreover, our 



392 Bulgaria and Her People 

constitution does not admit of rules of this na- 
ture! " 

'' As a matter of fact, if one did not know what 
Macedonia is, one might guess it from the publica- 
tion of these ordinances. Clearly Macedonia was 
not ' Old Servia ' unified, since the population is 
treated as * rebels in a perpetual state of revolt.* 
AVhat the ordinances had in view were not isolated 
criminals, — they had accomplices and people who 
would hide them everywhere. To punish the cul- 
prit? That was not enough w^liile his family re- 
mained ; his family must be deported and the friends 
who were umvdlling to ' denounce ' the culprit, his 
' associates,* who seized the opportunity of * setting 
him at liberty ' when he was ' under surveillance, 
guard or escort ' by officials or public employes — 
they must be deported too. In short, a whole pop- 
ulation was * recalcitrant,' and to resist it there were 
only these * public or communal officers ' invested 
with extraordinary powers. "WHiat were they to do, 
when the population, not content with offering pas- 
sive resistance, became * aggressive.' This popula- 
tion, called to the colours, refused * to obey the call.' 
Wlien asked to * work ' on the ' construction of 
roads ' or on any communal works, they struck, they 
preferred to work ' elsewhere or in some other man- 
ner.' Finally, each one ' refused to give himself 
up as a prisoner,' always holding himself ready to 
attack the public officers, ' to resist them if not by 
force at least by word ! ' This last crime is punished 
by the ordinances by ' ten years' penal servitude, or 
at least six months' imprisonment hoiuever insignifi- 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 393 

cant he the ivords or the deeds.' The hope openly 
expressed to the members of the commission from 
the first half of August onwards, was that thanks to 
these measures an end will be made qf the resistance 
of the alien population in Macedonia in five or six 
years! " 

A regime of anarchy prevails in Servian Mace- 
donia. The condition of affairs is well summed up 
in an article in the Manchester Guardian. After 
citing the vicious Servian ordinances, already 
quoted in the extract from the report of the Car- 
negie commission, the Enghsh journal says: " This 
is the theory of Servian coercion. The practice is 
worse. Servia is not a country with a large edu- 
cated population. It has indeed some eighty per 
cent, of illiterates. It has to supply rulers for a 
conquered territoiy which ahnost equals it in extent, 
and the abler men regard life in rural Macedonia 
as exile. Unworthy agents are invested \\\i\\ sov- 
ereign powers. The consequences are vividly, if 
briefly, described in a personal letter which arrived 
recently, and is translated below. The writer is a 
man of high character and a minister of religion — 
it is safer not to indicate his church. He is a native 
of the country, but has had a European education, 
and is not himself a member of the persecuted Bul- 
garian community: 

** * The situation grows more and more unbear- 
able for the Bulgarians — a perfect hell. I had op- 
portunities of talking with peasants from the inte- 
rior. "What they tell us makes one shudder. Every 
group of four or five villages has an oflicial placed 



394 Bulgaria and Her People 

over it who, with six or seven underlings, men of 
disreputable antecedents, carries out perquisitions, 
and on the pretext of searching for arms steals 
everything that is worth taking. They indulge in 
flogging and robbery and violate many of the women 
and girls. Tributes under tlie form of military con- 
tribution's arc arbitrarily imposed. One village of 
110 families had already been fined 6,000 dinars 
(£250) and now it has to pay another 2,000 (£80). 
The priest of the village, to avoid being sent into 
exile, has had to pay a ransom of £T.50. Poor emi- 
grants returning from America have had to pay 
from ten to twenty napoleons for permission to go 
to their homes. The officials and officers carry out 
wholesale robberies through the customs and the 
army contracts. The police is all-powerful, espe- 
cially the secret service. Bands of Servian terror- 
ists {homitadjis) recruited by the government, 
swarm all over the country. They go from village 
to village, and woe to any one who dares to refuse 
them anything. These bands have a free hand to 
do as they please, in order to serbise the population. 
Shepherds are forbidden to drive their flocks to 
pasture lest (such is the excuse) they should supply 
the Bulgarian bands with food. In a word it is an 
absolute anarchy. We shall soon have a famine, 
for the Serbs have taken everything, and under pres- 
ent conditions no one can earn a living. Every one 
would like to emigrate, but it is impossible to get 
permission even to visit a neighbouring village.* " 
After five centuries of Turkish rule the Bulgars 
of Macedonia still retained their language, cus- 



Macedonia After the Balkan Wars 395 

toms, and nationality. Tlie brutal methods of de- 
nationalization employed by the Greeks and Servi- 
ans merit the severe condemnation of all civilized 
nations. Servia, for example, has suppressed all 
Bulgarian books and newspapers ; closed the schools 
and the churches; driven away the priests and the 
teachers, and forced the inhabitants to change their 
names, substituting the Servian itch for the Bul- 
garian off. A Bulgarian in Servian Macedonia 
who wants any legal document cannot obtain it 
unless he writes his name with the Servian ending. 
If he attempts to defend his Bulgarian nationality 
the police deal with him on some trumped-up 
charges, and he is sent to prison. Sixteen hundred 
teachers have been expelled from Servian Mace- 
donia; and hundreds of priests, not only the priests 
of the Bulgarian national church but also those of 
the Catholic and Protestant churches have been 
driven into exile. 



THE END. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY^ 



(a) ENGLISH AND AMERICAN BOOKS ^ 

1. Barkley, Henry C. Between the Danube and the Black Sea: or 

Years in Bulgaria. London, 1876, pp. 313. 

2. Beaman, a. Hulme. Stamboloff. (Public Men of To-day.) Lon- 

don, 1895, pp. 240. 

Not only a well-written life of Bulgaria's great statesman, 
but an excellent survey of the history of the country from its 
re-eBtabhshincut to the tragic death of Stamboloff. 

3. BitAiLSFORD, Henry Noel. Macedonia: its Races and their Future. 

London, 1906, pp. 340. 

The most authoritative work on the ethnic problems in Mace- 
donia published in any language. Contains valuable chapters 
on the Bulgara of Macedonia and gives excellent accounts of the 
Macedonian revolutionary movement. 

4. Bulgaria of To-day. Pubhshed by the Bulgarian Ministry of 

Commerce and Agriculture. London, 1907, pp. 299. 

An official document that contains a large amount of useful 
statistical information. 

5. BtrxTON, Noel. With the Bulgarian Staff. London, 1913, pp. 165. 

A sympathetic sketch of the first Balkan war and the 
peasant soldiers of Bulgaria. 

6. Dicey, Edward. The Peasant Slate. Ix»ndon, 1894, pp. 332. 

An admirable account of social and economic matters in 
Bulgaria from 1878 to 1894. 

7. Green. Francis Vinton. Tfie Campaign in Bulgaria: 1877-78. 

London, 1903, pp. 202. 

History of the Rusao-Turkish war. 

8. Macdonald, JonN. Czar Ferdinand and his People. New York, 

1913, pp. 341. 

9. Mach, Richard von. The Bulgarian Exarchate: its history and 

the Extent of its Authority in turkey. London, 1907, pp. 105. 

10. Miller, William. The Balkans: Rumania, Bulgaria, Servia, 

and Montenegro. (Story of the Nations.) New York, 1907, 
pp. 476. 

The best historical account of Bulgaria in English. Pages 
119 to 248 arc devoted to Bulgaria. 

11. Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Caiises 

and Effects of the Balkan Wars. Published by the Carnegie 
Endowment for International Peace. Washington, 1914. 

The report, is characterized by scientific accuracy and im- 
partiality. It is a painstaking piece of work, and throws a flood 
of light not only on the Balkan wars but al.so on the ethnic and 
political problems in Bulgaria and Macedonia. 

> See also bibliographic footnotes throughout the volume. 

397 



398 Bibliography 



12. Sloane, William M. The Balkans: a Laboratory of History. 

New York, 1914, pp. 322. 

13. SoNNicnsEN, Albert. Confessions of a Macedonian Bandit. New 

York, 1910. 

An interesting account of the revolutionary movement that 
precipitated the Balkan wars. 

14. Stobart, Mrs. St. Clair. War and Women. London, 1913, 

pp. 239. 

Account of the work of women in the first Balkan war. 

15. TsANOFF, CoRniXN'E AND Radoslav. Pawns of Liberty: a Bal- 

kan Tale of Yesterday. New York, 1914. 

A story of the organization of revolt and of peasant and town 
life in Macedonia before the first Balkan war. 

16. Wagner, Hermenengild. With the Victorious Bulgarians. New 

York, 1913, pp. 273. 

Perhaps the best English account of the first Balkan war. 

17. Washburn, George. Fifty Years in Constantinople. Boston, 

1913, pp. 319. 

An intimate account of the political situation in the Balkan 
peninsula during a half century. Excellent survey of the rfile 
played by Robert College in the development of Bulgaria. 

18. WiNLOw, Clara Vostrovskt. Our Little Bulgarian Cousin. 

Boston, 1913, pp. 114. 

An interesting children's book of peasant life and customs in 
Bulgaria. 

19. There are excellent English versions of VazofT's Under the Yoke 

(London, 1912), Stoyanoff's Autobiography (London, 1913), 
and Slaveikoff's Shade of the Balkans (London, 1904). 

20. For a Bulgarian grammar see W. R. Morfill's Grammar _ of the 

Bulgarian Language (London, 1897), and for dictionaries see 
Constantine Stephanove's English-Bulgarian and Bulgarian- 
English dictionaries (Sofia, 1913). 



(6) FRENCH, GERMAN, AND BOHEMIAN BOOKS 

1. BousQUET, Georges. Histoire du peuple Bulgare depuis les 

origines jusqu'rl 7ios jours. Paris, 1909, pp. 435. 

2. Brancoff, D. M. La Macidoine et sa population ChrUienne. 

Paris, 1905, pp. 270. 

3. GuERiN Songeron, R. p. Histoire de la Bulgarie depuis les 

origines jusqu'd, nos jours: 485-1013. Paris, 1913, pp. 480. 

4. JiRECEK, C. J. Cesty po Bulharska. Prague, 1888. 

5. JiRECEK, C. J. Das Fiirstenthum Bulgarien. Prague, 1891, pp. 573. 

6. JiRECEK, C. J. Gcschichte dcr Bulgarien. Prague, 1876. 

The writings of Professor Jirecek, published originally in 
Bohemian, contain the most valuable historical accounts of 
the origin of the Bulgarian people and the rise of the old Bul- 
garian kingdom. 

7. Ladnay, Louis de. La Bulgarie d'hier et de demain. Paris, 1912, 

pp. 494. 

8. Leger, Louis. Turcs et Grecs conlre Bulgares en Macedoine. 

Paris, 1904, pp. 228. 

9. MiLETiTCH, L. AtrocitSs Grecques en Macedoine pendant la Guerre 

Greco-Bulgare. Sofia, 1913, pp. 180. With a map and 53 
illustrations. 



Bibliography 399 



10. Sis, Vladimir. Kriticke dny Bulharska: dojmy, promridmky, 

Hvahy. Prague, 1914, pp. 168. 

11. Weiss - Bartenstein, W. K. Bulgarieiis Ydiksivirtchaflliche Ent- 

tvickelung. Berlin, 1913, pp. 151. 

(c) AMERICAN AND ENGLISH PERIODICAL ARTICLES 

1. Abbott, G. Bulgarians in the United States. Charities, Jan. 9, 

1909. Vol. 21, pp. 653-G60. 

2. BouRcniER, J. D. On the Black Sea with Prince Ferdinand. 

Fortnightly Review, Jan. 1891. Vol. 55, pp. 82-101. 

3. Brailsford, Hen-ry N. The Macedonian Revolt. Fortnightly 

Review, Sept. 1903, pp. 428-444. 

4. Buxton, Noel. Freedom and Servitude in the Balkans. West- 

minster Review, May, 1903, pp. 481-490. 

5. DiCET, Edward. Russia and Bulgaria. Fortnightly Review, 

April, 1896, pp. 663-676. 

6. Marsh, B. C. Bulgarian at Home. Charities, Jan. 9, 1909. 

Vol. 21, pp. 649-650. 

7. ScELLE, Georges. Bulgarian Independence. American Journal 

of International Law. 1912. Vol. 6, pp. 86-106. 

8. Thompson, Ellinor F. B. Bulgaria To-day. Living Age, April 

7, 1906. Vol. 249, pp. 31-42. 

9. Tonjoroff, Svetozar. Bulgaria and the Treaty of Berlin. North 

American Review, 1908. Vol. 188, pp. 833-841. 

10. TsANOFF, Corrinne Stephenson. \\Tiat I Saw in Bulgaria. 

Chautauquan, Nov. 1913. Vol. 72, pp. 215-218. 

11. Wallis, H. M. Bulgaria and her Traducers. Nineteenth Century, 

1913. Vol. 74, pp. 1342-1346. 

12. Wallis, H. M. The Devastation of Macedonia. Quarterly Re- 

view, April, 1914. Vol. 220, pp. 506-523. 



INDEX 



Aaron of Transylvania, 32 

Abbott, G., 399 

Abbott, Inez L., 315, 340 

Abdul-IIamid, 41, 43, 48, 88 

Abdulla Paaha, 111 

Achraet Aga, 41 

Adrianoplc, 7, 14, 44, 89, 113, 114, 

123, 127, 222 
Agrarian party, 207 
Agriculture, 288-299 
Agricultural banks, 286, 293, 347 
Agricultural education, 234, 294 
Akanjeli, 168, 170 
Albania, 12, 19, 45, 46, 124, 210 
Albanians, 370 
Albigenaes, 18 
Alexander II, Tsar of Russia, 51, 

53, 286, 347 
Alexander III, Tsar of Russia, 53, 

61, 71 
Alexander, Prince of Bulgaria, 

50-59, 09, 75, 285 
Alexander the Great, 12 
Alexander Ncvsky cathedral, 281, 

286, 344 
Alexandria, 209 
American Bible Society, 258 
American Board of Foreign Mis- 
sions, 222, 229, 323 
American College for Girls. See 

Constantinople College 
American influence in Bulgaria, 

323-340 
American Institute at Samokov, 

229^ 338-339 
American School for Girls at 

Samokov, 339-340 
Amherst College, 331 
Anaoudoff, A., 276 
Andartefl, 145 
Andraeff, Alexander, 285 



Angeloff, Ivan, 284-285 

Antarte, 120 

Antioch, 209 

Antivari, 44 

Apriloff, Vassil, 226 

Arda river, 5, 7 

Area of Bulgaria, 10 

Argyll, Duke of, 39, 48 

Arghyr, 175 

Armenia, 47 

Army, 204 

Army recruits, 188 

Art, 277-287 

Art, Academy, 234, 281, 286-287 

Art collections, 286 

Art. exhibitions, 286 

Asen, Ivan, I, 21 

Asen, Ivan, II, 23, 263 

Asen, Peter, 21 

Asparuh, 13 

Atanaaoff, George, 250 

Attar of roses, 3, 290 

Athos, Mount, 33 

Augustus, Prince, 62 

Austria, 56, 69, 93, 130, 308 

B 

Baba Konak, 3 
Bachkovo monastery, 350 
Baird, Agnea M., 340 
Baird, J. W., 338 
Balabanoff, A., 276 
Balabanoff, Marko, 205 
Baldwin, Count, 22 
Balkan league, 87-105, 130 
Balkan mountains, 1, 46 
Ball, Lucy C, 254 
Hanki, 307 
Hanks, 293, 311-312 
Bania, 307 
Bansko, 222, 365 
Barkley, Henry C, 397 



401 



402 



Index 



Bashi-Bozouks, 38, 41, 147, 168 

Basil II, 19 

Batak, 41, 282 

Baths, 307. 346 

Bcaconsfield, Lord, 48 

Beaman, A. Hiilme, 80, 82, 198, 

397 
Bee-culture, 293 
Beet sugar, 292 
Belgrade, 56 

Bell and Lancaster systems, 227 
Bendereff, 56 
Berberoff, Christo, 285 
Berlin, 140 

Berlin, treaty of, 46, 48, 55, 76, 97 
Bessarabia, 36 
Bibliography, 397-399 
Black sea, 3 
Blagoeff, 207 

Bobtcheff, Ilia S., 79, 206 
Bobtcheff, Stephen S., 79, 206, 

276, 376 
Bogonailes, 18-19, 25, 210 
Bohemia, 33, 277, 282, 299, 307, 

308 
Bojinoff, Alexander, 285 
BonchefT, George, 276 
Boris I, 15 
Boris II, 19 
Boris, Prince, 62, 65, 67, 71, 286, 

352 
Bosnia, 46, 210, 383 
Bostanov, Captain, 158 
Boteff, Christo, 74, 253, 275 
Bourchier, J. D., 30, 69, 101, 104, 

399 
Bousquet, Georges, 398 
Bowdoin College, 331 
Bradinoff, Ivan, 329 
Brailsford, Henry Noel, 29, 30, 

141, 209, 212, 223, 314, 361, 

369, 397, 399 
Brancoff, D. M., 398 
Bregalnitza, 126, 143 
Bridgman, Herbert L., 141 
Brigandage. 78 
British Relief Fund, 314 
Brothers of the Christian Schools, 

221 
Brycc, James, 5 
Buchar&st, treaty of, 10, 133 
Buffalos, 288 _ 
Buisson, Ferdinand, 236 
Btilgarians in the United States, 

10 
Bulgarius, Krusty, 365 



Bunar Hissar, 111 
Burgas, 306, 308, 309, 354 
Buxton, Noel, 110, 115, 397, 

399 
Byclopolyc, 106 
Byington, Dr., 229 



Caltchoff, Constantine, 328 

Campbell, Cyril, 87 

Campbell, George Douglas. See 

Argyll, Duke of 
Cambouroff, Stefan M., 328 
Canning, George, 39 
Caricatures, 285 
earlier, Mr., 123 
Carnegie commission, 89, 116, 

124, 127, 131, 140, 141, 162, 

180, 322, 381, 397 
Castoria, 314 
Catherine of Russia, 39 
Catholic church. See Roman 

Catholic church 
Catholic Times, 220 
Catholic Uniate church, 221 
Ceramics, 285 
Cereals, 290 

Charles, King of Rumania, 36 
Chatalfa. See Tchalja 
Cholakoff, 241 
Cholera, 133 
Chorlu. 5eeTchorlu 
Christian Herald, 140, 321 
Christian World, 222 
Christoff, Kyril, 274 
Circassians, 36, 47 
Cities of Bulgaria, 349-358 
Clarke, J. F., 338 
Clement, Metropolitan, 56, 63 
Clementine hospital, 321 
Clementine, Princess, 62 
Clergy, 213 
Climate, 7, 348 
Coal, 306 

Commerce. See Trade 
Concessions, 304 
Congregational church, 222, 229 
Conservative party, 52, 205 
Constantine, King of Greece, 135, 

145, 157, 165, 179, 322, 378, 

381 
Constantine, Metropolitan, 64 
Constantine of Servia, 23 
ConstantinofT, Aleko, 198, 267- 

269 



Index 



403 



Constantinople, 22, 32, 39 
Constantinople College, 335-337, 

340 
Constitution, 50, 60 
Consular courts, 204 
Copper, 30G 
Cosmos, Bishop, 123 
Cotton, 292 
Count, Elmer E., 221 
Coup d'6lal, 53, 206 
Courts, 202-204 
Crane, Charles R., 280, 282, 332, 

337 
Cretans, 97 
Crimean war, 39 
Crusades, 22 
Crust, Henry, 73, 77 
Cyprus, 47 
Cyrill. See Kyrill 



D 



Dance. See Horo 

Dancff. Stefan, 67, 79, 124, 128, 

131. 133, 21.5, 276 
DanuDo river, 6 
Danubian provinces, 43 
Danubian table-land, 1 
Dartmouth College, 331 
Dary-deri, 216 
Debra, 123, 128 
Dcd6 Agatch, 161, 308 
Demir Hissar, 145, 157, 159, 161, 

165 
Demir Kapia, 2 
Democratic party, 206 
Detchich, 106 
Dicey, Edward, 85, 86, 397, 

399 
DimitrofT, Christo, 152 
DimitrofT, General Radko, 109, 

110 
DimitrofF, Peter, 328, 335 
Dimitrieva, Ellenka, 336 
Djabaroff, Theodor J., 326 
Djedjizam, Hagopos, 326 
Djakovo, 227 
Djtimaia, 361 
Dobrinichte, 177 
Dobnidja, 45, 290 
Doiran, 143, 145 
DoTran, Lake of, 172 
Dolni Bania, 307 
Domontovitz, General, 50 
DondukofT-KorsakofF, Prince, 50 
Dospeveky, Vladislav, 283 



Doxato, 143, 145, 146, 159, 161, 

165 
Dozon, August, 241 
Dragieff, 207 
Drama, 5, 161, 250, 367 
Drev,- Theological Seminary, 327 
Dubnitza, 4, 170, 307, 355 
Dutton, Samuel Train, 141 
Dwight, James, 324 
Dwight, William, 324 



E 



Eastern Rumelia, 54, 55, 75 
Economoff, Di miter, 328 
EconomoiT, Dossi, 329 
EconomolT, Jordan J., 327 
Education, 224-237 
Eleanor, Queen of Bulgaria, 62, 

313-322 
Elections, 198 
Electoral law, 194-197 
Elin-Pelin. See Ivanoff, Dimiter 
England, 38, 87 
English blue book, 89 
Enroth, General, 53 
Estournelles, Baron de, 141 
Etropole, 306 
Eudoxia, Princess, 62 
Eumeniua, 27 
Euxinograd, 354 
Evzone, 164 
Exports, 309 



Farms. See Agriculture 

Fasts, 211 

Fauna, 9 

Ferdinand, King of Bulgaria, 6, 

60-72, 79, 280, 333, 376 
Finns, 13, 182 
Fitcheff, General, 109 
Flora, 8 
Fiorina, 366 

Folk-music. See Folk-songs 
Folk-songs, 238-251 
Forests, 9, 296-299 
Fortv Martyrs, church of, 352- 

353 
FotinolT, Constantinc, 233 
France, 308 

Frankfurter Zeitung, 80 
French Catholic Sisters, 166 
Fruit, 291 
Furnajieff, D. N., 222, 338 



404 



Index 



G 



Gabrovo, 3, 34, 226, 227, 291, 

301 
Gadulka, 249 
Gaida, 249 
Gates, C. Frank, 331 
Gavaliantsi, 170, 171 
Geneva, 189 
Geography, 1-11 
GeorgieiT, Dimiter. See Hadji- 

Georgieff, Dimiter 
Georgicff, Ivan^ 276 
Georgieff, Marin, 285 
Germany, 308 
Gevgheli, 174 
Ghenadieff, Dr., 207 
Gibbon, 16 
Ginci pass, 2 
Gladstone, William E., 39, 42, 

43 
Gobranoff, Peter, 329 
Good Samaritan Society, 316 
Gorbanoff, I'etko, 326 
Gorin Dubrik, 44 
Goase, Edmund, 262 
Goths, 13 

Government, 192-207 
Gradovsky, Professor, 50 
Great Britain, 308 
Greece, 55, 84, 100, 127, 134, 188, 

235, 236, 374 
Greek army atrocities, 137, 142, 

162-181, 373-381 
Greek church, 219 
Greeks, 89, 190 
Greene, Francis Vinton, 397 
Gregory, 17 

Grueff, Damian, 57, 360 
Guerin-Songeron, R. P., 398 
Gueshoff, Ivan D., 328 
Gueshoff, Ivan E., 79, 124, 125, 

129, 130, 206, 215, 327 
GuUiani, 366 
Gumuljini, 5, 161 
Gurko, General, 44, 45 
Gypsies, 190, 375 

H 

Hadji-Georgieff, Dimiter, 250 
Hague tribunal, 138, 141 
Hamilton College, 338 
Hamlin, Cyrus, 324, 331 
Handicrafts. See Industry 
Harmanly, 309 



Hartenau, Count. See Alexander, 

Prince of Bulgaria 
Harvard University, 338 
Haskovo, 108, 291, 309 
Haskell, E. B., 140 
II;uskeIl, Mary M., 340 
Hixs.san Aga, 31 
Hebrews, 51, 220 
Ilelleni/iation of Bulgaria, 29 
Herodotus, 12 
Ilerrick, George F., 214 
Highways, 370 
Ililander, 33 
Ililawon, 28 
Hirst, Francis W., 141 
Hissar, 307 
Holland, 39 

Holy Synod, 63, 213, 286, 346 
Horo, 32, 249, 279 
Horses, 288 
Hospitals, 314, 321 
Hot springs. See Mineral springs 
House communitv, 186, 289 
Hungary', 21, 129", 308 
Hims, 13, 182 
Hunyady, John, 341 



Ibar mountain, 5 

Ichtiman, 3, 26, 137 

Ikons, 212 

Illegitimacy, 186 

Illiteracy, 188, 235-236 

lUyrians, 12 

Imports, 308 

India, 46 

Indulgences, 211 

Industry, 300-312 

Iron, 306 

Isker gorge, 2, 6 

Iskcr river, 3, 4, 6 

Ishtip, 134 

Islam, 30 

Ivajlo, 23 

Ivanoff, Athanas, 174 

IvanofT, Dimiter, 275-276 

Ivanofl, General, 109, 113, 132, 

379 
Ivanoff, Jordan, 276 
IvanofT, Stefan, 285, 346 



Janina, 127, 228 
Jardimula, 5 



Index 



405 



Jensen, Alfred, 253, 269 


L 


Jerma river, 218 




Jews, 189 


Labor laws, 303 


Jiricek, Constantme J., 183, 398 


Lakavista, 126 


John, the Exarch, 16 


Lakes, 7 


Judiciary, 202 


Language, 187 


Judges, 204 


Lansdowaie, Lord, 93 


Justice, 202 


Larenay, Louis de, 70, 398 




Laznev, Dr., 156 


K 


Leger, Louis, 398 




Levsky, Vasail, 347 


Kaliman II, 23 


Liberal party, 54, 76, 205 


Kalofer, 109, 233 


Libraries, 236-237 


Kaloyan, 22 


Literacy, 235-236 


Kam'tchia river, 299 


Literature, 252-276 


Karaveloff, Liuben, 58, 67, 254 


Liuben, the haiduk, 242 


Karaveloff, Petko, 206 


Live stock, 292 


Karlovo, 3, 291,301, 310 


Local government, 201 


Kars, 43 


Lom, 222 


Kaatoria, 100, 366 


Lom Polanka, 2, 3 


Kaulbars, General, GO, 61, 75 


Lom river, 6 


Kaval, 249 


London, 140 


Kavala, 100, 134, 140, 161 


London Daily News, 41 


Kayadjik, 309 


London, peace of, 113, 127 


Kazanlik, 3, 227, 291, 301, 354 


London Times, 'ill 


Khans, 27 


I^ng, Albert, 259, 330, 338 


Kikautscheff, Traiko, 360 


Lootsk, 44 


Kilkis. See KukuHli 


Losengrad, 377 


Kirk Kili.s86, 107, 110, 111, 133 


Louis Philippe, King, 62 


Kirkpikod, Commandant, 154 


Lovetch, 222, 307 


Kilchevo, 124, 174 


LuleBurges, 111, 133,377 


Klissura, 291 




Klugmann, Dr., 151, 154 


M 


KoleiT, Mito, 170, 171 




Komitadjis, 98, 360-365 


MacDonald, John, 71, 397 


Koprivshtitza, 35, 306 


Macedonia, 19, 47, 66, 87, 90, 


Kossovo, 24, 89 


117, 130, 132, 148, 158, 163, 


Kotchana, 134 


359-395 


Kotel, 33, 226, 227, 255, 301 


Mac.(iahan, Januarius A., 41 


Krum, 14, 341 


Mack, Richard von, 397 


Krali, Marko, 258 


MadjarolT, 79, 206 


Kristofl, Dobrey, 250 


Magyars. 17 

Mahmud Mukhtar, 110 


Kristoff, Constantine, 266, 268, 


276 


MalinofT, Alexander, 100, 197, 


Kukush, 133, 157, 165, 166, 168, 


207 


169, 172, 180, 377 


MalinofT, Jordan, 346 


Rumanian aristocracy, 24 


Malko Tirnovo, 110 


Kurds, 47 


Multbie, Esther Tappan, 339 


Kuropatkin, General, 319 


Manchester Guardian, 393 


Kustondil, 4, 26, 291, 307, 309 


Maria Louisa, Princess, 62, 280, 


Kutincheff, General, 107, 108 


286 


Kutzo-VlakhH, 191, 375 


Maritza river, 5, 7, 8, lO-l 


Kylien. Sec Education 


Maritza vallev, 26, 309 


Kyrillic alphabet, 28 


Markham, R."lL, 317 


Kyril, Prince, 62 


Marko, Krali, 285 


KyriJ, Saint, 15, 17 


Marsh, B. C, 399 



406 



Index 



Marsh, George D., 338 
Mamurtchoff, George, 33, 36 
Marriage, 180 
Massacre of Bulgara, 179 
Mattheoff, Peter M., 327 
Maynard, Horace, 334 
Meritschleri, 307 
Method, Saint, 15, 17 
Methodist Episcopal church, 221, 

230, 332 
Metric systems, 310 
Michael, 15, 23 

Michailovsky, Stoyan, 265-267 
Michaltscheff, Dimiter, 276 
Midhat Pasha, 94 
MiliailoiT, Nicholas, 285, 286 
Miiioff, 282 

Miladiiioff, Constantine, 227, 240 
Miladinoff, Diiniter, 227, 240 
Milan, King, 55 
Miletitch, Lubomir, 175, 276, 

398 
Military statistics, 236 
Miller, William, 21, 24, 44, 60, 

184, 397 
Miloukov, Paul, 141 
Minerals, 306-307 
Mineral springs, 307-308 
Mining, 306 
Ministry, 193 
Mirkvicka, Ivan, 234, 277-282, 

285, 286, 345 
Missionaries, 186, 222, 230, 337- 

338 
Mitoff, Anton, 283-284, 285, 286, 

346 
Mohadjirs, 97 
Mohammed IV, 30 
Mohammedans. See Moslems 
Mochino, 306 
Momtchiloff, M., 237 
Monasteries, 217 
Monastir, 88, 89, 125 
Montague, Lady, 341 
Montenegro, 44, 46, 85, 106, 188, 

235 
Morfill, W. R., 398 
Moslems, 51, 97, 218-219 
Moustakoff, Commandant, 149 
Moutafoff, Alexander, 285 
Muftis, 219 
Mukhtar Pasha, 43 
Municipal councils, 202 
Music, 250-251 
Musical instruments, 239, 249- 

250 



Musalla, 4 

Mustafa Pasha, 110,341 

Mutkuroff, Colonel, 57 

N 

Nadejda, Princess, 62 
Narodniak. Sec Nationalist party 
Nation (London), 83 
National assembly, 51, 193, 199, 

286 
National bank, 311-312 
National dance. See Horo 
National liberal party, 207 
National museum, 343-344 
National party, 206 
National theatre, 250, 263, 346 
Naumoff, Petko, 250 
Neophite, Bishop, 122 
Ncukoff, Peter, 276 
Nevrokop, 5 
New York, 140 
Newspapers, 35, 198, 237 
Nicolitis, Andr^, 383 
Nicoloff, Naiden, 327 
Nicopolis, 32, 189, 220 
Nigrita, 127, 159, 160, 179, 374, 

381 
Nihilism, 74 
Nikolaieff, General, 360 
Nikoloff, Andrea, 285 
Nikolschoff, W., 236 
Niksic, 44 
Nish, 44, 46 
Nishava valley, 2 
Nuts, 291 



O 



Oberlin CoUege, 331 

Ochrida, 15, 124, 314 

Odessa, 34, 74 

Ogosta river, 6 

Old Servia, 124, 392 

Omortag, 14 

Onklos, 14 

Orehovo, 308 

Orthodox church, 15, 18, 51, 64, 

208-218, 313 
Orphanages, 321-322 
Oshani, 380 
Oshen, 380 
Osman Pasha, 44 
Ostrander, L. F., 339 
Ovtch6-Pol6, 127 
Oxen, 288 



Index 



407 



Pachitnh, premier of Servia, 122, 

124, 125, 127, 130, 382 
Painting, 277-287 
Paussy, Monk, 33, 226, 281 
Paliortsi, 175 
Palmerston, Lord, 40 
Panajj:urisht6, 227 
Panaretoff, Stefan, 327 
Pangaion, 374 
Panitza, Major, 360 
Panoff, Olympia, 78 
Panslavists, 78 
Paris, 139 

Parma, Duke of, 62, 65 
Patriarchal home, 289 
Patrick, Marv Mills, 336 
Pavloff, 99 

Pavlova, Anastasia, 174 
Pavlovitch, Nicholas, 283 
Peneff, Boyan, 276 
Perkins, G. A., 326 
Pcrnik, 306 

Peter, King of Servia, 122, 391 
Pctkoff, Stephen, 276 
Pctrich, 379 
PetrolT, Nicholas, 282 
Petrov, Blagai, 153 
Phanariotes, 27, 32, 225 
Philanthropy, 313-322 
Philip of Macedon, 12 
Philippopolis, 24, 44, 189, 222, 

309, 311, 349-350 
Protrovsky, 282 
PiprofT, Panyot, 250 
Pirdop, 300 
Pirot, 260 
Plevna, 3, 44, 45, 222, 227, 234, 

294, 354-355 
Plovdiv. Sec Philippopolis 
Poganovsky monastery, 218 
Political parties, 205-207 
Pomaks, 30-32, 42, 156, 214 
Poraerantzeff, Professor, 345 
PopofT, Ivan, 244 
PopofT, Marko N., 222, 338 
Population, 10, 188 
Porto Lagos, 308 
Potter, M. W., 255 
Potterv, 301 
Povert.v, 289 
Pravichta, 127 
Pn;fectH, 201 
Preslav, 16 
Prespa, 15 



Press, 124, 204 

Prilep, 245 

Princeton University, 339 

Prizrcnd, 366 

Progressive liberal part}', 206 

Protcs{.ant church, 210, 211, 221- 
223, 230, 313, 321, 337, 395 

Protitch, Andrey, 282, 285 

Prussia, 39 

Public instruction. See Educa- 
tion 

Public libraries. See Libraries 



Q 



Queen Eleanora. Sec Eleanora, 
Queen of Bulgaria 



R 



Radefl, Simeon, 27G 

Radical democratic part.y, 207 

Radomir, 4 

Radoviche, 134, 382 

Radoslavoff, Vassil, 205, 207 

Ragusa, 189 

Raganj, 106 

Railways, 309-310 

Rainfall, 8 

Rayas, 92 

Razlog district, 5, 177, 180, 361 

Razsoukanoff, Major, 126 

Reading-rooms, 237 

Red Cross, 314 

Redlich, Joseph, 141 

Refugees, 137 

Religion, 20.8-223 

Religious toleration, 188, 214 

Revenues, 200 

Review of Reviews, 102 

Revolutionary committee, 255 

Rhodope mountains, 4, 31, 137 

Rice 292 

Riggs, Ehas, 228, 338 

Rilo monastery, 217, 356-358 

Rilo mountains, 3, 4, 6, 137 

Ril.skv, Ivan, 217 

Rilsky, Neophyt, 34, 226 

Rivers, 0-7 

Roads, 310 

Robert, Christopher, 324, 330 

Robert College, 230, 324-335 

Rodna Pessen, 251 

Roman Catholic church, IS, 63, 

<y\, 65, 166, 175, 211, 220-221, 

313, 321, 395 



408 



Index 



Romans in Bulgaria, 13 

Rome, 140, 209 

Roaee 290 

Rumania, 84, 129, 188, 236 

Rumelia. See Eastern Rumelia 

Rumeli Hissar, 332 

Russia, 38, 46, 60, 69, 73, 80, 83, 

93, 102, 128, 130 
Russophil party, 52, 68, 77, 198, 

206, 215 
Russo-Turkiah war, 31, 75 
Rustchuk, 57, 76, 189, 222, 227, 

294, 308, 311, 350-357 
Rye, 290 



S 



Sadova, 234, 294 

Saint John of Rilo, 356 

Saint Nicholas monastery, 217 

Sakuzoff, 207 

Salonika, 88, 89, 118, 121, 128, 

140, 160, 170, 363, 367, 379 
Samokov, 4, 26, 170, 229, 233, 

306, 310, 355-356 
Samovilas, 247 
Samovit, 308 

Sandansky, Yani, 360, 364 
San Stefano, treaty of, 44, 46, 87, 

130, 359 
Savoff, General, 108, 124, 132 
Saw-mills, 302 
Scelle, GeorRcs, 399 
Schauifler, H. A., 326 
Schools, 226 
Sculpture, 285-287 
Seres, 100, 139, 140, 143, 145, 147, 

148, 153, 156, 159, 165, 177, 

179, 180, 367 
Servia, 17, 24, 45, 46, 55, 84, 85, 

101, 104, 107, 127, 134, 188, 

235, 236 
Seven Altars, monastery of, 218 
Shar Planina, 102 
Shipka pass, 3, 44, 45 
Shishman, 19, 21 
Shishman, Ivan, III, 26 
Shishmanoff, Ivan, 276 
Shucking, Walther, 141 
Shukri Pasha, 113 
Shuraen, 222, 227, 301, 354 
Silistria, 17, 76, 189 
Silk-spinning, 301 
Simeon, 16 

Simeon, Metropolitan, 64 
Sis, Vladimir, 399 



SitchanofT, John J., 329 

Sivry Chal, 5 

Slaveikoff, Ivan, 327 

Slaveikoff, Pencho, 228, 238, 245, 

269-272, 398 
Slaveikoff, Petko R., 241, 255- 

259 
Slavic language, 224 
Slavic literature, 17 
Slavs, 182 

Sliven, 3, 301, 306, 310, 311, 354 
Slivnitza, 260 

Sloane, William M., 162, 398 
Sobranje. See National assembly 
Socialist party, 207 
Sofia, 3, 4, 14, 15, 170, 189, 222, 

307, 309, 310, 321, 341-348 
Sofia table-land, 8 
Sonnichsen, Albert, 360, 398 
Sonnichsen, Natalie D., 198 
Sophroni, Bishop, 33, 226 
Soumblis, Pericles, 380 
Spiridonoff, Yetcho, 285 
Sredna Gora, 3 
Stamboloff, Stefan, 55, 57, 61, 63, 

65, 73-86, 89, 100, 198, 206, 

207 
Stara Planina, 1, 3, 6 
Stara Zagora, 24, 45, 75, 222, 227, 

233, 300, 309. 339, 354 
Stephanove, Constantine, 338, 

398 
Stephen, King, 19 
Stobart, Mrs. St. Clair, 185, 398 
Stoiloff, Constantine, 67, 328, 

334 
Stone, Ellen M., 340, 363, 364- 

365 
Stoyanoff, Zachary, 206, 255, 

398 
Strana, 247 

Strashimiroff, Anton, 215, 275 
Struma river, 4, 7, 14 
Strumnitza, 167 
Suleiman, 44 
Supreme court, 203 
Sveti Nicola, 2 
Sviatoslav, 17 
Svishtov, 35, 308, 311 
Svoboda, 255 



Takeff, 207, 268 
Taptchelcshtoff, Petko, 328 
Tatarcheff, Chrislo, 360 



Index 



409 



Tatar Pazardjik, 273 
Tatars, 13, 23, 36, 182 
Taxes, 200, 289 
Tchalja, 112, 123 
Tcham-Koria, 286 
TcheinopaefT, Christo, 365 
Tcherkasky, rrince, 260 
Tchernefl, Peter, 329 
Tcbifliks, 97 
Teachers, 231, 233 
Technology, 234 
Temps, Le, 139 
Terterii, George, 24 
Textile industries, 301 
Theodoroff, 129 
Thessaly, 45 
Thomoff, Stefan, 327 
Thompson, Ellinor F. B., 399 
Thrace, 26, 45, 128, 133, 161, 

377 
Thraco-IIlyrians, 12 
Timok river, 2 
Tirnovo, 14, 19, 21, 27, 50, 61, 

71, 74, 222, 351-353 
Tobacco, 291 
Todoraki, 168 
TodorofT, Petko, 272-273 
Tonjoroff, Svetozar, 399 
Tontcheff, 207 
Town government, 201 
Trade, 300-312 
Tranefigviration, monastery of, 

218 
Treptch^, Father, 176 
Trikoupis, 100 
Tm, 306, 307 
Tsankoff. Sec Zankoflf 
Tsaribrod, 2()0 
Tsar Liberator. See Alexander 

II of Russia 
TsanofT, A. S., 337 
TsanofT, Corrimie Stephenson, 

398, 399 
Tsanoff, lladoelav A., 253, 261, 

264, 398 
Tscherepish monastery, 217 
Tserkovsky, Tsanko, 276 
Tsilka, Mrs. Gregory M., 365 
Tsoneff, Benu, 276 
Turanian race, 13, 182 
Tundja river, 7 
Turkey, 46, 55, 75, 87, 235, 

365 
Turks, 24, 26 
Tuzi, 106 
Tzoachell, General, 361 



U 



Uniate church. See Catholic 

Uniate church 
Union and Progress, Committee 

of 95 96 99 
United States, 181, 222, 337, 340, 

365 
University of Sofia, 233 
Uskub, 88, 122, 123 



Valdemir, Prince, 61 

Vannitsa, 91 

Vardar plain, 128 

Vardar river, 10-4 

Varna, 8, 222, 306, 308, 309, 311, 

353-354 
Vanshetz, 307 
Vassileff, Marin, 285 
Vatralsky, Stoyan K., 82, 338 
Vazoff, Ivan, 183, 206, 250, 259- 

264, 285, 398 
Veda Slovena, 241 
V^;les, 122, 126 
Velitchkoff, Constantine, 79, 

273 
VenelLn, Juri I., 34 
Venice, 189 

Verkovitch, Stefan K., 241 
Verila Planina, 3 
Veshin, Yaroslav, 282 
Vid river, 6 

Vidin, 26, 189, 222, 308, 311 
Vienna, 140 
Vineyards, 292 
Vitosha mountain, 4, 347 
Vlacks, 88, 191 
Vladimir, 16 

Vladi.slavofT, Stoiko, 33, 226 
Vlaikoff, Theodore, 264-265 
Vocational schools, 305 
Voden, 15, 100 
Voracek, 264 
VoulkofT, General, 148 
Voy6voda, 120 
Vratza, 33, 306 

W 

Wagner, Ilermeningild, 113, 398 | 

VVuldenHians, 18 

Wallachia, 32 

Wallis, 11. M 374, 399 

Warner, Charles Dudley, 255 



410 



Index 



Washburn, George, 46, 325, 329, 

330, 331-332, 398 
Weaving, 300 

Weights and measures, 310 
Weiss-Bartenstein, W. K., 399 
Wheat, 290 
White, Sir WiJUam, 55 
WilHams College, 331 
Winlow, Clara Vostrovaky, 398 
Women, 29 



Xanthi, 5, 161, 291 
Y 



Yale University, 338 
Yamboli, 307 



Yamrukchal, 3 
YankofT, Dr., 155 
Yanthra river, 6, 218 
Yavoroff, Payo, 274-275 
Yencheff, Mrs. Peter, 337 
Young Turks, 93, 97 



Zadruga, 186 

Zankoff, Dragan, 53, 75, 205. 

206 
Zemovo, 154 
Zlatarsky, George, 276 
Zlatarsky, VassiJ, 276 
Zlatitza, 3 
Zletovska, 126 
Zomitza, 223, 337 






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